IrBi'^i;:'.:; ".■■';'":u!::-;::x ,'..,-■". •■ ■ ■■■'■ ■•■ -f u#i»nrt»-ii"- ■. • -V - ■•■•••'' -T, . .'.-.■_ ' * ; y^;-. r,-y,se< .-.■■^•v* ...•!»•. ., ,r. '-,-.--> ■.•! , ,. ..t-'^— . ■ • ^^"J^ Columbia (Mnitjers^ttp mtljeCitpaflmitork LIBRARY MEMOIRS OF HENRY THE GREAT. m^ I-ONDON : ruINTID B,Y S. AND R. BEMLEY, DORSET STREET. nry duke of Guise.— Infamous machi- nations of Catherine de Medicis. — Noble conduct of Henry of Navarre.— Flight of the duke of Alen^-on from court.— Junction of the confederate princes.— Liberation CONTENTS. XI Page of marshals Montmorency and de Cosse. — Escape of the king of Navarre. — Rosny's first martial exploit. — Henry establishes his court at Agen. — He loses that town and Reole. -^Singular conduct of Henry the Third. — Young Rosny's danger.— Narrow escape of the king of Navarre at the town of Eause. — Henry's interview with the queen mother at Nerac. — Pasquinade against Henry the Third. — Principal favourites of the king, and an odious crime attached to his character 185 CHAPTER VU. Description of the Holy League. — Its early origin in small associations. — Influence of the young duke of Guise with the catholics. — Oath of the League, as tendered in Pi- cardy. — Laws of that confederacy. — Henry the Third made acquainted with the League. — Proposed plan of the leaguers. — Ideas of the pope and the king of Spain in regard to the League. — First assembly at Blois. — Henry the Third determines to become chief of the League. — Brutal excesses committed during the war of the League. — Sanguinary deed of Baleins. — Magnani- mous conduct of Lanoue. — Peace ratified at Poitiers. — Licentiousness of the court. — ^Insolence of the mignons or favourites. — Disgusting depravity of Hem-y the Third. — Expedient of Saint Luc to reform the king. — Conduct of the Flemish in resard to calling' in foreiijn aid against Spain. — Policy of Philip the Second. — Prosperous state of the duke of Anjou's affairs. — Cause of the animosity between Henry the Third and the duke of Anjou his brother. — Precipitate step taken by the king. — The duke of Anjou retires from court. — Fatal duel between Caylus and Antragnet. — Deaths of those mignons and of Saint Megrin, and conduct of the king on those occasions. — Anecdotes of the duke of Guise. — The king causes the assassination of Bussy d'Amboise. — Death of Dugast through the intervention of queen Margaret. — Singular amusements at the court of the king of Navarre. — Politic measures of the queen mother. — Attempt to assassinate Xll CONTENTS. Page viscount Turenne. — Defection of the prince of Conde. Henry of Navarre attacks Cahors. — His astonishing bravery, and glorious result of that daring enterprise. . 234 CHAPTER VUI. The prince of Conde abandons Henry's cause. — The king of Navarre holds his court at Nerac. — Young Rosny's temerity rebuked. — His embassy to the king's sister. — Noble conduct of marshal Biron towards Henry of Navarre. — Character of marshal Biron. — Rosny and his master on the point of separating, but afterwards re- conciled. — Views of the queen mother for the duke of Alenfon. — Rosny joins the duke of Alenfon, and Henry's opinion of that prince. — Capture of Cateau Cambresis. — Alenfon visits the court of queen Elizabeth. — Is crowned duke of Brabant at Antwerp. — Attempted assassination of the prince of Orange. — Treacherous conduct of the duke of Alen9on at Antwerp, and his expulsion from the Low Countries. ^Henry's love for the countess de Guiche. —Honourable conduct of Henry and duplicity of the queen mother. — Henry's adventure with captain Michau. — Death of the duke of Alen^on. — His character. — Anec- dote of that prince, as narrated by queen Margaret.— Plans of the queen mother and the duke of Guise re- specting the throne. — Attempts of Henry the Third to make the king of Navarre abandon his religion. — Henry the Third signs a treaty of peace with the League, and employs his army under Joyeuse against the king of Navarre. — Henry's apprehensions in consequence of the peace. — Private interests of his friends. — Devotedness of Rosny in serving his prince. — Manifestoes of Henry. — He challenges the duke of Guise.— Bill of excommu- nication against 1 lenry published at Rome. — Unfortunate state of his aftairs. — He repairs to Rochelle. — Surrender of 'J'almont to Henry of Navarre. — Loyalty of Henry towards the queen mother. — Proceedings of the Leaguers. — Hatred of the duchess of Montpcnsier for Henry the Third. — Conspiracies against Henry the Tliird. — The CONTENTS. XI 11 I'age duke de Joyeuse despatched against Henry of Navarre. Description of the two armies prior to the battle of Coutras.— Celebrated battle of Coutras gained by Henry, and death of Joycusc.— Interested views of the Calvin- ist princes ^85 C H A P T E 11 IX. Astrologers predicted 1588 the marvellous year.— Death of the prince of Conde, and Henry the Fourth's letter on that event. — Character of the prince of Conde. — Op- posite characteristics of Henry the Third and the duke of Guise. — Destruction of the German forces.— Assem- bly of the League at Nancy.— Their exorbitant petition to the king. — The duke of Guise commanded not to return to Paris. — His entrance into that city.— Interview of Guise with Henry the Third. — Proposals of the duke to the king. — The king summons troops to Paris. — Day of the Barricadoes. — The duke of Guise fortifies himself in the city.— Interview of the duke with the queen mother, and his pretensions. — The king escapes from Paris. — Faults of the king and the duke. — Guise becomes master of the capital. — His interview with the first president de Ilarlay. — Henry the Third seeks refuge at Chartres. — Procession of the Penitents to that city. — The king removes his court to Rouen. — The king of Navarre's disinterested offers to Henry the Third re- jected. — The king ratifies the disgraceful treaty named The Edict of Union. — Meditated plans of the duke of Guise. — The king's determination to have Guise assassi- nated. — Opening of the States General at Blois. — Over- bearing insolence of Guise. — Self-security of that noble- man, and precautions unattended to. — Crillon refuses to murder the duke of Guise, which Loignac undertakes to accomplish. — Assassination of the duke oi' Guise and his brother the cardinal, — Character of the duke of Guise.- Consternation of tiie Parisians, and their subsequent measures against the royal authority. — Death of CathfC- rine de Medicis. — Her character and device. — Henry of XIV CONTENTS. Page Navarre's conduct on hearing of the assassination of the Guises. — Decree of the Sorbonne against Henry the Third. — General revolt instigated by the League. — Henry the Third forms an association with the king of Navarre to oppose the leaguers. — Interview of the mo- narchs. — Henry the Third narrowly escapes being made prisoner. — Timely succour of the king of Navarre. — Insults disseminated by the League against the king. — Brave action of Rosny. — Noble conduct of Henry of Navarre. — Disinterested proceeding of the duke de Lon- gueville. — Devotion of Sancy for the king. — Threats of the Holy See against Henry the Third. — Assassination of Henry the Third by James Clement, and feeling conduct of the king of Navarre on that melancholy occasion. — Character of Henry the Third 345 CHAPTER X. Difficulties attending Henry's mounting the throne. — Senti- ments of the nobility in regard to his succession. — Treaty entered into by Henry with the nobles of the realm. — The duke d'Epemon and other great personages ({uit the court. — Joust between Marivaut and MaroUes. — Joy of the Parisians on ascertaining the death of Henry the Third. — Cardinal de Bourbon proclaimed king under the title of Charles the Tenth. — Propositions for peace made by Henry to the duke de Mayenne. — Henry's arrangements previous to the battle of Arques. — Signal victory obtained by Henry's forces at Arques. — Anec- dotes of Crillon and the king. — Henry marches his army upon Paris, and takes possession of the suburbs. — Aban- dons the siege on account of a want of forces. — Various cities taken by the king, who is acknowledged by the republic of Venice. — Policy of the different European states. — Public opinions in the provinces of France. — Character of the duke de Mayeime. — Henry's narrow escape near Meulan, the siege of which place he raises, the battle of Ivry. — Equitable con- Jattle of Ivry.— Singular fate of baron escape near Meulan , ^Preparations for /qict of Henry.— Be CONTEN'IS. XV Page Rosny after the conflict. — Affecting conduct of Henry to his friend Rosny. — Conference held at Noisy. — Death of cardinal de Bourbon. — Dissensions in the army of Henry. — The king lays siege to Paris. — Dreadful famine en- dured by tha Parisians in consequence of the blockade. — Humanity of Henry the Great towards his enemies. — The duke de Mayenne gains succours from tlie prince of Parma, and Henry raises the siege from before Paris. . 419 CHARMANTE GABRIELLE Voice ' Moderato ^^fei 1*~T r & Sz::e: CnaA' — ma/fi'-li i/a/^t- - e/t^ S'i'lce (ie tmUe eut'l^, iZ/io/m/ 3arp Fiano- Forte-r &fg^^ 3ie= s 13; ^ ^: ^^^ -^ r-cr.rir. rnrpr i ^ ^^ ""rr~p^ ^^^^^^^ »-» — »-»-©► ^ y- ( ' '' ■ — Z-e- ^/t^u'' ere /ft a ^'ft/^^^i^i : f^r^ I ggnr : Ae previous, the Calvinists had massacred all their captives in the most inhuman manner. The field of battle, the standards, the cannon, and the bag- gage — every thing remained in possession of the catholics; entire regiments were put to the sword, although they threw down their arms, and sup- plicated for quarter. It was thus a resentment too well founded, and the most sanguinary vengeance, already prepared the massacre of Saint Bartholomew. The protestant army, con- sisting of twenty-five thousand men, was re- duced to five or six ; yet the loss of this battle was not so disastrous to the Calvinist party as might have been expected, since the catholics did not profit by the victory. The greatest ad- vantage attending success consists in the feeling of discouragement and dismay which it creates in an enemy. If this first impulse of terror is sufiered to transpire, the opponent perceives in that nonchalance a deficiency of acumen which restores his courage, and instils into his mind a desire for vengeance. The admiral was not pursued ; he acquired sufficient time to collect the remains of his army, and to effect his retreat in good order. He conducted the two young princes with him, and had the boldness to tra- verse the whole French territory in order to form a junction with the German bands, which had been invited to support the protestant cause. In the course of this retreat the admiral led his troops into Guienne, and from thence to Languedoc ; where he took Nimes by stratagem, 60 HENRY THE GREAT 1570. forced some inconsiderable places, and burnt the environs of Toulouse, so that the embers of this ravaging conflagration found their way into that great city. The war being equally kindled in the Vivarais, he showed himself on the banks of the Rhone at the head of his troops, carried the towns of Saint Julien and Saint Just, by as- sault, and obliged Saint Etienne in Forez to capitulate. From thence he descended by the banks of the Sa6ne into the heart of Burgundy. Paris trembled a second time at the approach of an army, so much the more formidable, as it appeared to have acquired reinforcements by the loss of two battles ; added to which, mar- shal Coss^, who had advanced with a body of troops, to oppose the junction of admiral Co- ligny and the German forces, was beaten at Arnay le Due, and driven back ; when the ad- miral effected a junction with his allies, and, encouraged by such a reinforcement, proceeded to carry on the war in various other provinces. It was at the above encounter that the young prince of Navarre engaged in combat for the first time ; and according to Mathieu the historian, he heard Henry thus express himself, " It was stilt necessary that I should retreat upwards of forty leagues, and I was continually at the discretion of the peasants. When I fought, it was equally at the risk of being taken or killed, because I had no cannon, and the king's forces were pro- vided with artillery. Ten paces from me a horseman was struck dead by the discharge from 1570. AND HIS COURT. 61 a culverin; but recommending the success of the day to the Almighty, the result proved aus- picious." Some time previous to the battle of Arnay le Due, Lamothe Fenelon, addressing the young prince, affected to feel astonishment that he, at so young an age, should take part in a war which, properly speaking, only regarded his uncle, the prince of Cond6, and the Hugue- nots, who carried on hostilities against the king. *' It is," answered the youthful Henry, " merely under pretext of a rebellion, falsely imputed to the prince my uncle and the Hu- guenots, that the enemy proposes nothing less than the extermination of the whole race of the Bourbons : we are desirous of dying all together, to obviate the expense of mourning, which we should otherwise be compelled to adopt for one another." The same Lamothe Fenelon, having expressed to Henry how much he deplored the misfortunes with which the fire of civil war was going to inundate the kingdom, " Good,'''' answered the king ; ^' it is afire which must he eMinguished with a bucket of water y — '' How so?" said Fenelon. — ''By making the cardinal of Lorrame drink of the same un- til he bursts — he who is the real firebrand of France T The admiral was too expert a soldier not to have discovered in the youth those talents which were to illustrate his name at a future period : that affability, at the same time noble, frank, and fa- miliar, which in generals and in princes gains the hearts of warriors ; that vivacity which skil- 62 HENRY THE GREAT 1570. fully knows how to profit from the fault of an enemy, or at the same time repairs its own ; that patience which knows when it is necessary to wait or defer; that rapid and comprehensive glance, which appears to increase the forces of him who possesses it, by affording him a facility of commanding when he is not personally pre- sent, with as much success as if he were on the scene of action : in short, that union of varied and sometimes opposite qualities, all of which are essentially necessary to constitute a great captain. Admiral Coligny was fully aware, says Sully, that Henry would be of greater utility to his party, from his character and talents, than on account of his rank and birth. He was, there- fore, his constant companion ; the prince being present at encampments, marches, retreats, and all the evolutions performed by the army. Upon these occasions the admiral uniformly demanded young Henry's opinions, which he either ap- proved or combated, while giving him instruc- tions on the principles and rules of the military art. Animated by ambition, but guided by Pro- vidence, the admiral thus expiated, through the medium of the prince of Beam, all the evils which he had entailed upon the country, by forming the character of the hero who was to add so much splendour and glory to the annals of France, and to ensure for himself so much prosperity. Admiral Coligny was preparing for a third 1570. AND HIS COURT. 63 battle, when the king's council, fearful of the result, judged it expedient to patch up a peace with the adverse party. This treaty was rati- fied at Saint Germaiii en Laye, through the intervention of Baron de Biron, both armies being in sight of each other in the valley of Aillan, not far from Arnay le Due : historians, however, disagree as to the date, some stating that it took place on the 1 1th, and others on the 15th August, 1570. The young prince Henry, after a campaign as fatiguing as it had been perilous, and which had lasted fifteen months, retired to Rochelle. There is, however, no permanent peace when the ces- sation of hostilities originates only in the lassi- tude of either party, and that the period of warfare has been marked by cruelty and blood. Under these circumstances, the most advanta- geous conditions become liable to suspicion ; they do not dispel hatred, and they tend to increase mistrust. Besides a general armistice and the free exer- cise of the reformed religion, (except at court,) the restitution of confiscated property, and many other advantages were granted to the Calvinists ; in addition to which four cities, as sureties, were ceded to them ; that is to say, towns wherein they had a right to place governors and garrisons under their own control. They selected for this purpose La ^Rochelle, Montauban, Cognac, and La Charit6. It was only exacted that the princes of Beam and Conde, and twenty of the 64 HENllY THE GREAT 1570. leading chiefs of their party, should make oath to surrender them up in two years. This humi- liating conduct inflicted a dreadful blow on the royal authority, and strengthened in a most dan- gerous manner the party it was intended to crush. Had not the treaty been broken, the holding of those four cities for two years would have sufficed for the Calvinists to establish their doctrines and the republican sentiments in the most permanent manner : besides, these con- ditions, so disgraceful to the court, tarnished the lustre obtained by the preceding victories of the catholic army ; for we only form an opinion of the glory of military campaigns by the treaties of peace which they ultimately produce. The Calvinist faction in the eyes of France appeared triumphant. The princes, the admiral, and the other captains, retired to La Rochelle, where they took up their residence, in order to be near the court of Jeanne queen of Navarre. The major part of the reformers only regarded, in the unexpected advantages of this treaty, the secret intention of breaking it upon the first favourable occasion. It has, however, been stated that the admiral did not participate in such a mistrustful feeling ; and his self-security in this respect was honourable to his character. He, however, did not repair to court, but con- tinued at La Rochelle, where he occupied him- self in strengthening his party. , At this period Charles the Ninth married Elizabeth of Austria, daughter of the emperor 1570. AND HIS COURT. 65 Maximilian the Second. She was an interesting and virtuous princess, M^ho, while an occupant of the throne, experienced only terror, shame, and anguish. The preparatives for these nuptials seemed to precede every other consideration, and nothing occupied the public mind but fes- tivities and rejoicings. The king, however, fully convinced that he should never be able to subdue the Huguenots by force, resolved to have recourse to other means, more easy, but far more wicked. He began by caressing the protestants, feigning that his wish was to take them into favour, to accede to the major part of their stipulations, and to allure them with the hope of a declaration of war against Spain in the Low Countries, on which they were passionately bent ; and in order the better to succeed, Charles promised, as a guarantee of his good faith, that his sister Mar- garet should espouse the prince of Navarre, which had been previously promised by Henry the Second during his infancy ; so that, by this means, he brought over to his side the principal Calvinists who were then residents in Paris. After the marriage of Charles, he occupied himself with the nuptials of his sister ; a union greatly desired by the court, notwithstanding the difference of religious sentiments, as it tended to dissipate mistrust, and gave assurance to public opinion. Notwithstanding this, however, it ap- pears that serious plots were then forming against the Calvinists: yet, from all that has been stated, it is imagined the destruction only of the leaders VOL. I. i«' 66 HENRY THE GREAT 1571. of that party was intended ; and that the king was originally persuaded that the life of admiral Coligny would be spared ; whom Charles still revered, because his youthful mind was dazzled by his warlike qualifications and the eclat of his reputation. Jeanne, queen of Navarre, who had quitted Beam to be present at the nuptials of her son, arrived at court in the middle of May, and died on the 9th of June following. She was a prin- cess gifted with sound sense, a courage far above her sex, and a soul superior to the weaknesses and defects that characterize the generality of women, but a most implacable enemy of the catholic religion. The protestants accused the papists of having accelerated the death of this princess by means of a pair of poisoned gloves, because it was feared that her penetrating genius would have developed the designs then on foot of massacring the Calvinists. It does not, how- ever, appear that there was much foundation for this report, which was only disseminated after the tragedy of Saint Bartholomew. At such a period, indeed, every thing was to be apprehended, and all the calumnies of vengeance were eagerly attended to ; such being the result, and one of the punishments attendant on a crime of great enormity. Le Grain states, that the queen of Navarre died in consequence of a pleurisy, from having heated herself too much in making preparations for the marriage of her son. This opinion is accredited 1571. AND HIS COURT, 67 also by the impartial Perefixe. De Thou and other historians state that the doctors ascer- tained her death to have been the effect of an internal abscess ; and some other Memoirs state that the princess had long been persuaded she had something extraordinary in her head, and that, in effect, the cause of her decease was there discovered. The leaden coffin of Jeanne d'Albret, enclosing her mortal remains, was placed in the vault of the collegiate church of Saint George at Vendome, beside that of Anthony de Bourbon, king of Navarre, her husband. The latter was a catholic: but, after his death, Jeanne d'Albret, as we have before remarked, openly professed the Calvinist persuasion ; notwith- standing which, the priests without difficulty admitted her body into their church. The tomb of this magnanimous female continued uniformly respected until the year 1793; at which period the sanctuary was profaned, pillaged, and the vaults broken up ; the coffin demolished, and the ashes committed to the winds ! The church is at the present period in such. a ruinous state, that it would be difficult to point out the spot where the remains of Jeanne were deposited. At the period of his mother's demise, Henry, who was proceeding to join her, learned the melancholy tidings in Poitou ; upon which he assumed the title of king of Navarre. Among other protestant lords who had been sum- moned to Paris, to witness the nuptials of Henry, was admiral Coligny, who repaired thither with f2 68 HENRY THE GREAT 1571. the rest of the leaders ; when Charles the Ninth and Catherine were prodigal of their assurances of unbounded confidence and friendship. The admiral was consulted upon the project of the imaginary attack upon the Low Countries, and was led to believe that there was no other man than himself who could assume the com- mand of the army with a prospect of success ; the court extolled his valour and capacity as a military commander, and he was admitted to partake in all the councils. The king, in acting thus, did not as yet violate good faith, but the admiral could give the queen mother no credit for similar sentiments ; he placed no reliance on her sincerity, conceiving her conduct merely the result of underhand policy. The friendly overtures of Charles, however, tended to blind Coligny's better sense, and lull him into that state of security which proved his perdition. A common error with all men of superior and acknowledged merit, is the indulgence of an idea that in stormy periods their talents can obliterate the remembrance of the various causes for hatred and resentment : they are in error, as it is very rarely that personal passion does not acquire an ascendency over policy and the in- terests of the state. After having so frequently carried arms against his sovereign, after witnessing such carnage, and been instrumental in all those disasters wherewith France was afflicted, the admiral should not have hoped for pardon. So far, however, was this from being the fact, that he 1571. AND HIS COURT. 69 remained the only one of his party, without entertaining disquietude or suspicion, in the midst of a court known for its consummate du- plicity, fully persuaded that the absolute neces- sity there was for such a man as himself, would dissipate every project of vengeance, except, perhaps, in the heart of his mortal enemy the duke of Guise, who, as we have before said, had sworn aloud to avenge the death of his father. While the court appeared to be solely occu- pied with the brilliant festivities and prepara- tions for the marriage of the king of Navarre, Catherine meditated, in secret, the destruction of all the Calvinist leaders. The blackest per- fidies are planned by those sovereigns who unite weakness with implacable resentments : their hatred still increases by the constraint they are under of dissimulating, and the shame of not being able to punish legitimately ; while to the meanness of adopting feigned clemency always succeeds the most atrocious vengeance. It is beyond a doubt that many events contri- buted to increase the resentments of the queen mother. For a considerable time libels had been industriously disseminated respecting her, while assassination was held forth as praiseworthy should it be directed against her person ; added to which, she was in the constant habit of receiving anonymous letters of the most menacing tenor. One day, on leaving her apartment to attend the celebration of mass, she struck a letter with her foot, which, upon perusal, was found to state, that 70 HENRY THE GREAT 157L unless she guaranteed to the Calvinists for ever the free exercise of their religion, she should be treated in a similar manner to the duke of Guise and the president Minard, who had both been assassinated. The reformers also promulgated the most imprudent doctrines : they recalled to the public mind every culpable action, and vili- fied the catholic proceedings without any ad- herence to candour. The intrepid and expe- rienced Lanoue disapproved of these bravadoes : he uttered his reproaches upon the subject to T^Iigny, the admiral's son-in-law, and all the young men of his party ; he called them real fools and mal-adroits. Nothing, however, could repress the boiling temperament of those young seditious warriors, who displayed as much dis- trust as audacity, attributing the conduct of the court only to fear and dissimulation, and loudly reprehending the self-security indulged by the admiral. A gentleman named Langoiran waited upon Coligny, and demanded his dis- charge. *' And why?" enquired the admiral. — ** Because you are too much caressed, and I pre- fer escaping with fools rather than perishing with the wise" replied Langoiran. Nothing, how- ever, could open the eyes of Coligny. It was certainly impossible to foresee what was to happen : even those who meditated the direst vengeance were not as yet acquainted with the extent of the intended slaughter, and all those who became accomplices were wholly ignorant upon the subject. Coligny, however. 1571. AND HIS COUllT. 71 should have entertained apprehensions for his liberty. His security was not to be shaken; all his ideas centred in the supposed war against Spain, and the certainty of being ap- pointed general-in-chief of that great enterprize. There is not a doubt but Charles sincerely wished for war : this unfortunate monarch, very justly stigmatized in the page of history, was fond of glory : he was anxious to perform this campaign under the eyes of Coligny ; but the queen mother, and her adored son the duke of Anjou, were secretly determined to oppose every impediment in their power. Catherine was well aware, that if the king, full of ardour and cou- rage, and guided by so great a general, should be crowned with success in the expedition, the admiral, whom he admired and loved, would assume over him unbounded sway; and that, in such case, she would be deprived of all the power she then possessed. But, according to custom, dissimulating her fears and designs, she only advised the monarch to consult his council, all the members of which were devoted to her interest. Marshal de Tavannes, in conjunction with the queen, proposed that all the opinions should be communicated in writing ; thus af- fording Catherine the means of considering them at leisure, in order to oppose or^ support^them when alone with the king. Duplessis Mornay and Coligny strongly advocated the war ; and in a document of the admiral's, which is trans- mitted to us by Papeliniere, book ii. vol. 27, 72 HENRY THE GREAT 1572, there is a very remarkable phrase. Speaking of the soldiery, whose state of inactivity might become dangerous, Coligny thus expresses him- self: ** To empty so much corrupt and superfluous blood, which might create some rieiv disease in the body of your state. Sire, it is necessary either to bleed, or at least to breathe the veiny It is not impossible but this false reasoning may have strengthened the mind of Catherine on the subject of the massacre of Saint Bar- tholomew, and perhaps afforded an arg iment in the decision of her conduct. Shortly after the arrival of the king of Navarre at Paris, his melancholy nuptials with princess Margaret of Valois, sister of Charles the Ninth, were solemnized with a pomp truly royal, having been preceded by those of the prince of Cond6 and Mary of Cleves ; which event occurred on the 19th of August, 1572. On this occasion both parties were betrothed at the Louvre, by the cardinal de Bourbon, and married on the ensuing day by that dignitary, on a scaffolding erected before the church of N6tre Dame, which was built for the occasion in front of the grand portal of the cathedral ; the king and the queen mother being present. At the conclusion of the ceremony queen Margaret went to hear mass, and perform her devotions in the choir; and the king of Navarre, proceeding by a gallery, formed for the express purpose along the side of the church, retired to the palace of the arch- bishop ; where a sumptuous dinner was prepared for all the royal household. AND HIS COURT. 73 CHAPTER III. Preliminary observations on the massacre of St. Bartho- lomew. — The term Huguenot explained. — Marriage of admiral Coligny with Jaquelina of Monbel, lady qf Entremont. — Policy of France in regard to the Low Countries. — Coligny repairs to Paris. — His favourable reception by the court. — Arrogance of the cardinal of Lorraine. — Marriage of the duke of Guise tvith Cathe- rine qf Cleves. — Oppositions raised to the nuptials of Henry and Margaret. — Arrival of the queen of Navarre at court. — Her death. — Surmises respecting her being poi- soned. — Character of Jeanne d'Albret. — Fears entertained for the safety of Coligny by his friends. — 27ie adniirats self-security . — Marriage of Henry %vith Margaret of Valois, and curious theatrical representation described. — Machinations of Catherine de Medicis to separate her son from Coligny. — The admiral shot at and dangerously wounded by Louviers Maurevel. — Anecdote from Bran- tome respecting the assassin. — Consternation excited by the admiral's attempted murder. — Interview of Charles with Coligny. — Fea7s of the queen mother and the duke of Anjou. — Disclosure made to Charles the Ninth of the authors of Coligny''s assassination. — Imprudent con- duct of the Calvinists. — Charles issues orders for the mas- sacre. — Attempts made to convince Coligny of his danger. — Henry of Navarre and the prince of Coade not included in the proscription. — Preparations for the massacre. — Horrid state of Charles prior to the slaughter. — Murder of Coligny by the hand of Berne. — Savage ferocity of the duke of Angoultme. As we now approach the detail of one of the most atrocious acts that ever disgraced the records 74 HENRY THE GREAT of history, it becomes necessary to add a few re- flections previous to entering upon the horrid recital. The preceding pages are faithful ex- tracts from the narratives and opinions of nu- merous French writers ; and so scrupulous have we been of infringing upon their statements, as to present their ideas without being garbled or misrepresented. We have first to remark, that nearly all the writers extant were favourable to the French court; and that, in consequence, every possible obloquy has been heaped upon the Cal- vinist party. Among the various writers consult- ed, the most impartial and valuable production perhaps existing is that of Perefixe, who on the momentous subject of the massacre of Saint Bartholomew merely occupies nine lines ; under the conviction, no doubt, of his total incapa- city to obliterate any portion of the merited execration attending the deed, and his conse- quent unwillingness to dwell upon a topic that could not be other than painful to the feelings of his pupil Louis the Fourteenth. In speaking of the protestants, French histo- rians represent them as the offsprings of treason and rebellion ; while the term Huguenot is inces- santly disseminated throughout their writings. This denomination is said to have derived its origin from a supposed mischievous sprite or hobgoblin called Hugo, and vulgarly reported to have strolled through the streets of Tours at the dead of night for evil purposes : wherefore, as the reformers, to ensure personal safety, found them- AND HIS COURT. 75 selves compelled to assemble secretly and in darkness, they were honoured by the catholics with the term Huguenots, or offsprings of the demon Hugo. The French writers do not fail to enter into very elaborate accounts of horrid cruelties com- mitted by the Calvinists during the wars of the League ; and there is little reason to doubt but great faults were committed on either side. At the same time, we see no reason for conjecturing that these sanguinary proceedings had their origin only with the protestants; and certainly, if we may be permitted to draw any inference from the general conduct pursued by catholics during religious dissensions, from the earliest period to the present, there is little reason for annexing to their mode of proceeding the characteristic of tolerance. The most able writers have never deviated from one opinion — that of the unrelenting and savage barbarity uniformly attending religious persecutions. The wars of monarchs, however cruel in their progress and destructive in their consequences, are notwithstanding legitimate, and pursued under certain regulations and restric- tions, to which the highest as well as the lowest subaltern officer is amenable. Such, however, is not the case as regards religious conflicts ; for it should seem as if the tenets of mercy and for- giveness, which either party always pretends are the basis of the doctrine it seeks to establish, they are, on the contrary, only rendered sub- 76 HENllY THE GIlf:AT servient to the purposes of hatred, rapine, and blood. We shall no longer detain the reader, but proceed to develope, from the most authentic documents extant, the source and progress of the horrid massacre of Saint Bartholomew until the period of its perpetration. It is still impossible to ascertain for a fact what were the secret springs of this horrid catastrophe ; how far Charles the Ninth was accessory; if, in the first instance it was in- tended, that the slaughter should extend to such a number of sufferers : in short, to what period it is necessary to go back, in order to ascer- tain the resolution entered into by the court for the overthrow of Calvinism, by sacrificing those most capable of supporting its doctrines. The crime, once perpetrated, appeared so hor- rible, ^ — so many persons felt interested m con- cealing or disguising the facts, for the purpose of destroying, had it been possible, the lasting monuments of their shame, — that it is by no means surprising that, in the discussion of this point of history, we should march, as it were, through a labyrinth of darkness. Amidst these affected obscurities, however, sufficient light penetrates the gloom to identify the principal advisers and the real authors of this sanguinary catastrophe. As to the thread of the intrigue, from the time of its commencement to the period when the culpable became accom- plices, if, upon these points we have not such conclusive proofs, at least there exists sufficient information to satisfy a curiosity governed by 1572. AND HIS COURT. 77 the dictates of reason. Those who produce details after an event, are in the habit of con- necting circumstances as if they had all been purposely foreseen and arranged. It is, how- ever, a known fact, that in the progress of the most perfect combinations, circumstances will always intervene which are merely the result of chance and the work of the moment. The application of this principle will be strongly verified in what preceded and occurred subse- quent to the affair of Saint Bartholomew. The peace of Saint Germain having been rati- fied, as we stated in our last chapter, the court contemplated with infinite pain the confederate Calvinist leaders taking up their abode at La Ro- cheile, as if apprehensive of some new surprise, which would not have been the case had they se- parated and returned to their several estates, whose peaceful asylums seemed previously to have been the sole object of their wishes. The king made known to them this sentiment; when they gave for answer, that they did not mistrust his majesty ; yet, beholding him uniformly environed by the Guises, and the other fomenters of discord, they had every reason to apprehend the renewal of those prejudices which had been kindled in his infancy against them ; that, however, no move- ments or preparations of a warlike nature were carried on ; that they had certainly augmented the forces stationed in the garrisoned towns, merely because the king had adopted that pre- caution in regard to the adjacent cities ; and 78 HENRY THE GREAT 1572. lastly, that they only continued associated to assess the quantum of debts they had contracted in support of the common cause. These reasons were so plausible, that it is unnecessary to offer a reply ; and we shall there- fore do justice to the integrity of the motives by which the princes and admiral Coligny were actuated. While occupied on stipulations re- specting the terms of the peace, the marriage of the prince of Beam with princess Margaret had been alluded to. This subject was soon after renewed, as a certain means of dissipating all doubts, and uniting a bond of perfect amity. The princess was some years older than Henry ; she was sensible and handsome, and already displayed a taste for intrigue that was rather directed towards gallantry than politics. To this proposal Jeanne queen of Navarre answered respectfully, but without definitively pledging herself to any thing. It might be conceived that an aged warrior like Coligny would have proved inaccessible to the attacks of tenderness : notwithstanding this, however, he loved; his affections were requited; and the nuptials of the man who was looked upon as the most austere in France, were ab- solutely regarded in the light of a romance. Jaquelina of Monbel, lady of Entremont, a rich widow, possessing very large landed territories in the States of Savoy, entertained a most lively and enthusiastic passion for the admiral, solely the result of his high reputation ; and she con- 1572. AND HIS COURT. 79 sequently resolved on bestowing her hand and wealth on that famous hero of Calvinism. Such a determination roused the duke of Savoy, who watched the widow's proceedings: yet, notwith- standing all his vigilance, the wiles of love were more than equivalent to the lynx eye of au- thority ; and Jaquelina, in spite of her guards, effected her escape, and repaired to Rochelle, where she espoused Coligny. The incensed duke of Savoy, in consequence, seized upon her landed possessions : and it was in vain that the king of France made representations in fa- vour of the newly espoused ; his good offices were unheeded, and the duke continued in- flexible. The admiral felt little touched at this disgrace ; and at the same time gave a more incontestable proof of his disinterestedness, by uniting his daughter Louisa of Chatillon to Teligny, a mere gentleman, possessing no fortune, but gifted with consummate talents as a negotiator, possessing a perfect knowledge of the affairs of either party, and far more capable than any other person to turn them to his own account by his acuteness and rare prudence. The prince of Conde was equally preparing to espouse Mary of Cleves, third sister of the duchess of Guise, who had been brought up by the queen of Navarre in the reformed religion. In addi- tion to this, proposals were made by the French court for the union of Elizabeth of England with the duke of Anjou, brother of Charles the Ninth ; 80 HENKY THE GREAT 1572. but this overture was not supported by the necessary steps required to ensure its ultimate success. From a hope of these united circumstances, the public mind became amused, so that the idea of festivities and a new alliance effaced the re- collection of war and carnage. The admiral was anxious that the Calvinists should be captivated less by violence than amusement. Brantome, dwelling upon this subject, says, "I well remember what he (the admiral) said to me at La Rochelle : being fully aware of the character of his Huguer jts, he felt that if they ivere not employed and amused beyond the frontiers, they would not fail to quarrel at home, so well did he know them for wranglers, rest- less and petulant, and lovers of broils.'' Coligny was ardently desirous of a foreign contest, and did not perceive any war so opportune and ad- vantageous to France as an attack upon the Low Countries. Those provinces which had revolted against Spain, exhausted by their own victories, were so reduced as to be no longer able to support them- selves without the aid of foreign troops ; and in case of a refusal on the part of France, they threatened to throw themselves on the protection of England. This was a most cogent reason for impelling France to yield her assistance in order to prevent the advantage from falling into the hands of her rival : in addition to such a plea, there was no shadow of doubt as to the king of Spain, by his counsels, pecuniary assistance, and 1572. AND HIS COURT. 81 well-digested measures, (not owing to the diffi- culties, but the political views of France,) foment- insf and maintaining civil discord in that dis- tracted country. Consequently, the French had not a better plan for avenging themselves, with- out risk and danger, than opposing the Spanish monarch in his own realm, by means of the French Calvinists, upon whose ruin Spain was unceasingly occupied. Louis of Nassau, brother of the prince of Orange, visited France for the express purpose of laying his reasons before the council of state. Charles the Ninth appeared to be favourable ; but he referred Nassau to Coligny, giving him to understand, that before he pronounced his ultimate decision, he must hold a conference with the admiral. Whether or not this was a pre- determined plan to inspire him with a dangerous confidence, it was too flattering not to entrap the confiding Coligny ; and the result was, his de- termination to repair to the court of France. Towards the end of summer the king went to Blois in Touraine ; a step taken in favour of the queen of Navarre, who finding it impossible to refuse with decency the advances of the court, on the subject of its alliance with the prince > of Beam, her son, nevertheless did not comply without feelings of great disquietude. Jeanne conducted Henry to Charles the Ninth, accom- panied by the prince of Cond6 and admiral Co- ligny. ^' I now hold you,'' s^^d the king, addressing the venerable warrior, who had thrown himself VOL. I. G 82 HENRY THE GREAT 1572. at his monarch's feet from sentiments of respect, " I hold you, and you shall no longer quit us at your will and pleasure. — The present,"" said the king, with an air of satisfaction, " is the happiest day of my life.'' The sequel of this reception was in every respect similar to its commencement: the queen mother, the duke of Anjou, and all the nobles, loaded Coligny with caresses, and in particular, the duke of Alen^on, the king's young- est brother, who, yielding to the frankness charac- teristic of his years, seemed as if wholly unable to find expressions commensurate with the sen- timents of esteem with which he felt penetrated in respect to the admiral's character. During the pleasures that occurred in conse- quence of this re-union, conversations turned upon the speedy marriage of prince Henry with Margaret, the king's sister. Some difficulties, on account of religious differences, were started as to the time and manner of celebrating the nup- tials ; but the king, who ardently desired the conclusion of the business, smoothed every ap- parent obstacle. Jeanne d'Albret was completely astonished on witnessing so much complaisance ; she looked on, she examined with all the scruti- nizing circumspection of a person still doubting her own opinions and yet ashamed of giving publicity to such apprehensions. On the other hand, the queen mother, no less curious in re- gard to Jeanne, observed her motions, and would fain have divined the workings of her inmost soul. The subtle Catherine, conversing one day with 1572. ^ AND HIS COURT. 83 Tavannes, exclaimed, '* How shall I act in order to worm out the secret of the queen of Navarre ?" To which the shrewd counsellor, smiling, re- plied, " As the affair rests between women, begiti by putting her into a passion, and remain quiet your- self ; by that means you will gain every thing from her, and she nothing from you.'" The Flemish war was equally made the topic of conversation ; and memoirs were written for and against that measure. These the king perused, and then conferred with the admiral, whom he equally consulted upon the treaty France was on the point of ratifying with England, on which occasions Charles uniformly appeared to take in- finite delight in Coligny's conversations. In the autumn the admiral demanded leave of absence for the purpose of visiting Chatillon-sur- Loing ; the king complied ; soon after which he recalled him, and then permitted his journey a second time ; and thus terminated the year with every external appearance of a reciprocal con- fidence. Whether Charles the Ninth had decided upon the extermination of the Calvinists or not, it is most certain that never was a prince placed in a more critical and embarrassing situation. Sup- pose the former to have been the case, it was necessary that he should have uniformly spoken the very reverse of his own sentiments ; he must have loaded with caresses persons whom he had predestined for slaughter, have watched over the expression of his eyes, and the muscles of his G 2 84 HENRY THE GREAT 1.572. countenance, in order not to be betrayed by some sudden sally or other involuntary move- ment. If, on the other hand, his intention was to conciliate the reformers, equal embarrassment arose in respect to the catholics, the foreign princes, the lords of his court, the church digni- taries, and the magistrates, who were unceasingly occupied in filling his mind with apprehensions against those whom he was striving to befriend. Certainly nothing affected Charles so nearly as the marriage of his sister Margaret with the prince of Beam ; and upon this topic incessant remonstrances were made to him. The Guises murmured, dreading to behold that princess al- lied to another, to whom the young duke of their house had had the temerity to show the most unequivocal pretensions. The cardinal of Lor- raine had explained himself upon this subject in very arrogant terms to the Portuguese ambas- sador, who had demanded Margaret in marriage for his sovereign. " The senior of my house" said the haughty churchman, alluding to the duke of Lorraine, ** was united to the elder, and the junior shall also have the youngest." This bold prediction, however, was not verified. The king being made acquainted with the tenor of this conversation, flew into a violent rage ; and the duke, dreading what might prove the result, married, in a very preci- pitate manner, Catherine of Cleves. But as mon- archs have not the control over hearts, the duke of Guise still preserved hidden claims upon that of Margaret ; while Charles was apprehensive lest 1572. AND HIS COUilT. 85 these secret inclinations on the part of his sister ' should come to the knowledge of the queen of Navarre, and cool her upon the subject of an al- liance with her son. The duke of Anjou equally contemplated this union with disgust, under an apprehension that it would give too much as- cendency to the prince of Beam. Lastly, the pope decried the marriage more violently than the rest, menacing never to grant his dispensa- tion ; he even sent his nephew, cardinal Alex- andrin, into France, for the sole purpose of pre- ferring representations in favour of the king of Portugal, and to reproach Charles for his intended alliance with the Huguenots. The legate faithfully performed his mission. He importuned the king most strenuously ; and having brought him to a point where the latter had no reply to make, '* Aly lord cardinal,'' said Charles, evidently much embarrassed, " would to God that it were in my power to state to you all that I might say ! You will soon know, as well as the sove- reign Pontiff, that no measure is so proper as this marriage for the maintenance of religion in France, and the eMiiyation of its enemies. Yes,'" added Charles, pressing the hand of the cardinal most affectionately, ''place confidence in my word; let only a short period elapse, and the Holy Father him- self will be compelled to applaud my designs, my piety, and my ardour in the cause of religion.'' The king was then anxious to ratify these promises by slipping a diamond ring upon the finger of the legate ; but the cardinal offered his thanks. 86 HENRY THE GREAT 1572. saying that he was perfectly satisfied, and placed reliance on the word of the king. If Charles held this conversation, there cannot exist a doubt but he then meditated the massacre of Saint Bartholomew ; but De Thou remarks that it is necessary we should be upon our guard respecting the assertions of Italian writers, from whence the above statement is extracted. The major part, deceived by the Guises, whose inte- rest it was not to stand recorded as the sole authors of such an atrocious action, or deceived by the zealous catholics, mere echoes of the opinions of the Guises, have implicated the whole French court in the conspiracy ; and, above all, the king, whom they uniformly place at its head. On the contrary, the memoirs of those periods, written by the best informed persons, namely, Brantome, queen Margaret, De Cheverniy DeVilleroi, De Castelnau, and in particular Ta- vannes, after whose statements were guided Du- pleid', Le Laboureur, author of the Commentaries, and the best historians, all expressly dwell upon two points ; first, that Charles the Ninth did not decide upon the massacre until after the admiral was wounded; and secondly, that he at first only intended the assassination of some of the leaders of the protestants, and by no means the sacrifice of so vast a multitude. We will now extract from this chaos of matter what appears to be most rational and feasible, and the idea requisite to be formed respecting the progress of this intrigue. We may easily con- 1572. AND HIS COURT. 87 ceive, that from the ratification of peace Charles the Ninth entertained the idea of securing to him- self the admiral and his principal associates ; and that the winning manners he adopted, in order to lure them to the court, were merely intended to procure for himself the facility of having them in his power, in the event of a renewal of troubles, and to disunite their projects by imprisonment and legal chastisement. We may also presume that the design of keeping down the Calvinists by compulsory operations was changed into le- nient measures, when Charles found that they continued quiet, and that they confided in his assurances. This pacific disposition on the part of the king, chequered nevertheless by alternate feelings of apprehension and surmise, may have continued to predominate until the admiral re- ceived his wound. In respect to this misfortune, which proved the forerunner of such melanclioiy events, it was the machination of a black infernal policy, which urged the monarch to extremities never before contemplated ; a policy, the whole arcana of which we shall now endeavour to develope. Charles the Ninth had been too ill served during the war not to wish sincerely for the restoration of peace. Seeing that to compass this desirable end a little condescension towards the Calvinists was alone required, the king had recourse to gentleness ; and there is just cause to apprehend that, without adopting their reli- gious opinions, he was friendly to them as men. S8 HENRY THE GREAT 1572. The queen mother, whether actuated from state affairs, or a firm attachment to the papal see, was alarmed at this close association : she secretly united herself with the Guises, to bring back her son to his former principles, and to compel him by a tremendous act, if such were necessary, to break off all connexion with the sectarians. It was, in the first instance, thought necessary to ascertain whether Charles would feel sensi- bly touched on being abandoned by his ancient friends 'the catholics; in consequence the Guises, the Montpensiers, and their near relatives, ab- ruptly abandoned the court, saying : " It was a most odious thing, that a family which had rendered such signal services, should be so neglected, and that, far from avenging the murder of a man who had sacrificed himself for religion and the state, his enemies and his assassins, on the contrajy, should be received into special favour.'' Care was taken that these remarks should be faithfully detailed to the king : but they did not appear to make any impression upon his mind ; on the contrary, he seemed free and gay in the society of the Calvin- ists, who had been attracted to the court to witness the nuptials of the prince of Beam. All, however did not confide in external appearances. *' If this marriage is solemnized at Paris," said father de Sulli, *' the liveries will be of a crimson colour r The queen of Navarre arrived at court, and soon after died ; when the universal report was her having been poisoned. It is certain that no such 1572. AND HIS COURT. 89 inference could be drawn from the appearances on her person. But what may not be presumed, after the known examples of deaths that were deemed necessary having been procured by dif- ferent means ? Instance that of Lignerolles, favourite and confidant of the duke of Anjou, killed under his own eyes in the middle of the court, because he is stated to have been so unfor- tunate as to learn the king's secrets from his master, while others state that he had had an intrigue with the queen mother ; that of car- dinal Odet de Chatillon, poisoned by his valet- de-chambre when on the point of returning to France ; of the lord of Moui, assassinated at Niort by Maurevel, publicly called The King- killer ; and so many others, whose tragic ends converted the smallest circumstances into fla- grant proofs. Jeanne d'Albret, after having been addicted to pleasures, changed that course of life at a period when she still possessed all the requisites for their enjoyment. She reformed her luxurious stile of living, and displayed a rigid devotion, which rendered her the cherished object of her party. She had all the ordinary vices and virtues attend- ant on this mode of life : severe in her manners, regulated in her domestic concerns, firm in trials of adversity, zealous, liberal; but acrimonious, haughty, fond of disputing on points of theology, and selecting her society from among the Calvin- ist preachers, for whom her mansion was a regular asylum. In the manifestoes to which Jeanne con- 90 HENRY THE GREAT 1572. tributed are always apparent sarcasms, of the most pointed kind, directed against the catholic clergy, and, above all, at the cardinal of Lor- raine; which productions obviously announce the mind of an exasperated female. While her son was yet a resident at the court, prior to the excursion to Bayonne, Jeanne sent him a letter, which might be thought less calculated to keep within due bounds a child of nine or ten years of age, than to satisfy her own caustic propensity by censuring vices which did not in any way concern her. She was no less bitter in her re- proaches towards those of the same religious persuasion who deviated in the most trifling degree from their duty. The catholics have given testimonies of her courage, constancy, and firmness ; and blame her for notliing but her obstinacy, which, in the eyes of the Calvinists, constituted her true glory. The death of Jeanne d'Albret retarded the marriage of Henry, who as we have previously stated, instantly assumed the title of King of Navarre. During this interval admiral Coligny retired to his castle of ChiUillon sur Loing ; where he daily received communications from his friends, who conjured him not to return to court. These fears were grounded on a host of conjectures, which, considered singly, could only afford mat- ter, at most, for some suspicions ; but which, taken in the aggregate, displayed a body of terrifying presumptions. Coligny, fully convinced of the king's good 1572. AND HIS COURT. 91 faith, only attended to these representations as a man wearied with the importunate zeal of his friends ; while to those with whom he was wilU ing to enter into any explanation, he declared that his measures were already taken with Charles; that a league was signed against Spain, between France, England, and the protestants of Ger- many; and that war was on the eve of being declared against the Low Countries. If it was hinted to the admiral that troops were assembled by order of the court on the confines of Poitou, he immediately gave answer that they were not intended to act against Rochelle, but the Low Countries, from whence vessels were to trans- port them ; that this expedient had been adopted by his advice, as well to spare the troops the fatigue of a long march, as to deceive the enemy. If the loans set on foot by Charles in every di- rection were hinted at, Coligny replied, that such sums were intended to meet the exigencies of war; and that they were procured from catholic princes in preference, in order to deprive them of pecuniary resources : in fine, he pretended to have nothing to apprehend from the Guises, be- cause the king had effected their reconciliation, and that, independently of such circumstance, they had no longer much credit ; that even the cardinal of Lorraine, the most powerful among them, was then occupied with the conclave at Rome, and far from having it in his power to prove detrimental ; but that, even was he de- ceived, he most earnestly supplicated his friends 92 HENIir THE GREAT 1572. to fatigue him no longer on the subject of such apprehensions. The marriage of Henry was solernnized ; on which occasion it was remarked, that the stand- ards taken at the battle of Jarnac and Mont- contour ornamented the vaultings of the cathe- dral of Notre Dame. On beholding those tro- phies, Coligny, pointing them out to marshal Damville, said, '* They shall speedily be replaced by others more agreeable to the eyes of Frenchmen.^' We cannot close the subject of this m.arriage,, without quoting a note from the Henriade of Voltaire ; wherein it is stated, that, during the festivities that then took place, a horrible alle- gory was represented, displaying the Huguenots precipitated by the catholics into hell, and the latter then mounting into Paradise. This re- cital is strictly correct ; in proof of which, for the amusement of those who have a taste for ancient theatrical representations, we quote the following account literally from Memoirs of the State of France under Charles the Ninth. " Wednesday, the 20th of August, were repre- sented fetes that had long been preparing in the hall of Bourbon, the same being as follow. First, in the said chamber to the right, was repre- sented Paradise, the entrance to which was de- fended by three knights armed cap a pied, who represented the king and his brothers : to the left was hell, wherein appeared a great number of devils and little imps, performing monkey- tricks, and creating a horrid din by means of a 1572. AND HIS COURT. 93 large wheel turning round in the said infernal regions, whereto numerous bells were affixed. Paradise and hell were separated by a river running between the two, in which was a boat ferried by Charon, the boatman of Styx. At one end of the hall, behind Paradise, were the Elysian fields ; that is to say, a garden embel- lished with verdure and all kinds of flowers ; and the empyreum, which was a great wheel, with the twelve signs of the zodiac, the seven planets, and an infinity of small perforated stars, emitting a very clear and beautiful light, by means of lamps and flambeaus which were arti- ficially arranged behind. This wheel was in constant motion, causing the garden also to turn, wherein appeared twelve nymphs very richly caparisoned. In the apartment were seen many bands of knights-errant completely armed, and arrayed in divers liveries, conducted by princes and nobles; all of whom endeavoured to gain admission to Paradise, in order to go after the nymphs who were in the garden; but were prevented by the three knights keeping watch at the gate, and who in succession entered the lists, and having broken the lances of their as- sailants, and then fought with broad swords, despatched them to hell, whither they were dragged by the demons. This mode of com- bat continued until all the knights-errant were beaten and consigned to the devils ; upon which the entrance of hell was closed. At the same moment Mercury and Cupid were seen to de- 94 HENRY THE GREAT 1572. scend from heaven upon a cock, the former singing and dancing; Mercury being repre- sented by Etienne le Roi, so much renowned for his singing, who, having alighted on earth, presented himself to the three knights, and, after a melodious chant, made a speech ; at the termination of which he re-ascended singing, upon his cock, and in this manner was trans- ported back to heaven. The three knights then arose from their seats, and, traversing Paradise, proceeded to salute the nymphs in the Elysian fields ; whom they escorted into the midst of the hall, and then began to perform a very di- versified ball which continued the length of an hour. This dance completed, the knights who were confined in hell were delivered, and then began to combat pell mell, breaking many lances ; so that on all sides sparks were seen to issue forth from the weapons. At the conclusion of the combat, fire was communicated to a train of powder which environed a fountain prepared almost in the centre of the apartment; from whence issued a noise and smoke that caused every one present to retire." Coligny being uniformly occupied on the sub- ject of the projected war in the Low Countries, the king gradually felt interested in the measure. In regulating the plan of operations, the politic admiral made the young monarch feel that he must not conduct himself during that campaign as upon previous occasions; that is to say, con- fide his forces to his brother the duke of Anjou, 1572. AND HIS COURT. 95 who had thus acquired all the honour of the vic- tory ; but that the king, on the contrary, should in person place himself at the head of his forces. The queen, your mother, added Coligny, only seeks to hold you under her guardianship for the purpose of governing alone ; it is on that account she has engaged you to name a lieutenant-gene- ral ; but it is high time to discard such bondage, and to present yourself to your people as a brave and worthy commander. Such conferences as these produced a very lively impression on the mind of a king at once susceptible and jealous. Catherine ascertained these facts ; but, assured of her ascendency, she in the first instance only adopted some general measures — such as to secure to herself, in case of necessity, the succour of the Guises and their partisans. The danger, however, augmented. The queen received timely notice from Villequier, De Sauve, and Retz, assiduous and observant cour- tiers, in whom even the king placed great confi- dence, that her son was on the point of escaping from her trammels, that he was entirely brought over by the reformers, and that, without some violent remedy, it would be in vain to think of recalling him to his duty. To such a pressing evil Catherine resolved to administer a bold remedy. She selected the pe- riod of a hunting-match, during which her son was removed to a distance from those advisers, who usually surrounded him. She hurried him to an adjoining castle, shut herself up with him in a 96 HENRY THE (IREAT 1572. private study, and immediately commenced by uttering the most bitter reproaches. The queen united tenderness with force : she recapitulated to him every act she had performed for him since the period of infancy — the sufferings she had ex- perienced, the dangers she had undergone, from those very men, with whom he had the impru- dence to connect himself so closely. " If they assume the mastery," said Catherine, weeping bitterly, " what will become of me ? How will it then fare with the duke of Anjou, the unvarying object of their hatred ? How shall we escape their fury ? Grant me permission,'' added she, " to return hack to Florence, and allow your brother time enough to effect hisjiight.'" The king terrified, not so much, says Tavannes, on account of the Huguenots, as of his mother and brother, whose artifice, ambition, and power in the state he was fully acquainted with, and apprehending a revolution, if he continued to support the Calvin- ists, made confession of his faults to the queen, and supplicated that she would excuse him. The Machiavelian Catherine, feigning unalterable anger, retired to an adjoining mansion, whither Charles followed her. He there found his mother in company with the duke of Anjou and the courtiers De Retz, Tavannes, and De Sauve, hold- ing a species of council. This tended only to increase the youthful monarch's disquietude, who trembled at the idea of some secret machina- tions being plotted against his own person. Charles now entered upon a fresh explanation, 1572. AND HIS COURT. 97 and then demanded that he might at least be made acquainted with any new crimes attri- butable to the Calvinists. All present eagerly sought to satisfy him on this subject, by detailing every thing they knew respecting their real or alleged pretensions. One stated, that, not satis- fied with the free enjoyment of religious tole- ration, they were also anxious to abolish the catholic persuasion ; another, that they arrogated to themselves the having possession of the king's mind, and that, in consequence, they should in future act as they thought fit ; that the admiral, in particular, never ceased to extol his own mar- tial achievements, and that he promised himself at some future period ample vengeance for the arrests and proscriptions formerly issued against him. We are told by Brantome that the leading Calvinists were often very unguarded in their modes of expression ; and as it may be supposed the queen mother and her partisans never pal- liated such representations, it is not surprising that, conjoined with fears for his personal safety, Charles, thus assailed, found himself obliged to submit ; and therefore promised to hold himself more upon his guard for the future, in order that Coligny and his party should not take advantage of his bounty. But, as it did not yet appear that the monarch felt completely decided, it was resolved he should become so far com- mitted in regard to the Calvinists, as to have no possibility of any future reconciliation. VOL. I. H 98 IIENUY THE GREAT 1572. This resolution taken, a courier was forwarded to the duke d'Aumale, who immediately repaired to Paris with his nephew the duke of Guise, the dukes of Nemours, Elbeuf, Nevers, Montpensier, and a large retinue of gentlemen. AH this took place prior to the marriage of the king of Na- varre, and it was deemed expedient not to delay the opportunity of silencing the fears excited by the admiral for more than four days. An assassin was soon found ; the individual selected being the famous Louviers Maurevel, who concealed himself in a mansion before which the admiral passed daily on his return from the Louvre. By means of a window before which a curtain was drawn, he fired upon Coligny with an arquebuse, the balls from which inflicted a very deep wound in his left arm, and cut through the leader of the right hand. Without betray- ing the least emotion, the admiral pointed out the hotel from whence the piece had been dis- charged : the doors were broken open, but the murderer had already effected his escape ; while Coligny, bleeding profusely and accompanied by his attendants, was instantly supported to his hotel. In Brantome's Life of Lanoue, speaking of this Maurevel, that writer states he was the same fel- low who assassinated the lord de Moui, and had such an ill-looking countenance, that, in 1573, having followed marshal De Retz, (who had been ambassador to England,) one of the British no- bles, struck with his repulsive features, sternly J572. AND HIS COURT. 99 fixing him, recognized the assassin without any- previous knowledge, exclaiming, ** 1 will wager any thing, that is the admiral's murderer ^ It is sin- gular, continues our author, and we cordially join in the same opinion, that any ambassador could consent to tolerate such a cut-throat in his retinue : nothing can better depict the ferocious manners of the French court at that period. Di- vine justice, however, did not permit the crimes of this sanguinary villain to go unpunished ; as he was himself afterwards assassinated by the son of the lord de Moui, whose father had fallen by his hand ; while the avenger of that nobleman's death, some minutes after this culpable deed, was him- self shot dead by a ball from an arquebuse. Charles the Ninth was amusing himself in the tennis court when he learned this fatal news. " Shall I never enjoy repose?'' he exclaimed, dash- ing the racket from his grasp with fury ; *' am I every day condemned to witness fresh troubles V' The news of this assassination soon spread throughout the city, and inspired terror and consternation among the Huguenot party : some menaced aloud, while others were sad and dispirited ; all gave different advice, dictated according to the predominating passions of terror, rage, and au- dacity. Several proposed that the admiral should be carried off, and that his party should accom- pany him from Paris. Coligny opposed this de- sign, saying, that the blow had merely been di- rected by the Guises : he displayed the greatest calmness, and only appeared occupied in en- H 2 100 HENRY THE GREAT 1572. deavouring to revive the spirits of his partisans. All historians agree in attributing this atrocious act to Catherine and the duke of Anjou, and it is hardly possible to form any other opinion ; but if the general massacre had been decided upon, it is natural to imagine they would not have failed to put it into effect immediately after this attempt on the admiral's life, in order that the Calvinists might have had no time to collect their ideas and put themselves on their guard. It was per- haps imagined that the murder of Coligny would have instantly excited a seditious movement among the Calvinists; and under this supposition, previous measures that could not fail of success, would have been taken to exterminate the Hu- guenots by superiority of numbers, as there were not more than from two to three thousand Cal- vinists then assembled in that capital. Such a mode of hurrying them into eternity would have appeared much less odious than a proscription, because it might have been represented as the effect of a combat, and an attempt at sedition justly punished. But the reformers remained peaceable, and contented themselves with mak- ing complaints to Charles the Ninth and de- manding justice. The king of Navarre, and the prince of Cond6, undertook to present the peti- tion; and Charles issued orders that every ne- cessary measure should be adopted for the pur- pose of discovering and seizing the murderer. The gates of Paris were accordingly closed ; commissaries were deputed to collect instruc- 1572. AND HIS COURT. 101 tions ; domiciliary visits took place in all sus- pected houses ; and, as the admiral was exces- sively hated by the populace, to preserve his person from all insult a strong guard was sta- tioned at the portal of his hotel. Some historians have stated that this measure was adopted to prevent the admiral from quitting Paris ; whereas it was himself, who, alarmed at the assembling of the people, and the cruel joy they testified at his attempted assassination, de- manded a guard from the king, when Swiss troops, constituting part of the king of Navarre's body troop, were nominated to perform that duty. Charles further made known to all the ambas- sadors from foreign courts, " that he would proceed in such a manner as to discover and punish those who had been culpable of so wicked an act;'" and he equally ordered his ministers to forward similar commu- nications to the several governors of the pro- vinces. These conclusive steps sufficed to do away every doubt as to his sincerity ; and it really does appear that Charles was in complete ignorance respecting the whole of this vile trans- action. The queen mother expressed strong suspicions against the duke of Guise ; nothing, however, could appease the king, says c[ueen Mar- garet ; he could not moderate the passionate desire he felt to deal justice on the assassin, continuing still to issue commands that the duke of Guise should be sought after, and seized, for that he would not suffer such a deed to remain unpunished. After twelve o'clock on the day when this tragic event 102 HENRY THE GREAT 1572. had transpired, Coligny expressed a wish to see the king. Charles repaired to the apartment of the sufferer, accompanied by his mother, (dread- fully agitated respecting the results of this visit,) the duke of Anjou, the French marshals, and a brilliant retinue. It is possible that the admiral may have divined the real authors of this sanguin- ary crime. The king, who addressed him by the name of father, and was overcome by sentiments of veneration and friendship towards Coligny, might have been enlightened during this meeting. All the first ebullitions of Charles were violent and terrible : had he therefore, on a sudden, dis- covered that his feelings were tampered with, and that the contrivers of the attempt, which inspired him with such well-grounded indignation, were his mother and his brother, there would have been every reason to apprehend the worst from the ungovernable fury of his resentment. It was on this account, that, when the queen and the duke of Anjou entered the admiral's chamber, they were observed to turn pale, and betray evi- dent signs of internal disquietude, added to which, they were surrounded by Calvinists, whose melancholy demeanour and scowling re- gards tended only to increase the secret terror of their souls. Charles commenced by addressing the admiral, to whom he offered consolation, and vehemently swore, in the name of God, (a bad habit he had contracted,) that he would extract from this crime a vengeance so terrible that it should 1572. AND HIS COURT. 103 never be effaced from the remembrance of man. Coligny returned his warm acknowledgments ; and, after protesting the fidelity of his sentiments, changed the conversation to the projected war in Flanders, on which his thoughts were unceasingly occupied. Coligny explained to the king, that he delayed the declaration too long ; that, during this lapse of time, many brave soldiers, who, un- der the conduct of Genlis, by the secret avowal of his majesty, had expressly marched into the Low Countries in his service, had been defeated from a want of support, and after their overthrow treated as marauders by the duke of Alva ; that this projected war was publicly ridiculed at court, and that the council of Spain was aware of every step that was decided upon in that of France. He also complained that the edicts passed in favour of the Calvinists were not duly observed. *' Father y" answered the king, '* rely upon it, I always regard you as a faithful subject, and one of the bravest generals of my kingdom. Rely upon me for the care of having my edicts ob- served, and your injuries avenged, as soon as the guilty shall be brought to light.'" — ^* It is not very difficult to find them," replied the admiral ; *' the indications are sufficiently obvious.'' — '* Tranquillize your feelings,'''' resumed the king; *' to prolong these emot'ions tJiight only be detrimental to your wound.'' On concluding these words, Charles moved towards the door, asked to see the ball which had been extracted from the wound, enquired concerning every circumstance of the transac- 104 HENUY THE GREAT 1572. tion, and mode adopted for a cure ; and then, having testified some emotions of tenderness and interest for the health of the invalid, he quitted the chamber. During this visit, which lasted for about an hour, it was remarked, that the queen mother never quitted the king's side, and that she uniformly leant an ear to catch every syllable that transpired, as if apprehensive of losing a single word that might escape Coligny in ad- dressing her son. This was a useless precaution, if we may place reliance upon the recital of Miron, physician of the duke of Anjou, written in Poland under the diction of that prince ; wherein he states, that Coligny found means to convey some words to Charles which M^ere not overheard ; for, as the queen and himself ob- served that they were in the apartment of the admiral surrounded by Calvinists, Catherine and the duke shuddered, and felt their minds over- come by sudden terror. In fact, a word would have been sufficient to ruin Catherine and the duke of Anjou, owing to the violent temperament of Charles ; and it was this very fury, so much dreaded, which at length prompted them to reveal the whole mys- tery to the king. For this purpose marshal de Retz was elected, who possessed the confidence of his sovereign, and knew best how to bring him over to his views. This nobleman repaired to the king's private study ; and after paving the way by offering those palliatives that w^ere necessary to make him digest such a disclosure, he con- 1572. AND HIS COURT. 105 fessed to the monarch that the admiral's wound was not the work of Guise alone, but of his mother and the duke of Anjou ; that they were urged to the measure by the secret plottings of that rebel, who was endeavouring to compass their overthrow ; that the deed once committed, there was no longer any medium, and that it was therefore either necessary to combine with the catholics, in order to complete what was begun, or expect for a certainty the renewal of a civil war. These preliminary disclosures being made, the queen presented herself, as had previously been decided on, accompanied by the duke of Anjou, the count of Nevers, Birague, the keeper of the seals, and marshal Tavannes. Catherine confirmed to her son all that the duke de Retz had uttered ; and added, that since the admiral had received his wound, the Huguenots had yielded themselves up to such despair, that it was to be apprehended they would not only lay violent hands upon the duke of Guise, but hazard an attempt on royalty itself. For these assertions there was, in fact, too much ground, as the imprudent conversations of many of the Calvinists afforded just reason for such representations. They openly proclaimed, that in case the king did not do them justice, they would procure it for themselves. Pardaillan publicly made such an avowal at the queen's supper ; and the lord de Piles went farther, having expressed himself in similar terms before the king : ** The indiscreet words, insolent ges- 106 HENRY THE GREAT 1572. tures, and frowning brow of this daring noblemaUy" says Dupleix, vol. iii. page 514, *' made the king and all the catholics of his court tremble'' In the Memoirs of Marshal de Tavannes, we also find that the above named Pardaillan carried his insolence to such a length as to proceed to the chastisement of Nambur, who was in attendance at the door of the king's apartment, because he had refused to give him admittance. While recapitulating these menaces to Charles in the secret council, Catherine moreover af- firmed, that since the admiral had been wounded, several despatches had been by him forwarded to Germany and Switzerland, from whence he hoped to draw a force of twenty thousand men; that if such an army formed a junction with the disaffected French, deprived as the king then was of men and money, she saw no hope of safety for the state ; that she was, at all events, glad to give him previous notice, that upon the least appearance of collusion between himself and the sectarians, the catholics were resolved to elect a captain-general, and to form a league offensive and defensive against the Huguenots; and that he would thus find himself placed be- tween the two factions, without any power or authority in his kingdom. ** These considerations,'' says the duke d'Anjou, in the detail given by Miron, ''produced a mar- vellous and strange metamorphosis in the mind of the king ; for it had been previously difficult to per- suade him, and it now became our turn to secure 1572. AND HIS COURT. 107 him. Rising from his seat, he exclaimed in fury and rage, swearing by the name of that if we were of opinion the admiral should be sacri- ficed, he was equally so; and that with him all the Huguenots of France should perish, in order that not one of them might remain to reproach him for the deed afterwards ; and he therefore commanded us to give prompt orders accordingly J' In the Memoirs of Marshal de Tavannes he expressly states, that in this council only the chiefs of the Calvinists were doomed to suffer, but that the populace executed the rest. He even adds that the queen mother, as a fearful woman, would very gladly have recalled her words, had it not been for the courage again instilled into her mind by the counsellors present. These ad- visers we will now proceed to record by name, in order that they may be handed down to pos- terity with all the execration due to their in- famous memories ; they consisted of marshal de Tavannes ; Birague, keeper of the seals ; the duke de Retz ; and Louis de Gonzague, duke of Nevers. It is with infinite regret we name the latter nobleman ; he having been regarded, until that period, as one of the most upright men in the kingdom. Had the duke only constituted one in this infernal council to defend the cause of humanity, he would have performed nothing but a praiseworthy action ; but we are expressly told from history, that the resolution to assas- sinate all the Huguenot leaders was unanimous. Can it then be admitted, that a barbarous policy. 108 HENRY THE GREAT 1572. and any particular chain of reasoning, could, during the first moments of an unaccountable illusion, urge a virtuous man to sanction a most execrable deed '{ Henry the Fourth doubtless harboured this opinion ; since he ultimately- placed the greatest possible confidence in this identical duke of Nevers. The dreadful decree once pronounced, nothing more was thought of but its immediate execu- tion : and Charles, from that moment, had re- course to all the duplicity which it was deemed expedient to adopt on the occasion. It was decided that the whole body of Calvinists should be collected in one particular quarter of the city, in order to entrap them all at once as in a net ; and they themselves furnished the very means. Some days previous, a regiment of the guards, under other pretexts, had been marched into the capital; when the king not only placed one com- pany before the hotel of Coligny, but he also issued his orders that all the catholics in that neighbourhood should yield up their lodgings for the use of the Calvinists. For this purpose the city officers were deputed to make out a list, and they were exhorted to repair to the vicinity of the admiral's residence. Upon a similar princi- ple, the Swiss guards of the king of Navarre were placed in Coligny's house ; and the prince him- self was ordered by the king to collect, at the palace of the Louvre, all the individuals specially attached to his person, in order to serve at court" as a safeguard against the Guises, in case they 1572. AND HIS COURT. 109 should be desirous of attempting some daring- enterprise. So many precautions, which were all appa- rently in favour of the Calvinists, inspired con- fidence in the major part of the reformers and friends of the admiral : some, however, still in- sisted on adopting the most prudent measure, which would have been to transport the wounded Coligny from Paris, and wait at a distance the threatening storm ; but the admiral pertina- ciously opposed such a measure, stating, it would be offering an affront to the king, and that he would rather rely upon his promises, even should he become the victim of his con- fidence. Teligni and Rochefoucauld indulged similar ideas ; yet, notwithstanding this union of sentiment in the chiefs, it did not prevent the most mistrustful from hazarding new efforts to effect their views : they stated that a quantity of arms had been transported to the Louvre ; as if the court was desirous of converting the palace into an arsenal, from whence should issue the thunders destined to crush them. The invalid replied, that those preparations were intended for a tournament ; as the king was desirous of enjoy- ing such an entertainment, and that he had kindly made known to him his intention to that effect : to this the admiral's friends replied, the whole might be but a feint, and that, in such case, precautions ought not to be neglected. The zealous conduct, however, of Coligny's advisers was still unattended by success. 110 HENRY THE GREAT 1572. The queen mother, however, who had spies amongst the Huguenot party, learned the na- ture of their deliberations ; and this determined her to expedite the execution of the plot, which was fixed for the break of day on the festival of Saint Bartholomew, the 24th of August, 1572. This resolution took place at the Tuileries, be- tween Catherine, the duke of Anjou, the duke of Nevers, the count of Angouleme, bastard brother to the king, Birague, keeper of the seals, mar- shal Tavannes, and the count de Retz. It was deliberated in this secret council, whether the king of Navarre, the prince of Cond6, and the Montmorencies, should be registered among the proscribed. In the Memoirs of Marshal de Ta- vannes, he ascribes to himself the glory of having, by his advice, saved the lives of the two princes ; but it appears that nearly all the members of the council were of that opinion. Some writers have pretended that the original idea was to inspirit the Calvinist and catholic leaders, so as to bring them to open combat ; and that, when exhausted with their efforts, the king should have issued from the Louvre at the head of his guards, have fallen indiscriminately upon the mass, and then made a butchery of the whole : in short, it is difficult to say whether the massacre was in- tended to have been so general. " For myself,'' exclaimed the queen mother, after the conclusion of the horrid tragedy, "^ I have no more than six upon my conscience. "" Great God ! what a horrible species of self-security ! ! 1572. AND HIS COURT. HI The first great deed of vengeance — the murder of admiral Coligny — was confided to his impla- cable foe the duke of Guise ; and, in order to obliterate even the shadow of suspicion from the minds of the Huguenots, the princes of Lorraine pretended to have fears of violent measures from their enemies, and under this pretext demanded the king's permission to retire. " Go," said Charles, with an assumed air of rage, *' if you ar'e culpable, I shall easily know how to find you again." Being thus dismissed, and enabled to conceal their movements under the semblance of the embarrassment that uniformly accompanies an intended departure, they were the more easily enabled to assemble their creatures without creating suspicion. Tavannes summoned to the king's presence Jean Charron, provost of the merchants of Paris, and his predecessor Marcel, who possessed great credit with the people : he then gave them or- ders to arm the citizens, and keep them in readi- ness at the h6tel de ville for the hour of mid- night; this command they promised to obey; but, when made acquainted with the intention of this armament, they trembled, and began to ex- cuse themselves under the plea of their con- sciences. Tavannes then threatened the king's indignation, and even excited the monarch against them, who appeared himself too indiff'erent upon the subject. Dwelling upon this topic. Bran- tome says, " The poor devils not being able to act otherwise, then said : Well, sire, and you, sir, if it is 112 HENltY THE GREAT 1572. thus matters are to be taken, we swear that you shall receive good news ; for we will collect hands so well together, throuiih thick ami thin, that the remem- brance shall never be obliterated. Such,'' continues our author, "was a determination adopted with more than accustomed force and violence; and it is 7iever advisable to goad on a populace, for in the end its vengeance becomes more ten^ible than was required or cvpectedy The provost then received his in- structions, w^hich w^ere, that the signal was to be the tolling of the bell of the palace-clock; tv^o flambeaus were to be placed in a certain win- dow ; body-guards were to be stationed in all the squares and cross-ways ; and, in order to know one another, the assassins were to wear a white scarf tied round the left arm, and to place white crosses in their caps. After every thing was arranged, according to these previous dispo- sitions, in the most dreadful silence, the king, fearing to arrest the enterprise from a sentiment of commiseration, did not dare save the count de la Rochefoucauld, whom he loved. Seeing him, to- wards night, on the point of quitting the Louvre, Charles invited, and then pressed him to remain : the count, however, refused ; when the king, being unable to retain him without hazarding his secret, abandoned him to his fate, shuddering from the bottom of his soul at being thus compelled to sacrifice his friend for the preservation of his secret. Every thing was atrocious in this un- exampled conspiracy of a sovereign against his subjects. Its conception, execution, its details, 1572. AND HIS COURT. 113 and feelings of the most sacred nature were either annihilated, changed, or perverted. Reli- gious zeal became an impious frenzy ; filial piety degenerated into sanguinary fury; and obedience to the monarch was changed to the most execra- ble cowardice. Charles, swayed by terror and impelled by the violence of his character, issued with im- petuosity all the orders that were dictated to him. A complete slave to the queen mother and those vile courtiers who goaded him on to the fathomless abyss of infamy, he became intoxicated with vengeance and fury ; and thus his passion, during a transient period, closed every avenue to remorse. With spark- ling eyes, and blasphemy on his lips, it might have been thought, on beholding the king, that he was sole author of this monstrous crime, then on the very eve of perpetration. He gave him- self up freely to all that was demanded at his hands; but when the blow was decided upon, and the various orders issued, Charles on a sud- den yielded to sullen gloom ; sad and appalled, he awaited in silence and secret horror the fatal moment of the massacre. The queen mother and the duke of Anjou did not quit his side, striving in vain to reanimate his spirits ; nothing, however, could rouse him from this terrifying lethargy. Peace becomes for ever an alien to that breast which has just perpetrated a horrid crime ; and inactivity of body without mental quiet is the first torture to wliich it is subjected VOL. I. I 114 HENRY THE GllEAT 1572. Charles, uniformly followed by his mother and the duke of Anjou, entered a small study ad- joining the portal of the Louvre ; he seated him- self under the archway of one of the windows, and looked out, shuddering with apprehension. The report of a pistol was heard! " I cannot say from what direction,"" says the duke of Anjou, " the noise proceeded, but I well hiow the sound deeply affected us all three ; it struck our senses and our judgments, bewildered with apprehensions and terrors, with a certainty of the great enormities which ivere on the eve of perpetration'' The king, struck with horror, arose, and in conjunction with the queen and the duke of Anjou, imme- diately despatched a gentleman with directions to the duke of Guise to undertake nothing against the person of the admiral, — a command which, if attended to, would have put a stop to everything; but it was too late! The vindic- tive duke, fired with vengeance, had with diffi- culty awaited to behold the projected signal in order to rush to the dwelling of his victim. In the king's name the doors were immediately opened, and the porter who surrendered up the keys was stabbed on the instant. The Swiss of the Navarre guard, surprised, took flight and concealed themselves ; when three colonels of the French troops, accompanied by Petrucci, Siennois, and B^me, a German, with an escort of soldiers, rushed into the hotel and precipitately ascended the staircase. From the dreadful noise which resounded in all directions, the admiral 1572. AND HIS COURT. 115 immediately surmised that his life was sought for. He rose from the bed, and, leaning his back against the wall, with clasped hands and eyes devoutly raised to heaven, began to ejacu- late a contrite prayer. Having forced open the bed-room door with cries of Death ! Death ! B6me rushing forward, sword in hand, was the first who beheld Coligny thus fervently occupied, who instantly exclaimed, " Is it thou who art Coligny?'''' " It is I myself ,"" answered the admi- ral, who thus continued : " Young man, respect my white hairs" B^me replied by plunging his sword into his body, upon which the admiral fell bathed in his blood, when he was instantly pierced by an hundred other swords. *' It is done,'''' cried B^me from the window. " The duke of Angouleme will not believe it,"' answered the duke of Guise from the street, '* but on beholding the corpse at his feet ;" and instantly the mutilated carcase was precipitated from the casement into the court-yard. The duke of Angouleme then wiped the gore from the admiral's visage with his own hand, in order to recognize the features ; after which the prince is stated to have so far forgotten himself as to kick the corpse about with his feet. Hatred combining with every impulse of vengeance, and the very last degree of dastardly barbarity having been adopted, the body became a prey to all the disgusting out- rages of popular frenzy. The admiral's head was severed from the trunk, and the corpse, cruelly mutilated, dragged through the streets i2 116 HENllY THE GREAT 1572. to the place of execution, and there suspended by the feet to the gibbet of Montfaucon. In the manuscript Memoirs of Dangeau, it is stated, that marshal Montmorency during the night caused Coligny's body to be taken down from the gallows, and, as that writer believes, had it interred at Chantilly. In 1718, when demolish- ing the old chapel of the castle of Chantilly, a leaden coffin was discovered, which is sup- posed to have contained the body of the admiral. As to his murderer, the execrable B^me, we are told by Brantome that he was a gentleman, by birth a German, and had become the favourite of the duke of Guise, who after the admiral's assas- sination realized his fortune. B6me was sub- sequently employed in Spain, and on his return to France fell into the hands of the Calvinists, who committed him to prison, where he was shortly after massacred; and in the sequel Divine justice completed its vengeance at Blois, for the base assassination of the brave Coligny. 1572. AND HIS COURT. 117 CHAPTER IV. Massacre of Saint Bartholomew. — Narrow escape of Henry. — Princess Margarefs account of that horrid event. — Henry and the prince of Coude conducted to Charles the Ninth. — Revolting acts committed during the slaughter. — Providential escape of young Rosny. — Singular trait of generosity. — Celebrated catholics who fell during the car- nage. — Disgraceful conduct of the king and queen, and licentious depravity of the female courtiers. — Charles the Ninth fires upon the Huguenots, and parades the streets of Paris with his court to view the slaughter. — The king and his surgeon Ambrose Pare. — False plea adduced to pal- liate the massacre : and conduct of De Thou. — Infamous policy of Catherine de Medicis, and farther scenes of blood- shed the result. — Instances of humanity. — Various accounts of the numbers of protestants slain. — Modes adopted to terrify Henry and procure his abjuration. — He abjures, as ivell as the prince of Conde. — Execution of Brique- mont and Cavagne. — Cruel edict passed on the memory of Coligny. — Character of the admiral. — Scntimertts enter- tained by the several European powers in regard to the ajfair of Saint Bartholomew. — Manners of the courts of Charles the Ninth and Henry the Third. On the 24th of August, 1572, at four in the morning, the palace bell tolled : the fatal signal for the massacre of Saint Bartholomew ; which an- nounced to the catholics that admiral Coligny was no more. The assassins, who were armed with daggers and pistols, had adopted the pre- concerted badges on their arms and in their caps, 118 HENRY THE GREAT 1572. in order to recognize one another. On hearing the shoutings, cries, and tumult, which immedi- ately followed the sound of the palace bell, the Calvinists, half dressed and unarmed, rushed forth from their dwellings : those who proceeded to gain the residence of the admiral, were slaughtered by the company of guards posted in front of the entrance ; if they sought for re- fuge in the Louvre, they were driven back by the pikes of the soldiers, and assailed by dis- charges from fire-arms ; and in their flight from thence they fell amidst the troops of the duke of Guise and the patroles of citizens, who made a horrid carnage of the defenceless fugitives. The populace en masse, now aroused, flew to arms, seizing every weapon which presented itself, and then rushing in crowds to every quarter of the city, no sound was heard but the horrible cry — Kill the Huguenots. From the streets they pro- ceeded to the hotels, when, forcing open the gates, breaking the windows, and throwing down walls, every one, without any distinction of age or sex, was indiscriminately massacred ; the air resounded with the horrid cries of the murder- ers, the piercing shrieks of the wounded, and the groans of the dying ; the slaughter became general. During the first day no pillage took place, the thirst for cupidity was smothered by the impulse of barbarous rage ; victims, and not riches, were then the objects of their search ; gold was despised, and nothing worthy of consideration but human blood. Headless trunks were every 1572. AND HIS COURT. 119 instant precipitated from the windows into the court-yards or the streets ; the gateways were choked up with the bodies of the dead and dying, and the streets presented a spectacle of human bodies dragged by their butchers in order to be thrown into the Seine. The royal palace, which ought to have offered a sacred asylum, a paternal refuge, was stained by the same horrors. In a moment the Louvre was filled with assassins. The king of Navarre was suddenly awakened from his sleep by the forcing open the door of his chamber by several of his friends and officers ; some already wounded rushed forward to die at his feet, while the re- mainder were butchered under his eyes. Henry, unable to defend them, disdained to seek refuge in flight : the murderers surrounded his bed, and uttered loud menaces ; but he manifested so much firmness, and inspired them with such a sentiment of respect, that they did not dare at- tempt his life ; or, we may almost say, that a miracle of Divine Providence rescued the prince, who was intended at a future period to repair so many ills. Henry at length found means to escape to the royal apartments, and the assassins, an hour afterwards, forced their way to the cham- ber of the young queen Margaret, whose in- teresting narrative, recorded by herself, we will now proceed to give, as a most lively record of this horrid scene. The night of the affair of Saint Bartholo- mew, the queen mother, perceiving her daughter 126 HENRY THE GREAT 1572. up rather late, commanded her to retire. '* As I ivas in the act of performing my obeisance,'' says Margaret, " my sister of Lorraine took me by the arm, stopped me, and beginning to weep most bitterly, said: Good heaven, sister, do not go!"" On wit- nessing this conduct, Catherine became irritated, and reproached her eldest daughter for the im- prudence of her conduct. ** What a sight," an- swered the former, '* to sctuI her thus to be sa- crificed! If they discover any thing, they will avenge themselves upon her.'' This altercation finished by Margaret receiving fresh commands from her mother to retire; when her sister, bursting into tears, embraced her. "As for myself," continues Margaret, ''/ quitted the chamber astonished and quite bewildered, ivithout having the most distant idea of any thi?ig that was to be apprehended." ** Summoned to the apartment of my husband, I found his bed surrounded by thirty or forty Hu- guenots, whom I did not as yet know; during the night they continued to converse of nothing but the accident which had happened to the admiral. The tears of my sister still continued to weigh heavily at my heart, and I could not sleep for the dreadful apprehension she had ea'cited, without being able to divine the cause. In this manner the night passed on, without my being allowed to close my eyes." Be- fore dawn of day, Henry arose and quitted the chamber, accompanied by all his gentlemen; when the young queen, overcome by fatigue, caused the doors to be closed, and then re- signed herself to sleep. 1572. AND HIS COURT. 121 About an hour after, Margaret suddenly started, aroused on hearing a noise occasioned by some one striking against the door with their feet and hands, and crying aloud Navarre, Navarre! Her attendant believing that it was the king, opened the door ; when a man bleeding pro- fusely reeled forward into the apartment fol- lowed by four archers, who entered promiscu- ously with him: he had received a sword-wound in the wrist, and one from a halbert in the arm: " Being aihvious to screen his person,'' continues Margaret, " he threw himself on my bed; upon ivhich, Jinding my person grasped by the man, I sprang to the bedside, and he after me, continuing to clasp me round the body. I did not know the man, and had no knowledge whether he came to offer me insult, or if the archers intended their attacks against him or myself. We both screamed aloud, the one being as much affrighted as the other T At length the captain of the guard arrived, who sent away the archers, and spared the man's life, in conse- quence of the queen's entreaties, after which he conducted her to the apartment of the duchess of Lorraine. Just as Margaret entered the antechamber, a gentleman at three paces distance was pierced through by a halberdman, and fell dead at her side ; upon which she fainted, and was not restored until she found herself in safety with her sister. The first terror experienced by Margaret was for the safety of the king her husband; she in consequence made enquiries, and received as- 122 HENRY THE GREAT 1572. surances that no ill had befallen him. Charles the Ninth had commanded, that the king of Navarre and the prince of Cond6 should be con- ducted to his presence ; he received them ivith an expression of ferocity, and eyes sparkling icith rage, immediately stating, that the admiral and his rebel chiefs had been slaughtered by his com- mand ; that with respect to themselves, being fully convinced they had been led into the revolt more from evil advice than of their own free will, he was ready to pardon them, provided they would abjure their false religion, and adopt the Catholic persuasion ; but as the answer was rather ambiguous and embarrassed, Charles al- lowed them three days for consideration. Pere- fixe says, that the king's words, on the entrance of the princes, were. Death or the Mass! From the chamber in which this interview took place, king Henry and the prince of Cond6 could hear the last groans of their friends, whose murders were perpetrating in the Louvre. The guards having ranged themselves in two rows, ran through with their halberds the disarmed victims who were presented to them for assassi- nation, and who were thrust forward into the midst of them when they expired, piled in heaps one upon the other. The major part received the stroke of death without uttering a syllable, others appealed to public faith, and the king's royal word. Great God! was their cry, vindicate the cause of the oppressed : Just Judge, avenge this perfidy! 1572. AND HIS COURT. 123 Nothing, however, could impede the progress of the carnage, which continued for three days. During that lapse of time, sleep was expelled by- homicide and terror from the walls of Paris. No sounds were heard but those of rage and despair; heaven, outraged at each succeeding moment, was only invoked by expiring victims ; indefati- gable and furious slaughter prowled unceasingly, and continued sole despot of that immense city. During the two last days, Paris presented the horrid spectacle of a place given up to assault and abandoned to pillage. An infuriate populace and soldiery, armed with pistols, daggers, pikes, and stakes, scoured the streets, or rushed in crowds from the devastated houses, leaving only the slaughtered bodies, and carrying away, with- out opposition, jewels, plate, furniture, and viands. Nothing was heard but the discharge of pistols and arquebuses, the dashing of stones and missiles against the casements and houses, min- gled with the cries and groans of the wounded and dying, or the blasphemous imprecations and bowlings of the murderers. The streets were scattered over with mangled limbs ; hotels, pa- laces, and public buildings were reeking with blood ; the image of death and desolation reigned on every side, and under the most hideous ap- pearances ; in all quarters carts were seen loaded with plunder, while others contained heaps of bodies, destined to be cast into the river, whose waters were for several days sullied by tides of human gore. 124 HENRY THE GREAT 1572. During this horrid period, every species of the most refined cruelty became exhausted ; the weakness of infancy proved no impediment to the impulse of ferocity : children of ten years, exercising the first homicidal deed, were seen committing the most barbarous acts, and cutting the throats of infants in their swaddling clothes ! The venerable Brion, upwards of eighty years of age, and governor of the prince de Conti, finding himself surrounded by a band of assassins, seized his young pupil and clasped him in his arms, in the hope of finding in him a safeguard ; this proved however of no avail, for the old man was poniarded, in spite of the efi'orts of the prince, who, weeping bitterly, stretched forth his little hands in order to ward off the daggers of the ijihuman assailants. Franjfois de Caumont, sleeping be- tween his two little sons, was stabbed with the eldest ; the second only escaping by counterfeit- ing death, and concealing himself under the bleeding bodies of his father and brother. The marquis of Revel, running in his shirt to the banks of the Seine, and having cast himself into a boat, was killed by a ball from an arquebuse, levelled at him by his cousin Bussi d'Amboise. Nearly all the illustrious houses of France were compelled to go into mourning in consequence of this sanguinary tragedy. Larochefoucauld,whom, as we have before observed, the king wished to save, Crussol, Teligny, son-in-law of the ad- miral, Pluviant, Bcrni, Clermont, Lavardin, Cau- mont de la Force, Pardaillan, Levi, De Piles, and 1572. AND HIS COURT. 125 a great number of other captains, fell by the daggers of the assassms. Some few escaped ; among whom were, Rohan, Vidame de Chartres, and Montgomery. The king pardoned Gram- mont, Duras, Gamaches, and Bouchavane; the Guises also spared a few, and the pitiless marshal de Tavannes, who was heard to exclaim, '^ Bleed, bleed ; the physicians say that it is equally good to be let blood ill August as in May,'' nevertheless rescued from death the person of Neufville ; and Armand de Gontaut de Biron, who, though a catholic, was accused of favouring the Calvinists, saved his life by fortifying himself in the arsenal. It is somewhat remarkable that among so many valiant warriors, only two of the number of pro- scribed defended themselves ; one was Guerchi, who, with his arm enveloped in his cloak, fought for a long period in the house of the admiral, and was only compelled to yield from superior num- bers ; the other was Taverny, lieutenant of the Marshalsea, a practitioner of the long robe, who, aided by a single valet, sustained an assault in his own house for nine hours. Had not surprise and terror petrified the courage of all the rest, they might have exterminated their ferocious assail- ants ; since brave warriors, however inferior in numbers, generally obtain the victory over base assassins. During these disastrous days Providence res- cued a child destined at a future period to con- tribute to the regeneration of France. Young Rosny, at that period twelve years old, was 126 HENRY THE GREAT 1572. awakened, during the first day of the massacre, by the sound of the bells, and the confused shout- ings of the populace. His preceptor and valet de chambre precipitately quitted the hotel in order to ascertain the cause of the tumult, con- cerning whom not a syllable afterwards tran- spired, so that there is little doubt but they were among the first victims of the slaughter. Rosny, left alone in his apartment, speedily dressed him- self, and, being told by the owner of the hotel the danger that awaited him, resolved to seek refuge in the college of Burgundy, at which seminary he was pursuing his studies. He dressed himself in his student's apparel, and taking a thick volume of catholic prayers under his arm, descended into the street. He was petrified with horror on be- holding at every step bands of the enraged po- pulace, crying out, *' Kill, kill, massacre the Hu- guenots.'' He at length fell amidst a company of guards, by whom he was stopped ; but the mass-book, which he carried under his arm, proved a passport, and he was permitted to proceed : twice afterwards he was arrested in his progress, but he had the good fortune to escape the threatened peril by the same simple means. On gaining the college of Burgundy, the porter at first refused him admittance ; he then conceived himself lost without resource, when the thought suddenly struck him of en- quiring for the superior of the college, a virtuous ecclesiastic, named La Faye, who took charge of him, and kept him concealed in his closet for 1572. AND HIS COURT. 127 three days, whither that respectable priest, the worthy representative of the Evangelists, con- veyed food to him every morning and night. An order at length having appeared, prohibiting far- ther slaughter and pillage, young Rosny was liberated from his hiding-place, and confided to the custody of the king of Navarre. Among the various traits of barbarity that dis- graced this murderous festival, historians have only preserved one truly noble and generous deed, which nevertheless carries with it a stamp of the ferocity that characterized the period in ques- tion. Vezins, a gentleman of Querci, had been for a length of time on very bad terms with one of his neighbours, named Regnier, a Calvinist, whose death he had an hundred times vowed to accomplish : both these individuals happened to be at Paris at the f6te of Saint Bartholomew ; and Regnier trembled, lest Vezins, profiting by the circumstance, should satiate, at the expense of his life, the inveterate hatred which he entertained towards him. While overcome by these terrors, the door of his chamber was forced open, and Ve- zins entered, sword in hand, accompanied by two soldiers. " Follow me,'' said he, addressing Reg- nier, in a harsh and authoritative tone ; the latter, palsied with apprehension, placed himself be- tween the two guards, not doubting but death was to prove his lot ; Vezins then caused him to mount on horseback, and speedily hurried from the city without stopping or pronouncing a syl- lable, when he proceeded direct to his castle at 128 HENUY THE GREAT 1572. at Querci. ^'' Here you are in safely T said Veziiis ; " / might have taken advantage of the occasion to avenge myself, but with brave men it is necessary to share danger ; it is on that account I have saved you. When you think Jit, you will find me ready to teryni- nate our quarrel in a manner becoming gentlemen.'' Regnier only replied by uttering protestations of gratitude and supplicating his friendship. *' / leave you at liberty to hate or to love me,' said the harsh Vezins ; '* and I only cojulucted you hither that you might be placed iti a situation to make the choice.'' Without awaiting a reply, he then set spurs to his horse, and immediately disappeared. The dukes of Guise and Montpensier, and the bastard of Angoul6me, promenading through the streets, openly stated that it was the king's will that the very last of this race of vipers should be crushed and killed. Urged on by these exhor- tations, the bands of armed citizens became fu- rious in abetting the slaughter of their brethren, as had been promised by the provost of the mer- chants of Paris during his interview with the king and marshal Tavannes ; in proof of which, one Cruc^, a jeweller, displaying his naked and bloody arm, vaunted aloud that he had cut the throats of more than four hundred Huguenots in one day. We must not, however, conceive that religion alone sharpened the daggers of the assassins, since many catholics, publicly known as such, perished during the tumult : heirs killed their parents ; literary men cut short the career of 1572. AND HIS COURT. 129 those by whom their labours were eclipsed ; lovers offered up their rivals as sacrifices to jealousy; riches were construed into a crime; hatred was a legitimate plea for cruelty, and the overwhelming torrent of example swallowed up in its vortex, men formed to instruct others in the precepts of honour and of virtue. If any examples were necessary to substan- tiate these facts, we need only refer the reader to La Popeliniere, vol. i. who states that the following, among other individuals of the ca- tholic persuasion, perished from motives of vengeance, hatred, or pique : — Lomenie, secretary of finances ; Rouillard, a counsellor of the par- liament; Chapes and Robert, two celebrated ad- vocates ; Salcede, well known for his quarrels with the family of the Guises ; Viliemur, nephew of the ancient keeper of the seals ; together with a long list of other personages equally conspicuous for their probity and public worth. Brantome records, that many of his associates, gentlemen by birth like himself, acquired as much as ten thousand crowns by the plunder ; and to such an extent was this effrontery carried, that the robbers, without shame, presented themselves at court, offering to the king and queen precious jewels, the fruits of their depredations, which were graciously accepted by their majesties. Ladies of the court were seen with unblushing countenances scrutinizing "the naked dead bodies of their former friends, and endeavouring to find. VOL. I. K 130 HENRY THE GREAT 1572, out, by their licentious observations, subjects calculated to excite risibility. The impetuous Charles, having once given way to passion, set no bounds to his rage, which so far triumphed over every manly feeling as to urge him to fire, from a balcony of one of the win- dows of the Louvre in front of the Seine, upon his wretched fugitive subjects. This circum- stance is narrated in Brantome, and was fur- ther verified by Voltaire, who, in one of the notes to his Henriade, states, that old marshal De Lass6 informed him he had known, in his youth, a gentleman aged ninety, who had served Charles the Ninth in the capacity of a page, and that the venerable personage in question had affirmed to the marshal, that he was employed in loading the arquebuse wherewith the king fired upon the populace. In consequence of this anecdote, during the revolution, a board was af- fixed over the window in question, bearing an inscription to the following efi'ect : — ** It was from this window the tyrant Charles the Ninth, of sanguinary memory, f red upon his faithful subjects, the unfortunate Huguenots, during the mas- sac7X of Saint Bartholomew."" During this career of blood, the king did not remain within the wails of his palace, but paraded through the streets of Paris, accompanied by his whole court ; a brilliant retinue, which afforded a revolting contrast to the traces of massacre that were legibly imprinted upon all the walls ; 1572. AND HIS COURT. 131 and it is further stated, that he went to the place of execution at Montfaucon in order to gaze on the mutilated corpse of Coligny, suspended to the gibbet by the thighs, supported by iron hooks ; if such was the fact, the admiral could not have been removed on the night of the murder by marshal Montmorency, as stated by Dangeau. " Fi'om the period of the 2Ath of August," says Sully, vol. i. " the king shuddered on hearing the recital of the thousand traits of cruelty narrated to him by those ivho arrogated to themselves a degree of honour, in his presence, for the active parts they had taken in the slaughter Of all those who ap- proached the monarch's person, no one possessed his confidence so completely as Ambrose Park, a famous Calvinist surgeon, whom Charles preserved by keeping him at the Louvre, although he had previously de- clared that nothing should compel him to abrogate his faith. The day after the massacre Charles took Pare aside, and began a candid avowal of the horrible anxiety by ivhich his mind was tormented. Am- brose,^'' said the king, " / know not what has oc- curred to me within these two or three days, but I find my mind and my body agitated, as if I was la- bouring under a dreadful fever ; it seems to me every moment, as well waking as sleeping, that those mangled corpses present themselves to my vieiv with hideous as- pects and covered with gore. I sincerely wish that the innocent had not been comprised among the num- ber of the slain r As soon as the king had commanded a cessa- tion of the massacre, he proceeded to meet the K 2 132 HENRY THE GREAT 1572. parliament, where he held a court of justice. He then declared that after a thousand attempts, as frequently pardoned, against his sovereign and his country, admiral Coligny had put a climax to his atrocious crimes by resolving to exterminate the royal family and all the princes, consisting of the king, the queen, the dukes of Anjou and Alenc^on, and the king of Navarre, excepting only the prince of Cond6, whom he had designed to place upon the throne, with the intention of afterwards putting an end to him, and assuming in his own person the supreme authority. It does not appear improbable, from the sudden change in Charles's conduct, and the fury that consequently predominated over a weak mind, that he in the first instance believed in the truth of this pretended conspiracy ; and when we are led to contemplate the deep duplicity of the queen mother, what testimonies and per- jured witnesses may she not have suborned to render the falsehood more feasible ? Charles must, however, have been disabused in the end, finding it impossible to substantiate any thing : the crime had, however, been committed, and to stifle the menacing appeals of the most horrid remorse, it was requisite he should seek, if possible, to de- ceive himself; a dangerous and easy expedient, unfortunately too common with princes. Had there been any particle of truth in this allegation, it ought to have been published on the very eve of the massacre, and not after the lapse of three days, which was the fact ; as in such case there 1572. AND HIS COURT. 133 would have been some justification for the excesses committed. Such was the reflection of the pre- sident de Thou, who shuddered at being compelled, from his station as first president of the parliameiit, to approve i?i appearance these false motives sug- gested by his sovereign, tn answer to this we beg to remark that, no high post or situation what- soever, can force a man to approve of assassination, and consecrate the same as an act of justice by his public approbation of an e.vecrable crime. Charles, in acceding to the massacre of Saint Bartholomew, conceived that all the odium of the transaction would fall upon the Guises, and such was the intent of his first declaration. He was not, however, suffered to continue long in this agreeable error. Catherine, who well knew how to turn his susceptible mind, very adroitly placed it between his glory and his authority. Besides the inconvenience that would result from the breaking out of a more inveterate civil war between the Guises and the Montmorencies, the latter of whom were desirous of avenging the death of Chatillon, firmly believing the princess of Lorraine alone culpable ; she gave her son to understand, that to throw the odium of the deed upon others, would be to allow his personal weak- ness and incapacity ; that in a kingdom nothing should appear to take place without the mo- narch's consent, that otherwise, he is soon de- spised, and exposed to witness the overthrow of every thing in his state. As is customary with characters governed 134 HENRY THE GREAT 1572. by extremes, the youthful Charles, once impreg- nated with these dangerous maxims, no longer showed any respect for moderate measures ; and he in consequence publicly authorised all the massacres that were committed in the provinces. These proved horrible beyond expression ; at Meaux, Angers, Bourges, Orleans, Lyons, Tou- louse, and Rouen, without enumerating the smaller towns, villages, and even private castles, the lords of which were not always in safety against the effervescence of popular fury. Mandelot, governor of Lyons, having ascer- tained that some Huguenots had escaped the slaughter of their butchers, after four thousand citizens had been slain, caused them to be pur- sued and arrested, and then strove to prevail upon the public executioner to put an end to them. This man, however, refused, alleging that he was no assassin, only exercising his mi- nistry in the name of the Law and by order of Justice ; an answer and a mode of proceeding very remarkable in an individual exercising such a function, and under the reign of a prince who had himself become the executioner of his peo- ple ! As a proof of the horrid state of things at that period, a butcher, who had particularly signalized himself during this slaughter by the number of Huguenots he had murdered, was re- warded by receiving an invitation to dine at the legate's table, when he subsequently passed through that city. — (Abridgment of the Chro. Hist, of Lyons.) Dead bodies rotted in the open fields 1572. AND HIS COURT. 135 for want of burial, and several streams became so infected with the putrid corpses that were committed to their currents, that those inhabit- ing the banks of the rivers would not, during a great length of time, drink of the waters, nor partake of the fish wherewith they abounded. Let us add, for the satisfaction of the reader, who must be sickened with such a catalogue of horrid enormities, that the commanders of some of the provinces refused to lend themselves to the execution of such revolting and sanguinary orders. Count de Tendes in Provence, Gorde in Dauphiny, Chabot Charni in Burgundy, Saint Heran in Auvergne, and De la Guiche at Macon, are names that deserve to be handed down with honourable mention to posterity. Jean Hen- nuyer, a jacobin monk and bishop of Lisieux, ob- tained from the governor to whom the orders of the court were addressed, that he would for a time delay the execution of the massacre; and by this wise step he saved all the Calvinists of his city and diocese. Viscount d'Ortho, commander of Bayonne, also wrote to the king to the follow- ing effect : ** Sire, I have communicated your majesty''s order to your faithful inhabitants and the troops constituting the garrison of this city. I found nothing but good citizens, and brave soldiers, but not a single e.vecu- tioner ; it is on this account that they and myself most humbly supplicate your majesty to be pleased to employ our arms and lives to accomplish deeds that are pos- sible; and however hazardous they may be, we will for 136 HENlir THE GREAT 1572. their accomplishment e.vpend the last drop of our blood" From circumstances such as the above, we are at length enabled to breathe, finding that humanity- was not wholly extinct in the human breast ; the sudden deaths, however, of viscount d'Ortho and count deTendes, have led to a surmise that their noble generosity was recompensed by poison. No massacre took place at Senlis, and De Thou, lib. 52, even amidst the general joy does honour to this reservedness on the part of the Montmorencies, to whom Chantilly belonged. He conjectures that the marshal repaired ex- pressly to Senlis, to save the Calvinists : whereas Mallet and Vautier, two inhabitants of the town and ocular witnesses, who have left a journal of every transaction that occurred at that period, make no mention of the marshal's having been present. They merely state that from orders expedited from Paris against the Huguenots, under date of the 24th August, being that of Saint Bartholomew, the inhabitants assembled, and struck with horror at the idea of shedding the blood of their fellow citizens, merely en- joined the reformers to retire peaceably from the city, which accordingly took place without noise or tumult. From this it should seem that the safety of the Calvinists was rather due to the humanity of the inhabitants, than to the interference of a stranger. It is a fact worthy recording that all the go- vernors of cities who proved favourable to the 1572. AND HIS COURT. 137 Huguenots experienced no one obstacle in the execution of their liberal and courageous reso- lutions. It appears that their humanity tri- umphed without any effort over the resentments of private individuals and the hatred of the people. Such is the power of good example in those delegated to command. It is just that they should be answerable for the evil, since their conduct, their manners, and their conver- sations, are always capable of producing good. If they are worthy to be respected, it is easy for them to awaken generous sentiments in the minds of those they are bound to control ; but it is virtue alone that can create in them that happy and sublime ascendency. Marshal De Tavannes only calculates those slaughtered at Paris at two thousand ; but the testimony of one of the principal authors of that horrid deed is to be suspected : it appears cer- tain that the number amounted to between six and seven thousand, comprising the catholics, whom hatred, vengeance, or mistakes, enume- rated in the proscription. Several authors affirm that there perished in all, at Paris and in the provinces, about forty thousand souls. The duke de Sully, so faithful in his recitals and so impartial in his decisions, affirms that the number of victims extended to sixty thousand ; and there is little doubt but the fact was as he has stated. Terror gave rise to some conversions in religi- ous tenets, most of which continued only during the impulse of fear. This motive however did not 138 HENllY THE GREAT 1572. produce a similar effect in all ; on the contrary, Henry de la Tour d'Auvergne, viscount Turenne, says, that the horror of the massacre of Saint Bar- tholomew urged him to become a Calvinist. A final triumph was necessary to the court, and so many atrocities had become of no utility, if those who approached nearest to the throne had persisted in their obstinacy. Every day chosen theolo- gians catechised the king of Navarre and the prince of Cond6 ; their friends added exhor- tations, prayers, and even menaces ; and, if Cal- vinist historians are to be credited, they had even the address to forbear the abjuration of a famous minister, named Durosier, in the hope that such an example would gain the princes over; but they continued to procrastinate under the pretext of still requiring more ample instruction. Wearied with these delays, Charles the Ninth, during one of his fits of rage, ordered his arms to be brought, that the regiment of guards should range themselves round him, and that the princes might be led to his presence. Upon this occasion we find that the queen mother, urged by that demoniac mind which so fre- quently swayed her conduct, caused Henry to pass unarmed beneath the narrow vaultings of a long passage, having soldiers ranged on either side like two hedge rows, and placed in the atti- tude of intended massacre. On beholding this spectacle, which appeared as the prelude of a new scene of blood, Henry shuddered and fell back some paces. Nancay la Chatre, captain of the guard de corps, upon this swore solenmly 1572. AND HIS COURT. 139 to the prince that his life should not be at- tempted ; and although Henry placed little reliance on these assurances, he marched for- ward, and in this manner passed amidst a forest of levelled carbines and halberds, fre- quently grazing their points as he proceeded along. Young queen Margaret, urged by tender- ness and humanity, on beholding the armed force with which Charles the Ninth, her brother, was accompanied, and sensibly touched for the situ- ation of her husband, threw herself upon her knees before the king, and by supplications pre- vailed upon him to dismiss the numerous body guards who attended his person. Yet, although softened in some measure, he received the young princes with a menacing aspect, exclaiming in tones of thunder, as we are informed by Anquetil, Death, the Mass, or the Bastille ; whereto he added with unabated vehemence of temper, that if they did not instantly repair to hear mass, they should be treated as criminals guilty of leze-ma- jesty. The king of Navarre and his sister Cathe- rine of Bourbon yielded. The prince of Cond6 still continued to manifest some resolution, but at length gave way, as well as his wife Mary of Cleves, and Frances of Orleans his mother-in-law. They all wrote to the Pope, and received abso- lution through the medium of their uncle the cardinal of Bourbon : Henry was compelled to do more ; he ordered the re-establishment of the catholic worship in his dominions, and strictly forbade the exercise of the reformed religion. By these odious proceedings and apostacies, 140 HENRY THE GREAT 1572. to which all the publicity possible was attached, Catherine's iniquitous counsel thought to substan- tiate the utility of the massacre of Saint Bartho- lomew, and determined therefore to put a finish- ing stroke to the work of blood, from whence her infernal policy hoped to reap very great advantage. Briquemont a captain, and Cavagne a merchant, both Calvinists, and well acquainted v\^ith the proceedings of their party, having escaped the first horrors of the slaughter, were discovered, dragged from their hiding-places, and committed to prison. The court flattered itself that these two individuals, in order to save their lives, would consent to depose all that should be dictated to them concerning the conspiracy of Coligny and the other Calvinist chiefs. Briquemont, who had proved himself so intrepid in combats, only displayed a co- wardly pusillanimity in presence of his judges ; a certain proof of the different degrees of courage that animate the human soul ; and from which we may assert that warlike valour is not a proof that intrepidity is its uniform accompaniment. Briquemont and Cavagne were condemned to be hung, as attainted and found guilty of all the heinous crimes with which the Calvinists were reproached. In order to save his life, the former first proposed that he would undertake to serve the court against Rochelle, the fortifi- cations of which fortress he had superintended, and consequently was aware of all its weak points. This offer, however, being refused, he 1572. AND HIS COURT. 141 then promised to declare publicly that Coligny and his associates had actually entered into a conspiracy against the king. Cavagne, his associate in misfortune, on wit- nessing the trouble of his friend, being attached with him to the same chain, and environed by the ministers of death, fixed upon him a com- passionate regard ; and after gently chiding him for his dastardly conduct, Briquemont, blushing at his pusillanimity, recalled his former courage to aid him, and resolutely prepared for exe- cution. In this state they were drawn upon hurdles to the place of execution, when the populace, ever willing to adopt the passions their superiors think fit to dictate, loaded them with abuse as public malefactors, covered their persons with filth of every description, and cruelly lacerated their bodies. They w^ere accompanied by an effigy of the admiral made of straw. Every thing that could be imagined to vilify eternally the name of a man, was accumulated in the act pronounced against his memory. It was therein stated that his effigy, dragged to the place of execution at Montfaucon, should there continue exposed in the most elevated situation ; that his family ar- morial bearings should be dragged at the tails of horses, conducted by public executioners, through all the principal cities of the kingdom ; it was thereby strictly enjoined, that every por- trait and statue existing of Coligny should be torn up and broken in pieces, wheresoever they 142 HENliY THE GREAT 1572. might be found ; that his castle of Chatillon sur Loing was to be dismantled in such a manner as to preclude the possibility of its ever being re- established ; that the trees should be reduced to four feet in height ; that salt should be sown throughout his domains, and that in the centre of his estate a pillar should be raised, and thereon engraved this decree. Lastly, all his property was confiscated; his children declared members of the lowest class of society, and incapacitated from filling any public employment. By this same document a solemn procession was ordered annually, on the festival of Saint Bartholomew, to return thanks to the Almighty for having, on that day, preserved the kingdom from the evil machinations of the heretics. Notwithstanding, this act, and such violent precautions supported by the sovereign au- thority, far from producing the effect desired of vilifying the memory of the admiral, it only served, on the contrary, to obliterate his faults from the public mind; because every thing was unprecedented and atrocious in the manner of his murder, and the announcement of this decree. All edicts emanating from the throne only entail disgrace in proportion as they are founded in justice. Posterity has avenged Coligny for so many cruelties and such furious vindictiveness levelled against him, in calling to mind nothing but his great qualities. Such was the last attack aimed at the memory of the admiral, and the concludinj^ scene of this 1572. AXD HIS COURT. 143 melancholy tragedy. Had he indulged less se- curity, this warrior, so prudent in all the other actions of his life, would have spared himself the most dreadful calamities, and France a wound, whose deep gashes disfigured her annals for such a lengthened period. But it is worthy of remark, that in perusing the history of all the troubles that devastated that kingdom, the avenging hand of Omnipotence was visibly stretched forth against those who, fomenting the antipathies and animosities of the people, in- volved them in wars, the great sources of all atrocious crimes. The first of the Guises fell by the hand of an assassin. Marshal Saint Andre, one of the triumvirate, was also murdered, though upon the field of battle. The first Conde experienced a similar fate. Anthony of Bourbon, king of Navarre, and the constable de Mont- morenci, died of their wounds ; and, finally, the admiral, his brother cardinal de Chatillon, and a host of the most distinguished nobility professing the two religions, perished in the space of twelve years by every species of death which rage and fury are capable of inventing, in order to satiate the most vindictive vengeance. Amidst the traps laid to ensnare his steps, and the dangers which incessantly menaced his existence, Coligny uniformly marched forward with an intrepid step to attain the end proposed. He possessed all the qualifications required in the leader of a party, uniting with firmness the talent of persuasion in an eminent degree. As a 144 HEXliY THE GREAT 1572. general he proved unfortunate, having scarcely ever risked an enterprise without being beaten ; but after a defeat his adversaries uniformly found him superior to the frowns of fate, and he ap- peared as if born to command fortune. When the troops were discouraged, beaten, and dis- persed, flying in all directions without bread, clothing, or an asylum, tempted to desertion by money and pardon, Coligny's serene and tranquil air restored their courage. There was not a soldier, who, judging from the boldness of the projects he formed after the most signal reverses, did not imagine him to possess hidden resources capable of repairing every disaster, and who would not consequently attach himself even more firmly to such a leader. There was not a gentleman who, on hearing Coligny detail the mo- tives of his actions, did not regard him as a hero sacrificing himself for the interest of those to whom he addressed his conversation. His de- livery was noble, pure, and energetic ; a spe- cimen of which is handed to us, in an account of the siege of Saint Quentin, which occurred during his youth. The harangue in question is remarkable for elegance of style, and that phraseology which has so much enriched the French language. Independent of these qualifi- cations, the morals of Coligny were without reproach, nay even carried to a degree of aus- terity, a virtue most essentially requisite in sup- porting a war of religion. He was a good hus- band, an excellent father, but a dark enemy; K7* 1572. AND Ills COURT. 145 his industry was indefatigahle, his secrecy im- penetrable ; he enjoyed boundless credit with his own party, and the highest reputation in foreign countries. " The news of the admiral's death and the mas- sacre were welcomed at Rome with the most lively transports of joy ; the cannons were fired, and bonfires were illumined, as for an event of the most important consequence. A solemn mass, called an act of grace, was celebrated, at which pope Gregory the Thirteenth assisted with all the splendour that court is accustomed to bestow upon ceremonies it is anxious to render famous. The cardinal of Lorraine gave a large reward to the courier ; and interrogated him upon the subject in a manner that demonstrated he had been previously aware of the intended catas- trophe. Brantome tells us that the sovereign pontiff shed tears when he was made acquainted with the melancholy fate of such a multitude of unfortunate fellow-creatures, "/z^eep," said the Pope, "for the fate of so many innocent victims, who must doubtless have been confounded with the guilti/ ; but it is possible that the Almighty may have accorded repentance to many of them ;" a sentiment of com- miseration, says Anquetil, by no means incom- patible with those opposite demonstrations that were excited by policy, while pity claimed from the bottom of the heart the rights of humanity which had been so cruelly perverted. Upon the occasion of the massacre, a medal was struck at Rome, impressions of which are VOL. r. L 146 HENRY THE GUEAT 1572. still preserved in the cabinets of the curious : on one side is the head of Gregory the Thirteenth, and on the reverse, the exterminating angel strik- ing the Huguenots, some of whom are repre- sented in the act of flight, while others, thrown down, are trampled beneath his feet : this medal bears for inscription, Hugonotorum Strages, 1572. Throughout Germany but one cry resounded on the subject of the barbarities exercised against the French reformers. It was very justly es- teemed an execrable slaughter, uniting all the refinements of duplicity, wickedness, and per- fidy, which had been separately employed for a succession of ages by the most cruel tyrants. Numerous writings appeared fulminating these reproaches, which were the more acutely felt by the court of France, as it was then occupied in soliciting the crown of Poland for the duke of Anjou, and as this general feeling of disgust on the part of the Germans did not augur fa- vourably for the success of the enterprise. De- puties were in consequence despatched for the purpose of palliating the affair ; while apologies were circulated, some excusing the whole trans- action, and others merely a part of the massacre ; all, however, grounding the necessity for the deed on the admiral's alleged conspiracy as a crime attested by an act of the parliament, and consequently deemed beyond the shadow of a doubt. Yet, notwithstanding all the ingenuity of these palliatives, a disadvantageous sentiment 1572. AND HIS COURT. 147 always prevailed with the Germans in regard to the authors of this flagrant atrocity. In Spain matters were regarded in a different point of view. Philip the Second, having perused the account transmitted to him by the French court, forwarded the documents to the admiral of Castile, who read the same aloud at his table, where the duke del Infantado was seated. After having heard the account, the youthful prince, with much naivete, enquired, " whether the ad- miral and his partisans were Christians ?" — *' iVo doubt,'" ansv/ered the admiral of Castile. — ** How comes it, then,'' resumed the duke, " that being Frenchmen and Christians, they should thus have as- sassinated one another like monsters V — " Gently, my lord duke,"' said the admiral ; *' are you not welt aware that a war in France constitutes the peace of Spain ? " Certainly, had Coligny's advice been adopted and Charles the Ninth despatched the Calvinists against the duke of Alva in Flanders, the king of Spain would have been subjected to great danger, whereas, in consequence of the troubles fomented by the Saint Bartholomew massacre, he saw himself eased from all idea of French interference for a length of time, that country being sufficiently occupied in attending to its intestine quarrels. This, however, had been far from the idea entertained by the court of France, which flattered itself, on the contrary, that after such a slaughter of the reformers, like a body drained of blood, it would only languish and l2 148 HENRY THE GREAT 1572. ultimately die of itself. For the purpose of hastening their final overthrow and depriving them of every vestige of authority, Charles, by an edict, dispossessed the Calvinists of all offices, as well of the robe as the sword, without except- ing even those who had pronounced abjuration ; new events, however, very shortly after called for the adoption of contrary measures. All the disastrous scenes which had disgraced France did not excite throughout the country, and particularly in Paris, that indignation and horror they were calculated to inspire, even after the first ebullition, and amono- the hi 2 her classes of the community. From the period when the Calvinists had invited foreigners to ravage France, the populace became habituated to assassinations. Violent animosities, and furious resentments, fre- quently too well founded, authorized in public opinion all the vengeance, those countless duels, and the ambuscades and treasons so uniformly practised. The murders of the prince of Conde and the first duke of Guise did not dishonour their authors : marshal Saint Andr6 also fell on the field of honour, but by the hand of an assassin. National energy had become the most disgust- ing barbarity; it was almost universally regarded as a praiseworthy fidelity to the party, and an heroic zeal. The intrepid Montluc, so magnani- mous in battle, and so devoted to the cause of royalty, mingled with those glorious character- istics a disgusting cruelty which he proudly extols in his Memoirs. The duke of Guise fol- 1572. AND Ills COURT. 149 lowed sword in hand into the antechamber of the king, a gentleman of whom he thought he had cause of complaint. Villequier, the favourite of Henrv the Third, stabbed his wife in the Louvre in a state of pregnancy, and on the point of lying-in, merely from effect of jealousy. The lady of Chateau Neuf, says Brantome, deprived her faithless husband of virility. Even gallantry and love savoured of this ferocious sentiment : it was a praiseworthy act, on the first signal of a mistress, to plunge into the river, without know- ing how to swim ; to come in contact with wild beasts; and to spill your own blood with a poniard. Henry the Third wrote a letter with his blood to a princess of whom he was ena- moured ; and according to Mathieu, the histo- rian, SoLivroy opened and closed the wound, as it became necessary to supply the pen. Indiscretion and want of delicacy were combined with the softer passions ; life was incessantly exposed to gratify and captivate a woman ; but her reputa- tion was forfeited, and her dishonour proclaimed without the least scruple. After the executions of LaMole and Coconnas, of which we shall soon have cause to speak, queen Margaret and the young duchess of Nevers, to whom they had been lovers, caused their heads to be conveyed to them, bathed them with tears, and embalmed them with their own hands. A similar violent mode of proceeding was manifested in cases of gratitude and friendship ; in short, every sentiment was characterised by the most vehe- ment passions. 1'50 HENRY THE GllEAT 1572. Marshal Tavannes, the particular confidant of Catherine de Medicis, seriously proposed to the queen that she would permit him to go and cut off the nose of the duchess of Valentinois, her rival. Catherine, stating in reply that such an action must prove his ruin, he made answer, he was fully aware of the circumstance, but that he would cheerfully forfeit his life to serve her ; and the queen found it very difficult to prevent that courtierfrom testifying this proof of hisattachment. The princes of the blood, the Guises, the Mont- morencies, and the other chiefs of great houses, separating their interests from those of the coun- try at large, appropriated to themselves crea- tures solely attached to their own persons. Sim- ple gentlemen piqued themselves on a mad devo- tion for particular noblemen, whom they deno- minated their masters. The bemo- attacked to a prince or an eminent personage, was not then synonimous with receiving a pension or a title ; interest constituted no feature in such associa- tions ; glory was alone sought in a self-devotion, without reserve, to the particular individual whose character and talents were admired : virtue formed no link in these dangerous en- gagements ; but honour was the uniform gua- rantee of their fidelity. The same ardour was apparent in cases of friendship ; individuals be- came bound by oaths never to abandon one another, uniformly to adhere to the same party, to share good and ill in common, and, above all, to unite in accomplishing vengeance of whatsoever 1572. AND HIS COURT. 151 nature it might be. The absence of a friend was the signal for mourning ; on which occasions, not only was the black costume adopted, but the votary would even deny himself every species of dissipation. Saint Gelais, during the absence of his friend D'Aubign^, suffered his hair and heard to grow to an unusual length : at his return, Henry, on be- holding him, said to one of his gentlemen : "Go and tell Saint Gelais to get himself shaved and have his hair cut, since D' Aubigne his friend is now come back.'' Every thing assumed the spirit of ancient chivalry, degenerated and stripped of those great moral and humane principles which raised their ancestors to such a pinnacle of honour and of glory. Such were the manners in France under the reigns of Charles the Ninth and Henry the Third ; but this effervescence was rather an error and an abuse of energy than a corrupt sentiment. The evil which had apparently attained its acme, was more appalling than profound ; it had no foundation ; it did not reiy upon false combina- tions of a perverted mind, and the pride of egotism ; the soul, far from being withered, was hurried on by tumultuary passions and an ardent enthusiasm. So many excesses were not the fruits of atheism and impiety. A great king- might, with little difficulty, have restored to the nation its true character ; and this most desirable event occurred upon the accession of Henry the Fourth to tlie throne of France. 152 HENRY THE GUEAT 1572, CHAPTER V. llesitll of the massacre of St. Bartholomew, — La none sent to llochelle. — His arduous post and probity of character. — Peculiar situation of Henry at court. — A predilection for women his onh/ vice. — Siege of Rochelle. — Lanoue suni' moned to join the royal army. — His character. — Secret projects of the duke ofAloicon and Tui'enne injavour of the Calvinists. — Supplies forwarded by England to Rochelle, productive of little good. — Disorganized state of the royal army. — Favourable terms of peace accorded by Charles the Ni)ith to the Rochellers. — Departure of the duke of A? jou, elected king of Poland. — Singular malady of Charles the Ninth. — Conspiracy entered into by the duke of Alenpn and Montmorency. — Henry superintends Rosyu/s educa- tion. — Intrigues of Margaret, wife of the king of Na- varre, ivith her favourite La Mole. — Plot of Les Jours Gras. — The conspiracy discovered. — Execution of La Mole and Coconnas. — Bodily and mental tortures accom- panying the death-bed of Charles the Ninth. — His interview with Henry, and death. — Character of Charles the Ninth. The first fruits of the massacre of Saint Bar- tholomew were a civil war. Many Calvinists, who escaped from the murderous weapons of their persecutors, either sought an asylum with faithful friends, or repaired to Montauban, Nimes, San- cerre — in Vivarais, Rouvergue, and Cevennes, an intersected tract of country very easily defended. The widow and children of admiral Coligny Hed to Geneva, while other protestants went to Eng- 1572. AND HIS COURT. 153 land, Switzerland, and Germany, or joined the confederated powers in the Low Countries. Ter- ror in the first instance precluded all hope of their being permitted to continue in France, as they only flattered themselves with the idea of remaining until they could find a more cer- tain asylum. Had they been vigorously fol- lowed up in their retreats, not a soul would have escaped ; but there was not a single armed corps on foot, and the Huguenots in consequence gra- dually acquired courage, and implored the pro- tection of their friends. The catastrophe which had dispersed the Calvinists excited in the strongest degree the interest and compassion inspired in the hearts of their avowed and secret partisans ; and they v^ere succoured accordingly. Upon this, the reformers soon united, and flew to arms, when the ardent desire of vengeance re- doubled their courage ; they fortified themselves in several cities, and more particularly in that of Rochelle. The brave Calvinist, Lanoue, a warrior equally intrepid and humane, firmly at- tached to his party, but abounding in probity and moderation, happened fortunately to be in Hainault at the period of the massacre. Not knowing whither to fly for safety, he addressed himself to the duke of Longueville, his old friend, who wrote to the court in his favour. Lanoue was in consequence invited to Paris, and re- ceived with open arms ; the king restored to him the property that had been confiscated from Teligny his brother-in-law ; after which he was 134 llENKY THE GKEAT 1572. sent to Rochelle to endeavour to inspire the inhabitants with sentiments of submission and peace. The embassy of Lanoue, which was cal- culated to excite suspicion in the inhabitants of Rochelle, served, on the contrary, to invest him with the command of that city ; and what was still more extraordinary, the king- ordered him to accept the trust, to which he acceded, proclaim- ing aloud, that he should hold the post as mi- nister of his majesty. By this means an indi- vidual stood forward, announcing himself as pacificator, while he remained under the royal authority at the head of those who declared war against their sovereign. Lanoue maintained this twofold character of defender of Rochelle, and minister of the court, with an unsullied integrity that excited universal admiration. As an indefatigable warrior, he employed all his valour, skill, and long experience, in defend- ing the city confided to his care; and when he returned conqueror from an assault or a sortie, it was only to exhort the citizens to accept the peace offered them by his majesty. He fre- quently experienced reproaches from the mi- nisters of his religion, and the insults of a sedi- tious populace ; but never was his integrity called in question, affording a unique example of [)robity so universally respected as to be coveted with equal confidence by either party, in the most critical moments, and at the period when the greatest animositiesi existed on both sides. 1572. AND ms COURT. 155 Rochelle only contained fifteen hundred re- gular troops, and two thousand inhabitants, ac- custorr.ed to warfare ; but the fortifications were excellent, ammunition and stores of every de- scription existed in abundance, a determined courage inspired even the souls of the female inhabitants, and the certain assurance of suc- cours from England inspirited the garrison and the populace of the city. It was with this force, commanded by five or six brave captains, with Lanoue at their head, under the governance of its municipal council, over Vvhich presided Henri Marchand, mayor of the place, and Salvert, a citizen of the highest repute, that Rochelle, which had then assumed the title of a republic, awaited the efi'orts of a formidable army, under the command of the duke of Anjou, who had been deputed by the queen mother to carry on the siege under the directions of marshal Biron. The duke of Alencon, together with the tlite of the French nobility, were present, as vv^ell as the king of Navarre, the prince of Cond6, and many unknown Calvinists, or their partisans, who were compelled by the court to take up arms against their former friends. Previous to this event, it maybe necessary to remark, that the court, fully sensible the change of religion on the part of Henry and the prince of Cond6 was by no means sincere, caused them to be narrowly watched, in order that they might not effect their escape, which conduct was i)ur- sued, not only during the two years that Charles 156 llENKY THE GKEAT 1572. the Ninth lived, but for a considerable period afterwards. While suffering this species of bondage, Henry- very adroitly concealed the poignant displeasure he felt, masking the chagrin that preyed upon his soul, by a uniform serenity of demeanour, and a gaiety of disposition. This was doubtless the most arduous struggle of his life, for he had to cope with a furious monarch ; his two bro- thers, namely, first, the duke of Anjou, abound- ing in dissimulation, who had also conspired in the affair of the massacres, and, secondly, the duke of Alen9on. equally addicted to dupli- city, and of a most malicious temper : to these may be added the queen mother, by whom he was mortally hated, because the soothsayers, whom she frequently consulted, had foretold that he would one day reign : and lastly, the family of Guise, whose power and credit were almost beyond bounds. Under these considerations, says Perefixe, the greatest caution was necessary in the prince to conduct himself so prudently with individuals of such characters as not to give occasion for jealousy, and at the same time excite their es- teem in regard to himself: it was requisite to combine submission and gravity, and preserve his dignity with his life. Notwithstanding this, Henry mastered all these difficulties, and es- caped every peril with a facility almost unex- ampled. He contracted a great familiarity with the 1572, AND HIS COURT. 157 duke of Guise, who was nearly of the same age, and they attended their secret pleasurable par- ties together. He did not, however, so well agree with the duke of Alen^on, who possessed a ca- pricious temper ; and on this account he paid little attention to his enmity, because the king and queen mother entertained no affection for the duke. Henry however would not follow the evil advice of the emissaries of Catherine, who used their utmost endeavours to produce a duel between those two princes ; for, independent of the consideration that the duke was the king's brother, to whom he ovv^ed respect, he was equally aware that such a step would have been productive of dangerous consequences, as the queen mother would not have failed to ])rofit by such a measure in order to accomplish his ruin. By this means the prince, generally speaking, escaped the toils laid by Catherine to ensnare him ; though not altogether, as he yielded himself to the seductions of certain young ladies of the court, who, it is said, were expressly employed by the queen for the amusement of the princes and noblemen, in order that she might thus ac- quire a knowledge of their secrets. The policy of Catherine was so well known by every body, that it is impossible to deny this truth, even were we willing, unless the records of those times were to be buried in oblivion. From that period, continues Perefixe, as the vices contracted in opening youth generally 158 llENRV THE GREAT 1573. accompany men to their graves, a passion for women constituted the great weakness and pre- dilection of our Henry, and was perhaps the source of his last calamity ; for God, sooner or later, punishes those who blindly yield them- selves up to that criminal propensity. With the exception of this fault, Henry con- tracted no other vices in the court of Charles; and we may attribute to a peculiar grace on the part of the Divinity, that he was not com- pletely ruined in such a school ; for never was there more vicious and corrupt impiety, atheism, magic, nay even the most disgusting and filthy depravity, with base cowardice and perfidy, since poisonings and assassinations reigned there in a sovereign degree. All these abominations, far from infecting the prince, increased the na- tural horror he entertained for such vices ; and in respect to associating with the wicked, he never indulged a thought of becoming their companion, but uniformly proclaimed himself their foe. Speaking of Henry's presence at the siege of Rochelle, Perefixe remarks : we may judge what a heart-rending circumstance it must have proved to the prince, on being thus made the instrument for the overthrow of those who remained his faithful servants and friends, and had sought an asylum from persecution in that city. The siege was opened in form at the com- mencement of February in 1573, and during its continuance the assaults and sorties were 1573. AND HIS COUIIT. 159 mingled with negotiations and conferences, which did not prevent the persons assisting at such discussions from fighting with a desperation bordering on fury. The inhabitants of Rochelle defended themselves with determined bravery ; notwithstanding which they would certainly have failed in their efforts had there been any thing like system pursued in the catholic army ; whereas every movement was effected by chance: one day an attack was made on this side of the town, and on the following operations were com- pletely reversed ; while the officer was as unac- quainted with order and discipline as the com- mon soldier. In addition to this, no secrecy was observed in the deliberations ; an assault was always published prior to its execution ; every one hurried thither in disorder, not only without a leader, but in opposition to the prayers and against the general's peremptory orders : the con- sequence was the loss of many men, particularly from among the youthful nobility of the higher classes, without reaping any beneficial results. The duke of Aumale, of the house of Guise, to whom had been confided the detail of the siege, fell at the commencement of operations, and was replaced by the duke of Nevers. The besieged had also the satisfaction of witnessing the death of Cosseins, one of the admiral's assassins, and many others who had signalized themselves du- ring the horrors of Saint Bartholomew. The joy inspired by the brilliant successes of the Rochellers was, however, damped by the re- iGO HKN'RY THE GREAT 1573. treat of Laiioue. The duke of Anjou, jierceiving- that his efforts to bring about a peace were im- availing, summoned that brave captain to quit the city : the latter, a zealous Calvinist and a faithful subject, as we have before stated, aban- doned with infinite pain a population most dear to him ; he harangued the Rochellers, and his conclusive words breathed the language of peace. He was even touched to tears and sobs ; but he obeyed the mandate, and repaired to the royal army to fight against the Calvinists with all the ardour and loyalty he had previously manifested in their defence. Lanoue was poignantly regret- ted throughout the city, not only without a single complaint being raised against him in conse- quence of such singular conduct, but carrying with him the esteem and affection of all those whom fortune and his duty urged him to declare his enemies. The life of this great man affords an incontestable proof that there are no difficulties which a reputation without blemish, profound wisdom, and sterling virtue, can prevent from obtaining the confidence of the most mistrustful ; and that it is possible to retire with glory from perilous and embarrassing positions ; an admira- ble triumph which never accompanies artifice and duplicity. Francis de Lanoue was surnamed Bras de Fer, Iron Arm, in consequence of having one of those limbs shattered, which he caused to be replaced by a false one made of iron. He was killed at the siege of Lambale in Brittany, at the age of 1573. AND HIS COURT. 101 seventy. Being desirous of inspecting the works too near, he ascended a ladder placed against the breach ; when he received such a violent blow upon the head that he fell backwards, but continued hooked by his feet to the steps of the ladder : he expired ten days after this accident. The king was sensibly afflicted at his loss, and honoured his memory by pronouncing this pane- gyric : " He was a great warrior," said the mo- narch, " but still greater for his virtues ; and we cannot sufficiently regret that the attack of a small castle should have proved the death of a man whose merits rendered him well worthy a whole province." Lanoue was fond of letters, and uniformly cultivated them in spite of the war; and we may add, to the glory of science, that all the celebrated warriors addicted to study have uniformly proved humane and generous. We have previously observed, that the duke of Alen9on had entertained a particular affection for admiral Coligny ; nor did he conceal that senti- ment even after his tragic death : in consequence of which the duke had many partisans among the old friends of the admiral, and in particular the youth of that party, who, alive to the claims of renown and valour, regretted in the death of Coligny the most experienced captain of his age ; and one of whose zealous admirers was Henri de la Tour d'Auvergne, viscount Turenne. This nobleman was then only seventeen ; yet at so tender a period of life he proved himself equally addicted to arms and formed for intrigue. Tu- VOL. I. M 1G2 HEXKY THE GREAT 1573. renne advocated the party of the duke of Alen- 90n ; and being nearly of the same age, they felt inflamed with the desire of signalizing themselves by some extraordinary enterprise. We can scarcely attribute to any thing but youthful effervescence the chimerical project which they at length conceived, acting like dis- contented children, who imagine that by showing spite and threatening to abandon the paternal roof, they would inevitably attain all they de- sired. Urged by these ideas, the duke and Turenne fancied that they had only to possess themselves of some strong place, such as Angou- leme or Saint Jean d'Angeli, to unfurl their ban- ners, bid the trumpets sound, and that imme- diately all the sectarians would flock to their rendezvous ; or that, in case of failure, they might seek refuge in England, and that such a daring project would cause a revolt throughout the king- dom. Independent of this they had many other projects in view ; namely, taking possession of the royal fleet to join the besieged, forming a body of troops consisting of the secret advocates of the Calvinists in the very heart of the camp, and falling with that force upon the residue of the royal army. The king of Navarre and the prince of Cond6 very feebly supported these daring attempts, owing to their want of solidity, as well as from a dread of being betrayed by persons so wanting in stability as those who were admitted into the confidence of the young prince. They did not, however, wholly discard the idea, fear- J573. AND HIS COURT. 16.*? ful of extinguishing- a flame wiiich might be ultimately employed to greater advantage. The confederates, however, not agreeing between themselves, resolved to consult Lanoue upon the subject. He listened to their arguments, weighed well their reasons ; and, after having placed before them the inconveniences and the dangers attendant on the enterprise, prevailed upon them to abandon the project altogether. About the middle of April 1573, the expected supplies arrived from England. The fleet was commanded by Montgomery ; which was of in- ferior force to that of the king ; and, in conse- quence, he did not dare risk an engagement. Of the whole convoy only one vessel, charged with powder, entered the port of Rochelle ; but the besieged were in great want of that necessary article of war. Charles the Ninth, who had just signed a treaty of alliance with Elizabeth, bit- terly complained of this breach of faith : to which she replied, by declaring her total ignorance of the whole proceeding ; that the armament con- sisted of a troop of banished men and pirates, who had put to sea without her privacy or con- sent; that she had no interest in the undertaking; and that, in case they could be stopped in their attempts, she should conceive they deserved se- vere punishment. The fleet, however, having stood out for open sea, cruized on the coast of Brittany ; when Montgomery made known to the besieged that he should return to England, M 2 164 HENRY THE GREAT 1573. and would shortly set sail again with a more formidable armament and supply. There was, however, no necessity for this mea- sure, since every thing languished in the royal army : the officers and soldiers displayed neither ardour nor emulation, being in want of a chief. The duke of Anjou manifested, during this siege, that characteristic trait which proved so detri- mental to him at a future period ; namely, a com- plete negligence in regard to all that displeased him, however essential it might be to his in- terests ; and an eagerness bordering upon pas- sion for every thing he esteemed, however use- less. He had planned the expedition against Rochelle, and his honour was compromised in the advantageous termination of an enterprise attended with so much publicity ; but no sooner had he learned that the negotiations entered into for acquiring the crown of Poland had taken a happy turn, than he seemed to forget every pro- ject tending to the interest of France. Nothing- was then spoken of at his court but the delights of his nev/ kingdom, its riches, the magnificence of its nobles, and the docility of the people. Every topic unconnected with these ideas was disre- garded ; and the consequence was, no regular plans of attack, and a want of necessary supplies for the support of the troops. A scarcity, resulting from this neglect, soon oppressed the soldiery ; and, to complete the misfortune, an epidemic dis- order spread throughout the army, which was productive of the most dreadful consequences. 1573. AND HIS COURT. 165 The Rocheliers knew well how to protit by these disastrous circumstances : in proportion as they observed a want of energy on the part of their assailants, the more they redoubled their ac- tivity ; and their eyes were open to every thing that transpired. Emissaries frequently issuing from the camp, under various pretexts, endea- voured to create factions in the city; but these clandestine movements were always discovered by the magistrates, and punished in the most exemplary manner, as well on the citizen as the stranger. From the commencement of the siege the Rocheliers had been offered liberty of con- science and personal safety. During five months the negotiations were a thousand times renewed ; but the besieged continued obstinate, and would not come to terms, unless they were permitted to treat in the name of the whole Calvinist party. At length it was decided that this point should be acceded to ; and for that purpose the duke of Anjou invited to his camp deputies from Nimes and Montauban, who conferred with those of Rochelle. This condescension was the result of reiterated orders from Charles the Ninth, who, finding his resources exhausted, his army perishing, and all the forces of his kingdom kept in check by a single city, despatched courier after courier, with orders to ratify a peace, be the conditions what they might. The Rocheliers, in conse- quence, obtained free exercise of religion for themselves, the inhabitants of Nimes and Mont- lOG HENRY THE GKEAT 1573. auban, and for the lords of the high justiciary; who might not have abjured. It was also stipu- lated, that no one should be molested on the score of religious opinions, or promises of abju- ration ; that all who had taken up arms in sup- port of the cause — namely, the inhabitants of those three cities — should be reinstated in their possessions and honours, and recognised as faith- ful subjects of the king. It was pretended that the shame of these con- ditions was modified, in consequence of some clauses freely entered into by the Rochellers ; who thereby agreed, that certain individuals, chosen from among the besieged, should repair to supplicate the duke of Anjou, as representative of the king, to pardon the past ; that they consented to receive a governor ; and that the three cities should, for the space of two years, send four deputies to court as hostages for the fidelity of their fellow-citizens. All these conditions were expressed in the edict of pacification. The Ro- chellers considered these points very lightly, as well as reports then disseminated that the king had only accorded them such advantageous terms, in consideration of his brother the duke of Anjou being elected king of Poland, whose de- parture was consequently required without delay. Peace was ratified on the 6th of July, 1573 ; and Biron, named governor of Rochelle, entered the • citv in order to publish the same; on which occasion a splendid repast was prepared ; and at night he returned to the camp. 1573. AND HIS COURT. 167 The siege of Rochelle cost France forty thou- sand men, and incalculable treasures; so that the kingdom was more completely exhausted after an eight months' war, than from the effects of all the preceding struggles. After the raising of the siege Henry returned to Paris, or was rather re- conducted thither; while the duke of Anjou, to the great regret of France, set forward to take possession of the kingdom of Poland. The chief instrument in causing the election of the duke of Anjou to the throne of that country, after the demise of Sigismond the Second, was Montluc, bishop of Valence ; who did not succeed without great difficulty, owing to the prejudices that had gone abroad respecting the connexion of that prince with the massacre of Saint Bar- tholomew. The other pretenders to the crown of Poland, supported by the German protestants, did not fail to lay every stress upon that crying grievance ; but the queen mother, who heartily desired the success of the enterprise, effected so much through the medium of bribery and pro- mises, that she carried her point. It is said that this anxiety on the part of Catherine was owing to the prediction of those astrologers she habitually consulted, who, casting the horoscope of her children, had foretold that they would all become kings. Consequently, not calculating upon the duke of Anjou inheriting the French crown, then in possession of a youth- ful prince, whose wife already gave signs of fecundity, Catherine was anxious to procure for 168 HENRY THE GREAT 1573. him a foreign diadem. Others have stated, that, seeing the want of mianimity that existed be- tween Charles the Ninth and his brother, the queen seized that glorious opportunity of sparing her son Henry, whom she idolized, the vexations to which he might otherwise have been subjected. Without, however, searching for motives, it was but natural that Catherine, from affection for her son, should endeavour to place a crown upon his head. Nor is it more surprising that seeing Charles the Ninth, at the moment of his bro- ther's departure, seized by a malady whose first symptom announced a speedy dissolution, she should have invented every species of delay to retain in France that favoured child, who she - foresaw would speedily be called to occupy the throne of his brother. It was, however, necessary to depart : when Charles splendidly entertained the Polish am- bassadors, and ordered festivities, at which the two monarchs appeared with a grace and majesty that enchanted those strangers. The French king neglected nothing that could tend to embellish the entrance of his brother into his new kingdom ; and so great was his anxiety to witness his de- parture, that it was surmised he felt impatience on this subject in proportion as the inroads of his malady became more confirmed. Charles conducted the duke of Anjou, on his route to Germany, as far as Vitry in Champaign ; but the queen, with the major part of the court, proceeded to Lorraine. Every one remarked 1573. AND HIS COURT. 169 how much it cost Catherine to separate from her darling son. She clasped him in her arms ; and scarcely had she quitted him, than she recom- menced her caresses, and bathed his face with her tears. Some courtiers, who chanced to be nearest upon this occasion, heard her accompany the last adieu with these words: " Go, my son; you will not he absent long ;" a prognostic which gave rise to numerous reflections after subse- quent events. Speaking of the extraordinary illness of Charles the Ninth, Perefixe says, that he fell mortally sick in the wood of Vincennes, the blood issuing from every aperture of his body ; so that it was conjectured he had been poisoned. Whatever was the cause, (if we may be permitted to judge of kings who are amenable to the Almighty,) it was a divine punishment for his blasphemies, and perhaps on account of the torrents of blood he had caused to be shed. Cayet, D'Aubign6, Brantome, and Bassompier, all concur in stating that there scarcely exists an example of so melancholy a fate as that ex- perienced by Charles the Ninth. From the earliest moments of reason, his life was one un- varying scene of alarms : he was attacked by four conspiracies, which sufficiently bore the stamp of reality to keep his soul in a state of perplexity more overwhelming than even the attempt itself. Attacked by a mortal disorder, and finding himself on the point of being cut off in the flower of his age, instead of consola- 170 HEiVRV THE (JRKAT 157.3. tions, which are usually offered to the unfortunate, he experienced nothing but indifference on the part of his nearest connexions; plots were hatched in the bosom of his court, his people were re- bellious, and he was a prey to every species of mental torture, which gave rise to this couplet of Voltaire : "Dieu dtployant sur lui sa vengeance severe, Marqua ce roi rnourant, du sceau de sa colere." TRANSLATION. Omniscience against him display'd vengeance dire, For this monarch in death bore the stamp of his ire. Charles imagined he beheld spectres : the most appalling dreams made him start from his slum- bers ; his gangrened imagination presented tor- rents of blood and heaps of livid bodies to his view ; his ears were assailed with imaginary groans, and plaintive accents seemed to swell upon the breeze. It was remarked, that after the affair of Saint Bartholomew his character underwent a complete change : from gracious and benign, he became sombre and ferocious ; the impatience and violence of temper, to which he had ever been subject, augmented in a dreadful degree : when alone, he was heard to sigh deep- ly, — raising his eyes to heaven, and appearing to nourish a corroding melancholy in his heart, which rendered his life a complete burthen. Without seeking to annex another crime to the character of the queen mother, it may with jus- tice be said, that remorse and chagrin were the 1573. AND HIS COURT. 171 poisons that hastened the premature death of Charles ; and, under this impression, he was cer- tainly more estimable than the other authors of the massacre, who never testified the least contrition for such a deed of blood. Every thing in France, while announcing the ratification of a general peace, at the same time gave token of the direst troubles and commo- tions. Disunion reigned between Catherine and her children, a spirit of faction existed among the nobility, the people were dissatisfied; smo- thered complaints, open plunder, no surety on the high roads, a want of police in the cities, stagnation of commerce — in short, all the dis- orders of anarchy, under a monarch worn out with suffering, wearied of life, and not knowing in whom to confide, led him frequently to in- trust his affairs to persons whose interest it was to embroil them still farther. The king's increasing distemper, says Perefixe, gave birth to a league entered into by the duke of Alen^on, marshals Montmorency and De Coss^, and some catholics, in conjunction with the Huguenot party, to dispossess the queen mother of her authority, and expel the Guises from court, where they continued in great power. Henry of Navarre entered into this con- spiracy, not from a wish to associate with the individuals concerned, but merely to compass the means of retiring in safety to his own country. The court was uniformly subject to the two- fold agitation produced from public occurrences : 172 HENRY THK GKEAT 1573. the artifices of the queen mother, and the rest- less disposition of those in power. Henry, uni- formly detained against his will in this corrupt asylum, only enjoyed at intervals an appearance of liberty. He was in general closely watched and guarded like a criminal ; sometimes his own attendants were permitted to approach and serve him, and on a sudden they received imperious orders never to enter his presence. Henry, in the person of his wife Margaret, neither found an active and discreet friend, nor a partner without reproach. In the midst of so much bitterness and harassing contrarieties of every description, he had too frequently re- course to gallantry ; nor were means wanting to indulge such a propensity in so licentious a court, where the policy of Catherine, as we have before observed, made intrigues subservient to her purposes. This predilection, which lasted two years, produced an unfortunate influence on the mind of Henry, that subsequently con- tributed to tarnish the lustre of his character. If, however, he had the misfortune to yield to these dangerous seductions, he did not pass his time in disgraceful sloth. His great soul and active mind required solid and serious occu- pations ; and these he sought in study and con- stant reading. He had still near his person the same Florentine Christian who had been deputed to watch over his education; and from that able man he daily received lessons in mathematics, geography, and history, of which the young 1573. AND HIS couKT. 173 baron Rosny also partook. Henry was seven years older than that youth, being born on the 13th of December, 1553; and the former on the 13th of that month in 1560 : so that both saw the light on the same day of the same month. The king of Navarre, who had taken the entire charge of Rosny's education, seriously occupied himself in perfecting the same ; and thus proved the real tutor of that man who was destined to become at a future period, and upon so many occasions, the vigilant mentor and severe censor of his actions. Henry presided over his lessons : he regularly followed their progress ; and, ac- cording to the Memoirs of Sully, e.vacted from him that he should ixad and write every day : he watched over those e:rercises that icere necessary to give grace to his body; to which he added a still greater attention in the formation of his character and morals : he brought him up as he had himself been reared ;" — and it will be found in the sequel that he was prodigal of his paternal cares, even amidst the tumult of camps and of battles. The ardent temperament of the duke of Alen- (^ou, and his thirst for the attainment of glory, without consulting justice in its acquirement, urged him on to forward the views of the League. He had seen his brother the duke of Anjou at the head of armies, and he was desirous of com- manding in turn. The duke had been appointed lieutenant-general of the kingdom, and that was a sufficient plea for his brother's requiring a simi- lar honour. These ideas were no less suggested 174 HKNKY THK GKEAT 1573. to his mind by able adherents ; the Calvinists on the one hand, and the Montmorencies and their partisans on the other : that is to say, all the dis- contented on account of the Bartholomew mas- sacre, who were delighted at being able to act under sanction of the name of the king's brother. In order to spur on this young prince, already too prone to restlessness, they made use of the credit obtained over his mind by Joseph de Boni- face, lord of Mole, his favourite, equally impru- dent with his master, and the count of Coconas, one of those persevering Italians who had sought to acquire fortune in France under shadow of the favour enjoyed by his nation during the government of Catherine de Medicis. Persons of all ranks entered into this association ; young men, women ; and even one Grandri, an alchem- ist, called the magnificent promise?^ who was to transmute silver into gold, and furnish far more than was required to answer every emergency of the enterprise. This cabal assumed the name of policy, or the malcontents. The conferences which took place upon this occasion were some- times held in the apartment of the queen of Na- varre, and at others in the residence of madame de Sauve, an expert coquet, who captivated hearts without enslaving her own. Such meet- ings, however, were not confined to discussions respecting the interests of the party, but fre- quently served only as a veil to conceal other intrigues ; the intent of which was in many in- stances rendered by far too apparent. 1573. AND HIS COURT. 175 It is stated that Charles the Ninth, scandalized on witnessing the indecencies committed under his own eyes in the palace of the Louvre, be- tween his sister Margaret, wife of Henry, and her lover La Mole, was desirous of inflicting jus- tice with his own hands ; for which purpose he distributed to the duke of Guise and other con- fidants some ropes, for the purpose of strangling the audacious offender when he should issue forth at night from the apartment of the young queen. La Mole, however, either acquired timely notice of his danger, or chanced to remain till daylight with his mistress, by means of which delay he was saved. Coconas, another friend of the League, whom we have previously mentioned, was the lover of the duchess of Ne- mours, mother of the duke of Guise ; while the duke of Alen^on and the king of Navarre dis- puted the conquest of madame de Sauve, with- out, however, suffering that circumstance to interrupt for any length of time their political amity. If, however, any coolness in consequence took place between the princes, Margaret, in the cha- racter of a kind wife and an affectionate sister, very generously exerted her efforts to restore amity. This princess, equally unstable as her brother the duke of Alen9on, would one day maintain inviolable secrecy, and on the next, yielding to terror, confide to her mother the grand secret of her husband, her cousin, the prince of Conde, and her brother the duke of 176 HENRY THE GUEAT 1573. Alen^on, being on the eve of retiring from court to join the Calvinists and recommence a civil war. In consequence of these disclosures the whole party was narrowly watched, and their measures frustrated ; but afterwards, when the queen relied most upon the confessions of her daughter, the latter would not utter a syllable, and thus those plots were consolidated which were frequently only discovered by means of the hasty explosion of a plan badly preconcerted. Such, we find in the Life of Mornay, p. 26, was the result of the famous enterprise undertaken at the beginning of Lent in 1574, called the plot of Les Jours Gras ; upon which occasion the court was so intimidated that orders were issued for its quitting Paris without a moment's delay : on which occasion D'Aubign^ draws a ludicrous pic- ture of the disorder that attended this removal : ** The cardinals of Lorraine, Bourbon, Guise, the cliancellor Birague, MorvilUers, and Bellievre,'" says our authority, " ivere all mounted upon Italian coursers, grasping their saddle-bows with both hands, and as much afraid of their horses as their enemies.'"' But if the panic excited in these prelates and men of the robe afforded an amusing spectacle, the situation of Charles the Ninth was such as to excite real commiseration. He was transported from the palace on a litter, after two o'clock in the morning ; and while suffering anguish from illness, and being also exposed at such an un- seasonable hour, he cried in tones expressive of mental and bodily suffering, "At least they might have awaited my dissolution /' 1573. AND HIS COURT. 177 The queen mother having discovered the plot, ordered the king of Navarre and the duke of Alen^on to be arrested, over whom a guard was appointed ; marshals Montmorency and Coss^ were sent to the Bastille ; the prince of Cond6 and Thor6 fled first into Picardy, and from thence were lucky enough to escape to Germany. Several gentlemen, accused of having participated in these intrigues, and amongst others La Mole, favourite of the duke of Alen«fon, and Coconnas, were arrested ; when the duke, like a timid child, had the weakness to make a dis- closure of every thing to Catherine, and, in order to excuse his own fault, implicated all his friends. The king of Navarre, fully acquainted with that prince's character, having learned that he was closeted with the queen mother, said to the duke of Bouillon, " Our man tells every thing.'' The queen was desirous that Henry should be inter- rogated by the grand chancellor; where he sup- ported the dignity of his rank with admirable firmness, braved all the menaces uttered against him, and proudly maintained that he was not amenable to any one, but enabled to give wholesome advice, which was not required of him : when in presence of Catherine and the council, he pronounced a very long and severe harangue concerning the disorders that agitated the kingdom, and the absolute necessity there was for applying some efficient remedy ; he only spoke in general terms, neither naming nor charging any individual in particular. This un- VOL. T. N 178 HENRY THE GREAT 1573. daunted conduct commanded even the admira- tion of those whom it was calculated to irritate, and no violent steps were taken either against him or the French marshals who had been con- signed to the Bastille. Others, however, of less note, were subjected to various punishments; while La Mole and Coconnas were condemned to suffer. It was absolutely necessary to prove a crime ; for the mere design of swaying the conduct of the princes of the court, was not a sufficient plea in the eyes of the public, more ready to pardon than condemn the errors of youth. Endeavours were consequently set on foot to discover in the plot some proof of a direct conspiracy against the person of the king ; but this attempt proved futile. " Poor wretch that I amT exclaimed La Mole, while suffering agonies from the tor- ture, " is there no means then of procuring pardon? The duke, my master, who has before obliged rne a thousand times, ordered me, on my life, never to utter a syllable respecting his intentions: to which I replied — Yes, sir, provided nothing is undertaken against his majesty'' This was the uniform asser- tion of all the conspirators. There is every rea- son to conjecture that the secret intent of this intrigue was to prevent the return of the king of Poland, and to place the duke of Alen9on upon the throne after the death of Charles the Ninth. Doubtless they were not willing to unmask too much of the mystery to the dying monarch, al- ready suffering sufficient, and who needed no 1673. AND HIS COURT. 179 additional cruelty to augment the horrors of the tomb that was yawning to receive him. La Mole and Coconnas were condemned to be beheaded ; and when on the road to execution, the former, as if anxious to give posterity the only solid advice that might be drawn from this transaction, said to the populace and courtiers present at the execution, *' Gentlemen, you per- ceive that the little are caught, while the great re- main, who were guilty of the fault .'' While so many projects, and the hopes of am- bition, gave rise to such numerous secret cabals at court, the unfortunate Charles the Ninth, neg- lected by his relatives, abandoned by the cour- tiers, and shut up in a solitary apartment, ap- proached the last moments of his miserable exist- ence. This young monarch, born with courage, an active and brilliant mind, and great qualifica- tions, was, from the horror of just remorse, the most deplorable victim of the cruel massacre which he had commanded. That monarch who is ca- pable of renouncing the sacred and endearing title of father of his people, in order to become their murderer, performs a dreadful abdication ! he only contemplates in that immense family which he betrayed with so much inhumanity, an host of irreconcilable foes ; he has no more children ; he is bereft of country ; he weeps and moans in vain ; his anguish is only the terrible confession of an irreparable crime ; it is but a just venge- ance receiving general applause, and divested of all pity for the suffering object '. If he pre- N 2 180 HENRY TIJE GREAT 1573, serves the unstable crown which he has con- taminated, he is astonished at finding himself still its possessor ; he wears it shuddering ; he beholds it reeking with blood, and surrounded by an abyss. His terrified imagination, says Sully, can only seek, refuge in futurity ; he al- ready hears raised against him the formidable cries of posterity ; his rank and elevation con- stitute his greatest torment ; he cannot hope for forgetfulness ; he is aware that his name will never perish, and that his memory will for ever be accursed. From the period of the Bartholomew massacre Charles the Ninth had never enjoyed a moment's repose ; from that eventful epoch his health gra- dually decayed, and his character and temper underwent a complete change. In Brantome's Life of Charles the Ninth, we find, that M. de Longueville, conversing with Lanoue, who did not arrive at court until after the massacre, stated as follows : — " Vou will no longer find that gentle, benign, and gracious monarch, you were for- merly accustomed to behold; he is altogether changed, and has much mot^e severity in his aspect at present than he ever before had of gentleness.'' His troubled imagination unceasingly presented phantoms and menacing spectres to his view ; his days were spent in bitterness, and his nights were haunted by terror. His illness was of such an extraordinary nature that the physicians were unable to give it any name. His agonies, says the duke of Sully, were poignant in the extreme. 1573. AND HIS COURT. 181 and the blood oozed from all the pores of his flesh. Charles the Ninth, according to Perefixe, being at the point of death, and hating his two brothers and his mother, sent for Henry of Na- varre, in whom he had alone found honour and good faith, and by his transports and tears testi- fied the sincere repentance he felt for all the enor- mities he had committed against the Huguenots : he affectionately embraced the prince, and as if impressed with a presentiment that Henry would one day ascend the throne, he affectionately re- commended to his care his wife and natural son, whom he had by Marie Touchet, daughter of the lieutenant of the bailiwick of Orleans. This prince was afterwards known in history under the title of Charles de Valois, count of Auvergne, and afterwards duke of Angouleme. The wretched monarch then adverting to the conspiracy of La Mole, thus expressed himself: ** I knmo that you played 710 part in that troublesome affair. If I could have been led to credit what was stated to me concerning you, your life would have been forfeited. Do not place any confidence in ***** "" Upon which the queen, interrupting the royal sufferer, said, ** Do not state that, sir.'' — ** Ma- da??ie," resumed the king, ** I ought to say it, and it is true.'' Cayet affirms, that the individual al- luded to by the king, or whose name was utter- ed in ^jch low tones that it could not be under- stood, was the queen mother herself. In con- sequence of the advice of Charles the Ninth, Henry was uniformly upon his guard in respect to his mother-in-law ; whose caresses never 182 HENRY THE GREAT 1574. prompted him to place his person in her power, from the moment he found means to effect his escape from court. Charles the Ninth e.vpired weltering in his bloody at the castle of Vincennes, on the 30th of May, 1574, on the feast of Pentecost, at the age of twenty-four, wanting twenty-eight days, after a reign of thirteen years and a half. His body was opened, according to Brantome, Sully, Mezeray, &c. ; but neither abscess nor gangrene was ap- parent ; his body, however, was full of wounds, the cause of which the surgeons could never ascertain. On consulting Mathieu, D'Aubign^, Brantome, &c. to delineate the character of this prince, we must, in the first instance, make some allowance for his youth, and not be too rigorous in our judgment. His extreme vivacity and particular inclination for violent exercises, — for instance, toiling at the blacksmith's forge, where he used to labour in forming helmets, breastplates, &c.— - should equally be taken into consideration. He was also too much addicted to hunting, a treatise upon which amusement, written by Charles the Ninth, exists, forming a small volume in octavo, printed in 1625, now become extremely rare. This prince received a very bad education ; from his earliest infancy he was permitted to indulge in swearing — a disgraceful habit, which in consequence became a fashion with all the young men at court, not only under Charles, but continued to disgrace the periods of Henry the Third, Henry the Fourth, and part of the reign 1574. AND HIS COURT. 183 of Louis the Thirteenth. To such a pitch was this practice carried, that under Charles and his successor, legends of oaths, as they termed them, were composed, more infamous than those of the Spaniards, quoted by Brantome at the end of his Rodomontades ; and speaking of this vile custom, Jules Serclier, an ecclesiastic, living under Louis the Thirteenth, says, ** At the present day we scarcely recogtiise Christians, concept by the belfries and blasphemies, where they lacerate the name of Jesus Christ from the head to the feet." The morals of Charles the Ninth were quite neglected, and his licentious conduct rendered completely pub- lic. He had two children by Marie Touchet, before mentioned ; but the tenderness and esteem with which the graces and virtues of his wife Elizabeth of Austria inspired him, put an end to the delirium of youthful passion. By his queen he had only one daughter, who did not long survive him ; and, previous to his dissolution, Charles expressed pleasure at not having a son, who would be left an infant upon the throne exposed to all the chagrins that had attended his own career; an idea which in itself sufficiently testifies how burthensome the crown had proved to that unfortunate monarch. In acting Charles had frequently no choice, but in the adoption of hazardous enterprises ! The treasonable prac- tices to which he was subjected, changed his character, naturally frank and tinctured with gaiety. He was fond of poetry and music, and patronized the individuals who excelled in those 184 HENRY THK GREAT 1574. pursuits. In expressing himself, his manner was at once noble and energetic, his mind acute, his conception easy, and his judgment correct. Of this he gave a signal proof, in appreciating the conduct of his brother the king of Poland. It was at first imagined that jealousy gave rise to his want of esteem for that relative; but it after- wards became apparent he had acquired a per- fect insight as to his character. In short, any one dispassionately considering the conduct of Charles the Ninth, and allowing for his age, will find that he naturally possessed more good than evil qualities, and must also feel convinced, that, if, uncontaminated by the infamous precepts in- culcated by an ambitious wicked mother, expe- rience and resolute conduct had seconded his good intentions, he might have preserved France from those accumulated evils which she expe- rienced under the reign of his successor Henry the Third. AND HIS COURT. 185 CHAPTER VI. The queen appointed regent. — Journey of the duke of Anjou into Poland. — He abandons his new kingdom to take pos- session of the French crown. — Cabal called the Politics or Third Party. — Montgomery taken prisoner and beheaded. — Conferences held at Millaud. — Character of the duke of Damville. — Advice of Margaret of Savoy to Henry the Third. — Damville joins the confederation of Millaud. — Interview of Catherine and her soil at the bridge of Beauvoisin. — Characters of Henry the Third. — Th7-ee armies march against the Huguenots. — Insults offered to Henry the Third at the siege of Livron. — Procession of the penitents.— Death of the cardinal of Lorraine. — Coro- nation and Marriage of Henry the Third to Louisa of Vaudemont, niece of the duke of Lorraine. — Policy of the queen mother. — Conspiracy against Henry the Third, headed by his brother the duke of Alenpn. — Character of Henry duke of Guise. — Infamous machinations of Cathe- rine de Medicis. — Noble conduct of Henry of Navarre.— - Flight of the duke of Alencon from court. — Junction of the corfederate princes. — Liberation of marshals Mont- morency and de Cosse. — Escape of the ki)2g of Navarre. — Rosny's first martial exploit. — Henry establishes his court at Agen. — He loses that town and Reole. — Singular con- duct of Henry the Third. ~ Young Ros/iy's danger. — Narrow escape of the king of Navarre at the town of Eause. — Henry's intervieiv xoiih the queen mother at Nerac. — Pasquinade against Henry the Third.— Prin- cipal favourites of the king, and an odious crime attached to his character. During the long malady of Charles the Ninth, Catherine de Medicis, who had adopted every 186 HENRY THE GREAT 1574. precaution in order to ensure to herself the re- gency, took possession of the reins of government immediately after the demise of the king. The monarch destined to reign under the title of Henry the Third was then in possession of the throne of Poland : his early youth hud been illustrated by acquiring two brilliant victories, which announced a glorious and triumphant ca- reer, whereas, on the contrary, he was doomed to experience during the residue of his life the most extraordinary humiliations. In his way to Poland Henry of Anjou took the route of Germany, and in traversing the pro- testant states, he encountered a great number of French refugees, victims who had escaped the slaughter of Saint Bartholomew. The young king when sojourning with the count palatine was completely surrounded by them ; some re- garding the prince with sombre looks, murmured against him in audible terms, as having been one of the authors of their misfortune. After a very cool reception, the count led his royal guest to the picture gallery, where the first portrait that struck his attention was that of admiral Coligny. " You perfectly well recognise that man,' said his host : " in assassinating him, you put an end to the greatest captain of Christendom^ and you ought not to have acted thus, siiice he per- formed for you arid the king the gixatest services" To this fulminating remark, which was a direct insult, the duke of Anjou replied by excusing himself on the plea of the pretended conspi- racy of the admiral : " Sire,'' ans.wered the count 1574. AND HIS COURT. 187 coldly, " you know the whole history too well." This, however, was not the only disagreeable the king of Poland had to encounter upon his route, being subjected to many other insults no less repugnant to his feelings. Catherine de Medicis forwarded the news of the king's death with all the celerity possible, which arrived in Poland on the fifteenth day, when the new monarch immediately confirmed her in the regency, and expedited the necessary powers to vest her with that authority. A council was then held by the king of Poland and his youthful advi- sers, in order to decide whether the affairs of that country should be regulated, which would neces- sarily occupy some time, or if they should instant- ly set out for France. As the majority were al- ready desirous of returning, the latter advice was adopted, when the Poles used every effort to change the determination ; and, upon this, the king, from political motives, feigned to acquiesce with their wishes, the better to allay any suspicions respecting his departure, and afford him time to make secret preparations. On the night of the 18th of June, 1574, which was particularly dark, he fled like a fugitive from his palace at Cracow, and in two days arrived on the frontiers of the German empire, from whence he proceeded to Vienna, where he received great honours ; thus leaving exposed to the first fury of the Polanders his chancellor Pibrac, and those who had not been sufficiently alert to follow him. This precipitate departure might be excused 188 HENRY THE GREAT 1574. from the necessity that existed of calming France, by presenting the king to his people ; but it is difficult not to blame the measure, when we find that, far from hastening his journey, the monarch very complaisantly halted at every place where pleasures and festivities were prepared for his reception. From Vienna the king proceeded to Gratz, and thence to Venice, where magnificent festivities awaited his arrival ; and in all the principal cities of Italy similar motives occurred for retarding his progress, so that he did not arrive on the French territory until the expiration of three months, which occurred in September, after having con- tinued some time at the court of Turin, where councils were held which decided the destiny of France. When at Vienna and Venice, the king was exhorted to have recourse to gentleness and clemency with the Calvinists; but he, no doubt, measured the quantum of their hatred towards him by that which he entertained in respect to them ; and, in consequence, this wholesome advice produced no salutary effect upon his mind. France was in one of those critical situations, when the selection of a bad line of conduct might reduce it to an extremity which the utmost stretch of human prudence could not counteract. The tempest was gathering equally without as in the interior of the kingdom. The prince of Cond^ already displayed a capacity far above his years ; he had sought an asylum with the princes of Germany, for whose kindness towards 1574. AND HIS COURT. 189 the French Calvinists, with whom he kept up the closest correspondence, he testified, tlie warm- est gratitude. Tiie reformers were ready armed throughout all the provinces; they were sup- ported by the cabal named Politics, which af- terwards adopted the title of Third Party. This consisted of discontented catholics, who alleged as causes for complaint the imprisonment of the marshals Montmorency and De Coss6, the captivity of the king of Navarre and the duke of Alen9on, and the measures which they pre- tended the queen regent had taken to destroy the first houses of France, whose power awakened her suspicion. Under the shadow of these com- plaints, they conceived themselves authorized to fortify their governments, and to take up their cantonments in the cities under their control. Nothing was, in consequence, heard of, but fortresses being surprised, compositions, private treaties, some intervals of peace in the provinces usually devastated by intestine disorders, and the horrors of war suddenly transported into districts which had entertained the greatest hopes of the enjoyment of repose. The queen regent's policy was, to maintain affairs in a state of equilibrium until the arrival of the king; she succeeded, by a mixture of firm- ness and well-timed condescension: with one hand she tendered war, increasing the army and commanding the generals to act ; while with the other she signed truces. As soon as her oppo- nents were willing to treat, she was found ready ; 190 HENRY THE GREAT J574. she even anticipated their views, but without testifying fear or seeming in the least urgent. During the first days of the regency, Catherine sanctioned an act of rigour, which petrified the reformers and the leading men of the state. Montgomery, the involuntary murderer of Henry the Second at the tilting- match, and one of the leaders of a Calvinist party, had successfully carried on the war until that period in many provinces of the kingdom. It was to his vic- torious career in Beam that the confederates were indebted for the re-establishment of their affairs after the battle of Montcontour. It was that nobleman who also prevailed upon queen Elizabeth to send succours intended for Rochelle; and he commanded the fleet, which was driven from the coast and wrecked in Normandy, M^hen he was abandoned by his good fortune. Being invested in Domfront by marshal Matignon, Montgomery was forced to surrender, when, be- ing conducted to Paris, the parliament proceeded upon his trial. On this occasion, it is singular that a man who had encountered every danger with perfect indiff'erence, should not have been able to conquer the impulse of terror when standing arraigned before his judges. Montgomery was condemned, as a rebel and accomplice of admiral Coligny, to lose his head ; and, accoruing to Anquetil, he was more culpable than any other of the party: For, says that author, having had the misfortune to kill the king, he ought to have consecrated to the widow 1574. AND HIS COURT. 191 and his chil'dren all the talents he possessed, instead of precipitating himself, as he did, into the vortex of faction and intrigue. The judg- ment pronounced against this nobleman was executed ; *' an e^vample which teaches us,'' says De Thou, " that in those acts which attack crowned heads, chance is imputed as a crime, even when the will is innocent.'" Catherine was accused of having sacrificed Montgomery to the manes of her husband ; but whether it was from motives of vengeance or justice, she proved inexorable. So powerful is the language of the law on the mind of a people, that when this nobleman was condemned ac- cording to the customary forms by order of parliament, no one entered a protest; some feeble murmurs were only disseminated in the writings that appeared. These Catherine de- spised, wholly occupied as she was in frustrating the machinations of the discontented, and en- deavouring to thwart their meditated union. Upon this subject several conferences took place between the reformers ; the most famous of which were those at Millaud, a city of Rou- vergne, held during the months of July and August, 1574. Although absent, the prince of Cond6 ranked as the soul of these meetings. He demanded that the reformed churches should raise an impost of themselves; and with the money so furnished him he promised to collect an army in Germany, and then march into France at its head. Of this force, Conde was to continue 192 HENRY THE GREAT 1574, general in chief until the duke of Alencon and the king of Navarre should have regained their freedom, to whom he w^ould then yield the com- mand ; the court having detained them captives since the execution of La Mole and Coconnas. The confederates then reciprocally engaged them- selves; that is to say, the Politics were to procure for the Calvinists the free exercise of their reli- gion, and the latter, in return, were not to abandon their arms unless marshals Coss^ and Mont- morency were restored to liberty : in short, the whole were to carry on an obstinate war, until the states, legitimately assembled, should have devised solid means for a reform in the govern- ment, the punishment of the disturbers of public tranquillity, and the relief of the people. The queen regent adopted every expedient in her power to prevent the effect of these confer- ences. In the first instance, she for a length of time, by means of various proposals, delayed the departure of the deputies of Rochelle and other churches who were to repair thither. She then despatched secret agents, in order to sow seeds of discord among the different ministers ; but if the conclusion experienced delays, it was less owing to these underhand measures, than the irresolute conduct of Henri de Montgomery, se- cond son of the deceased constable, duke of Damville, and governor of Languedoc. This nobleman, possessing a gentle and pacific disposition, found himself, as it were, against his inclination, the leader of a party in the state. 1574. AND HIS COURT. 193 He was an indolent man, difficult to be moved, and addicted to his pleasures ; but of the most refined judgment, whom nothing could deceive when he took the pains to examine an affair ; and in such case, sufficiently getting the better of his nonchalance, to follow up, like the most active man, those resolutions which had been dictated to him by his prudence. Finding that under Charles the Ninth the kingdom had been in a flame, Damville continued tranquil in his go- vernment. Nothing would have afforded him greater satisfaction than to remain at peace : but sometimes the enterprises of the Calvinists, at others the orders from court, intruded on his tranquillity. He returned, however, as expedi- tiously as possible: a mode of conduct which gave umbrage to the neighbouring governors, particularly Montluc, who was addicted to war- fare, who fought merely for the pleasure of fight- ing, and would fain have had all the governors of provinces equally belligerent with himself. On being compared with these active go- vernors, Damville was regarded at court as a man on whom little reliance could be placed. The ministers several times attempted, but with- out success, to draw him from his province. When the imprisonment of his brother took place, Catherine, under the plea of holding a conference, despatched two of her most trusty emissaries, who are stated to have been charged with orders to seize him dead or alive. Dam- ville, on the other hand, equally under pretext of . VOL. I. o 194 HENRY THE GREAT 1574. treating* with the Calvinists for the restitution of peace, kept up a regular understanding with the party. Thus nothing existed but artifice and de- ception on either side. Being seized with a dis- order, the symptoms of which appeared rather extraordinary, Damville conjectured that he had been poisoned. Yet, notwithstanding the con- viction of such marked ill-will towards him, the love for repose would still have prevailed, and the duke would not have leagued with the con- federates of Millaud, could he have promised to himself any surety on the part of the king, whonj he went for the express purpose of meeting at Turin. All the princes whom Henry the Third en- countered on his route from Poland, particularly the emperor, and the doge of Venice, a man of most consummate prudence, entreated him, as we have previously stated, to adopt pacific measures on his return to France. Margaret of Savoy, his aunt, was anxious to witness his union with the Mont- morencies, fully persuaded that upon that mea- sure depended the return of many aliens of high rank, and the destruction of the Third Party. The king did not appear disinclined to adopt this advice; and, from the hopes in consequence en- tertained, the duchess engaged Damville to hazard a journey to Piedmont. He repaired thither, where he found himself in competition with Villeroi and Cheverni, despatched thither by the queen regent. While the king conti- nued to be guided by the advice of the duchess, the counsel of Damville was well received ; 1574, AND HIS COURT. 195 but no sooner had the young monarch lent a favourable ear to the insinuations of his mother's ministers, than he displayed nothing- but cold- ness and indifference to the governor of Lan- guedoc. The latter, soon perceiving that there vi^as no possibility of placing dependence on so vacillating a mind, took his departure ; and on regaining the seat of his government, he imme- diately ratified his allegiance to the confederation of Millaud. Henry the Third, having terminated his long journey, arrived in France after traversing Savoy, where he had had the interview with his aunt. He was conducted under an escort of six thousand infantry and one thousand cavalry, furnished him by the duke of Savoy, under an apprehension that in passing through Dauphiny he might be insulted by the Huguenots, who had a body of troops in that province. The queen mother, who had journeyed to Lyons with the whole court in order to meet her beloved son, repaired to the bridge of Beauvoisin, where she enjoyed the supreme satisfaction of beholding the crown on the brows of that child whom she had uniformly preferred to the other three. Catherine there presented to him the duke of Alen(^on and the king of Navarre, addressing him in these words : ** Here are two pri.sone}'s, whom I place at your disposal : you are acquainted with their conduct ; it behoves you to pronounce their destiny :" — when the king, says Perefixe, received them coldly : not- withstanding which, he attended to their excuses o 2 196 HFNRY THE GREAT 1574. with marks of favour, and then replied that he restored them to freedom, and should soon order the guards to discontinue attendance on their persons. The character of Henry the Third soon became apparent; and although his actions must speedily develope themselves, it is nevertheless essential, in the present instance, to point out the leading contrasts of his mind, because they proved the real source of all the troubles that speedily de- solated the kingdom. Cheverni, one of his most confidential minis- ters, and who constantly remained attached to his person, states, ** that his judgment was not good ; that he conceived better than he thought; that he entertained too high an opinion of his own capability ; that he scorned the advice of othei^s ; ayid that his taste for voluptuousness caused him to be universally de- spised.'' The duke of Nevers, who from per- sonal association contemplated the king mi- nutely, says, that when he was attached to any one, he neither thought nor acted but from his advice, and exclusively according to his ideas ; that he transformed himself, as one may say, into the persons of his favourites ; and that his prodigality was beyond all bounds. Mathieu the historian, who acquired these anecdotes from Henry the Fourth, and the noblemen who were his contemporaries, affirms, that Henry the Third regarded cruelties which were politically useful, as just and permitted ; an axiom, no doubt, in- stilled by his politic mother, from whom he also 1574. AND HIS COURT. 197 acquired a taste for refined artifice in the ma- nagement of public affairs : upon which account, when various expedients might be adopted, he uniformly chose the most indirect and compli- cated. He was certainly brave, but easily re- pelled, merely supporting war with willingness during the period of action. To these defects may naturally be attributed all the events of his reign. Gifted with more penetration than cor- rectness of judgment, he adopted a project with eagerness, and always selected the worst means in order to ensure success. Being a complete slave to the will of his favourites, it is not sur- prising that Henry the Third should frequently have sacrificed the welfare of the state to their private interests. His inordinate profusion neces- sarily created sentiments of hatred in the minds of the people, who paid for his extravagance, and were consequently the victims. In short, owing to this inclination for false Jinesse, for ha- zardous enterprises, and voluptuous repose, the result proved a chaos of intrigues, suspicions, jealousies, and treaties of peace, improperly rati- fied, which only proved the seeds of new wars. The eyes of all Europe were riveted upon Henry the Third, on beholding him mount the throne of France : every one called to mind the victories of Jarnac and Montcontour, which he had gained at the age of twenty-one ; and in consequence some signal action was at least ex- pected on his accession to power. He could not be formally accused of the massacre of Saint 198 HENRY THE GREAT 1574. Bartholomew, which v/as the act of the monarch who then governed. At the commencement of a reign, as hearts are from a natural impulse directed towards him who becomes the arbi- trator of so many destinies, all the illusions of hope and ambition become the certain pledges of universal benevolence : besides, princes pos- sess this peculiar advantage — that when the peo- ple are satisfied with their actual conduct, they may justify themselves for all past faults of which they have not made a public and solemn confes- sion. No edict of Henry the Third had proclaimed his approval of the massacres; — a mere expression of pity towards the victims, and some acts of cle- mency would have sufficed to justify him : — on the contrary, he spoke of that deed as a grand political act, and gloried in having been instru- mental to its perpetration. There was, in the fate of this prince, says Madame Genlis, some- thing whimsical and singularly unfortunate : he abused all his good qualities ; he misunderstood all the prerogatives and the dignity of his sta- tion ; he became despicable — not from a per- verse and wicked character, but, on the con- trary, owing to those virtues of which he neither knew the extent or the utility : he uniformly misapplied firmness and condescension ; his vi- gorous measures were either imprudent teme- rities or crimes, and his indulgence degenerated into meanness ; he sullied himself by power, and was humiliated with clemency ; filial piety and friendship proved in him inexcusable weaknesses ; 1574. ANT) HIS COURT. 199 and his devotion consisted in ridiculous super- stition. He was neither acquainted with men or things ; he was not deficient in understanding, neither did he reject truth ; but profound igno- rance, and an unaccountable frivolity of taste, rendered him incapable of reflecting upon and weighing his decisions ; and he became, as it were, on a sudden, paralysed by indolence and effeminate sloth. The fruits of this character throughout his reign were, irresolution, false measures, inconsistency, puerile weakness, at- tempts the most outrageous and ridiculous, and a degradation resulting from every species of scandal. Such deplorable conduct could not fail to shake a throne, and ultimately prove the de- struction of its sovereign. From the two great victories previously ad- verted to, it was but natural to suppose that Henry the Third would place himself at the head of his armies, and vigorously follow up his rebel subjects : but, governed by Catherine, the king- amused himself with negotiations ; and these were pursued with that want of faith which had so long reigned in the councils of the queen mother, who was herself the very soul of du- plicity. This despicable conduct, from the com- mencement of his reign, drew down upon the monarch the most vilifying marks of contempt. Montbrun, a gentleman of Dauphiny, who fifteen years before had been the first to take up arms in support of the Calvinists, being sum- moned on the part of the king to surrender up 200 HENltV THE GREAT 1574, certain prisoners, !iad the audacity to make the following reply: " How! the h'mg writes to me as king, and as if I was to recognise him. I would fain have him to learn, that such a proceeding might do very well in time of peace ; but, when war is waging, and we have arms in our hands, and the breech in the saddle, every one is but a companio?i" Montbrun afterwards paid with his life for this impertinent sally. Open acts of violence against a monarch are preferable to this tone of derision and contempt. The king, resolved on the annihi- lation of the Huguenots, set three armies on foot : one proceeded to Languedoc, under the com- mand of the duke d'Uzes ; Bellegrade received orders to repair to Dauphiny with the second ; and the third, headed by the duke de Montpen- sier, marched into Poitou : but the vigour and unceasing activity of the Calvinists caused the failure of all these enterprises. One of the royal armies having commenced the siege of Livron, a small town in Languedoc, and the king perceiving that his troops remained before the place without effecting any thing, re- paired thither in person, accompanied by his whole train of courtiers. The besieged, from the summit of their walls, after ascertaining his arrival, began to utter the most vilifying taunts, exclaiming, among other things: ''Cowards! as- sassins ! what do ye come hither to seek ? Think you we are to he surprised in our beds, and have our throats cut, as you did to the admiral? Stand forth, j/oww^ MiGNONs !" (pretty youths); — this term was 1574. AND HIS COURT. 201 applied by Henrj^ to certain highly favoured lads kept in his retinue, of whom we shall have occa- sion to speak more at large in the sequel ; — '* come hither y and experience to your cost, that you are not even capable of facing our ivomenf During the attacks carried on against this town, an old woman was actually seen seated on the breach, unconcernedly spinning, and ridiculing the be- siegers ; and, as if the king had only presented himself to experience this insult, he retired, and the siege was in consequence raised. Every thing declined in the armies, as in the council of state ; because the able ministers, and the experienced generals, seeing all their credit eclipsed by youthful favourites, retired from em- ployment. Far from feeling chagrined at this desertion, Henry felt gratified ; for, being no longer troubled with grave and venerable ad- visers, he was less impeded in the pursuit of pleasure ; and the places, which by this means became vacant, served as rewards for his mignons. Henry the Third, when at Avignon, personally assisted at the procession of penitents; a species of devotion which courtly example rendered very common in France. For the performance of this ridiculous ceremony it was requisite to be habit- ed in a kind of sack, hanging down to the heels : at the top of this covering was a hood similar to that worn by the monks, which completely covered the head and face, there being only two holes opposite the eyes, in order that the wearer might be enabled to see. There were black, white, green, and blue penitents, according to 202 HENRY THE GREAT 1574, the colour of their sacks : round their loins they wore a great chaplet formed of death's heads; and they carried a long scourge, wherewith many flagellated their shoulders. In warm countries — Italy for instance, where these fraternities were originally established — they performed their pro- cessions during the night ; and this custom was equally adopted in more temperate climates where the order was tolerated. The devotion of these penitents consisted in parading the streets from church to church, reciting the litanies and sing- ing the psalms in a most melancholy strain. We may easily imagine, under such a disguise, aided by the obscurity of nighty how many enormities might be committed with impunity. It was this circumstance, so frequently followed by indecent acts, which attracted the young men of the court. Each was anxious to assist, in order to gratify the monarch : nay, even Henry of Navarre at- tended ; who, the king laughingly remarked, '^ was ill suited for such an occupation.'' It was on quitting one of these penitentiary processions that the cardinal of Lorraine was attacked by a malady, which suddenly terminated his existence at the end of December 1574. This prelate was a personage of too great note not to excite suspicions that his death had been procured by means of poison ; and his sudden dissolution occupied the attention of the court for some days. The queen mother conceived that he appeared to her under the form of a pale ghastly phantom, and that he uttered reproaches 1575. AND HIS COURT. 203 against her ; visionary chimeras, says Anquetil, that very rarely attack a firm mind and a con- science pure from stain. A dreadful tempest which happened to desolate the greater part of France the day subsequent to that ecclesiastic's death, was, according to the idea of the catho- lics, a certain prognostic of celestial vengeance, which had till then been appeased by the pray- ers of that great man. The Calvinists, on the contrary, asserted, that it v/as the sabbath of the demons, who had issued from the infernal regions to take possession of the cardinal's soul. We quote these extravagant fooleries in order that the reader may form a correct judgment of the party spirit that predominated among the adverse fac- tions. The death of the cardinal of Lorraine was speedily followed by the marriage of Henry the Third, who had been enamoured of Mary of Cleves, a princess of the house of Cond6. This affection on the part of his majesty has served as the groundwork for some old French ro- mances ; and it was to that lady the king penned the letter from Poland with his own blood, which we have previously noticed. As soon as he had knowledge of the demise of his brother Charles the Ninth, he expedited a courier to the princess, announcing to her that she should be queen of France ; but Mary soon afterwards died suddenly. The king then called to mind the charms of Louisa of Vaudemont, niece of the duke of Lor- raine, whom he had seen in his journey to Po- 204 HENRY THE GREAT 1575. land ; and she soon after became his queen. Henry the Third arrived at Rheims, and was crowned on the 15th of February, 1575, by the cardinal of Guise ; and on the ensuing day his marriage with princess Louisa was solemnized. This event added to the power of the house of Guise, of which duke Henry was the head, who then enjoyed favour, and was subsequently killed at Blois. This prince, says Perefixe, one of the bravest that ever existed, conceived the idea of governing the king through the medium of his relative queen Louisa : he had also contracted a close intimacy with the king of Navarre, whom he denominated his master, while the former equally honoured him with the appellation of comphx (hearty good fellow). The gentle and virtuous queen Louisa, how- ever, was uniformly sad in the midst of royal grandeur : she could not console herself for the sacrifice she had been compelled to make in pre- ferring the king of France to the brother of count de Salm, whose vows she had cherished from early childhood. This princess had equally captivated Francis de Brienne, of the house of Luxembourg ; and Henry the Third, acquainted with this circumstance, finding him one day alone and melancholy, said, " I have espoused your mistress, and am desirous of relinquishing to you my own.'' The change was far from equal, as the personage alluded to by the king was a young- lady of very light character. Brienne excused himself, and in disgust immediately after retired 1575. AND HIS COl'RT. 205 from court. It was thus the monarch, either from a want of delicacy or the indulgence of some ludicrous whim, disgusted his real friends, urging them to shun at once his society and his councils. Notwithstanding the promise given by the king that he would liberate Henry of Navarre and the duke of Alen^on, he still caused them to be so closely watched, that the former found it impossible to escape from court so speedily as he desired; for, independent of the ordinary per- sons employed to watch his movements, every do- mestic in the service of Henry was a spy upon his proceedings : added to which, he was ap- prehensive, that if discovered endeavouring to escape, the act would be followed by his as- sassination. The queen mother, however, who had uni- formly kept the king of Navarre at court with so much care, would have been glad to witness his absence; for the king, her darling son, began to take some notice of Henry's affairs ; which was displeasing to Catherine, who was uniformly desirous of usurping complete control. Being therefore apprehensive that, in assuming to him- self royal authority, he might diminish her own, she thought that the best expedient would be to embarrass the monarch by new factions and civil wars, whereof she alone, as we may say, possessed the master-key ; by which means he would find it impossible to govern without her assistance. It was on this account that, so long 206 IlENRY THE GREAT 1575. as the queen mother existed, she never ceased to foment quarrels in secret, and inflame the various parties at court and in the provinces, until at length, having desolated the state and subverted all the laws and social order, she herself expired amidst that general conflagration she had so long continued to feed and increase. At the period of the king's preparation to proceed to Rheims in order to be crowned, a conspiracy was discovered against his person, headed by his brother the duke of Alen(;;on, who was instigated by the friends of the deceased admiral, and those of La Mole, who had been his favourite. Some conceived it was a regular scheme, arranged by the queen mother in order to astonish and weaken the mind of the king ; and the reason for accrediting this opinion was, that she prevailed upon Henry the Third to pass over the crime in so light a manner that none of the accomplices or instigators were brought to punishment. Whether or not such was the fact, the king upon this occasion shewed great con- fidence in Henry of Navarre, who, in conjunction with his friends, served as captain of the royal guard during the journey to Rheims, having received orders never to quit the door of the monarch's carriage ; a conduct the more gene- rous, inasmuch as he had no other cause to regard him with affection than the obligation which was imposed upon him by duty as his vassal, and being related to him by blood. We have recently had occasion to mention 1575. AND HIS COURT. 207 Henry duke of Guise, related to Louisa queen of Henry the Third. This prince, whose life had been sullied by the murder of Coligny, which was perpetrated under the plea of filial piety, nevertheless inherited many of the bril- liant qualifications of his father, and he was equally famed for courage and audacity : but he neither possessed his principles, his virtue, or his genius. His physiognomy possessed so much attraction, that one of the courtiers re- marked, *' the Huguenots themselves formed part of the League ichen they beheld the duke of Guise y He, generally speaking, displayed in aflPairs that coup d'oiil of the master which facili- tates prompt decisions, and leads to the adoption of proper expedients in critical moments, when a want of determination ruins every thing. To act, was with the duke the speedy result of a thought equally rapid and penetrating : he might be mistaken, but his first idea was uni- formly preferable to subsequent reflection. The duke of Mayenne, his brother, exhorting him one day to weigh the inconveniences before he adopted a measure, " That ivhich I could rwt resolve" said he, " in a quarter of an hour, I should never comprehend in the course of my life.'''' This sentence is at once explanatory of his cha- racter and the turn of his mind ; and such is the man against whom the irresolute and feeble Henry the Third had to contend ! The ambition of the duke of Guise became gradually un- bounded : Nature had created him to gain ad- 208 HENRY THE GREAT 1575. herents; but she accords something stiil more valuable to those whom she has framed to obtain a sovereign and lasting empire over mankind. The duke of Guise w^as formed to enjoy every momentary success vi^ith eclat ; duty presented no barrier in his mind. False glory puffs up M^ithout elevating the soul ; it allovv^s of no im- pediment, or, rather, commands every thing by overleaping all its boundaries : whereas true glory- enters only upon legitimate projects ; it con- templates nothing gigantic or ridiculous ; it is calm, because purity is the source of its action ; the flame it inspires continues in the direct path ; it guides and inculcates the precepts of wisdom. The king of Navarre was naturally fond of the duke of Guise, as we have previously observed; and his queen Margaret, who, to speak the truth, says Perefixe, could not exist without intrigues, did every thing in her power to keep up this friendly intercourse ; endeavouring also to unite to their friendships Monsieur — (the duke of Alen- ^on was so called after the coronation of his brother) — to whom she was very much attached. But as the union of princes is the downfal of favourites and those M'ho wish to encroach upon the government, the queen mother very adroitly stopped the progress of this connexion, by awakening jealousy in the king's mind against his queen; irritating the duke of Alen^on against the duke of Guise, by bringing to his recollection the massacre of admiral Coligny ; and inces- santly fomenting disputes between the king of 1575. AND HIS COURT. 209 Navarre and the duke of Alenpon, by means of the intrigues of some women, and particularly Madame de Sauve, a deceitful coquette, beloved by both, and alike deceiving each, being pur- chased over to forward the interests of Catherine de Medicis. While the queen mother fomented these dis- sensions, the faction called the Politics, or Third Party, carried on their intrigues; and at the period of the coronation of Henry the Third they finally ratified, at Nimes, the treaty which they had pre- viously projected. The confederates nominated their chiefs; established imposts, and regulated the levies and various expenditures : they also enacted laws for the administration of justice, for the discipline of the troops, the liberty of commerce, and the free exercise of Calvinism ; while edicts were passed wholly independent of the monarch, the tenor of which was a solemn engagement never to ratify singly any treaty whatsoever. The Politics, or Third Party, con- tinued faithful to this clause, upon which de- pended all the power of the confederacy. It was, no doubt, very detrimental to the state, and still more so to the royal cause, to witness these divisions ; and persons well acquainted with the history of those times, attribute the misfortunes and ultimate ruin of the race of Va- lois to that increasing discord which Catherine, by a most diabolical policy, fomented among her children. She nourished a deadly hate between the king and Monsieur his brother ; in conse- yoL. I. p 210 HENUY THE GREAT 1575. quence of which, a circumstance occurred tend- ing as much to show the dauntless courage and generosity of the king of Navarre as any glorious action that subsequently marked his career. Shortly after the coronation, Henry the Third was attacked by an excruciating pain in the ear ; when, calling to mind that his brother Francis the Second had died of an abscess in that organ, which was attributed to poison, he conceived that Monsieur had conspired against his life ; in which idea he was confirmed from various false reports that were industriously circulated. Dur- ing the first impulse of his fury, he summoned the king of Navarre ; and, expressing the chagrin he should experience in leaving the crown to such an unnatural successor, he charged him with the execution of a revenge which would have ensured Henry the crown, or at least have placed him nearer in succession, in the event of the poisomiot proving mortal. The king of Na- varre did not conceal the horror with which such a proposal inspired him. " On the contrary,'''' said that prince, ** both my honour and my glory ejcact that I should watch to the utmost of my ability, in order to preserve the life of a prince who, at this moment, according to the order of succession, stands alone between myself and the royal authority. I may not personally feel attachment for him, but it is 7ny duty to defend him.'' This, however, was not all ; for the generous Henry, by his arguments, re- futed the charge brought against Monsieur with so much warmth, that the king in consequence promised to adopt no measures against his bro- 1575. AND HIS COURT. 211 ther. On the recovery of the monarch, the in- nocence of Monsieur was recognised ; when the former returned thanks to the king of Navarre for having prevented the commission of such a crime, and his esteem for the prince increased accordingly. The king, however, did not cherish less animosity towards his brother, whom he caused to be constantly watched ; notwithstand- ing which precaution. Monsieur found means to escape on the 15th of September, 1575. Pere- fixe, speaking of the king's wish to have his brother assassinated by Henry of Navarre, states, that he used every argument to convince the latter, that, if he did not put a period to the ex- istence of such a wicked wretch as his brother, he would doubtless act in that manner towards himself; and the king's favourites, who indulged the same opinion as their master, seeing Mon- sieur pass near at the moment, by their murder- ous looks seemed already to sacrifice him to their vengeance. Henry, continues our author, argued against the horror of such a crime ; but the king, who was not to be satisfied with reasonings, flew into such a rage, that he was desirous the deed should be perpetrated on the instant, fearful lest he might fail in its accomplishment after his disso- lution. Had the two brothers, namely, the king and Monsieur, adds Perefixe, been out of the world, the crown of right devolved to the king of Na- varre. Now, to all appearance, one was oii the eve p2 212 HENRY THE GREAT 1575. of death ; and it was at his option to have assas- sinated the other, having the favourites, the king's officers, the Guises, their friends, and almost all the nobility, at his devotion ; for Monsieur did not rank high in public estimation, almost universally hated, and only supported by the brave Bussy d'Amboise. How few princes would have suf- fered such a favourable opportunity to escape them ! Our hero, however, (for after such an action we may well designate him by that title,) felt shocked on witnessing the furious conduct of Henry the Third, and disdained to place it to his advantage. *' Is there a more praiseworthy ambition than the being able to moderate its im- pulses, when they are not founded in justice ; and feeling desirous of preserving one's conscience and honour, rather than compass the possession of a crown by indirect means ? Diadems, ac- quired by such criminal acts, do not imprint the stamp of glory on the brows of those who wear them : they are rather brands of infamy — such as are applied to the culprit and the robber." *' Heaven, no doubt, approving the generous sentiments of our hero, predestined him to re- ceive the sceptre of the flower-de-luce, because he felt no impatience to possess it before his time ; whereas the brothers of the race of Va- lois, who strove to procure it from one another, uniformly came to miserable ends, and had for their successor that man who disdained to render himself a monarch through the medium of a crime." 1575. AND HIS COURT. 213 After the convalescence of Henry the Third, he daily permitted his favourites to offer insults to Monsieur, who became the sport of every society ; not considering that the contempt thus lavished upon his brother ultimately devolved upon him- self, and that he thereby hardened his subjects to show him disrespect, by permitting them to trench upon the dignity of one so closely allied to his own person. The courtiers were even anxious to assassinate by night, at the gate of the Louvre, the gallant Bussy d'Amboise, who was the sole favourite and almost the unique support of Monsieur ; and it was believed orders were issued, that in case the duke of Alen^on had proceeded to his assistance, (because persons were purposely stationed in order to cry out. They assassinate Bussy ! ) he was himself to have shared a similar fate. The duke of Alen9on regarded this attempt upon the life of his friend as intended against his own person : added to which, a short time previously, reports had gone abroad that Damville had died at Languedoc ; when the king issued orders that marshals Montmorency and De Cosse, still pri- soners in the Bastille, should be strangled in that fortress ; the non-execution of which sentence was only owing to the delays and remonstrances of Gilles de Souvr6, who at length obtained a remission of the sentence until the news should be confirmed. It proved false, and the proscribed were thus saved. But these sanguinary deter- minations, although not accomplished, excited 214 HENRY THE GREAT 1575. the indignation of the duke of Alen^on and the Montmorencies, who, being equally ill treated, made one common cause. On the 15th September, 1575, the duke of Alen^on effected his escape from court, and im- mediately sought refuge with the malcontents. This flight, says De Thou, excited a very strong sensation throughout the kingdom ; the duke pro- ceeding with all the expedition possible to the city of Dreux, which was one of the appendages to his title, and where he found a strong escort : from whence he despatched a manifesto to the court, abounding in protestations of fidelity to the king, complaints against his favourites, toge- ther with promises to the great and to the people ; a stile usually adopted in such documents. This memorial, partly founded in fact, was productive of the most unfortunate consequences to the court. If Catherine, instead of sowing seeds of division between the princes by her abominable policy, had resorted to every means for the pur- pose of maintaining a good understanding in the royal family, the heads of the government would not have taken up arms against the sovereign au- thority, and contributed to its ultimate overthrow. The flight of the duke of Alen^on created so much astonishment at court, and his resources and designs were so little developed, that orders were issued for the fortifying the town of Saint Denis, as if the duke had had an army under his command ready to undertake the siege of Paris. The party of Monsieur became very numerous. 1575. AND HIS COURT. 215 From Dreux he proceeded intoPoitou; where he formed a junction with Lanoue, Levi de Venta- dour, brother-in-law of Damville, and his nephew Henry de la Tour d'Auvergne, accompanied by a long train of nobility. The prince of Cond^ was also on his march from Germany at the head of a considerable force, intending to join him ; but the queen mother prevented the accomplishment of this project. Fear generally awakens cruelty ; and Catherine, learning that Thor6, brother of the duke of Montmorency, was on the point of en- tering France with a considerable force, destined to clear the way for the army of duke Casimir, son of the elector of the palatinate, sent a mes- senger to inform him, that, if he continued to ad- vance, she would forward to him the heads of his brother and his brother-in-law : to which Thor6 replied, *' 1/ the queen performs her promise, she has nothing j^emaining in Fraiice which shall not feel the weight of my vengeance /' and he then con- tinued his march. This massacre was produc- tive of a contrary resolution ; for marshals Mont- morency and De Coss6 were delivered from the Bastille, in order to use their mediation with the duke of Alen^on. The queen mother exerted every endeavour to persuade the prisoners that they were solely in- debted for their freedom to her kindness ; and, after loading them with caresses, she conducted them into Touraine, where she came in contact with the duke of Alen^on. llie success of the treaty solely depended on the fate of arms. Thore 216 HICNKY THE GREAT 1575, was now upon the French territory, intending" to unite his forces with those of the allies be- yond the Loire. The duke of Guise, governor of Champaign, marched to encounter him ; and, having attacked his forces, defeated them near Langres. During this action he received a wound upon the cheek, the scar from which continued to the period of his death; and upon this account he was surnamed Le Balafre, or The Cicatrized. Things, however, continued in an undecided state ; and the malcontents, regarding this check as of trifling import, still continued resolute ; when a new event occurred to throw greater obstacles in the way of an accommodation. The king of Navarre, says Perefixe, had been power- fully solicited to follow the duke of Alen^on and join the Calvinists, which the duke stated he had promised to do. Care had, however, been taken to estrange from him all those persons who might have favoured his flight ; and in their place were substituted individuals feed to pre- vent any such measure : — he was also promised the rank of lieutenant-general in the king's ar- my, a very potent spell to allure and retain him ; added to which, his ardent passion for the beau- tiful Sauve proved a more powerful incentive. Notwithstanding this, however, the natural en- ergy of his mind, his impetuous courage, and the dread he entertained lest the duke of Alen- 9on and the prince of Cond6 should hold a first rank with the Huguenot party — which had been, as it were, his cradle, and was to become his 1575. AND HIS COUK'I. 217 fortress — the remonstrances of many of his friends, and the harassing inventions of Cathe- rine, who did every thing in her power to irri- tate the king against him : all these circum- stances combined, at length urged Henry to adopt a plan for his escape. The king of Navarre had been to hunt the stag in the forest of Senlis, and from thence repaired to M. de la Tremouille at Chantilly, under the pretext of taking some repose; but during the same night he proceeded on the road for Normandy, accompanied by five or six noble- men, the confidants and companions of his jour- ney : among this number was his youthful pupil young baron de Rosny, then sixteen years of age, whose patron had attained his twenty-third year. The prince first sought refuge at Tours, where he instantly declared that his abjura- tion from Calvinism had been brought about by violent measures, and that he returned to that persuasion in which he had been reared from his infancy. Henry then despatched from Tours young Rosny, .accompanied by Fervaques, in order to demand the princess his sister (ma- dame Catherine de Bourbon, afterwards duchess of Bar) of the French court. This request was complied with ; and upon the second day the princess, returning to the protestant faith, at- tended divine service at Chateaudun, and imme- diately afterwards rejoined the king at Parthenay. The intention of Henry in the first instance was not to join the duke of Alen^on, for whom 218 HENRY THE GREAT 1575. he felt no esteem ; but he was speedily com- pelled to adopt that measure, notwithstand- ing the truce which was still in force. The prince of Cond6, who had not signed that docu- ment, w^as with a considerable body of German troops, commanded by prince Casimir ; and at the beginning of March he joined the duke of Alenpon, and ceded to him the direction of the army. The prince was much embarrassed with this honour, not only on account of his inca- pacity, but from the difficulty he experienced in paying strangers, more eager for money than glory. The duke and the prince of Cond6 sent a deputation to the king of Navarre, soliciting him to join them ; when Henry, not without repugnance, repaired to their army, composed of about thirty-five thousand men. After this junction, the three princes, in their turn, made Catherine tremble ; and every thing seemed to announce a sanguinary war. It was at this period young Rosny performed his first feat of arms in the neighbourhood of Tours, where se- veral encounters took place between various de- tachments of the forces. The king of Navarre, whose attention was uniformly directed towards him, was given to understand that the youth had conducted himself with great temerity; upon which, having summoned him to his presence, he said, ** It is not upon such occasions I ivish you to hazard your life : I applaud your courage, but I am desirous that you should employ it better.'' This occasion was not so near as was generally 1575. AND HIS COURT. 219 imagined. Catherine, to allay this storm, had recourse to her usual expedients — intrigue, se- ductions, and promises. To obtain a truce, she had liberated the marshals from prison, who ad- vocated the cause of her son ; and she now freed her daughter, Margaret queen of Navarre, who had been kept a prisoner from the period of the flight of her brother and her husband. The duke of Alen9on entertained the most tender sentiments towards his sister, which were requited by si- milar feelings upon her part. The queen mother conducted Margaret to the camp of her son, who was also accompanied by many other ladies : this suite, selected from among the most brilliant youth of the court, was denominated son escadron volant, (her flying squadron.) The queen mother, says Perefixe, in escort- ing Margaret to her husband, did not afford any great pleasure to either of them. The princess, who delighted in the splendour of the court of France — in which she may be said to have swum, as it were, in the plenitude of intrigue — thought her removal to Guienne a complete state of ba- nishment ; and Henry, well acquainted with her temperament and conduct, would have preferred her absence to her presence. However, as he found it was an evil without remedy, he resolved to submit quietly, and left his wife at complete liberty. He rather considered her in the light of the king's sister than his own queen. He also pretended that nullities existed in their mar- riage; but he patiently awaited the time and 220 HENRY THF. GREAT 1575. season to give them publicity. Notwithstanding this, accommodating himself to the season and necessity of his affairs, he strove to derive ad- vantages from her intrigues and credit ; and he received no small benefit from them, at the con- ference which took place between the Huguenot deputies and Catherine at Nerac; for, while the latter thought to enchant them with the beautiful women in her suite and the eloquence of Pibrac, Margaret opposed to her mother the same arti- fices; gained over the gentlemen who attended her parent by the beauty of her retinue, and employed her own charms to such advantage as to enchain completely the mind of poor Pibrac. In consequence of this, he acted only as Mar- garet directed, and completely in opposition to the intentions of the queen mother ; who, not conceiving for a moment that a man endowed with so much wisdom could be guilty of such folly, was in consequence deceived in many es- sential points, and thus insensibly led to yield several things to the Huguenots in opposition to what she had originally intended. The duke of Alen^on could not resist the arti- fices of his mother, the prayers of his sister, and the promises that accompanied so many united seductions. His possessions were augmented by the three provinces of Touraine, Berry, and Anjou, with a pension of one hundred thou- sand crowns. The prince of Cond6 was pro- mised the government of Picardy ; and prince Casimir, fine landed possessions in France, and 1575. AND HIS COURT. 221 the support of his troops — to whom, however, a very trifling sum of ready money was given. For this they amply indemnified themselves by ravaging all the provinces through which they passed in marching to regain the frontiers, there to await the million of money that was to be paid to their commander. The king of Navarre was not included in this last treaty; but he pretended to feel satisfied, because it was very favourable to the Huguenots. If he procured no particular advantage, he was at least recom- pensed by the confidence and esteem of all his partisans, who from that period regarded him as their chief and protector, and closely at- tached themselves to his person. Although the most advantageous peace was ratified with the Huguenots, and an edict issued granting them every civil and religious advantage which they required, nothing could allay their mistrust; and their fears were raised to the utmost pitch on hearing that the catholics had just entered into a confederacy, which was en- titled the Holy League. The king of Navarre retired to Rochelle, where he was received with open arms. He did not, however, remain long in that city, but proceeded to take possession of his government of Guienne ; when he had the mortification to find the gates of Bordeaux shut against him, under pretext that the inhabitants were afraid he would se- cure the city to himself, and abolish the ca- tholic religion : a galling affront to a courageous 222 HENRY THE GREAT 1575. young prince, which he very wisely suffered without complaining, not having it in his power to avenge himself; while he generously buried the recollection in oblivion, when he afterwards possessed the means of resenting this insult. Catherine shortly after formally denied all the promises she had made to the Calvinists, who in consequence flew to arms even before the con- clusion of the year 1575. Henry the Third, being resolved to continue the war against the Huguenots, nevertheless deemed it expedient to send a deputation to the king of Navarre and the prince of Cond6, ex- horting them to return to the bosom of the ca- tholic church. The prince of Cond6 refused to receive the deputies, causing it to be stated to them that he desired nothmg so much as peace; and that, if the conditions of the last treaty were abided by, he was ready to lay down his arms. The king of Navarre admitted the deputies to his presence, and made the following wise reply ; *'That he felt nothmg but obedience to the king in every thing he was empowered to perform ; that he suppli- cated his majesty to permit him the exeixise of that re- ligion in which he had been brought up ; that he every day prayed to God he would continue to strengthen his mind in such belief if it were good ; and if it were not so^ that he would accord him grace to aban- don and give him power to abolish it'' Henry es- tablished his little court at Agen, where he made himself adored by the people for his justice, cle- mency, and liberality. During a ball, however. 1575. AND HIS COURT. 223 it so happened that some young courtiers, having extinguished the lights, and been guilty of many indiscretions, the inhabitants were so scandalized that they surrendered up their city to marshal Biron, who was governor of Guienne for the king; and, shortly after this, Henry also lost R^ole by another act of youthful levity. He had confided the government of the place to an old Huguenot captain, named Ussac, who had a face dreadfully deformed ; yet, notwithstanding his ugliness and his age, he became desperately in love with a young lady. Viscount Turenne, afterwards duke of Bouillon, then twenty-two years of age, turned this ridiculous passion into derision : the whole court laughed at the love-fit of the veteran; and Henry himself, instead of im- posing silence on his courtiers, joined them, and uttered frequent sarcasms on the subject. Ussac could not bear the raillery of his master ; and, to avenge himself for this inconsiderate and pointed gaiety, he abandoned his religion, his oaths, and his honour, and surrendered up Reole to Duras. The latter nobleman had equally shared the fa- vour of the king of Navarre, but quitted him from a motive of pique, Henry having shown less afi^ection for him than Roquelaure, who, says Perefixe, was one of the most honest and agree- able men of his times. To please, and to make oneself beloved without exciting jealousy, is a most necessary art for princes ; and, above all, in tempestuous times. They are then better able to distribute places to age, merit, and abi- *224 HENRY THE GREAT 1575. lity, than to accord the preference to favourites and those more personally intimate. They tes- tify favour and friendship ; and, although they confer nothing of any consequence, they seem to promise every thing. Henry the Fourth, how- ever, learned in the sequel this most important art, since no monarch ever made a better use of it, and knew so well how to be delicate in regard to the self-love of his friends. The loss of the towns of Agen and Rtole af- fords a striking lesson for all princes : it teaches them that they are responsible, in the eyes of the public, for the imprudences of all those who surround them ; and that satire, from their lips, produces the deepest and most envenomed wounds. Notwithstanding the reverses Henry the Third experienced, and the recommencement of warlike operations, he did not suffer his tranquillity to be molested. He usually went out every day in his carriage, accompanied by the queen, traversing the various streets of Paris, and carrying with him little dogs, of which he was particularly fond : he also frequented the convents for females in the environs of the city, in search of more ani- mals of the same species, to the great regret of the ladies who possessed them ; and he would also frequently cause the French grammar to be read to him, and learn to conjugate the verbs. This same monarch, during the months of Oc- tober and November, while the malcontents were fortifying themselves under shadow of the 1575. ^ AND HIS COURT. 225 truce, which was not then broken, used to fre- quent the churches, distributing arms, praying most devoutly, throwing aside his beautifully plaited shirts, to which he had formerly been so much attached, and assuming those of the Italian make with falHng collars. He also ordered a general and solemn procession, in which the relics of the holy chapel were carried ; and as- sisted in person, counting the beads of his ro- sary with the greatest zeal. By his command the whole city and the court attended, except the ladies, whom the king forbade to assist, al- leging, that no true devotion existed when they were present. It is still problematical whether Henry the Third performed these religious rites from mo- tives of hypocrisy, a love of show, or from real devotion. It would be too hard to tax a man with hypocrisy who never knew how to conceal his own vices : but he may be suspected of osten- tation for assisting at these ceremonies with an air of grand parade ; and also be taxed with frivolity, since he proved the first to ridicule the buffooneries practised by his young mignons, under the sacks of penitents; and he may no less be arraigned for great impropriety of con- duct, when, not satisfied with repeating his chap- let formed o^deat /is heads along the public streets, he even muttered them in the ball-rooms, amidst scenes of debauchery, and also called them the scourge of his great hackneys. Perhaps, having received a bad edtication, the king^ persuaded VOL. I. Q 226 HENRY THE GREAT 1576. himself that religion only consisted in exterior appearances, which even with catholics should be regarded as mere accessories. The king of Navarre, abandoned by part of his forces, effected nothing of great consequence at the commencement of the war. All enterprises of that description, then, consisted in seizing by stra- tagem, or on the first onset, the enemy's towns or castles; which, however, rarely happened without battles that frequently proved san- guinary. Henry was very badly supplied ; and his army composed alike of Calvinists and catho- lics, who fought from mere attachment to his per- son : but this mixture was prejudicial to his affairs, owing to the enmity that existed between the two parties. Lavardin laid siege to Villefranche for the king of Navarre : young Rosny, having mounted the wall at the assault with his standard, was precipitated into the ditch by the shock of pikes and halberds ; and continued there plunged in the mud, and so entangled in the colours, which he had resolutely determined not to yield, that he must undoubtedly have perished, had not some soldiers assisted him to quit the moat. The town being taken, was completely pillaged ; Rosny ac- quiring, for his share of the plunder, a purse con- taining a thousand gold crowns of the Sun, (so called because in the centre of the coin was a stamp of the sun,) which an old man, pursued by Jive or si.v soldiers, gave him in order to preserve his life. It was thus, in those most disastrous times, that war was carried on by fellow-citizens against their 1576, A^D HIS COURT. 227 neighbours, in their own country, and conducted by the most humane and generous commanders. In civil commotions, no law exists; and war- like anarchy is, of all modes of plunder, the most horrible : it knows no bounds, nor even any moral punishment ; it is carried on in despite of Divine and human justice, and proves no disho- nour in the eyes of the multitude. Sully records a singular adventure which oc- curred at the town of Villefranche some time afterwards. The citizens of that place, having formed a plot to take Montpazier, another small neighbouring town, by surprise, chose, without knowing it, the very same night for the execution of their plan which had been selected by the na- tives of Montpazier to seize upon Villefranche. It so happened, by mere accident, that, having chosen different routes, the two forces did not encounter each other. The whole was executed by either party with the greater facility, as the walls were left unprotected. They mutually pil- laged and loaded themselves with plunder : each party applauding the complete success of the ex- pedition, until the return of day, which mani- fested that the good fortune, or, more properly speaking, the disaster, was equal on both sides. The result was a reciprocal agreement, that each should return to his own habitation, and every thing be replaced in its former position; that is to say, as fully as could be accomplish- ed, considering the havoc attending such an q2 228 HENKY THE GREAT 1576. expedition : and it is in this manner very long and sanguinary wars are frequently terminated. The religious animosities that existed in the army of the king of Navarre produced an oppo- sition in that prince's councils, which caused the failure of many of his plans, and, among others, that of the siege of Marmande. Lavardin attack- ed that city against the advice of Lanoue, and in opposition to the king's will : Rosny was charged with the seizure of a post about two hundred paces from the town ; but scarcely had he gained the spot, when he was assailed by a detachment consistins: of thrice his own force : he intrenched himself in some adjacent houses, which were for- tunately near the spot, and there defended him- self for a considerable time. He was at length on the point of surrendering, with the rest of his discouraged soldiers, when the king of Navarre, who saw the danger to which he was exposed, flew to his aid, fought during the whole of the day, and rescued them all. Notwithstanding the monarch's intrepidity, it was impossible to take the city ; but propositions for peace having been forwarded from thence, Henry had thus a fea- sible pretext for withdrawing his forces. In 1576, the king of Navarre learned that the town of Eause, which belonged to him, was in a state of revolt, owing to the machinations of some mutineers ; and that the inhabitants refused ad- mittance to the garrison he had despatched thither. He commanded a baud of soldiers to con- ceal their arms under the hunting-cloaks where- 157G. AND HIS COUUT. 229 in they had dressed themselves, and to march to a certain place in the open country which he pointed out to them, and proceeded thither to await their arrival. In this manner he repaired to the gates of the town before an account of his march had transpired ; and entered the place, without any obstacle presenting itself, at the head of fifteen or sixteen of his party, who had followed his person closer than the rest of the troop ; among which was the youthful Rosny. The mutineers on the instant gave the word, when the bar of the city gate was let down, thus impeding the entrance of the residue of the corps. Immediately the rebels sounded the toc- sin, and fifty armed soldiers rushed forward, pre- cipitating themselves upon the king, who, thus enclosed within the place, and cut off from the main body of his troops, had no other force than the trifling number before mentioned. Three or four voices from among the revolters were in par- ticular heard to exclaim, " Fire at that scarlet cloak and the white jilume of feathers, for it is the Icing of Navarre /" — Henry, then turning to his little troop, said : ** My friends, my companions ! it is now essentially necessary to display courage and reso- lution, for on that alone depends our preservation. Let each man follow me, and he guided by my example, not discharging his pistol until the muzzle touches the breast of his enemy ^ Having pronounced these words, he drew forth a pistol and marched direct- ly up to the mutineers with undaunted courage, who, unable to withstand the attack, dispersed 230 UENKY THE GREAT 1576. and fled in disorder. Three or four small bands which subsequently presented themselves were driven away in a similar mnnner ; but the enemy having at length mustered to the number of two hundred, the danger became imminent in the extreme. The king then sought refuge under the portal of a church, which facilitated his de- fence ; and he there maintained his post with firm- ness. In this perilous situation he had still suffi- cient presence of mind to order two officers to ascend into the belfry, to make signal to those who were without the walls, in order that they might force open the gates ; which was the more easily accomplished as, fortunately, the citizens had not wound up the drawbridge. Those in- habitants who were secret partisans of the king, without daring to manifest their sentiments at the period of the sedition, seeing the troops on the point of entering the city, attacked the mutineers in the rear, when the latter defended themselves with desperation ; but the gates being forced, and the town filling with soldiers, the rebels were upon the point of being put to the sword, and the city given up to sackage, had not the principal inha- bitants, headed by their consuls, thrown them- selves at the feet of his majesty, who yielded to their supplications, and for all punishment con- tented himself with causing four of the most rebellious citizens, who had instigated to revolt, to be hanged. The king of Navarre uniformly manifested the same resolute conduct upon various occasions. 1576. AND HIS COURT. 231 The prince, says Sully, exposed himself like the commonest soldier. He performed before the town of Nerac a feat of particular intrepidity ; for a body of cavalry having been despatched to surprise him, he repulsed it almost single- handed. Examples of this nature animated the officers to such a degree, that during the same day twelve or fifteen advanced, pistol in hand, within a few paces of the catholic army. Among these desperadoes was young Rosny, of whom the king never lost sight ; and on this occasion, says Perefixe, addressing his speech to Bethune, he exclaimed : " Go to your cousin haron Rosny; he is as wild as a cockchafer : withdraw him from thence as well as the others, and conduct them to my p7'esence" Rosny obeyed ; and appearing before his prince, the latter observed that his horse was wounded ; upon which Henry flew into a pas- sion, and reproached him bitterly for his fool- hardiness. The queen mother, uniformly occupied with intrigues, which she termed negotiations, quitted Paris, followed according to custom by her whole court. She travelled through various provinces, and frequently came in contact with the king of Navarre ; particularly at Nerac, on which occasion Catherine demanded of the prince, whether the pains she had taken were to be productive of no beneficial effect — she, who so ardently laboured for peace? " Madame,'' said Henry, " it is tiot I who prevent you from sleeping quietly in your bed : on the contrary, it is you who 232 HENKY THL GREAT 1576. impede me from reposing in mine. The pains you take afford you pleasure and nourisJunent ; repose is the greatest ene^ny to your eiisteiice.'' During the same conference, the duke of Nevers having re- marked to the king of Navarre, that he would be much more honourably situated near the person of the king, than in the midst of individuals over whom he could exercise no control, since, in case of wanting pecuniary supplies, he would not have credit to establish an impost at Ro- chelle : " Sir,'' answered the prince, " I do what- soever I please at Rochelle, because I want iiothing more than is absolutely necessary .'' Notwithstanding the recommencement of hos- tilities, the treasury of Henry the Third was exhausted ; and the king, in consequence, became desirous of finding a resource in the purses of the citizens of Paris. The period, however, was not favourable. The preceding year the king had endeavoured to procure a loan, but was only answered by remonstrances ; on the present oc- casion, howeyer, pasquinades were added ; of M'hich the following, affixed to the walls of the Louvre, will serve for an example : '* Henry, by the grace of his mother, entitled king of Finance and Poland, imaginary porter of the Louvre, churchwarden of Saint Germain rAu.ver- rois, merry-andrew of the churches of Paris, plaiter of his wife's ruffs and her hair-dresser, 7nercer of the palace, frequenter of baths, guardian of the four beggars, and protector of Capuchins.'' 1576. AND HIS COUUT. 233 Tiie people murmured aloud on beholding the king surrounded by youthful courtiers, on whom the public money was wantonly lavished. His principal favourites were Caylus, Maugiron, Li- varot, Saint Mesgrin, Joyeuse, Nogaret, and La Valette. Most of these had been introduced to court by Ren6 de Villequier, who filled the dis- graceful post of purveyor to the royal pleasures, and these personages were the most noted of Henry's mignons ; whose effeminate appearance gave rise to a most odious imputation, which the king's conduct by no means refuted. The result was, his being regarded with contenipt by the meanest of his subjects ; and this cir- cumstance tended more than any thing else to attach a degree of credit to the famous faction denominated the League, of which we shall immediately have occasion to speak. 234 HENUY TH£, GREAT 1576, CHAPTER VII. Descripliou of the Holy League. — Its early origin in small associations. — Influence of the young duke of Guise with the catholics. — Oath of the League, as tendered in Picardy. — Laws of that confederacy. — Henry the Third made ac- quainted with the League. — Proposed plan of the leaguers. — Ideas of the pope and the king of Spain in regard to the League. — First assembly at Blois. — Henry the Third de- termines to become chief of the League. — Brutal excesses committed during the war of the League.— Sanguinary deed of Baleins. — Magnanimous conduct of Lanoue. — Peace ratified at Poitiers. — Licentiousness of the court. — Inso- lence of the mignons or favourites.— Disgusting depravity of Henry the Third.— Expedient of Saint Luc to reform the king.— Conduct of the Flemish in regard to calling in foreign aid against Spain.— Policy of Philip the Second. — Prosperous state of the duke of Anjou's affairs.— Cause of the animosity betiveen Henry the Third and the duke of Anjou his brother.— Precipitate step taken by the king.— The duke of Anjou retires from court.— Fatal duel be- iiveen Caylus and Antraguet .—Deaths of those mignons and of Saint Megrin, and conduct of the king on those oc- casions. — Anecdotes of the duke of Guise.— The king causes the assassination of Bussy d'Amboise.— Death of Dugast through the intervention of queen Margaret.— Singular amusements at the court of the king of Navarre.— Politic measures of the queen mother. — Attempt to assassinate vis- count Turenne.— Defection of the prince of Conde.— Henry of Navarre attacks Cahors.—His astonishing bravery, and glorious result of that daring enterprise. Persons occupying themselves with the study of history are not surprised to find revolutions 1576. AND HIS COURT. 235 accomplished by great conquerors, armed with legitimate powers, or those which appear such ; or occasioned by the discontent of the great or the populace, attacked in their property or privi- leges. Such events equally result from support- ing an ancient and venerated religion, or a dogma newly established : indeed, they are so common, that few states have not furnished examples of revolutions originating in those causes. Some very singular circumstances attended the League ; namely, a general rising of the Catholics against a most catholic monarch, uniformly known as such, notwithstanding the suggestions employ- ed to make his faith suspected : next, the bold pre- tensions of this audacious confederation, even at its commencement, and before it had acquired any great strength ; its steady and uniform march, notwithstanding the publicity of its pro- ceedings, and the measures adopted to arrest its progress ; the object of the plot, which was to place a stranger upon the throne, without even the shadow of a title ; the appalling success of the League, certainly punished in the person of its chief, but so ably planned, that from his blood which was shed an host of new monsters was engendered : fanaticism, that raises the po- niard against kings ; anarchy, that desolates em- pires ; and the tyranny of a brutal and insolent populace, more dreadful than that of the great ; — in short, all the plagues with which the Al- mighty in his anger afflicts the human race ; plagues that ravaged France until the Omni- 236 HENRY THE GREAT 1576. scient, touched with the ills that oppressed that realm, crowned the efforts of Henry of Navarre with success, making him the pacificator of the kingdom. It must not be imagined that the Guises on a sudden conceived the project of occupying the throne of France : their ambition had its stages. It is conjectured, that the cardinal of Lorraine planned the League, after the battle of Dreux, in the council of Trent : but if he imagined any thing at that period, it was, at most, the mere design of uniting the destiny of his house with the catholic religion, as the zealous votaries of that faith regarded his brother as their chief sup- port. Perhaps his political views went so far as to conceive the idea of fortifying the connexion by uniting it with the other catholic powers — namely, the pope and the king of Spain. The League was, in reality, formed as early as 1563, in the provinces as well as at court ; when small privateleagues existed, which the government sup- pressed : this primary step was the work of the restless catholics, who, seeing the body of Calvin- ists alarm the king's councils, and procure grants at his hand, united to create a counterpoise, and prevent those concessions on the part of royalty from becoming prejudicial to their religion : — those small leagues, however, scattered and iso- lated, had no central rallying-point. It was not until the year 1576 that the grand question arose about electing a chief, capable of support- ing the ancient form of worship, independently 1576. AND HIS COURT. 237 of the king, who was deemed too weak. It is possible that, from the period in question, Henry of Lorraine, duke of Guise, the leader chosen, no longer prescribed any boundaries to his ambi- tious projects. It would, however, be rather chimerical to suppose that his views were then directed to the throne, although such a project was fully developed previous to the death of the duke of Anjou. In the Memoirs of Princess Margaret, and in the Life of De Thou, we find that Guise, son of the duke of that name who was assassinated before Orleans, prior to the attainment of his nineteenth year drew upon himself the regards of all France, by his gallant defence of Poitiers, then besieged by admiral Coligny. Neglecting no opportunity of harassing the Calvinists — cover- ed with the blood of the Bartholomew slaughter, and prodigal of his own — at the head of the army which defeated the German forces near Langres — he uniformly deprecated the temporizing con- duct of the court towards the reformers; by which means he gained sovereign sway over the hearts of the catholics. The murmurs of the most zealous, at the news of the last peace, at once traced out to him the part which he had to play. He had formerly aspired to an alliance with Margaret of Valois, the wife of the king of Navarre ; but the indignation of Charles the Ninth, which we have previously mentioned, on witnessing his audacity, forced the duke to renounce his pretensions. Henry 238 HENFtY THE GREAT 1576. the Third, at the period in question, was very par- tial to the young prince of Guise ; whom he one day embraced, and, tenderly gazing on his sister, said, " Would to God that you were my brother T' But, upon the king's return from Poland, he dis- played towards the duke nothing but indifference. Guise experienced the same coldness from the dukeofAnjou and the king of Navarre, whose good graces he in vain studied to acquire. Per- ceiving, therefore, that he had nothing to expect from the court, where every endeavour was re- sorted to for the purpose of exciting his disgust, he totally gave himself up to popular favour, which manifested itself in his support. The citizens of Paris, the merchants, those con- nected with the palace, and others, not content with conversing occasionally among themselves on affairs of state and religion, went so far as to hold clandestine assemblies, in which they made those the leading topics. Having already observed that the Calvinists bound themselves reciprocally by oaths, and that they made general subscriptions in support of the common cause, the discontented conceived that the best plan would be to act in a similar manner. It is not certain whether this mania for associations originated in Paris or the provinces : the most ancient docu- ment remaining in proof of this, and the only instrument handed down entire, is that of Pi- cardy. The lord of Humieres, who commanded ihere, had had a personal quarrel with the prince of Cond^\ Fearful of being deprived of powef;! 1576. AND HIS COURT. 239 in case the prince, according to an express clause entered into at the last peace, should be put into possession of his government, Humieres exerted himself to the utmost in order to raise obstacles; and adopted the best expedient, that of forcing the nobility, by a solemn en- gagement, not to permit any thing to be done which might prove prejudicial to the w^elfare of the Roman catholic religion. For this pur- pose he prepared the form of an oath, which he presented to the gentlemen of the province, who were as much attached to their religious tenets as devoted to their governor. This do- cument they signed ; and in a short time the whole of Picardy, including cities, towns, and villages, became partisans of the League. The preamble of this writing, and the intents proposed, appeared at the first glance to contain every thing that was praiseworthy: they engaged by an oath to persevere until death in the Holy Union, formed in the name of the Trinity, for the defence of the catholic faith, of king Henry the Third, and the prerogatives which the kingdom enjoyed under Clovis; by which in- sinuation the leaguers were enabled to extend their views to objects altogether unconnected with religion : but the most subtle poison was concealed in the very laws of the association, conceived in the following terms : " We hereby oblige ourselves to employ our wealth and our lives for the success of the Holy Union ; and to pursue, even until death, such as 240 HENRY THE GREAT 1576. seek to oppose it. All those who shall sign are under the safeguard of the Union ; and in case they are attacked, sought after, or molested, we undertake to defend them, even by force of arms, against any person whatsoever. If certain members, after having sworn, should renounce their oaths, they shall be treated as rebels, and refractory to the will of God, without those who may have contributed to such vengeance being ever molested. A chief shall be immediatelij elected, whom all the confederates must obey ; and such as refuse are punishable according to his will. We will exert every effort to procure partisans, arms, and all things necessary, according to our ability, in support of the Holy Union. Those loho shall refuse to join, shall be looked upon as enemies, and pursued even to death. The chief alone shall decide any points that may be contested among the confe- derates ; who cannot apply for advice to the ordi- nary magistrates without his permission.'" Thus all the })ower of sovereignty was vested in their future chief, who, it was perfectly well under- stood, was not to be the king. Henry the Third acquired no knowledge of this association against his authority, until a long list of gentlemen, ecclesiastics, wealthy citizens, inmates of the palace — cities, towns, and even whole provinces — had registered them- selves allies of the League. As to the secret plan and hidden springs that were to be set in mo- tion, he learned their ramifications, at all events, in sufficient time to provide against them, had he 1576. AND HIS COURT. 241 been capable of adopting a bold resolution, and following it up with energy. This information the king acquired from his ambassador at the Spanish court, where the leaguers had secret emissaries: as well as through the medium of the Calvinists, who intercepted and handed over to the king the papers of an advocate named David, despatched to Rome by the League, and fully acquainted with all the mysteries of the plot. Some authors have pretended that these were merely suppositious papers, fabricated by the enemies of the duke of Guise; but it would have been very singular indeed if the writers had divined and exposed beforehand, with the most trifling difference, every thing that was subsequently attempted by the leaguers. At all events, whether the documents in question were real or fictitious, as they precisely de- veloped the whole plan of the intrigue, we will in few words make known the views of this formidable association. The memorial commenced by extolling the Guises, who were represented as descendants from Charlemagne ; after which it proceeded to state: " That since, to the prejudice of that em- peror's children, Hugues Capet seized upon the throne, the malediction of Heaven had pursued the usurpers; some having been deprived of rea- son, others of their liberty ; while the anathemas of the church had also awaited certain repre- sentatives of that race. That, under such un- fortunate reigns, the kingdom iiad become a prey VOL. I. R 242 HENRY THE GREAT 1576. to heretics ; that the last peace, so advantageous to the Calvinists, would permanently establish them in France, if advantage was not taken of that opportunity to restore the sceptre to the representatives of Charlemagne. That, in case such a resolution was adopted, the catholics had determined as follows -.—That the clergy should inveigh against and oppose the privileges granted to heretics ; and foment the people, so as to pre- vent the sectarians from profiting by the same. That, in case Henry the Third, betrayed any apprehension lest the rupture of the treaty of peace in this essential point should replunge him into new difficulties, he was engaged to throw all the odium of the affair on the duke of Guise ; and that the danger to which the prince would expose himself, in thus drawing down upon his own head the hatred of the sectarians, would render him still dearer to the catholics. That his boldness would encourage the most timid to sign the League, and augment the number of their association. That all the con- federates had sworn to recognize him their leader: that village curates should register the names of those capable of bearing arms. That the people would be directed how to act when at the confessionals of their priests, who should receive instructions to that effect from superior . ecclesiastics, they having acquired the same from the duke of Guise, as the fountain head, who would send proper officers to teach the use of arms to the newly enrolled." I57G. AND HIS COURT. 243 *' That the religionists having themselves de- manded an assembly of the states, the same should be convoked at Blois : that the chief should cause such deputies to be elected in the provinces as v^^ere inviolably attached to the sovereign pontiif and the catholic religion. That commanders should be despatched throughout the kingdom, to raise a specific body of soldiers, who would promise on oath at any given time and place, to act as they should be commanded. That gentle measures should be resorted to in order that the duke of Anjou, the king of Na- varre, the prince of Cond6, and all suspected no- bles, might be prevailed upon to attend the sit- ting of the states with the king. That the duke of Guise should not be present, to prevent suspi- cions ; and that he might be more capable of issu- ing his orders at a distance from the court, from whence his instructions were forwarded." *' That in the event of any one opposing the re^ solutions passed in the states,^ — if a prince of the blood, he should be pronounced incapable of in- heriting the crown; and any other, punished with death : and in case of escape, that a price should be set upon his head. That the states should pronounce a public profession of faith, cause the publication of the council of Trent, confirm the orders issued for the extirpation of heresy, and revoke all edicts tending to oppose that measure. That the king would by this means become liberated from the promises given to the Calvin- ists ; to whom a certain time should be granted u 2 244 HENuv THE gr?:at 1576. to effect their reconciliation with the church. That, as during such interval arms must be re- sorted to for the purpose of reducing the most refractory, the states would make known to the king, that, in case he was desirous of success, it was only requisite to place one man at the head of the enterprise ; and that they should then summon the duke of Guise, the only ex- perienced general who had never had any con- nexion with the heretics." *' That, to give weight to this last measure, on the day agreed upon, the troops secretly en- rolled in the provinces should appear, and in- vest Blois, together with some foreign forces. That Monsieur should be seized, and tried as a criminal guilty of high-treason, both divine and human, for having extorted from his brother the conditions so favourable to the rebellious here- tics. That the duke of Guise, at the head of the army, should pursue the revolters, secure the principal cities, place under a strong guard all the accomplices of Monsieur, whose trial he should terminate ; and finally, by the advice of the pope, as Pepin had done in regard to Chil- deric, imprison the king himself in a monas- tery, where he was to remain for the residue of his existence." Such is an abridgment of the plan proposed by the advocate'David. It was, in the first in- stance, deemed chimerical ; and who could have imagined that a period would ever occur when it was on the point of being realized ? Pope 1577. AND Ills COURT. 245 Gregory the Thirteenth, without placing any great confidence in these projected measures, to- lerated them, as being at all events calculated to suspend the progress of Calvinism in France. Philip the Second of Spain, who always ap- prehended kst the French, enjoying internal repose, should send succours to the rebels in the Low Countries, seized with avidity the pre- sent occasion to excite dissensions : for which purpose he promised to aid the League with men and money ; an engagement which he too faithfully realized for the tranquillity of that kingdom. The first states were convened at Blois ; at which period Henry the Third had acquired a knowledge of the projects formed by the lea- guers. Nearly all the propositions made during the sittings tended to vilify the royal authority : the king, however, contented himself with elud- ing them by feigning not to be aware of the conse- quences ; a line of conduct that manifested either a want of discernment, or a timidity that forti- fied all the pretensions of the ambitious. Had Henry the Third displayed penetration and vi- gour, he would, in those first moments, have reduced the enemies of his authority to justify themselves in the eyes of the nation, and de- layed the execution of their projects. The states were anxious for a war with the heretics ; but the king, less from motives of policy than a sen- timent of revenge, ratified a peace, to punish the Guises for the disquietudes to which he was 246 HENRY THE GREAT 1577. subjected on their account. At all events, it became necessary to enter into a close alliance with the king of Navarre, of whose talents, bra- very, and uprightness, he was fully aware : but he foresaw the storm without striving to allay it ; he merely coveted the enjoyment of a short interval of repose that was to precede the explo- sion. Henry the Third, like all weak and idle characters, voluntarily closed his eyes on the future : he deemed it sufficient to occupy him- self with the present ; and, in order to dispel the urgent fears which he apprehended from the League, ultimately conceived the plan of declar- ing himself chief of that association. By adopt- ing this imprudent measure, he vilified the royal dignity, and increased the importance of the se- ditious ; since his name was to abet their ambi- tion, and conceal their attempts until the mo- ment when they believed they might without danger proceed to the last extremity. Such an unlooked-for determination on the part of Henry the Third, disconcerted, at least for some time, the duke of Guise and his ad- herents. They, in consequence, proceeded to Blois ; and not being able to embarrass the king any other way, urgently pressed for a declaration of war against the Huguenots. To this the king replied, that it would first be necessary to ascer- tain the intention of the absent princes and no- bles ; that they perhaps might feel disposed to return to the bosom of the church ; and that their exalted rank, at least, deserved such a summons. 1577. AND HIS COURT. 247 It was impossible to contradict these observa- tions ; and the states therefore named deputies, who were charged to wait upon the king of Navarre, the prince of Conde, and the duke Damville ; when they received the negatives of those princes, as mentioned in the foregoing- chapter. Licentiousness and disorders of every descrip- tion were carried to their height during the civil commotions. The certainty of being pardoned for the most atrocious deeds, on abandoning one side to join the other, incessantly facilitated acts of the most unlicensed plunder : there existed at that epoch neither subordination throughout the kingdom, nor discipline in the armies ; va- liant and honourable chiefs were compelled to sanction the insubordination and insolence of their soldiers, and very frequently the most dreadful excesses. In a rencounter, the king of Na- varre, after having, at the head of forty men, vanquished three hundred of an arquebuse corps, made them lay down their arms, and then grant- ed their lives ; when, just as this event oc- curred, a powerful reinforcement arrived from Montauban, to join his forces. These new troops, seeing their enemies disarmed, to whom pardon had been accorded, precipitated them- selves with fury on the defenceless band. In vain the king strove to preserve them : the sol- diers of that corps, says Sully, tore them from oar arms, and stabbed them ivithout mercy ; and, in con- sequence, the whole were massacred. Execrable 248 HENRY THE GREAT 1577. crimes, however, produced this carnage. The yvretches who had just been sacrificed by the soldiers of Montauban, had previously carried off six women from that town ; and, after having subjected them to every species of brutal vio- lence, put a period to their lives with a bar- barity, the detail of which would sully the pen of an historian ! Cruelty, says De Thou, frequently turning justice into derision, profaned the dreadful pre- paratives, which served for private vengeance. A captain named Baleins commanded the castle of Leitoure for the king of Navarre. He had a sister who was seduced, and then abandoned, by one of the officers of the garrison : she com- plained to her brother, who ordered her to re- main silent ; and feigning total ignorance of the affair, got the officer into his power, whom he immediately loaded with irons. He then con- ducted his prisoner into an apartment, where a notary was seated, with witnesses, and the young lady ready to give her depositions against the ac- cused. Baleins, throwing himself on a sofa, be- gan to interrogate as judge the man whom he had already condemned in his heart. The un- fortunate officer strove in vain to deny the crime laid to his charge, and disputed the testimony of his barbarous accusatrix. Baleins condemned him to death; caused the sentence to be written out ; and then, quitting the post of judge, took upon himself that of executioner, by plunging a dagger into his heart. For this flagrant crime he J577. AND HIS COURT. 249 was acquitted, by asking pardon of the king of Navarre ; who granted it, under fear that this ferocious wretch, in case of a refusal, would have surrendered up the castle and joined the op- posite party. What admiration do we not feel for Henry the Great, when we call to mind that he had pre- served a loyal character at the court of Catherine, and while amidst so many horrors the sentiments of humanity no less predominated over his mind! Nothing could change the uprightness and gene- rosity of that soul, which was truly great and royal. To individual excesses was added every enor- mity inseparable from the march of armies ; for there were several on foot. Though they achieved great exploits, they uniformly shed blood and ravaged every thing in their progress. Brave Lanoue had the good fortune and glory, so worthy of him, of rescuing two forces on the point of destroying each other. Being depu- ted to convey news of the peace to Languedoc, he found Damville, who had gone over to the royal party and commanded for the king, and Chatillon, son of admiral Coligny, for the Calvin- ists, in presence of each other under the walls of Montpellier. They were on the point of battle: all the orders were issued, and the victims marched to the encounter. Lanoue, at the risk of being sacrificed by a thousand wounds, dauntlessly rushed between the con- tending forces; and in the midst of pikes, accom- 250 HENRY THE GREAT 1577. panied by the rolling of the drums, he cried aloud — ''Peace, Peace.'" He then made a motion with his hand, and drew forth the treaty in sight of the soldiers : they paused, the two generals approached ; they surrounded — listened to La- noue, and acquiesced with the conditions. A moment later they would have butchered one another; whereas all became joy and hilarity; the warriors embraced each other, and sepa- rated completely reconciled. The treaty of peace ratified at Poitiers in September 1577, was accompanied by secret ar- ticles granted the same month to the king of Navarre in the cities of Bergerac and Perigord. The edict composed of sixty-four heads, and the secret articles comprising forty-eight, form a code of regulations, in which Henry the Third assumes the tone of absolute legislator and dispenser of graces: but amidst the efforts resorted to for the purpose of saving the honour of the throne, the constraint of the monarch is apparent, who was compelled to yield to the urgent necessity of circumstances. By this treaty, the best con- ceived and the wisest of that monarch's reign, all the advantages formerly given to the reform- ers were not sanctioned ; and from that circum- stance it was calculated to inspire greater confi- dence. In this edict the king re-established the Huguenots in all the privileges of citizens ; it tolerated their appointment to public situations, as well as to the magistracy and other dignities; it sanctioned the judges purposely established 1577. AND HIS COURT. 251 in their behalf in each parliament; places of surety and enrolling of troops were allowed, pro- vided the reformers would pay tithes, surrender up church property which had been seized upon, show outwardly respect for the catholic festivals, and not molest the papists in the observance of their rites. It is to be remarked, that Henry the Third in this edict, speaking of the massacre of Saint Bar- tholomew, says: ^' The disorders and excesses of the 24ith of August and following days, which happened to our great regret and displeasure ; '' and that, after forbidding to the Calvinists *' all practices, leagues, and correspondences beyond the frontiers of the kingdom,'' he indirectly attacks the League entered into by the catholics, in these words : '* And all leagues , associations, and fraternities, made or to be entered into, under what pretext soever, to the pi^ejudice of our present edict, shall be broken and annulled, as we by these pr^esents break and annul them; expressly commanding all our subjects not to collect in future any pecuniary levies, to seize fortified places, or to enrol 7nen, U7ider pain of being rigor- ously punished for conte7npt and infringement of our ordinances.'' Such was the nature of the edict which Henry the Third was accustomed to call in complaisance — My Edict ! Had the stipulations of this treaty been faith- fully executed, they might have served to disarm the whole kingdom ; but the people entertained towards the monarch neither confidence nor es- teem. The ridicule which he drew down upon 252 HENRY THE GllKAT 1577. himself in yielding to indecent diversions, while he ought to have been seriously occupied with his affairs, rendered him a most despicable ob- ject. He 'publicly ran tilts at the ritig, habited as an Amazon with large drops in his ears; he had balls and tournaments , and constantly masquerades, at which he usually appeared in female attire, with his vest open, so as to display his neck decorated with strings of pearls and three collars of glittering gems, ranged in the manner adopted by ladies of the court at that period. This certainly took place at the time of the carnival, which might admit of some pastimes not generally tolerated. It was not, however, during those licentious festivities that Henry the Third ordered a public feast, at which ladies dressed in green, and wearing mens apparel, performed the service of the table: while, in revenge, the queen mother gave another re- past, where the most handsome and well-behaved fe- males of the court, half naked, with dishevelled locks, like the newly married of those days, were employed to wait upon the guests. If we curtail from these recitals what exaggeration may have contributed, it is nevertheless certain that great indecencies took place at court. The sums expended at these festivities were enormous : the people mur- mured at such useless profusion during a period of misfortune and dearth ; and on this account they became more attached to the League, the chief of which did not neglect such occasions to alienate the hearts of the catholics from their sovereign. The reformers, on the other hand. 1577. AND HIS COURT. 253 always apprehensive that the edict would not be faithfully executed, appeared little inclined to support the cause of the throne. In short, as if the king felt apprehensive that he had not sufficient difficulties to encounter, he was himself instrumental in keeping up the divisions of his court, as well as in the bosom of his own family. " Hejiry the Third,'' says Le Laboureur, *' took delight i}i having several favourites at the same time: he loved them to be valiant even to temerity; witty, 'provided they were vicious ; in short, he denied them nothing, provided they proved expensive and magniji- cent, and that they demonstrated signal contempt for , those ivho fixtended that consideration was due to their birth and their merit.'" It need not be inquired whether such young men, certain beforehand of their master's favour, executed strictly and to the letter these commands so completely ac- cordant with their own tastes. Sometimes, however, these mignons had to encounter rivals equally haughty with them- selves, who did not tamely submit to their in- solence, and who even anticipated it. One day the king, proving brave to desperation, with frizzed and curled locks, and adorned with a plaited ruff, assisted at a cej'emony, followed by his youths, equally courageous, if not more so than himself. Bussy d Amboise, favourite of Monsieur, the kings brother, happened to be in the suite of the duke his master, very simply attired, but followed by six pages dressed in cloth of gold, and well frizzed ; when Bussy ex- 254 HENRY THE grf:at 1577. claimed aloud, that the period icas arrived when scoun- drels ranked the bravest. The king was highly in- censed at this insolent remark; and the duke of Alen9on could not deny the request of his bro- ther, that Bussy d'Amboise should for a certain period retire from the court. History, says Anquetil, abstains from pro- nouncing on the species of taste which so inti- mately connected the king with his mignons ; but it nevertheless details facts. Henry had such fondness for his favourites, that he was in the habit of embracing them more than fami- liarly before every body : he would decorate their persons with his own hands, put on their ruffs, and place the ear-rings in their ears. He did not permit them to leave him either by day or night: the former was spent with them in isolated apartments, inaccessible to all who were not in the secret of their proceedings; and during the latter they all reposed in little cells formed around a very spacious saloon, and separated only by the thinnest partitions, the king being frequently in the habit of selecting one of his mignons for his bedfellow. Friendship of this nature could not fail to awaken suspicions that were alike derogatory to all his accomplices. The wife of Saint Luc, one of the mignons, beheld with disgust her young husband frequent a society that dishonoured him in public opinion, thouoh the kins: was himself the chief. The links, however, formed by royalty, are not to be severed without incurring danger. Saint Luc 1577. AND HIS COIMIT. 255 made his wife sensible of this truth ; and then conceived the plan of infusing, even in the monarch, a distaste for his own enjoyments. One night, Saint Luc, sleeping in his little cell near that of the king, slipped a speaking- trumpet to the head of the royal couch, when the monarch was yielding to his first sleep, and pronounced several menaces, as if on the part of Heaven, against Henry's irregularities. Upon this the king, awakening, listened attentively; but hearing nothing farther, conceived he had dreamt, and again composed himself to rest. Saint Luc then renewed his former threats; upon which Henry, convinced it was no visionary chimera, gave himself up to sad reflections, and appeared in the morning with every characteristic of re- morse pictured on his countenance. The courtiers, perceiving this change, knew not what to conjecture ; and Saint Luc feigned to be equally embarrassed with the rest. As- suming, however, a bold air, he privatelv told the king, that during the night he had dreamed an angel appeared, with a very stern visage, and me- naced him with speedy and inevitable ruin if he did not renounce his vile and vicious practices ; after which he also solicited Henry to change his course of life. The king, in turn, recapitulated to the narrator what he had heard ; and then commanding him to preserve the secret, pro- mised to attend to the supposed celestial admo- nition, and insensibly began to estrange himself from his mignons. 256 HENRY TJIE GREAT 1577. The favourites were confounded at these pro- ceedings, and searched to ascertain the cause : upon which Villequier, minister of the royal pleasures, employed himself more indefatigably than the rest, because his credit must necessarily suffer if the monarch persisted in his reformation. At length he succeeded in extorting the secret from Saint Luc, which he revealed to the king ; who, irritated on finding that one of his favour- ites had sought to abuse his credulity, meditated the direst vengeance. This would, no doubt, have overtaken Saint Luc, had he not received timely notice of his danger and fled to Brouage, of which place he was governor ; where he ar- rived only one hour before the individual who had been despatched by the king to displace him from the post in question. From these disgusting and ridiculous puerilities arose the term mignon ; notwithstanding which, those favourites were generally selected from tlie bravest youths of the court, the most scrupulous on points of honour, as well as the most gallant, and such as enjoyed the greatest success with the fair sex. To the monarch they confided their amours, who caused them to marry their mis- tresses ; and on such occasions he attended the -nuptials in person,' which were splendid in the ex- treme, continuing to manifest the same favour after they were married. The king was not destitute of gallantry; and, as we have before remarked, until the period of his marriage he had entertained a most romantic and violent passion for a princess. 1577. AND HIS COURT. 257 Nothing, however, could surpass the frivolity of Henry the Third ; the various memoirs of his time state, that he took delight in superintending the toilette of his queen, and adorned her, like a waiting-woman ; he was fond of precious stones and pearls, and equally delighted in his little dogs, which he purchased at very exor- bitant prices. When we call to recollection the manners of that reign, and the madly exaggerated vows of friendship, we can feel surprised at no- thing ; and we may be permitted to infer, that in the midst of such menacing factions, this prince sought to attach to his person the most devoted friends, and was anxious to have them around him at all times. We can neither justify the frivolity of his taste and his mode of living, nor the ridiculous expenditures lavished on his favourite mignons, which, as we have previously observed, attached to his character suppositions of the most heinous nature. Certainly such infamy is not proved, and the historian there- fore should neither flatter nor be guilty of calumny. Monsieur, the king's brother, was at this pe- riod anxious to cultivate the friendship of every one. The Flemish, having in the first instance been satisfied with demanding, sword in hand, a restitution of their privileges from the tyranny of Philip the Second of Spain, afterwards came to the resolution of entirely abjuring his empire. They, however, hesitated upon two points : whether to place themselves only under the pro- VOL. I. s 258 HENRY THE CHEAT 1577. tection of a neighbouring power, capable of de- fending them, or to make choice of a new sove- reign. The first was most gratifying to their feelings ; bat they were justly apprehensive that the title of protector, given to the prince whom they should select, would not be a motive suffi- ciently strong to make him enter upon the ex- penditures requisite to resist the power of Spain, which was collecting all its forces against them ; for it is very rarely found that princes are gifted with disinterested compassion. This the Flemish had too fatally verified in the insufficiency of suc- cours forwarded at different periods from France and England ; assistance, intended less for their aid than originating in a desire to embarrass the Spanish government. Prior to the massacre of Saint Bartholomew, the project of admiral Chatillon had been to ren- der that war more burthensome to Philip, by op- posing to him the united body of French Calvin- ists. This enterprise, as we have before remark- ed, while occupying the French, might have preserved the kingdom from those civil commo- tions which impoverished and stained it with blood. Philip, however, had proved sufficiently politic to foment the troubles that were produc- tive of the massacre. It was from a similar motive that the same monarch supported the de- signs of the League, and those secret intrigues which caused the failure of the duke of Anjou's projects, who inherited the plans, but not the capacity of the admiral. 1577. AND HTS COURT. 259 This prince had then the brightest prospects ; every thing appeared to forward his views. Queen Elizabeth of England favoured his inten- tions, and wished, in appearance, to take a per- sonal interest in his affairs, by inspiring hopes in the duke that she would be led to give him her hand in marriage. The Calvinists of France, the discontented, and all the young nobility, accus- tomed to arms, promised to enroll themselves under his banner as soon as he should take the field. Many had even anticipated him by joining Lanoue ; several Flemish lords and the principal towns had secretly engaged to receive him, and did not refuse to proclaim him king of the Low Countries when he should be found sufficiently powerful to maintain that title. Henry the Third could only gain by this enter- prise, which gave occupation to Philip the Se- cond, a dangerous neighbour, whose insidious projects had so frequently disturbed his repose. By this means he had also disentangled himself honourably from a turbulent brother; he pro- cured an augmentation of power to France, and equally diminished that of Spain. And, finally, that which ought particularly to have determined his conduct, was, that he thus stifled in his king- dom, as it were, the seeds of rebellion, by giving employment elsewhere to those who had uni- formly supported it. Consequently nothing but advantages presented themselves ; and yet it was owing to himself that this grand project com- pletely failed. s2 260 HENKY THE GREAT 1578. This has generally been attributed to the jea- lousy which the king entertained in consequence of the glory that would accrue to his brother in case of success. However, without disputing the feasibility of such a supposition, it appears that it was still more from the effect of an anti- pathy cherished by his favourites. The duke of Anjou took no delight in his brother's parties of pleasure, where he uniformly found himself sur- rounded by mignons, who bore away all the rewards, distinctions, and favours. He conse- quently forbore attending as much as politeness and his interests would permit ; but, when com- pelled to be present, he could not divest himself of an air of ennui and contempt, highly displeas- ing to the favoured youths, while the king re- garded these disdainful manners as an indirect censure upon his own taste and pursuits. About this period the nuptials of Saint Luc, one of the leading favourites, of whom we have recently spoken, were solemnized ; a ceremony rendered conspicuous from its scandalous pro- fusion and the enormous expenditure. The duke of Anjou refused attendance on that occasion ; yet, from motives of complaisance for the queen mother, he presented himself during the ball that took place in the evening, and had every reason to repent this civility. As the duke had appear- ed to despise the amusements of the day, the favourites were piqued, and offered him insults. Each in derision pointed with his finger at the prince, looked at him jeeringly, and spoke in his 1578. AND HIS COURT. 281 ear sutficieutly loud for him to understand that his stature, mien, and air, afforded topics for their pleasantries. The duke of Anjou was compelled to hear and witness all in silence, fearful of breaking with his brother, of whom he stood in need ; and retired from the apartment with a heart bursting with spleen and anger. He immediately went to utter the chagrin he felt to his mother, and, in conjunction with her, resolved to absent himself for a few days, in order to calm his agitated feelings. Catherine accordingly of- fered to solicit leave of absence for the prince, which was readily granted by the king his bro- ther. On retiring, however, to the council with his young advisers, they filled the mind of their master with terror, persuading him that the duke only absented himself from court to join the malcontents and recommence hostilities. Full of this idea, the king flew to his mother, although the night was far advanced, exclaiming, '' How, madame ! what do you th'uik you required of me in soliciting permission J'or my brother s departure ? Do you not perceive, in case he goes, the danger to ivhich you e.vpose my state ? No doubt, there is some bold enterprise concealed under this measure; I am going to seize upon all his attendants, and will examine his coffers : I am convinced we shall discover great things.'' In vain did Catherine intercede to stop his precipitate measures ; he would not listen to her entreaties. All she could do was to obtain his permission to accompany him, under the appre^ 262 HENRY THE GREAT 1578. hension that some unfortunate event might occur between the brothers. The king entered suddenly the chamber of Monsieur, ordered him to rise, then began to reproach him before he was certain of any cul- pability ; commanded his caskets to be brought, and proceeded to examine the bed with his own hands, for the purpose of ascertaining whether he could not discover some hidden papers. The duke of Anjou, during the first moments of sur- prise, appeared anxious to hide a letter, which the king strove to obtain : the former supplicated his brother, with clasped hands, not to insist on its inspection; but the more he exhorted, the more obstinate was the king to peruse the docu- ment. At length Monsieur produced the letter, being only a billet from his mistress, which the prince, from motives of delicacy for the charac- ter of the lady, had sought to conceal from any eyes but his own. Henry was confused, but nevertheless put his brother under arrest ; while Bussy d'Amboise was consigned to the Bastille with some of the duke of Anjou's courtiers, who were found in the Louvre. The act had been committed ; but on the en- suing day the monarch was led to more sober reflections. A grand council was convened, when the queen mother proceeded to lay before the ministers the probable consequences of such an outrageous proceeding. The eyes of the counsellors were in consequence opened, who then found it expedient to advise the king to 1578. AND his COURT. 263 take his brother into favour. This was ac- ceded to, on condition that Bussy should be on amicable terms with Caylus : the guards were in consequence discontinued ; and the duke of An- jou appeared before the king, to whom he pro- tested his fidelity, entreating him to entertain for the future no suspicions against him, to which Henry gave his promise. Bussy, in his turn, appeared, when the monarch commanded him to forget the misunderstanding that had existed, and to embrace his favourite Caylus ; upon which Bussy replied : " Sire, if you wish me to kiss his cheek, I am perfectly willing :" when, accommodating his gestures to his speech, he proceeded to embrace Caylus with all the grimace and in the true style of panta- loon ; at which the courtiers, although astonished, and feeling chagrined for what had passed, could not repress their laughter. It was in this manner Henry the Third knew how to ensure the respect of his subjects ! We have pictured these scenes as well to de- lineate faithfully the manners of those times as to give a key to more important events that suc- ceeded. These unceasing bickerings terminated by making the duke of Anjou resort to the ex- pedient of really absenting himself from the court. He in consequence took refuge at Alen- ifon, from whence he wrote to the king, stating that he had merely quitted Paris to superin- tend with greater facility the preparations car- rying on for his enterprise in Flanders ; that he 264 HENRY THE GREAT 1578* had no intention of committing any act displeas- ing to his majesty, and he faithfully performed his word. The queen mother did not suffer less than the rest on account of the disorderlij conduct^ e.vceeding all boimds, of her so}i's migiions ; but she regarded his excessive partiality for them as a mere fancy which would soon subside ; being no less con- vinced that their own insolence would soon avenge her. It was not long ere Catherine ob- tained complete satisfaction. We do not find from history the motive of the quarrel that existed between the mignon Caylus, and Antraguet, a person closely attached to the Guises. Queen Margaret is supposed to have contributed to the misunderstanding which led to a fatal duel between the parties, who met to fight, having each two seconds : Maugiron, another of the royal mignons, and Livarot, on the part of Caylus ; Schomberg and Riberac being the supporters of Antraguet. The latter was the only combatant who es- caped the affray without injury ; Maugiron and Schomberg being left dead upon the field. Ri- berac expired the following day ; Livarot was cured of a very dangerous wound, after a con- siderable lapse of time ; and Caylus, pierced in nineteen places, languished thirty-one days, the wretched object of the king's unavailing affec- tion, who scarcely quitted the bed of the suf- ferer. Henry the Third had promised the surgeons -who attended, a hundred thousand francs, in case 1678. AND MIS COURT. 265 tlieif effected his- cure, and to that handsome mignotit an hundred thousand crowns, if he ivouldtake courage so as to forward the efforts of the surgeons ; notwith- standing which promises, however, he at length e.vpir- ed. The king was no less fond of Maugiron ; for he tenderly kissed them both after death, ordered their hair to be cut off, when he carried away their thick curly flaxen locks, and took the earrings from the ears of Caylus, which he had originally given him, having attached them with his own hands. The monarch then sought to alleviate his grief, by having their bodies interred with a pomp truly royal, in the church of Saint Paul, and causing marble statues to be raised on their monuments. Near these two miguons was shortly after en- tombed another favourite, named Caussade de Saint Megrin, whom the conduct of his predeces- sors did not render more cautious. This youth had the temerity to attack the Guises, whom he affected to hold in contempt. One day, being in the royal apartment, and in presence of the nobles, he drew his sword, and uttering the most taunting e.vpressio7is, severed his glove i?i two, adding, that he would in a similar ffianner cut in pieces those insignificant princes (diWuding to the Guises). Such imprudent conduct was, in itself, sufficient to ensure his downfal ; but a more feasible cause is adduced as the forerunner of the catastrophe. However attached to the king, and conse- quently on that account an enemy to the duke of Guise, Saint Megrin was passionately en- amoured of the duchess, who is said to have re- 266 HENRY THE GIIEAI lo7'8. turned his affection. The author of this anec- dote represents the duke as indifferent to the infidelity of his wife, whether real or pretended ; that he was deaf to the representations of his family, which urged him to avenge himself, and that he only punished the indiscretion or crime of the duchess with a joke. One day entering her chamber at a very early hour, holding a goblet in one hand and a dagger in the other, after suddenly awaking his wife, and uttering many reproaches, he exclaimed in a furious tone, ''Re- solve, madame : yon must die either by poison or the dagger." In vain did the duchess entreat for mercy, he forced her to decide ; when, taking the cup, she drank its contents, fell on her knees, and recommending her soul to God, awaited no- thing less than the visitation of death. One hour transpired in this distressing manner, when the duke returned with a serene countenance, and informed her that what she had taken as poison was nothing more than some very rich gravy soup. There is little doubt but such a lesson made the duchess more circumspect in her conduct for the future. We find the above anecdote narrated differ- ently, by the son of Bassompiere, to Charles Maurice le Tellier, archbishop of Rheims, who inserted it in the margin of the manuscript of De Thou which was the property of Rigault ; this narrative running as follows : — Cardinal Guise, and the duke of Mayenne, witnessing the noise which the intrigue of the 1578. AND HIS COURT. 267 duchess with Saint Megrin gave rise to with the public, conceived that the duke their brother should not be the only individual unacquainted with the circumstance. As he had no friend more intimate than Bassompiere, that gentleman was commissioned to break the matter to him. Bassompiere, fully acquainted with the genius and character of the duke, did not accept the commission till after great persuasion, and against his own will ; and he even requested three days in order to consider on the means best calculated to insinuate this unwelcome news to the duke. At length he accosted him with a melancholy and thoughtful air; when, the duke having inquired the reason of his sadness, ** Some few days back,'" replied Bassompiere, " a friend consulted me as to the means most e.vpedient for him to adopt in order to advertise his frie7id of the mis- conduct of his wife, who dishonoured him without his entertaining the least suspicion as to her gallantries. The question appeared to me so embarrassing, that to the present period I have not been able to make up my mind upon the subject; and such, my lord, is the source of the chagrin which I have not been able to conceal from your observation. Feeling disquiet respecting the answer I ought to make, I seek in vain for a decision ; but as the occasion presents itself so opportunely to consult you on the point, I should be happy to learn from yourself what advice I ought to give my friend on a subject involving so much deli- Having listened in silence, the duke of Guise, 268 HENRY THE GREAT 1578 who perfectly understood the allusions of his friend, nevertheless appeared quite unembar- rassed, and thus replied : ** Whatsoever the per- son may be of whom you speak, if a friend, or even should he wish to appear such, let him take upon himself to avenge the injury done to his friend: hut, under similar circumstances, to tell a friend that of ivhich he is ignorant, is, in my opinion, a useless labour, and even adding a fresh outrage to the Jirst. As for inyself continued the duke, " God has blessed me with a wife as virtuous as it is possible for a woman to be, and, thanks to heaven, I have no cause to suspect her fidelity. If, however, it so hap- pened that she wetit astray, and that any man was bold enough to break the secret to me ; you see this steel — " added the duke, placing his hand upon the hilt of his sword : " the life of such an imprudent friend should instantly answer for his rash temerity. '' Bassompiere thanked the duke for his advice, and immediately after detailed the result to the cardinal and the duke of Mayenne, who accord- ingly resolved to act in the affair themselves. An ambuscade was accordingly stationed near the gate of the Louvre, and as Saint Megrin issued from the palace at night, the assassins rushed upon his person and stretched him upon the pavement pierced by thirty-five wounds; he, however, lived until the ensuing day. The king had the same expensive funeral rites per- formed as for Maugiron and Caylus, and he was also interred in the church of Saint Paul with as much pomp and magnificence, and a 1578. AND HIS COURT. 269 marble effigy placed over his tomb ; upon which account, when any question was started in public concerning a new favourite, the common proverb was, / will have him carved in marble like the rest. The king of Navarre was of opinion that the duke of Guise had assisted at this murder, and on receiving the news he said : " / am heartily satisfied with the duke of Guise, my cousin, for not ' haviiig permitted a gallant mignon, like Saint Afegrin, to make him a c — k — d with impunity. In this man- ner all the other little beau.v of the court should he dealt with, who take upon themselves to approach princesses and make love to them!'' The more Henry the Third by these funeral honours displayed attachment to his favourites, equally so in proportion did he encourage others to dare his power; because, while betraying so much sensibility, he never sought to avenge their deaths. Far from having recourse to justice against similar crimes, like his subjects, whose licentious conduct it became his duty to repress, the monarch himself had also recourse to similar expedients in order to rid himself of such as were obnoxious to him. The famous Bussy d'Amboise, his brother's favourite, who, as we have previ- ously shewn, had long braved the king, shared the fate of these arrogant upstarts, who, con- ceiving they might with impunity insult others, made a trophy of their insolence, and perished by the hands of those whom they despised. Bussy had carried on an intrigue with the lady of Montsoreau ; and the king found means to 270 HENRY THE GREAT 1578. procure letters of the gallant, and laid them before her husband. These documents verified the truth of the connexion, and were couched in terms of irony and insult as regarded the husband. Montsoreau, burning with resentment, dragged his wife to an isolated castle, and urged her by force to make an assignation there with her lover, who repaired to the place of rendezvous with his accustomed confidence ; but instead of experiencing the good fortune he had ex- pected, he found himself surrounded by assas- sins ; when, after a long and gallant defence of his person, he fell overpowered by numbers, and was killed. Bussy d'Amboise was regretted by no one, not even the duke of Anjou, his master, who began to feel disgusted at his overbearing insolence. It was a common report that the duke was made acquainted with, and consented to the plan laid for his murder ; which verifies the old proverb : ** Happy those who do not associate with princes ; unhappy such as serve them, and still more un- fortunate those who chance to offend them." While on the subject of these assassinations, we must not omit to mention that of Dugast, one of the best-beloved mignons of the king, who fell by order of queen Margaret. This sacrifice was the more unpardonable, as Dugast, from his excel- lent qualities, merited universal esteem. Bran- tome, speaking of this gentleman, says : " Far from flattering the king, he remonstrated with him when he saw him commit any outrageous acts, or 1578. AND HIS COURT. 271 heard complaints made of his conduct ; when Henry ^ in such cases, acquiesced, and corrected himself. "" The death of Dugast was calculated to render Margaret of Navarre odious ; but having cause for personal complaint against that favourite, and as resentment was then a sufficient apology for every act, the public was more astonished at the boldness of the deed than indignant at the atrocity of the crime ; and this murder, com- bined with the most scandalous irregularities, has not prevented Sully from extolling the good qualities and character of that worthless princess. It is true, Margaret conducted herself ex- tremely well during the affair of her divorce from Henry the Fourth, and from that period with great integrity and disinterestedness in every thing that bore reference to that monarch ; and it is doubtless on that account Sully never speaks of Margaret but in terms of praise. During this licentiousness on the part of Henry the Third and the disorders of his court, the conditions of the peace were very ill observed on either side ; so that hostilities and festivals succeeded each other with extraordinary celerity. Each party mutually retook or refused to sur- render up small towns promised or ceded by the treaty. Sully, who was then in the suite of his master, learned, as he says, the business of a courtier, then very new to him, as well as the figure of a ballet, which was taught him by the king's sister. Henry of Navarre conducted the queen 272 HENRY TFiE GREAT 1578. mother into the province of Foix, where, among other diversions, he amused her with a bear hunt. *' The delicacy of the ladies,'' says Sully, ''did not coincide with this kind of spectacle; those terrible animals dismembering horses, and killing ten Swiss and as many fusileers. One bear, being driven to the summit of a rugged rock, threw him- self from the eminence with several huntsmen, ivhom he held in his embrace, and crushed them to deaths The court of the king of Navarre and that of Catherine incessantly appointed meetings in vari- ous places, except at Paris, where Henry would not trust himself. It had been agreed on either side, that no hostilities should take place where the courts were stationed ; and those limits gene- rally did not exceed more than one or two leagues, which was deemed sufficient for the purposes of amusement without fear of molesta- tion. Within those limits each party loaded the opposite faction with politeness and marks of friendship; but when removed from thence, hos- tilities took place, which were carried on with sanguinary animosity. However, during this as- sociation of the two courts, Catherine never for- got to alienate from the king of Navarre a portion of his catholic officers. It was in this manner she brought over successively Lavardin, Gram- mont, Duras, and many others; while at the same time she strove to create animosities be- tween those who continued faithful to the in- terests of Henry of Navarre. As the queen mo- ther possessed a peculiar talent in this way, she 1579. AND HIS COURT. 273 very frequently succeeded ; and the consequence was repeated duels. When it so occurred that a particular circumstance gave rise to any pointed subject of discontent, the uniform cry w^as, perfi- dy, as regarded such proceedings in time of peace; and on these occasions the courts quarrelled, and separated precipitately: but the influence of pleasure on the one hand, and the necessity of intrigue on the other, very soon tended to re- store harmony. In the month of February 1579, new inter- pretations were applied to several articles of the edict of pacification, nearly all of which were favourable to the Calvinists; and fresh places of surety given them, to be surrendered up in the August following. During this year a tragic event, then so common, took place, which gave rise to fresh causes of distrust in the minds of the two factions. Henry viscount Tu- renne, who had embraced Calvinism and the cause of the king of Navarre, was attacked by as- sassins, and received twenty-two sword wounds ; an event that filled Henry with emotions of rage and anguish. Turenne had early attached him- self to that prince ; he had proved the companion of his dangers, his glory, and his pleasures ; the conformity of their ages, sentiments, tastes, and religious opinions, had united them in the closest manner; and the consequence was, they lived together like brothers. These friendly feelings on his side proved uniformly as generous and faithful as they were ardent and sincere. Ca- VOL. I. T 274 HENRY THE GREAT 1579. therine was uniformly suspected of having been accessary to this assassination ; and she repaired to Agen for the express purpose of justifying herself. Henry of Navarre could not repress his poignant reproaches ; the queen protested her innocence : she even offered to see the vis- count, who was at the point of death, and to preside over the necessary cares of which his wounds stood in need. ** No, mada?Jie,'" answered Henry, *' I will conjide to no one, hut myself, the care of a friend who is so dear to me ;'' and on that very day, the prince had his friend conveyed away in a litter. The viscount was transported to Nerac, at which place the king of Navarre shut himself up with Turenne, whom he never quit- ted until his perfect recovery was effected : and this nobleman frequently after repeated, that he was indebted for his life to the unremitting cares and assiduities of the king. Of what utility was not this heroic friendship subsequently produc- tive to France, since Henry of Navarre after- wards caused his friend to espouse the inheretrix of Sedan and Bouillon, the fruit of which union proved the great Turenne. At the termination of the year, marshal de Montmorency was sent to the king of Navarre to procure the restitution of thoso places of security yielded up to the Huguenots for six months only ; but as the catholics had already, in several instances, violated the treaty, the an- swer given to this demand was a declaration of war. On witnessing the bad faith of the 1579. AND HIS COURT. 275 court, Henry of Navarre had already prepared for that event, by taking measures with the prince of Conde, Lesdiguieres, Turenne, and the other Calvinist lords, in order that he might not be unexpectedly attacked. This most useful foresight originated in the penetration of Henry ; for without the timely wisdom of several pre- cautions which he adopted, his cause would have been completely annihilated. The reformers no longer balanced in regard to taking up arms, as soon as they ascertained that the catholics had, on a sudden, possessed themselves of several towns, and, among others, Figeac, the castle of which place was in a state of siege, and the king of Navarre, in consequence, despatched viscount Turenne to raise it, when the enemy, confounded at such unexpected alacrity on the part of the Huguenots, retired. The prince of Cond6, having had a misunder- standing with the king of Navarre, took posses- ^ sion of La Fere in Picardy, where he left a commander, and then proceeded to Germany to raise troops for the purpose of returning to France at the head of a foreign army. Admiral Coligny had familiarized most of his adherents to this crime, one of the greatest it is possible to com- mit against the mother country. The city of Mante in Gevaudan, was scaled on the eve of Christmas, by captain Merle ; and at the same time, Montaigu, in Lower Poitou, surrendered himself to Pommier, a commander of Gascony ; both of whom were Calvinists ; but the most t2 276 HENRY THE GREAT 1580. brilliant and glorious action was, the attack and taking of Cahors by the king of Navarre. This vast and populous town, says Sully, is si- tuated on the river Lot, which surrounds it on all sides, serving the place as a moat, except on the north side. Previous to attacking this city, Henry assembled his council of war at Montauban, which was composed of captains no less brave than experienced, the whole of whom deemed the enterprise not only hazardous, but replete with temerity. The government of Cahors was vested in the commander Vezins, of whose noble conduct we have previously spoken towards his enemy Regnier, during the massacre of Saint Bartholomew. Vezins was deemed an experienced captain, and a man of the greatest personal courage ; he had a garrison consisting of two thousand men, besides an hundred cava- liers well mounted, with a number of armed in- habitants, always upon their guard, and whom it was impossible to take by surprise ; in short, the city was in the most f\ivourable situation to admit of an obstinate defence, and Henry to attack the place had very inferior troops under his command. The king replied to his council, that the reasons which particularly tempted him to this enterprise were the peculiar difficulties which presented themselves : that if success at- tended the effort it would give the greatest hlat to his party, and that such a commencement would raise the courage and confidence of the troops to the highest pitch. In short, added he. 1580. AND Ills COURT. 277 nothing is impossible for me to accomplish with men so brave as those ivhom I consult. Some further representations were made to the king, but he persisted in his opinions with unshaken firmness. Henry reinforced his troops, (diminished by de- sertion and the absence of many of his generals,) by all the men he could collect from Montauban, Negrepelisse, Saint Antonin, Gajare, and Sene- viere ; at the head of whom he marched from Montauban, and arrived at midnight within a quarter of a league of Cahors. It was the month of June ; the heat proved excessive, and there was much thunder, without being accompanied by rain. The king of Navarre halted his forces in a wood of nut-trees, watered by a rivulet, which proved of the greatest utility in assuaging the thirst of his troops. In this spot Henry ar- ranged the plan of operations and attack, after taking the precaution to send word to captain Schouppes to join him as speedily as possible ; which, however, could not take place, till after the lapse of four or five days. All things being in readiness, two petardeers, supported by ten of the most determined soldiers of the prince's guard, took the lead to open a passage into the city. These were closely followed by twenty resolute foot soldiers, and thirty horse, all of the royal body-guard, conducted by Saint Mar- tin, their commander ; and the corps then fol- lowed, consisting of forty gentlemen, headed by Roquelaure, and sixty troops of the guard ; young Rosny constituting one of this brigade. 278 HENUY THE GREAT 1580. The king of Navarre, at the head of two hundred men separated into four bands, followed ; and the rest of the little army, consisting of a thou- sand to twelve hundred arquebusiers, in six pla- toons, closed the march. It was necessary to force three gates, which they began to assail with petards ; after which hatchets were resorted to ; but the openings effected proved so narrow, that the first who entered were compelled to effect the passage by sliding on their bellies. The thunder, which during that period augment- ed in a dreadful degree, favoured the besiegers ; for the horrible clatter, being confounded with the explosion of the petards, prevented the gar- rison, in the first instance, from ascertaining that their gates were shattered, and in parts broken in ; but speedily aware of the attack, the inhabi- tants sounded the tocsin, and the populace flew to the governor, who had just retired to rest, when, springing from his bed, he hastily seized his arms, without dressing himself, issued forth half naked, and was killed at the first discharge. Forty armed soldiers, and about two hundred arquebusiers partly accoutred, ran in search of the assailants, by the lightning's glare, for the purpose of disputing with the enemies their en- trance into the citv ; but it was too late, for the king of Navarre's men were already in the streets of Cahors. The ringing of the bells, however, which warned the citizens to defend themselves, produced an instantaneous effect; the dwellings were covered by an immense concourse of pec- 1580. AND Ills couiiT. 279 pie, who precipitated from thence logs of wood, tiles, and articles of furniture, while redoubled cries were heard of, " Charge, kill,'" &c. It is imjiossible, says Sully, to form any idea of the con- fusion and horrid uproar which this unexpected as- sault produced; the desperate fury of the be- sieged, the intrepidity of the assailants, and the tumultuous cries, conjoined with the roaring of the thunders, ringing of bells, clashing of arms, and stones falling like hail, amidst the most tem- pestuous night, the heat being oppressive to suf- focation. This first tremendous shock continued upwards of a quarter of an hour ; Rosny was stretched on the earth by a large stone hurled from a window ; but instantly raised up by the faithful La Trappe, his valet de chambre, who never abandoned his master in the heat of battle. The king's troops advanced but slowly ; because, the enemy's yjlatoons, overthrown or defeated, were immediately replaced by fresh bands of soldiers. Previous to gaining the great square of the city, Henry had already been twelve times engaged in regular battles. Rosny's cuisses having become detached in the heat of the conflict, he was wounded in the thigh, which did not, however, prevent him from fighting with his accustomed bravery. The royal forces at length arrived at the great square ; where high barricadoes had been raised, which it was found necessary to overthrow ; an effort accomplished with infi- nite difficulty, the assailants having to support continual discharges from the artillery; which had 280 HliNUY THE GREAT 1580. been ranged as a battery tor their defence. The king, covered with blood and wounds, uniformly headed his troops during every attack, in the course of which he broke two halberti;, while all his other arms were imprinted with the marks of bullets, and dented with blows from different weapons. Enough had already been accomplished to procure the renomn of a great victory, adds the historian and eye-witness of this memorable enterprise; but it might with truth be said, that the conflict, as yet, was hardly begun. The city being of great extent and filled with so many combatants, in comparison with such a multitude, the king's forces appeared a mere handful. It was neces- sary to renew the battle at every cross-way, and force new barriers, that had been constructed to impede the enemy's advance : happily for the king of Navarre, the garrison, being deprived of its chief, attacked and defended itself with more desperate obstinacy than generalship, while, re- lying on superiority of numbers, and awaiting an expected reinforcement, it was constantly occu- pied in endeavouring to save lives, conceiving that the enemy could not escape, and that fa- tigue alone would soon suffice to complete its extermination. It will scarce be credited, says Sully, that five whole days and flights were spent in this sangui7iary e.vercise ; during which period, no warrior of the king's troop dared to leave his arms for a moment, nor quit his post to partake of refreshment, or enjoy a few minutes' repose, but in supporting his body upright 1580. AND HIS COURT. 281 against the walls of the houses. To fatigue, exhaustion, the weight of armour, sultry heat, attacks of hunger, and above all, excessive thirst, were added galling wounds, all of which combined to destroy Henry's forces. There was not a soldier whose feet were not so wounded and clogged with gore, that he with difficulty supported himself. In this dire extremity, his majesty's principal officers ap- proached the king, and advised him to collect his whole troop round his person in order to cut a passage through the enemy and accomplish a retreat ; and they redoubled their supplications, on hearing the news that was spread, and which was true, that the succours expected by the inhabitants were on the point of arriving at the barrier; but the intrepid prince, whom nothing- could subdue, getting the better of the anguish oc- casioned by his wounds, turned towards his queers with a calm and serene air, and contented himself by replying : ** It is registered above what must become of m^Wpon this trying occasion. Rernember that my retreat from this city, ivithout securing it to our party, will be the flight of my soul from my body. My honour is too much connected with the result that it should prove otherwise ; therefore, speak to me but of fighting, conquering, or dying.'' Reanimated by the words and example of this heroic chief, the whole corps enthusiastically swore to obey him ; and, in the course of the day, the fortunate arrival of captain Schouppes and his corps restored to the soldiers all their 282 HENllY THE GREAT 1580. accustomed bravery. This commander forced a passage through the city with five or six hun- dred arquebusiers and an hundred horse, over- throwing the enemy, in every direction, who presented themselves to impede his passage, and thus rejoined the king. The duke of Sully agrees that without this timely succour Henry must inevitably have yielded to superior forces. The name of the intrepid captain Schouppes, whose memory should be venerated by all Frenchmen, has not been sufficiently made known in history ; the most feeble voice may immortalize him by saying, that during this eventful day, Schouppes had the good fortune and the glory to rescue Henry the Great of France. Having effected this important junction, the king of Navarre pro- ceeded with his troops to the barrier, where the enemy's reinforcement had also come up, the whole of that quarter of the town still continuing to hold out. Henry, on this occasion, finding himself the besieger and the besieged, faced every opposition with admirable promptitude, defending himself against the internal enemy, and making arrangements to expel those from with- out. Having become master of the towers and parapets, he there stationed several small corps, to close up a passage to the town from without, while he continued to combat with the assailants within the city. In this instance, the good wishes of his men so ably seconded his activity, prudence, and courage, that the reinforcement was compelled to seek for safety in a precipitate 1580. AND HIS COURT. 28^ flight ; when, the inhabitants, confounded on be- holding such repeated prodigies of valour, on a sudden abandoned all hope and courage, and surrendered up their arms. The city was given up to pillage, the soldiery, however, being or- dered, under pain of death, to commit no per- sonal violence ; a command which Henry uni- formly issued upon such occasions, but which, considering the cruel toleration of plunder, ap- pears more calculated to calm in some measure the conscience of the general, than save the lives of the wretched population. The duke of Sully says, that good fortune jAaced at his disposal a small iron coffer y wherein he found four thousand gold crowns. Who can refrain from shuddering when he con- templates the manner in which war was carried on in those barbarous times by the most gene- rous-minded and honourable men! The Du Guesclins and the Bayards were not blessed with similar good fortune, or, more strictly speaking, they held it in abhorrence. The king of Navarre, during these reiterated conflicts, and such a procrastinated resistance, only lost seventy-two men ; but the number of sufferers extended throughout his whole army. Henry, covered with wounds, had received none of a dangerous nature ; his garments were so pierced and ragged, that they literally dropped to pieces : on the side of the besieged the loss was infinitely greater. 284 HENllY THE GUEAT 1580. The duke de Sully concludes his account of this memorable exploit with the following words : — / am compelled to suppress a variety of particular circumstances and feats, as well of the king as on the part of his officers, lohich would almost appear like so many fabulous narrations. 1580. AND HIS COURT. 285 CHAPTER VIII. The prince of Conde abandons Heuryh cause. — The king of Navarre holds his court at Nerac. — Young Rosnt/'s teme- rity rebuked. — His embassy to the king's sister. — Noble conduct of marshal Biron towards Hemy of Navarre. — Character of marshal Biron. — Rosny and his master on the point of separating, but afterioards reconciled. — Views of the queen mother for the duke of Alenpn. — Ros-ny joins the duke of Alen^on, and Henry''s opinion of that prince. — Capture of Cateau Cambresis. — Alencon visits the court of queen Elizabeth. — Is crowned duke of Brabant at Antwerp. — Attempted assassination of the prince of Orange. — Treacherous conduct of the duke of Alengon at Antwerp^ and his expulsion font the Low Countries. — Henry's love for the countess de Guiclie. — Honourable conduct of Henry, and duplicity of the queen mother. — Henry's adventure with captain Michau. — Death of the duke of Alencon. — His character. — Anecdote of that prince, as narrated by queen Margaret. — Plans of the queen mother and the duke of Guise respecting the throne. — Attempts of Henry the Third to make the king of Na- varre abandon his religion. — Henry the Third signs a treaty of peace with the League, and employs his armi/ under Joyeuse against the king of Navarre. — Henry's ap- prehensions in consequence of the peace.— Private interests of his friends. — Devotedness of Rosny in serving his prince. — Manifestoes of Heyiry. — He challenges the duke of Guise. — Bill of excommunication against Henry pub- lished at Rome. — Unfortunate state of his afjairs. — He repairs to Rochelle. — Surrender of Talmont to Henry of Navarre. — Loyalty of Henry towards the queen mother. — Proceedings of the Leaguers. — Hatred of the duchess of 286 HENRY THE GREAT 1580. Montpensier for Henry the Third. — Conspiracies against Henry the Tliird. — The duke deJoyeuse despatched against Henry of Navarre. — Description of the tivo armies jnior to the battle of Coutras. — Celebrated battle of Coutras gained by Henry, and death of J oyeuse.— Interested views of the Calvinist princes. The taking of the city of Cahors is one of those extraordinary events that have few parallels in history. This achievement astonished all Eu- rope, and although it was universally allowed that the enterprise had been characterized by extreme rashness, nevertheless that very impru- dence wherewith Henry was reproached, spread astonishing lustre over the young hero's charac- ter, v/ho had at the same time displayed in his conduct, and all the details of this miraculous enterprise, inconceivable activity, hardihood, ad- mirable presence of mind, and very superior talents for the art of war. The king of Navarre, having appointed Co- briere to the command of Cahors, returned to Montauban ; and shortly after defeated two or three corps of the army of marshal Biron. About this period, however, the prince was poignantly af- flicted on receiving very inauspicious intelligence ; for the prince of Cond^, not content with having alienated a portion of his troops, and separated from his party in the most conspicuous manner, had drawn over to his side some cities of Dau- phiny and Languedoc, of which he deprived Henry, in order to compose for himself a sove- reignty ; while it was equally rumoured that he 1580. AND HIS COURT. 287 had taken possession of La Fere. Henry of Navarre, whose army was already so inferior to that of the catholics, was farther compelled to dismember it ; he commanded the march of Tu- renne, who disconcerted all the plans of the prince of Cond6 ; but it was no longer in the power of the king of Navarre to keep the field against marshal Biron. The prince, therefore, shut himself up in the town of Nerac, lohere the ladies and all the court of Navarre then resided, uniformly brilliant, notwithstanding the inaus- picious state of the monarch's affairs. This war, without being strictly entitled to the name of a campaign in the open field, or a siege, at the same time partook of both. Biron had stated that the siege of Nerac, maintained by Henry, was an imprudent enterprise, and he nevertheless contented himself with creating alarm in that town, by encamping soldiers in the environs. The king of Navarre, thus blockaded, made frequent sallies ; but all the brave youths, glowing with noble pride in consequence of the brilliant exploit of Cahors, frequently issued from the place with- out the king's permission, in order to attack sepa- rate detachments of the royalists, sometimes pro- ceeding to the very front of the opposing army. Young Rosny, as was customary with him, aided at one of these bravadoes, where neither honour nor glory were to be acquired ; on which occa- sion they were severely taken to task by the prince. Henry was one day informed that Rosny had been wounded and made prisoner, upon which 288 HENRY THE GREAT 1580. he instantly despatched a party of officers to li- berate the youth, if it was not too late. He was accordingly conducted back in safety, when the king, in anger, expressly commanded his pupil never to leave the town without his permission, annexing to him the epithets of heedless ami pre- sumptuous. The king not only tutored Rosny for war, but he had equally directed him to give in a regular account of the expenditure of his mili- tary gains, and of his expenses in general ; which the pupil performed with the greatest exactitude. Henry was particularly struck with the order and strict economy which the young man combined with liberality ; and the duke de Sully says in his Memoirs, that he felt persuaded he was in- debted to those reflections on the part of his sovereign, for the idea he afterwards entertained of confiding to his care the financial departments of the kingdom. The monarch made trial of all the talents and intelligence of Rosny, and in the sequel commissioned him to undertake a very delicate negotiation near the person of the prin- cess his sister ; the affair in question having for its object the making her relinquish the design of espousing the count of Soissons, with whom she was in love. Rosny, at that period only a youth, acquitted himself of his commission with a dex- terity which Henry, no doubt, afterwards called to mind when he despatched him on his embassy to the court of Elizabeth of England. During the war he frequently entrusted him with the command of artillery, together with the defence 1580. AND HIS COURT. 289 and fortifying of various places, and in particular Monsegur in the territory of Foix. It was in this year, 1580, that Rosny put that town in so good a state of defence, that the king of Navarre publicly expressed the most flattering praises towards him on that account. This generous prince, by his caresses and the munificent acts wherewith he loaded Rosny, taught him to know the exact difference that existed between mili- tary actions that are prescribed by duty, and those which are only the result of imprudent and fiery courage. Towards the end of the campaign, marshal Biron feigned a desire to lay siege to Nerac ; but the whole terminated in some exploits of the moment, of which the ladies of tlie court were frequently witnesses from the summit of the ramparts. All historians have remarked, that marshal Biron, (father of the noblem.an who play- ed so conspicuous and unfortunate a part, as will be found under the reign of Henry the Fourth) one of the most experienced captains of his time, never acted against the king of Navarre with that vigour he might have displayed ; it seems as if he had had a presentiment, that Henry of Bourbon would one day establish the throne, and rescue the realm of France. Independent of this, the great qualifications of the prince had com- manded Biron's admiration ; while even policy impelled him to consider the king of Navarre, as well as spare the Huguenots, but it was uni- formly, without abandoning the cause of his VOL. r. u 290 HENllY THE GREAT 1580. religion and his king. He always displayed a wise moderation, and exerted all his efforts to engage his sovereign freely to accord liberty of conscience to the reformers ; he foresaw that the indolence of Henry the Third would infallibly ruin France ; and that the destruction of the Calvinists, in causing the triumph of the Guises and their faction, would annihilate all the obstacles which were opposed to the ambitious views of that aspiring family. Biron, in his youth, had been reared in quality of page to Margaret of Valois, queen of Navarre, sister of Francis the First, (mother of Jeanne d'Albret,) and grandmother of Henry the Fourth. That princess, the most accomplished of her time, having observed in young Biron great talent and judgment, took delight in having him well educated under her own direction, of which he well knew how to profit. This gift, the most precious of all, in- spired in Biron's mind the profoundest gratitude, which he preserved during his life, and testified upon every occasion by his attachment for the family of that princess, and above all for Henry of Bourbon. This conduct and these sentiments caused him to be unjustly accused of having secretly embraced the Calvinist persuasion ; and he would, in consequence, have become one of the victims of the Saint Bartholomew massacre, if, as before stated, he had not adopted the pre- caution of shutting himself up in the arsenal, of which he was governor, and where he main- tained himself with the most determined courage. 1580. AND HIS COURT. 291 Marshal Biron was fond of magnificence, gene- rous, and very well informed ; he was perfect master of the Greek and Latin languages, par- tial to reading, and, according to Brantome, accustomed to write down every thing he heard of an interesting nature ; so that, if any one uttered a good thing, it was remarked, '* You have taken that from the tablets of Biron-" and the king's jester, named Greffier, frequently used to swear by the divine tablets of Bn^on. We find from history, that upon the marshal's being installed a knight of the order of the Holy Ghost, he said to the king, when presenting his ' titles of nobility : ** Sire, in these are comprised my titles of nobility,"'' and then placing his hand on his sword, he continued, "■ but here, i^ire, they are still more firmly established."" Biron limped in his gait in consequence of a wound he had received ; so that after the battle of Montcontour, according to Brantome, the peace was called the lame, or mal assise, ill seated, in consequence of its having been nego- tiated by Biron with M. de Malassise. The marshal was equally munificent and charitable : it is stated of him, that the persons who managed his affairs having proposed the dismissal of se- veral useless attendants, he replied : " You de- monstrate perfectly well that I can do without them, but it is above all necessary you should prove that they can equally exist without me." The war still continued for some time between the king of Navarre and the royal army, com- u 2 292 HFXUr THI, GUFA1 1530. mantled by marshal Biron, says Sully ; but no affair of importance took place. At this period, a very just cause of discontent on the part of Henry of Navarre against Rosny, had nearly put a period to the most faithful and perfect friend- ship of which history affords an example. The king entertained a great contempt for duels, and had just issued fresh orders throughout his army prohibiting such encounters, having interdicted them on former occasions. Rosny, however, had the temerity to assist as the second of Beauvais, son of the governor of Navarre, who fought against ' an officer named Usseau, when the latter received a dangerous wound : Henry, who was very par- tial to Beauvais, was doubly incensed at Rosny on this occasion, not only for having concealed the intended meeting, but also accompanied the combatants to the field of action. In his indig- nation, addressing Rosny, he said, that if he awarded strict justice, he should command his head to be struck off. Rosny, whose feelings were sensibly touched at this threat, replied, that he was neither his subject nor his vassal ; adding, that he should quit his service, and absent him- self from his presence for ever : but the princesses (queen Margaret, and Catherine, the king's sis- ter) retained him, under the promise of effecting peace. The king, who had kept a disdainful silence during this impetuous sally, conde- scended to listen, and accepted Rosny's excuses : for some time, however, he treated him with great coolness, but afterwards, when fully con- 1580. AND HIS couRi'. 293 vinced that he felt acutely the weight of his fault, he again entertained towards him his former sentiments of esteem : " Stcch generous conduct y' says Sully, " teaching me hoiv much this kind prince merited to be served ivith devotedness, made me resolve from that moment never to achioioledge any other master.'^ The queen mother, however, resolved to ter- minate the war ; her ambition and designs for the duke of Alen^on, the last of her sons, rendered pacific measures absolutely necessary ; she was anxious to ensure to the duke the sovereignty of the Low Countries ; and, in a memoir said to be the production of De Thou, book 96, we find it stated that before the duke of Anjou had been called to the court of Poland, Catherine, who was anxious at any price to behold him a monarch, had despatched Francis de Noailles to require of the Grand Signor the kingdom of Algiers for that prince. To this was to be added Sardinia, ob- tained from the Spanish monarch in exchange for the kingdom of Navarre, of which she ensured possession to that court, while, by way of an equivalent to the king of Navarre for his right to that kingdom, other possessions were to have been ceded to the prince appertaining to the French territory. Peace being concluded, Rosny obtained per- mission from the king of Navarre to go to Coutras in the suite of the duke of Alen9on, where that prince assembled a brilliant retinue of nobles and gentlemen, in order to appear with the necessar\ 294 HENRY THE GREAT 1580. splendour in the Low Countries, of which terri- tory the deputies of the United Provinces had tendered him the sovereignty. In demanding this leave of absence from Henry, it is necessary to state that Rosny was not merely impelled from motives of joining the court of the duke of Alen- 9on ; having, independent of that circumstance, claims to certain property in Flanders, which was the principal motive for his undertaking the journey. When soliciting this permission, Rosny added, that if upon the most trifling occasion the king- should stand in need of his attendance, he would rejoin him at the first command. Henry, during their conference, displayed that sagacity so essen- tially necessary to monarchs, and which led him to form so just an estimation of those who ap- proached his person. In speaking of the duke of Alenc^on, the king said, ** He will deceive me, if he fulfils the hopes that have been entertained respecting him ; he possesses so little courage, his heart is so deceitful and sly, there is such a want of grace in his demeanour, and a lack of expertness in all manly exercises, that I can never be led to think he is capable of performing any thing that is truly noble." The event fully justified this estimate : Rosny repaired to the duke of Alen^on, when a battle was fought in Flanders, and Cateau Cambresis taken. Upon this occasion the prince ordered that no violence should be offered to the females; and fearful lest his commands might produce no more 1581. AND HIS COUUT. 295 effect on the brutality of the soldiers than the plague with which the fortress was infected, he gave them churches by way of asylums, and sta- tioned safeguards. Rosny was in the act of tra- versing a street, when a young and lovely female precipitated herself into his arms, supplicating that he would protect her person from the vio- lence of some troops who were posted in ambus- cade for the purpose of seizing her. Rosny im- mediately offered to conduct her to a church; when she replied, that there she should not be admitted, because it was known she was infected by the plague. At these words, Rosny, more frightened than herself, pushed her from him, saying, that she possessed in her own person the best safeguard possible. The duke of Alen9on, who, to acquire popular opinion in his favour, had in the first instance testified great humanity, after a short lapse of time displayed a perfidy which covered him with universal shame. He repaired to England, where Elizabeth charmed him with romantic festivities, and filled his mind with brilliant hopes ; from thence he returned to Zealand, and was crowned duke of Brabant in the city of Antwerp, com- manded by the prince of Orange. This potentate gave the duke of Alenifon proofs of the most dis- interested and generous friendship ; he powerfully contributed to his election, and was personally at the ceremony of his inauguration. The duke and the French still occupied the court and the city of Antwerp, when the prince of Orange experienced *296 HENRY THE GREAT 1583^, the fate of nearly all the princes of that period, being struck by the hand of an assassin. Jean Jauregui, by birth a Biscayan, shot the prince with a pistol, the ball from which pierced his jaws completely through ; when the attend- ants of the prince killed the murderer upon the spot. The populace, who, in the first instance, accused the French as guilty of the crime, were anxious to rise en masse, and exterminate them ; and the duke of Alen9on found no safety but in seeking refuge at the palace of the wounded prince. The injustice of this suspicion was, however, soon proved ; for on examination of the body of the assassin letters were found hidden in his apparel which identified him as being a Spaniard. The citizens, in a body, then pre- sented themselves to the duke of Alen^on, offer- ing their humble excuses ; notwithstanding which this outrage had implanted in the heart of the prince such rooted hatred and resentment, that he secretly determined on dealing the most sig- nal vengeance ; the prince of Orange, who nar- rowly observed his conduct from that moment, kept upon his guard. Having ordered his forces into the open field, the duke of Alen^on quitted Antwerp in the month of February, 1583, under pretext of pass- ing the army in review^ ; but he afterwards com- manded his troops suddenly to re-enter the gates of the city, (which, from motives of confidence and hospitality, were left at his disposition,) and 1583, AN'D HIS COURT. 297 to take forcible possession of the town. These orders the troops faithfully obeyed, entering Ant- werp, like a city taken by assault, with cries of *' Kill, kill; a city gained /" This triumph, how- ever, was of short duration ; the prince of Orange had taken his precautions, and, accord- ing to Sully, issued such salutary orders, which were executed with so much ardour and celerity, that the duke's forces were driven back, cut in pieces, and precipitated from the heights ; for terror having got possession of their minds, those who could not escape by the gates, which were blocked up by the quantity of dead bodies, threw themselves from the ramparts. In this tu- mult, Rosny was saved through the interference of the prince of Orange, who retained him in his own palace. The duke of Alen^on immediately fled for refuge to the environs of Malines, where the inhabitants, by opening the sluices, had made one vast swamp, and in consequence from four to five thousand men perished from sickness, hun- ger, and cold ; while nearly all the horses re- mained buried in the mud. In this deplorable condition the duke of Alen9on obstinately con- tinued for several months, struggling against the effects of shame and public indignation. At length he retired from the Low Countries, leav- ing a recollection of the most odious enterprise, and the memorial of a name justly held in uni- versal detestation. In the years 1582 and 1583 the king of Na- 298 HENRY THE GREAT 1583. varre took no part in the affairs of the French court. During that period he was uniformly oc- cupied in study and useful reflections, while sa- lutary conversations with his friends, whom he well knew how to select, occupied the greater part of his leisure ; nor could love and gallantry ever wean him from indulging in such serious occupations. Sully, speaking of Henry at this period, says, *' He was then at the height of his passion for Cori- sande cCAudoiti ;" of which lady and Henry's amour we find the following account in the work of M. Sauval, on the gallantries of the kings of France, vol. i. p. 304. " During the excursion of Henry the Third intoGuienne, the king of Navarre went to join him at Bourdeaux, where he became acquainted with the countess de Guiche, widow of Philibert count de Gramont, who was killed at the siege of La Fere. Henry found that lady very amiable, and paid her several visits during his residence in the province, and sought conso- lation in her company for the infidelity of Madame de Sauve. The prince soon perceived that she was not insensible to his passion, and requested, on leaving Bourdeaux, that a correspondence with him might be kept up through the medium of Pa- rabese, whom he had taken into his service, and whose sister was of the same province, and very much attached to him. The countess was highly delighted in thus being able to cement a connexion with the king of Navarre, which she uniformly 1584, AND HIS COURT. 299 maintained until his accession to the crown of France." In the journal of Henry the Third, page 270, it is stated that the countess of Guiche forward- ed levies to Henry the Fourth, which had been raised at her own expense ; that she mortgaged her estates and sold her jewels, and that the fruit of this intrigue was a son named Anthony, whom Henry offered to recognize, but that the young- man replied, he rather preferred the rank of a simple gentleman than to bear the acknowledged title of a king's bastard. This expedition to the Low Countries so much irritated the king of Spain, that he was led to court an alliance with Henry of Navarre, to whom he offered succours, for the purpose of recom- mencing hostilities against the French royalists. Henry possessed too much uprightness of cha- racter to accede to these proposals, and in consequence despatched Rosny to make the king and queen mother acquainted with the offers so tendered. In delivering his instructions to Rosny for this mission, he spoke to him in ge- neral terms of the duties of princes and states- men, and concluded his conversation with the following remarkable words : " Remember, my friend, that the predominant characteristic of great courage, and a man of integrity, is to be inviolable in keeping his pro7nise ; you will never find me fail in any that I may be led to make."" Rosny set out for Paris ,• when this conduct 300 HENRY THE CiUEAT 1584. and upright proceeding, which so completely manifested the purity of the intentions of Henry of Navarre, only tended, on the contrary, to make Catherine of Medicis renew the bond of amity with Spain. What she most dreaded was ^he king of Navarre ; even his virtues proved to her a source of fear and suspicion, on account of the ascendency thereby obtained over all hearts by his reputation for good faith, loyalty, and the most scrupulous adherence to all his engage- ments. In short, she detested in that prince a character that formed a complete contrast with her own, and which excited universal admi- ration. All the memoirs of that period state, as we have before remai'ked, that the astrologers, con- stantly consulted by the queen mother, had predicted Henry would ascend the throne of France. Sully allows that she had the weakness to believe in the occult sciences, and that the soothsayers predicted to himself the same thing in regard to Henry the Fourth. That writer equal- ly says, that one day conversing with the king of Navarre upon this subject, the monarch's reply was, " That he believed religion should always inspire us with coiitempt for those wicked prognostications ; and that as regarded himself, he only placed con- fidence in one prognostic, which might be ac- quired, for the future conduct of nien, from the study and knowledge of >the human character." — -Sully, vol. i. p. J 46. As the peace was not broken until the follow- 1584. AND iirs COURT. 301 ing year, the accounts of that now under con- sideration afford little insight respecting the proceedings of the king of Navarre. Le Grain records a curious adventure said to have happened with one captain Michau, who, it is stated, (but without positive proofs,) had feign- ed to quit the service of Spain for that of Henry of Navarre, in order to find an opportunity of putting a period to his existence by treason. ** One day," says the narrator, " hunting in the forest of Ailles, captain Michau, well mounted, was close in the rear of the prince, having in his holsters two pistols ready cocked and loaded. The king, unarmed and quite alone, seeing him appi'oach, exclaimed in bold and fearless accents, 'Captain Michau, alight, lam anxious to try the swift- ness of your steed, and ascertain luhether it is equal to what you assert' The captain obeyed ; when the king, mounting his horse, drew the pistols from their holsters, saying, ' Are you desirous, then, of murdering any one ? for, according to what T am told, your wish is to take my life, whereas 1 could now assassinate you myself were I desirous so to do:' having uttered these words, he fired off the two pistols in the air, commanding the captain to follow him." Michau having excused himself to the best of his power, two days after craved leave of absence, and never again appeared at court. — Decade de Henri le Grand, book 8. During this year (1584) the duke of Alen^on died, as it was supposed, from scenting a poi- soned nosegay ; but it appears certain, that his 302 HENRY THE (JREAT 1584. demise originated in chagrin, ov^erwhelmed as he was by shame and useless repentance in con- sequence of the result of his miserable expedition to the Low Countries. Anquetil, treating of the death of this prince, states ; " Some assert that he died of melancholy, and others, from the ef- fect of poison administered by order of the Spanish court, being still an object of apprehen- sion, notwithstanding the discredit into which he had fallen." Perefixe, speaking on the same sub- ject, says, ** It is merely requisite for us to state, that in the year 1584, Monsieur died at Chateau Thierry, without having been married ; that Henry the Third had also no children ; it being too well known he was incapable of having any in conse- quence of an incurable malady contracted at Venice on his return from Poland. On this ac- count, as soon as Monsieur was pronounced in- curable, by the physicians, the Guises and the queen mother began to plot on either side, to ensure to themselves the crown, as if no heir had existed to claim the succession ; since both parties held the king of Navarre of no ac- count, inasmuch as he was removed a seventh degree from consanguinity, beyond which, in ordinary cases of succession, no claim of pa- rentage is admitted ; added to this, he did not profess the religion which the kings of France had uniformly followed from the time of Clovis, and consequently was deemed incapable of inhe- riting the crown, and assuming the title of his 7nost Christian majeskj. In addition to this, Henry was 1584. AND HIS COUllT. 303 two hundred leagues distant from Paris, and, as it were, exiled to a corner of Guienne, where his opponents imagined it would be easy to surround and annihilate him." In reference to the character of the duke of Alenifon, Anquetil says : The prince was lively, passionate, and turbulent ; but full of candour, generosity, and good faith. The misfortunes of that period, at times, compelled him to conceal his thoughts; but he could never have sustained an enterprise which would have required any refinement of dissimulation. He was fond of glory, a passion that frequently prompted him to forget his duty, of which he repented on his death-bed, and claimed forgiveness of the king his brother. Madame Genlis says, that the duke of Anjou was without genius or talents, but pos- sessed great ambition ; he was deficient in no- bility of soul, yet conceived the most elevated projects ; he undertook hazardous enterprises, although divested of all the qualities necessary to ensure their success ; there was no propor- tion between his desires, his designs, and his faculties ; this is the height of misfortune for all men, but particularly when it proves the charac- teristic of princes. Notwithstanding this, how- ever, some praise was due to that prince, since we find the authors of the massacre of Saint Bartholomew deemed it necessary to conceal the intended plot from the duke, who was wholly excluded from that terrific council. The duke of Anjou is no less deserving pane- 304 HENIIY THE GREAT 1584. gyric, owing to his uniform friendship for his sister, the, queen of Navarre. He always courageously advocated her cause during the persecutions she experienced from Henry the Third. In the Memoirs of that princess, she particularly narrates the following circumstance. The duke of Alencon, who was suspected by the weak and mistrustful Henry the Third, was arrested at court, and guards were appointed over him, with orders not to permit the prince to quit his apartment. In the first instance, the duke enquired whether his sister Margaret was also placed under arrest ; upon v/hich, being an- swered in the negative, he remarked : "It greatly mitigates my pain to hear that she is at liberty; but although thus free, I am sure her affection towards me is such, that she would prefer remaining a captive to the enjoyment of liberty without me." The prince then requested M. de Cosse, who had arrested him, to obtain the king's permission, that Margaret might share his imprisonment, which demand was complied with. Margaret, in stating this anecdote, adds: " This firm belief, which he entertained of my unalterable and unshaken friendship, was for me a binding obligation ; and more particularly so, as in consequence of his good offices towards me, he had acquired many great claims upon me, so that I ahvays ranked that of sharing his misfortunes among the first." Margaret shut herself up with the duke, the king only permit- tino' them to exercise themselves through the 1584. AND HIS COURT. 305 chambers of the palace. The princess, how- ever, subsequently permitted the duke to es- cape through the window of her chamber, by which action she exposed herself to all the ven- geance of her royal brother. The death of the duke of Anjou, says Perefixe, prompted the queen mother to form a plan for raising the children of her daughter, married to the duke of Lorraine, to the throne ; and she, in consequence, was desirous that they should be regarded as princes of the blood royal. To this Catherine was not only prompted from the love she bore them, but the secret animosity she cherished towards the king of Navarre, seeing, that in spite of her ardent wishes, Heaven itself paved the way for his accession to the crown. She was, however, egregiously deceived, con- sidering the talents she possessed, to imagine that the duke of Guise would favour her designs. There is every reason to believe, and the sequel sufficiently testified the fact, that as he found himself urged on by favourites, and ill-treated by the king on account of the love he testified to- wards them, he formed the secret plan of se- curing to himself the possession of the throne. Such neglectful conduct, on the part of princes, is always calculated to infuse despair into minds so noble and elevated as was that of the duke of Guise. But being fully sensible he could never of himself attain to such an elevated station, par- ticularly as it would be difficult to warp that af- fection which the French people naturally enter- VOL. I, X 306 HENRY THE GREAT 1584. tained towards the princes of the blood royal, he conceived the plan of gaining over to his interest the old cardinal de Bourbon, uncle of the king of Navarre. Having formed this deter- mination, he promised, that upon the death of Henry the Third, he would employ his forces and those of his friends to elect him king ; when this old ecclesiastic, borne down by age, and suffering himself to be deceived by these vain hopes, became the dupe of the prince's am- bition, who by this means drew over to his interests a great number of catholics favourable to the house of Bourbon. The question therefore was, whether the uncle ought to precede the son of his elder brother in the succession, and if the representative in a collateral branch ought to take place or not. This point of right was then variously construed by the jurisconsults, ^ — and many treatises were, in consequence, produced ; some in favour of the uncle, and others advocating the cause of the nephew: these, however, were merely pen-com- bats ; it was requisite that the sword should terminate such differences. Several great poli- ticians conceived that the duke of Guise com- mitted a flagrant error against his interests and the plans he proposed, in acknowledging car- dinal de Bourbon as rightful successor to the crown ; since, by that conduct, he admitted that after his death, which could not be far distant, it would devolve to his nephevi^ the king of Na- varre ; but he, no doubt, calculated on effecting 1584. AND HIS COURT. 307 the overthrow of the latter before that event should take place. Henry the Third was sufficiently acquainted with the intentions of the duke, or M'as made aware of the same through the means of his favourites, who saw their certain downfal in case the plans of the prince should succeed. On this account, the king felt anxious to re-unite Henry of Navarre to the catholic church, in order to deprive the leaguers of the specious pre- text they set forward in order to support the Holy League. In consequence of this, Henry the Third despatched the duke d'Epernon, who endeavoured to convert the king of Navarre, from principles of interest and policy. The mo- narch listened to his arguments with great com- posure ; and then declared that the motives he adduced were not sufficient to effect the change desired ; and he dismissed the duke with every mark of the highest consideration. The Huguenots were vain enough to cause the conference of Henry with Epernon to be printed, for the purpose of proving that he was not to be shaken in his faith ; and, in all proba- bility, to confirm him in his tenets. On the other hand, the duke of Guise did not fail to profit by this event, which enabled him to place before the catholics the obstinate conduct of the prince, as he deemed it ; and what was to be hoped for them in case he ascended the throne, harbouring such pernicious opinions. In order, therefore, to close up every avenue, X 2 308 HENRY THE GREAT 1584. the prince required that the zealots shoukl openly renew the treaty of the Holy League, which was boldly disseminated throughout Paris, when nu- merous votaries of religion inspired new ardour in the souls of the confederates through the medium of the confessional. The first public assembly, before adverted to, was held at the College de Fortet, denominated The Cradle of the League. Henry the Third, being fully aware that the leaguers unfurled the banner of revolt, at length awoke from his profound lethargy, and despatched the duke de Joyeuse, one of his fa- vourites, into Normandy, in order to oppose the duke d'Elbeuf, who commanded the army in that province for the League. Rosny welcomed Joyeuse to his castle, and engaged to follow him ; for enlisting to oppose the leaguers was advocating the real interests of the king of Na- varre, upon whom the court also calculated, with good reason, under existing circumstances ; fully assured, that he would coalesce with the royal forces to destroy the League, which was avow- edly the enemy of both. Rosny set forward ; but scarcely had he commenced his journey, when Joyeuse received despatches from the court containing news that the king had signed a treaty of peace with the League, accompanied also by an order that he would march that very army he headed against the king of Navarre, which had been originally designed to unite with him for the purpose of opposing the leaguers. This disgraceful peace, entered into by the 1585. AND HIS COURT. 309 king with his rebellious subjects, wielding arms in their hands, was denominated The Treaty of Nemours. The factious were, however, satisfied that Henry the Third should acknowledge car- dinal de Bourbon not as first prince of the bloody but the nearest allied, which he really was in qua- lity of uncle of the king of Navarre. From this it is obvious nothing was formally stipulated against the right of succession, an apparent ad- vantage at least which the nephew obtained over his uncle. Rosny, indignant and confounded on witness- ing so much weakness and impropriety of con- duct, hastily returned to his castle ; where he sold timber off his estates to the amount of forty- eight thousand francs, (two thousand pounds sterling,) in order to carry the money to Henry of Navarre, who at that critical juncture stood in the greatest need of all the resources that friendship and fidelity could afford him. The king of Navarre was fully aware of all the difficulties and dangers that awaited him, in consequence of the treaty of Nemours ; and was very sensibly affected when made acquainted with its stipulations. " Henry the Fourth,'' says Mathi^u the historian, " conversing one day with the marquis de la Force and myself on the subject of the regrets he eiperienced owing to that peace, stated, after deep meditation, and supporting his head upon his hand, that the evils lie foresaw threatening his party were of such a nature as to turn one half of his mustachios white.'''' 310 HENRY THE GUKAT 1585. It is by no means surprising that Henry of Navarre should feel apprehensive in consequence of this peace ; for, being the most potent adver- sary of the League, and abandoned by the prince of Cond6 and a large portion of his officers, that moment v^as deemed favourable by the leaguers to effect his complete overthrow. The duke of Guise, therefore, abandoning for a time his views upon the throne, thought it expedient to unite with Henry the Third, in order to exterminate the king of Navarre. Such were, in fact, the reasons that had prompted the factions to accede to pacific measures with the monarch, who, feel- ing that a short interval of repose would prove the result, was contented to ratify the terms ; thus forfeiting his dignity and those real interests in future which ought to have biassed his con- duct. Even prior to the demise of the duke d'Alen9on, the duke of Guise being aware that the prince was attacked by an incurable malady, had taken all the precautions he deemed necessary to exclude the king of Navarre, by causing the nomination of cardinal de Bourbon, as before mentioned. While these various intrigues were carried on, the king of Navarre employed all his activity and courage to seek out and prepare means to over- throw the machinations of his enemies. He pro- ceeded to Montauban, where frequent confer- ences were held by the protestants on the resolu- tions necessary to adopt under the actual posture of affairs ; but some of the chiefs were more 1585. AND HIS COURT. 311 occupied with the thoughts of personal aggran- dizement than the interests of the king ; in short, every one formed to himself a plan for establish^ ing his fortune, unconnected with the general measures laid down. In a secret conference which took place at Saint Paul de Lamiate, in the diocese of Castres, this disunion of sentiment and the ambitious views of individuals became more openly manifest. A secret audience was granted to a minister named Butriex, sent by the elector palatine, upon which occasion viscount Tu- renne gave the first proofs of the ambition and in- gratitude which formed the basis of his character. He had, in unison with Butriex, formed a new system of government, in which he was joined by several other leaders ; his desire was to make the Calvinist interest of France a republic under the protection of the elector palatine, who would ap- point in his name five or six lieutenants in the pro- vinces. By this plan the king of Navarre naturally became confounded together with all the princes of the blood, and officers of the religious reformers. Henry would thus have been reduced to a mere lieutenant of a foreign prince, or, more properly speaking, it was proposed to abandon and expel him, for the exalted sentiments of that prince were too w^ll known to conceive that he would tacitly submit to such humiliating degradation. Such was the manner in which this good and great prince was generally served and seconded even at the most critical periods of his life. Active, vigilant, abounding with penetration and saga- city, he was aware of all these clandestine pro- 312 HENRY THE GREAT 1585. ceedings, which did not intimidate him ; he had the prudence never to utter useless reproaches, and to appear ignorant of those ills which it was out of his power to controul ; by this mode of action he feigned without duplicity, and by dis- sembling pardoned. We must not, however, omit to mention that he still possessed sterling friends, among whom Rosny obtained the first place in his heart, and posterity has very justly preserved to that faithful adherent the glorious title of first friend of Henry the Great of France. Perefixe, adverting to this eventful period of Henry's life, states that all his virtue, energy, and courage, was required to oppose the shocks that awaited him. He was, it may be said, slumber- ing in the arms of voluptuousness, from whence these violent assaults awakened him ; he then collected all his senses, recalled the inherent vir- tues of his mind, and began to make them appear with a vigour never before displayed. And it is no less true that he subsequently confessed the vast obligation he owed his enemies for having thus excited him to action ; since, had he been permitted to remain quiet, the influence of sloth and repose might have consigned him to some cor- ner of Guienne, where he would never have been prompted to think of his affairs ; so that when Henry the Third met his death the prince would have been totally incapacitated from making any efforts for the possession of the throne. Notwithstanding the cabals of the disaffected, the opinions of the friends of Henry of Navarre uniformly prevailed in the general assemblies of 1585. AND HIS COUllT. 313 the Galvinists. Henry marshal de Damville, then duke de Montmorency, during the last confer- ence strongly insisted, equally with Rosny, on the necessity, in consequence of the actual dan- ger, that the whole body of reformers should continue strongly united ; and the latter parti- cularly insisted on the recognition of a single leader, in order that their power should not be weakened by disuniting it. On quitting this council, the king of Navarre, taking Rosny aside, thus addressed him : ** Rosny, all does not consist in speaking well, but in acting better. Are you not resolved that we shall die toif ether ? It is no lom^er time to think of sparing the means ; it is requisite that all honourable men should employ one-half of their . possessions in order to secure the other ; I feel con- vinced that you will he among the first to render me assistance, and I therefore promise that if ever good fortune awaits me, you shall participate in its bene- fitsT — ** No, no, sire^'' replied Rosny, " I do not desire that we should die, but live together ; and that we may break the heads of our enemies. My house- wifery shall not prove prejudicial to such a result ; I still possess timber to the amount of an hundred thou- sand francs, the whole of which shall be employed for that purpose. You will at some future day give me more when you are rich." — " Well, then, my good friend,'' said the monarch, locking Rosny in his firm embrace, ** go back to your estates, be diligent, and rejoin me the soonest possible, with as many friends as you can collect, and do not forget the timbers of ■ the largest growth.'^ Rosny quitted the court, disposed of the last 314 HENRY THE GREAT 1585. tree he had upon his estates, deposited the money in a chest, and, escorted by a few faithful domes- tics, left his castle immediately, in order to rejoin the king of Navarre. The country and the roads were infested by soldiers of the different factions, and it was not until after he had surmounted an infinity of difficulties that Rosny was enabled to meet his master, at whose feet he deposited the produce of his timbers of the largest growth. The grand contest, which was on the point of taking place, was the ninth civil war that had ravaged France, and was called The Three Henries, owing to the christian names of its leaders, — Henry the Third of France, Henry of Navarre, and Henry duke of Guise. Several letters were written by the king of Navarre, addressed to the different orders of the realm ; which compositions were truly worthy their royal author, from the style and sentiments they professed. In these letters, he laid before the clergy, who had been seduced by the arti- fices of the family of Lorraine, that the zeal and wealth of the catholics were only appropriated to the aggrandisement of that house. '' I do not fear,' said he, " and God knows my heart, the evils that may accrue to me from your riches or your armies ; but I shudder at the fate of a million of innocents who must be sac7ificed in this civil commotion.'" He exhorted the people to peace, manifesting that upon themselves must ultimately fiill the weight of taxation : and he endeavoured to excite in the breasts of the nobility that patriotism where- with he felt penetrated. " The French princes/' 1585. AND HIS COURT. 3l5 said he, ** are chief s of the iiohility ; I love you all, I feel myself weakened a?id perishing in the effusion of your blood : a stranger cannot be imbued with similar sentiments^ To the disgrace of common sense, the most eloquent and energetic compositions, have never yet been capable of preventing a war which was the result of ambition ; however, they tend to con- secrate grand principles, and these letters equally conduced to redouble the admiration of the pub- lic for a youthful prince, who, amidst so many errors and follies, disseminated language so noble and so truly affecting. The king of Navarre at the same time published an open defiance to the duke of Guise, wherein he stated, among other things, " That to spare the effusion of blood, to pre- vent the desolation of the poor, and the numerous dis- orders necessarily attendant upon war, he offered the duke of Guise, chief of the League, to terminate that quarrel, either individually, two to two, ten to ten, or such a number as he should decide, with weapons used betweeri honourable cavaliei^s, either in the kingdom, or in such place as his majesty should order, or the duke of Guise select^ This declaration produced a great sensation at a period when a martial spirit was the prevailing sentiment of all. The nobility very justly extolled this chivalric pro- ceeding on the part of Henry of Navarre, because it was in every respect consonant with the cha- racter and conduct of that prince. Every one stated, that the duke ought not to refuse so great an honour ; but the latter, unwilling to commit his cause to a personal quarrel, wisely 316 HENRY THi: GREAT 1585. returned for answer, that he revered the princes of the royal blood ; that he individually esteemed the king of Navarre ; that he had no dispute to terminate with him, being solely interested for the preservation of the catholic religion, which was in danger, as the tranquillity of the state ab- solutely depended on a unity of religious senti- ment. As the duke's courage was by no means problematical, the moderation of this reply, which gratified all parties, was universally extolled. The king of Navarre was speedily after called upon to display another act of vigour. Pope Sixtus the Fifth, successor of Gregory the Thir- teenth, having been secretly applied to by the League, issued his bull against Henry of Navarre, fulminating the thunders of excommunication, and declaring the prince incapable of reigning. Henry immediately despatched emissaries to the king, laying before him his just complaints ; whereby he proved, that in acting thus the pope equally opposed the rights of his majesty ; that he ought to consider if the papal See attributed to itself temporal power by thus declaring a prince of the blood royal incapable of reigning, he might at some future period dispossess him also of the crown. In addition to this, Henry and the prince of Cond6 appealed from the sentence of the holy ])ontiff to the French chamber of peers, giving the direct lie to whosoever should accuse them of heresy, offering to prove the same in a general council ; and moreover, protesting that they would avenge upon him, and all his accusers the injury done to the king, the royal family. i 1585. AND HIS COURT. 317 and all the courts of parliament. These remon- strances were productive of beneficial effect, for Henry the Third in consequence prohibited the publication of the bull in his dominions. The king of Navarre, however, was not satisfied with this preliminary success ; he had friends at the court of Rome ; some of whom were sufficiently bold to placard the kings protestations, and those of the prince of Cond6, in all the public places of the city, and even against the walls of the Vatican. These writings, couched in the most energetic terms, made Sixtus the Fifth ad- mire the courage of the monarch so persecuted by adverse fortune, and who, at so great a dis- tance, knew how to vindicate his rights and avenge the injury done to his name. The pope even imbibed so much esteem for the prince, that he would never supply the League with money to carry on the war ; a circumstance that caused the failure of several enterprises of mo- ment against the Huguenots. It is impossible to express the embarrassed situation of Henry of Navarre at this period ; without troops, money, or succours, he beheld three powerful armies marching against him : those of the dukes of May- enne and Joyeuse, advanced with the utmost celerity, while that of marshal Matignon was in view of his own forces. Henry proceeded in the direction of Castillon and Monsegur ; he then fell upon Castel, and raised the siege of that town ; but when he sud- -denly ascertained that the army of the duke of 318 HENRY THE GREAT 1585. Mayenne was near at hand, no one could con- ceive the possibility of resisting the combined efforts of two armies so superior in force ; and a sentiment of terror became the predominating feeUng throughout the ranks. The king of Na- varre, alone, as calm in the hour of adverse for- tune as generous when crowned by prosperity, still cherished a hope, and by his demeanour, conversation, and tranquillity, re-animated the drooping coi^rage of his adherents. He decided on marching for Rochelle, and that he would reserve to himself the care of defending that place and its environs until the arrival of the expected foreign reinforcements. It is necessary here to remark, that Henry never invited a foreign army to France (with the exception of the English, at a moment of the greatest exigency); neither did he maintain any connexion with the enemies of his country ; nay, he even during this unfortunate struggle, uni- formly rejected all their propositions. It is un- deniable, that he carried on a considerable cor- respondence with queen Elizabeth ; but she was the enemy of Spain, and by no means adverse to France. This common interest necessarily en- gaged Henry to take advantage of the succours forwarded to him by that princess, and the English uniformly conducted themselves with so much loyalty and courage, that Henry had no cause to repent their intervention; in short, the English forces did not commit an excess during their continuance in France. The foreign sup- 1585. AND HIS COURT. 319 plies to which we now allude were led by the prince of Cond6 ; they were to enter the French territory, not in support of the king of Navarre, with whom he was at variance, as before stated, but to advocate the cause of one half of the Cal- vinist party, of which Henry was neither the chief nor the commander ; which was even op- posed to his interests, and only formed a junction with him when perilous circumstances intervened to affect all alike. In marching to the city of Rochelle, Henry of Navarre was subjected to the greatest dangers, from which he only extricated himself, as it were, by a kind of miracle ; or, more properly speaking, he was indebted for his salvation to personal intrepidity and a presence of mind which never abandoned him. In vain did his numerous op- ponents environ him on all sides, and block up every avenue to prevent his escape ; he evaded these impediments, accompanied by twenty of- ficers and as many horse guards, notwithstand- ing his pursuers, who redoubled their efforts : sometimes having recourse to wise combinations, and always adopting the most astonishing activity. By this means the prince fortunately gained Rochelle, where he was received with transports of joy amounting to enthusiasm, in consequence of the unprecedented perils to which he had been exposed. All the money and ammunition of which he stood in need were immediately supplied : soon after which, Henry the Third despatched several useless deputations to the 320 HENRY THE GREAT 1585. king of Navarre, and among others Silleryand Lenoncourt, for the purpose of prevailing upon him to embrace the catholic faith, to abandon the Calvinists, and rejoin the court. To all these applications Henry of Navarre replied, that he could not change his tenets without being tho- roughly convinced of the futility of his own persuasion; that he would never abandon brave and well-meaning men, who stood more than ever in need of his assistance ; that they were all ready, himself at their head, to unite round the throne, if his majesty was willing to discard his real enemies, the duke of Guise and his creatures ; that they would combat those rebels who were armed against the royal authority, and that they themselves only took up arms for the purpose of resisting aggression. If Henry the Third had followed these counsels, dictated by the most loyal prince, he would have recon- quered all his rights, and France from that period would have been saved. Notwithstanding the superiority of the forces of the League, says Sully, the campaign of this year was less advantageous to that faction than to the king of Navarre. Henry caused nearly all the enterprises of the catholics to fail, and surprised numerous places in Poitou, Saintonge, and Guienne, added to which the misunder- standing that arose between the duke de Mayenne and marshal de Matignon, was highly favourable to the king of Navarre. He ordered the duke de la Trimouille to take possession of Talmont 1586. AND HIS COUUT. 321 with twelve hundred infantry, two hundred horse, and three cannons, furnished him by the Ro- chellers. This force, however, not proving suf- ficient, Henry quickly levied two thousand men in the environs of Rochelle, with whom he em- barked on board three vessels, which conducted them to Talmont. The passage should not have exceeded six hours: but a violent tempest kept them at sea for two days, during which period they were in imminent danger of perishing, but at length arrived at Talmont ; when the besieged, aware that the king of Navarre would conduct the attacks in person, surrendered the place im- mediately. Henry, with equal good luck, took possession of Lunjay and Saint Maixant ; and, on receiving a reinforcement of two hundred horse and fifteen hundred infantry, furnished by the prince of Conde and Francis de la Rochefoucauld, prince of Marsillac, son of the nobleman mur- dered at the Saint Bartholomev/ massacre, he undertook the siege of Fontenay, the second city of Poitou, although he was fully aware that a brave general was governor of the place, which was defended by a strong garrison. Roussiere, the governor, was not only anxious to defend the town, bat the suburbs of Loges, more extensive and richer than the city itself, and defended without by a ditch, with strong barricadoes, that closed up the entrance to the suburb. The king of Navarre ordered the at- tack during a very dark night, under the direc- tion of Rochefoucauld at the head of forty gen- VOL. I. Y 322 HENRY THE GREAT 1586. tlemen and ten or twelve volunteers, amongst whom was Eosny. The assailants were three times driven back ; but the suburb was at length taken; where the king of Navarre lodged with all his retinue ; they were, however, much incommoded by the discharges of musquetry from the place, which, from the terrace over the great gate, com- manded the whole range of the street, rendering the entrance to the king's mansion and the ad- joining dwellings very dangerous. Independent of this, the batteries of the ramparts commanded the avenues of this suburb ; so that nothing could enter without experiencing incessant discharges of artillery. One day, as Rosny was crossing the street to attend the king, a ball struck his helmet, which his valet de chambre at that mo- ment presented him : in consequence of this he caused a rope to be stretched across the street, over which linen was thrown, and by this means he prevented the besieged from discerning those who traversed the route. Henry now applied himself industriously in forming the trenches, and undermining, superintending in person all the labours of the miners, after adopting every necessary precaution in regard to succours that might arrive from without. During this siege, Rosny's principal employment was conducting the artillery; when the mine was at length pushed so near the surface that the workmen were en- abled to hear the voices of the soldiery who guarded the parapets; the king himself having first become aware of that circumstance. He then 158G. AISTD HIS COURT. 323 spoke, and made himself known to the besieged, who, thinking in the first instance, that they only heard the voice of one of the common miners, were so astonished when the king proclaimed himself from the subterraneous passage, that they desired to capitulate. All the necessary arrange- ments were conducted in this singular manner ; the articles being drawn out, or rather dictated by the king of Navarre. The confidence in Henry's word was so universally predominant, that the besieged would not hear of any writings being signed ; and Henry, gratified with the no- bleness of this proceeding, yielded to the inha- bitants much more than he had promised, for not only was the city preserved from pillage and all insult, but he accorded the honours of war to the garrison. Henry after this took posses- sion of several other places in Lower Poitou, when the residue of the year was spent without further proceedings of import ; while the ca- tholic forces receiving neither succours nor money from the court, proved alike inactive ; and the duke de Mayenne, in consequence, found him- self compelled to retire. The duke, owing to this neglect, complained bitterly that the court had abandoned him ; which greatly augmented the murmurs raised against Henry the Third, who, in reality, fearing the leaguers much more than the Huguenots, felt no wish whatsoever to exterminate the latter. At the conclusion of the year, negotiations were entered into, which mere- ly terminated in a temporary cessation of hosti- Y 2 324 HENRY THE GREAT 1586. lities, the result of uncertainty and fatigue, war giving place to festivals and balls, which were car- ried on in the respective courts ; for, according to the brave Blaise de Montluc, marshal of France, in his Memoirs, ** let whatsoevei^ would take place, it was always requisite the ball should he attended to^ During one of the conferences which occurred with the queen mother, the king of Navarre had occasion to testify that good faith from which he was never known to deviate. A truce had been agreed upon for the surety of carrying on these negotiations, so that in case either party had broken it, all those might have been seized who had taken a part in any such infraction of the treaty, and the chiefs in particular. Some of the king of Navarre's people, unknown to the prince, conceived a plan which, attended by success, would have placed at his disposal Ca- therine of Medicis and the lords who attended her. These individuals, feigning to betray their party, held a conference with some catholic cap- tains ardent for plunder, and promised to deliver up Fontenay, which they would in reality have suffered them to take. By this means the ca- tholics must have been convicted of perfidy, and the king of Navarre would consequently have had a legal right to seize on the queen mother and all her court. But the generous prince, having acquired a knowledge of these underhand practices, gave vent to his indignation, and adopted the necessary precautions to prevent the execution of the plot. 1586. AND HIS COURT. 325 During this period, however, the League, says Perefixe, made dreadful progress in public opi- nion at Paris. Enthusiasm for the duke of Guise, and contempt for the king, were carried to the highest pitch. The court contented itself in adopt- ing finesse and dissimulation, being ignorant, that in great movements, the best arranged artifices can never prove but secondary means, and that one violent effervescence is never appeased but in possessing sufficient art and talent to excite another. The League (or the Sivteen, as they were ori- ginally termed, not because the council only con- sisted of that number, but owing to sixteen being selected from thence to be distributed throughout the different quarters of Paris, in order to assume the predominance,) very frequently proceeded to greater extremities than the duke of Guise de- sired. His ambition had flattered and dissemi- nated errors, which, in spite of himself, became truly monstrous ; and it was in vain that he com- bated these excesses even in the bosom of his own family. Historians have not made us ac- quainted with the real motives of envenomed hatred that rankled in the mind of Catherine Mary of Lorraine, duchess of Montpensier, sister of the duke of Guise, and widow of the duke de Montpensier, towards Henry the Third ; but this inveterate sentiment was carried even to ferocity. The vindictive princess was wholly occupied with the cruel care of inspiring the factious with her criminal energy, and all the black projects of her 326 HENRY THE GREAT 1586. dire vengeance. For this purpose she was pre- sent at all the conspiracies formed against the king's person and state ; and in consequence of this atrocious malice, dishonouring equally her rank, character, and sex, she even astonished the Leaguers themselves by her horrid perseverance in seeking to persecute the unfortunate monarch, whom she followed with insatiate fury to the very confines of the grave. One Leaguer only among the SLvteeti possessed the confidence of the duke of Guise, and that was Francis de Roucherolles, a bold and eloquent man, more moderate than any other, capable of inspiring enthusiasm, but who did not always possess the means of curbing the impetuosity which he had excited. It is on this account that, during the convulsions of a state, those who are the fomen- ters of troubles always prove more culpable than they had really intended. We may in our minds prescribe certain limits beyond which we do not intend to encroach ; in such cases, however, it is very hazardous to rely upon our own force, but to place confidence in that of others is, indeed, presumptuous in the extreme ! For it is abso- lutely impossible to prescribe the point where those will stop who are hurried along an obscure and slippery path which is without the pale of real duty. Henry of Navarre, says Perefixe, finding that the chiefs of the League used every effort to bring over to their interest the nobles and cities of the realm, did all in his power to unite his 1586. AND HIS COURT. 327 adherents of both religions, among whom the following were most conspicuous : Marshal de Damville, Montmorency, governor of Languedoc ; the duke de Montpensier, prince of the blood, and governor of Poitou, together with his son the prince de Dombes ; the prince of Cond6, pos- sessing part of Poitou ; Saintonge, and I'Angou- mois ; with the count de Soissons, and the prince de Conti, his brother. Of these nobles, who were of the blood royal, the three latter were Henry's cousins german, the two former stand- ing in a more distant degree of consanguinity, the whole professing the catholic religion, with the exception of the prince of Cond6. Besides these the king had also on his side Lesdiguieres, who, from the rank of a private gentleman, had raised himself by his courage to be the master of Dauphiny, making the duke of Savoy tremble; Claude de la Trimouille duke de Thouras, a young nobleman of illustrious birth, full of fire and spirit, and very powerful in Poitou and Brittany, recently a convert to the reformed re- ligion, whose sister Charlotte had married the prince of Cond6 ; Henry viscount de Turenne, who had also embraced Calvinism ; Chatillon, son of admiral Coligny ; La Boulaye, lord of Poitou ; Rene, chief of the house of Rohan ; Francis, count de la Rochefoucauld ; George de Clermont d'Amboise ; the lord d'Aubeterre ; Jacques de Caumont La Force ; the lord de Pons ; Saint Gelais Lausac ; with many other no- bles and gentlemen of note, for the most part of 328 HENRY Till': GREAT 1587. the reformed persuasion. At the same period Henry of Navarre also despatched able negoti- ators to the courts of Elizabeth of England and the protestant German princes, obliging them to league together for the support of each other. The whole being in consequence united, the very- reverse of v^hat had been calculated by the League took place ; for the king of Navarre con- sequently found himself so fortified that he enter- tained no apprehension of being overpowered by. his enemies, without the means of opposing a strong resistance. Conspiracies at this period multiplied ; Philip of Spain was preparing his Invincible fleet against England, which perished in the waves, and, as if he had foreseen this misfortune, says Anquetil, he was desirous of having upon the French coast a port whither he might, in case of accident, bring his vessels to anchor. The Leaguers not only seconded his views in seeking to gain pos- session of Boulogne for that purpose, but they took charge of its execution by means of their emissaries. The king being made acquainted with this plot, easily caused its failure, but with- out punishing the guilty. This ill-timed cle- mency emboldened conspirators to aim at his own person ; and in consequence the factious laid a plan to stop the king upon his return from the castle of Vincennes with few attendants, accord- ing to his ordinary custom ; upon another occa- sion, they sought to carry him off amidst the tumult of the fair of Saint Germain, whither he 1587. AND HIS COURT. 329 sometimes repaired very ill attended ; but there yet remained subjects faithful to their king, and, among others, Nicholas Poulain, lieutenant of the provost of Paris, who gave his majesty timely notice of all these projected attempts. This in- dividual was sufficiently adroit to acquire the confidence of the conspirators to such a point, that he obtained from them a commission to pur- chase arms and conceal them. In order to make the king acquainted with another conspiracy, much more complicated, Poulain had recourse to a very singular stratagem. He could not, without being suspected by the conspirators, have any long interview with the chancellor, and therefore desired that he might be arrested and conveyed to prison, as suspected of evil designs ; after which the chancellor caused him to be led to his presence under the pretext of subjecting him to . interrogatories, when, instead of adopting such a step, Poulain explained to the chancellor the whole intrigue, which was to the following effect. The conspirators were first to take possession of the Bastille, the Arsenal, the Temple, and the great and little Chatelet ; when it was intended to murder the chancellor, the first president, and advocate ; after which the Louvre was to be in- vested ; chains were to be stretched across all the streets ; the king was to be seized and consigned to prison ; a parliament convoked, in order to pronounce judgment, and a council elected to govern the state. The disclosure of Poulain caused the failure of all these projects ; and 330 - HENRY THE GREAT 1587. although not planned by the Guises themselves, they were well aware of the measures, which they did not prevent, but would have turned the same to their own account had they proved suc- cessful, and even countenanced the treason in secret. The king, by having timely notice, as- sembled troops, took possession of the gates, and secured the several posts that were menaced ; when, finding the plot discovered, all the conspi- rators were completely confounded. If, during this period of consternation, the king had seized the chiefs of the Leaguers, (and, among others, the duke de Mayenne, who was then at Paris,) vigorous and prudent means might afterwards have been adopted to destroy that faction ; but the patient weakness of the monarch completed the ruin of every thing. The duke de Mayenne retired, having the effrontery to present himself before the king, in order to take his leave ; on which occasion the monarch was content to utter the few following words, in a sarcastic tone : ** What ! my cousin, is it thus i/ou abandon your good friends the LeaguersV To which the duke, disconcerted, made answer, ** / know 7iot what your majesty alludes to.'' Henry, fully satisfied with thus expressing his sentiments, permitted the duke to retire, who left Paris without any impediment, after having promised the rebels that he would never abandon them, and that on the first alarm his brother and himself would fly to their assistance. As an assurance for the performance of this promise, he left with them 1587. AND HIS COURT. 331 several experienced officers, who only remained however to animate the disaffected, and support them in the disposition which then spurred them on in their rebellious proceedings. Sully and Perefixe remark, that the conduct of Henry the Third on this occasion, and his excessive indulgence, sufficiently demonstrate that it was requisite to proceed to the last ex- tremities to urge his adoption of violent mea- sures, and that even then he had not formed any sinister projects against the ambitious and restless family of Guise. Mere enterprises that had failed in their execution were not sufficient motives to create his anger ; nothing short of actual and pressing danger could excite him to action. The king, however, dreaded the duke of Guise, fully aware that every thing was to be apprehended from his daring ambition. He was, notwithstanding, persuaded, that all his projects would be overturned if the duke de Joyeuse, one of his favourites, could obtain any signal successes over the king of Navarre ; as, in such case the duke, a faithful subject, eclipsing the reputation of Guise, and even that of the Calvin- ist princes, would assume a vast ascendancy over public opinion, and thus restore every thing to good order. Troops were marched to Joyeuse, and he was despatched to Guienne ; but the king of Navarre, not having been able to collect suf- ficient forces to resist him, contented himself with throwing garrisons into those towns that were obedient to him, in order to impede the 332 HENRY THE GREAT 1587. progress of the enemy, and fatigue his army by obliging it to lay sieges. The first summer months were spent without any affair of moment having taken place on either side ; and, during this time, a court intrigue and the fear of being supplanted in the royal favour, determined Joy- euse to quit the army on a sudden; which caprice of the favourite gave Henry of Na- varre time to collect all his forces. Immedi- ately after the departure of Joyeuse, the army, deprived of its leader, and previously ill disci- plined, subsisted without regulation or command. The king of Navarre, having secretly collected twelve hundred men from his garrisons, luckily fell upon several companies so opportunely, that part were at table and the rest in bed, in con- sequence of which the troops were all cut in pieces. The prince also, upon several other oc- casions, gave the alarm to the whole army which had been left under the command of Lavardin ; and he followed its march as far as La Haie, in Touraine, where he kept it, as it were, in a state of siege, for four or five days. Jean de Beaumanoir, marquis de Lavardin, to whose direction the duke de Joyeuse had con- fided the royal army, was son of Charles de Beaumanoir, killed during the massacre of Saint Bartholomew, who upon the death of his father embraced the catholic persuasion. He bore arms at the age of eighteen, became a great captain, and in the sequel advocated the cause of Henry the Fourth, who, by way of recompense for the 1587. AND HIS COURT. 333 services he performed, made him a knight of his orders in 1595, and subsequently a marshal of France. At the coronation of Louis the Thir- teenth, Lavardin performed the functions of grand master of the royal household. If Henry of Navarre had possessed sufficient forces to maintain his position longer, famine would have compelled the army to surrender. The soldiers spread themselves through the vil- lages in every direction in search of food ; and, in consequence, during those few days, nearly seven hundred men were taken or killed. Rosny, with only six horsemen, entered a village full of soldiers ; but so accustomed were they to dread the troops of the king of Navarre, that they never thought of defending themselves, but immediately surrendered, to the number of forty; and, Rosny conducting them to his prince, they immediately enlisted among his troops. Henry was joined by the princes of Cond6 and Conti, the count de Soissons, the duke de la Trimouille, and viscount Tu- renne. The duke de Joyeuse, having acquired more favour than ever at court, soon returned to the army, accompanied by the flower of the French nobility. The king of Navarre, being far inferior in numbers, could only endeavour to force a passage, in order to join the auxiliary troops from Germany which had entered France: he had, indeed, no other design ; but Joyeuse, who penetrated his views, conceived he ought not to procrastinate, but give the enemy battle. 334 HENHY THE GREAT 1587. though marshal Matignon was also advancing with his army. Madame Genlis states, that Henry did not effect a junction with the German troops, who proved of no utility to the Calvinists, merely ra- vaging the country ; after which they disbanded, and were ultimately exterminated. This determination on the part of the duke de Joyeuse has been judged, by most historians, a foolish presumption; Sully, however, justifies the measure, and it is by no means impossible that the idea of not sharing with another the glory of vanquishing the king of Navarre may have instigated the duke de Joyeuse ; but prudence and reason, however, did not oppose the pro- ceeding. In fact, the duke with the troops under his command, was so superior in force to Henry, that he ought not to have risked the waiting Matignon's coming up, in order to give the king of Navarre an opportunity of escaping, and thus accomplishing a junction with the foreign power. Besides, he perceived from Henry's movements, that he was anxious to avoid a battle, — a further reason to propel his hostile movements. After these reflections, Joyeuse so closely pursued the march of the king, that he overtook him in the vici- nity of Coutras, a very important post in Guienne, on the frontiers of Perigord, near the junction of the rivers Lille and Droume, of which Henry had taken possession in consequence of his great activity. He had the good fortune to plant his artillery on an eminence, while that of his adver- 1587. AND HIS COURT. 335 sary was very ill placed ; and this circumstance contributed greatly to his gaining the battle. " Nothing is so essential to a general,'' says Sully, dwelling on this subject, " as ajirst correct glance of the eye, which curtails the means and obviates confusion. I never kneiu any commander to possess this coup-cFaHl in so eminent a degj^ee as Henry the Fourth.'' The king of Navarre, finding it im- possible to avoid a disadvantageous encounter, which, if unsuccessful, would leave him without resources, courageously abandoned himself to the direction of Providence ; he remarked in his officers and soldiers so much ardour and good will, that he commanded them to march on the ensuing day and give battle to their enemy. The army of Joyeuse was brilliant with youth, their arms glittered with gold ornaments ; em- broidered scarfs decorated, their shoulders, while the troops of all the nobility were covered with cloaks of velvet ; those of the king of Navarre, on the contrary, were divested of all ornaments ; their arms were of unpolished iron, and their vestments only calculated to brave fatigue and the weather. The former had under his command six thou- sand infantry, and two thousand five hundred cavalry, perfectly well mounted, while the latter consisted of four thousand five hundred infantry, and twelve hundred horse, very badly equipped. The royalist forces had to boast superiority of numbers, the name and authority of the monarch, and an assurance of the most brilliant rewards ; 336 IIENIIV THE GREAT 1587. but it consisted in a great measure of inex- perienced troops ; it was deficient in order and discipline ; the general who commanded was without reputation ; his principal officers were young men, reared in the delights of a court, abounding in honour and courage, but devoid of all experience. The opposing army, on the con- trary, consisted of the elite of the Calvinist party, and the old and honourable remnants of the battles of Jarnac and Montcontour, incessantly exercised by a hero who had illustrated their career by numerous magnanimous exploits ; men nourished in the use of arms, hardened to fa- tigue, and accustomed to believe nothing im- possible, when led on by an intrepid and ho- nourable commander. It was headed by four princes of the blood, the first of whom, always ably seconded when it was necessary to fight, was idolized by the soldiers, revered as the presumptive heir to the throne, and the hope of all good Frenchmen ; finally, it was aware of the absolute necessity of conquering or being annihilated ; even its inferiority in this instance proved its greatest incitements to acts of glory. When the two armies were in presence of each other, some one having pointed out to Henry the gaudy and pompous appearance of the enemy's battalions : " Well,'' replied the king, " we shall have the better means of singling them out when we fall to it hand to hand.'' He then began to ha- rangue his troops, deploring in the most afl'ect- ing language the dire effects of civil commotions. 1587. AND HIS COURT. 337 which arm parents against one another, brothers against brothers, and friends against friends : he then most feelingly adverted to the fate of France ; he called on Heaven to witness the ceaseless ef- forts he had made to come to an amicable ad- justment of all difficulties, adding, that he did not carry arms against his monarch, whom he revered, but in defence of his religion and his rights. " Pem/i," continued the king, with ve- hemence ; — '* perisJi the authars of this war, and may their blood, now on the point of being shed, fall upon their own heads!" Then, turning towards the princes of the blood, he pronounced as follows : " In regard to yourselves, I have nothing to utter, unless it be to remind you, that ye itiherit the blood of the Bourbons ; and as the Lord lives ! I will teach you all that I am senior of the race?"' — ''And we,'' an- swered the princes, " will prove that we are also the younger ones /" Henry then fell upon his knees, and the whole army followed his example ; upon which a Calvinist minister pronounced a short but fervent prayer ; and the king immediately ordered a plume of long white feathers to be attached to his helmet, being partial to that colour ; and above all, that he might thus be visible to his whole army. Previous to setting forward, he turned to his men with a cheerful counte- nance, and exclaimed : *' My friends, yonder is the newly betrothed, whose dowry is still untouched in the coffers ; it is now your business to go and seek it /" Anquetil states, vol. ii. p. 322, that the duke de Joyeuse, having observed Henry and his army VOL. I. z 338 HENRY THE GREAT 1587. prostrated and at prayers, remarked to his first lieutenant Lavardin, *' The king of Navarre is afraid." — *' Do not believe that,'' replied the latter; ** he never prays without having formed the reso- lution to conquer or to die.'' According to Brantome, Mathieu, Sully, and Le Grain, the encounter commenced on the 20th Oc- tober, about nine in the morning, when the catho- lics, in the onset, had the advantage, as the troops of Turenne and LaTrimouille were driven back at the first shock, which carried disorder through the rest of the army ; upon this the catholics cried aloud, ''Victory;" but the artillery, advan- tageously placed, and directed by Rosny, began such a terrible and destructive fire, that each discharge swept off twelve, fifteen, and some- times twenty men. We learn from Le Grain, that the first fire killed seven captains of the regiment of Picardy, the best and most expe- rienced officers of the army of Joyeuse ; yet this artillery, so dreadful in its consequences, con- sisted only of three pieces of cannon. Such cruel havock stopped the impetuosity of the royal troops, and incommoded them to such a degree, that in order to seek shelter, they broke their ranks, thus presenting nothing but a disjointed corps to the tremendous eff'orts of the king of Na- varre, the prince of Cond6, and the count de Soissons, who had rushed forward at the head of three squadrons. These princes were valiantly supported by captain Schouppes, of whom we have previously made honourable mention, at 1587. AND HIS COUUT. 339 the affair of Cahors, Montgomery, Belzunce, and Charbonniere ; the princes performed prodigies of valour, so that their arms were literally in- dented with blows. In the thickest of the fray, several officers placed themselves in front of the king of Navarre, with a view of covering and de- fending his person ; to whom he cried, '' Quarter, quarter I entreat — do not stand in my light, I wish to be seen;'' in short, the bravery of Henry eclipsed that of every other combatant. He broke through the foremost ranks of the catholics ; made several prisoners with his own hand ; and, according to Perefixe, rushed up to a cavalier named Chateauregnard, exclaiming, ** Yield thy- self up, thou Philistine." The unfortunate Joyeuse did not strive to escape: " What must be done?" demanded one of his lieutenants ; ** Die,' an- swered the duke ; upon which, he rushed amidst the enemy's battalions, accompanied by Claude de Saint Sauveur, his brother, when both were killed. De Bury, vol. i. p. 180, speaking of the me- lancholy catastrophe of Joyeuse, says, that the duke, perceiving, the battle irretrievably lost, re- tired alone towards his artillery, when he was encountered by two captains, named Saint Chris- tophe and La Vignole, to whom he resigned his sword, promising them a ransom of an hundred thousand crowns; but three other officers, named Bordeaux, Des Centiers, and La Mothe Saint Heray, coming up at the moment, the latter dis- charged a pistol at the duke, and killed him dead upon the spot. z 2 340 HENRY THE GREAT 1587. In the notes to the Henriade of Voltaire, that writer states that the duke de Joyeuse, when he was sent to Rome, charged by Henry the Third with a mission for the pope, was received as if he had been brother to the king. This, however, is by no means correct, as the reception was very cold, and he obtained nothing he was commis- sioned to ask. The battle of Coutras lasted only two hours, and the victory was complete : five thousand of the catholics were left dead upon the field ; their loss in prisoners amounting to upwards of five hun- dred ; while very few men fell in the army of the king of Navarre. At the conclusion of the con- flict, some one perceiving in the distance a corps of fugitives which made halt, mistook them for the enemy, and came to inform the king that the army of marshal Matignon was in sight : *' Come then, 7ny friends,'' said Henry, " this will be a novel sight, two battles fought in one day /" After having thus manifested his intrepid courage, the king equally caused his bounty, modesty, and cle- mency, to be adored. He ordered the burial of the slain, and directed that the wounded should have every attention shewn them ; he forwarded the bodies of Joyeuse and his brother to their family ; announced to all the prisoners that he accorded them their liberty without ransom ; while to several he restored their stands of co- lours and their baggage, as a recompense for their valour, and repressed the gaiety of some young officers of his army, by remarking, " The 1587. AND HIS COURT. 341 present moment should be that of tears, even with the conquerors." A slight repast had been prepared for the king in a grand saloon, which in the hurry had been carpeted with standards captured from the enemy : his entrance proved a noble and im- posing spectacle ; his demeanour was calm and modest ; in this apartment, so sumptuously de- corated, he was followed by a crowd of prison- ers, freed by his generosity, forgetting their de- feat to yield themselves up to transports of admi- ration and gratitude, and who, mingling with his adherents, pressed around his person, unconsci- ous all the time that they constituted a part of his triumph. On the field of battle they had every where and upon all occasions beheld in him an intrepid and formidable enemy ; while they no longer contemplated the hero but as a de- liverer, abounding with kindness and generosity. Perefixe says, the bravery of Henry was not alone to be admired on this occasion, his justice being equally conspicuous, in proof of which he gives the following statement : '* Henry had car- ried on an intrigue with the daughter of an officer of Rochelle, which had dishonoured the family, and very much scandalized the Rochellers, As the squadrons were on the point of charging, a Calvinist minister took the liberty of representing to the monarch that heaven would abandon his arms if he did not previously crave forgiveness for the offence, and repair the scandal as much as possible, by a public avowal of the injury he had committed against the family of the lady. 342 HENRY THE GREAT 1587. The king listened to these remonstrances with great humility, knelt down, craved forgiveness of God for his iniquity, requested all present to be witnesses of his contrition, and to assure the pa- rent of the female, that in case he was suffered to survive, he would do all in his power to repair the crime of which he had been guilty. Such a Christian-like submission drew tears from the au- ditors ; nor was there an individual present but would have forfeited a thousand lives for a prince who so cordially acquiesced in doing justice to his inferiors." It has been alleged that Henry did not profit by this signal victory ; that he ought, after the battle, to have marched without loss of time and formed a junction with the German confe- derates, in which case he would certainly have been master of France : Sully even uttered re- proaches on this head, which so many generals have equally merited, and above all during civil wars. It appears that after great success there exists in every man a confidence in good for- tune, and a necessity of applauding oneself with those one loves, which adds an invincible charm to mental and bodily quiet. Sully, however, agrees that it would have been extremely difficult for the king of Navarre to have kept assembled under his orders troops commanded by leaders actuated from motives of individual ambition ; and Perefixe adds, that " Henry was not desirous of urging matters forward too much ; fearful of giving umbrage to the king, with whom he was still 1587. AND HIS COURT. 343 anxious to keep on terms, always hoping to become re- conciled with hijn." The prince of Cond^ wished to dismember from the French crown, Anjou, Poitou, the territory of Aunis, Saintonge, and I'Angou- mois, in order to form an independent princi- pality ; and count de Turenne (afterwards duke de Bouillon) entertained similar views in regard to Limousin, and Perigord, where he already possessed large estates. The count de Soissons more adroitly concealed his designs, because a great degree of perfidy formed the basis and hopes of his ambitious projects. He found means to gain the heart of Catherine, sister of the king of Navarre ; he uniformly expressed to that prince the ardent desire he felt of becoming nearly al- lied to him ; but from the bottom of his soul his real intention was by this union to cause himself to be substituted, and thereby assume all the rights of the king of Navarre. It was in this manner Henry was seconded by the princes of his blood and the first leaders of his army. After this brilliant victory, Henry found him- self more abandoned by his officers than if he had actually been conquered ; because in that case, perhaps, the calls of honour or danger, at least, would have kept his warriors around him. The king of Navarre retired to Beam, after hav- ing disposed of all his remaining forces by es- tablishing them in winter quarters. Henry proved for some time adverse to the affections of his sis- ter for the count de Soissons, but was at length on the point of giving his consent to the union, 344 HENRY THE GREAT 1587. when a letter chanced to fall into his hands, which enabled him to ascertain for a certainty the perfidious designs of the count. This docu- ment completely changed the king's ideas, who from that moment entertained towards the dis- sembling and ungrateful prince the most invinci- ble disgust, and a determination to break off every connexion and personal intimacy. 1588. AND His COURT. 345 CHAPTER IX. Astrologers predicted \b%%the marvellous year. — Death of the prince of Condt, and Henry the Fourth's letter on that event. — Character of the prince of Conde. — Opposite cha- racteristics of Henry the Third and the duke of Guise. — Destruction of the German forces. — Assembly of the League at Nancy. — Their exorbitant petition to the king. — 2'he duke of Guise commanded not to return to Paris. — His entrance into that city. — Intervieiv of Guise with Henry the Third. — Proposals of the duke to the king. — The king summonses troops to Paris. — Day of the Barri- cadoes — The duke of Guise fortifies himself in the city. — Interview of the duke with the queen mother^ and his pre- tensions — The king escapes from Paris. — Faults of the king and the duke. — Guise becomes master of the capital, — his interview with the first president de Harlay. — Henry the Third seeks refuge at Charlies. — Procession of the Penitents to that city. — The king removes his court to Rouen — The king of Navarre's disinterested offers to Henry the Third rejected. — The king ratifies the disgrace- ful treaty natned The Edict of Unio?i. — Meditated plans of the duke of Guise. — The king's determination to have Guise assassinated — Opening of the StatesGeneral atBlois. — Overbearing insolence of Guise. — Self-security of that noblemauy and precautions unattended to. — Crillon refuses to murder the duke of Guise, which Loignac undertakes to accomplish. — Assassination of the duke of Guise and his brother the cardinal. — Character of the duke of Guise. — Consternation of the Parisians, atid their subsequent measures against the royal authority. — Death of Cathe- rine de Medicis—her character and device. — Henry of Navarre's conduct on hearing cf the assassination of the 346 HENRY THE GREAT 1588. Guises. — Decree of the Sorhonne against Henry the Third. — General revolt instigated by the League. — Henry the Third forms an association with the king of Navarre to oppose the leaguers. — Intervieiv of the monarchs. — Henry the Third narrozcly escapes being madeprisoner. — Timely succour of the king of Navarre. — Insults disseminated by the League against the king. — Brave action of Rosny. — Noble conduct of Henry of Navarre. — Disinterested pro- ceeding of the duke de Longueville. — Devotion of Sancy for the king. — Threats of the Holy See against Henry the Third. — Assassination of Henry the Third by James Clement, and feeling conduct of the king of Navarre on that melancholy occasion. — Character of Henry the Third. The commencement of the year 1588, says Pere- fixe, was, by all the judicial astrologers, denomi- nated the marvellous yeai\ as they had foreseen such a number of singular accidents, and so much con- fusion in natural causes, that they declared, in case the end of the world did not arrive, a uni- versal change would at all events take place. This foreboding was seconded by a variety of dreadful prodigies that occurred throughout Europe. In France earthquakes were felt the whole length of the river Loire, as well as in Normandy; and the sea continued for the space of six weeks in such a tempestuous state as seemed to confound earth and heaven together. Numerous meteors were observed in the air ; and on the 24th of January Paris was visited by such a dense fog, that no- thing was perceptible at mid-day without the assistance of torches. All these prodigies, con- tinues our author, seemed to imply what was 1588. AND HIS COURT. 347 on the eve of taking place: the death of the prince of Cond6, the barricado of Paris, the overthrow of the whole realm of France, the murder of the Guises, and, lastly, the assassi- nation of Henry the Third. During the residence of Henry of Navarre at Beam, he received intelligence of the sudden death of Henry de Bourbon, prince of Cond6, which event occurred on the 5th of March, 1588. Although, says Perefixe, there existed a secret jealousy between them, Henry, forgetting the just cause of discontent, of which he had cause to complain in regard to that prince, only felt upon this melancholy occasion as for the loss of one who was his relative, and abounded with talents and courage. On learning these sad ti- dings, Henry wept bitterly, crying aloud, that he had lost his right arm: to which he added, *' God is my refuge and my support ; it is in him alone I place my hope, and 1 shall not he confounded^ He also wrote upon this momentous subject to Cori- sande d'Audoin, countess of Grammont, a letter that will doubtless be read with interest, of which the following is a literal translation : ** One of the greatest misfortunes I had rea- son to apprehend has occurred to me, being the sudden death of Monsieur the Prince. I lament his loss for that which he would have been, and not for what he was This un- fortunate prince, not from any natural cause ; having on Thursday tilted at the ring, and supped in good health, was at midnight seized 348 HENRA^ THK GREAT 1588. with a vomiting, which continued until near morning ; he remained in bed the whole of Friday; at night he supped ; and having slept well, rose on the Saturday morning, dined stand- ing upright, and then played at chess; he arose from his chair and walked backwards and for- wards in his chamber, conversing with one and the other: on a sudden he exclaimed — ' Bring me my chair, I feel a great weakness ;' he was scarcely seated when he became speechless, and immediately after surrendered up his soul. The marks of poison instantly became manifest. It is impossible to conceive the astonishment this circumstance has created throughout that coun- try ; J shall set forward by the first break of day to make diligent research into the affair. I I foresee that much trouble will attend this busi- ness ; pray God ardently for me ; if I should escape the like, it may well be conceived that he has protected me, though I may, perchance, be nearer than I think. I shall remain your faith- ful slave. Good night, my soul; I kiss your hands a million times. March, 1588." After this event, which took place at Saint Jean d'Angely, one of the pages of the prince of Conde absconded ; and was afterwards executed in effigy. The prince left Charlotte Catherine de la Trimouille, his widow, three months preg- nant; and this princess, whether true or false, was accused of having been guilty of the mur- der. Ren6 de Cumont, lieutenant of Saint Jean d'Angely, commenced proceedings against her, 1588. AND HIS COURT. 349 which were afterwards suspended for six years. A servant, named Brillant, was torn to pieces by four horses ; in the sequel, however, the judge was accused of precipitancy, notwith- standing which, he remained unpunished. After being detained captive for six years, the princess presented a petition to the parliament of Paris, which pronounced her innocent. Anquetil, in his Spirit of the League, defines the character of the prince of'^Cond^ in the fol- lowing manner : — He was to be admired for the strictest probity, indefatigable perseverance, and an intrepidity which was not always regulated by prudence. The events and perils of his life are well known. Obliged to fly from Noyers with his father, he beheld him perish at Jarnac. He fought at Montcontour, and with difficulty escaped the massacre of Saint Bartholomew. .The prince of Cond6 more than once traversed the whole territory of France as a fugitive, and was left destitute upon the frontiers. He was captured twice, but his rank remained unknown ; dismounted at the battle of Coutras by the blow from a lance, he was ultimately reserved for poison at the age of thirty-five, when in the bosom of his family. The duke of Guise, a uni- form admirer of the virtues of this prince as a generous rival, shed tears on hearing of his de- mise ; perhaps, as some historians have remark- ed, because the violent death of a man of such exalted rank led him to melancholy reflections as to what might prove his own destiny. 350 HENRY THE GREAT 1588. The death of the prince of Cond6 was, in re- ality, a great misfortune for the king of Navarre ; since, from that period, he had singly to support the whole weight of affairs, and he remained more exposed to the machinations of the League, which had only him to fear ; for the prince de Conti had neither sufficient talents nor experience to be capable of fiUing the post of his brother ; and in consequence, the overbearing arrogance of the leaguers was proportionably increased. No sooner was the death of the prince of Conde made public, than the League ordered extraordinary rejoicings, proclaiming, that it was a deed of Divine justice, and originated in the apos- tolic thunders. The Huguenots, on the contrary, were in a state of stupor, under the idea that they had lost in him their most determined ad- vocate, because they felt a conviction that he was resolute in his faith, and had not entertained the doubts of the king of Navarre. In conse- quence of this, the confusion and disorder was so great among the Calvinists, that it appears, in case they had been vigorously followed up at that period, they must soon have been vanquished. Henry the Third was their implacable enemy, and would freely have given his consent ; but he was desirous of conducting affairs in such a way, that their overthrow should not tend to the aggran- dizement of the duke of Guise and his per- sonal destruction. The duke, however, being ignorant of his intentions, incessantly pressed him for supplies of troops to complete the exter- ]588. AND HIS COUllT. 351 mination of the reformers, in whose ruin he hoped infalUbly to include that of the king of Navarre. The duke of Guise possessed this advantage over the king, that he had acquired popular af- fection, principally in two ways : first, his deter- mined opposition to the new imposts ; and se- condly, his unvarying attacks on the royal fa- vourites, before whom he would never show the least submission. A conduct directly opposed to this had brought universal contempt upon the king, and had even cooled many of his adherents, of which the following fact will serve for an example. Henry the Third possessed two great coun- sellors, Peter d'Espinac, archbishop of Lyons ; and Villeroi, secretary of state. The duke d'E- pernon, who was overbearing and haughty, thought himself licensed to treat them with marked obloquy ; they in consequence felt irri- tated against him, and on that account espoused the interests of the duke of Guise ; though doubtless remaining inherently faithful to the interests of their monarch and the realm, as was subsequently manifested, more especially in the person of Villeroi. Notwithstanding this, the king pursued his former course of life, living in the most effemi- nate state of luxury and sloth, spending his time either in beholding his dogs dance, or caressing them ; hearing parrots chatter ; cutting out 352 HENRY THE GREAT 1588. images in paper, or other occupations far more worthy an infant than a king. The duke of Guise, on the contrary, lost no time ; he created to himself new friends, pre- served his old ones, caressed the people, testi- fied great zeal for the ecclesiastics, undertook the defence of those who were oppressed, ap- peared everywhere with the state and gravity becoming a prince, but without ostentation or ridiculous pride. The Parisians were more than devoted ; they loved the duke with enthusiasm ; the parliament alone, and those officers parti- cularly connected with that body, did not par- take of similar sentiments, still preserving their affection and duty unabated for the service of the king. Henry the Third at length placed himself at the head of his forces, in order to complete the overthrow of the feeble remains of the Reitres, as the German troops were termed. They had al- ready been driven to the frontiers by the duke of Guise ; numbers were massacred by the pea- santry ; while the stragglers and sick were butchered without mercy. This army, which had consisted of thirty thousand men, had com- mitted horrible devastations ; it was, however, nearly annihilated, as scarcely five thousand re- gained their own country ; such being, as we have previously remarked, the issue of this in- vasion. The king arrived at Paris before Christmas, when he performed a public entry, accoutred in 1588. AND HIS COURT. 353 armour, and wearing his helmet, as if he had proved the conqueror of all his enemies ; and he was in consequence saluted by the mockery of the populace. Such ridiculous conduct, added to other similar proceedings, tended more to ele- vate the character of the duke of Guise in po- pular opinion than would have resulted from the commission of a flagrant error. We find from the various historians of the time, that the duke of Guise as'sembled all the principal branches of his family, and the chiefs of the League, at the city of Nancy, v/hen a grand council was held, where each was secretly occupied in forwarding his personal views, while vehemently descanting on the public good; a customary formula adopted by the ambitious, which deceives no one ; and yet, without which, the factious would never attain the end proposed. This artificial language uniformly affords conso- lation to agitated consciences ; since, by feigning to be the dupe, they almost conceive themselves justified. Opinions were not divided in an as- sembly where the desire of abolishing the royal prerogative was unanimous ; a wish that coin- cided with the pretensions, and flattered the hopes of all. The result, therefore, of these con- ferences was, in reality, the positive determination of exciting so much trouble, that the king should incessantly be forced to adopt false and timid measures, in order to complete his degradation in popular opinion : it was at the same time VOL. I. 2 a 354 HENRY THE GREAT 1588. agreed, that he should not be urged to the last extremity, under the apprehension that he would ultimately be prompted to adopt vigorous aiea- sures, which might retrieve his character in pub- lic estimation, and even restore to him all his prerogatives. A petition to the king was in con- sequence drawn out, very insolent in fact, but worded with particular caution : in this docu- ment the monarch was entreated to declare him- self more decidedly a supporter oi The Holy Union; to remove from his person, and deprive of public employments, those courtiers suspected of heresy, a list of whom should be furnished, that was to contain all the individuals devoted to his interest ; to grant the chiefs of the Union, as well in the interior as on the frontiers, cities, the garrisons of which should be maintained by the king; to place at their disposal a certain number of troops ; to liquidate their debts ; to declare a war of extermination against the heretics, and to give no quarter to prisoners. The king did not dare reject this singular do- cument, and had even the weakness to lead the petitioners to hope a favourable answer ; but he despatched Bellievre, one of his ministers, who was bearer of his order to the duke of Guise not to return to Paris. This command, however, was merely verbal ; the duke, therefore, feigned to re- gard it as not expressly intended: it even appears that Bellievre had not the courage to signify the same in absolute terms ; he listened to the re- 1588. AND HIS COURT. 355 presentations of the duke, and undertook to see them attended to. Bellievre, on returning to the king, received positive commands to prevent the duke's approach, which were committed to writ- ing : when this important document, according to all the historians, was forwarded by the post, because the courier charged in the first instance with the despatch could not set forward, for the want of twenty-five crowns which were not found in the royal treasury, and which, apparently, no minister would advance ; a circumstance, how- ever, that appears scarcely credible. The duke of Guise pretended not to have re- ceived the packet, and began his march by a circuitous route, so that all those who were despatched for the purpose of preventing his ar- rival at the capital were not able to meet him. The prince entered Paris by the gate of Saint Denis on Wednesday the 9th of May, 1588, accompanied only by seven persons, comprisitig masters and valets, says Davila ; but the Parisians, by whom he was so much adored, precipitately rushed from their houses to behold, surround, and escort his person, proclaiming him their deliverer, and filling the air with incessant acclamations of ** Long live Guise ! long live the protector of the faith ! " Many were observed to bend their knees before him and kiss the hem of his garment, while ladies from all the windows scattered branches, crowns of laurel, and flowers, in his road. The duke, calm and serene, spoke gra- ciously to all such as surrounded him : to those 2 A 2 350 HENRV THE GREAT 1588, at a distance he displayed the most courteous movements, made salutations to the casements with an affable and smiling countenance, and pro- ceeded bareheaded at a slow pace amidst the countless multitude, and acclamations that were every moment enthusiastically reiterated. Fol- lowed by this escort, he alighted at the h6tel de Soissons, where the queen mother resided ; who changed colour on beholding him, and was seized with a trembling which betrayed her internal trouble and all the fears that agitated her soul. The duke then stated, that he came for the pur- pose of justifying himself to the king. After a message had been despatched to the Louvre, Catherine consented to conduct the duke ; upon which they proceeded thither, the queen being carried in her chaise, and the duke proceeding on foot conversing tranquilly at her side, while an immense concourse surrounded them. On gaining the Louvre, he found the guard doubled; the Swiss were ranged in close lines, while the archers and a crowd of gentlemen were stationed in all the saloons it was requisite to traverse. The cold and melancholy looks of all he en- countered were sufficient to excite emotion in the soul, but the duke preserved the most un- daunted demeanour. Anquetil states, that at the moment Guise ar- rived, the king and his council were deliberating in private as to the feasibility of his assassination ; and that, just as he was announced, one of the counsellors exclaimed, *' Strike the pastor, and the 1588. AND HIS COURT. 357 flock will disperser On entering, Henry the Third, eyeing the prince with a stern countenance, thus addressed him: " / had sent e.vpress orders that you should not come.'"' — " Fully aware,'' replied the duke, *' of the calumnies heaped upon me by those near your j/iqjesty, I am come to offer my head, if it be deemed culpable. I should not, however, have presented myself, had your majesty deigned to utter a more express command.'' These conclusive words led to an explanation between the duke and Bellievre, whom the king had summoned in order to convince the prince of his disobedience. While this parley took place, the queen mother drew her son aside, and explained to him, that in case the least violence was done to the duke's person, every thing was to be apprehended from the fury of the populace assembled in midtitudes before the palace. Guise, whose wary eye led him to take advantage of every thing, profited by this moment of irresolution, and, under pre- text of fatigue, after having offered a short and respectful justification, made a profound reve- rence, and retired. The populace who continued without, on beholding him, renewed the most vio- lent acclamations; which redoubled joy seemed to express the fears they had entertained during this short and singular interview. The duke was then led in triumph to his hotel; from whence, after mid-day, he proceeded to the queen mother's residence, whither the king also re- paired : upon which occasion a long conference took place in the garden, from whence were 358 HENRY THE GREAT 1588. distinctly heard the murmurings of the people assembled outside the walls, who expressed them- selves in terms of reproach against the monarch, and cries of " Long live Guise!'' The duke, at length emboldened, made known his exorbitant pretensions without farther ceremony ; and he particularly insisted on the dismissal of the duke d'Epernon and his brother De la Valette from court. The first had succeeded to the full pleni- tude of favour previously experienced by Joyeuse; and he was most particularly hated by the fac- tious for his strong attachment to the monarch, and the natural energy of his character. The king had the weakness to accede to these pro- posals, only upon condition that the duke of Guise, in concert with himself, should interpose his credit to dismiss those soldiers and adven- turers, who had for some time past infested the city. It appears very singular the monarch should not have known that the very indivi- duals in question had been expressly summoned to Paris by the Guise faction; and, if the king was aware of the fact, he could not apply to a worse source in order to rid himself of those obnoxious strangers. The duke promised to acquiesce with all the wishes of his sovereign, being at the same time determined to act in a manner dia- metrically opposite. A proclamation was im- mediately issued, enjoining that such persons as could not adduce sufficient reasons for their con- tinuance in the city should immediately absent themselves from Paris. The commissioners 1588. AND HIS COURT. 359 appointed to make the necessary researches la- boured with assiduity during the whole of Wed- nesday, but without success, the citizens having voluntarily concealed the strangers. The people murmured aloud on having their mansions visited, and loaded the individuals employed with in- juries and insults; who, in consequence, made their reports to the king, upon which he de- termined on adopting decisive measures. In the Chron. Novennaire of D'Aubigne, we find that Henry the Third assembled the nobility, demanded troops, and placed companies of the opulent citizens under arms, who were naturally the enemies of commotions, as they were sure to become eventually the sufferers. Guise, on the other hand, despatched emissaries to the dif- ferent quarters of the city : he caused it to be intimated to his colleagues that they must con- tinue on their guard, and prepare to assemble on the first signal given : they spread the report of a great plot, which was to commence by a massacre of an hundred and twenty catholics by the king's order ; lists of the proscribed were disseminated, among whom they did not fail to insert the names of those most dear to the people, namely, of the duke of Guise and his principal adherents. On Thursday the r2th of May, at four in the morning, a detachment of four thousand Swiss, followed by two thousand foot, entered Paris by the gate St. Honor^. The king repaired thither in person to receive them: he exhorted them to use moderation, and pointed 360 HENRY THE GREAT 1588. out the various posts they were to occupy ; whi- ther they marched with drums beating, and bear- ing arms. The populace, astonished and uneasy, beheld them pass in silence and without testi- fying the least sign of rebellion. In this manner they took possession of the principal places, and established bodies of guards. If, during such an interval of surprise and consternation, the king had seized the persons of the duke of Guise and a few of the other leading chiefs, all the projects of the disaffected would have been over- thrown. The king was empowered, from their conduct, to cause their trial, when public pro- ceedings would have brought to light all their criminal manoeuvres; upon which their condemna- tion must have been as certain as it was legiti- mate. The greatest of all political errors is, that any treason can prove of real utility ; but a vi- gorous line of conduct, adopted at a proper pe- riod and conformably with justice — an equitable and legal trial, would have sufficed on this occa- sion to have re-established the royal authority and the character of the monarch. In this instance Henry the Third committed another great fault. He did not think fit to take possession of the square Maubert, for the very reason,, above all others, that should have decided him so to do. As that quarter of the city abound- ed in multitudes of the labouring classes, butch- ers, mechanics, &c., the king was apprehensive that the troops would be compelled to have re- 1588. AND HIS COURT. 361 course to violence in that quarter, and the sol- diers had particularly been ordered to avoid such a proceeding. Owing to this circumstance, the tumult actually commenced on the bridge of Saint Michael and in Maubert-square, where an impulse of humanity on the part of the monarch had been construed into weakness and fear. Hatred never attributes generous considerations to any other sentiment than weakness or pusilla- nimity. The concourse of mutineers became agitated in a moment, and communicated the dangerous effervescence with astonishing rapidity to all quarters of Paris. Some flew to arms, others tore up the pavement of the streets, piling up large heaps of stones in their windows, they raised barricadoes with planks, beams, furni- ture, and every thing they could lay their hands upon. The alarm-bells were rung, and the la- bours of the populace were followed up with inconceivable activity : the troops receiving no order, suffered themselves to be hemmed in ; so that in less than four hours all the streets of that immense city were without any outlet, and the mutineers insolently raised their last barrier di- rectly in front, and within fifty paces, of the Louvre. Such is the recital which all contem- poraneous historians have recapitulated, without reflecting on the astonishing singularity of the event. It is nevertheless impossible to conceive how six thousand armed soldiers, well disciplined, could not have prevented the rabble from barri- 362 HENRY THE GREAT 1588. cadoing tlie streets with so much care and alacrity as to have blocked them in, without opposing the least resistance. During this period the duke of Guise continued shut up in his hotel, having persons stationed at the back of his mansion to facilitate his escape should it be found necessary. As soon, however, as the prince was given to understand that the barricadoes had succeeded, he issued forth into the streets, giving directions to the bearers of ex- presses, who were every moment despatched to him by the factious. The king, finding the dan- ger increase, several times forwarded his com- mands to the duke, whom he required to stop the tumult ; to which the prince coolly remarked, *' They are bulls escaped; it is impossible for me to restrain thern." On a sudden one general cry of tumult and horror resounded ; arising from the troops blocked up and prisoners in the streets ; upon whom the populace hurled stones and mis- siles from the windows, when a considerable number were killed, and many grievously wound- ed. The duke of Guise then marching forward with a small cane in his hand, the barricadoes were levelled before him wheresoever he wished to pass : he harangued the populace, calmed its fury, delivered the soldiers, whom he des- patched to the Louvre, fearless of affording that succour to the king, whom he was desirous of dethroning. The troops retired disgracefully, bareheaded, no drums beating, with arms bent downwards and reversed. All the strangers, par- 1588. AND HIS COURT. 363 tisans of the duke, as well as the people, imme- diately appeared in arms. Guise then examined the barricadoes, despatched officers to reinforce some, and appointed a regular guard for the night. The provost of the merchants, according to custom, wished to give the name of the king- as a pass-word ; but the people refused, substi- tuting that of the duke. While these transactions occurred in the city, the court issued orders for the safety of the Louvre ; while the queen mo- ther advised a negotiation, and undertook to conduct it, humiliating herself so far as to sub- mit to wait upon the duke at his own hotel. During this conference the duke of Guise com- pletely unmasked himself, if his pretensions, as enumerated by Davila, are correct. He demand- ed the appointment of lieutenant-general of the kingdom, accompanied by unlimited authority over the troops and every thing connected with the war department ; which post was to be con- firmed to him by the states general, whom the king was to engage to convoke at Paris without delay; — that, independent of this, ten strong places of the kingdom were to be awarded him, with funds to support the troops who should be appointed to garrison them. He also insisted upon an edict being passed, which should declare the princes of the house of Bourbon excluded from the throne as heretics. He required that the go- vernment of Paris should be vested in Brissac ; a man devoted to his interest, who had espoused the cause of the League in consequence of the 364 HENRY THE GREAT 1588. king having spoken contemptuously of him in public. During this tumult, called The Day of the Barricadoes, count de Brissac united himself with the duke to appease the fury of the people, le- velled against the Swiss troops ; upon which occa- sion, turning towards some persons who accom- panied him, he said in a sarcastic tone, " I have at length found a footing : the king says that I am good for nothing either on land or sea ; he must, at all events, confess that I am good upon the pavement."" For his relatives and friends the duke demanded the governments of Picardy, Normandy, Lyons, and the principal provinces ; together with mili- tary employments and posts connected with the crown. He stipulated that the duke d'Eper- non should be exiled, together with a long list of individuals gifted with talents, who were to be sent out of the kingdom ; and lastly, he required that the monarch should be satisfied with his ordinary guard, and that the forty-five gentlemen should be dismissed, whom he had stationed about his person a short time before in order to form a rampart against the enterprises of the leaguers. Catherine made strong remonstrances respect- ing these exorbitant demands : she, however, did not quit the duke without hopes of success; and then returned to the Louvre, where the mi- nisters spent the night in fruitless deliberations with the king. On the ensuing day, the queen mother set forward for the duke's hotel ; which, considering her years, was a real fatigue; because. 1588. AND HIS COURT. 365 as the rebels would not open the barricadoes for her carriage, in her passage from one street to another, she was under the necessity of being lifted over by manual force in her chaise. Upon one of these occasions, a citizen, under pre- text of aiding Catherine, approached her ear, stating, in a whisper, that fifteen thousand men were then marching from the country to invest the Louvre ; upon which the queen sent one of her gentlemen to give the king timely notice of the circumstance, when she proceeded on her route. On her introduction to the duke, Catherine be- gan to converse on the propositions of the pre- ceding day ; when the former did not appear dis- posed to relinquish a single point. The queen, however, as it is said, persisted in her represen- tations for the purpose of prolonging the conver- sation ; when, in the midst of this parley, the Lord de Mainville arrived, and stated to the duke that the king had quitted Paris. On hearing this un- expected intelligence, the duke of Guise unin- tentionally suffered his secret to escape him, ex- claiming : "Madame, I am a dead man I While your majesty amuses me here, the king is hastetnng to ef- fect my downfall.'" — " / was totally ignorant of this 'proceeding,'" replied Catherine, with great sang- froid: upon which, returning to her chaise, she proceeded immediately towards the Louvre. The French guards and the Swiss had already left Paris ; and the courtiers, as well as the no- bility, followed their steps with all expedition. 366 HENRY THE GREAT 1588. The queen mother transmitted orders to the troops to hasten their march with all possible celerity, in order to rejoin the king, who was only accompanied by thirty followers. Henry the Third slept that night in a village, and ar- rived at Chartres the following day ; where Ni- cholas de Thou, bishop of that city, procured him an honourable reception, notwithstanding the adverse attempts of the leaguers. When pope Sixtus the Fifth was given to un- derstand that the duke of Guise had returned to Paris, and placed himself at the disposal of the king, whom he had so much offended, his excla- mation was — " Oh ! what fool-hardiness ! — what im- prudence T But when he learned that the king had suffered that favourable occasion to escape, when he might have annihilated the man who seemed born for his destruction, the pontiff, raising his voice still higher, cried out, " Oh ! the weak prince /" And the holy father doubtless con- tinued his emphatic words on learning that the duke, in turn, had permitted the monarch to effect his escape. Reasoning upon this subject, Pasquier says : ** Since the duke had the temerity to present himself the king ought to have secured his person. This he might have effected on the Tuesday and Wednes- dayy because he then liad at his disposal the captains of the several posts, all the high com^tSy the wealthy citizens, and four thousand Swiss, independent of his body guard : the lower classes would not have dared to show themselves. Even on the Thursday mornings 1588. AND HIS COURT. 367 he might have siuToiimkd him with his troops, if, from a bad poUcij, he had not, as it were, shackled the hands of his soldiei's, by commanding them not to act against the populace when they commenced the harricadoes. But as the duke of Guise had sur- mounted all these difficulties, he should never have suffered the king to escape. He ought, in despite of himself to have assumed a post fiear his person ; and, subsequently, any declaration that was required might have been extracted from him'' Cayet, de Serres, and Brantome are of opi- nion, that such was the intention of the duke of Guise, who only suffered himself to be antici- pated by the king, owing to his reliance on the monarch's indecision. The fears of Henry the Third were bv no means chimerical ; it was high time he should seek safety in flight : a large body of men was prepared to invest the Louvre in the direction of the open country, as well as in the interior of the city ; and some bands of troops, who were already in advance, fired upon him and his retinue as he escaped ; while the popu- lace, in default of other arms, assailed him with abuse. In the provinces, the partisans of the duke made levies ; destined, no doubt, for the reinforce- ment of the Parisians, who would have formed the blockade of the Louvre. The intention, therefore, of the duke was not to drive the king from Paris ; his project, on the contrary, being to retain him. The prince, writing to one of his friends, says ; " I have defeated the Swiss ; I have 368 HENKY THE GREAT 1588. cut in pieces part of the king's guards; and keep the Louvre so closely blockaded, that I shall give a good account of those whom it contains." After the king's escape, one of the duke's con- fidants wrote to those who were collecting troops in the provinces; in which letter he thus ex- pressed himself: " Our great chief did not knoio how to e.vecute his design, the king having escaped to Chartres. I am of opinion that you should retire to your 7'espective dwellings as quietly as you can, without appearing to have witnessed any thing. I am so completely stupefied, that I know not ivhat I do*' The dauntless spirit of the duke of Guise, however, was not to be intimidated by this unex- pected reverse. The king having escaped, he nevertheless felt assured of ultimately subduing him ; he assembled the people, nominated new city officers and captains more attached to his interest than their predecessors ; when, having rendered himself complete master of the capital, he com- manded the populace to relinquish their arms, and detach the chains from the barricadoes. The duke then repaired to the first president De Harlay, whom he could neither seduce nor inti- midate. That respectable magistrate, who was walking in his garden, did not deign to turn his head at the noise which the arrival of the prince and his retinue created ; and on meeting him as he turned one of the walks, Harlay listened with gravity to the specious arguments of the duke, mingled with flattery, promises, and threats ; when he pronounced these w^ords. 1588. AND HIS COURT. 369 which an historian should never be weary of repeating: ^'It is a great pityivhen the valet driven aivay his master ! As for any thing else, my soul is with God, my faith continues with my king, and my body is in the power of the wicked, who may deal with it as they think fit r Guise continued to press the topic, conjuring Harlay to convoke the par- liament for the purpose of adopting measures, conjointly with himself, suited to the emergency of circumstances. " Whei^e the majesty of the prince is violated,'" answered Harlay with a stern demeanour, " the magistrate no longer possesses any authority^ Having pronounced these words, the president turned round and resumed his pro- menade. Guise, speechless and confused, must then have felt that virtue alone is the basis of true greatness of soul. Guise, however, was not to be disheartened, and he applied to the president Brisson, whom he found less adverse to his wishes ; he also re- paired to the foreign ministers, related the whole event in a manner tending to his own excul- pation, and solicited them to forward statements to their respective courts, which should not prove to his disadvantage, but conformable with the manifestoes he had distributed in every direc- tion. He seized the Arsenal and the Bastille, the government of which he confided to Bussy le Clerc, procurator to the parliament and one of the most determined advocates for the League, on which account he had been chosen one of the Sixteen. In addition to those fortresses, the VOL. I. 2 b 370 HENRY THE GREAT 1588. duke also got possession of the castle of Vin- cennes and Corbeil, for the purpose of com- manding the Seine; and he equally made an attempt on Melun, but Tristan de Tlostaing, who had thrown himself into that town, pre- served it for the king. The provost of the mer- chants was arrested and consigned to the Bas- tille ; and as the three first sheriffs had followed the king to Chartres, the council of SLvteen chose La Chapelle Marteau for provost, who was not elected, according to the customary forms, by scrutiny, but by the voices of the people. This individual had particularly signalized himself at the affair of the Barricadoes, and was named secretary of the League. He was charged, says De Thou, in the informations collected after the assassination of Henry the Third, with having held a conference with James Clement the very day when that traitor left the capital to execute the parricide. Marteau was cited by sound of trumpet to appear as an accomplice, having fled on the surrender of Paris. He escaped to Spain, where he died in wretchedness, in common with all the leaguers, who, terrified at their own crimes, became voluntary exiles, and in conse- quence could not participate in the clemency of Henry the Fourth. The duke of Guise having adopted these pre- cautions, complete order was established in Paris, so that the day after the king's departure every thing was as tranquil as if no commotion had taken place ; and in this state of things the prince 1588. AND HIS COURT. 371 continued to listen to the propositions of the queen mother, who remained at Paris for the sole purpose of negotiating. While these steps, however, were adopted, the king and the duke mutually forwarded manifestoes to the provinces, making known to the principal cities every thing that had transpired. These documents produced different sensations, according to the diversity of opinions ; but their most apparent effect was the disunion of families, which too fatally an- nounced the commencement of another cruel and sanguinary civil war. Such was the existing state of things, when the leaguers of the capital conceived an idea that a submission to Henry the Third, heightened by a religious ceremony, would lead the king to forget the past, and effect his return to Paris. Under this supposition, the famous fraternity of the Penitents, formerly so dear to Henry the Third, quitted the capital on foot, and proceeded to attend him at Chartres. Care had been taken to make every thing appear singular in this lu- dicrous procession ; but in order that the readei: may judge for himself, we will quote the narra- tive of De Thou, an eye-witness of the whole transaction. *' First appeared a man with a long beard, in the most filthy condition, habited in vestments of hair cloth, over which appeared a large shoul- der-belt, from whence was suspended a broad- sword in form of a Turkish scimitar, while from an old rusty trumpet he at intervals blew 2 B 2 372 HEXHY THE GREAT 1588, the most harsh and discordant sounds ; after the above boldly marched three other men, equally dirty, each bearing on his head an old greasy saucepan, instead of an helmet, wearing over shirts of hair cloth coats of mail, v^ith brassets and gauntlets, and by w^ay of arms they sup- ported old rusty halberds: these three blusterers rolled about their haggard and furious eyes, and conducted themselves in such a manner as to disperse the mob assembled to view the spectacle. " After the above marched brother Ansfe de Joyeuse, (formerly a courtier, and brother of the duke of that name, recently killed at the battle of Coutras,) who had the preceding year made his profession as a Capuchin friar. He had been persuaded, in order to soften the heart of Henry the Third, to represent in this procession the Saviour ascending Mount Calvary : for which pur- pose he had suffered himself to be bound with cords, and his face was painted so as to represent drops of blood running from his head, crowned with thorns ; he appeared to drag with difficulty a long crucitix, made of painted pasteboard, and at intervals purposely fell down, uttering the most piteous lamentations. " On either side advanced two Capuchins, wearing painted garments ; one representing Mary and the other Magdalen. They devoutly elevated their eyes to heaven, squeezing out at times some false tears ; and as often as brother Ange de Joyeuse chose to fall down, they pro- 1588. AND HIS couuT. 373 strated themselves before him, trembling every limb. Four satellites, very nearly resembling the three first, held the rope, wherewith brother Ange was bound, striking him with a whip, the cracks from which resounded afar. This pro- cession concluded with an immense retinue of penitents." On beholding this pious masquerade pass be- fore the court in the cathedral of Chartres, which entered singing Miserere, the brave warrior Crillon, a relation of Joyeuse, exclaimed, " Whip away in earnest ^ strike hard ; he is a coward who has covered his back with a frock in order that he may avoid carrying arms,''' The king, instead of relishing this indecent mummery, gravely repri- manded his former favourite, Ange Joyeuse, for thus having, from an imprudent zeal, turned into ridicule the sacred n^ystery of the redemption. He also made known to him, that his ere lulity had been imposed upon, in thus engaging him, under pretext of religion, to place himself at the head of the rebels ; " whom I well know,'' added Henry, elevating his voice, *' to be in great num- bers among this j:rocessio)i." Of this circumstance the monarch was fully aware; having been told, that among other persons of the faith, under sacks of penitents, were concealed, a crowd of the most ardent lea- guers, who impudently came for the purpose of encouraging their associates at Chartres, and engaging them to take the oath of fidelity to the duke of Guise. They were then in his power ; he might have punished, and yet he permitted 374 HENRY THE GREAT 1588, them to accomplish their mission. Being thus tolerated, they speedily scattered the seeds of revolt throughout the city, and the consequence was, the king's being compelled to depart. Henry the Third went to Vernon, and from thence to Rouen, which city he fixed upon as his resi- dence during the negotiations entered into by the queen mother. The burlesque embassy of the leaguers was speedily followed by a deputation from the par- liament of Paris, which the king thanked, at the same time exhorting the magistrates to continue their services to him as faithful subjects. This was followed by another deputation of the mu- nicipal officers, in the name of the city itself. Henry gave them a favourable reception, al- though he did not approve the changes eifected in that corps by the duke of Guise. It was ob- vious that he would have been satisfied, and led to pardon, had any decent reparation been pro- posed. These deputations gave rise to certain propositions ; sometimes the king addressed him- self to the body en masse ; and at others, he con- versed with a few chosen members. There were also petitions from the League, and the royal an- swers, which were made public ; but even had the most exorbitant desires of the Sixteen been complied with, that was of no avail unless the consent of the duke of Guise was procured. It therefore became necessary to negotiate direct with that prince ; and, upon this his pretensions were demanded, which proved as outrageous a^ 1588. AND HIS COURT. 375 the stipulations required on the eve of the Barri- cadoes. The king, dissembling his indignation, contented himself with remarking, that, during the ensuing month of March, he would convoke the states general of his kingdom, at the city of Blois, for the purpose of applying some remedy to the abuses that might have crept into the government, and to hear the complaints of his subjects. When the king of Navarre became acquainted with these events, the remembrance of the vile proceedings of Henry the Third towards him, never for a moment retained possession of his heart ; he only felt inspired with just indignation at the outrages which had been committed to the scandal of all the crowned heads of Europe. He testified upon this occasion his deep sorrow when holding his council ; and, the determina- tion of defending and supporting the king of France having been approved unanimously, Henry immediately forwarded his secretary to assure the prince that his person and his forces were alike at his disposal. Henry the Third, how- ever, yielding to irresolution, the uniform at- tendant on excessive weakness, did not know how to take advantage of this generous and dis- interested offer. During the interval that elapsed previous to the meeting of the states at Blois, the duke of Guise only thought of fortifying his own party, and to attain this end strove to enchain the king, en- 376 HENRY THE GREAT 1588. gaging the queen mother to mediate between the monarch and himself. Catherine, whose sole po- licy and secret actions always tended to sow divisions and create misunderstandings, spent her whole life in negotiations, cabals, and under- taking the part of a mediatrix. Henry the Third consented to ratify the most disgraceful and humiliating peace, which was proclaimed under the title of The Edict of Union. Among the ar- ticles of this treaty the only clause advantageous to the king, (but which was not carried into effect,) was the placing at his disposal the for- tresses of the Bastille and the Arsenal. The duke of Guise was declared generalissimo, with abso- lute authority over the armies ; while the leaguers took possession of the strong places which were abandoned to them. The king recalled his most faithful commanders from several provinces, in order to replace them by creatures of the duke of Guise. The principal favourites were expelled from the court ; the haughty Epernon, however, did not think fit to await being exiled, but volun- tarily retired, not without expressing in the most forcible terms the indignation with which he felt inspired. This nobleman sought refuge in the city of Angouleme, from whence the inhabitants soon afterwards, excited by his enemies, wished to drive him away. Epernon, without provisions or powder, retired to the castle, uncovered in all directions, having in his retinue only twenty men ; supported by whom he maintained the at- tacks of the whole city during thirty hours, when 1588. ' AND HIS COURT. 377 the inhabitants constantly driven back, thus routed and discouraged, at length abandoned the enterprise. The duke of Guise, however, solely taken up with his vast projects, successfully occupied him- self in forming the states general that were to assemble at Blois, solely of his own partisans. Conciliatory measures, specious considerations, and hypocritical respect for the sovereign, were no longer worthy being attended to ; the royal authority was at an end, for the king could be guilty of no further self- degradation. The duke of Guise had attained that fatal point when the most undisguised and daring ambition is the only measure that can attain success. Useless fawn- ing and dissimulation were no longer prudential measures, but, on the contrary, would have been deemed great political faults. When only one step farther is required to attain the end pro- posed, it becomes necessary to display confidence and daring. The uniform proceedings of the duke of Guise plainly demonstrate that his aim was to dethrone Henry the Third, consign him to a cloister, place the phantom of a king on the throne, namely, the old cardinal de Bourbon, and then cause himself to be proclaimed presumptive heir to the crown. The king, finding it impossible to conceal from himself the truth of these guilty projects, and in the perilous state of his affairs had not sufficient courage and greatness of soul to have recourse to legitimate means of defence ; but on ratifying 378 HENRY THE GREAT 1588. the ignominious edict of the Union, he secretly swore to avenge himself, and from that moment the ruin of Guise was resolved on : thence arose the facility with which he acceded to every pro- position, which ought to have brought to the mind of the duke all that the court had formerly yielded to admiral Coligny and the leaders of his party, prior to the massacre of Saint Bartholo- mew. But Providence spread before the eyes of the duke of Guise that impenetrable veil which had formerly abused its victim, in hiding from him every thing calculated to enlighten his understanding. Similar presumption and self- security, and the same contempt for all whole- some advice, precipitated the murderer of Co- ligny into the same snare, and subjected him to experience a similar destiny. The king received the duke of Guise, and did not testify the least resentment, but, on the con- trary, loaded him with honours and kindnesses. Under these circumstances, says Mathieu, the states of Blois were opened on the 16th of Octo- ber, 1588, in the great hall of the castle. They elected as presidents for the clergy the cardinals of Bourbon and Guise ; the count de Brissac and . baron de Magnac were placed at the head of the nobility; and La Chapelle Marteau, provost of the Parisian merchants, presided over the po- pular interests. From hence it was obvious that the leaguers had a preponderating voice in the states general. The duke of Guise, as grand master of the royal household, did the honours 1588. AND HIS COURT. 379 of the first sitting. ** The deputies,'' says Mathieu, the historian, ** having entered and the door being closed, the duke of Guise, seated in his chair, habited in white satin with the cape turned iip^ piercing the crowded assembly with his looks, in order to re- cognize his associates, and with a single glance forti- fying them with a hope of his advancement, his for- tune and his grandeur, seemed to say without speaking, I behold you ; then rose, and, followed by two hundred gentlemen and captains of the guard, retired for the purpose oj conducting the king, who entered the as- sembly full of majesty, carrying the grand order suspended from his neck.'' On such occasions Henry the Third really appeared with becoming dignity ; he pronounced a very noble and feeling harangue, adopting at once the language of a monarch and a father, but with too much regard for the leaguers ; yet when the question was agitated as to the printing this speech, the arch- bishop of Lyons, friend of the duke of Guise, had the audacity to request the king would still moderate the expressions which referred to the League, and his majesty consented. The situation of the king became more critical every day, says the journal of Henry the Third. He knew beyond the possibility of a doubt that the duke was carrying on some plot of the last importance, and that he offered employments, places, and governments, to those who were will- ing to attach themselves to his interests, as if he had been the entire master. His next pretension was that the states should elect him constable of 380 HENUY THE GREAT 1588. France ; and while this measure was in agitation, he held a long conversation with marshal D'Au- mont, a very virtuous man and a staunch friend to his sovereign: he conjured him to unite /or the welfare of the state; promising as a recompense, in case he complied, the post of governor of Nor- mandy ; but finding that the marshal listened to his representations with coldness, he drew forth a poniard, lifted up the sleeve of his dress, dis- played his naked arm, and was desirous of open- ing a vein for the purpose of ratifying the pro- mise with his blood ; the marshal, upon this, stopped the duke short, and speedily terminating the conversation, recapitulated the whole imme- diately after to the king. Guise, having no longer any measures to keep, demanded a body guard in quality of generalis- simo, similar to that which had been appointed for the king, when duke of Anjou, at the pe- riod of his being created lieutenant-general of the kingdom by his brother Charles the Ninth : this, however, was refused ; upon which he had the temerity to complain aloud, and even threaten his sovereign. The king being unwilling to grant the League the city of Orleans as a post of surety, the duke, on learning that circumstance, remark- ed, " I shall know how to preserve it in spite of him."" And the duchess de Montpensier, sister of the duke, carried at her side a pair of gold scissors, " which would serve,'' she remarked, " to crop He?irfs mo7iastic tonsure^ when he should be incarce- rated in a monastery.'' 1588. AND Ills COUUTi 381 It was not without apprehension that the friends of the duke witnessed so much insolence ; they exhorted him in vain to moderation. And when they remarked the danger to which he ex- posed his wife and children, as yet very young. Guise replied; ''Deprived, at the tenderest age, of a father, by the perjidious hands of the heretics, remaimng with my brother eaposed to all the shafts of the enemies of our house, have I failed to raise myself to collect the remnants of the fortune of so great a father, and even to ave?ige him? I rely on the power of Omnipotence, which has hitherto pre- served me for their preservation ; but I was not in- strumental to their coming into this world, that they should statid between me and my projects. If death awaits me before they attain the age of maturity, let them realize their own fortunes, as I have mine, and by their conduct show themselves the worthy inheritors of those to whom they are indebted for eaistcnce.'' The king, who might perhaps have been led to renounce his projects of vengeance, urged to extremities, became more determined, and he therefore hurried on the moment of the catastro- phe, which was to annul the assembly of Blois. The duke was given to understand, in a thou- sand ways, the great misfortune that awaited him, by means of his friends and anonymous letters. One day, as he seated himself at table, he found a note concealed under his napkin, written by an unknown hand, wherein he was advertised of the king's design in regard to him ; upon which he wrote the following words at the 382 HKNUY THE GREAT 1588. bottom of the letter with a pencil : '^He would not dare f and cast the billet under the table. The marchioness of Noirmoutiers, formerly the lady de Sauve, so celebrated for her intrigues of every description, travelled expressly from Paris to Blois, in order to engage the duke to seek safety in flight, or at least to be upon his guard, with all the precautions which a just sus- picion ought to excite. The duke, however, was insensible to these cautions and prayers ; completely wrapped up in his self-security. Devins, chief of the League in Provence, wrote to acquaint the duke that he disapproved of his overbearing conduct; to which the latter re- plied, that he did not calculate on the generosity of the king, with whose dissimulation he was well acquainted ; but that he confided in his timidity, and that the monarch was not ignorant, if he meditated plans against his person, that he would himself become the sacrifice. It is thus the leader of a faction, exaggerating his own im- portance, really believes that his death would give rise to implacable vengeance ; whereas, if he falls, each thinks but of his personal interests ; his faction is broken up, or a new chief is pro- claimed, while he who exists no more, is only blamedfor his imprudence. Legitimate power well employed, can alone inspire legitimate and lasting regrets. The adulation ofl'ered up to the leaders of factions, inspires awe in the very flatterers themselves ; they conceive that they adore, or at least admire them, so long as there remains a 1588. AND HIS COURT. 383 hope of ensuring great advantages ; when he is no more, the ilhision vanishes, and it is then his late folloM^ers proceed to judge him. Henry the Third, in the first instance, ad- dressed himself to Crillon, having sworn him to maintain the most inviolable secrecy ; when he commissioned him to assassinate the duke of Guise ; but the brave soldier, without hesitation, replied, that he would never fill the office of an executioner. Loignac, first gentleman of the king's chamber, and captain of the guard, was then applied to, and accepted the horrid com- mission. On the 22d of December, 1588, Loignac, at daybreak, repaired to the king's closet, accom- panied by nine of the most resolute men of the royal guard ; the monarch having possessed him- self of as many poniards as Loignac had selected murderers; saying, as he distributed them ; "It is an e.vecution sanctioned hy justice, which I demand at your hands against the most criminal man in my kingdom, whom I am permitted to punish by Divine and human laws; but, not being able to accomplish it by the ordinary course of justice, I hereby authorise you to do the deed in right of the royal power where- with I am invested .'' The regal prerogative, which has the right to punish assassins, is not empowered to order as- sassinations ; but this argument, which was in- sufficient to seduce Crillon, was satisfactory enough to decide the band of vile wretches who had just received their commission. These men 384 HENRY THE GREAT 1588. stationed themselves in an antichamber, beside that through which the duke was to enter; and the king, follov/ed by Ornano, De Bonivet, De la Grange, De Montigny, and D'Entragues, re- tired to another apartment. Henry the Third, on the preceding evening, had sent to acquaint the duke that he wished to enjoy a day of recre- ation, and that he would therefore hold his council at a very early hour in the morning of the 22d of December; and, fearful lest he should not at-' tend, it was stated to Guise, that two affairs would be canvassed, not immediately connected with himself, but individuals whom he protected ; which was purposely done, in order to flatter his ostentation and power. It is said, that the duke had spent the night with the marchioness de Noirmoutier, who, as we have previously stated, did every thing in her power to put him on his guard ; upon which Guise remarked, that to ab- sent himself from the states general, under exist- ing circumstances, would be the discouraging liis friends, and spurning fortune, who thus prof- fered him her hand. Too tender to yield to the voice of ambition, the marchioness still pressed and conjured him; but the duke proved insen- sible to her tears, tore himself from her arms, and flew to attend the fatal council. On arriving at the castle, he was environed by the body-guard of the king, which escorted him to the top of the great staircase, uncovered, and soliciting him, as grand master of the royal house- hold, to procure the payment of the sums due to 1588. ^ AND iirs COURT. 385 them. On beholding- this troop of petitioners, the duke's escort made way, and dispersed. Having entered the council chamber, the door was closed, the guards resumed their posts, and thus pre- vented any information that might be intended for the prince, from reaching him. Whether owing to fright arising from reflec- tion, or weakness occasioned by excesses of the preceding night, the duke turned pale, and com- plained of sickness ; when restoratives were pre- sented, which brought him to himself. Just as he was regaining strength, a message came to in- form the prince that the king v>^ished to speak to him. He in consequence arose, and having gracefully bowed to the assembly, left the cham- ber ; when, being embarrassed in opening the por- tal of the royal antichamber, an assassin with one hand seized the guard of his sword, and with the other plunged a long poniard into his stomach ; others immediately inflicted wounds in his head and abdomen, fearful lest he should be shielded by a breastplate. The duke uttered a very deep sigh, and exerting all the remaining strength he possessed, escaped the hands of his murderers. With extended arms, open mouth, and lustreless eyes, he staggered to the end of the chamber, while his dying lips faltered these words, " My God, have pity on me r Upon which one of the assas- siixg coming up, scarcely touched him, ere he dropped on the floor, and instantly breathed his last. His brother, cardinal de Guise, and Peter d'Espinac, archbishop of Lyons, who were in VOL. 1. 2 c 386 HENRY THE GREAT 1588. the council chamber, hearing a noise, were de- sirous of affording succour ; it was, however, too late. They were immediately arrested by a royal mandate, together with the mother of the deceased, his son, his nearest relatives, the old cardinal de Bourbon, and the principal partisans of the duke, as well in the castle as in the city. Henry the Third immediately repaired to the queen mother, who was then confined to her bed by those infirmities which were hastening her to eternity, ** The king of Paris is no more, madame,''' said the monarch on entering, *' and I am henceforth king myself.'" — " Then you have caused the duke of Guise to he assassinated T replied Catherine, sighing heavily. ** May God grant this death does not render you a king over nothing ! My son, it is easy to cut out, but it is also requisite to sew. Have you taken all the necessary precau- tions?'' The king, having given his mother every assurance, retired, requesting that she would tranquillize her mind. Henry then had a long conference with Mo- rosin, the Pope's legate, a very gentle and pru- dent ecclesiastic, who, following only the duties of his station, contented himself with exhorting the king to maintain the catholic religion, with- out either approving or blaming the assassin- ation of the duke of Guise. This moderation on the part of the legate led Henry to infer that the death of cardinal Guise would be equally indifferent to the court of Rome. That great ecclesiastical dignitary was looked upon 1588. AND HIS COURT. 387 nearly as dangerous as his brother, being no less turbulent than his deceased relative, and fully capable of animating in the hearts of others that vengeance with which he felt inspired ; the result therefore was, his death being alike re- solved upon. The cardinal was confined in a lofty apartment with the archbishop of Lyons : those ecclesiastics spent in prayers the day of this sanguinary cata- strophe, and the night following. On the morning of the 23d, they were separated, each believing that he was destined to suffer. The cardinal, however, was speedily enlightened on this head, being informed that he had only a moment to live ; upon which, throwing himself on his knees, he recommended his soul to the Almighty, and covering his head, cried, *^ Execute your com- 77iissmi!'' when the soldiers instantly despatched him by running their halberds through his body. The remains of the two brothers, without being undressed, were consigned to quick-lime, in order that they might be destroyed, the king being fearful lest the leaguers should convert them into relics. Such was the melancholy fate of the duke and cardinal de Guise : the first, a famous con- spirator, was by no means worthy the title of a great man. In a military point of view, he never achieved one grand exploit ; as leader of a party, he displayed more cunning and artifice than real genius, being frequently hurried away by the factious, but never enabled to control 2 c2 388 HENRY THE GREAT 1588. them as a master. His ambitious projects ori- ginated less from his character than the circum- stances in which he found himself involved ; the imprudent audacity which he manifested on va- rious occasions contributed to invest him with a false air of grandeur, whereas it was only due to his presumption and that species of courage wliich a simple soldier may possess, without being the result of a bold combination and an elevated genius. His policy formed at the court of Catherine de Medicis was mediocre, and in general timid, insidious ; and his conduct in re- gard to Henry the Third full of duplicity. When, at the close of his life, he thought to have attain- ed his object, success intoxicated him; his arro- gance assumed the place of hypocrisy, he pub- licly braved his sovereign, and he was ruined. After the massacre of the duke and cardinal de Guise, Henry the Third caused numerous persons to be arrested, and almost immediately restored most of them to liberty ; nearly all the rest, however, ultimately escaped. The only one who remained was the young prince de Joinville, son of the late duke of Guise, and the old car- dinal de Bourbon. The duke de Mayenne luckily etfected his escape from Lyons one hour before the arrival of the persons sent to arrest him, and sought an asylum at his government in Burgundy. The tragic end of the duke of Guise excited the most dreadful consternation in Paris. Such had been the general opinion of the indolence 1589. AND HIS COURT. 389 and timid weakness oi" Henry the Thud, that this desperate action, in the first instance, ex- cited less indignation than astonishment and terror; in short, the deed placed the king's character in a different point of view. He might have taken advantage of this first im- pression, but his accustomed undecided conduct ruined every thing. The factious, on perceiving that the monarch continued inactive, as if he had obtained a 'decisive victory, regained cou- rage, and assembled at the hotel de vlik, where they freely vented their imprecations against the king, adopted violent resolutions, and were guilty of the most absurd conduct : a nu- merous procession marched to the church of Saint Genevieve, all the assistants carrying wax tapers, which they extinguished in front of the altar, trampling them under foot, and crying with impious and frantic rage, *' Maj/ God thus ed'tingiiish the race of Valois /" They elected the duke d'Aumale, brother by the mother's side, governor of Paris ; who immediately collected an army to succour Orleans, which was hard pressed by the king ; and in consequence the revolt became general. The death of the duke of Guise completely changed the face of aff"airs, and })aved the way for those new occurrences which took place in 1589, tending to hasten the succession of Henry of Navarre to the crown of France. The first public event of notoriety was the death of the queen mother, which occurred on the 390 HENRY THl': GREAT 158P. 5th of January, at the castle of Blois. Pre- vious to her demise, this princess pronounced the following opinion to her son : " I bequeath to you, as my dying words, this advice : that you cherish the princes of your blood, that you always retain them near your own person, and, in particular, the king of Navarre. I have uni- formly found them attached to the crown. Re- member, if you wish to enjoy peace, so neces- sary to France, you must tolerate liberty of conscience to your subjects; as it is obvious, that the Germans and other sovereign princes, during my time, have never been able to pacify vv^ith tears those troubles which religion has occasioned in their states." This advice, says de Bury, came too late: if the queen had previously followed the example of those mo- narchs of whom she spoke, she would not have been the cause of all the troubles wherewith France was assailed during the period of her administration. We have so frequently had occasion to recur to the conduct of this wicked and ambitious woman, that to detail her character would be superfluous; we shall, therefore, content our- selves by quoting the statement of Davila, who says, that after having agitated her life by the most complicated and perfidious intrigues, she died in great obscurity. She had, above all, been fond of domineering, and found that her credit was dwindling to nothing : she had long lost the confidence of her darling son, for whom 1589. AND HIS COUilT. 391 she had instigated so many plots, and embroiled herself in ceaseless cabals. She had outlived three of her children, namely, Francis the Se- cond, Charles the Ninth, and the duke of Alen- 9on, and left the fourth upon a throne on the eve of crumbling to nothing. Hated and despised by every faction, she must have been fully aware of the weakness of her odious policy, and was, indeed, sufficiently punished by a death-bed re- morse. It is somewhat singular that a princess, who was the very soul of trouble and commo- tions, should have chosen by way of device, a rainboiv with the following inscription, " I bring light and tranquillity ^ Henry of Navarre, says Perefixe, wisely main- tained a silence on the subject of the murder of the Guises. He deplored their death, and ex- tolled their courage ; but observed that the king must have had some very powerful motives to urge his adopting such a measure ; that, how- ever, the judgments of God were great, and his grace especial, since he was avenged of his ene- mies without staining his conscience or his hand ; and that, certain gentlemen having presented themselves before him with a firm resolution to sacrifice the ditke of Guise, he had uniformly told them that he held such an act in detestation, and would never enrol them among his friends, or esteem them honest men, if they thought more upon the subject. The king of Navarre assembled his council on hearing this great news, when it was determined 392 HENllY THt GREAT 1589. that uo change in his affairs should take place, because even supposing Henry the Third was de- sirous of a peace, he would not dare speak upon the subject for some months, fearful lest his catholic subjects should be led to conjecture that he had sacrificed the Guises in order to favour the Huguenots ; in consequence the war was continued, and some places taken on either side. At Paris the fury of the leaguers seemed to increase every hour, so that, in order to carry things to the greatest possible extremity, they conceived the idea of instigating the faculty of theology to advocate their cause. " That respect- able body," says M. Anquetil, very judiciously, in his Spirit of the League, " that useful rampart of the Faith was not more shielded than other asso- ciations formed by intriguers for the purpose of commanding. Upon such occasions sensible men, finding their efforts of no utility, retire from the scene of action ; when there only remain restless spirits, of which a certain number are always found in numerous assemblies ; consequently it is by no means surprising that from the most en- lightened societies, decisions should emanate that would have disgraced such associations, in case the whole body of members had been present." It was not, therefore, a full meeting of the Sorbonne, and a legal assembly composed of all its doctors, which pronounced this decree against Henry the Third ; but a clandestine and irreguhir 1589. AND HIS COURT. 393 sitting, unattended by the most enlightened and learned among the doctors. By this decree the king was declared to have renounced the throne as a monarch incapable of reigning, and an assassin of the two defenders of the faith and the state, one of whom was invested with the sacred character of priest and cardinal. In consequence of this ridiculous decree, some ignorant and seditious ecclesiastics arrogated to themselves a temporal authority, which sober rea- son has always contended against, even in regard to the popes themselves ; because religion does not empower them to depose kings, and exonerate their subjects from an oath of fidelity. The leaguers, abandoning themselves to every excess, and being headed by Bussy le Clerc, im- prisoned the parliament, and elected a new one. In the course of the evening, however, those not found upon the list of Bussy were set at li- berty ; while others were permitted to remain with their friends, who became their securities. Perefixe states that it was necessary the mem- bers of the parliament should take an oath of allegiance to the League, and that on quitting the Bastille many continued to hold the parliament in Paris ; while the others by degrees went to join the king, who then established their sittings at Tours, at which place they continued to be held until the reduction of Paris in 1594. Those who quitted the capital, no doubt, displayed most fidelity to their monarch ; but such as continued 394 HENRY THE GREAT 1589. ill Paris afterwards rendered him more essential services, as will appear in the sequel. The widow of the duke of Guise, continues our authority, presented a petition to those con- stituting the parliament, who remained at Paris, in order to enquire into facts relative to the death of her husband, and also demanding commission- ers to institute the process against those who should be found culpable. This petition was fa- vourably received by the attorney-general, and the proceedings were carried on to a great length even against the person of Henry the Third ; but, adds Perefixe, I cannot say to what extent, be- cause the leaves of the parliamentary registers were torn out when Henry the Great entered Paris. The rebels, independent of the parliament, equally imprisoned numerous persons of illustri- ous birth, among whom De Thou notices with eulogy Charles Choiseul Praslin. The king's ar- morial bearhigs were broken down by the people, the quarterings trampled under foot, and his pm'- traits and statues mutilated. On the arrival of the duke de Mayenne at Paris, he confirmed the authority of the SLvteen, and sanctioned every thing that had been done. The leaguers and many of the friends of the duke de Mayenne, savs Perefixe, were of opinion that he should as- sume the title of king, with which he was to be invested by the council appointed by the League ; but the duke refused, contenting himself with the rank of lieutenant-general of the state and crown 1589. AND HIS COURT. 395 of France, which he assumed as if the throne had actually been vacant, and the same was confirmed by the parliament on the 13th of March, 1589. The king's seals were broken up and others made, on one side of which appeared the armorial bear- ings of France, and on the reverse an empty throne ; the inscription, consisting of the name and quality of the duke deMayenne, being worded as follows, " Charles duke de MayemWy lieutenant of the state and crown of France.'' Such examples produced an effect on the pro- vinces, and in consequence nearly all the principal cities proved in a state of revolt. Marshal de Ma- tignon, saysBrantome, being at Bourdeaux, learn- ed on a sudden that the populace, assembled in a tumultuous manner, was raising barricadoes ; ** upo)i which he advanced with his guards, in their doublets, sword in hand, with heads bent low, and with so much resolution, that they made the people abandon this netv design, which evaporated in smoke, and thus preserved that city to his sovereign'' The revolt became general, Rouen and many tow^ns of Normandy following the example of Paris ; Lyons and Toulouse did the same ; Mans, Poitiers, Bourges, Aix, Marseilles, Aries, Laon, and Riom, equally proclciimed themselves for the leaguers ; Devins excited his whole province to revolt, and the duke de Mercceur equally suc- ceeded in regard to a portion of Brittany. The king, conceiving himself no longer in safety at Blois, retired to Tours ; soon after which affairs assumed such a desperate aspect that he at length 3136 HENRY THE GREAT 1589. formed the resolution, which he ought previously to have adopted, of uniting himself with the king of Navarre. The duke d'Epernon having return- ed to court, contributed in a great measure to effect this step ; but the individual who exerted herself most efficaciously was Diana, natural sister of Henry the Third, who had been legiti- matized princess of France. This lady had uni- formly entertained a particular affection for the king of Navarre, and in several instances gave timely notice of the snares that were laid to en- trap him. Upon this occasion she usefully em- ployed the ascendancy she possessed over the mind of her brother, and the credit she had obtained with Henry of Navarre, on account of the services formerly rendered him. She established mutual confidence, and dissipated the clouds that tended to prevent a reconciliation; and the conditions entered upon on either side were arranged by the ministers. De Bury, in his Life of Henry the Fourth, says, that to baron de Rosny was confided the charge of this ne- gotiation, who immediately repaired to Saint Maur, where the court resided, when he was presented to Henry the Third by M. de Villeroy. Rosny, in detailing this interview, gives the fol- lowing ludicrous description of the king's appear- ance in his study. He wore his sword at his side, a small hood on his shoulders, a cap on his head, and a basket containing several little dogs suspended round his neck by a riband ; while 1589. AND HIS COURT. 397 speaking he continued in an erect position, and never made the least movement. The stipulations in consequence entered into by the tvi^o monarchs were as follow^s :■ — That there should be a truce between the two kings for one year, to commence from the 3d of April ; that they would unite to carry on war against the duke de Mayenne ; that the king of Navarre, as a surety, should be placed in possession of the city of Saumur, an important passage on the Loire; and a free exercise of the protestant reli- gion for himself and his army, as well as in those places where garrisons of his troops should be placed. This treaty being agreed upon and signed, the king required the lapse of fifteen days before he gave his public acquiescence, under the hope of obtaining from the duke de Mayenne during that delay some conditions that might be found feasi- ble. Henry the Third, says Perefixe, used every endeavour to appease the resentment of the duke, and offered him most advantageous terms ; but what assurance, said the leaguers, can the prince ever be prompted to receive after his brothers have been assassinated in such a manner ? Find- ing, therefore, all attempts at pacification were alike unavailing, the monarch was compelled to have recourse to the prince of Navarre, when on the eve of being invested in the city of Tours by the troops of the League. Henry of Navarre was in consequence summoned to the king's 398 HENRY THE GREAT 1589. assistance, having previously possessed himself of La Garnache, and taken Niort by assault, after a most sanguinary conflict ; on his return from this expedition the prince fell dangerously ill : during the march Duplessis Mornay conducted the forces, and the king having dismounted amused himself with hunting, during which exercise he became heated, and was attacked by a violent pain in the side, accompanied by a raging fever, which obliged him to enter the first house upon his route, being the residence of a gentleman named La Mothe Fr^ion. The king's illness con- tinued to encrease so much that fears were enter- tained for his safety ; when Duplessis Mornay took upon himself the responsibility of causing his master to be bled, which operation saved his life. The monarch was soon re-established, and the first fruits of his convalescence were the capture of Chatelleraut ; when having been given to un- derstand that the leaguers had entered Argenton by means of a secret understanding with the in- habitants of the place, he repaired thither without losing a moment, and gained the tovrn so oppor- tunely as to dislodge the troops of the League before they had received the succours necessary for their subsistence. Nothing now remained but for the two monarchs to have a meeting, in order to concert the plan of operations necessary to be, pursued. With this intention Henry of Navarre took the road to Du Plessis-les-Tours, when he stopped at a mill two leagues distant from the castle ; and calling to mind all the per- 1589. AND HIS COURT. 399 fidious acts and assassinations that had sullied the court to M^hich he was on the eve of deliver- ing himself, the prince demanded of the officers who attended him, what was their opinion in re- gard to the step he was then pursuing. The ideas on this subject were various, but that of Rosny was decidedly in favour of proceeding to the court, adopting all the precautions suggested by prudence on the occasion. He might have added, that the king of Navarre, from his name, his talents, and his reputation, was so essential to Henry the Third at this critical juncture, that it was impossible he should entertain the idea of treason, which, by rendering him an object of execration to the eyes of all Europe, would at the same time deprive him of the means of escaping that abyss into which he had been plunged by his weakness and bad policy. The king of Navarre, after some moments of silence and reflection, turning towards his of- ficers, exclaimed ; " Let us on, the resoliitmi is adopted: we will think no more upon the subject'' The prince, says Perefixe, arrived at Plessis- les-Tours about three o'clock in the evening, habited in his war-accoutrements, very dirty, and much used by the friction of his cuirass ; he alone wearing a cloak, all the rest being in their doublets, ready to buckle on their armour at a moment's notice, in order to prove that they did not present themselves to pay their court, but to proceed to actual service. Henry the Third had advanced some distance 400 HENRY THE GREyVT 1589. into the open country to give the king* of Navarre a meeting; and the universal joy, excited by a union so universallv desired, had collected such a prodigious concourse of people to witness the scene, that the two monarchs were upwards of a quarter of an hour only fifty paces distant from each other without being able to come together. At length, the king of Navarre, rushing through the crowd, ran and threw himself at the king's feet, who immediately raising, embraced him with every mark of the liveliest affection, which was frequently renewed, while the multitude re- doubled their applauses, crying with transports of jo}^ "Long live the khigsP Henry the Third entitled the Prince his brother ; upon which the king of Navarre exclaimed, ** Courage, sire ; tico Henries are worth more than one Carolus :'' al- luding to a coin of the time so called, Charles being the christian name of the duke de May- enne. The two sovereigns continued in close conversation together, being gazed at by the spectators, who were overcome by their feelings. Night approaching, the king of Navarre retired to his quarters ; but, the following morning, ac- companied only by a single page, he waited upon the king before he had risen ; a generous confidence that sensibly touched Henry the Third, and which finally dissipated every latent idea of suspicion. This interview proved so satisfactory to the king of Navarre, that he expressed his gratifi- cation in a letter written to M. Duplessis, which 1589. AND HIS COURT. 401 was couched in the following terms: " The ice is broken, not without numerous hints, that, if I went, my death ivould ensue. I passed the river Loire, re- commending myself to God, who, by his bounty, has not only deigned to preserve me, but caused ej:cessive Joy to manifest itself on the king's countenance ; and in the people, unheard-of applauses of — Long live the king ; wherewith I was marvellous conteiit. A thou- sand singular peculiarities also took place, which might be deemed remarkable^ From this juncture the royalists and Calvi- nists became united as brothers ; they were seen cordially embracing, renewing acquaintance, ac- companied by all the glowing effusions of the heart, execrating the past, throwing the whole blame of those dreadful events upon the persons who no longer existed, and mutually exhorting one another to employ all their forces and means to annihilate the common enemy. These patriotic sentiments infused themselves equally in the minds of the courtiers ; and it was remarked, that the three first who marched succours to the king, were three discarded courtiers ; Souvr6, d'O, and Epernon. The latter had had great mis- understandings with marshal d'Aumont, and Henry the Third was in consequence fearful lest his return should renew their former animosities ; the marshal, however, was the first who advised the monarch to reinstate the duke in his good graces. '^ I obliterate from my mind," said he, "«// thoughts of resodment until your majesty shall have triumphed over all your enemies ; that end accom- VOL. I. 2d 402 HENRY THE GREAT 1589. plished, if the duke desires it, we will terminate our quarrel r This frank conversation having been recapitulated to Epernon by the king himself, the former waited upon the marshal, offered ex- cuses for the past, demanded his friendship, and then tendered his own in return. *' / am per- fectly satisfied^' answered the marshal ; " you offer me your services, and I accept them, and you may in like manner depend upon mine. — Take courage,'" con- tinued he, embracing the duke, " let us fight with all our hearts for the glory of our master and the salvation of the country, whose ruin the wicked have sworn to accomplish. When we shall have restored peace to France, we will then dispute together, but it shall be as to which of the tivo surpasses the other in generosity'' Henry of Navarre left the king for the pur- pose of expediting the march of his army, which he had left on the road, in order to join him as soon as possible. During this short absence, the duke de Mayenne, advancing rapidly with his army, arrived before Tours. The king, who hap- pened to be taking the air with few attendants, was upon the point of being captured, an event related in the following manner by De Bury : — *' It is stated, that some persons of the court who favoured the cause of the duke de Mayenne, had engaged the monarch to take an airing on that side of Tours where an ambuscade was stationed to surprise him. The king, in his way, entered a 'narrow path, at the termination of which the enemy's cavalry was concealed, when he hap- J589. ■ AND HIS cauiiT. 403 pened to encounter a miller, who ran to the mo- narch, exclaiming ; * Sire, where are you going ? the enemies are in the environs ; I have just seen them; retire as fast as possible.' On the instant some cavalry troops made their appearance, when the king, turning his horse, fled with precipitation, and gained the city of Tours in safety. Upon this, and many other occasions, it is said, that Henry the Third issued his orders with great presence of mind, and that in the encounters he often charged the enemy in per- son. As the army of the duke de Mayenne now began to invest Tours, couriers were despatched to the king of Navarre, desiring him to expedite the march of his forces. The duke de Mayenne attacked, and got possession of the suburb, not- withstanding the vigorous and obstinate defence of Crillon and de Rubempr6. The king of Na- varre, however, whose activity nothing could surpass, arrived in time to rescue the king and save the city. As soon as the enemy perceived his foremost guard, the duke de Mayenne retired. Henry of Navarre highly extolled the king's con- duct, who displayed great personal courage on this occasion. The important service which the king of Navarre had thus rendered his majesty, caused him to be looked upon in the light of the deliverer of Henry the Third, and the city of Tours. The monarch acknowledged his gra- titude to Henry of Navarre in the most affec- tionate terms, and also gave him a most signal , proof, by adopting the white scarf, worn by the 2 D 2 404 HENRY THE GREAT 1589. king- of Navarre, which was equally made the decoration of all his officers. Some catholics murmured at this, but marshal d'Aumont, Crillon, Montigny, and numerous others, ap- proved the act, and publicly stated, that the king could not caress too much, or heap too many honours upon a chief and his followers who had displayed such praiseworthy activity and zeal in marching to his succour. The duke de Mayenne retired into Normandy ; when the two monarchs resolved, in order to force him to quit that province, that troops should be collected and marched in the direction for Paris, with intent to besiege that city, hoping to succeed by rendering themselves masters of the towns that supplied the capital with provisions, the populace of which still continued furious against the king and firm adherents of the League. In the extravagant writings that were disseminated through Paris, the leaguers affirmed that the king offered up his devotion to Fauns, because the sculptures of those animals were found in the ornaments of some antique chandeliers that de- corated the royal chapel. Masses were per- formed for the forces sent against the king, ac- companied by prayers, well deserving the epi- thet of imprecations against his person ; and among others, we find ihe following was a col- lect used upon that occasion: — Deus ultor impie- tatis et spo7isvas received like a crowned head. The king of Spain, says Sully, was only a false partisan of the duke de Mayenne and the League, whose real intention merely was to pro- long the troubles in France, in order to invade some of the provinces : and on this account, add Perefixe, Mezeray, and De Thou, that monarch during the civil commotions only afforded May- enne sufficient succours to feed the flame of dis- cord, and prevent it from being smothered. The duke of Savoy, in like manner, acted solely from personal motives, having but one object in view, namely, to appropriate to himself some wrecks of devastated France ;, for, having already appropriated to himself the marquisate of Saluces, he entertained hopes of adding Lan- guedoc and Provence; but Lesdiguieres put a stop to these princely spoliations. The emperor interfered but little in the trou- bles of France : however, in many instances it became manifest, that such moderation was only the result of the distance that separated his states from those of France, and that he was in reality faithful to the plan pursued by the house of 1589. AND HIS COURT. 4GI Austria, which consisted in profiting by every occasion to promote its own aggrandizement at the expense of the other powers of Europe. Elizabeth of England, sworn enemy of the Spanish monarch, was united to Henry the Fourth from interests common to both, as well as by inclination. Her penetrating genius fore- saw the high destinies of the hero, whose conduct and character she well knew how to appreciate. From Elizabeth Henry received supplies of men and money ; and she united with him in support of the revolters in the United Provinces, in order that Philip the Second should be less capaci- tated to yield assistance to the League. With respect to the Italian princes, the dukes of Florence and Mantua, they united with the Ve- netians in support of Henry the Fourth. Venice forwarded him considerable sums ; and the duke of Florence had also the liberality to advance three hundred thousand francs to Henry at a period when he was in very great distress. The sentiments of the French provinces were even more diversified in regard to the king than those of the foreign powers. Part of 'the clergy advocated the cause of the League ; nearly all the first nobility had declared for the king ; while the people in the cities and throughout the country followed the impulse given them by the magis- trates and governors. Of the eight parliaments that existed in the kingdom, not one had alto- gether declared for his majesty. One half of that of Paris, — which, faithful to the monarch. 462 HENRY THE GUEAT 1589. had retired to Tours, as previously stated, — dis- tributed justice, and annulled the edicts publish- ed by the rebellious moiety, which held its sittings in the capital ; among whom, however, some royalists remained, who had not been able to effect their escape, and secretly served the king, though unable to espouse his cause openly. Others, who, possessing uprightness and probity, had engaged in the League, repented in their souls, and only awaited a favourable opportunity to return to their duty ; among which number may be enumerated Brissac, Villeroy, and the sage president Jeannin ; for, during the reign of faction, a flagrant error may accompany a great fund of wisdom. The duke de Mercceur, brother of queen Louisa, widow of Henry the Third, was master of the major part of Brittany ; Normandy and Picardy were divided between the royal party and that of the League; the principal towns of Cham- pagne, with the exception of Langres and Cha- lons, were in the power of the rebels ; the whole of Burgundy was at the disposal of the duke de Mayenne ; in Maine and Berri the troops fought with equal advantage on either side ; and Au- vergne was governed by count de Randan, in be- half of the League. Limoges and Limousin had declared for the king ; and Matignon, if he did not govern Bordeaux and Guyenne in behalf of the monarch, at least maintained them in a state of pacific neutrality. Provence was particularly agitated ; the greater part of the nobility having abandoned the rightful 1589. AND HIS COURT.. 463 cause, which nevertheless preserved many parti- sans, while the war was carried on with the greatest animosity. Dauphiny was no less a prey to commotions, being torn by three factions : the Huguenots, under the command of Lesdiguieres ; the royal- ist catholics, headed by Ornano ; and the leaguers, who had for chief Obligny. The two former united in behalf of the king, and ultimately pre- served the province, by expelling the rebels and preventing the duke of Savoy from molesting that territory. Such was the state of France and the major part of Europe at the commencement of 1590. This faithful picture conveys a more forcible idea of the heroic qualities and talents of Henry the Great, than all the panegyrics that might be written upon that monarch; who was enabled to triumph over so many obstacles, intrigues, animosities, and such persevering obstinacy ; that prince who, with arms in his hand, dispensed around, even while combating, the seeds of be- nevolence, concord, and love ; and who, when conquering successively the different provinces, acquired at the same time an empire over the hearts of all. The duke de Mayenne, who fomented against his legitimate sovereign so many difficulties and disagreeables, was in a much more perilous situ- ation, because he was not repaid by glory for the disquietudes that tormented his life, while the reproaches of his conscience must have augment- 464 HF.XllV THE GUEAT 1590. ed the chagrin occasioned by his reverses, and embittered his transient successes. He possessed talents for war ; his idleness was merely physi- cal : his mind was neither deficient in activity or extent ; though less brilliant than that of his bro- ther the last duke of Guise, it was far more solid. He possessed all the prudence requisite for great catastrophes ; and he had neither the audacity nor the enthusiasm which uniformly subjugate the public, and frequently decide the fate of events. Though entertaining the gigantic project of as- cending the throne, his ambition was by no means of an exalted nature ; he manifested a predilection for calculating, and the most un- shaken sang-fj'oid in enterprises of an extraordi- nary nature, which he merely followed up as chances that were possible, and therefore to be attempted, at the same time preparing great re- sources in case those brilliant expectations should be unattended by success. Never before were such vast ideas conceived by a genius possessing so little ardour ; nor were such complicated in- trigues ever conducted with the same calmness and dexterity. He adroitly eluded the proposals of the Spanish agents, whose wish it was that their monarch might be named protector of France, giving for answer that the pope would feel offended if any other than the vicar of Christ should assume a title, which, in such case, would really be that of protector of the catholic religion : the consequence was, that Spain did not dare insist. It is also said that the duke 1590. AND HIS COURT. 465 found means to unite with the Slvteen persons de- voted to the house of Guise, which association was entitled the Council of Forty ; but men who are associated in a body very rarely preserve those principles which actuated them previous to their alliance. Mayenne, in consequence, did not find in the Forty that docility upon which he had cal- culated ; and aware that he was not master of their deliberations, he boldly broke up the council ; having recourse, however, to his accustomed pru- dence when displaying this act of authority. For this purpose he selected the moment when, upon the eve of setting forward upon an expedi- tion, Paris was full of troops. He convened the Forty ; informed them that cardinal de Bourbon being king, and himself lieutenant-general of the kingdom, he felt himself bowed down by the weight of affairs ; that on quitting Paris to take the command of the army, he was desirous that his council should accompany him ; and that by the royal authority confided to his charge, he was going to nominate a more numerous body, and dismiss that of the Forty, which was no longer of any utility. This declaration proved a thunder- clap to the council of Sivteen; but the duke had taken his measures with so much precaution that there was nothing left but submission, and May- enne, in consequence, formed a new council. The archbishop of Lyons, who obtained his ransom from the imprisonment to which he had been subjected by Henry the Third for fifteen thousand crowns, was appointed keeper of the VOL. I. 2 H 466 HKNKY THE GRKAT 1590. seals ; the duke also named four secretaries of state, and, in short, became sole arbiter of the royal authority; when he proceeded to put himself in a posture for continuing the war. The army of the League marched in order to lay siege to Meulan ; at which period the king was occupied in retaking several cities, and among the rest, Falaise. He summoned count de Brissac, who was the governor, to surrender that place ; but Brissac, relying on the strength of the fortifica- tions, reolied that he had made an oath not to listen to any capitulation during six months. The king to this returned for answer, that he had taken an imprudent oath, that he undertook to absolve it, and would change the six months into that number of days. This actually took place ; for the discharges of artillery having undermined two towers, the sol- diers mounted to the assault, the city was forced and sacked ; when Brissac, who had shut himself up in the citadel, surrendered a prisoner. After this exploit Henry proceeded to succour the town of Meulan, which from his position be- came a place of importance. He entered the forest, where, being anxious to reconnoitre the enemy's army, he ascended with Rosny and some other officers into the belfry of the church of Saint Nicaize ; when having nearly attained the last steps, a bullet passed between his legs which battered the steps so much that the king and his companions were obliged to descend with the 1590. AND HIS COURT, 467 help of a rope. Henry soon after compelled the enemy to raise the siege of the town. The League was, however, consoled by a sig- nal success which soon after crowned their efforts, in taking possession of the city of Rouen ; while Henry was occupied with the siege of Dreux in the bishopric of Evreux. Scarcely, however, had he commenced operations when he learned that the duke de Mayenne, with a rein- forcement of Spanish troops, was marching to the assistance of that place : the king in conse- quence abandoned Dreux, and immediately after summoning the principal officers of his army, he thus addressed them : " Mij brave companions^ it is requisite that we should blot out the disgrace of rais- ing a siege by gaining a battle : with such courageous men as yourselves^ I do not doubt but ive shall obtain a signal and brilliant victory : it is unnecessary for me to say more ; march on to the enemy :'' when the royal forces immediately proceeded to Nonan- court. At this town Henry arranged all the plan of the battle, which he laid before his officers, who found it so perfect that they unanimously agreed no alteration was requisite : it was merely noticed that in all the dispositions laid down no precautions were taken, should a retreat become necessary in case of any unfortunate resulti " No retreat,"' exclaimed the king, *' no retreat ^ but the Jie Id of battle r Henry then directed his officers to marshal their troops and cause them to advance in the order he had prescribed, that they might be ready to fight as soon as occasion 2h2 468 HENllY THE GREAT 1590. should present itself: he confided a copy of his plan to baron de Biron, who was to act in the capacity of marshal-general of the camp ; and to Dominic de Vic, otherwise called captain Sared, he appointed the post of camp-master, charged with the duty of serjeant of the battle. The latter officer, though having a wooden leg, was not less active, and was acknowledged one of the bravest commanders in Henry's army. The two forces encountered in the plains of Ivry, near Dreux ; that of the king amounting to eight thousand infantry and two thousand ca- valry. Towards the middle of the battle, how- ever, he was joined by the duke de Humieres, accompanied by three hundred gentlemen : the ordnance consisted of four pieces of cannon and two culverins. The army of the duke de Mayenne amounted to thirteen thousand foot and four thousand horse, having also four pieces of artillery. The duke, fully aware of the bravery of the royalist troops, and the great resources that were found in Henry's genius, was not willing to risk the battle; but the reproaches of his generals and the Parisians, the pressing representations of the Spanish junta, the shame of having lost more than eighty towns in six months, at length urged him to determine on the conflict ; at the same time taking every necessary step to ensure a retreat should ill-fortune await the termina- tion of the struggle ; and in particular, ordering every thing to be prepared to break down several 1590. AND HIS GOUllT. 469 bridges across the Seine ; which precaution, in reality, proved his preservation. Count d'Eg- mont, who commanded thirteen hundred Spa- nish lancers in the army of the League, greatly contributed in deciding Mayenne to risk this battle. Youthful, brave, and presumptuous, he supported his arguments with peculiar vehe- mence, and prevailed ; which was, in his esti- mation, the same as gaining the victory, having prided himself that his squadron alone would suffice to defeat the royal army. On quitting the last council held upon this subject, D'Eg- mont exclaimed with transport, " Battle, battle T and in one hour afterwards he passed the river d'Eure, over the bridge of Ivry, at the head of the Spaniards and the French. This young count was the son of Lamoral d'Egmont, who was beheaded at Brussels with prince Horn. It is reported, that the person who harangued him on his arrival at Paris, hav- ing, in the course of his speech, pronounced some panegyrics on the memory of Lamoral, his father, the count interrupted him, saying, '* Do not speak of him ; he deserved death, for he was a rebel :" a remark the more misplaced, as the count was at that very juncture advocating the cause of rebellion against his lawful monarch. i On the 13th of March, 1590, the two armies were in presence of each other ; but night com- ing on, the combat was postponed until the en- suing day. At an early hour in the morning, Henry issued his commands for the order of 470 HEMIY THE GREAT 1590. battle ; and he signalized the commencement of this portentous affair by an equitable and ge- nerous action. Colonel Thische, otherwise named Schomberg, who commanded the Ger- man troops, had, some days before, demanded the arrears of pay due to his men ; which the king being unable to liquidate, made the fol- lowing hasty reply : *' A man of courage never yet required money on the eve of a battle" This offensive remark came to Henry's mind at the moment previous to the conflict ; when, approach- ing the German commander, in presence of the whole army, he expressed himself in the follow- ing terms, and in an elevated tone of voice : ** M. de Schomberg, I have offended you: this may perhaps prove the last day of my CMstence ; I am un- willing that any imputation upon my part should at- tach itself to the honour of a gentleman : I well know your courage and worth, and I beg that you ivill par- don and embrace me.'" — ** Sire" answered Schom- berg, " it is true your majesty wounded me the other day ; and at the present time you kill me, since the honour now conferred obliges me to die in your service upon the present occasion." This courageous of- ficer too fatally performed his promise, being numbered with the slain, while valiantly fighting at the side of the king. The trumpets had already sounded, and the din of arms commenced. Henry, mounted upon his war-charger, advanced at the head of the troops ; when, clasping his hands, and elevating his eyes to Heaven, he uttered these ejacula- 1590. AND HIS COURT. 471 tions : ** Lord, thou knowest my thoughts, and thou divest into the recesses of my heart. If it be for the advantage of my people that I should possess the crowriy favour my cause, and protect my arms ; but if I am doomed to be one of those monarchs whom thou dispensest in thine ire, take from me my life ivith my ci^own : let my death deliver France from the calamities of war, and may my blood be the last that is shed in this quarrel /" As the king termi- nated these affecting words, one universal shout of '* Long live the king T rang throughout the army : when the prince, turning towards his troops, said : ** My friends, ye are Frenchmen, I f am your king : yonder is the enemy ; the more nu- merous, the greater will be our glory : if you this day labour for my fortune, 1 do the same for you. It is my desire to conquer or to die with ye: keep your ranks close; if the heat of battle should carry you away, call to mind the necessity of rallying — it is to gain the battle. It will take place between those three trees you behold yonder, (they were three pear- trees;) and if you miss your standards, do not lose sight of my white plume of feathers ; you will always behold it ivaving in the path of honour.'' As the king concluded, he received his helmet, surmount- ed by three white feathers, and gave the signal for combat, taking the command of the right wing of the army, while the left was led on by mar- shal d'Aumont. The principal shock was be- tween the cavalry forces ; being on either side composed for the most part of private gentlemen. They continued for a length of time mingled to- 472 HENRY THE GREAT 1590. gether, so that it was impossible to ascertain which side had the advantage ; and, during a short period, the troops conceived that the king had been killed or taken, while the enemy shouted aloud, " Victory T The supposition of Henry's death, says Ma- thieu, originated in the appearance of the mar- quis de Nesle, accoutred that day like the king ; who, being environed by his enemies, received several wounds, of which he died. The royalists, discouraged, began to waver, when, on a sudden, Henry made his appearance, and proceeding at full speed towards his dis- pirited soldiers, cried aloud, " Twm your faces, ill order that, if ye will not Jight, ye may at least behold me dieT This appeal, seconded by the king's majestic look, produced an instantaneous effect ; the soldiers rallied, and followed their monarch with renewed ardour, who rushed into the thickest of the enemy's squadrons, crying out, " We must now play the game of pistols T immedi- ately after which he killed with his own hand the squire of count d'Egmont ; that nobleman having led on his Spanish forces, and conducted a tre- mendous charge on the royal squadron without being able to make any impression ; during which the young count was killed by a pistol-ball, dis- charged by one Fouslebon, which blew his head in pieces. For some time all traces of the king were again lost, Henry having precipitated himself where danger threatened most ; upon which oc- 1590. AND HIS COURT. 473 casion he was environed by twelve or thirteen gentlemen of the adverse party. In this exi- gency he evinced a courage almost superhuman ; no barrier could resist his quick and well-directed blows : and in this manner he kept his adver- saries at bay until some of his own forces came up to his rescue. The leaguers then began to fall back, and speedily breaking their ranks, the rout became general ; while Henry, during the dreadful carnage, was frequently heard to cry, *' Spare the French, but strike at the foreigners /" In the Henriade of Voltaire, he asserts, that the victory of Ivry was due to Henry's superi- ority of knowledge and personal intrepidity; but he allows at the same time that Mayenne per- formed all the duties of a great general : his only crime, says that writer, consisted in the cause he had undertaken to support. One body of Swiss remained upon the field of battle, refusing to surrender ; upon which mar- shal Biron ordered up the cannon ; but Henry, recollecting the proofs of affection which that nation had shewn on his coming to the throne, wished to testify his gratitude by preserving the battalion ; and in consequence despatched a trumpeter, offering them good quarters , which the Switzers accepted ; who, having laid down their arms, consented to enter into his service. The king communicated this intelligence to Sil- lery, his ambassador in Switzerland, in order that he might announce it to the Cantons, who re- turned their thanks ; and by that means, says 474 HEiVllY THE GREAT 1590. Perefixe, Henry also gained the affection of the five small catholic cantons. The king went in pursuit of the fugitives, of whom as many were sacrificed as had been pre- viously killed in the heat of battle ; the victori- ous army driving the leaguers several miles be- fore them, securing all the standards, and taking an immense number of prisoners. Henry during the whole of this rout was occupied in rescuing the French from the rage of the soldiery : he saved many from their hands in person, became himself their guard, and consoled the captured officers by the most soothing expressions. On the field of battle and among the enemy nothing reigned but terror and confusion ; the prince resembled a kind father seeking his strayed chil- dren, and exposing himself in order to preserve them. It was thus Henry avenged himself for the massacre of Saint Bartholomew ; and cer- tainly no better method could have been adopted, as the heroism and philanthropy of his conduct aggravated the horrors of that appalling recol- lection. Henry, afterwards visiting the field of battle, recognized among the slain the body of count d'Egmont covered with blood and dust, which excited in his breast sentiments of pity ; when it was remarked to the king that such a death was too glorious for a nobleman who had wielded arms in favour of the assassins of the de- funct monarch, his relation; and commanded Spa- niards, the murderers of his own father, whose 1590. AND HIS COUUT. 475 memory he had dishonoured by a cowardly am- bition. Henry then casting his eyes upon the scattered bodies of the Spanish troops, remark- ed to his companions, smiling, " Well! methinks the king of Spain must now recognize me as monarch of France; for I have given him a good proof that I am suchy by thus cujing of the king's-evil so many of his subjectd /" Among the gentlemen slain in the king's army was Francis de Pas, one of his best officers, who fell before the monarch's eyes. The prince, afflicted on witnessing the fatal end of one whom he had long regarded as a brave and faith- ful adherent, cried out, ** Ventre saint-gris T (Henry's usual oath, which it is impossible to An- glicise,) " I am truly ajflicted: are there no more of the family?'' Upon which being informed that his widow was alive and pregnant, '* Well, then,'' cried the king, ** / hereby settle upon the burthen she bears, the pension formerly enjoyed by her gallant husband." The duke of Mayenne fled by the road of Ivry, where he passed the Eure ; the bridge of which place he immediately caused to be broken down, and then sought refuge at Mantes ; where the in- habitants would not consent to admit him until he had assured them that the king was killed, and that the advantage had been equal on either side. The victory was complete, the cannon, bag- gage, and all the stands of colours falling into the hands of the victors. Of the whole array, which, combined, amounted to about seventeen 476 HENKY TUh. 4; RE AT .1590. thousand men, one quarter escaped ; the residue being- either killed or made prisoners. Henry only lost five hundred men ; among whom the personages of note were Clermont d'Entrague, captain of his guards, killed at his side ; Longou- ray, a gentleman of Normandy, aged seventy- two ; De Crenay, cornet of the duke de Mont- pensier ; and Feuquieres. All the officers upon this occasion displayed their accustomed valour : marshals Biron and d'Aumont particularly sig- nalised themselves, and contributed to the fortu- nate termination of the combat ; the former, not by presenting himself in every direction like the king, but giving necessary orders as occasion re- quired ; upon which account that nobleman, re- ferring to Henry's conduct, said, '* Sire, you have this day performed the duty of marshal Biroti, while marshal Biron has done that which it behoved the king to accomplish.'" This remonstrance, says Perefixe, was approved by all present ; while the principal commanders took the liberty of suppli- cating his majesty that he would not again expose his person in a similar manner ; to consider that the Almighty had not destined him to be a simple carabineer, but king of France ; that every arm should be raised to combat in his defence ; but that they would all become impotent if de- prived of the head that set them in motion. It is not to be denied that the only reproach which could be made to the monarch was too great an exposure of his person at Ivry ; but in such a situation this example, tending to make 1590. AND HIS COURT. 477 every soldier a hero, was perhaps necessary. Henry being asked what name he would give to the battle ? returned for answer, ** It is the battle of the Almighty, for to him alone is the glory due /" The darkness of night, and the impossibility of effecting a prompt passage across the river, owing to the bridges having been destroyed by order of Mayenne, prevented the king from fol- lowing the duke, and obliged him to halt at the castle of Rosny, one league from Mantes. As his commanders arrived, the monarch rose, and advancing, embraced them, shaking their hands and causing them to take their seats at the table ; and on receiving marshal d'Aumont, when in- viting him to supper, he said, " It is but just that you should partake of the feast, because you officiated so well at the nuptials."' We learn from Perefixe that the loss of the battle of Ivry produced such consternation in Paris, that had the king marched direct upon the capital, there is no doubt but he would have been received with little opposition. Some stated that marshal Biron prevented Henry from following this plan, fearful lest, after that, the king having no longer occasion for his services, he should be de- prived of the royal favour. Others have conjectur- ed that Henry's ministers and Huguenot captains dissuaded the monarch, apprehending that he might come to an accommodation with the Pari- sians on the subject of religion, and consequently advised him rather to starve the city out. This 478 HENRY THK GREAT 1590, opinion was forcibly supported by the superin- tendant d'O, that officer advocating the measure in order that Paris might be treated as a conquered place ; when all the treasures would fall into their hands, and the rental of the Hotel de Ville be suppressed, by reducing to a state of bank- ruptcy the wealthy body of the citizens in anni- hilating the debts of the late king, which were immense. The king had thrown aside the sword used du- ring the battle on his entrance into the apartment ; and when he arose from the repast, it was pre- sented to him. That terrible weapon, under which so many gallant warriors had fallen, was reeking with blood, and hacked like a saw ; Henry turned away his eyes with an expression of horror, and shuddered on recollecting the dire excesses to which war subjects the minds of the most humane of mankind, and on the following day sent to offer terms of peace to his enemies ; who were as yet far from willing to accept them on equitable conditions. At the battle of Ivry many distinguished of- ficers were wounded : baron de Biron, son of the marshal; the marquis de Presle; count de Choisy; the brothers d'O; Monslouet; La Vergne; count de Lude; and baron de Rosny. The latter, according to custom, was engaged in the royal squadron, and had two horses killed under him. After receiving some very se- rious wounds he fainted away, without being con- scious of the result of the battle : and on reviv- 1590. AND HIS COURT. 479 ing, found himself stretched upon the ground, without his helmet, and nearly stripped of his armour, the whole having been hewn in pieces ; when, gazing around, he beheld near him neither attendants, enemies, nor troops, but dead bodies; so that he conceived the battle had been lost. The king was at this period in pursuit of the enemy's routed fugitives. Rosny arose, being scarcely able to support himself; and in this state beheld approaching him one of the ene- my's horsemen, who, though wounded and badly mounted, appeared anxious to deprive him of life. Fortunately, Rosny chanced to be near a pear- tree, the branches of which hung very low ; and thither he dragged his limbs ; when, by turning round it, and forming a barrier of its branches, he avoided the blows of the soldier ; but, after a few minutes, the sound of a horse approaching at full gallop being heard, he took to flight. The individual who thus timely made his appearance was a servant in the suite of the royal army, mounted on a wretched little horse ; which Rosny, who uniformly provided himself with money on going into action, purchased at a price ten times more than its value. This man could give him no satisfactory intelligence respecting the fate of the day ; when Rosny, still feeling a conviction that ill fortune had attended the arms of the king, mounted the animal, and began to proceed, unconscious of the route he ought to pursue, and continued to advance at a mere hazard ; on a sudden, however, he descried seven 480 HENllY THE GUEAT 1590. of the enemy making towards him, one of them bearing the white standard of the duke de May- enne ; upon which he deemed an escape utterly impossible. The enemies immediately cried out, '* Qui vive?'' when Rosny made known his rank : but as he was on the point of surrender- iug, what was his astonishment to find that, in- stead of being attacked, four of the strangers humbly approached him, requesting he would receive them as his prisoners. It appeared so extraordinary to Rosny, that four officers, free from wounds, completely armed, and well mounted, should surrender themselves to a man without any weapon, and covered with blood and scars, that he remained motionless, without being able to reply : he, however, speedily became ac- quainted with facts, when these captives volun- tarily made themselves known ; being no other than La Chataigneraye, Sigogne, Chanteloup, and D'Aufreville, who informed him that the duke de Mayenne had lost the battle, and that Henry was pursuing the remains of his routed army. Sigogne, after this recital, as a token of their surrender, delivered up the white standard to Rosny, who, in the exhausted state he then was, could with infinite difficulty support its weight. The three others of the troop, consisting of the duke de la Trimouille, the knight d'Aumale, and Tremont, did not speak of surrendering: they, however, recommended their four comrades to Rosny; when, beholding a body of the victorious forces coming up, they set spurs to their steeds, and galloped off at full speed. Rosny then ad- 1590. AND HIS COURT. 481 vanced towards the battalion of royalists, and meeting one of the king's pages, delivered into his hands the flag, which he was no longer capable of bearing. After experiencing many other adventures, this trusty friend and brave supporter of his king, was carried to a dwelling, where his wounds were examined and dressed ; after which he was transported to the river on a litter, and from thence conveyed by water to his castle at Rosny, whither Henry had repaired ; to whom the former expedited, by means of a cou- rier, an account of all that had befallen him. When within a short distance of the castle, Rosny per- ceived the plain covered with horses and dogs, and the person of the monarch himself, who had just returned from hunting, The king, instantly alighting, ran to the litter, and, in sight of all his attendants, embraced his friend with every demonstration of the most tender affection. Well aware that Rosny, independent of his dangerous wounds, had been trampled under the horses' hoofs, he testified towards him the greatest dis- quietude ; but when he ascertained from the sur- geon that he would neither be mutilated nor lamed, Henry threw his arms round his neck, and turning to those who were present, ex- claimed in a loud voice, " That he gave him the title of a true and loyal knight ;' ^^ a title,''' added the king, •' which I conceive far superior to that of a knight of my order." '* Not being able,'' says Sully, '* to throw myself at his feet, and testify my grati- tude, I only assured him that I was ready to endurx VOL. I. 2 I 482 HENRY THE GREAT 1590. ten times as much in his service. He was fearful of e.vposing me to converse too much, and concluded this intervieiv with his accustomed "protestation, that 1 should participate in all the bounties Heaven might bestow upon him; and without giving me an oppor- tunity of replifing, left me, adding these ivords, Adieu,t my friend ; take care of yourself, and i^est assured that you possess a good master J" The result of the battle of Ivry was the prompt surrender of Mantes and Vernon, which made Henry master of all the bridges on the Seine between Paris and llouen. On the day when the king proved victori- ous at Ivry, his party was also successful at Issoire in Auvergne, where John Louis de la Rochefoucauld, count de Random, commanded in behalf of the League. However, it appears as if fortune, in according these successes to the prince, which might have sufficed to put him in possession of many thrones, took delight at the same time in creating difficulties, and raising ob- stacles, which left him after his victories nothing but the glory of having conquered. Henry, in proposing peace, acted with sin- cerity, according to his uniform practice ; and upon this subjecl; conferences were held at Noisy, by which, however, Mayenne's only object was the gaining time in order to retard the king's pro- gress. Henry, although incapable of deception himself, nevertheless possessed infinite penetra- tion in discovering intended bad faith in another ; so that, while the enemy souoht to amuse him. 1590. AXD HIS COUIIT. 485 he prepared every thing for the blockade of Paris. Nothing- remarkable occurred at the confer- ence of Noisy, except a joke played off by Anne d'Anglure, better known by the name of Givri. Being a brave and most experienced officer, Gaetan, the pope's legate, employed every artifice in order to wean him from the royal party. Finding, however, that his endeavours were unsuccessful, he requested that Givri would at least ask pardon of the pope for the past, in the person of his representative. Givri, assuming a devout air, prostrated himself at the feet of the prelate, craving pardon for the evils committed against the Parisians, and demanding a general absolution ; when the cardinal, perfectly satis- fied, acceded to his wishes. Givri, still con- tinuing on his knees, then added, ** Frai/ give me absolution also for what is still to happen, be- cause 1 feel fully disposed to do them as much iti- jury in future i"" he then arose, and instantly re- tired from the assembly. Although this joke created a laugh ; nevertheless, on account of the legate, the spectators, and even the royalists themselves, felt mortified, and offered excuses, after which the interview terminated as it had begun, with expressions of politeness on either side. ■ About this time, which was the month of May, died cardinal de Bourbon, an event that caused the leaguers very great embarrassment. Until that juncture every thing had been transacted in 2 I 2 484 HENRY THK GREAT 1590. the name of Charles the Tenth ; and a coin was struck, of which specimens are still preserved in the collections of the curious, bearing for inscrip- tion Carolus X. D. G. Francorum Rei\ It was con- sequently necessary to decide under what stand- ard the League should in future carry on the war. The absence of the duke de Mayenne and the impe- diments occasioned by the siege of Paris, caused these deliberations to be postponed to a future opportunity. It has been asserted that if Henry had marched forward, and encamped before the walls of Paris immediately after the affair of Ivry, that city, completely paralyzed, would have thrown open its gates : a supposition by no means improbable. But when we call to mind the situ- ation in which the king was then placed, it is impossible to reproach him. After that signal victory a general meeting took place in his army ; for the warriors, proud of their martial exploits, became emboldened by those triumphs that were the result ofHenry's talents and intrepidity. Inde- pendent of this the troops were in want of money, which created universal murmurings ; the Swiss, in particular, peremptorily declared that they would not advance another step until they were paid what was owing to them. The king, there- fore, without money, or the means of procuring a supply, proceeded to Mantes, in order to draw an advance from the subintendant of the finances. Henry, however, found nothing but unwilling- ness. During this period of difficulty, when the royal treasures became a prey to the first occu- 1590. AND Ills couuT. 485 pant, it was almost impossible to procure any regular account, as the royal revenues scarcely sufficed to feed the cupidity of the financiers, who were solely occupied in one study, that of falsifying their accounts in such a manner as ab- solutely to confuse every point, and at the same time remove all responsibility from themselves. Notwithstanding this, Henry discovered such gross frauds that he ultimately procured the re- stitution of many sums, which relieved him from his most urgent embarrassments. It was at this period, when, conversing with Rosny on his actual situation, he remarked that he had until that pe- riod been so infamously served in his affairs, that he had never been able to adopt any fixed plan ; to which he added the following remark, con- taining so much sterling good sense: "/ have frequent ly indulged desires, but I have never yet wit- nessed the season luheri I might form designs^ In fact, every success Henry obtained became the source of new divisions in his army between the catholics and the Calvinists. If a town was sur- rendered, the leaders of both parties equally sought to obtain its government; it could of course only fall to the lot of one, which gave oc- casion far murmurings with all the rest. It gene- rally happened that in case the catholic faction did not predominate, the consequence was a deser- tion of many, who, from spite, went over to the party of the League. It was this consideration that prompted the king to favour the catholics rather more than the reformers, which awakened 486 IIKNRY THE (JKEAT 1590. the indignation of the Calvinists, who accused the monarch of injustice and ingratitude ; while they would sometimes go so far as to quit the king in a rage, proceed to their castles, and there abandon themselves to those humours which caused a failure in operations of the highest im- portance. It must be allowed that, uniformly recalled by honour, and the attachment which it was impossible not to feel for the best and the greatest of princes, they ultimately returned to their duty ; but their discontent always proved prejudicial to those affairs and military opera- tions, which required the greatest promptitude. Even Rosny, the faithful friend Rosny, while ex- pressing his heartfelt regret, accuses himself in his Memoirs of not having always been exempt from this weakness, so prejudicial to the service of the master he adored. After the battle of Ivry he was desirous of being appointed to the government of Mantes, which Henry designed for a catholic, and actually gave to Rosny's younger brother. Notwithstanding this delicate attention, Rosny confesses he was so irritated at the personal refusal, that under pretext of his wounds, which certainly incapacitated him from serving at that period, he requested the mo- narch's permission to retire to his estates, and left him with a determination of never returning to the court. It is true, however, says our author, that upon the first news of the siege of Paris, brought back by his invincible inclination for the king, he immediately returned, though supported 1590. AND HIS COUKT. 487 on crutches and wearing one arm in a sling, which, continues our authority, did not prevent him from mounting on horseback and following the king. It was amidst these storms, incessantly- fomented, that Henry with ability, courage, and constancy, which can never be too much admired, slowly advanced, by multiplying his victories, to acquire a throne, which he would have attained with ease in a few months had he been uniformly well seconded by those of his party. The king, having resolved to lay siege to Paris, marched at the head of his forces : becoming master of Dreux, and then proceeding to Lens, of which town, from news forwarded, he con- ceived he should soon be in possession ; but find- ing himself deceived, he advanced direct upon the capital, taking all the small towns that oc- curred on his route. On arriving at Paris, Henry took possession of the suburbs ; and there is no doubt, that, if he had followed up the attacks briskly, the city would have soon been carried. The natural goodness, however, of his heart pre- vailed, and he preferred a blockade, fearing, that in case of an assault his protestant followers would have renewed all the horrors of the mas- sacre of Saint Bartholomew. The duke de May- enne, who had proceeded to gain the assistance of the prince of Parma, was then absent from Paris, of which the duke de Nemours was left governor, to whom Henry wrote, requiring him to surren- der ; concluding his temperate and kind letter in these words : — 488 hilNiiy the (iUEAT 1590. ** I beg of you to remember the past ; to direct your attention to what may hajj^en, and to recognize me for that which I ought to be — your king and good friend. Hexiu." This communication was productive of no bene- ficial effect; but cardinal de Gondi, bishop of Paris, who was really desirous of peace, proposed to become the mediator. The chiefs of the League acquiesced, merely with a hope of delaying the king's operations ; for, expecting the duke of Parma, they were resolved to persist in the re- bellion. At one of these conferences the king attended in person ; displaying affability of man- ners, and the most liberal conduct ; and, in- stead of evincing the resentment of a monarch so often victorious and justly irritated, showed all the tenderness of an indulgent father. Being surrounded by his nobility, and some one having remarked that so great a crowd might incom- mode him, Henry made answer, *' I am pressed in a very different manner on the day of battle."" The bad faith of the chiefs of the League caused the failure of all these conferences. Cardinal Gondi discovered this duplicity ; and was so indignant, that he immediately laid the truth before the king, informing him at the same time, that he should retire from Paris, and never reenter the city but with his majesty; when, without loss of time, he immediately repaired to his residence at Noisy. A great number of French bishops, says Mezeray, and all the ecclesiastics who were enlightened by real piety, manifested similar 1590. AND HIS COUKT. 489 sentiments, and followed the cardinal's example ; so that hypocrites and weak-headed enthusiasts constituted the class of adherents for rebellion ; the former of whom might have been unmasked, and the latter brought to reason, by a quiet per- usal of the Evangelists. Sully states, that during the above conference which took place between Henry and cardinal Gondi, the former addressed that dignitary in the following words, which, contrasted with the deceptive conduct of the League, no doubt, tended to make the cardinal adopt the above line of conduct: " I am 7io dissembler; I speak roundly, and without disguise^ all that weighs upon my heart. I am anxious for peace : I would forfeit one finger to give battle ; and for a general pacifi- cation, I would sacrifice two. I love my city of Paris, she is my eldest daughter ; I am jealous of her, I wish to do her good, and to dispense more graces and mercy than she requires at my hand ; but I am desirous it should be due to me, and not to the duke de Mayenne and the king of Spain '^ To such a pitch was fanatical enthusiasm car- ried, in order to inspirit the populace to revolt, that a ridiculous procession was set on foot by the various religious orders, habited for the most part in armour over their monastic robes, with hel- mets on their heads, swords at their sides, some bearing pikes or halberds, and others musquets. These infuriate monks marched through the city four abreast, being headed by Roze, bishop of Senlis, supporting a crucifix in one hand, and 490 HENRY THE GREAT 1590. a long pike in the other. This ecclesiastic was one of the most determined of the League, and a seditious preacher, who, in his sermons, justi- fied the regicide James Clement. In the pro- cession, a Scotch priest, named Hamilton, curate of Saint Come, and many others of the fraternity, officiated as serjeants ; the retinue halting at different periods to repose and fire off volleys of musquetry, mingled with hymns and canticles. This spectacle, however, had very nearly proved fatal to the pope's legate, who, chancing to en- counter the troop at the end of the bridge Notre Dame, commanded his carriage to stop, when the actors in this farce, anxious to do honour to the papal representative, fired a grand volley: on which occasion, either some inexperienced hand, or an evil-minded individual whose piece was charged with ball, killed the secretary, who sat beside the legate. The dignitary ihen made signs with his hand for the performers to cease their fire, while they, conceiving that he gave his benediction, redoubled their discharges of mus- quetry ; wherefore, apprehensive lest a second ball might perhaps be shot, he ordered his coach- man to quit the spot, who immediately drove away at full speed. Notwithstanding such fla- grant proceedings, when Henry mounted the throne, he prohibited any inquiry from being set on foot respecting the rebellious conduct of Roze, bishop of Senlis, whom he left in the quiet enjoy- ment of his bishopric. The duke de Nemours, says Perefixe, was in- 1590. AND lilS COUUT. 491 defatigable in preparing for the defence of Paris ; and the inhabitants being for the most part per- suaded, that" if the king took the city, he would establish protestantism, and abolish the mass, assisted with equal ardour, by supplying funds and manual labour. It is, continues our authority, a striking trait in the history of those times, to read at length the narrative of the blockade of Paris, the orders issued by Nemours, the garrisons established in various quarters, the sorties made during the first months, the inventions resorted to for the purpose of exciting popular enthusiasm, and the negotiations carried on under the hope of coming to an understanding. The king having cut off every communication that could afford succour to the population of Paris, the citizens at the end of one month be- gan to feel all the disquietudes resulting from the certainty of an approaching famine : the capital at that period contained three hundred thousand souls, but, when the blockade was effected, there were only two hundred thousand. A scarcity of bread was soon manifested, and at length it could not be procured. The inhabi- tants began to murmur, when they were appeased by flowery orations and money that was distri- buted. But the stores being quite exhausted, the people, throwing aside the useless coin, cried out while groaning with hunger — " No more money, give us bread.'' The duchesses of Mont- pensier, Nemours, andAumale, intrepid leaguers. 492 HENRY THE GUEAT 1590. paraded through the streets of Paris distributing with their own hands provisions to the most cla- morous, at the same time exhorting them to have patience. The worthless doctors of the Sorbonne, who had continued in the capital, then issued a new decree, whereby all Frenchmen ivere prohibited from acknowledging for king, Henri de Bourbon, a heretic and a relapse, even in case he should obtain absolution. This decision was published on the seventh of May 1590, in the Great Hall of the College of Sorbonne, whither all the doctors had been summoned to attend. It is to be remarked that the forced abjuration of Henry proved one of the greatest impediments to his mounting the throne ; since at the period of the massacre of Saint Bartholomew, if, instead of embracing the catholic faith, he had firmly re- sisted the menaces of Charles the Ninth, the court of Rome would not have raised so many objections to the granting him absolution, when he in the second instance abjured the protestant faith, in order to enjoy the throne in tranquillity. The absurdity of this instrument issued by the vSorbonne, was only equalled -by its infamy ; since, according to the phrase even in case he should obtain absolution, those factious doctors ranged themselves among the class of heretics, thus declaring beforehand, that they would not submit to the decision of the sovereign pontiff, and thereby depriving him of the most sacred and beneficial power he possessed, in the eyes of 1590. AND HIS COURT. 493 a catholic, namely, that of unchaining the con- science, and absolvins: the errors of a sinner. Perefixe states, the king had been led to hope that when the Parisians should have beheld the market-places for seven or eight days w^ithout flour, the butchers' shops empty, the port with no supplies of corn or wine, and the various other commodities with which it was usually covered for the victualling of the city, they would have forcibly compelled their leaders to ratify a treaty with him ; or in case a seditious move- ment did not immediately prompt them to adopt such measures, hunger would drive them to terms in fifteen days. In fact, Paris only contained supplies for five weeks ; but the provisions were distributed with the greatest precaution ; there- fore the persons who gave Henry such informa- tion were far from being acquainted with the real sentiments of the inhabitants. The Parisians, patient and enduring, suffered with fortitude, so that there were few extremes they would not en- dure, when properly dealt with, and the wel- fare of religion was the object in question. It is indeed astonishing to peruse the account given of the blind obedience and constant union of that fierce and untractable populace, during the term of four months when losses and misery weigh- ed upon the French capital. The dearth in Paris augmented hourly, so that the natives were reduced to the necessity of sub- sisting upon horses, asses, dogs, cats, rats, and every other species of animal, as well as the grass 494 HENRY THE (iUEAT 1590. that grew in the public streets, which had become a desert. That capital of a great kingdom, the former receptacle of magnificence, and abounding in arts and pleasures, now presented the horrid picture of misery, famine, and despair. Death, not rapid or unexpected, but terrible and me- nacing, hourly marked the fresh victims who were conducted by slow steps to one immense tomb, that seemed to yawn and threaten the whole population of that devoted city. The in- habitants, exhausted, had no longer the power to revolt, nor even to bury the dead ; the wretched Parisians wandered about like so many shadows, and dragged their emaciated bodies along streets whither they were led as by instinct ! They im- plored without hope and with looks of despair, says Mezeray, for some trifling sustenance; and so far were they reduced by starvation, as only to be able to articulate one half of the supplica- tion for relief. The adders and serpents, engen- dered in the half-ruined and abandoned mansions, gnawed the corrupt bodies that remained un- buried. Within those precincts, inaccessible to all human consolation, physical exhaustion de- prived bodily anguish of the power of complain- ing, and silenced the audacity of impatience ; nothing was to be seen in every direction but the image of consternation and despair; no piercing shrieks and loud murmurs sounded on the breeze ; in every quarter of that desolate city, on the point of destruction, the silence of death was only 1590. AND HIS COURT; 495 interrupted by low moanings, and life was be- come a mere agony divested of every hope. Mathieu the historian says, during the famine that reigned in Paris, a cow was worth eighty crowns, a calf half that sura, a sheep thirty-five crowns, a chicken one crown, an egg ten pence, a pound of butter two crowns, &c. During two months, the period of the continu- ance of this blockade, thirteen thousand souls perished. This horrid spectacle, however, v/as insufficient to overcome the criminal obstinacy of the chiefs of the League, but inflicted anguish on the paternal heart of Henry; and this magnani- mous prince at length renounced a certain vic- tor}^ in order to save a rebellious people. No longer able to endure the distress of his enemies, he permitted his officers to send refreshments to their relations and friends, as well as to the la- dies; he even suftered waggons loaded with food to pass the gates of the city, and received into his camp the starved wretches who fled thither imploring his protection. On beholding these objects, the king's emotion was so great, that he shed tears, exclaiming, " O Lord, thou knowest who is the cause, but give me the means of saving those whom my enemies are obstinately determined on sacri- Jicing.'' " Many useless efforts had been made," says Perefixe, '' to prevent the monarch's receiv- ing these miserable objects; in vain had the ar- guments of policy, and the intreaties of the Huguenots, who represented them as rebels un- 496 HKNllY THE GUKAT 1590. worthy of commiseration, been laid before him: the reply of the prince was to the following ef- fect : — ■'* / am 7iot astonished if the chiefs of the League and the Spaniards have so little compassion for these poor people, being only their tyrants; but for me who am their king and father, I cannot listen to the recital of such calamities ivithout being sensibly touched even to my heart's core. It is not in my power to prevent those from perishing who have imbibed the fury of the League ; but, as for such as imjjlore my clemency, to them I must eMend my arms'' Having thus decided, orders were given that all those who were desirous of quitting Paris, should be received, of whom an immense number, not able to stand upright, dragged themselves on the ground, or advanced upon their hands and knees, while others were carried, the whole how- ever employing the little remaining strength they possessed in crying " Long live the king P' There is no doubt that if Henry had remained inflexi- ble, the city must in a few days have surrendered at discretion; he therefore lost this conquest from motives of the purest humanity. The Parisians profited by his munificence, without ceasing to re- gard him in the first instance as the author of this public misery; wherefore, upon the arrival of the prince of Parma, they insulted the monarch who had only raised the siege from feelings of sensi- bility towards the unfortunate besieged. Is it then possible that such goodness should be productive of no other beneficial results than_ the gratifying of the soul and the conscience ? 1590. AND HIS COURT. 497 Doubtless, not; it is of more sterling utility than all the calculations of policy ; it is more glorious than the acquisition of twenty battles. The Parisians, cured of their delirium, called to their recollection with sentiments of admiration such touching magnanimity, and from age to age they have handed down this godlike action to their progeny, which was in itself sufficient to immor- talize our hero with the title of Henry the Great. On the page of history, heroic courage is com- monly to be met with, even among barbarous na- tions ; but, with monarchs, the heroism of good- ness, as rare as it is subliuie, alone ranks worthy the homage of all mankind, and is the sole senti- ment which can inspire a reasonable, pure, and lasting enthusiasm. The duke de Mayenne, who had repaired to the prince of Parma and Plaisance, then Alex- ander Farnese, son of Octavius Farnese and Margaret of Austria, daughter of the emperor Charles the Fifth, was received with that cold air of disdain, which rebels to the legitimate au- thority of their sovereign must always expe- rience on the part of foreign princes, even when they become their allies. All men who enter into a culpable compact with the national ene- mies of their country, must, of necessity, expect to encounter similar humiliations. After nu- merous insulting difficulties had been started, Farnese at length promised the assistance of fifteen thousand men; haughtily declaring to the duke, that he would not confide those VOL. I. 2 K 498 HENRY THE GJIEAT. 1590, f troops to his 'authority, but lead them in per- son. Mayenne, who had flattered himself with a hope that he should be invested with the sole command, was compelled to tolerate this affront in silence. The prince, in consequence, set forward with the flower of his army in the Low Countries, conducting also the necessary ammunition and a train of artillery, which would have sufficed for a much more numerous force ; and this army he united with the remnants of the troops commanded by the duke de Mayenne. Thus circumstanced, Henry, in order that he might not be hemmed in between Paris and an army superior in numbers to his own, was under the necessity of abandoning the siege; but, as the soldiers were buoyed up with an expectation of plundering the city, the king was compelled to spread the report that he only quitted Paris for the purpose of encountering the prince of Parma, and terminating the struggle by a decisive ac- tion. Henry, when addressing his troops on the subject of glory and battles, was always certain of finding obedience; and the army in conse- quence prepared with alacrity, and without murmuring, to commence the march, calcu- lating on victory beforehand, and a speedy re- turn to reap, in the sackage of Paris, an ample recompense for their toils, and the blood they had shed in supporting their legitimate monarch Henry the Great. END OF VOL. I. LONDON ; raiNXED BY S. AND R. BtKTLEY, DORSET STREET. 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