^ THE <5, O LIBRARIES ^ GENERAL LIBRARY ANNALS OF SCOTLAND, FROM THE ACCESSION OF MALCOLM IIL IN THE YEAR M.LVII. TO THE ACCESSION OF THE HOUSE OF STEWART IN THE YEAR M.CCC.LXXI. TO WHICH ARE ADDED, TRACTS RELATIVE TO THE HISTORY AND ANTIQUITIES OF SCOTLAND. BY SIR DAVID DALRYMPLE OF HAILES, BART. THIRD EDITION. VOL. II. EDINBURGH : PRINTED FOR ARCHIBALD CONSTABLE & CO. AND FAIRBAIRN & ANDERSON, EDINBURGH ; AND HURST, ROBINSON & CO. LONDON. 1819. ■> t. CONTENTS OF VOLUME II. Robert I. - - - - Page 1 David II. - - - - - 165 Miscellaneous Occurrences from 1306 to 1370, - 323 APPENDIX. 1. Of the manner of the death of Marjory, daughter of Robert I. - - - - 337 2. Journal of the Campaign of Edward III. in 1327, 345 3. Of the Genealogy of the family of Seton, in the 14th centui-y, . - - _ . 355 4. List of the Scottish army at the battle of Halidon, 19th July 1333, - - - 363 5. Whether Edward III. put to death the son of Sir Alex- ander Seton at Berwick, in 1333, - - 374 6. List of the persons of distinction in the Scottish army, killed or made prisoners at the Battle of Durham, 17th October 1346, - - - - 384 Chronological Abridgment, - - 392 1 1 ^./101 ANNALS OF SCOTLAND. ROBERT I. 1306. Robert Bruce had many and formidable obstacles to surmount in his progress to sovereign power ; the solemn oaths, and even the general inclinations of the nobility ; the revenge of the potent house of Comyn j the whole force of Eng- land ; and the guilt of what was commonly held to be a sacrilegious murder. Without any resources but in his own valour, and in the untried fidelity of a few partisans,* Bruce ascended the throne of his ancestors, (at Scone, 27th March 1306).' * " Manum erexit contra omnes et singulos de regno Sco- tiae, exceptis paucissimis sibi benevolis ;" Fordun, L. xii. c. 9- ' Fordun, xii. 9, VOL. II. A 2 ROBERT I. A. D. 1306. The Earls of Fife, descendants of the celebrated M*Duff, had the privilege of crowning the Kings of Scotland.* At this time Duncan Earl of Fife favoured the English interest ; but his sister Isa- bella, wife of the Earl of Buchan, secretly with- drawing from her husband, repaired to Scone, as- serted the pretensions of her ancestors, and again placed the crown on the head of Robert L* (29th March). Posterity ought to remember the chief associates of Bruce in his arduous attempt to restore the liberties of Scotland.^ They were, William of Lambyrton, Bishop of St Andrews ; Robert Wisheart, Bishop of Glas- gow ; the Abbot of Scone ; the four brothers of Bruce, Edward, Nigel, Thomas, and Alexander j his nephew, Thomas Randolph of Strahdon ; his brother-in-law, Christopher Seaton of Seaton ; Malcolm (5th) Earl of Lennox ; John of Strath- bogie (10th) Earl of Athole ; Sir James Douglas ; * In Scalae Chron. ap. Leiand. Collectanea, vol. i. p. 542. this bold action is ascribed to her mother-in-law, Elizabeth de Quinci, daughter of Roger de Quinci, Earl of Winchester, Con- stable of Scotland, and widow of Alexander Comyn, Earl of Buchan. " The Countess of Boughan, because her sunne xvas absent, lying at his manor of Witnick, (r. Whitvoick) by Leices- tre, toke upon her to corone Robert Bruse at Scone in Scot- land." This authority is very express ; yet I incline to follow the writers of that age ; Trivet, p. 34'2. and M. Westm. p. 454. M. Westm. accuses this intrepid lady of a criminal partiality for the new King ; " transgresso maritali thoro, exarserat in spe- ciem et concupiscentiam fatui coronati." The monk who calls Robert Bruce a fool, may be permitted to call the Countess of Buchan an adulteress : such idle stories are always circulated by malice and credulity in times of public disorder. * Trivet, 542. M. Westm. 454. 3 M. Westm. 455. Barbour, 28. A. D. 1306. ROBERT I. 5 Gilbert de la Haye of Errol, and his brother Hugh de la Haye ; David Barclay of Cairns in Fife ; Alexander Fraser, brother of Simon Fraser of Oli- ver-castle ; Walter de Somerville of Linton and Carnvvath ; David of Inchmartin ; Robert Boyd ; and Robert Fleming.* * Randolph, afterwards Earl of Moray ; Seaton, ancestor of the Duke of Gordon, Earl of Winton, Earl of Dunfermline, and Viscount Kingston ; De la Haye, of Earl of Errol ; Fraser, of Lord Lovat and Lord Salton ; Somerville, of Lord Somerville ; hichmartin, of Earl of Findlater, Earl of Airley, and Lord Banff; Boyd, of Earl of Kilmarnock ; Fleming, of Earl of Wig- ton. Math. JVestm. p. 4-52. adds, Alan Earl of Menteth. Nigel Campbell, the predecessor of the Duke of Argyle, &c. and Fraser of Oliver-castle, were also engaged in the cause ; but it does not appear that they assisted at the coronation of Robert L To this list David Moray, Bishop of Moray, might be added. The EngHsh asserted that he preached to the people of his diocese, " that it was no less meritorious to rise in arms for sup- porting the cause of Bruce, than to engage in a crusade against the Saracens. — Quia dedit eis intelligere, praedicando, periculo animae suae, quod non minus possent mereri, qui cum Domino Roberto in ipsius auxilium contra Regem Angliae et suos in- surgerent, et partem ipsius Roberti juvarent, quam si in Ter- ram Sanctam contra Paganos et Saracenos pj-qficisse^vnt." (Sic MS.) Records, London. This bishop was the founder of the Scots College at Paris ; Keith, Catalogue, p. 82. As there will be frequent occasion for quoting the metrical life of Robert Bruce, by John Barbour, it may be proper to premise some particulars concerning the author. He was bred to the church, and obtained the office of Archdeacon of Aber- deen : While he enjoyed that office he had leave to study at Oxford, 31wo, Edw. iii. ; Calendars of Ancient Charters, p. 219. He finished his history in 1 375, and he died an aged man in 1396. This circumstance is to be learned from The Chartulary of Aberdeen, fol. 115. where, 10th August 1398, mention is made of " quondam Joh. Barber Archidiaconus Aberd." and where it is said that he died two years and a half before ; there- fore, in 1396. Barbour, when he describes the person of Thomas Randolph, Earl of Moray, seems to speak as from his own observation. Randolph died in 1331. Supposing Barbour to have been 80 at his death, he was 15 at the death of Ran- dolph. Fordun, L. xii. c. 9. says, " Magister Johannes Bar- barii, Archidiaconus Aberdonensis, in lingua nostra materna * llOBERT I. A.D. 1306. Edward I. was at Winchester when tidings of the revohition in Scotland arrived ; he immediately appointed Aymer de Valence, Earl of Pembroke, to be guardian of that kingdom,* and despatched a messenger to the Pope, informing him of the viola- tion of the sanctuary, and of the slaughter of Comyn. With equal diligence, the Pope issued an order authorizing the Archbishop of York, and the Bishop of Carlisle, to excommunicate Bruce and his adherents/ Edward, now become infirm, and having lost the use of his limbs, proceeded to London by slow journeys. t^ At his arrival there, he conferred the honour of knighthood on his son the Prince of Wales, on the Earls of Wareniie and Arundel, and on near 300 more. At a feast given on occasion of this solemnity, the King, although aged and de- bilitated, made a vow,1^ that he would take ven- diserte et luculenter satis ipsa ejus particularia gesta, nee non multum eleganter peroravit." There is reason to believe that the language of Barbour, obsolete as it may now seem, has been modernized by some officious transcriber. * The letters-patent to Pembroke are drawn up in an en- raged and vindictive style. In them Edward says, That Bruce was a person in whom he reposed entire confidence; (de quo plenam fiduciam habebamus) ; Foedera, T. ii. p. 988. The Pope's bull is dated from Bourdeaux, 18th May 1306 ; Foedera, T. ii. p. 997. -j- " Movit se Rex versus Londonias currizando, quia oh infir- mitatem quam habuit in tibiis, non potuit equitare ;" Trivet, p. 342. :J: The circumstances attending this vow, as related by M. Weslm. p. 454". are singular. " Tunc allati sunt in pompatica gloria duo cygni vel olores ante Regem, phalerati retibus aureis vel fistulis deauratis, desiderabile spectaculum intuentibus. Qui- ♦ Trivet, 342. Foedera, ii. 988. 997. 5 Trivet, 342. Hemin^ord, i. 221. Langtoft, ii. 532. A. D. 1306. ROBERT I. .5 geance on Robert Bruce for his insult offered to God and the church ; and this duty having been performed, that he would not, for the future, uij- bus visis, Rex votum vovit Deo coeli et cygnis," &c. This is a most extraordinary passage, for the interpretation of which I have consulted antiquaries, but all in vain. The same cere- mony is mentioned in Le livre des trois Jilz de Roys, f. 91. " Apres parolles on fist apporter ung paoii par deux damoiselles, etjura le Roy premier de deffendre tout son dit royaume a son pouvoir," &c. Sir Henry Spelman, Aspilogia, p. 132. observes, that the an- cient heralds gave a swan as an impress to musicians and sing- ing men. He adds, " sed gloriae studium ex eodem hoc sym- bolo indicari multi asserunt." He then quotes the passage from M. Westm. but he neither remarks its singularity, nor attempts to explain it. Ashmole, History of the Garter, c. 5. sect. 2- p. 1S5. ob- serves, that Edward III. had these words wrought upon "• his surcoat and shield, provided to be used at a tournament, " Hay, Hay, the xuythe sxvan, By G — s soul I am thy man." This shews that a vohite sxvan was the imprese of Edward HI. and perhaps it was also used by his grandfather Edward I. How far this circumstance may serve to illustrate the passage in M. W,estm. I will not pretend to determine. A learned friend has supplied me with some farther illustra- tions of this dark subject. He observes, " that one of the most solemn vows of knights, was what is termed the voio of the Pea- cock. This bird was accounted noble. It was, in a particular manner, the food of tfi"e amorous and the valiant, if we can be- lieve what is said in the old romances of France ; St Palaye, Memoires sur I'ancienne Chevalerie, T. i. p. 185. ; and its plum- age served as the proper ornaments of the crowns of the Trou- badours or Provencal poets, who consecrated their compositions to the charms of gallantry, and the acts of valour. " When the hour of making the vow was come, the peacock, roasted and decked out in its most beautiful feathers, made its ap- pearance. It was placed on a bason of gold or silver, and sup- ported by ladies, who, magnificently dressed, carried it about to the knights assembled for the ceremony. To each knight they presented it with formality ; and the vow he had to make, which was some promise of gallantry or prowess, was pronounced over it. " Other birds beside the peacock were beheld with respect, and honoured as noble. Of this sort was the pheasant ; St Palaye^ 6 ROBERT I. A. D. 1306. sheath his sword against Christians, but would haste to Palestine, wage war with the Saracens, and never return from that holy enterprise. The Prince of Wales vowed, in aid of his fa- ther's vow, that he would not remain two nights in the same place until he reached Scotland.* ° The Earl of Pembroke, Robert de Clifford, and Henry de Percy, hasted to Scotland to oppose the progress of Bruce, and the R'ince of Wales follow- ed with his companions. Edward appointed his army to rendezvous at Carlisle : He himself moved slowly towards the north, being conveyed in a litter. He was seized with a dysentery, halted in the neighbourhood of Carlisle, and remained in those parts during the winter.t T. i. p. 186. Vows and engagements, accordingly, were made, and addressed to the pheasant. A vow of this sort, of which the express purpose was to declare war against the infidels, was conceived in these words : " Je voue a Dieu mon Createur tout premierement et a la glorieuse Vierge sa mere, et ftpres aux dames et aufaisan,'' &c. ; St Palaye, T. 1. p. 191." — This serves to prove, that vows were made to Peacocks and Pheasants ; and that, by analogy, they might have been made to swans likewise. But the origin of a custom seemingly so profane and ridiculous still remains unknown. * It is probable that that age did not discover the strange nature of the vow which the heir apparent made for enabling the King to go into perpetual exile. f The English historians, ancient as well as modern, assert, that Edward I. marched into Scotland in 1306, and, in the manner of a savage conqueror, over-ran the country. It is cer- tain, however, from the dates of various instruments in the se- cond volume of Foedera Angliae, that Edward did not march into Scotland in 1306. On the 22d July 1306, he was at Be- verley ; Foedera, T. ii. p. 1005. 28th July, at Thresk ; ibid. p. 1005. 14th August, at Corbridge ; ibid. p. 1017. 28th and ^Ist August, at Newburgh in Tindale ; ibid. p. 1018. 1020. <5 Trivet, 345. A. D. 1306. ROBERT I. g The first enterprise of the King of Scots was against Perth, where Pembroke, the English guar- dian, had fixed his head-quarters.^ The Scots, in the popular strain of chivahy, challenged the Eng- lish commander to the open field ; he answered, " that he would fight them on the morrow.'* The Scots betook themselves to the neighbouring wood of Methven. Towards the close of the daj, Pem- broke sallied forth and attacked them. Sir Philip de Moubray unhorsed the King ; Seaton rescued him.* It is said that John de Haliburton, who served in the English army, made the King pri- soner ; but, discovering who he was, set him at liberty.^ Hugh de la Haye,t Barclay, Eraser, Inchmartin, Somerville, and Randolph, were taken, and the Scottish army was dispersed, (19th June). 6th and 7th September, at Thirlewal ; ibid. p. 1025. 7th Octo- ber, at Lanercost ; ibid. p. 1027- He speaks at that time of his having been recovered from a dangerous illness by the care of Nicolas de Tynchewyk his physician. He appears to have remained at Lanercost dm'ing the months of October, Novem- ber, December, January, and February ; ibid, p. 1022 — 10^7. He was at Lynstock on the 6th of March ; ibid. p. lO^o ; and at Carlisle, or in that neighbourhood, from 10th March to the beginning of July 1307 ; ibid. p. 10^6 — 1058. * Barbour ascribes this honour to Seaton, and minutely re- lates the circumstances of the story, p. 34. Seaton's office of Esquire to the King, adds probability to Barbour's relation. M. Westminster says, that the King was thrice unhorsed, and that Simon Fraser thrice rescued him. " Ter a dextranis pro- stratus est, et per Simonen^ de Freysel, bellatorem egregium, ter levatus ;" p. 455. f This is probably the same person whom M. Westm. p. 455. calls " Hutting Marescallus et vexilli/er pseudo- Regis." He also mentions Hugh, the King's chaplam, as among the prisoners. 7 Trivet, 343. Barbour, 29 — 34. M. Westm. 455. Fordun, xU. 2. * Leland, i. 542. Barbour, 36. 8 ROBERT I. A. D. 1306. Robert retired with the broken and dispirited remains of his party into the fastnesses of Athole.*^ After having lurked for some time among the mountains, and endured much hardship, they came down into the low country of Aberdeenshire. At Aberdeen the King met his wife, and many other ladies, whom his brother Nigel had conducted thither, all determined to share the worst of for- tunes with their fathers and husbands. Bruce and his followers, at the approach of the English, again sought refuge among the moun- tains ; and, accompanied with their faithful women, retreated into Breadalbine.'"* The King was now on the borders of Argyle. Alexander of Argyle, Lord of Lorn, had married the aunt of Comyn." Eager to revenge the death of his nephew, he attacked the King. A fierce combat ensued : Douglas and de la Haye were wounded, and the royalists were overpowered. Bruce placed himself in the rear of his small dis- ordered band, and, by persevering valour, checked the pursuit of the enemy,t (11th August). * Of that army, with which, a few weeks before, he had asserted his title to the crown, he could Iiardly collect 500 men. Barbour relates, that his brother Edward Bruce, the Earl of Athole, Douglas, Gilbert de la Haye, and Nigel Campbell, re- mained with him. Barbour also mentions a Sir William the Barondoivn, as one of the band, p. Z6. Who this person was, I know not. f According to Barbour, p. 43. two brothers named MaJcen- dorser, which he interprets, the sons of Dunvard, and another person, had vowed, if they encountered Bruce, either to slay him or perish in the attempt. They overtook him at a narrow Barbour, .37. '° Barbour, 39, 40. " Barbour, 40. 43. Fordun, xii. 2, A.D.1S06. ROBERT I. 9 Hitherto the King and his associates had earned a hardy sustenance by the chace of wild animals, and by fishing ; but winter now approached, and there was no hope of subsisting at that season in the open fields."' Bruce sent his Queen, and the other ladies, to the strong castle of Kildrummie in Marre, under the escort of his brother Nigel, and all his horse- men ; himself, with two hundred men, resolved to force a passage into Kintyre, and from thence to cross over into the northern parts of Ireland.'^ At the banks of Lochlomond their progress was interrupted. Douglas, after long search, discover- ed a small leaky boat, in which he passed over with the King. The rest followed, some by the conveyance of the boat, and others by swimming. They were now reduced to the extremities of fa- mine."^ While they roved in quest of food through the adjaj::ent forests, they met Lennox, ignorant till then of the fate of his sovereign : They all wept. Angus of the Isles, Lord of Kintyre, hospitably received the King into his castle of Dunavarty. From thence the King, with a few faithful com- panions, passed over to Rachrin, an island on the pass, and were all slain by his single prowess. This story, re- lated with many minute circumstances, may be true ; I could not, however, venture to place it in my narrative. The place where Bruce was defeated by the Lord of Lorn, is called Dalry^ i. e. the Kings Jield, probably from that event. See Fordxm, L. xii. c. n. It is in the neighbourhood of a village which now bears the name of Clifton. '^ Barbour, 59, 40. '3 Barbour, 51. '■* Barbour, 55. 55. 10 ROBERT r. A. D. 1306. northern coast of Ireland,* and there eluded the search of his enemies.'^ A miserable destiny awaited his friends and par- tisans whom he had left in Scotland. An ordinance was issued by Edward in council, commanding the guardian of Scotland *' to make proclamation, that all the people of the country do search for, and pursue, all who have been in arms against the English government, and have not de- livered themselves up ; and also, all who have been guilty of other crimes ; and that they apprehend them dead or alive.'* And declaring, " That they who are negligent in the discharge of this duty, shall forfeit their castles, and be imprisoned dur- ing the King's pleasure.""^ The guardian was also commanded to punish, at his discretion, all who harboured the offenders des- cribed in the proclamation. Farther, it was ordered, that all who were at the slaughter of Comyn, or were abettors of that deed, or voluntarily and knowingly harboured the guilty persons, or their accomplices, should be drawn and hanged. And that all who were already taken, or might hereafter be taken in arms, and all who harboured them, should be hanged or beheaded. * This island is described by Mr Donald Monro, Dean of the Isles, \5'^9, in the following words : " On the south-west frae the promontory of Kintyre, upon the coast of Irland, be four myle to land, layes an iyle, callit Rachlaine, pertaining to Irland, and possessit thir mony yeires by Clan Donald of Kin- tyre, four myles long, and twa myle braide, guid land, inhabit and manurit ;" Description of the Western Isles, p. 6. 'S Barbour. 61. '" Ryley, 510. A. D. 1306. ROBERT I. 11 As for those, who, having been in arms, had surrendered themselves, it was ordered, that the most distinguished and dangerous offenders among them should be imprisoned during the King's plea- sure. And that all persons, whether of the ecclesias- tical order, or laymen, who had willingly espoused the party of Bruce, or who had procured,* or ex- horted the people of Scotland to rise in rebellion, should, upon conviction, be imprisoned during the King's pleasure. With regard to the commons, who might have been constrained to take up arms, a discretionary power of fining or ransoming them was committed to the guardian. This ordinance was rigorously enforced. The wife of Bruce, and Marjory his daughter by a former marriage, dreading to be besieged in Kil- drummie, fled to the sanctuary of St Duthac, at Tain in Ross-shire.'^ The Earl of Ross violated the sanctuary, and delivered them to the English. t * " Preschantz le people d'Escose de lever centre le ley;" Ryley, p. 510. 7j/rreZ, vol. iii. b. 9. p. 174. has committed se- veral errors in his translation of this ordinance. f M. Westm. relates, p. 454. that Bruce, returning from his coronation, said to his wife, " Yesterday we were Earl and Countess, now we are King and Queen ;" and that she answer- ed, " You may be a summer King, but, I suppose, you will not .be a winter King ;" that Bruce, enraged at this contemptuous speech, would have killed her, had not the by-standers prevented him : That, however, he banished her to Ireland ; and that the JEarl of Ulster, her father, transmitted her to the English King. These circumstances may be considered as fabulous. — The di- rections given for the entertainment of Elizabeth, the wife of ^7 Barbour, 65. Fordun, xii. 1 1 . ' 12 ROBERT I. A. D. 1306. The Countess of Buchan, who had crowned Bruce, was committed to close confinement in the castle of Berwick.*'^ Bruce, are preserved in Foedera, T. ii. p. 1013. She was to be conveyed to the manor of Brustewick : To have a waiting- woman, and a maid-servant, advanced in life, sedate, and of good conversation : A butler, two men-servants, and a foot- boy, for her chamber, sober, and not riotous, to make her bed, (" Eit ele un garzon a pee, por demorer en sa chambre, tiel qi soit sobre et ne un riotous, por son lit faire) :" Three grey- hounds when she inclines to hunt : Venison, fish, and the fairest house in the manor. This unfortunate lady was removed to another prison in 1308 ; Foedera, T. iii. p. 94^. In 1312, she was removed to Windsor castle, twenty shillings weekly being allow- ed for her maintenance ; ibid. p. 302. 396. She was committed to the castle of Rochester in 1314 ; ibid. p. 475. She was not set at liberty till towards the close of 1314 ; ibid. 489. 496. — Mar- jory, the daughter of Bruce, Avas given in charge to Henry Per- cy; Foedera, T. ii. p. 1014. * M. Westm. p. 455. says, " Capitur etiam et ilia impiissima conjuratrix de Buchan, de qua consultus Rex, ait, quia gladio non percussit, gladio non peribit ; veruni, propter illicitam con- jurationem quam fecit, in domicilio lapideo et ferreo, in modum coronae fabricate, firmissime obstruatur, et apud Bervicum sub dio forinsecus suspendatur, ut sit data, in vita et post mortem, speculum viatoribus, et opprobrium sempiternum." Other En- glish historians, copying M. Westm. have said the same thing. We cannot, therefore, blame Abercrombie for saying, " She was put in a wooden cage, shaped like a crown, and in that tor- menting posture hung out from high walls, or turrets, to be gazed upon and reproached by the meanest of the multitude ;" vol. i. p. 579. Heming ford, vol. i. p. 221. relates the story in a manner somewhat different. He says, that the Earl of Buchan, her husband, sought to kill her for her treason ; but that Ed- ward restrained him, and ordered her to be confined in a wooden cage. The intentions of Edward I. touching the durance of the Countess of Buchan, will be more certainly learnt from his own orders, than from the report of M. Westminster. His orders run thus : " By letters under the privy seal, be it commanded, that the chamberlain of Scotland, or his deputy at Berwick upon Tweed, do, in one of the turrets of the said castle, and in the place which he shall find most convenient, cause construct a cage «8 M. Westm. 455. A.D. 1306. ROBERT I. IS William of Lambyrton, Bishop of St Andrews, owed his preservation to the dignity of his eccle- siastical character.'^ Edward would have inflicted a capital punishment on him, had he been a lay- man ; and, indeed, the duplicity of his conduct merited the severest vengeance. The Stewart of Scotland had given his eldest son, Andrew, as an hostage to Edward. *° Edward placed him with the Bishop of St Andrews. On strongly latticed with wood, [de fuist, i.e. beams of timber or palisades), cross-barred, and secured witli iron, in which he shall put the Countess of Buchan. " And that he take care that she be so well and safely guard- ed therein, that in no sort she may issue therefrom. " And that he appoint one or more women of Berwick, of English extraction, and liable to no suspicion, iKiho shall mini- ster to the said Countess in eating and drinking, and in all things else convenient, in her said lodging-place. " And that he do cause her to be so well and strictly guarded in the cage, that she may not speak with any one, man or woman, of the Scottish nation, or with any one else, saving with the women who shall be appointed to attend her, or with the guard who shall have the custody of her person. " And that the cage be so constructed that the Countess may have therein the convenience of a decent chamber, (esement de chambre courtoise) ; nevertheless, that all things be so well and surely ordered, that no peril arise touching the right cus- tody of the said Countess. " And that he to whom the charge of her is committed shall be responsible, body for body, and that he be allowed his charges ;" Foedera, T. ii. p. 1014. Such were the orders of Edward I. and he surely was not a man who would suffer his orders to be disobeyed. Here, in- deed, there is a detail concerning the custody of a female pri- soner, which may seem ridiculously minute, but which is incon- sistent with the story related by M. Westminster, and other historians. To those who have no notion of any cage but one for a par- rot or a squirrel, hung out at a window, I despair of rendering this mandate intelligible. '9 Trivet, 345. M. Westm. 455= «° Records, London, H ROBERT 1. A.D. 1306. hearing of the slaughter of Comyu, Edward de- manded back the youth, probably with a view of securing the fidelity of his father. The bishop, in- stead of restoring his charge, put him into the hands of Bruce.* It appears, also, that the bishop had been accused to Pembroke, the' guardian, of having had some share in the slaughter of Comyn ; the bishop not only asserted his innocence of the charge, but also disclaimed any concern in the insurrection, and of- fered to make every sort of submission to the King of England.t * This singular incident is to be found in the answers made by the Bishop of St Andrews, when he was examined before commissioners appointed by Edward, at Newcastle, 9th August 1306. " Objectum fuit adhuc praefato Domino Episcopo, per praedictum Dominum Robertum de Cotingham, quod cum Dominus Rex Angliae eidem Episcopo, tanquam illi de quo prae caeteris terrae suae Scotlae, tarn nobilibus quam praelatis, confidebat, personam Andreae filii et haeredis Domini Jacobi Senescalli Scotiae tradiderit custodiendam, auditoque demum, tam de modo (1. murdro) et interfectione quondam Domini Jo- hannis Comyn Domini de Badenaugh, quam infidelitate, rebel- lione, et excogitata nequitia Roberti de Brus, et eidem adhae- rentium, eidem Episcopo per suas literas mandaverat, quod statim visis suis Uteris dictum Andream eidem Domino Regi remandaret ; quare idem Episcopus regio mandate praedicto recepto et intellecto non paruit, sed ipsum Andream dicto Ro- berto de Brus, ejusdem Domini Regis Angliae inimico notorio et proditori, liberavit. Palam et expresse cognovit organo vocis suae Episcopus prelibatus, quod negare non potuit bono modo quin ipse eundem Andream dicto Roberto de Brus, etiam post- quam dictum mandatum regium receperat, ut praemittitur, libe- raverat, et non potuit inde {sic MS.) ut dicebat ;" MS. Records, London. f This also is to be learnt from the same records. The Bishop of St Andrews thus writes to the Earl of Pembroke : " A noble houme e sage Monsieur Aymar de Valence, Seygneur de Montignak, lieutenant nostre Seygneur le Roi en les parties d'Escoce, William par la grace de Dieu Evesque de St Andrew, salut en Dieu. Sachez nous par nostre volonte estre oblige a A. D. 1306. ROBERT I. 15 Immediately after this, he renewed his oath of fealty to Edward, in presence of the guardian.*' Under pretence of urgent business, he obtained leave to return home. He then assembled a con- siderable body of his vassals and dependants, and sent them to the aid of Bruce.* noster Seygneur le Roi d'Engleterre, que nous enosterons en tottes les manieres que nous deverons selom ceo que nostre Seygneur le Roi e soun counseil ordonera que faire devoms, que nous ny avons nule manere de coupe de la morte Monsire John Comyn, ne mon Sire Robert soun oncle, ne de la com- mencement de ceste guerre e a ce nous nous enobligoms de nous oster aussi bien devers le linage cum devers la pees nostre Seygneur le Roi. E si ceo faire ne povins, demoryons a la volonte nostre Seygneur le Roi com ataint. E de tottes autres choses que nostre Seygneur le Roi savera dire vers nous, nous nous mettoms a sa volonte de haut e de bas, e a cestes choses faire e performer al avaunt dit monsieur Aymar avoms done nos lettres overtes enseales de nostre seal. Done a la Fountaine d'Escoce le 9 jour de Juyn, I'an du regne le Roi Edward 34." This is, in substance, as follows : " Be it known, that we have voluntarily agreed to clear ourselves, in whatever manner our Lord the King and his council shall appoint, of any accession to the death of John Comyn Lord of Badenoch, and Robert his uncle, or of having had any share in the rise of the present war, and we will clear ourselves thereof, both with respect to the kindred of the deceased, and to public justice ; and if we fail herein, we consent to be at the will of the King as a person convicted. And as to whatever else our Lord the King may have to allege concerning us, we submit ourselves wholly to his pleasure. And, in testimony of our willingness to perform all these things to Aymer de Valence, Lord of Montignac, the King's lieutenant in Scotland, we have granted these our letters- patent, sealed with our seal. Given at Scotland-well, this 9th June, and of King Edward the S^th year." The Bishop of St Andrews was at first confined in the cas- tle of Nottingham, but was afterwards removed to the tower of the castle of Winchester ; Foedera, T. ii. p. 1015-16. There will be occasion hereafter to relate the other incidents of the life of this singular person. * In a memorandum for drawing up a charge against the Bishop of St Andrews, to be presented to the Pope, are these *' Records, London. 14 16 ROBERT I. A.D. 1306. Robert Wisheart, Bishop of Glasgow, held the castle of Cupar in Fife against the English.'" He was made prisoner there,* arrayed in armour ; and, in that uncanonical garb, was conducted to the castle of Nottingham.!'^ The castle of Kildrummie was besieged by the Earls of Lancaster and Hereford.'*'^ One Osburn treacherously burnt the magazine. The garrison, words : " Idem Episcopus Sancti Andreae, per modicum tem- pus ante diem Dominicum, quo Robertus de Brus, cum toto posse suo, cum Domino Adomaro de Valencia, et suis secum ibidem ex parte Domini nostri Regis existentibus, praeliabat, ad praefatum Dominum Adomarum venit, et ad fidem et pacem Domini Regis rediens, ipsius gratiae et voluntati se submisit, et admissus fuit ab eodem, et juramentum praestitit corporale dicto Domino Adomaro, nomine Domini Regis, de fideliter se tenen- do ; et subsequenter causam fingens, per tres vel quatuor dies proximo praecedentes diem belli ad disponendum super quibus- dam suis agendis, petita ab eodem Domino Adomaro licentia et obtenta, sub manucaptione tum competente recessit, et per illos dies quotquot potuit de suis adunare equitum armatorum, et aliorum dicto Roberto de Brus, ad juvandum eum dicto die belli contra dictum Dominum Adomarum et suos, destinavit, sicut evidentia facti ipso die evidenter apparebat, tam per eorum aliquos ibidem captos, quam ipsorum alios quorum cadavera tes- timonium perhibent veritati ;" Records, London. * " Le chastel de Coupre en FifF en Escoce, lequel meisme I'Evesque, come hom de guerre, tynt puis contre les gentz nostre Seigneur le Roi, jusqes a tant qu'aucuns de gentz nostre Seigneur le Roi, qui feurent de la compagne Monsieur Aymer de Vallence vindrent au dit chastel e le pristrent par force, sur le dit Evesque et illoques feust mesme I'Evesque pris ;" Records, London. f " Exercitus tamen regius discurrens per totum regnum Scotorum, coepit persequi fugitivos, et plures perimerunt, et aliquos vivos comprehenderunt, utpote Episcopos et Abbatem praedictos (the Bishops of St Andrews and Glasgow, and the Abbot of Scone), loricatos et armatos subtus exterius tegumen- tum ;" M' Westm. p. ^55. ** M. Westm, 455. ^3 Records, London, '* Barbour, 65. Leland, ii. 543. A. D. 1306. ROBERT I. 17 deprived of provisions, surrendered at discretion. Nigel, the brother of Bruce, a youth of singular comeliness, was among the captives. He was tried by a special commission at Berwick, condemned, hanged, and afterwards beheaded.* A like sentence was executed against Christopher Seaton at Dumfries.!*^ He had married the sister of Bruce, and had assisted at the slaughter of Co- myn. His brother Alexander suffered a similar death at Newcastle. The Earl of Athole, attempting to escape by sea, was discovered and conducted to London."^ He there underwent the complicated punishment which, in those times, the law of England inflicted on traitors,^ (7th November). * Trivet, p. 344. and M. Westni. p. 455. relate, that he was taken at a castle in Kintyre, which the English besieged, in hope of finding Bruce there ; but I follow Barbour, p. 65. M. Westm. calls him miles pulcherrimae juventutis. The only time that that historian seems to feel compassion in describing the varied punishments inflicted on the partisans of Bruce, is when he speaks of this young man ; indeed, his only offence appears to have been, that he followed the fortunes of his bro- ther. f Barbour says, that he was betrayed by his confident and familiar friend, one M'Nab, p. 63. Trivet, p. 365. says, that he was taken at the castle of Lochore (in Fife) ; he adds, " quern, cum non Scotus sed Anglicus esset, jussit Rex deduci usque Dum- fries, ubi quendam militem de parte Regis occiderat, ibique judicium subire coactus, tractus, suspensusque est, ac ultimo decollatus." I suppose the meaning of this to be, that as Sea- ton was an English baron, Edward honoured him with a trial by jury, while he inflicted capital punishment on the others, without any such formalities. J " In equuleo 30 pedum suspensus est : Postea semivivus demissiis, ut majores cruciatus sentiret, crudelissime decollatur. Truncus vero illius, praeaccenso in conspectu ejus vehementi igne, 2S Barbour, 65. Trivet, 345. *° M. Westm. 456» VOL. II. B 13 ROBERT I. A.D. 1306. Simon Fraser, a renowned warrior, was executed at London, and his head was placed on the point of a lance, near the head of Wallace.*''^ With him Herbert de Norham suffered. Both had repeatedly sworn fealty to Edward. Many other Scotsmen of inferior degree were punished capitally.!*^ Edward bestowed the lordship of Annandale, the paternal estate of Bruce, on the Earl of Here- una cum came et ossibus, in favillas et cineres funditus confla- grantur ;" M. Westm. p. 456. Langtoft, vol. ii. p. 335. says, That the Earl " was not drawen, that poynt wasforgyvynr He was in some sort allied to the royal family of England, his mo- ther beitii? a daughter of Richard the natural son of King John. Scalae Chron. ap. Leland, vol. ii. p. 543. says, " The Earl of Atheles, by cause he was cosin to the King of England, and Sonne to Maude of Dour his aunte, was sent to London, and there was hanged upon a pair of galows 30 foote hyer then the other." Tnnte, here translated aunt, means the father's cousin- german. M. Westm. p. 456. relates, That Edward, at that time, was grievously sick ; but hearing that the Earl of Athole was taken, he endured the pains of his disease with more patience : ** Quo audito, Rex Angliae, etsi gravissimo morbo tunc ian- gueret, levius tamen tulit dolorem." * " What pity," cries Langtoft, " that a person of such prowess, and endued with so many virtues, should have incur- red the guilt and the punishment of treason !" vol. ii. p. 335. " Alias, it was to mene, his vertus and his pruesse So fele in him were sene, that perist for falsnesse." f There is a strange witticism to be found in M. Westm. p. 455. *' Hugo Capellanus patibulo ante caeteros primitus est affix us, quasi diceret, Ego presbyter vobis praebeo iter." The author, himself an ecclesiastic, might have recollected, that, to hang a churchman by civil authority, was no jesting matter. Barbour relates, p. 74. That, when the pleasure of Edward was demanded concerning those who had been made captive in the Scottish war, he answered, after his abrupt manner, -' Hang them all." This anecdote is, perhaps, not true ; yet it is cha- racteristical. *" M. Westm. 455. Langtoft, ii. .355. ^^ M. Westm. 455. A.D. 1306. ROBERT I. 19 ford ;** the earldom of Carrick, his maternal estate, on Henry Percy ; and the earldom of Athole, on Ralph de Monthermer, commonly styled Earl of Gloucester ; * but he soon after repurchased the grant of Athole, at the price of 5000 merks.^° Thus did Edward chastise the Scots for their breach of faith. It is remarkable, that, in the pre- ceding year, he himself procured a papal bull, ab- solving him from the oath which he had taken for maintaining the privileges of his people. t^' But the Scots, without papal authority, violated their oaths, and were punished as perjured men. It is a truth not to be disguised, that, in those times, the common notions of right and wrong were, in some sort, obliterated. Conscience, intoxicated with indulgences, or stupified by frequent absolu- tion, was no longer a faithful monitor, amidst the * Joan the daughter of Edward I. and widow of Gilbert de Clare Earl of Gloucester, married Ralph de Monthermer, a per- son nowise distinguished either for rank or for military prowess. Hemingjbrd calls him miles simplex et segnis ; T. i. p. 224. E. Bisse, not. in N. Upton de studio militari, says, That he had the title of Earl of Gloucester, until his stepson became of age, and that he then divested himself of it: " Dum adolesceret pri- vignus ejus Gilbertus de Clare, Comitis Glocestriae titulo est ornatus, cumque Gilbertus annum aetatis 21 explesset, eum exuit, et inter barones accensebatur." Bisse has given an en- graving of the seal of Ralph de Monthermer, with this inscrip- tion, " S. Radulfi de Monte Hermerii, Com. Gloverniae et Hertford." Yet it seems, that, in public instruments, he was constantly styled Ralph de Monthermer, without any addition. f The title of this memorable instrument in Foedera, T. ii. p. 978. is, " Bulla de Rege ahsolvendo et juramentis et excommu- nicationibus super observatione Magnae Chartae et Forestae ad' mdlandis." »'' Hemingf. i, 224, 3° Foedera, iii. 7. " Foedera, ii. 978, 20 ROBERT I. a. d. 1306. temptations of interest, ambition, and national ani- mosities. Many Scotsmen of considerable distinction sub- mitted themselves to the conqueror, and were either received into his favour, or slightly punish- ed.*^^ Randolph, the nephew of Bruce, obtained mercy, through the intercession of Adam de Gordon, and was admitted to swear fealty to Edward. ^^ The young Earl of Marre, nephew of the first wife of Bruce, was imprisoned, *' but not chained, in respect of his tender years."! This special favour vouchsafed to a child shows how closely state-prisoners were guarded at that time. It does not appear that James the Stewart of Scotland had joined in the revolt against Edward ; nevertheless, a new oath of fealty was exacted from * As Allan Earl of Menteth, Sir Patrick de Graham, Sir William de Moray de Sandford, Sir Walter de Moray, Sir Hugh Lovel, and his brother WiUiam; Foedera, T. ii. p. 1012 — 1014. At that place there is a singular memorandum inserted, " Fait a remembrer les terres Monsieur Gilbert de la Haye pour Mon- sieur Huge le Despencer ;" Foedera, T. ii. p. 1013. These lands, it would seem, were a ministerial morsel. Malise, Earl of Strathern, accused as an accomplice in the Scottish insurrec- tion, successfully pleaded, that he had been compelled, through fear of death, to acknowledge the sovereignty of Bruce. There is extant a long narrative drawn up by the Earl of Strathern : In it he says, *' That, when he refused to do homage, Robert Boyd said to Bruce, Gix^e me the lands, and put him to death ; and cut off his head, and the heads of all ivho refuse homage to you. ( Sir Robert Boid dist a son Roy, que il donnast les terres, et ly meist au mort, et ly coupa la teste, et tuz les autres quy gru- cerent a fer homage) ;" Records, London. •\ " Q'il soit hors de fers, tant come il est de si tendre age \' Foedera, T. ii. p. 1013. 3* Foedera, ii- 1012. ^^ Iceland, ii. 542. Barbour, 56. A.D. 1306. ROBERT I. 21 him.* He did homage in person to the Enghsh King, (at Lanercost near Carlisle, 23d Oct. 1306). To conclude all, Bruce and his adherents were solemnly excommunicated. This ceremony was performed by the Cardinal Legate,! (at Carlisle, about February 1306-7). During the winter. Brace had remained in Rachrin, a retreat unknown to his enemies.^* At the approach of springi: he secretly passed over into the island of Arran. From thence he des- patched a person of confidence § into Carrick, to learn how his vassals in that territory stood affect- ed to the cause of their ancient Lord. He enjoin- ed the messenger, if he saw that the dispositions of the people were favourable, to make a signal at a day appointed, by lighting a fire on an eminence above the castle of Turnberry. * He swore fealty on the two crosses of Scotland most es- teemed for their sanctity (called la Croix Neyts et la Blacke Rode), on the consecrated host, on the hoiy gospels, and on the relics of the saints ; and he submitted himself to instant excom- mmiication in the event of his violating this complicated oath ; Foedera, T. ii. p. 1022. ■j- " Cardinalis Hispaniae — revestivit se et ceteri Episcopi qui aderant, accensisque candelis et pulsis campanis terribiliter excommunicaverunt Dominum Robertum de Bruce, cum fauto- ribus suis, tanquam hominem perjurum et perturbatorem injus- tum communis pacis et quietis ;" fV. Hemingjbrd, T. i. p. 226. The person here called the Cardinal of Spain was Peter, a car- dinal priest under the title of S. Sabinus ; Foedera, T. ii. p, 1031. J Fordun says, that he had received aid from a powerful lady, Christiana of the isles ; L. xii. c. 12. According to the English historians, Bruce appeared in arms about Michaelmas 1306. This circumstance, in itself improbable, is inconsistent with the narrative of Barbour. § Barbour says, that the name of the messenger entrusted with this commission was Cuthhert ; p. 82. 34 Barbour. 81. &c. 22 ROBERT I. A. d. 1306. The messenger found the English in possession of Carrick; Percy, with a numerous garrison, at Turnbcrry; the country dispirited, and in thral- dom ; none to espouse the party of Bruce, and many whose inchnations v/ere hostile. From the first dawn of the day appointed for the signal, Bruce stood with his eyes fixed on the coast of Carrick. Noon had already passed, when he perceived a fire on the eminence above Turnberry. He flew to his boat, and hasted over. Night sur- prised him and his associates while they were yet on the sea. Conducting themselves by the fire, they reached the shore. The messenger met them, and reported that there was no hope of aid. " Trai- tor,'* cried Bruce, *' why did you make the signal ?" " I made no signal," replied he ; " but observing a fire on the eminence, I feared that it might de- ceive you, and I hasted hither to warn you from the coast.'* Bruce hesitated amidst the dangers which en- compassed him, what to avoid, or what to encoun- ter. At length, obeying the dictates of valour and despair, he resolved to persevere in his enterprise.* He attacked the English, carelessly cantoned in the neighbourhood of Turnberry, put them to the * Barbour, p. 91. ascribes this bold resolution to the coun- sels of his brother, Edward Bruce, whom he represents as thus speaking : " I say you sickerly. There shall no peril that may be Drive me eftoons unto the sea ; Mine aventure here take will I, Whether it be easeful or angry." A. D. 1306. ROBERT!. gg sword, and pillaged their quarters.'^ Percy, from the castle, heard the uproar, yet durst not issue forth against an unknown enemy. Bruce, with his followers, not exceeding three hundred in number, remained for some days near Turnberry ; but suc- cours having arrived from the neighbouring garri- sons, he was obliged to seek shelter in the moun- tainous parts of Carrick. He looked for aid from his brothers Tliomas and Alexander, who had assembled a band of adven- turers in Ireland and the adjacent isles«^*^ With seven hundred men they landed at Lochrian in Galloway. Duncan M*Dowal, a powerful chieftain of that country, attacked them at their landing, and totally routed their little army,* (9th February * Langtqft, vol. ii. p. 337. says, that Makedotual, a sergeant of Galweie, surprised them od Ash- Wednesday, as they were returning from divine worship. But M. Weslm. p. 458. relates the event in the following manner : " Hoc itaque anno, nono die Februarii, quidam Scotus de Galvedia, Duncanus Ivl 'Doil nomine, occurrit navigio niagno, repieto septmgentis beilatori- bus, applicantibus super terram suam, cum trecentis non nmitis eo amplius viris, et peremit fere omnem exercitum, hos m acie, hos in saltu, hos in fuga, et plures subniersi sunt in mari ; sed hos praecipuos de interfectis in praelio obtuiit Dommo Kegi, videlicet Malcolmi M'Kail, Domini de Kentir caput, et duoium Regulorum Hibernensium capita, Reginaldum de Crawfurd, et Thomam Brus milites, et Alexandrum de Brus, genuanos pseudo-regis, sauciatos et semineces praesentavit." Lest there might be any doubt of Edward's severity, M. Westm. adds, after having given an account of the execution of the prisoners, That to this their heads bare witness, being placed on the castie and gates of Carlisle ; '' testimonium huic perhibent eorum ca- pita super castellum et super portas urbis contixa." Barbour, p. Q5. says, that Sir Brice Blair was executed in company with Sir Reginald Crawfurd ; but he erroneously supposes this to 35 Barbour, 92. M. Westm. 456. Hemingf. i. 225. 3° M. Westm. 457- Trivet, 546. Fordun, xii. Zl- 24; ROBERT I. a. d. 1306. 1306-7), The two brothers, and Sir Reginald Crawfurd, were grievously wounded, and made prisoners. M'Dowal presented his bleeding pri- soners to the English King at Carlisle. The King ordered them to instant execution. While Bruce endeavoured to strengthen his par- ly in Carrick, Douglas passed secretly into Doug- lasdale, and discovered himself to some of his vas- sals in whom he could confide." They concerted a plan for surprising the English at Douglas-castle, on Palm-Sunday. The whole garrison went in so- lemn procession to a neighbouring chapel. Doug- las and his vassals suddenly rushed in, and put them all to the sword. They then plundered and burnt the castle,* (19th March 1306-7). 1307. The Earl of Pembroke advanced into the west of Scotland to encounter Bruce. ^^ Barbour relates, that, according to the mode of those times, the English commander and Bruce appointed a day for the combat : That Bruce entrenched himself at Lowdoun-hill : That Pembroke attacked him have happened in Scotland. Langtoft, vol. ii. p. 336. observes, that Alexander Bruce had been educated at Cambridge, where he made very extraordinary proficiency in literature ; and adds, that he was Dean of Glasgow. * Barbour, p. 98. says, That the person in whom Douglas placed his chief confidence was called Thomas Dickson. He adds, That about ten persons were made prisoners in the cha- pel, that Douglas put them all to death, and, placing their bodies in the magazine of the castle, set fire to the whole. This was termed Douglas's larder, in the savage pleasantry of that age. In 1306-7, Palm-Sunday, the sixth Sunday of Lent, fell on the 19th of March. " Barbour, 96— 102. ^» Trivet, 346. M. Westin. 458. Barbour, 157. A.». ISO"?. ROBERT I. 25 and was defeated. But the English historians re- late, that Bruce attacked Pembroke. It is certain that Bruce obtained the victory. Three days after this action, Bruce routed Ralph de Monthermer with great slaughter, and obliged him to fly to the castle of Ayr. For some time Bruce blockaded that castle ; but, at the approach of succours from England, he retired. It was at this period, according to the English historians, that the partisans of Bruce were dispers- ed, while he himself wandered among woods and morasses, destitute of aid, and beset with enemies on every side. Barbour, however, asserts, that this happened before the combat at Lowdoun-hill ;* and he minutely describes the dangers that Bruce underwent, and his many perilous escapes. ^^ It must be acknowledged, that, in the narrative of Barbour, some adventures are recorded which have a romantic, and others which have a fabulous ap- pearance. To separate what may be true, or pro- bable, from what is exaggerated, incredible, or false, would be a laborious task, and might lead * Barbour is positive that the battle of Lowdoun-hill was fought en the 10th May 1307. The English historians, as Trivet, p. 346. and M. W.estm. p. 458. say, that it was fought post pascha ; this naturally implies soon after Easter; as, in 1307, Easter fell on the 26th of March, it would seem, that the English historians supposed the battle to have been fought long before the 10th of May. W. Hemingjord, contradicting all other writers, says, That Bruce lurked amidst moors and mo- rasses with about 10,000 men, " quasi cum decern millibus viro- rum pedestrium" T. ii. p. 237. ; as if 10,000 men could have found subsistence in the deserts which are on the frontiers of Ayrshire and Galloway ! 39 Barbour, 104 — 156, 26 ROBERT I. a. d. 1307. into a longer inquiry than the nature of this work will admit. In this year the English burned the monastery of Paisley/° The tedious indisposition of the English King had retarded his preparations for- quelling the in- surrection in Scotland/' Edward now flattered himself that the violence of his malady was abated. As a proof of his recovery, he offered up his horse- litter in the cathedral church of Carlisle. Impa- tient to chastise the Scots, he mounted on horse- back, and proceeded towards Solway. He was so weak that he could advance no farther than six miles in the space of four days. On the 6th of July 1307, he reached Burg on Sande, and next day expired, in sight of that country which he had devoted to destruction. By will, he appointed his heart to be conveyed to the Holy-land ; and he settled a stipend for the maintenance of a hundred knights, who, during one year, were to perform military service in ho- nour of the cross. "^^ With his dying breath, he gave orders that his corps should accompany the army into Scotland, and remain without burial until that country was totally subdued. ^"^^ * Froissart, T. i. c. 27. relates this circumstance in the fol- lowing manner : " Quand il mourut, il fit appeler son aisne fils, par devant ses barons, et lui fit jurer sur les saints, qu'aussi tost qu'il seroit trepasse, il le feroit bouillir en une chaudiere, *° Fordun, xii. 14. *' Trivet, 347. Langtoft, ii. 339. ** Trivet, 347. *3 M. Westm. 458. Froissart, i. 27. A. D. 1307. ROBERT I. 27 The dying injunctions of kings are seldom re- garded. The body of Edward was deposited in the royal sepulchre of Westminster, by his son Edward 11.**^ The young King marched into Scotland. His first act of royalty was the making a grant of the earldom of Cornwall to his favourite Piers de Gave- ston, whom Edward I. had lately banished.! "^^ The Earl of Pembroke was continued in the office of guardian of Scotland, and empowered to receive to mercy all the Scots, excepting those who had had a share in the slaughter of Comyn, or who had been originally engaged in the insur- rection,! (I28th August). Edward II. advanced to Cumnock, on the fron- tiers of Ayrshire, and then returned to England. "^^ By this inglorious retreat, after such mighty pre- parations for a decisive campaign, he rendered Bruce and his partisans more bold, and he dis- heartened all in Scotland who favoured the Eng- lish cause. tant que la chair se departiroit des os, et apres feroit mettre la chair en terre et garderoit les os, et toutes les fois que les Esco^ois se rebelleroient contre iui, il semordroit ses gens, et porteroit avecques Iui les os de son pere." * On his tomb there was this inscription : " Edvardus primus Scotorum malleus hie est. Pactum serra." See Tyrrel, vol. iiL b.9. p. 179. ' \ This grant, soon followed by others no less extravagant, impolitic and odious, is dated at Dumfries, 6th August 1307. \ " Qu'il ne furent mie conseillantz ne assistantz au com- passement de ceste darreine guerre en Escosse." (At Cum- nock, 28th August 1307.) ; Foedera, T. iii. p. 7. *+ Tyrrel, iii. 179. "J Foedera, iii. 1, 45 poedera, iii. 7. 28 ROBERT I. a. d. 1307. He had declared Pembroke guardian of Scot- land ; yet, within a fortnight after he conferred that office on John de Bretagne, Earl of Rich- mond, *'^^ (13th September). As soon as the English King had retreated, Bruce invaded Galloway. He commanded the inhabitants to repair to his standard ; and, on their refusal, wasted the country with fire and sword. t Edward ordered the guardian to march against him. Bruce was put to flight, t'^^ Bruce retired into the north of Scotland, and, without opposition, over-ran the country. Return- ing southwards, he was encountered by John Co- myn. Earl of Buchan, with a tumultuary body of English, and of Scots who adhered to the English * He was taken bound to maintain 60 men at arms in his household, and for this he was to have an allowance of ten merks daily ; Foedera, T. iii. p. 10. \ John de St John appears at this time to have command- ed the English troops in Galloway. Mention is also made of " Donegal, &c. et tota communitas majorum et hominum Ga- lewydiae," as being faithful to England ; Foedera, T. iii. p. 14. I suppose that Donegal or Donegan, is the same with the M'Doil or M'Dowal, who had lately defeated the brothers of the Scot- tish King. Edward II. thus describes the invasion of Galloway by Bruce : " Robertus de Brus, et complices sui, inimici et re- belles nostri, ad easdem partes Galewydiae jam venerunt, ibi- dem roborias, homicidia, depraedationes, incendia, et alia damna quamplurima perpetrantes, necnon et homines partium illarum et partium adjacentiiitn contra nos insurgere procurantes et compel- lentes ;" Foedera, T. iii. p. 14. I The evidence of this fact rests on the authority of the Chronicle of Lanercost, quoted by Tyrrell, vol. iii. p. 225. Aber- crombie, vol. i. p. 583. seems to question the truth of it ; and yet, unless it is supposed to be true, it will be difficult to ac- count for the march of Bruce into the north. *7 Foedera, iii, 10. ♦* Foedera, iii. 14. A. D. 1308. ROBERT I. 29 interest."^' At the first approach of the enemy, the troops of Buchan fled, (25th December). About this time a grievous distemper began to consume the strength of Bruce, and gradually to enfeeble his active spirit, so that there remained no hope of his recovery.* ^° 1308. The Earl of Buchan, with Moubray, an English commander, assembled a numerous body of troops, eager to efface the dishonour of the former year.^' Not far from Inverury, in Aberdeenshire, the ar- mies met. Bruce requested that he might be lifted from his couch, and placed on horseback. Too feeble to support himself, he was held up on each side. He led on his companions, charged and dis- comfited the enemy, and pursued them for many miles with great slaughter,! (22d May). It is a traditionary report, that, by the agitation of his spirits on that day, he was restored to health. " The insults of those men," said he, " have wrought my cure." t ^* * " Rex fame, frlgore, et infirmitate depressus ;" Fordun, L. xii. c. 16. It is probable that his disease was of a scorbutic nature. Ever since the unfortunate action at Methven, in sum- 'mer 1306, he had been exposed to the vicissitudes of the sea- sons, and had endured all kinds of hardships. f On the feast of the Ascension, which fell that year on the 22d of May. ^ Barbour, p. 177. thus relates the expression which the King used : " Yes, said the King, withoutten weer Thair boast has maid me haill and feer, For should no medicine so soon Have cured me, as they have done." 49 Fordun, xii. 15. S° Fordun, xii. 16, S' Fordun, xii. 17, S* Barbour, 177, 30 HOBERT I. a. d. 1308. After the manner of that fierce age, Bruce took revenge on the EarJ of Buchan, by wasting his territory. * ^^ It was, probably, about this time that the citizens of Aberdeen, and other partisans of Bruce, stormed the castle of Aberdeen, slew the English garrison, and razed the fortifications. The English, in the neighbourhood, marched against Aberdeen. While they were on their march, the loyal citizens encountered and overthrew them. All the prisoners taken in this conflict were put to death, t * Barbour, speaks feelingly of the ravages committed in Buchan " After that well fifty year Men meened the heirship of Buchan." It is probable that Barbour here described what fell under his own observation. f This story is related by Boece, Aberdonensium Episcopo- rum vitae, fol. 6. a. b. He says, " Placuit victoribus, quos captos habebant ad terrorem extra oppidumjiirca suspendere : Sed vetuere Canonici, tdqiie ut caesorum corpora ad posticam templi Divi Nicolai terra conderenhir — obtinuerunt, ubi eorum ossa cum titu- lis in rei monumentum adhuc cernuntur." The canons of Aber- deen endeavoured to save the lives of prisoners, whose chief offence was, that they had Edward I. for their sovereign. Amidst the foud calls for bloody reprisals, the voice of religion and humanity was not heard. The canons, however, obtained a place of sepulture for the slaughtered prisoners ; perhaps not honourable, yet still in consecrated ground — The excellence of their charity must be estimated by the notions of the age in which they lived. Boece relates, that, in his days, the bones of the Englishmen, with inscriptions in memory of their death, were still to be seen. — I purposely omit some singular traditions concerning the slaughter pf the English prisoners, because they are not sufficiently authenticated. But there is one circumstance which I must not omit. In 1580, James VI. revoked a grant of a fishing in the mouth of S3 Fordun, xii. 17. A.D. 1308. ROBERT I. 3i At this dawn of prosperous fortune, many Scots, who had hitherto adhered to the English interest, the river of Don, which had been made to George Auchinleck of Balmanno. In this revocation, a grant by Robert I. to the borough of Aberdeen, is thus recited : That, whereas, his High' ness' progenitor. King Robert of good memory, tvho rests with God, sometime being within the .said bttrgh, perceiving the barrenness and sterility of the country where the said burgh is situated, and the great Honesty thereof, together with the fervent love shewn by them to his Highness, and his progenitors, then, and at all times of before ; considering also their bauld manheid in the recovering and destroying of the strong casfel bigget and maintained there by the Englishmen, sometime for daunting and suppressing of the town and country, upon these respects, dotit the said burgh, and commonty thereof of his bountifull liberality and clemency, with certain commodities, liberties, and immunities, for the aid and sup- port of the some ; and, namely, with an piece of ground called the Stocket, adjacent to the burgh, and the salmon fishings of the same burgh upon the waters ofT)ee and T)on,for yearly payment to his Grace, and his successors, of 320 merks usual money of this realme, in name of feu farm, &c. One would naturally suppose, that the substance, at least, of this preamble, was to be found in the grant by Robert Bruce to the borough of Aberdeen. Robert Bruce granted to the borough of Aberdeen, curam et custodiam totius forrestae de Stokett salvis nobis viridi et vena- tione tantum, (Dundee 24th October, 8th year of his reign). The same king made a grant to the borough of Aberdeen of the Stocket in property. Its tenor is, " Robertus, Dei gratia, Rex Scotorum, omnibus probis hominibus, totius terrae suae, salutem : Sciatis, nos, de consilio et ordinatione proborum regni nostri, concessisse, et ad feodnfirmam assedasse, ac praesenti carta nostra confirmasse burgensibus nostris, et communitati burgi nostri de Aberdene, burgum nostrum de Aberdene prae- dictum, et forrestam nostram del Stocket, cum pertinentiis. Tenend. et habend. praedictis burgensibus et communitati, eorum haeredibus et successoribus, in perpetuum, de nobis, et haeredibus nostris, in feodo et haereditarie, et in libero bur- gagio, per omnes rectas metas et divisas suas, cum molendinis, aquis, piscariis custumis, toloneis, curiis, ponderibus, mensuris, et cum omnibus aliis libertatibus, commoditatibus, aisiamentis, consuetudinibus, et justis pertinentiis suis, ad asse- dationem dictorum burgi et forrestae de jure et consuetudine spectantibus, vel spectare valentibus, in futurum : Reddendo inde nobis annuatim, et haeridibus nostris, dicti burgum, eorum 14 32 ROBERT I. A. D. 1308. ranged themselves under the standard of Bruce. Among them Sir David de Brechin is mentioned.* haeredes et successores, ut supra dictum est, ducentas et tres- decent libras sex solid, et octo. denar. Sterling (£.213.6s. 8d. Sterl.) tent, in cameram nostram, ad duos anni terminos, vide- licet, medietatem ad fest. Pentecostes, et aliam medietatem ad fest. Sancti Martini in hyeme ; pro omni alio servicio, exac- tione, consuetudine, seu demanda ; volumus etiam et conce- dimus, quod dicti burgum nostrum haeredes et successores- eorundem, libere, et sine impedimento quocunque, in campis, moris, et aliis quibuscunque locis dictae forestae, extra boscum del Stocket praedicto burgo de Aberdene, proxime adjacentem, possint omnimodam culturam facere, mansiones et aedificia con- stituere, focalia fodere, ac alias quascunque commoditates exer- cere, pacifice et ordinarie prout melius viderint expedire ; salvo tantiim nobis et haeredibus nostris viridi (one word illegible) arborum in praedicto bosco, et venatione similiter, si in eadem foresta casualiter inveniatur. Concessimus etiam eidem burgo nostro, burgensibus et communitati, ejusdem haeredibus, et successoribus suis, quod nullus justiciarius forestae, aut aliquis alius regni nostri, cujuscunque conditionis fuerit, sive status, super custodia praesentis concessionis, et infeodationis jure, vel super defect, (some words illegible), aut contradictionem habeant, nisi tantum Camerarius noster, qui pro tempore fuerit, ita tamen quod quisque ex hujusmodi defectibus, aut si destructor viridis, aut venationis, in dicta foresta legaliter convictus fuerit, poenam hujusmodi criminis supportet in ipsa persona, et nullis aliis, principali tamen concessione et infeodatione nostra in suo ro- bore (firmiter) et perpetud permanente. In cujus rei testi- monium praesentibus sigillum nostrum praecipimus apponi. Testibus Willelmo, et Willelmo, Sancti Andreae et Donkeldae Episcopis, Bernardo Abbate de Aberbrothock, Cancellario nos- tro ; (Thoma) Ranulphi, Comite Morav. et Domino Vallis Anandiae, et Manniae ; Roberto de Keith, Marescallo nostro ; Gilberto de Haya, Constabulario nostro ; Alexandre Fraser, Camerario nostro, militibus. Apud Berwicum super Twed, decimo die Decembris, anno regni nostri quarto decimo. C Ar- chives borough of Aberdeen). In this grant, although abun- dantly verbose, there is no mention of the circumstances which the preamble of the revocation by James VI, recites. * From a circular letter addressed by Edward II. to the Scottish Barons, it appears, that on the 20th May 1308, the following persons were understood to be faithful to the English interest, David Earl of Athole, William Earl of Ross, and Hugh his son, Patrick Earl of Dunbar, and Patrick his son, A.D. 1308. ROBERT I. 33 Meanwhile, Edward Bruce, the King's brother, invaded Galloway. ^'^ He defeated the inhabitants of that country near the river of Dee, (^9th June)*. John de St John, with 1500 horsemen, had ad- vanced to oppose the inroad of the Scots. ^^ By a forced march he endeavoured to surprise them ; but timely intelligence of his motions was received. The courage of Edward Bruce, approaching to te- merity, frequently enabled him to achieve what men of more judicious valour would never have attempted. He ordered the infantry, and the meaner sort of his army, to entrench themselves in strong narrow ground. He himself, with fifty horsemen, well harnessed, issued forth under cover of a thick mist, surprised the English on their march, attacked and dispersed them.* Having thus overthrown his enemies, Edward Bruce assailed the various fastnesses of Galloway, expelled the English garrisons, and at length sub- dued the whole country.! ^^ David de Brechin, David de Graham, Reginald de Cheyne, Robert de Keith, Henry de St Clair, John de Kingston, Adam de Swinburn, and Henry de Haliburton ; Foedera, T. iii. p. 81. * Sir Alan de Cathcart, the companion of Edward Bruce, related the particulars of this expedition to Barbour : " He was a knight," says Barbour, " worthy, brave, and courteous." It is pleasing to trace a family likeness in an ancient portrait. f In an old monkish rhyme preserved by Fordun, L. xii. c. 17. it is said, " Insula combusta, semper Scotis inimica." By Insula I understand interior Galloway, or that part of the country which lies next to Ireland. 5+ Fordun, xii. 18. 5S Bajrbour, 188. 5° Barbour, 191. Fordun, xii. 17, VOL. II. C 34? ROBERT I. a. d. 1308. It was probably about this time that Douglas, while roving about the mountainous parts of Tweed- dale, surprised and made prisoners Alexander Stew- art of Bonkil, and Thomas Randolph the King's nephews* " Douglas conducted Randolph to the King of Scots. " Nephew," said the King, " you have been an apostate for a season ; you must now be reconciled. "^^ Randolph fiercely replied, *' You require penance of mcy yourself rather ought to do penance. Since you challenged the King of Eng- land to war, you ought to have asserted your title in the open field, and not to have betaken yourself to cowardly ambuscades." The King calmly re- plied, *' That may be hereafter, and perchance ere long : Meanwhile, it is fitting that your proud words receive due chastisement ; and that you be taught to know my right and your own duty." Having thus spoken, he ordered his nephew into close confinement. The King was now able to take vengeance on the Lord of Lorn, who, after the discomfiture at Methven, had reduced him to such extremity of danger.'^ He invaded Lorn, and arrived at a nar- * Barbour says " at the water of Line." This I understand to be the stream which, passing near Kirkurd, falls into the Tweed above Peebles. Douglas approaching a house in the moor-lands, heard some one say, " The D s" hence he concluded that there were strangers in that house : He found in it Stewart, Randolph, and Adam de Gordon : The last made his escape, the others were made prisoners ; Barbour, p. 192, 193. :^ Baiboiir, 192, &c. 5^ Baihoiir, 193. so Baibonr, 194, &c. A. D. 1308. ROBERT I. 35 row pass, having a high mountain on the one side, and a precipice washed by the sea on the other.* There the troops of Lorn lay in ambush. Bruce ordered Douglas to make a circuit, and gain the summit of the mountain. He himself, with the rest of his army, entered the pass : they were in- stantly assaulted. Douglas, from the superior ground, discharged a shower of arrows, rushed down sword in hand, and overthrew the enemy. John, the son of Alexander de Argyle, Lord of Lorn, who had conducted this unsuccessful am- bush, from his galley was spectator of the discom- fiture of his people,! (about 23d August). Robert spoiled the country, and took the castle of Dunstaffnage, the chief residence of this too in- dependent Lord. Lorn and his son were permit- ted to depart with their ships.t^'' While Bruce and his associates thus exerted themselves in wresting Scotland from the English, * Barbour, p. 195. calls the mountain Crethinben. f At this place, Barbour has introduced a generous senti- ment ; " To John of Lorn it should displease I trow, when he his men might see Be slain and aliased in the hill That he might set no help theretill. But it angers as greatumly i To good hearts that are worthy, To see their foes fulfill their will As to themselves to thoU the ill." :{: Barbour, p. 48. says, That Alexander of Argyle, Lord of Lorn, submitted himself to Bruce ; but that his son John re- treated to his ships. I follow the narrative of Fordun, L. xii. c. 18. who says, That Alexander of Argyle retired into Eng- land, where he soon after died. ^° Barbour, 198. Fordun, xii. 18. 36 ROBERT I. a.d. 1308. every thing was feeble and fluctuating in the coun- cils of their enemies. Edward II. fondly imagined that he might re- concile the Scots to the English government by the mediation of William de Lambyrton, Bishop of St Andrews.^' This turbulent, though timid eccle- siastic, after having been conveyed from prison to prison, at length made submissions which procured his enlargement, then his full liberty, and presently the confidence of Edward. William de Lambyrton took a most solemn oath to be the faithful liege-man of England ; and, with the zeal of a new convert, engaged to publish the sentence of excommunication against Bruce and all his adherents,**^* (11th August). * Edward made an allowance to lilm of £.100 yearly out of the revenues of the see of St Andrews, (20th May 1308) ; Foe- dera, T. iii. p. 80. John de Moubray, Alexander de Aber- nethy, Robert de Keith, Adam de Gordon, and Henry de Hali- burton, became sureties for his good behaviour. Edward per- mitted him to be a prisoner at large, within the county of Nor- thampton ; Foedera, T. iii. p. 82. He informed the Pope that he had set the Bishop of St Andrews at liberty. " He has been well advised," said Edward, " to make his submissions in the most ample manner, and I no longer apprehend any bad offices from him," (23d July 1308) ; Foedera, T. iii. p. 98. The Bi- shop took the oath of fidelity to Edward " super corpus Domini sacratum et crucem Gnaith," (11th August 1308) ; Foedera, T. iii. p. 98. He was one of the English commissioners for negociating a treaty with Scotland, (i8th February 1309-10) ; Foedera, T. iii. p. 201. Edward informed the Pope, That he expected much aid from the exhortations of the Bishop of St Andrews, in whom the Scots had especial confidence, (24th July 1311); Foedera, T. iii. p. 274. To the same purpose he wrote 7th March 1311-12, and 11th July 1312 ; Foedera, T. iii. p. 308. 332. *" Foedera, iii. 82. "* Foedera, iii. 98. A. D. 1308. ROBERT I. 37 The measures of Edward varied from day to day.^^ This is visible from the frequent changes which he made in the government of Scotland. The Earl of Richmond was removed from the office of guardian, and Robert de Umfraville, Earl of Angus, and William de Ros de Hamelake, were appointed joint guardians. To them Henry de Beaumont was added ; but, within four days, a commission was issued, appointing Robert de Clif- ford sole guardian, and another appointing Robert de Umfraville sole guardian, because the King knew not which of the two would accept of the office. It appears that CliffiDrd accepted, and was constituted sole guardian. After an interval of about three weeks, Gilbert de Clare, Earl of Glou- cester, was named captain-general in Scotland ; Cliffisrd was again named guardian, and soon after was succeeded by John de Segrave.* Philip King of Erance endeavoured to promote a reconciliation between Edward 11. and Bruce.^"^ With the permission of Edward, he sent a special * Robert de Umfraville, Earl of Angus, and William de Ros de Hamelake, were appointed joint guardians, 21st June 1308 ; Foedera, T. iii. p. 94'. Henry de Beaumont was added to the commission, 16th August 1309 ; Foedera, T. iii. p. 160. Ro- bert de Umfraville, Earl of Angus, and Robert de Clifford, had each of them a commission to be sole guardian, 20th August 1309; Foedera, T. iii. p. 161. because the King knew not " quis eorum custodiam illara admittere debeat." Gilbert de Clare Earl of Gloucester was appointed captain-general in Scot- land, 14th September 1309 ; Foedera, T. iii. p. 175. Robert de Clifford was again appointed guardian, 15th December 1309 ; Foedera, T. iii. p. 195. John de Segrave succeeded him, 10th March 1309-10 ; Foedera, T. iii. p. 203. "^ Foedera, iii. 94. 160, 161. 175. 195. 205. "* Foedera, iii. 127. 38 ROBERT I. a. d. 130b. messenger, Oliver des Roches, to treat with Bruce and the Bishop of St Andrews. The situation of that prelate was singular : After having renewed his fealty to Edward, he appears to have returned to Scotland, and to have had confidential inter- course with Bruce, (4.th March 1308-9). 1309. Through the mediation of the King of France, Edward consented to a truce with the Scots.*^^ — Edward charged the Scots as guilty of a violation of the truce,* and summoned his barons to meet him in arms at Newcastle, on the 29th September, in order to march against the enemy. Still, however, inclining to pacific measures, he authorized Richard de Burgh, Earl of Ulster, to treat with Bruce, (2d and 21st August)." The commissioners appointed by Bruce for conducting this treaty, were Sir John de Menteth, and Sir Nigel Campbell. The Sieur de Varennes, the French ambassador at the English court, acted a treacherous part.*^' He openly sent a letter to Bruce, under the title of Earl of Carrick ; but, in secret, he entrusted the bearer with other despatches, addressed to the King of Scots. Edward having intercepted the despatches, transmitted them to Philip King of France ; for he either believed, or affected to be- * Edward, however, in an instrument 29th November 1309, Foedern, T. iii. p. 192. candidly acknowledged that the infringe- ment of the truce was reciprocal ; but it was not judged expe- dient to acknowledge this in a deed of a public nature. ^^ Foedera, iii, 147. ^^ Foedera, iii. 150. 165, "^^ Foedera, iii. 150 A. D. 1309. ROBERT I. 39 lieve, that Philip had not authorized the duplicity of his ambassador, (2d August). Philip sent his brother Lewis, Count de Evreux, and Peter Guy, Bishop of Soissons, ambassadors to the English King, and again solicited a truce with Scotland. *^^ Edward empowered Robert de Um- fraville, and three others, to negociate and con- clude the truce ; but, at the same time, he declared that he did this *' at the request of Philip, as his dearest father and friend, but who was in no sort to be considered as the ally of the people of Scot- land,'** (29th November). This negociation was soon interrupted.^^ Bruce laid siege to the castle of Rutherglen in Clydes- dale : Edward sent his nephew, the young Earl of Gloucester, to raise the siege,t (3d December). The treaty was renewed. "° Edward appointed commissioners for that purpose. The Bishop of St Andrews was one of the number, (l6th Feb. 1309-10). It appears that the truce was conclud- * " Come de nostra tres chere pere (father-in-law) et ami, et come a celui que de riens ne se tient d'estre aiyes as gentz d'Escosse." — The other commissioners for concluding the truce were, John de Crombewell (Cromwell), John Wogan, and John de Benstede. It was specially provided that nothing done should be valid, unless consented to by Wogan and Benstede ; Foedera, T. iii. p. 192. -j- Historians are silent as to this event ; but it is probable that the siege was raised ; for, according to our writers, Ed- ward II. in the following year, penetrated to Renfrew. Had Rutherglen been in the possession of the Scots, it is not to be supposed that Renfrew would have remained under the English dominion, or that Edward would have directed his march thi- ther. Rutherglen appears to have been won from the English in 1313. See Barbour, p. 120. "8 Foedera, iii. 1 92. <5» Foedera, iii. 19-3. 70 foedera, iii. 201. 40 ROBERT I. a. d. 1309. ed, but that the Scots disregarded it. The clergy of Scotland, assembled in a provincial council, issued a declaration to all the faithful, bearing, that the Scottish nation, seeing the kingdom be- trayed and enslaved, had assumed Robert Bruce for their sovereign ; and that the clergy had willingly done homage to him in that character, (at Dundee, S4.th February).'' In this year, James, the Stewart of Scotland, died, (I6th July)."* 1310. The progress of Bruce now became alarming.'^ Perth, where John Fitz Marmaduke commanded, was threatened by the Scots. Edward made pre- parations to secure that important post, and he ap- pointed a fleet to sail to the Tay.* He named the Earl of Ulster to the command of a body of troops which w^as to assemble at Dublin, and from thence to invade Scotland."'^ He commanded his barons to meet him in arms at Berwick ; but the English nobility, disgusted at the government of Edward, and of his favourite * At this time, Alexander de Abemethy was appointed war- den of the country between the Forth and the mountains of Scotland, 15th June ; Foedera, T. iii. p. 211. John de Cauton was appointed admiral of the fleet for the succour of Perth, 15th June ; Foedera, T. iii. p. 211. but his command was soon after conferred on Simon de Montague, 6th August ; Foedera, T. iii. p. 223. John de Argyle, or Lorn, was at this time in the service of England, and had his station on the west seas ; Foedera, T. iii. p. 223. 7' Anderson, Independ. App. No, 12. 7i Fordun, sii. 18. '^ Foedera, iii, 20. '* Foedera, iii. 215^ A, D. .1310. ROBERT I. 41 Gaveston, repaired unwillingly and slowly to the royal standard.'^ The season was now far advanced. Edward countermanded the troops which were to have in- vaded Scotland under the Earl of Ulster : But, al- though he relinquished one part of his plan, he re- solved to execute the other. '"^ Towards the end of September he invaded Scotland. Quitting the common track, he marched his army by a route which would have proved exceedingly hazardous, had there been any enemies to oppose him.^' He passed from Rokesburgh, through the forest of Sel- kirk, to Biggar ; from thence, it is said, that he penetrated to Renfrew. Without making any abode in those parts, he turned back by the way of Lin- lithgow, and retreated to Berwick. After this ill- concerted and fruitless expedition, he remained in- active at Berwick for eight months.*'^ During this invasion Bruce avoided to encoun- ter the English.!"^ He recollected the disasters * Edward was at Rokesburgh 20th September 1310 ; Foe- dera, T. iii. p. 225. : at Biggar, 1st and 6th October ; ibid. p. 226, 227. Fordun, L. xii. c. 18. says, that Edward proceeded as far as Renfrew. But he certainly did not halt there ; for he was at Linlithgow on the 13th October. Therehe remained till the 25th ; Foedera, T. iii. p. 228. He appears to have returned to Berwick before the 10th November ; ibid. p. 230. He continued at Berwick until 24'th July 1311 ; ibid. p. 274. f Of this Edward made a boast to the Pope. " R. de Brus et sui complices, dum prius in partibus Scotiae ad eorum rebel- lionem reprimendam fuimus, in abditis latitabant, ad instar viil- ■piiim /" Foedera, T. iii. p. 283. 7> Foedera, iii. 225. Fordun, xii. 18. 7" Foedera, iii. 225. 77 Foedera, iii. 225 — 230. Fordun, xii. 18. 78 Foedera, tii. 274. ^f' Foedera, iii. 28.5. 42 ROBERT 1. a.d. 1310. at Dunbar and Falkirk, where the Scots, instead of protracting the war, hazarded the fate of the nation on a single battle. He also knew that an invasion undertaken in autumn would ruin the heavy armed cavalry, on which the English placed their chief confidence. At that time there was a famine in Scotland incredibly grievous.* This national cala- mity may be said to have fought for Bruce. It must have embarrassed and retarded the motions of an army in that age, when magazines and the other resources of modern war were unknown. Neither is it improbable that Bruce might have had secret well-wishers in the camp of the enemy, and have received intelligence from them of the discontents which prevailed among the Enghsh no- bility, more eager to destroy Gaveston, than to re- cover Scotland. Certain it is, that, on his arrival at Berwick, Ed- ward learnt that many of his English subjects had supplied the Scots with provisions, arms, and horses. ^° By proclamation, under the pains of for- feiture, he prohibited this abuse. As England was not at that time a commercial nation, it may be conjectured, that the persons who supplied their enemies with military stores, and exposed their countrymen to the miseries of war, were not so * " Propter guerrarum discrimina tanta erat panis inopia, et victualium charistia in Scotia, quod in plerisque locis, inipellente f'amis necessitate, multi carnibus equorum et aliorum pecorom immundorum vcscebantur ;" Fordun, L. xii. c. 18. The English historians mention a great dearth in England at that period ; Trivet, continuatio, p. 8. "o Foedera, iii. 233. A.D. 1311. ROBERT I. 43 much actuated with the desire of gain, as with the spirit of thwarting an odious administration. The King of Scots projected a winter invasion of the Isle of Man.*^' He had partisans in that quarter, who infested the coasts of England. Ed- ward, however, took measures for repressing those piratical incursions, and secured the island from in- vasion. 1311. About this time the castle of Linlithgow was surprised by the stratagem of a poor peasant, one William Binnock.^* The English garrison, dread- ing no enemy, kept a slight guard. Binnock en- gaged eight resolute men in his enterprise. He concealed them in a load of hay, which he had been employed to drive into the castle. As soon as the gate was opened to let in the carriage, the conspirators sprung from their concealment, mas- tered the guard, and possessed themselves of the place. Robert dismantled the castle of Linlithgow, and the other castles which he won in the course of the * During the disputed succession, Sir William Montacute, said to be descended from the ancient Kings of Man, expelled the Scots. He mortgaged the island to Anthony Beck, Bishop of Durham. Edward I. granted it to the bishop tor his life. On the death of that bishop, Edward II. bestowed the island on his favourite Gaveston, and, after his demise, on Henry de Beau- mont, " with all the demesne and royal jurisdiction thereto be- longing ;" Cambden, Britannia, p. 1060. At this time (1310), the Bishop of Durham had possession, and governed the island by his Steward ( Senescallus ) Gilbert M'Askil ; Foedera, T. iii. p. 238. 8» Foedera, iii. 238. 82 Barbour, 199. U ROBERT I. A. D. 1311. war. This was one of the favourite maxims of his policy.* He saw that the Engh'sh, by means of castles judiciously placed, had maintained them- selves in Scotland with little aid from their sove- reign. And, perhaps, he apprehended, that, when the country came to be settled in peace, the pos- session of castles might render his own barons no less formidable to the crown, than the English gar- risons had been to the nation. Edward projecting a second expedition into Scot- land, ordered his army to rendezvous at Rokes- burgh.^^ This rendezvous, however, did not take place. Bruce had so well established his authority throughout his own dominions, that he now re- solved to invade England. ^'^ He led his army in- to the bishoprick of Durham, and ravaged the country with that cruelty and licentiousness which * The maxims (or political testament) of Robert Bruce are preserved in old Scottish metre. See Fordun, L. xii. c. 10. They are curious, and not difficult to be understood. — " On fut suld be all Scottis weire Be hyll and mosse thaimself to weire, Let XKiodfor xoallis he boto and speire That innymeis do thaim na dreire ; In strait placis gar keip all stoire, And byrn the planen land thaim befoire ; Thanen sail they pass away in haist Quhen that they find naithing bot waist, With wyllis and waikenen of the nicht And mekill noyes maid on hycht, Thanen shall they turnen with gret affrai. As they were chasit with swerd away, This is the counsall and intent Of gud King Robert's testament." 83 Foedera, iii. 271. ** Foedera, iii. 284. Fordun, xii. 18. A.D. 1311. ROBERT I. 45 disgrace the character of a brave man.* Yet it is not strange, that, in a fierce age, one who had seen the ruin of his private fortunes, the captivity of his wife and only child, and the tortures and execution of his dearest relations and tried friends, should have thus satiated his revenge. He led back his army into Scotland, loaded with spoil. At his return Bruce laid siege to Perth.^^ The conditions which he offered to the garrison were scornfully rejected. After having lain before the town for six weeks, he raised the siege ; but in a few days he provided scaling-ladders, and, with a chosen body of infantry, approached the works. The night was dark, and favoured his enterprise. The King himself carried a ladder, and was the foremost to enter the ditch. t There chanced to be present a French gentleman, who, when he saw * Edward II. in a letter to the Pope, ITtli October 1311, Foedera, T. iii. p. 284. thus describes the inroad of Bruce : — " Robertus et sui complices — Regnum nostrum Angliae hosti- liter ingressi, in diversis partibus Marchiae ejusdera regni, et praecipud in Episcopatu Dunelmensi, rapinas, depraedationes, incendia, et homicidia perpetrarunt, aetati vel sexui innocenti, aut immunitati ecclesiasticae libertatis, pro dolor ! non par- centes." Fordun, L. xii. c. 18. relates the same event, although in another style : " Angliam intravit, ipsam devastando, prae- das innumeras abducendo, et ingentem stragem igue et ferro inferendo. Sicque Dei virtute gens Anglorum perfida, quae 7nul- tos injuste spoliaverat et cruciaverat, jam justo Dei judicio diris subjicitur Jlagellis." -f Barbour says, p. 182. that when the King passed the ditch at Perth, in order to scale the walls, the ivater stood to his throat. This shews that Bruce was not of a stature beyond that of other men. If he had been much taller than his soldiers, the water which stood to his throat must have drowned them. 8S Barbour, 180. Fordun, xii. 18. 46 ROBERT I. a.d. 1311. the King pass on, exclaimed, " What shall we say of our French Lords, who spend their days in good cheer and jollity, while so worthy a knight hazards his life to win a miserable hamlet?"* Saying this, with the gay valour which has always distinguished the French nobility, he threw himself into the wa- ter, followed the King, and shared his danger and his glory. The Scots, animated by the example of their prince, scaled the walls.t The town was taken, plundered, and burnt, and the works level- led, (8th January 1311-12). * The words of Barbour, p. 182. are these : " That time was in his company A knight of France, wight and hardy, And when he in the water saw The King pass so, and with him ta His ladder unabasediy, He sained him for the ferly, And said, O Lord ! what shall we say Of our Lordis of France, that ay With good morsels farces their pamich, And will but eat and drink and daunce, When sik a knight, and so worthy As this, through his great chivalry, Into sik peril has him set To win a wretched hamilet?" + Barbour says, That the King was the second man that took the tvall. This little circumstance adds much to the credibility of Barbour's narrative. A writer of romance would have repre- sented the King as the Jirst. From the manner in which Bar- bour relates the story, it seems probable that the gallant French- man first entered the town. I could not, however, venture to affirm this, though it would have adorned the narrative. One William Oliphant commanded in Perth at this time ; Fordiin, L. xii. c. 1 8. It is not certain whether he was the same person who so resolutely defended Stirling castle against Edward I. This much is certain, that Oliphant, the governor of Stirling castle, was set at liberty bv Edward II. on finding sureties for his fidelity to England, (24th May 1308) ; Foedera, T.iii. p. 82- A. D. 1312. ROBERT I. 47 Edward again attempted to make a truce with the Scots.^* For this purpose he gave ample powers to David Earl of Athole, and five others, (at Berwick, 2()th January 1311-12). At this time his mode of policy was to attach to his interest those among the Scottish nobility who had hitherto favoured the cause of England.^' With this view he granted two manors to the Earl of Athole, (8th February 1311-12). William Sinclair, Bishop-elect of Dunkeld, had been the enemy of England, and on that account Edward had opposed his election. ^^ Edward now solicited the Pope in his favour. This he did at the request of Henry de St Clair, the Bishop*s bro- ther, who had continued faithful to the English in- terest, (8th February 1311-12). 1312. The King of Scots invaded England, burnt great part of the city of Durham, and threatened to be- siege Berwick. ^^ Edward fixed his residence therey to repress the incursions of the Scots, as he pre- tended ; but, in truth, because he dreaded the ma- chinations of his own barons, and judged himself insecure in the south. In the course of this year, the King of Scots as- At the same time, and on like conditions, the Earl of Strathern was set at liberty ; ibid. Barbour mentions the Earl of Strath- ern as being with the English garrison at Perth when the town was stormed. He adds, that the Earl's son fought under the banners of the King of Scots, and made his father a prisoner, p. 183. **° Foedera, iiu 300. ^7 Foedera, iii. 305. ^* Foedera, iii. 30.5. ^g Foedera, iiu 3 1 3. Fordiin, xii. 19. 14 4S ROBERT I. a.d. 1312. saulted and took the castles of Butel,* Dumfries, and Dalswinton, with many other fortresses.^" The castle of Rokesburgh, a post of the utmost importance, had been committed by Edward to the charge of Gillemin de Fiennes, a knight of Burgundy. While the English garrison was revel- ling on the eve of Lent,t Douglas scaled the castle. Simon of Leadhouse, who had constructed the scal- ing-ladders, was the first to mount the wall. The garrison retreated into the inner tower. De Fiennes received a mortal wound, and his soldiers capitu- lated, (6th and 7th March 1812-13).^' Randolph having been received into favour by his uncle the King of Scots, eminently distinguish- ed himself in the common cause. Barbour, who probably had seen Randolph, thus describes him ; " He was of comely stature, broad visaged, and of a countenance fair and pleasant ; the friend of brave men, loyal, just, and munificent."^* Bar- bour adds, " That he was jovial and amorous, and altogether made up of virtue."1i * Fordun, L. xii. c. 19. calls it " castrum de Botha" or '* de Buthe." I imagine that some castle in Galloway is here meant, rather than Rothsay in the island of Bute ; probably the castle of Butel in Galloway, belonging to the Balliol family. f Boeces description of the revels of Shrove- Tiiesdaj/ is lively and judicious ; " quum omnes homines, metu abstinentiae instantis, vino libidinibusque indulgent;" L. xiv. fol. 301. a. j; Tlie words of Barbour, p. 204-. are these : " In company solacious, And therewith blyth and amorous — And if that I the sooth sail say, He was fulfilled of bountie Als of virtues all made was he." 9° Fordun, xii. 19. »' Fordun, xii. 1 9. Barbour, 205. Leland, ii. 546' 02 Barbour, 204. A. D. 1312. ROBERT I, 49 The castle of Edinburgh had for governor Piers Leland, a knight of Gascony.^^ Randolph block- aded it so closely, that all communication with the adjacent country was cut off. The garrison, sus- pecting the fidelity of Leland, thrust him into a dungeon, and chose another commander in his stead. Matters were in this state, when one William Frank presented himself to Randolph, and offered to shew him how the walls of the castle might be scaled. ^"^ This man, while young, had resided in the castle, and having an amorous intrigue in the neighbourhood, had been wont to descend the wall during the night, by means of a ladder of ropes, and through a steep and intricate path to arrive at the foot of the rock. The road, although amidst perilous precipices, had become familiar to him, and he still retained a perfect remembrance of it. Randolph, with thirty men, undertook the enter- prise of scaling the castle at midnight, Frank was their guide, and the first who ascended the scaling- ladder.* Before the whole party could reach the summit of the wall, an alarm was given, the garri- son ran to arms, and a desperate combat ensued ; but their governor having been slain, the English yielded, (14th March 131^-13). This portrait, drawn by a grave ecclesiastic, is of a singular style, yet it has great appearance of truth. * Sir Andrew Gray followed him : Randolph himself was the third that mounted the ladder ; Barbour, p. 215. S3 Leland, ii. 546. Barbour, 205. »4 Barbour, 211 — 219. Forduw, xii. 19. VOL. II. D so ROBERT I. A. D. 1312. Leland,* the former governor, being released from his imprisonment, entered into the service of the Scottish nation. ^^ 1313. The number of Bruce's partisans increased with his successes.'^ The Earl of Athole, who had lately obtained a grant of lands from the King of England, revolted to the Scots. Through the mediation of France the confe- rences for a truce with the Scots were renewed, (17th May 1313)." This, however, did not retard the military en- terprises of the Scots.^^ They invaded Cumber- land, and wasted the country. The people of Cum- berland demanded succour from Edward. He be- ing just about to depart into France, extolled their fidelity, and desired them to defend themselves until his return, (23d May). The invasion of Cumberland appears to have been only a feint to conceal the designs of Bruce against the Isle of Man. ^^ He landed there, over- * Barbour calls him Piers Lombard. But Leland, the anti- quary, has preserved his name, Collectanea, vol. ii. p. 54-6. On the margin he gives him the appellation of Petrus Lelandius, Viscount of Edinburgh, and adds, that " Brus, after, surmised treason upon hym, because he thought that he had an English hart, and made him to be hangit and drawen." His name was probably Peter Luband. In Roll. Rob. I. NO. 63, S't. there are grants of the lands of Garmilton and Elwynston, " quae fuerunt quondam Petr. Luband, militis, in curia nostra de proditione crga nostram regiam dignitatem nuper convicti." s>S Barbour, 219. Leland, ii. 546» o" Foedera, iii. 404. 07 Foedera, iii. 4 1 1 . ^^ Foedera, iii. 416. ^ Chr. Man, ap. Carabden, Britannia, p. 1057. Fordun, xii. 19 A.D. 1313. ROBERT I. 51 came the governor,* took the castle of Russin, and subdued the country, (11th June). Edward, on his return to England, found that many of his nobles had refused to give their atten- dance in a parliament summoned to meet at Lon- don.' °° In order to raise troops for resisting the Scots, who still threatened the EngHsh borders, Edward endeavoured to borrow money from the clergy, and he again summoned his parliament to meet. The Earl of Lancaster, and other discon- tented lords, appointed a muster of their forces under the less offensive appellation of a tournament. The King, by repeated proclamations, prohibited that assembly. Nevertheless, Lancaster and his associates, in contempt of the royal authority, re- paired to the tournament, and refused to concert measures for opposing the common enemy. An inquiry into the causes of this obstinate disregard of the national interest, would be a matter of long- investigation, and is foreign to the subject of these annals. Such of the Scots as still remained faithful to England, deputed Patrick Earl of March, and Adam de Gordon, to lay their miserable state be- fore Edward, both from the increasing power of Bruce, and from the oppression which they suffered * In the Chronicle of Man subjoined to Cambden, Britannia, p. 1057. this person is called Dingavay Do'voill. In the Annals of Ireland, ib. ad an. 1313, he is called the Lord Donegan Odowill. If he was a Galwegian, I imagine him to have been that Duncan M'Do'wal who defeated and made prisoners the two brothers of the King of Scots, near Lochryan, in 1306. 100 Foedera, iii. 422. 428. 435. 52 ROBERT I. a. d. 1313. under the government of the English ministers.' Edward bestowed high encomiums on their faith- fulness and constancy ; required them to persevere in their duty ; promised to lead an army to their relief; and assured them that he would redress all their grievances, (28th November). Meanwhile the Scottish arms prospered.* Ed- ward Bruce made himself master of the castles of Rutherglen and Dundee, and laid siege to the cas- tle of Stirling. Philip de Moubray, the governor, offered to surrender, if he was not relieved on the feast of St John the Baptist (24th June), in the following year : To this offer, Edward Bruce, with- out consulting his brother, agreed.^ The King of Scots was highly displeased at this rash treaty.* By it the military operations were interrupted, and a long interval allowed to the Eng- lish for assembling their utmost force ; while, at the same time, the Scots were reduced to the ne- cessity either of raising the siege with dishonour, or of hazarding the kingdom on the event of a single battle. Robert, however, consented to the treaty, and resolved to meet the English by the appointed day. 1314. Immense were the preparations made by Edward for relieving the castle of Stirling. They were suit- able to the power and resources of a mighty peo- ple on an occasion so important. ' Foedera, iii. 458. * Barbour, 220. 3 Barbour, 221. Fordun xii. 20. Foedera, iii. 482. * Barbour, 222. A. D. 1314. ROBERT I. 53 Edward ordered ships to be assembled for invad- ing Scotland ; invited to his aid Eth O'Connor, chief of the Irish of Connaught, and twenty-six other Irish chiefs ; summoned his EngHsh subjects in Ireland to attend his standard, and put both them and the Irish auxiharies under the command of the Earl of Ulster, (^6th March).^ Aft€r having summoned his barons to meet him in arms at Berwick on the 11th of June, he issued a proclamation, requiring about 2^,000 foot sol- diers from different counties in England and Wales, to rendezvous at Werk.*^ * The writ addressed to the Sheriff of Yorkshire may serve as a specimen of the style used at that time. " Rex vicecomiti Eborum, salutem : Cum pro expeditione guerrae nostrae Sco- tiae, quatuor millia hominum in comitatu tuo eligi, et ad nos ad partes Scotiae duci mandaverimus, ita quod essent ad nos ibi- dem ad dies jam transactos ; ac jam intelleximus, quod Scoti inimici et rebelles nostri nituntur, quantum possunt, se m magna multitudine peditum, in locis fortibus et morosis, ubi equitibus difficilis patebit accessus, ad invicem congregare inter nos et castrum nostrum de Stryvelin, ut sic rescussum ejusdem castri, quern citra Jestum nativitatis Beati Johannis Baptistae proximum Juturum, juxta conditionem, cum dictis inimicis nostris per consta- bularium dicti castri initnm, sub poena amissionis ejusdem, facere oportebit, et quem, divina opitulante dementia, citra festum dic- tum facere proponimus, pro viribus impedirent ;" Foedera, T. iii. p. 481. An eminent historian says, " That the army of Ed- ward, which, according to the Scots writers, amounted to an hundred thousand men, was probably much inferior to that number ;" Hume, History of England, vol. ii. p. 135. In proof of this, he observes, that " we find in Rymer, T. iii. p. 481. a list of all the infantry assembled from all parts of England and Wales, and they are only 21,540." It is strange that the author should have so widely mistaken the sense of the record. In Rymer there is not a list of all the infantry assembled from all parts of England and Wales, but merely an order to the sheriffs of tuelve counties, to tuio Earls, and to six or seven Barons, re- S Foedera, iii. 463. 478. " Foedera, iii, 463.481, 482. 54. ROBERT I. a.d. 1314. The King of Scots appointed a general rendez- vous of his forces at the Torwood, between Fal- kirk and Stirling."^ Their number somewhat ex- ceeded thirty thousand. There were also upwards of fifteen thousand, an unarmed and undisciplined rabble, who followed the camp, according to the mode of those times. The King determined to wait the English in a field which had Stirling on the left, and the brook of Bannock on the right.* ^ What he most dread- quiring them to furnish certain quotas of infantry. The coun- ties mentioned, are Cheshire, Derbyshire, Durham, Lancashire, Leicestershire, Lincolnshire, Northumberland, Nottinghamshire, Shropshire, Staffordshire, Warwickshire, and Yorkshire. A writ, indeed, was directed to the Earl of Gloucester and Hertford, and another to the Earl of Hereford and Essex ; but those writs respected the particular estates belonging to the two Earls, and not the counties under their administration. The writs published by Ryraer relate not to the southern or western counties of England. It is not probable that Edward would have invited the aid of twenty-seven Irish chiefs, and yet have neglected to require the assistance of the most populous parts of his own dominions. If we take into the account the Irish, and the English subjects residing in France, and if we suppose that all the counties and all the barons in England fur- nished their quotas in equal proportion, we shall have no diffi- culty in pronouncing, that the numbers of the English army, as related by our historians, are within the limits of probability. Edward himself says, and it is a circumstance which merits at- tention, that he had summoned to the rendezvous all who owed military service, (totum servitium nostrum) ; Foedera, T. iii. p. 478. * The author of the History of Stirlingshire is positively cer- tain that the King of Scots drew up his army, having its front to the south, and with Stirling on the rear. After having exa- mined the ground, I am as positively certain, that Barbour, whom I follow, has justly described the position of the Scots on that memorable day. Their front appears to have extended from the brook called Bannockburn to the neighbourhood of ' Barbour, 229. , » Barbour, 252. Th. de la More, ap. Cambden, 594. A. D. 1314.. ROBERT I. 65 ed was the strength and midtitude of the English cavalry. The banks of the brook were steep in many places, and the ground between it and Stir- ling was partly covered with wood. The place, therefore, was well adapted for opposing and em- barrassing the operations of horsemen. The King commanded many pits to be dug rn every quarter where cavalry could have access. These pits were of a foot in breadth, and between two and three feet deep. Some slight brushwood was laid over them, and they were carefully covered with sod, so as not to be perceptible by a rash and impetuous enemy. Barbour describes their construction in a lively manner : " They might be likened," says he, ** to a honey-comb." This implies that there were many rows of them with narrow intervals.* By this disposition the King exposed his left flank to the garrison of Stirling ; but the inconsiderable number of soldiers in that garrison could not have greatly annoyed the Scots. Besides, Moubray the governor had consented to a truce, and, if he had assailed the Scots before the fate of the castle was St Ninians, pretty nearly upon the line of the present turnpike road from Stirling towards Kilsyth. The stone in which Bruce is reported to have fixed his standard is still to be seen. — The partisans of the other hypothesis will do well to point out what was Randolph's post, and how he came to be engaged with Clifford. * The description given by Barbour shews, that Buchanan had a very imperfect notion of the artifice employed by Bruce. His words are : " Brussius — in locis aequioribus fossas praealtas duxit, in quibus palos acutos ita infixit, ut superne integumen- tum e levi cespite fraudem celaret : Murices autem ferreos, ubi commodum videbatur, spargi jussit ;" L. viii. p. 145. Barbour speaks not of the calthrops which Buchanan mentions ; but it is possible that they also may have been used. 56 ROBERT I. a. d. 1314. determined by battle, he would have been deemed a false knight. In those days the point of honour was the only tie which bound men ; for dispensa- tions and absolutions had effaced the reverence of oaths. Edward proceeded triumphantly on his march for the relief of Stirling castle.*^ On the 23d June, the alarm came to the Scottish camp, that Edward was approaching. '° The King of Scots resolved that his troops should fight on foot." He drew them up after this man- ner : He gave the command of the centre to Dou- glas, and to Walter the young Stewart of Scotland ; of the right wing to Edward Bruce, and of the left to Randolph ; he himself took charge of the reserve, composed of the men of Argyle, the islanders, and his own vassals of Carrick. In a valley to the rear,t he placed the baggage of the army, and all the numerous and useless attendants on the camp. He enjoined Randolph to be vigilant in pre- * Barbour, p. 227. describes this march with an elegance not unworthy of Chaucer : " Then Sol was bright, and shining clear, And armours that bright burnished were Sa blonyt with the sun its beam That all the land seemed in a learn, Banners right fairly flawinand And pensels to the wind wavand." f According to the report of the country, to the west of a rising ground, called Gilles-hill ; and, indeed, there appears not any other place in that neighbourhood which corresponds with the account given by Barbour. » Barbour, 227. *° Barbour, 235. " Barbour, 23 L A. D. 1314.. ROBERT I. S7 venting any advanced parties of the English from throwing succours into the castle of Stirling. Eight hundred horsemen commanded by Sir Robert Chfford, were detached from the English army ; they made a circuit by the low grounds to the east, and approached the castle.'* The King perceived their motions, and coming up to Ran- dolph, angrily exclaimed, " Thoughtless man 1* you have suifered the enemy to pass.'* Randolph hasted to repair his fault, or perish. As he advanc- ed, the English cavalry wheeled to attack him. Randolph drew up his troops in a circular form, with their spears resting on the ground, and pro- tended on every side.t At the first onset Sir Wil- '^ The words of Barbour, p. 239. are : " For the King had said him rudely, That a rose of his chapilet Was fallen, for where he was set To keep the way, these men were past." The phrase, " a rose has fallen from your chapilet," is ob- scure. I imagine that rose implies the large bead in a rosary or chaplet, for distinguishing a Pater noster from an ave Maria in the numeration of prayers. Hence, to say, " that a rose has fallen from a person's chaplet," means, literally, that he has been careless in his devotions, and has omitted part of the prayers which he ought to have repeated ; and, by metonymy, that he has neglected any charge committed to him. " He was set to keep the way," means, " he had the charge of guarding that passage :" Hence we may learn, that Randolph command- ed the left wing. That circumstance is not clearly expressed by Barbour. f So I understand the words of Barbour, p. 240. " Set your spears you before, And back to back set all your rout, And all the spears their points out ; So gate us best defend may we, Environed with them if we be." " Barbour, 238, &c. 58 ROBERT I. a. d. 1314. liam Daynecourt, an English commander of dis- tinguished valour, was slain.' ^ The enemy, far su- perior in numbers to Randolph, environed him, and pressed hard on his little band. Douglas saw his jeopardy, and requested the King's permission to go and succour him. " You shall not move from your ground,** cried the King ; " let Ran- dolph extricate himself as he best may. I will not alter my order of battle, and lose the advantage of my position." " In truth,** replied Douglas, " I cannot stand by and see Randolph perish ; and therefore, with your leave, I must aid him.** The King, unwillingly, consented ; and Douglas flew to the assistance of his friend. While approaching, he perceived that the English were falling into dis- order, and that the perseverance of Randolph had prevailed over their impetuous courage. " Halt,** cried Douglas, " those brave men have repulsed the enemy ; let us not diminish their glory by sharing it.'* Meanwhile the vanguard of the English army appeared. The King of Scots was then in front of the hue, meanly mounted, having a battle-axe in his hand, and a crown above his helmet, as was the manner in those times. Henry de Bohun,* an * In Scala Chron. ap. Leland, Collectanea, T. ii. p. 546. it is said, " Bruse, with his owne hands, killed Pers Monjbrt, an Eng- lish knight, in the woodes by Strivelin." I observe that Pers Monfort is not mentioned in the list of the slain ; Trivet, contin. p. 14. but that Henry de Bohun is. Barbour relates, that the Scottish leaders blamed the King for his temerity in encounter- ing Bohun. The King, conscious of his error, changed the discourse, and said, " I have broke my good battle-axe ;" p. 246. '3 Barbour, 240. Trivet, contin. 14. A.D. 1314. ROBERT I. 59 English knight, armed at all points, rode forward to encounter him. The King met him in single combat ; and, with his battle-axe, cleft the scull of Bohun, and laid him dead at his feet. The Eng- lish vanguard retreated in confusion. Monday the !^ith of June 1314<, at break of day,* the English army moved on to the attack. The van, consisting of the archers and lancemen, was commanded by Gilbert de Clare Earl of Glou- cester, nephew of the English King, and Humphry de Bohun, Earl of Hereford, constable of Eng- land.!'* The ground was so narrow, that the rest of the English army had not space sufficient to extend itself. It appeared to the Scots as composing one great compact body, f * Thomas de la More says, edit. Cambden, p. 594*. That the English spent the night before the battle in drunkenness and riot : *' Vidisses prima nocte Anglos hand Anglico more vino madentes, crapulam eructantes, Wassaile et drinkhaile plus solito intonaiites." -j- The Earls of Lancaster, Warenne, Warwick, and Arun- del, were absent from the English army. They pretended that Edward had failed in performing certain conditions promised to them ; Walsingham, p. 104. J Barbour, p. 257. says, *' In a shiltrum^ It seemed they were all and some, Outtane the waivard allenarly, That right with a great company By themselves arrayed were." In another passage, p. 260. he says, that the English had nine battles, or large bodies. Walsingham, p. 105. says, " Duces Anglorum pedites cum arcubus atque lanceis, in prima compo- nunt acie, equites diversis alis retro constituunt." It would ^4 Leland, ii. 546. Walsingham, 105. 'S Barbour, 257. 60 ROBERT I. a. d. 1314. Edward, in person, brought up the main body. Aym^r de Valence, Earl of Pembroke, and Sir Giles d' Argentine, two experienced commanders, attended him.* Maurice Abbot of Inchaffray, placing himself on an eminence, celebrated mass in sight of the Scot- tish army.'^ He then passed along the front bare- footed, bearing a crucifix in his hands, and exhort- ed the Scots, in few and forcible words, to combat for their rights and their liberty. The Scots kneel- ed down. " They yield," cried Edward ; *' See, they implore mercy.'* " They do," answered Ingelram de Umfraville, " but not ours. On that field they will be victorious, or die.'"' The two armies, exasperated by mutual ani- mosities, engaged.'^ The conflict was long and bloody. The King of Scots perceiving that his troops were grievously annoyed by the English archers, ordered Sir Robert Keith, the marshal, seem that the intervals between the different bodies of infantry were small. * " His own battle ordained he, And who should at his bridle be ? Sir Giles de Argentine he set Upon a half his renzie to get, And of Vallange Sir Aymery On the other half, that was worthy, For in their sovereign bountie Out o'er the lave affied he." — Barbour^ p. 227- Thomas de la More admits that Edward was in the third body ; but, he adds, that he was accompanied by bishops, and other ecclesiastics, and by that cowardly bird of prey, H. le Despencer, " vecors ille milvus ;" p. 594<. '« Fordun, xiL 21. '^^ Barbour, 258. '^ Barbour, 259, &c. A. D. 1314. ROBERT I. 61 with a few armed horsemen, to make a circuit by the right, and attack the archers in flank. The archers having no weapons, were instantly over- thrown, and faUing back, spread disorder through- out the army.* The King of Scots advanced with the reserve.t The young and gallant Earl of Gloucester attempted to rally the fugitives, but was unhorsed, and hewn to pieces. f The con- fusion became universal. At that moment the numerous attendants on the Scottish camp, prompt- ed by curiosity, or eager for plunder, issued from their retirement in the rear. It seemed as if fresh * It Is generally supposed, that the English horsemen were entangled in the snare which Bruce had laid for them. But Barbour makes no mention of that circumstance, although he minutely describes the nature of Bruce's stratagem. If I mis- take not, the movement executed by Sir Robert Keith was de- cisive of the battle. The English had crowded their whole infantry into the van, or first line, and, confiding in their un- wieldy numbers, had not foreseen the danger of being taken in flank by a few men at arms. f It would seem, from some expressions in Barbour, p. 267. that the King of Scots brought up the reserve to the right of his army. This shows that there had been a great slaughter of the Scots, by which, in that circumscribed ground, there was a place left for the reserve to fall into the line. The words of Barbour are, " When this was said they held their way, And on onejield assembled they, — All their four battles., with that weir Fightand in a front hallily." a in this place, as in others, is, in modern language, not c, but one. X Th.de la More, ap. Cambden, p. 59'^. says. That the Scots would have saved the Earl of Gloucester had they known him ; but that, on that day, he had neglected to put on " togam pro- priae armaturae," that is, the upper garment on which his arms were depicted, or his coat armorial. '9 Walsingham, 105. 63 ROBERT I. a. d. 1314. troops had arrived in aid of the Scots. The Eng- lish fled with precipitation on every side. Many crowded to seek rehef among the rocks in the neighbourhood of StirHng castle ; and many rush- ed into the river and were drowned. Pembroke and Sir Giles d' Argentine had at- tended on Edward during the action. ^° When Pembroke saw that the battle was irretrievably lost, he constrained Edward to quit the field. " It is not my wont to fly," said d* Argentine, renowned for his prowess in the Saracen wars ; then spurring • on his horse, and crying out, " A?i Argentine,** he rushed into the battle and met death.* Douglas, with sixty horsemen, pursued the Eng- lish King on the spur."" At the Torwood he met * I know little of this singular personage. In Scotland h\% renown was great. According to the vulgar opinion, the three most eminent worthies of that age were, the Emperor Henry of Luxemburg, Robert Bruce, and Sir Giles d' Argentine ; Fordun, L. xiii. c. 16. In Scala Chron. ap. Leland, T. ii. p. 547. it is said, " Giles de Argentine, a stoute warrior, and late cum from the werres of Henry Lusenburg Emperor, said, that he was not wont to fly, and so returnit to the Englische host, and was slayne." It is reported, that, in the wars of Palestine, he thrice encountered the Saracens, and in each encounter slew two of their warriors : " It was no mighty feat," said he, " for one Christian knight to overcome and slay two Pagan dogs ;" Fordun, L. xii. c. 16. Baston the Carmelite, ap. Fordun, L. xii. c. 22. thus speaks : " Nobilis Argenten, pttgil inclyte, dulcis Egidi, Yix scieram mentem, cum te succumbere vidi." The first line mentions the three chief requisites of a true knight, noble birth, valour, and courteousness. Few Leonin couplets can be produced that have so much sentiment. I wish that I could have collected more ample memorials concerning a character altogether different from modern manners. Sir Giles d' Argentine was a hero of romance in real life. *o Barbour, 272. " Barbour, 280. A. D. 1314. ROBERT I. 6S Sir Laurence Abernethy, who was hasting with twenty horsemen to the English rendezvous. Aber- nethy abandoned the cause of the vanquished, and joined with Douglas in the pursuit. Edward rode on without halting to Linlithgow. Scarcely had he refreshed himself there, when the alarm came that the Scots were approaching. Edward again fled. Douglas and Abernethy pressed hard upon him, and allowed him not a moment of respite.* Edward at length reached Dunbar, a place distant more than sixty miles from the field of battle. The Earl of March opened the gates of that castle to Edward, protected him from his pursuers, and conveyed him by sea into England.t** Such was the event of the battle of Bannock- burn ;t an action glorious in its circumstances, and of decisive moment.''^ * Barbour describes the constancy of the chace in a Hvely manner, but which I chuse to express in Latin : " Scoti perti- nacius instabant, ita quidem ut ne vel mingendi locus hostibus concederetur ;" p. 282. f " Counte Patrik of Marche ful gentely reseivid King Ed- ward into his castel of Dunbar, and thens the King cam by water to Berwick ;" Scala Chroti. ap. Leland, T. ii. p. 547. Th. de la More, p. 594. relates a circumstance which is cha- racteristical : " Hie non equi velocitas, non hominum industria, Regera ab inimicis liberavit, sed Mater Dei quam Rex invoca- vit. Cui Rex et filio suo vovit, si salvus evasisset, se erecturum pauperibus ejus Carmelitis mansionem, in Matris Dei titulo in- signitam, pro 24 fratribus Theologiae studio deputatis, quod et pogtea fecit Oxonii et expensis ditavit, dissuadente Spensero." To this vow of Edward II. Oriel college in Oxford, where Sir Walter Raleigh was educated, owes it establishment ; Antiq, Oxon. T. ii. p. 103. :j: The English call it the battle of Bannockmoor ; Wahing' ham, p. 105. ; or of Stirling ; Murimuth, p. 46. Leland, T. ii. p. 456. ** Leland, ii. 547. *3 Barbour, 278. 14 64 ROBERT I. a. d. 1314. On the side of the Scots, no persons of note were slain, except Sir William Vipont, and the favourite of Edward Bruce, Sir Walter Ross. When Edward Bruce heard of his death, he passionately exclaimed, " Oh that this day's work were undone, so Ross had not died.'** But the loss of the English was exceedingly great.** Of barons and bannerets there were slain twenty-seven, and twenty-two made prisoners. Of knights there were slain forty-two, and sixty made * Barbour, p. 278. thus relates the incident : *' That he said, making evil cheir That him were levir that journey were Undone, than he so dead had been. Outtaken him, men has not seen Where he for any man made meaning, And the cause was of his loving That he to his sister per amours Loved," &c. Barbour, ibid, relates a singular incident, which, according to his account, is connected with the friendship of Edward Bruce and Sir Walter Ross. Bruce had married Isabella, the sister of David de Strathbogie Earl of Athole ; he slighted her, and engaged in an unlawful intercourse with the sister of Sir Walter Ross. Athole brooked not this affront, and resolved to revenge his private wrongs, although at the hazard of the state. While the two armies were about to engage, he assaulted the King's head quarters at the abbey of Cambuskenneth, and slew the guard, with Sir William Keith its commander. Barbour adds. That for this base deed he forfeited. I know not what judgment to form of this story. It is certain that the Earl of Athole re- turned to the service of England; Foedera, T. ii. p. 6't4. (an. 1317). And it is equally certain, that sentence of forfeiture was pronounced against him in parliament, 1323. " Per judicium in parliamento nostro tento apud Cambuskynet, de consensu totius cleri et populi editum, in festo Sancti Jacobi apostoli, anno 1323 ;" Chart. Dunferm. T. ii. fol. 24-. It is strange that punishment should have been delayed until 1323 of an offence Bo atrocious, said to have been committed in 1314'. *♦ Trivet, contin. 14. W^alsingham, 105. A. D. 1314. ROBERT I. 65 prisoners.* The English historians mention as the most distinguished among the slain, the Earl of Gloucester, Sir Giles d*Argentine, Robert Clifford, Payen Tybetot, William le Mareshal, and the Sene- shal of England Edmund de Mauley. Of esquires there fell seven hundred ;t the number of common men killed or made prisoners, is not related with any certainty. The Welshmen who served in the English army were scattered over the country, and miserably butchered by the Scottish peasants.*^ The English who had sought refuge among the rocks in the neighbourhood of Stirling castle, sur- rendered at discretion.''^ Moubray the governor performed the conditions of his capitulation, yield- ed up the castle, and entered into the service of the King of Scots. The privy-seal of the English King fell into the hands of the enemy. t"*' * In Trivet, contln. p. H. there is a list of some of them. From the specimen there given, it may be presumed, that, if the list were complete, most of the ancient English families would find the names of their predecessors among the slain, or among the prisoners, at Bannockburn. f " Scutiferorum septingentorum ;" Walsingham, p. 105. As to the meaning of the word Esquire, it is said by Spelman, Gloss, p. 508. " Scutifer, nobilitatis, scil. appellatio apud Anglos penultima, hoc est, inter equitem et generosum ;" i. e. *' A squire is that rank which is below that of a knight, and above that of a gentleman." This description is not satisfactory ; it has a mo- dern look. :j: " Dominus Rogerus de Northburgh, custos Domini Regis targiae, ab eo ibidem ablatae, una cum Dominis Rogero de Wikenfelde et Thoma de Switone, Dicti Domini Rogeri cleri- -J Barbour, 276. ^° Barbour, 276. 280. ^7 Trivet, contin. 15. Foedera, iii. 483. VOL. II. E 66 ROBERT I. a. d. 1314. The Scots were enriched by the spoils of the English camp, and the ransoms of many noble pri- soners.''^ In the treatment of the prisoners who were allot- ted to him, the King of Scots displayed much gene- rosity. He set at liberty Ralph de Monthermer, and Sir Marmaduke Twenge,* without ransom. By humane and courteous offices he alleviated the mis- fortune of the captives, won their affections,! and shewed the English how they ought to have improv- ed their victories. The King of Scots sent the dead bodies of the cis, pariter detinebantur ibidem, ob quod Dominus Rex cito postea fieri fecit sigillum, volens illud privatum sigillum appellari ad difFerentiam tnrgiae sic, ut praemittitur, ablatae ;" Trivet, contin. p. 15. Spelman understood not the meaning of the word targia : He says, Glossar. p. 532. " Targia pro scuto, a Gall. Target. Wals. in Edw. II. A. D. 1314. p. 105. Rogerus de Northburgh, custos Targiae Domini Regis." The continuator of Trivet seems to distinguish this targia from the privy-seal. This is a matter of small importance ; it may, however, be observed, that it is fully explained by an instrument in Foedera, T. iii. p. 483. " Rex, &c. quia privatum sigillum nostrum a nobis est clongatum, tibi praecipimus, &c. ne quis pro aliquo mandato sibi, sub dicto sigillo ex tunc porrigendo, seu etiam liberando, quic- quam faciat, nisi aliud a nobis habuerit mandatum, de priore mandato sub dicto privato sigillo contento, specialem faciens mentionem," &c. ap. Berwick 27th June 1314. Bruce, to show that he meant nothing dishonourable by holding the seal in his possession, restored it to Edward, under the condition, however, that Edward should not use it; Trivet, cont. p. 16. * He yielded himself up to the King in person, on the day after the battle; during that interval he had lurked in the field undiscovered ; Barbour, p. 279. f " Captivos quos ceperat tam civiliter tractari fecit, tarn honorifice custodiri, quod corda multorum in amorem sui indi- visibiliter commutarit ;" Walsingham, ^.\0Q. ^8 Barbour, 277. A.D.131*. ROBERT I. 61 Earl of Gloucester* and Lord Clifford to be inter- red in England with the honours due to their birth and valour.*^ There was one Baston, a Carmelite friar, whom Edward had brought with him in his train, to be spectator, as was popularly reported, of his achieve- ments, and to record his triumphs.^" Baston was made prisoner, and paid a poet*s ransom in a poem on the Scottish victory at Bajinockburn.f The Earl of Hereford had retreated after the battle to the castle of Bothwell.^' He was besieg- * Walsingham, p. 106. relates a singular incident concerning the succession of the Earl of Gloucester. He left no issue, and the pregnancy of his widow was waited for during two years (per biennale tempus). This is improbable. A learned friend ingeniously conjectures, that brumale ought to be read for bien-' nale, which makes the sense to be, that her pregnancy was wait- ed for until the end of winter. \ " They are excellent rhymes," says the continuator of For- dun, " and ought not to be hid under a bushel, but to be set in a candlestick ;" L. xii. c. 22. This poem is well known ; and although the rhymes may not be so excellent as the historian imagined, they are curious. The poet begins with lamentmg ihe subject of his work : " De planctu cudo metrum cum carmine nudo, Risum retrudo, dum tali themate ludo." He prudently disclaims any knowledge of the merits of the quarrel between the two nations, " Sub quo Rege reo, nescio, teste Deo." The intemperance of the English soldiery, mentioned by Th. de la More, aftbrds matter for two lines. " Dum se sic jactant cum Baccho nocte jocando, Scotia, te mactant, verbis vanis reprobando." His own singular fate is aptly enough described thus : " Nescio quid dicam, quam non sevi meto spicam." I suspect that this unhappy poet had great part of the de- scription of the battle ready made when he was taken prisoner. His poem is a most extraordinary performance, and must have cost him infinite labour. ^9 Trivet, contin. 16. Walsing. 106. ^o Pordun, xii, 22. 3' Barbour, 284. Trivet, contin. 16. 68 ROBERT I. a. d. 1314. ed there by Edward Bruce, and soon capitulated. He was exchanged for the wife, sister, and daugh- ter of Bruce, for the Bishop of Glasgow, and the young Earl of Marre.*^* Edward Bruce and Douglas entered England by the eastern marches, wasted Northumberland, and laid the bishoprick of Durham under contribution.^' After having penetrated to Richmond, they pro- ceeded westward, burnt Appleby and other towns, and returned home loaded with plunder. Wal- singham avers, that many Englishmen, at that time, revolted to the Scots, and aided them in their de- predations.^'^ " The English,'* adds he, " were so bereaved of their wonted intrepidity, that a hun- dred of that nation would have fled from two or three Scotsmen.**! The English King summoned a parliament at York, in order to concert measures for the public security. ^^ To repress the incursions of the Scots, he appointed the Earl of Pembroke, formerly Guar- dian of Scotland, to be Guardian of the country be- tween the Trent and Tweed. * Barbour says, p. 285. that Wishart Bishop of Glasgow was now become blind. John de Segrave had been made prisoner at the battle of Bannockburn ; he was now exchanged for David de Lindesay, Andrew Murray, Reginald de Lindesay, and Alex- ander his brother, (20th November 1314-) ; Foedera, iii. p. 502. f " Nempe tunc Anghs consueta adempta fuit audacia, ut a facie duorum aut trium Scotorum fugerunt Angli centum ;" WaLsirigham, p. 106. Never were the consequences of a na- tional panic more severely felt. 34 Foedtra, iii. 446. ^^ Chron. Lanercost, ap. Tyrrel, iii. 262. 34 Walsingham, 106. ^s Foedera, iii. 491 — 493. A. c. 1314. ROBERT I. 69 At this season of dejection, the King of Scots made overtures of peace. ^^ He wrote to Edward, that a lasting concord between the two nations was bis chief wish, and he desired a passport for com- missioners to treat on his part.* Edward granted the passport, and appointed commissioners to treat with the Scots, (18th Sept. and 7th October). But the conclusion of this ruinous war still remain- ed at a distance. The Scots were too prosperous to make any concessions, and the English were not yet sufficiently abased by ill fortune, or enfeebled by faction, to yield every thing. The Scots again invaded England ; and, with- out meeting resistance, levied contributions in dif- ferent places." During the winter, they continued to infest, or to threaten, the English borders.t * Ralph Chilton, a friar, was the messenger sent by Bruce. The Scottish commissioners were four knights, Nigel Campbell, Roger de Kirkpatrick, Robert de Keith, and Gilbert de la Haye ; Foedera, T. iii. p. 495. Edward granted the passport, 18th September 1314, and consented to the negociating a peace, 7th October 1314, (at York) ; Foedera, T. iii. p. 495. 497. f Tyrrell vol. iii. p. 262. says, from the MS. Chronicle of Lanercost, " The Scots again entered England by Redesdale and Tindale, driving away the cattle, burning the towns, and destroying the inhabitants ; none being able to resist them. Then they went and reduced all Gillesland (in Cumberland), so that the people in all those parts swore allegiance to the King of Scots, and paid him tribute. In the space of six months, the county of Cumberland alone paid no less than six hundred merks for its share." Tyrrel observes, that this happened even vcluht the English parliament luas sitting ; as if that assembly couid have been formidable to the Scots while dissensions and party animo- sities prevailed in it. 3« Foedera, iii. 495. 497. •3' Chron. Lanercost, ap. Tyrrel, iii. 262. Foedera, iii, 498. 506- 70 ROBERT I. A. D. \SU. About this time the unfortunate John BalHol died.^^ He left a son, Edward, the heir of his pre- tensions to the crown of Scotland. 1315. While the English King vainly endeavoured to assemble an army,* the Scots again invaded Eng- land, penetrated into the bishoprick of Durham, and plundered Hartlepool. ^^ The King of Scots besieged Carlisle, but was re- pulsed by the valour of the inhabitants, (July 1315).'^'' About the same time, the Scots endea- voured to surprise Berwick, but failed in their en- terprise. This year was remarkable for the act settling the succession to the crown of Scotland.'^' A parliament was held at Ayr on Sunday 26tli April 1315.t The persons who met were, " the * Walsingham, p. 107. well describes the state of England at that time : " In quindena Paschae Rex per brevia citari fecit ad parliamentum Londoniis praelatos et proceres regnique com- munes. Sed quia multi de magnatibus impedimentorum causas praetenderunt, per quas merito excusari poterat eorum absentia, dictum parliamentum tunc temporis nullum sortiebatur effectum. Sed unusquisque tunc Londoniis congregatorum quo sibi placuit divertebat, et qui terrain defender-e tenebantiir, vacabant otio et jocis." Edward had just before caused the body of Gaveston to be raised and re-interred with great funeral pomp ; Walsing- ham, p. 106. This injudicious measure served, no doubt, to exasperate the malecontent lords who had murdered Gaveston. f " Dominica proxima ante festum Apostolorum Philippi et Jacobi." Mr Ruddiman, not. ad Buchanan, mistakes the feast of St Philip and St James for the feast of the other St James ; and hence he places this event in July 1315. The mistake i& not trivial, for it throws that part of our history into inextricable confusion. 38' Foedera, iii. 566. 30 Foedera, iii. 511. Chron. Lanercost, ap. Tyrrel, iii. 264, *° Chron. Lanercost, ap. Tyrrel, iii. 264. *' Anderson, Independency of Scotland, app. NO. 24. A. D. 1315. ROBERT I. 71 bishops, abbots, priors, deans, archdeacons, and the other prelates of churches. The earls, barons, knights, and others of the community of the king- dom of Scotland, as well clergy as laity." Their resolutions were unanimous, and in substance as follows.* I. They all and each became bound to be faith- ful, and bear true allegiance to Robert King of Scots, and the heirs-male to be lawfully procreated of his body, and that against all men. II. With the consent of the King, and of Mar- jory his daughter, and heir appare7it,i they ordain- ed, that, in case the King should die without leav- ing heirs-male of his body, then his brother, Edward Bruce, as a man of valour, and one much tried in war for the defence of the rights and liberty of Scotland,^ should succeed to the kingdom j and, * This act of settlement is in Anderson, Independency of Scotland, appendix, NO. 24. It is also to be found in Fordun, Li. xii. c. 24. There are some variations between the two tran- scripts ; but they are too minute to deserve notice. -)- " De consensu — Marjorae filiae." Marjory at that time was the on!}' child of Robert I. She is said to be haeres apparens of the King. It is hardly necessary to remark, that apparent is here incorrectly used for presumptive. X " Tanquam vir strenuus, et in actibus bellicis, pro defen- sione juris et libertatis regni Scotiae, quamplurimum expertus." Abercrombie, vol. i. p. 632. says, that " Edward Bruce, since the lawful son of his father, had, but for his being the second bro- ther, as much right to the crown as King Robert himself; nay, had he (Robert) been a woman, would have been preferred to him ; but King Robert was a man, and the eldest brother, and reigned accordingly." Here there is the appearance of a solemn argument, which implies, if I misunderstand not the author, " That Edward, if he had been the eldest son, as well as Robert, would have had as good a right to the crown as Robert ; nay, more, that he would have had a better right than Robert, if Robert had been a woman, for then Edward the son would have been preferred to Robert the daughter ; but Robert was a man> 72 ROBERT I. a. d. 1315. failing him, the heirs-male lawfully to be procreat- ed of his body. III. With the consent of the King, and of Ed- ward Bruce,* it was provided, that, failing Edward, and not a woman, was the eldest son, and not the second, and therefore was preferred." q. e. d. ! Abercrombie adds, " Upon the decease of Robert, JVho ought, by the then constitution, to succeed ? No doubt the children of the eldest brother, if males ; if not, the second brother, Edward, because a male, and, as suck, preferable to any •vooman tvhatever in the same degree and relation to his father : For this reason 'twas that Robert Bruce, the competitor, was, by King Alexander's determination, and the people's judgment, preferred to Derver- gild : And for that same reason did King Robert, and the par- liament he held at Ayr in the year 1315, declare, with express consent of Marjory his only daughter, that if he should have no heirs-male of his own body, the Lord Edward Bruce his brother- german, and the heirs-male of his body, should succeed him in the throne. It is true that the act itself enlarges upon the great worth and noble achievements performed in defence of the na- tion by the Lord Edward. And why should not the parliament put all the just value they could upon the successor of their King ? Indeed, 'twas at that time highly necessary that a man capable to perfect the great Avork begun by King Robert, should, in case of his death, be made to supply his deficiency. Upon that account, most authors think, that, contrary to the rights of hereditary monarchy, this settlement was made ; and that, for that reason, the express and willing resignation of Princess Marjory was required. It may be so ; for it cannot be doubted but a sovereign may resign, if not for his heirs, at least for himself." From all this crude and perplexed reasoning, it is impossible to discover whether Abercrombie was of opinion that the King's brother did of right exclude, or did not exclude, the King's daughter. Indeed, he seems to have blended together the three several hypotheses, that the heir-male was preferred, 1^^, of right ; 2c?, by reason of the present exigencies of the state ; and, 3rf, by express covenant with the heir-female. After all, he says, " To me it seems probable, that, in those days, the uncle was thought preferable to the niece." It will be remarked, that this seems adverse to the record, which mentions Marjory as the heir of Robert I. and as a consenter to the limitations. * " De consensu — dicti Domini Edwardi." Edward Bruce, if once in possession, might have pretended that the right of governing ought to devolve on his issue at large, and, therefore^ his consent to this limitation was required. A. D. 1315. ROBERT I. 73 and the heirs-male of his body, Marjory, and fail- ing her, the nearest heir lineally descended of the body of Robert, King of Scots, should succeed to the crown ; but under this condition, that Marjory should marry with the consent of her father, or, after his death, with the consent of the majority of the community or states of Scotland.* IV. Should the King, or his brother, die during the minority of the heir-male of their bodies, it was ordained that Thomas Randolph Earl of Moray, should be the guardian of the heir, and of the king- dom, until the major part of the states should hold the heir fit to administer the government in his own person.! V. Should Marjory die in widowhood, leaving an heir under age, and succeeding to the crown, the Earl of Moray shall be guardian of the heir, and of the kingdom, if he chuses to accept the office.1: * " Dum tamen de consensu dicti Domini Regis, vel, ipso deficiente, quod absit, de consensu majoris partis communitatis regni, dicta Marjoria matrimonialiter fuerit copulata." Whether the King and parliament did in this exceed their powers, I in- quire not. Certain, however, it is, that the succession of Marjory tjoas, by the act of settlement, made to depend upon her marrying with the consent of her father, or, after his death, with the consent of the majority of the community or states of Scotland. f " Quousque coramunitati regni, vel majori parti, visum fuerit, ipsum haeredem ad sui regni regimen posse sufficere." It is impossible to suppose that a power was reserved to the states of protracting the minority of the sovereign beyond his perfect age. A power to abridge the minority of the sovereign is the only thing here implied. :{: " Si idem comes ad hoc suum praebuerit consensum." It would seem that the Earl of Moray had consented to accept the office of guardian to the issue-male of Robert I. and Edward Bruce, but that he had reserved to himself the liberty of de- clining the office, in case the succession should devolve on fe- 74 ROBERT I. a. d. 1315. VI. Should Marjory die, and there remain no heir of the body of Robert King of Scots, the Earl of Moray shall be guardian of the kingdom, if he chuses to accept that office, until the prelates, earls, barons, and others of the community of Scotland, may be conveniently assembled to consider and de- termine as to the rightful succession to the crown of Scotland.* VII. Lastly^ The parties submitted themselves, and their successors, to the jurisdiction of the bi- shops and prelates of Scotland, whereby they might be compelled, by all spiritual censures, to observe and fulfil the premises.! males. — Supposing Marjory to have predeceased her husband, and to have left issue, this statute has not said who should be guardian of her children, and of the kingdom. The possibility of this event must have been foreseen ; perhaps it appears toa delicate to be a matter of discussion ; and yet the neglect in providing for it might have excited a fatal controversy between the states and the surviving husband of Marjory. * It is remarkable that the states of Scotland declined to come under any obligations to the issue-female of Edward Bruce. f " Se in jurisdictionem Episcoporum et Praelatorum regni Scotiae submiserunt." I understand this to imply, that the provincial council, or general assembly of the Scottish clergy, might enforce the observance of the act of settlement, by the terror of ecclesiastical censures. To have invested every dig- nified churchman with such authority, would have been elusory or absurd. Anciently, provisions of this nature were frequent in deeds executed by private persons. Thus, Reginald de Chene, in a grant to the chapter of Moray, says, " Ei si contingat, quod 9bsit, me vel haeredes meos, vel aliquem haeredum meorum, contra praemissa in toto vel in parte, de facto vel de jure venire, volo et concedo, pro me et haeredibus meis, quod Episcopi Aberdonensis et Sancti Andreae, et eorum officiales, qui pro tempore fuerint, vel eorundem Episcoporum vel officialium alter possliit vel possit me et haeredes meos ad observationem omnium et singulorum praemissorura, per censuram ecclesiasticam, sine A.D. 1315. ROBERT I. 75 The King of Scots gave his daughter Marjory in marriage to Walter the Stewart of Scotland.* The Irish of Ulster, oppressed by the English government, implored the aid of the King of Scots, and offered to acknowledge his brother Edward for their sovereign."^* The wisdom of the King of Scots must have foreseen, that, to expel the English from Ireland, unite the discordant factions of the Irish, and re- concile them to the dominion of a stranger, was an enterprise attended with mighty, if not insuperable strepitu judiciali, compellere'et coercere ;" Chart. Morav. vol. i. fol. 2. — A grant of the lands of Drumeleismene bears these words : " Horum omnium testes et fidejussores Episcopum Glascuensem et Comitem Dunecanum et haeredes ejus (elegi), ut si aliquando ego vel haeredes mei a tenore hujus cartae de- viaverimus, ipsa ecclesia et ejus pontifices per censuram eccle- siasticam ad correctionem nos revocent. Haec autem omnia propria manu affidavi in manu Domini Jocelini Glasguen. Epis- copi ;" Chart. Melros, fol. 46. — Resignation was made upon oath of the lands of Ardoch, by Itobertus dictus Frank de Lam- banister, in the presence of Alexander (III.) King of Scots, et Regni magnatum, ap. Rokesburgh, 13. Kal. Jul. 1266, with this proviso, that if he ever made any claim to the lands, " concedo quod ab agendo tanquam perjuri repellamur, et quod omnis actus judicialis nobis tanquam perjuris omni modo interdicatur." He subjects himself to the jurisdiction of the Bishop of Glas- gow, and consents to be excommunicated, and also to pay a pe- nalty of £.200 Sterling, " ut quos divinus amor a malo non amoveat, poenalis saltern timor coerceat ;" Chart. Melros, fol. 78. In this parliament, Randolph appears under the title of Earl of Moray. The grant of the earldom of Moray to Randolph is printed, Essays concerning British Antiquities, § 103 — 109. I have never been able to discover its precise date. Sir James Balfour, Lion King at Arms, in his MS. collections, supposes the grant to have been made in the 7th year of Robert I. * The grant which the King made to the Stewart, in conse- quence of this marriage, is to be found in Crawfurd, History of the House of Stewart, p. 14. *' Fordun, xii. 25. Ann. Hibern. ap. Carad. Britannia, 76 ROBERT I. a. d. 1315. difficulties. Yet there were motives which en- gaged him in an undertaking seemingly beyond his strength. The offer of a crown, however visionary, inflamed the ambition of Edward Bruce, whose in- trepid spirit never saw obstacles in the path to fame. It might have appeared ungenerous, and perhaps it would not have been poHtic or safe, to reject the proposals of the Irish for the advance- ment of a brother, to whom the King of Scots owed more than he could recompense. Besides, the invasion of Ireland seemed to afford a fit expe- dient for dividing the forces, and multiplying the perplexities of the English. Edward Bruce landed with six thousand men at Carrickfergus, in the north of Ireland,* (^5th May 1315).'*^ The principal persons who accom- panied him in this expedition were, Thomas Ran- dolph Earl of Moray, Sir Philip Moubray, Sir John Soulis, Sir John Stewart, Sir Fergus of Ardrossan, and Ramsay of Ochterhouse. t The Irish Lords of Ulster repaired to the stan- dard of Edward Bruce, solemnly engaged them- selves in his service, and gave hostages for perfor- mance of their engagements : Aided by his new * Edward Bruce embarked at Ayr, where the parliament had been lately held ; Barbour, p. 288. It is probable that the expedition was undertaken with the approbation of the parlia- ment. f The Annals of Ireland, subjoined to Camden's Brita7inia, add the following persons : John Menteth, John de Bosco, John Bisset, and John Campbell, the son, as it would seem, of Sir Niel Campbell of Lochow, and nephew of the King of Scots. *3 Ann. Hibern. ut suj). Barbour, 288, A. D. 1315. ROBERT I. 77 subjects, he ravaged, with merciless barbarity, the possessions of the EngHsh settlers in the north.* '^^ The Scottish army stormed and plundered Dun- dalk, (29th June). They burnt that town, to- gether with Atherdee, and other places of less note.^^ To repel this invasion, Richard de Burgh Earl of Ulster assembled his vassals, and having been joined by some Irish chiefs of Connaught, march- ed through the county of Meath, and entered the northern province, spreading desolation around him.'^^ Edmond Butler, the justiciary of Ireland,! col- lected the forces of Leinster, (about 22d July), and offered to assist the Earl of Ulster in repelling the invaders : " You may return home,** said the haughty Earl, *' I and my vassals will overcome * The history of this invasion is imperfectly known. Seve- ral circumstances concerning it are related in the Annals of Ireland, subjoined to Camden's Britannia ; but they are related in a perplexed manner, as might well be expected in a work which is an injudicious compilation of different chronicles. Barbour has given a long account of the events of that war. It would seem that he gathered his intelligence from the stragglers who survived the Irish campaigns. He often mistakes the names of places and persons. He figured to himself that Richard de Clare was the English deputy in Ireland ; and, from an error natural enough, he supposed that the deputy always command- ed the armies opposed to Edward Bruce. He omits some events altogether, and is too apt to magnify skirmishes into bat- tles ; yet his narrative contains circumstances curious and cha- racteristical. f In those days, the English deputy, or Lord' Lieutenant, was termed the Justiciary or Justice, The vestiges of that ap- pellation are still to be discerned in the phrase Lords Justices. *♦ Lib. Clonmacnoise, MS. ap. Leland, i. 266, 267. *^ Ann. Hibern. ut sup. 4<3 Lib. Clonmacnoise, MS. ut sup. 19 ROBERT 1. A. D. 1315. the Scots.'* Butler withdrew his troops, and left the conduct of the war to the Earl of Ulster. '^^ The Scots precipitantly retreated, and were pur- sued by Ulster: They halted near Coyners."^^ The English, ignorant of the motions of an enemy whom they despised, advanced to the attack ; the Scots, by the counsel of Sir Philip Moubray, left their banners flying in the camp,* and having made a circuit, suddenly assaulted the flank of the English army. The English fell into confusion, and were routed, (10th September). Lord William Burk, and many other persons of distinction, were made prisoners. Some of the fugitives, under the com- mand of Lord Poer of Dunville, retired into the castle of Carrickfergus, where their valour and per- severance checked the progress of the Scots. Soon after this battle, Randolph repaired to Scot- land in order to procure reinforcements,! (15th September).'*^ Meanwhile Edward Bruce pressed the siege of the castle of Carrickfergus. His efforts were vain, and he at length abandoned the enter- * If I mistake not, this simple stratagem has been success- fully employed in later wars. It can never succeed, unless against a commander equally opinionative and remiss. ■f Randolph took with him Lord William Burk (or de Burgh), who had been made prisoner in the late action. By a mistake of the transcriber, it is said in Annal. Hibern. ap. Camden, that Randolph had with him " Lord William Briis," (instead of Burk). From the name Bruce, Cox concluded that this person must have been the brother of Edward Bruce ; and hence he has confidently said, that " Edward sent his brother William Bruce into Scotland for a supply ;" Hist, of Ireland, vol. i. p. 93. It is well known that no such person existed. *7 Ann. Hibern. ut sup. ^s Barbour, 306. Ann. Hibem. ut sup. ''3 Ann. Hibem. ut sup. A. D. 1315. ROBERT I. 79 prise, (6th December). Randolph joined him with 500 men. They marched southwards by Dimdalk, and penetrated through Meath into Kildare. Near Arscoll in Kildare, the Scots encountered Edmond Butler the justiciary. ^° The English, al- though far superior in numbers to the Scots, were enfeebled by discord, and became an easy prey to their enemies. Unmindful of their duty, and of their reputation in arms, they fled. In this action, two Scottish commanders, Fergus of Ardrossan, and Walter Moray, were slain, (^ikh January). At this time, a famine, grievous beyond example, prevailed in Ireland.^' Many of the Scots perished through want, in a country which their savage and inconsiderate fury had desolated. Edward Bruce, unable to procure subsistence for his army, again retreated towards the province of Ulster, (14th February). Roger, Lord Mortimer, endeavoured to cut off the retreat of the Scots.^' His numerous troops were dispersed by the Scots at KenHs in Meath.* * I have placed the rout at Kenlis after the eno-agement in which the justiciary was defeated. In this point of chronology, the Annals of Ireland, published by Camden, contradict them- selves. I must acknowledge that I perused, with no small sur- prise, the account of this war, as given by Dr Leiand ; Uist. of Ireland, vol. i. B. 2. c. 3. Although he quotes Camden m every page, he may be said to have overlooked, or to have placed in a doubting parenthesis, every battle in which the Irish Annals, published by Camden, represent Bruce as victorious. Thus, of the battle in which the Earl of Ulster was defeated, he says, p. 268. " We are told, that after some inconsiderable actions, a general battle was fought, which ended in the discomfiture of Richard. However this may be, the advantage could not be s° Ann. Hibern. ut sup, s' Ann. Hibern.utsup. S^ Ann. Hibern. ut sup. 14 80 ROBERT I. a. d. 1315. Mortimer, with a few attendants, took refuge in Dublin. This disaster was ascribed, but I know not with what truth, to the treachery of the Lacies who served under the banners of Mortimer. Edward Bruce now assumed the office of chief magistrate in Ulster, tried causes, and inflicted ca- pital punishments on offenders." Randolph again effectually secured," &c. Of the action in Kildare, where the justiciary was defeated, Dr Leland says not a word. How are we to reconcile this with the generous sentiment in his preface, " Even at this day, the Historian of Irish affairs must be armed against censure, only by an integrity which confines him to truth, and a literary courage ivhich despises every charge but that of wilful and careless misrepresentation" What he says con- cerning the disaster of Mortimer is remarkable : After having related the assembling of an army at Kilkenny in 1317, he adds, " Intelligence arrived, that Roger Mortimer of Wigmore, a nobleman tvho is said, by some historians, to have already taken a part in the present xvnr, and to have been defeated by Bjiice, had arrived at Youghall with a train of forty knights and their at- tendants, to take upon him the administration of government, and was on his march to join the main body."' Here, while speaking of what happened in 1317, Dr Leland hints at what is said to have happened in 1315-16 ; and he seems to question the truth of the event, as related by historians. I cannot ac- count for his scepticism as to the defeat of the Earl of Ulster, or for his omitting altogether the defeat of Butler the justi- ciary ; but I think that one may trace the origin of his hesita- tion in treating of the disaster which befel Mortimer. He saw that Mortimer, invested v/ith the supreme command, arrived at Youghall about the beginning of the year 1317 ; hence he too hastily concluded, that Mortimer was a stranger in Ireland until 1317, and consequently could not have commanded an army at Kenlis in 1315-16. But the truth is, that although Mortimer was not appointed justiciary till 23d November 1316, Foedera, T. iii. p. 580, 581. yet he had resided much in Ireland before that time, as appears from the Annals published by Camden ; neither will it escape observation, that when the Annals speak of his ill fortune in the war with Bruce, they call him Lord Mortimer, and not Justiciary, and that the same Annals mention his arrival as justiciary in 1317. S3 Ann. Hibem. ut sup. A.D. 1316. ROBERT I. 81 departed into Scotland to procure additional suc- cours,* (about the beginning of March). Throughout the year 1315, Scotland enjoyed a tranquillity to which she had been long a stranger.^ "^ The King of Scots made an expedition into the western isles, and without meeting any resistance, reduced them under his government.t Marjory the King's daughter, and wife of the Stewart of Scotland, died,t leaving an only child Robert, (born 2d March 1315-16)." 1316. Edward Bruce now resumed the siege of the castle of Carrickfergus.^'^ Thomas Lord Mande- ville, with a considerable body of troops, hastened to its relief, and found means to enter the castle. The Scots were over secure in their quarters ; six- ty men, commanded by Neil Fleming, were their only guard. Early in the morning after his arri- * The Irish Annals say, " In tlie first week of Lent." In 1316, Easter-day fell on the 11th of April. f It seems that John of Lorn, who had been driven from Scotland in 1308, still maintained himself in the western islands. Barbour, p. 31 4'. relates, that the King of Scots drew his vessels across tJie Tarbat, or neck of land which joins Knapdale to Cantire : That the inhabitants of the neighbouring islands had a prophecy among them, importing, that they were never to be subdued, unless by him who should sail across the Tarbat : That they considered the prophecy as now fulfilled, and sub- mitted themselves. That Bruce might have drawn his slight vessel across the isthmus, is not impossible ; but it is not pro- bable that he, who was acquainted with those seas, should have bestowed so much labour, merely to avoid doubling the Mull of Cantirie. :{: Concerning the manner of her death, see a Dissertation in the Appendix. S4 Barbour, 314. SS Fordun, xii. 25. Exccrpta e Chroii. MS. Adv. Lib. J° Barbour, 508. Ann. Hibern. ut sup. VOL. II. 82 ROBERT 1. a.d. 131(>. val, Mandeville made a desperate sally. Fleming perceived that the Scots were surprised, and that, unless they had time to array themselves, all was lost. He resolv'ed to devote himself and his com- panions for the preservation of the army. *' Now of a truth,'* cried he, " shall men see how we can die for our Lord." He despatched a messenger to spread the alarm, and advanced, and checked the ■first impetuosity of Mandeville. Fleming received a mortal wound, and, of all his companions, not one was left alive. Mandeville sent part of his troops to environ the quarters of the Scots, that none might escape. Himself, with a chosen body, proceeded through the principal street. He was encountered by Edward Bruce and his household. Among them was one Gilbert Harper, renowned in the Scottish army for strength and intrepidity. Harper, the first in the affray, knew Mandeville by his armour, and, with one blow of his battle-axe, felled him to the ground. The English were daunted at the loss of their commander, while the Scots, increasing in numbers, pressed on, and were gallantly seconded by two hundred Irish spear- men.* The English sought refuge in the castle ; but the garrison, fearing lest the enemy should rush in, drew up the bridge, shut the gates, and aban- doned their companions to the fury of the con- querors,! (11th April). * Barbour, p. 312. says, That the spearmen were commanded by M'Nakil ; not knowing any such name in Scotland, I pre- sume that he was some Irish commander. f Barbour, p. 308. says, That a truce had been concluded, to endure until Tuesday after Easter, i.e. until the 13th of A. D. 1316. ROBERT I. 83 When the carnage had ceased, Bruce surveyed the field. He found Fleming in the agonies of death, and all his soldiers stretched around him. He bitterly lamented their fate : *' Howbeit,'* says Barbour, " he was not wont to bewail himself; neither could he endure to hear men make lamen- tation."^^ The garrison of the castle of Carrickfergus con- sented to surrender, unless relief arrived within a limited space. ^^ Edward Bruce was solemnly crowned King of Ireland,* (2d May).^^ April, but tliat Mandeville brought the succours to the castle on Easter-eve, and, in violation of the truce, attacked the Scots CD the morning of Easter-day, (11th April). The Irish Annals in Camden give a different account. They say, that Mande- ville having brought succours to the castle, skirmished success- fully with the Scots on the 8th and 10th days of April, and that, in another encounter with them, he was slain, about the kalends; whether this means the 16th April or the 1st May, is not certain ; it more probably means the 16th April ; for Ed- ward Bruce was crowned on the 2d May, and it is not to be presumed that that ceremony was performed on the very day after the action. Barbour's account is exceedingly distinct ; he speaks so forcibly of the guilt of violating the truce, and dis- regarding the sanctity of Easter, that it is plain he did not in- vent the story. The truth seems to have been this : The garri- son had agreed to a truce ; but Mandeville, by a kind of mili- tary casuistry, did not consider himself, and the succours which he brought, as bound by the agreement which the garrison had made. * " Post festum S. Philippi et Jacobi Apostolorum ;" Annul. Hibern. The translation, in Gibson's edition of Britannia, says, " After the feast of St Philip and St James." Nothing can be more ridiculous than that English version. Thus we have, " after the feast of Carnis Privium" for " the day follow- ing Shrove-Tuesday," and " the Lord Pincern" for " Lord Butler." W Barbour, 513. 5^ Barbour, 315. Ann. Hibern. ut sup. . 59 Ann. Hibern. ut sup. 8* ROBERT I. A. D. 1316. He required the garrison of the castle of Car- rickfergus to surrender according to treaty, (31st May).^° To tliis the English agreed, and desired that a detachment from the Scottish army might be sent in to take possession of the place. Thirty men were sent ; but the English treacherously seized them, and declared that they would defend the castle to the uttermost.* Meanwhile, the King of Scots had formed the magnanimous resolution of conducting in person a reinforcement to his brother.^' He intrusted the kingdom, in his absence, to the Stewart and Doug- las, embarked at Lochrian in Galloway, and landed at Carrickfergus. The garrison of the castle of Carrickfergus, after having endured the extremities of famine, capitUr lated.^"* They had subsisted for some time on the hides of beasts, and it is even said, that hunger con- strained them to feed on the Scots whom they had basely made prisoners. Nevertheless their savage obstinacy was in vain. The great English Lords of Ireland professed much zeal for the interest of the public, and formed loyal associations ; yet they suffered Carrickfergus to be reduced by famine. * I should have hesitated to relate this incident, had its au- thenticity depended on the testimony of the enemies of the English ; but it is mentioned in the Annals of Ireland, a work by no means unfavourable to the English. I do not observe any mention made of it by the Scottish historians. "^ Ann. Hibern. ut sup. "' Fordun, xii. 25. Barbour, 524. '^^ Ann, Hibern. ut sup. A. D. 1316i ROBERT I. 85 At length, after the fortress was lost, the Eng- lish appeared in Ulster.^ ^ John Logan* and Hugh Lord Bisset encountered and defeated a part of the Scottish army,t (25th October). In this action, Allan Stewart was made prisoner.^ The King of Scots, and his brother, by forced marches, passed through the county of Lowth, and advanced to Slane, (l6th February).^ "^ The Annals of Ireland report, that the Scottish army, consisting of 20,000 men, eluded the English who were post- ed to prevent their entrance into the province of Leinster. Barbour, however, asserts, that the King of Scots fought and defeated the English. It is probable that some slight action may have been magnified by partial relaters into a general battle. Some circumstances reported by Barbour to have happened previous to this battle, are lively and characteristical.^^ The Scottish army, while pass- ing through a wood, marched in two divisions. The first was led by Edward Bruce, and the other * I should conjecture that the name of this person was Cogan, not Logan. But I dare not depart from the printed authorities. f The Ii'ish Annals seem to mention the principal loss as having been of the cavalry. It is said, that 300 of them were slain, and 300 made prisoners. Hence I am induced to believe, that it was part of the army brought over by the King of Scots, \vhich Logan and Bisset overthrew. It is not probable that Edward Bruce would have had such a body of cavalry left, after having remained so long in an impoverished country. The place where this engagement happened is unknown. J He appears to have been a chief commander ; for the An- nals of Ireland mention his being brought to Dublin as a re- markable event, (5th December 1316). He was, if I mistake not, the eldest son of Robert Stewart of Darnley and Crook- stoun ; Craivfurd, History of the House of Stewart, p. 72. *3 Ann. Hibern. iit sup. "4 Ann, Hibern. ut sup. ^S Barbour, 327. 86 ROBERT I. a. d. 1316. by the King. The English lay concealed in the wood, purposing to attack the rear, as soon as the first division had passed. Edward Bruce, with his wonted impetuosity, hurried on, regardless of his brother, who advanced slowly and with circum- spection. The English archers, in small parties, began to annoy the rear of the Scottish army. The King concluded, that stragglers advancing so far were powerfully supported ; and therefore enjoin- ed his soldiers to march in order of battle, and on no pretence whatever to leave their ranks. It hap- pened that two Enghsh yeomen discharged their arrows at Sir Colin Campbell, the King's nephew. The youth rode off at full speed to revenge the in- sult. The King followed, and struck him so vio- lently with his truncheon, that he was well nigh unhorsed. ** Return," cried the King, " your dis- obedience might have brought us all into jeopardy.'* After the English were dispersed, Edward Bruce regretted his having been absent. *' It was owing to your own folly," replied the King ; " you ought to have remembered that the van must always pro- tect the rear." * * This is related hy Barbour, p. 331, 332. in the following words : " And when Sir Edward Bruce the bold Wist that the King had foughten so, With so feil folk, and he therefro, Might no man see a waer man. But the good King said to him than, That it was in his own folly, For he rade so unwittingly So far before, and na vaiiguard Made to them of the rerexuardf" &c. A.D. 1316. ROBERT I. »7 The Scottish army advanced towards Dubh"n: On its fate the existence of the English govern- ment in Ireland depended/^ The public spirit and intrepidity of the citizens of Dublin, at that critical season, ought to be held in perpetual re- membrance. They burnt their suburbs, which might have facilitated the approach of the enemy, demolished a church, repaired and strengthened their walls with its materials, and resolved to de- fend their city, or perish amidst its ruins. Hardly can the patriotic zeal of the populace be ever restrained within the bounds of reason and law. The Earl of Ulster, suspected of favouring the Scottish invaders, was seized, and committed to prison, by the Mayor of Dublin. This commit- ment appears to have been equally illegal and ex- travagant, and without a colourable plea of neces- sity. The sister of the Earl of Ulster, it is true, had married the King of Scots; but that alliance with Scotland ought not to have excited suspicions of his fidelity, who from interest, no less than ho- nour, was the implacable enemy of Edward Bruce. The King of Scotland, and his brother, took pos- session of Castle Cnoc,* (23d February).^' De- spairing, however, of success against Dublin, they turned aside, and encamped at Leixslip,t on the * Near Dublin, beyond Phoenix Park. This castle belong- ed to the Tyrrels. Camden, p. 994. f Called, in the Annals of Ireland, Salmon-leap^ I cannot omit the account of this campaign by Tyrrel, vol. iii. p. 268. It is concise. " The Scots durst not besiege Dublin, but ap- ^^ Ann. Hibem. ut sup. "^ Ann. Hibern. ut sup. 88 ROBERT L a. d. 131G. banks of the Liffy, (^5th February). Having re- mained there during four days, they marched to Naas, and arrived at Callen, in the county of Kil- kenny, (12th March). Their rapacious and unruly soldiers ravaged the country, plundered and burnt religious houses and churches, and even violated the sepulchres of the dead in quest of treasures. It is certain, however strange, that the Scots carried their arms as far as Liraerick.*^^ We can- not determine what were the motives which induc- ed the two brothers to undertake a march so long and hazardous, especially at that season of the year. That they led their troops from Carrickfergus to Limerick, by the way of Dublin, merely to brave the power of the English government, or to expose its weakness, would be an extravagant supposition. Perhaps, by placing themselves at Limerick, in the centre as it were of Connaught and Mounster, they hoped to excite the Irish chiefs of those provinces to repair to their standard. It is, however, a more probable conjecture, that famine constrained the Scots to roam for sustenance into the remote parts of the island, while by their license and ravages proaching near it, turned back to Leixslip, which they burnt, and then marched to the Naas, and plundering it, ivent back into the north ; so that I do not find that King Robert performed any great matter in Ireland this summer." It must appear singular that Tyrrel should have told this story, and yet have quoted Annal. Hihern. as his voucher. * In Barbour, p. 332. it is called Kitirike. The errors com- mitted by transcribers, in that once popular book, are very nu^ naerous. "' Ann. liibern. ut sup. Barbour, 332. A.D. 1317. ROBERT I. 89 they carried with them and diffused that calamity which they sought to avoid. 1317. Meantime the English assembled all their forces in the neighbourhood of Kilkenny, (31st March).'' ^ It might have been expected that the commanders of an army far superior in numbers to the Scots,* wonld have concurred in some plan, either for ad- vancing to attack the enemy, or for preventing their return into the east parts of Ireland ; yet, in- stead of. acting, they deliberated, and they held councils of war during a whole week, without form- ing any final resolution. At this juncture the celebrated Roger Mortimer, invested witli the character of deputy, landed from England, (7th April)."^" He despatched orders to Butler, his predecessor in office, and to the other English commanders, not to attempt any thing against the Scots before his arrival at the army. On his arrival he learnt that the Scots, by forced marches, had extricated themselves from the em- barrassment of their position, and while the English were deliberating as to the mode of carrying on the * The Annals of Ireland make the army to amomit to 30,000 men. It is probable that this is greatly exaggerated. As, however, the same Annals make the Scots to have been 20,000 strong at the beginning of this winter campaign, we may con- clude, that the exaggeration, as to the force of each army, is proportional ; and consequently, that the English assembled at Kilkenny were more immerous than the Scots. The chief com- manders of the English were, Edmond Butler the deputy, Tho- mas Fitz-John, Earl of Kildare, Richard Clare, Arnold Poer, Maurice Rochfort, and Thomas Fitz-Maurice. ^3 Ann, Hibern. ut sxip. ^o Ann. Hibern. ut sup. 90 ROBERT I. a.d. 1317. war in Moimster, had secured their own retreat to Kildare. Mortimer dismissed to their respective abodes the tumultuary troops assembled at Kil- kenny. The Scots, after having halted for some days near Trim, returned into Ulster, (about the beginning of May 1317). In the course of this fruitless expedition, the Scots were reduced to the necessity of feeding on horse flesh, and multitudes of them perished through hunger.* The King repaired soon after to his own dominions, with the glory of having overrun Ire- land, at the expense of the lives of many of his most faithful subjects. During his absence, the English had made various attempts to disturb the tranquillity of Scotland. ^^ The Earl of Arundel, with a numerous body, in- vaded the forest of Jedburgh. Douglas drew the English into an ambush, forced them to fight at disadvantage, and defeated them. In this action Thomas de Richemont was slain.t Edmond de * " In eadem expeditione multi fame perierunt ; reliqui vero carnibus equorum usi sunt ;" Fordun, L. xii. c. 25. The Annals of Ireland say, " That the Irish who were with the Scottish army, eat flesh in Lent without any necessity ; and that, next year, they were punished for their sin, being constrained through famine to eat one another." The same Annals add, " That it was reported, that some wretches had dug dead bodies out of the graves, boiled thejlesh in their skulls, and fed on it ;" as if the famine had consumed the spits and the kettles ! But the aim of the annalist was to display the enormity of the sin of eating flesh in the season of Lent. It is probable that the poor Irish violated Lent by eating horse-flesh ; this, surely, was a venial transgression. -J- Barbour, p. 337. supposes, that Thomas de Richemont commanded the English ; but Scala Chron. ap. Leland, T. i. 71 Barbour, 334 — 340. Leland, i. 547. A.D. 1317. ROBERT I. 91 Cailaud,* a knight of Gascony, and governor of Berwick, made an inroad into Teviotdale, and wasted the country.'* While he was returning loaded with spoil, Douglas set on him, and killed him, and many Gascons under his command. In- telligence was conveyed to Douglas, that Robert Neville had boasted that he would encounter him whenever he saw his banner displayed.' ' Douglas advanced to the neighbourhood of Berwick, dis- played his banner, burnt some villages, and pro- voked Neville to take the field. Neville fell, and his forces were discomfited.t The English invaded Scotland by sea, and an- chored off Inverkeithing in the Frith of Forth.f* p. 547. says, " King Edwarde sent the Erie of Arundel as capitayne ynto the marches of Scotlande, where he sofered reproche by James Duglas at Lincelly, yn the forest of Jed- worth, and ther was Thomas of Richemont slayne." Barbour says, that Thomas de Richemont fell by the hand of Douglas, and that Douglas took the furred hat which he wore above his helmet. In Histoire de Bretagne par Lobineau, T. i. p. 665. there is a portrait of Arthur de Richemont, Duke of Britany, with 2l furred hat, such as is described by Barbour. * Such I conjecture his name to have been. Barbour, p. 316. calls him de Cailovo. In Fordun, L. xii. c. 25. he is called Kylaxio. Both these words are evidently corrupted. f In Scala Chron. ap. Leland, T. i. p. 547. it is said, " the same James Douglas, by treason of the marchers, discomfited the band of Englishmen at Berwike, where Robert Neville was slain." It is not explained wherein the treason of the marchers consisted. X Barbour, p. 341. says, that the English landed to the west of Inverkeithing ; but Fordun, L. xii. c. 25. says, that they land- ed at Donibrissel, which lies to the east of that place. The variation is of little consequence : It serves, however, to show, that Fordun did not implicitly transcribe from Barbour. 1^ Barbour, 316. Leland, i, 547. 73 Barbour, 517 — 322. Leland^ i. 547. 7* Barbour, 341— 345. Fordun, xii. 25. 92 ROBERT I. A. D. 1317^ Five hundred men, under the command of the Earl of Fife and the Sheriff of that county, attempted to oppose their landing; but intimidated by the numbers of the EngHsh, they made a precipitate retreat. William Sinclair, Bishop of Dunkeld, hap- pened to meet the fugitives;* *' Whither are you flying ?'* said he to the commanders : *' You de- serve to have your gilt spurs hacked off." Then throwing aside his ecclesiastical vestment, he seized a spear, and cried, " Who loves Scotland, follow me." He led the Scots again to the charge, and impetuously attacked the enemy, who had not com- pleted their landing. The English gave way, and were driven to their ships with considerable loss. When the King heard of the intrepidity of this prelate, he said, " Sinclair shall be mi/ bishop.'^ Under the appellation of the King's Bishop, Sin- clair was long remembered by his countrymen. After the return of the King of Scots from his expedition into Ireland, Pope John XXII. issued a bull, commanding a truce for two years between England and Scotland, under pain of excommuni- cation.'^ He despatched two Cardinals into Bri- tain to make known his commands, and he pri- vately empowered them to inflict the highest spi- * He had a country-seat at Ouchtertoul, in that neighbour- hood ; Fordun, L. xii. c. 25. Barbour, p. 344. says, that the Bishop was " right hardy, meikle, and stark." This courageous prelate was the brother of Henry Sinclair of Roslin. See Keith, Catalogue of Bishops, p. 51. 75 Foedera, iii. 594. A. D. 1317. ROBERT I. 93 ritual censures on Robert Bruce, and on "whomever else they thought fit.* There is extant an authentic account of the ne- gociations of tlie Cardinals : It may be said to ex- hibit the best original portrait of Robert Bruce which has been preserved to our times. About the beginning of September 1317, the Cardinals sent two messengers to the King of Scots. The King graciously received the messengers, and heard them with patient attention. "^^ After having consulted with his barons,t he made answer, " That he mightily desired to procure a good and perpe- tual peace, either by the mediation of the Cardi- nals, or by any other means.'* He allowed the open letters from the Pope, which recommended peace, to be read in his presence, and he listened to them with all due respect ; but he would not receive the sealed letters addressed to Robert Bruce govern* ing in Scotland.t *' Among my barons," said he, *' there are many of the name of Robert Bruce, who share in the government of Scotland ; these letters may possibly be addressed to some one of them ; but they are not addressed to 7?Z(?, who am * " Quosvis alios ;" Foedera, T. iii. p, 614. The cardinals entrusted with such liberal powers of damnation, were Gaucelin Johannis, i. e. Fitz-Jean, a cardinal priest under the title -S/S. MarceUini et Petri, and Lucas de Flisco, a cardinal deacon, under the title Sanctae Mariae in via lata. -j- " Like a judicious person," tanquam prudens, says the des- patch from the cardinals to the Pope ; Foedera, T. iii. p. ()62. X " Gubernator Scotiae ;" it would be read in French Regent d'Escosse, or en Escosse. I have endeavoured to retain that am- biguity of which Bruce took advantage. 7° Foedera, iii. 657. 661—665. 94 ROBERT I. a. d. 1317. King of Scotland ; I can receive no letters which are not addressed under that title, unless with the advice and approbation of my parliament. I will forthwith assemble my parliament, and with their advice return my answer." The messengers attempted to apologize for the omission of the title of King : They said, *' That the holy church was not wont, during the depen- dence of a controversy, to write or say ought which might be interpreted as prejudicial to the claims of either of the contending parties." " Since, then," answered the King, " my spiritual father and my holy mother would not prejtidice the cause of my adversary, by bestowing on me the appellation of King during the dependence of the controversy, they ought not to have prejudiced my cause by withdrawing that appellation from me. I am in possession of the kingdom of Scotland ; all my peo- ple call me King^ and foreign Princes address me under that title ; but it seems that my parents are partial to their English son. Had you presumed to present letters with such an address to any other sovereign Prince, you might, perhaps, have been answered in a harsher style ; but I reverence you as the messengers of the holy see." He delivered this sarcastical and resolute answer with a mild and pleasant countenance.* The messengers next requested the King to com- mand a temporary cessation of hostilities. " To that," replied the King, " I can never consent, * " Laeta facie et amicabili vultu, semper ad patrem et ma- trem reverentiam ostendendo ;" Foedera, T. iii. p. 662. A.D. 1317. ROBERT L 95 without the approbation of my parliament, espe- cially while the English daily invade and spoil my people." The King's counsellors told the messengers, that if the letters had been addressed to the King of Scots, the negociations for peace would have in- stantly commenced. They imputed the slighting omission of the title of King to the intrigues of the English at the papal court, and they unguardedly hinted, that they had this intelligence from Avig- non. " While the title of King is withheld," said the messengers to their constituents, " there can be no hopes of a treaty." On receiving this intelligence, the Cardinals re- solved to proclaim the papal truce in Scotland.'' In this hazardous office they employed Adam New- ton, guardian of the monastery of Minorites at Ber- wick : He was charged with letters to the Scottish clergy, and particularly to the Bishop of St An- drews. He found the King of Scots with his army in a wood near Old Cambus,* making preparations for the assault of Berwick. Although personal * " Ad quandam villam veni, quae vocatur Haldecambehus, clistantem a Berewico per duodecim milllaria : Juxta quam vil- lain, in quodam nemore, Dominus Robertus de Brus, cum suis complicibus, latebat, cum diversis machinamentis suis, ad obsi- dendum et destruendum villam Berewici, et circa hujusmodi in- sidiationes die nocteque laborat sine requie ;" Foedera, T. iii. p. 683. The mention of a wood near Old Cambus, will induce some of my readers to remark what mighty alterations have happened in that country since the beginning of the Hth cen- tury. " Foedera, iii. 683, 684. 96 ROBERT I. a. d. 1317. access to the King was denied, the obedient monk proclaimed the truce by authority of the Pope. When the King of Scots was informed that the papal instruments still denied him his titles, he re- turned them back, saying, *' I will listen to no bulls, until I am treated as King of Scotland, and have made myself master of Berwick.'* The monk, terrified at this answer, requested either a safe-conduct to Berwick, or permission to pass into Scotland, and deliver letters to some of the Scottish clergy. But both his requests were denied, and he was commanded forthwith to leave the country. In his return to Berwick he was way-laid, stripped, and robbed of all his parch- ments, together with his letters and instructions.* The robbers, it is said, tore the Pope's BuU.t"^ In the whole transaction concerning the truce, the Pope appears to have been the servile tool of England.'^ Edward submitted to an ordinance which, probably, he himself had projected, and * " In itinere meo obviam habui quatuor vesplliones armatos obsidiose et insidiose destinatos, qui spoliaverunt me omnibus literis et vestimentis usque ad carnem, et ut conjicio dictus Do- minus Robertus, et complices sui qui talia procurarunt, habent literas ; quid de eis fecerunt penitus ignore ;" Foedera, T. iii. p. 684. This letter from the Minorite, is dated in vigilia S. Tliomae Apostoli, (i.e. 20th Dec.) 1317. By Vespilioties, the writer means NigJit-xvalkers. It is probable that the robbers sought to discover any secret correspondence that might have been carried on with the Scottish clergy to the prejudice of the state. f This circumstance, though not related by the messenger, is mentioned in a Bull issued June 1318 ; Foedera, T. iii. p. 707. If the Bull was indeed torn, it must have been owing to acci- dent ; there could be no reason for doing it intentionally. 7« Foedera, iii. 708. '3 Foedera, iii. 707—709. A. D. 1318. ROBERT I. 97. which he saw to be necessary in the present exi- gencies of his affairs ; but Bruce despised and de- rided it 1318. We have seen that the messengers from the Car- dinals found the King of Scots occupied in mili- tary preparations for the siege of Berwick. The King, however, laid aside his purpose of employ- ing force alone in the reduction of that place. One Spalding, a citizen of Berwick, having been harshly treated by the governor,* resolved to re- venge himself.^* He wrote to a Scottish Lord,t whose relation he had married, and offered on a certain night, to betray the post where he kept guard. The Scottish Lord durst not of himself en- gage in an enterprise so perilous and important ; he therefore communicated this intelligence to the * Barbour doee not mention his name. It is probable, how- ever, that Roger Horsely was governor or captain of Berwick at that time. See Leland, T. i. p. 547. f Although this person is called by Barbour the Mareshall, yet I suspect this to be a corruption of the Marche Earl, or Patrick Earl of March, who had now abandoned the English interest, and espoused the party of Bruce. My reasons are, 1st, When Barbour has occasion to mention the Marshall of Scotland, as in describing the battle of Bannockburn, he calls him Sir Robert Keith. 2d, The Earl of March often resided in the neighbourhood of Berwick, and, consequently, could hold intercourse with Spalding more easily than Sir Robert Keith could, who had no residence in those parts. 3flf, Barbour says, that the person whom he terms the Mareshall, was at that time sheriff of Lothian. This office seems better fitted for the Earl of March than for the Marshall of Scotland. 4/A, In Scala Chron. ap. Leland, T. i. p. 547. it is expressly said, " James Douglas, by help of Patrike Coiinte of March, and Peter Spald- ^^S ofBervoike, got Berwike owt of the Englishmennes handes." 8° Barbour, 347—352. Leland, i. 547. Walsingham, 111. VOL. II. G 98 ROBERT I. a. d. 1318. King. " You did well," said the King, " in mak- ing me your confident ; for if you had told this either to Randolph or to Douglas, you would have offended the one whom you did not trust. Both of them, however, shall aid you in the execution of the enterprise." The King commanded him to assemble a body of troops, and to repair to a cer- tain place. He gave separate orders to Randolph and Douglas, for rendezvousing at the same place and hour. The troops, thus cautiously assembled, marched to Berwick, and, assisted by Spalding,* scaled the walls, and, in a few hours, were masters of the town, (28th March 1318). The English historians acknowledge that the Scots gave quarter to all who demanded it.t^' The garrison of the castle, and the men who had fled into it from the town, perceived that the number of the Scots was small, and made a desperate sally ; but they were repulsed, chiefly by the extraordinary valour of a young knight, Sir William Keith of Galston. When the King of Scots heard of the prosperous result of the enterprise against the town of Ber- wick, he collected what forces he could, hasted to * From some expressions in Walsingham, Hist. p. 111. and Ypod. Neustr. p. 503. Tyrrel has concluded, vol. iii. p. 272. that Spalding was governor of the castle, while another person com- manded in the town ; and that, after the castle was betrayed, the town sustained a siege. When the fact is explained, as I have done from Barbour, there will be no occasion for this aukward hypothesis. f " Neminera occidendo qui voluit obedire ;" A. Murimuth, p. 53. 8» A. Murimutb, 55. Th. de la More, 594. A. D. 1318. ROBERT I. 99 the siege of the castle, and obliged the English to capitulate.^* He committed the charge of this im- portant acquisition to Walter the Stewart of Scot- land. The Stewart, not doubting that the English would endeavour to recover Berwick, made prepa- rations for sustaining a siege, and assembled his own kindred and vassals to aid him in the discharge of his trust. Immediately after the reduction of Berwick,* the Scots entered Northumberland, took the castles of Werk and Harbottle by siege, and Mitford by surprise.^ ^ In May they again invaded England, penetrated into Yorkshire, burnt Northallerton, Borrough- bridge, Scarborough, and Skipton in Craven, and forced the inhabitants of Rippon to redeem them- selves by payment of one thousand merks. They then returned to Scotland with much booty, and, as an English historian expresses it, *' driving their prisoners before them like flocks of sheep." ^* So * It is strange that historians should have so grossly mistaken the time of the reduction of Berwick. Buchanan, L. viii. p. 146. places that event in 1315 ; A. Murimuth, p. 52. in 1317 ; and Walsingham, p. 111. in 1319. There is a considerable variation between our authors and the English, as to the endurance of the siege of the castle. Barbour says, that it surrendered on the sixth day after the surprise of the town, i. e. on the 2d of April 1318. But Scala Chron. ap. Leland, T. i. p. 547. says, *' The castle kept a xi weekes after, and then for lak of vitaile and rescue, was gyven up. Ther Roger Horseley, the capitayn of the castel for the Englischmen, lost one of his eyes." The invasion of England by the Scots in May, renders this account of the long endurance of the siege altogether incredible. *- Barbour, 353. ^3 Chron. Lanercost, ap. Tyrrel, iii. 212„ '* Chron. Lanercost, ap, Tyrrel, iii. 272. 100 ROBERT I. A. D. 1318. helpless and contemptible was England become through civil dissensions. The interposition of the Pope was now obtained, with the view of intimidating the Scottish nation. ^^ The Pope ordered the two Cardinals in England to excommunicate Robert Bruce and his adherents. The reasons which he assigned for this, were the treatment of the messengers of the holy see, and the assault of Berwick, In violation of the truce which had been proclaimed by papal authority.* Edward had summoned a parliament to meet at Lincoln ; but he was obliged to prorogue it, on account of the Scottish invasion,! and to assemble an army at York for the defence of the country, (8th and 10th June 1318).^^ In a parliament held at London, (about Michael- mas), it was agreed, that every city and town in England should furnish a certain proportion of * In the Bull addressed to the Cardinals, the Pope says, That there were other reasons for this excommunication, which he chose at present to pass over in silence ; Foedera, T. iii. p. 708. In the Bull addressed to Edward, he says. That they had been communicated to him by the two Cardinals ; Foedera, T. iii. p. 712. It is impossible to determine what were the reasons for excommunication thus reserved in petto. f Ti/rrel, vol. iii. p. 272. gravely says, " That the incursions of the Scots should have rather produced the quite contrary effect •,for, what Jitter provision could be made against this inva- sion of the Scots, than the unanimous advice and assistance of the clergy and great men of the kingdom." This author has com- posed many volumes concerning the constitution and history of England, and yet he seems to have forgotten that the military tenants of the crown, who composed the greatest part of the parliament, did also compose the army, and that the same per- sons could not at once deliberate in parliament, and oppose the enemy in the field. ^S Foedera, iii. 707. 711. ^^ Foedera, iii. 713. A. D. 1318. ROBERT I. 101 soldiers completely armed.* Thus a considerable body of troops was collected ; but when they came to the rendezvous at York, their party animosities and mutual distrust rose to such a height, that it was found necessary to disband and send them back to their habitations. Edward Bruce, contrary to the judgment of all his officers,! engaged in battle with the English at Fagher near Dundalk, (5th October 1318).^^ The English, commanded by John Lord Bermingham, obtained a complete victory. John Maupas slew Edward Bruce, and was found, after the battle, stretched dead on the body of his enemy. The Lord Soulis, and John the brother of the Stewart of Scotland, were among the slain. Philip de Moubray was mortally wounded.l^ After the de- * Walsingkam, p. 111. says, That London furnished 200 men completely armed (ducenti viri armati ad unguem). Canter- bury 40, St Albans 10, and the other cities and towns in pro- portion. It were to be wished that Walsingham had recorded more of the quotas ; the small proportion furnished by London is remarkable. Walsingham well describes the fate of this army, " qui congregati magnum conflaverunt exercitum et hos- tibus melius formidandum ; sed cum pervenissent ad Eboracura, suborto tumultu pariter et simultate cum aliis impedimentis, infecto negotio licentiati ad pi'opria redierunt." f It is a prevailing notion among our historians, that Edward Bruce rashly fought, while powerful succours, under the com- mand of the King his brother, were approaching. This, how- ever confidently and repeatedly asserted, appears to be altoge- gether a popular fiction. The King of Scots was too much en- gaged at home, and too intent on the preservation of his im- portant conquest of Berwick, to risk his forces in a new invasion of Ireland. X Barbour says, that Moubray, after having been stunned by a blow, and made prisoner, extricated himself out of the hands of the enemy ; but he does not say that Moubray recovered of ®7 Barbour, .577—583. Chron. Hibern. ap. Camden. lOar ROBERT r. A. D. 1318. feat, John Thompson,* leader of the men of Car- rick, collected a few stragglers, and, through many difficulties, led them into the north of Ireland. From thence they returned home, with the intelli- gence, that the ambitious project of establishing a new kingdom on the ruins of the English power, was annihilated. The corpse of Edward Bruce was not treated with honours like those which the King of Scots bestowed on the brave English who fell at Ban- nockburn.^^ . His body was quartered, and distri- buted for a public spectacle over Ireland. Ber- mingham presented the head of Edward Bruce to the English King, and obtained the dignity of Earl ofLowthf as a reward of his services, t The death of Edward Bruce, and of Marjory the his wounds. The Irish Chronicle, subjoined to Camden's Britannia, computes the number of the Scottish army at 3000. Barbour says, that they were about 2000, not including the Irish ; so that there is no contrariety in the two accounts. Walsingham, p. 11 1 . says, that there fell of the Scots 29 barons and knights, and 5800 common men. In Cox's History of Ire- land, vol. i. p. 99. it is said, that " there were under Lord Bermingham 1324 good soldiers." I presume, that men com- pletely armed are here meant ; for it is not probable that there were no archers in the English army. * It is probable that Barbour learnt his intelligence of the Irish war from this John Thompson. The account is curious, although, in some particulars, exaggerated. \ The grant was made in a parliament at York, 12th May 1319. Foedera, T. iii. p. 767. It shews the manner in which Earls were created at that time. It confers twenty pounds per annum on him for his services in the battle of Dundalk, under the name oi Earl of Louelh, (Lowth), and gives that earldom to him, and the heirs-male of his body, by the service of one-fourth of a knight's fee. ^8 Chr. Ilibcni. ut sup. A. D. 1318. ROBERT I. 103 King's daughter, made some new regulations ne- cessary with respect to the royal succession. In December 1318, a parliament was assembled at Scone.^^ The whole clergy and laity renewed their engagements of obedience to the King, and solemnly promised to assist him in the defence of the rights and liberties of Scotland, against all mortals, however eminent they may be in power ^ au- thority, and dignity. By this memorable expres- sion, they no doubt intended to describe the Pope, as well as the English King. They declared, that whoever violated this engage- ment, should be held in very deed as a betrayer of the kingdom, and guilty of high treason without remission.* It was enacted, that if Robert King of Scots died without issue-male, Robert Stewart, the son of Marjory the King's daughter, should, as his nearest and lawful heir, succeed to the crown of Scotland. In the event of the succession devolving on Ro- bert Stewart, or on any other heir of the King's body, while under age, the King, with the unani- mous consent of the parliament, granted the offices of tutor or curator of the heir, and of guardian of the kingdom, to Thomas Randolph Earl of Moray, and, failing him, to James Lord Douglas. But it was declared, that this appointment should cease, whenever it appeared to the major part of the * Such appears to be the import of the expression, " crimi- nis laesae Majestatis reus in perpetiium habeatur.''' ^9 Anderson, Independ. of Scotland, App. NO. 25. Fordun, xiii. 13, 104 ROBERT I. a. d. 1318. community,* that such successor was capable of taking upon himself the administration of govern- ment. Randolph and Douglas declared their willing- ness to accept the offices provisionally conferred on them ; and they made oath faithfully to discharge their duty, and to observe, and cause to be ob- served, the laws and customs of Scotland. " And for that, in certain times past, doubts had arisen, although without sufficient cause, by what rule the right of succession to the kingdom of Scotland ought to be judged, it was now declared and defined. That it ought not to have been regu- lated according to the practice in cases of inferior fees or inheritances, since no such practice had been hitherto introduced in the succession of the crown, but that the male nearest to the King, at the time of his death, in the direct line of descent, should succeed to the crown ; and, failing such male, the nearest female in the same line ; and, failing the whole direct line, the nearest male in the collateral line, respect being had to the right of blood by which the last King reigned, t And this,'* * " Quousque communitati regni vel majori et saniori parti visum fuerit," &c. The words saj2 tor pars, or the most judicious part, are certainly exegetical, and mean nothing else than the majority. Were they understood in any other sense, the provi- sions of the statute would appear inextricable. f " Praeterea, cum aliquibus praeteritis temporibus a quibus- dam, licet minus sufficienter, in dubium fuisset revocatum, quo jure successio in regno Scotiae, si clara forsitan non extiterit, decidi deberet ac terminari : In eodem parliamento per clerum et populura declaratum extitit ac diffinitum, quod per consuetu- dinem in inferioribus feudis seu haereditatibus in regno observa- tam, ciim in successione regni aliqua talis consuetudo non fuit introducta, minime debuit, seu in futurum debeat, dicta succes- A. D. 1318. ROBERT I. 105 says the statute, " appears agreeable to the imperial law." Many salutary laws were enacted in this parlia- ment.* The liberties of the Scottish church were asserted, and provision made for the security of the persons and property of ecclesiastics. All men were required to array themselves for war ; and, according to their different conditions, the armour and weapons of each order of men were defined. ^° Every person, on his road to the King's host, was required to live at his own charges, without oppress- ing the country ;^' and the manner of punishing transgressors, while on their road, was accurately laid down.^* sio terminari ; sed quod proximior masculus tempore mortis regis, ex linea recta descendente, vel, masculo deficiente, proxi- mior femella ex eadem linea, vel ilia linea penitus deficiente, proximior masculus ex linea collaterali, attento jure sanguinis quo ipsi Regi defuncto jus regnandi competebat, Regi de cujus successione agi forsan contigerit, sine contradictione aut impe- dimento quocunque in regno debeat succedere, quod juri im- periali satis consonum censetur ;" see Anderson, Independency of Scotland, App. NO. 25. Fordun, L. xiii. c. 13. I have ren- dered the words of this act of settlement as justly as I could ; at the same time I acknowledge, that I do not understand their precise Import, nor the consequences which might have arisen from them in certain supposable cases. I have not translated the expression, " si successio clara forsitan non extiterit," be- cause it seems redundant. * The statutes of Robert I. have been published by Skene. After having collated various MS. copies of those statutes, I can venture to assert, that Skene's edition is most incorrect. As for his Scottish version of the statutes of Robert I. it strangely perverts or mistakes the sense of the original ; yet we have been so long habituated to the errors of Skene, that I know not whe- ther a more accurate edition of the statutes which he has dis- figured would be acceptable to the public. 9° 1. Stat. Robert I. c. 1, 2. o' 1. Stat. Robert I. c. 27. i>* 1. Stat. Robert I, c. 4, 5. 106 ftOBERt I. A. D. 1318. The parliament declared those to be guilty of a capital offence, who supplied the enemy with weapons of any kind, or with any assistance what- By another statute, ecclesiastics were disabled from remitting money to the papal court for the purchase of bulls. ^'^ The measure was violent, but the partiality of the Pope to the interests of Eng- land might serve to justify it. The statute also prohibited the English absentees from drawing money out of Scotland.! * This is a singular statute. In the MSS. it is C. 6. but I quote it according to Skene, C. 35. " Quum per leges sit dene- gata Jacultns Jidelibus barbaros victiialibus seu armorum generibui coiifortare, sub poena capitalis sententiae, omnibus et singulis In- colis nostris cujuscunque conditionis existant firmiter et strict^ inhibemus, ne quis arcus, sagittas, aut aliquid genus armorum, seu equos aut alia aysiamenta, Anglicis, hostibus nostris et nos- tri regni publicis, donent vel vendent, vel apud eos transferant, per quae nobis seu confederatis nostris et benevolis inferri valeat nocumentum, sub poena vitae et membrorum, ac omnium quae erga nos amitti potuerint quoquo modo." The expression per leges, alludes to 1. 2. Cod. Quae res exportari non debent. This is one of the most express references to the Roman law that oc- curs in any of our authentic statutes. The constitution of the Emperor Marcian was adopted as an apology for the severity of this ordinance. The Scottish legislature, however, improved upon the model of the Emperor, by adding the clause of alia aysiamenta. Every kind of exportation to England, in time of war, was declared to be punishable with death and forfeiture. The parallel between alienigenae Barbari and Anglici, exhi- bits a lively portraiture of the national animosities which then prevailed. Had Skene remarked the allusion to the Roman law, he would never have translated the passage thus ; " For sa meikill as be the lavoes, liberty or license is denied to all Jaitlifull subjects to help or comfort the enemies with any kind of armour, under the paine of death." f It is probable that the person principally aimed at by this clause of the statute, was David de Strathbolgie, Earl of Athole. 93 1. Stat. Robert I. c. 35. »* 1. Stat. Robert I. c. 24. A. D. 1318. ROBERT I. 107 There were also various laws enacted in this par- liament, respecting the polity of the kingdom : To explain them all would require a much longer de- tail than is consistent with the nature of this work. There are two, however, which shall be briefly il- lustrated. The one relates to theft-bute.^^ He who paid the butey composition, or ransom, was to be held as a thief convicted ; and he who received it was to be severely fined ; and, if unable to pay the fine, was to be imprisoned during the King's plea- sure.* The other statute enacted, that no one should invent rumours by which there might arise matter of discord between the Sovereign and his people : And it was provided, that the offender should be imprisoned until the King's pleasure was known. ^<^ The offence, which makes the subject of this sta- tute, is but too well known by the general name of At this time he stood higli in the confidence of Edward II. yet the merits of his father continued to screen him from a severer punishment than that which this statute provides. * The fourth section of this statute is remarkable ; " Salvis tamen Ubertatibus illorum dominorum, qui per Reges Scotiae ante Dominum Regem qui nunc est, in tahbus habent Hbertates sibi concessas." How are we to understand this singular reser- vation ? It appears to imply that a permission to compound with thieves was indulged to some landholders, by special grant. There may be many such grants in ancient deeds, although they have not occurred to me. Indeed, the sovereign might be jus- tified for permitting what he could not effectually prohibit. There is a proviso in c. 137. James I. which may possibly serve to illustrate this obscure passage : *< Saifand that this statute sail not strike to bordourers, dwelling on the marches, but for thieft to be done after the making of this statute." Hence there is a probability that if theft-bute was ever authorized at all, it must have been upon the marches. °s 1. Stat. Robert I. c. 9. os ,, g^at. Robert I. c. 2L 108 ROBERT I. a. d. 1318 leasing -making. The statute neither defines the crime nor the punishment. It is borrowed from a sta- tute of Edward I.^' Robert I. introduced some Eng- lish laws into Scotland. An antipathy at Edward I. was not inconsistent with favour for his laws, as being politic engines in the hands of an able prince. It appears, that, about this time, the two cardi- nals who resided in England, pronounced the sen- tence of excommunication against the King of Scots and his adherents.* ^^ Messengers were sent to the Pope from the Scots, to solicit a reversal of the sentence ; but Edward despatched the Bishop of Hereford, and Hugh d*Espenser the elder, to counteract this negociation. Edward also inform- ed the Pope of certain intercepted letters which had been written from Avignon to the Scots. The Pope ordered the Scots at Avignon, and the persons who had corresponded with Scotland, to be taken into custody.^' 1319. Robert Count of Flanders was not so obsequious in granting the requests of the English King.'°*' The Scots were wont to trade with Flanders, and had received from thence arms and military stores. Edward requested the Count of Flanders to prohi- bit the Scots from entering his country ; but the Count made this memorable answer : *' Flanders * In an instrument dated 14th January 1318-19, Edward speaks of the sentence as lately pronounced. I know not what occasion there was for renewing a sentence against Bruce, who stood already under the papal curse. 97 Stat 1. Westm. c. 34. Stio. Edward I. an. 1275. ^^ Foedera, iiL 752. 59 Foedera, iii. 761. ^°'^ Foedera, iii. 761. 770. jk.D.1319. ROBERT I. 109 is the common country of all men ; I cannot pro- hibit any merchants from trafficking there, as they have been wont ; for such prohibition would tend to the ruin of my people.*' * At this critical period, there were some persons of authority in Scotland who secretly expressed their wishes of deserting the national cause, and of being received into favour by the English govern- ment. Edward obtained permission from the Pope to treat with the traitors ; he having assured the Pope that he expected by this negociation to divide and weaken the Scots.!' Edward was now, to all appearance, in amity with the Earl of Lancaster, and the other malecon- tent lords.* He determined to regain Berwick ; and, with a view to that enterprise, ordered his army to assemble t (at Newcastle upon Tyne, 24th July 1319). * " Terra nostra Flandriae universis cujuscunque regionis est communis, et cuique liber in eadem patet ingressus, nee possu- mus mercatoribus suas exercentibus mercaturas ingressum, prout hactenus consueverunt, denegare, quia ista cederent in desola- tionem nostrae terrae et ruinam ;" Foedera, T. iii. p. 770. + The expressions of Edward are remarkable : " Ut nobis est relatum in secreto, quamplures de Scotis inimicis et rebellibus nostris, super pace sua et benevolentia nostra procurandis, trac- tare desidei'ant, asserentes praeter ipsorum quietem nostra com- moda et honores in eisdem procurari. — Speramus etiam quod redeuntibiis ad pacein Jiostram aliquibus de dictis inimicis personis gravibus, alii in se dividentur, et gravius turbabuntur, sicque ad ecclesiae sanctae et nostrum obedient iam Jacilius revertentur ;" Foe- dera, iii. 761". % 2300 foot soldiers from Wales were summoned to his army ; Foedera, T. iii. p. 774-. And of the vassals and tenants of the Earl of Lancaster, 1000 foot soldiers completely armed, and 1000 archers ; Foedera, T. iii. p. 784. ' Foedera, iii. 758. * Trivet, cont. 27. Foedera, iii. 777. 110 ROBERT I. A. D. 1319. He requested the prayers of the clergy for the success of his expedition, and he demanded a great loan of money from them, (20th July).^ To prevent the approach of succours, the Eng- lish drew lines of countervallation round Berwick, Confiding in their numbers, they made a general assault/ The Stewart and his garrison, after a long and obstinate contest, repulsed the enemy, (7th September). The next attempt of the besiegers was on the side towards the river.^ At that time the walls of Berwick were of inconsiderable height, and it was proposed to bring a vessel close to them, and by means of a drawbridge, let down from the mast, to enter the town. But the Scots so annoyed the assailants, that the vessel could not be brought with- in the proper distance. At the ebb of the tide it grounded, and was burnt by the besieged. Another engine employed by the English is call- ed a sow,*^ It appears to have been a large fabric, * In many particulars it resembled the testudo arietaria of the ancients. " Siis, machina bellica, quae et scropha, Gallis truie ,*" Du Cange. " Unum fuit machinamentum, quod nostri suem, veteres vineam vocant, quod machina levibus tignis colligata, tecto tabulis cratibusque contexto, lateribus crudis coriis com- munitis, protegit in se subsidentes, qui quasi more suis ad muro- rum sufFodienda penetrant fundamenta ;" JV. Malmsb. L. iv. Hist. " Dum quidam nobiles, ligneis obumbrati machinis, quae quia verrere videbantur in antra, sues appellari non videtur in- consonum ;" Elmham, Hen. v. c. 59. This note is transcribed from that very curious and instructive work The Antiquities of England, by Mr Grose, See Preface, p. 13. 4'. In Scotland a long hay-stack is termed a sow ; probably from a traditionary i Foedera, iii. 786, 787. * Wals. 1 1 1. Barbour, 355. Fordun, xii. 37. 5 Barbour, 359. ^ Barbour, 3Q5, A. D. 1319. ROBERT I. Ill composed of timber, and well roofed, having stages within it, and in height surpassing the wall of the town. It moved upon wheels, and was calculated for the double purpose of conducting miners to the foot of the wall, and armed men to the storm. There was in the service of the Scots one John Crab, a Fleming, esteemed a most expert engineer. He constructed a moveable crane, whereby stones of great weight might be raised on high, and then let fall upon the enemy. The English made a general assault on the quar- ter towards the sea, as well as on the land side. The garrison, exhausted by continual duty, could scarcely maintain the numerous posts. The great engine moved on to the walls ; stones were dis- charged against it from the crane, but without effect ; and all hopes of preserving Berwick were lost. At once the beams of the engine gave way, by the force of a huge stone, happily directed.* The Scots poured down combustibles and burnt it. Nevertheless the English, eager to regain their ancient reputation in arms, continued the assault with unremitting ardour. The Stewart, with a re- serve of a hundred men, went from post to post, and relieved those who were wounded and unfit remembrance of the warlike engine which went under that name ; hence we may have a distinct notion of the figure of this engine. We must always remember, that in 1319 the walls of Berwick were so low, that, according to Barbour's expression, " one man with a spear might, from the outside, strike in the face another who stood on them." * Barbour, p. 369. relates that when the engine gave way, the Scots cried out from the walls, " See, your sow has farrow- ed." Barbour's account of the siege of Berwick is valuable for the many characteristical circumstances which it contains 112 ROBERT I. A.D. 1319. for combat. One soldier alone remained with him of the reserve, when the alarm came that the Eng- lish had burnt a barrier at the port called St Mary^Sy possessed themselves of the drawbridge, and fired the gate. The Stewart hasted hither, called down the guard from the rampart, ordered the gate to be set open, and rushed through the flames upon the enemy. A desperate combat ensued, and con- tinued until the close of day, when the English commanders withdrew their troops on every quar- ter from the assault, (13th September). The King of Scots could not, with any proba- bihty of success, attack the fortified camp of the English ; and he saw that the Stewart and his gar- rison, if not relieved, would at last be reduced to the necessity of capitulating ; he, therefore, resolv- ed to make a powerful diversion in England, by which he hoped to constrain Edward to abandon his enterprise. Fifteen thousand men, under the command of Kandolph and Douglas, entered England by the west marches.' They had concerted a plan for carrying off the wife of Edward from her residence near York ;* and, in exchange for a captive so valuable, they expected to purchase the safety of Berwick. Having been disappointed in the execu- tion of this plan, they wasted Yorkshire. The Archbishop of York hastily collected a numerous * Walsingham, p. 112. asserts, that some persons about the Queen had been bribed to betray her into the hands of the Scots. 7 Walsingham, 111, 112. Barbour, 363. Leland, i. 462. A. D. 1319. ROBERT I. US rabble of commons and ecclesiastics, and encoun= tered the Scots at Mitton, near Borrough -bridge, in the North-riding of Yorkshire. The English were instantly routed. Three thousand were left dead on the field, and great part of the fugitives drown- ed in the Swale.* In this action there fell three hundred ecclesiastics, (20th September). Accord- ing to the savage pleasantry of those times, this rout was termed by the Scots, the Chapter of Mit- tonJ^ When the news of the inroad and successes of the Scots reached Berwick, a diversity of opinions arose among the English commanders.^ The ba- rons whose estates lay in the south, remote from the Scottish depredations, were eager to continue the siege j but the northern barons were no less determined in their resolution of abandoning a doubtful and hazardous enterprise, and of return- ing to protect their own country. With them the Earl of Lancaster concurred ; his favourite manour of Pontefract was now exposed to the ravages of the Scots ; and therefore he departed from Ber- wick with his numerous adherents.t Edward, up- * The words of Walsingham, p. 112. are, " Sed quia jam pene totus eorum exercitus in armis t'uerat, mox contra nostros inexercitatos et inexpertos, et sine duce vel ordine venientes, ordinatissime occurrerunt, et levi negotio nostros fuderunt, et ad tria millia hominum in ore gladii perimerunt, et magna pars eorum qui fugerunt in fluvio de Swala rapaci gurgite suttbcata." f Walsingham, p. 112. relates this event in a different man- ner. He says, that Edward, with his wonted fooHshness, (fatuitate solita), thus expressed himself: " As soon as Ber- wick is won, I will give the command of the town to Hugh le ^ Barbour, 565. » Barbour, 375. VOL. II. H 11* ROBERT I. A. D. 1319. on this, drew off the remains of his army, and at- tempted to intercept Randolph and Douglas. But they eluded him, and returned with safety and ho- nour into Scotland. And now Edward began to entertain serious thoughts of peace with Scotland. Commissioners for negociating the treaty were appointed by both nations. *'° It may seem strange that Pope John XXII. the obsequious tool of England, should have chosen this season for enforcing spiritual censures against Bruce and his adherents ; yet certain it is, that he ordered his delegates to publish the general sen- tence of excommunication, at whatever times and places they might judge expedient, (17th Novem- ber)." Not satisfied even with this, he command- ed the ancient sentence to be published, which his predecessor Clement V. had passed on Bruce for d'Espenser, and of the castle to Roger Tamari (r. Dammory) ;" and that the Earl of Lancaster, disgusted at this resolution, marched off with his adherents. But the account which Bar- bour gives is more probable : Although le d'Espenser was the enemy, yet Roger Dammory was one of the confidents of Lan- caster. JFa^Amg-^cmhimseli observes this, p. 116. And, indeed, we have evidence of it under the Earl's own hand, Foedera, T. iii. p. 927. The retreat from Berwick appears to have been a judi- cious measure. Randolph and Douglas had advanced far into England, at the head of a well-disciplined and victorious armj'. Had Edward remained before Berwick, they might have com- mitted such devastations in a few days, as it would have required a century to repair. * The Scottish commissioners were William de Soulis, Ro- bert de Keith, Roger de Kirkpatrick, Alexander de Seton, and William de Montfichet, all knights; to them four ecclesiastics were joined ; Foedera, T. iii. p. 809. J° Foedera, iii. 791. 797. 805—805. 809. " Foedera, iii. 797. 810. A. D. 1320. ROBERT I. 115 the slaughter, of Comyn, (8th January 1319-20). Whether this unseasonable exertion of authority ought to be ascribed to the zeal of the Pope, or to some visionary policy of Edward II. it is impossi- ble to determine. A truce was concluded between the two nations (21st December 1319), to endure until Christmas 1321.*'* 1320. The Scots having obtained this interval of tran- quillity, resolved to justify their cause, in a mani- festo addressed to the Pope.'^ In a parliament assembled at Aberbrothock, (6th April 1320), a letter to the Pope was drawn up by the barons, freeholders, and whole community of Scotland. They began with mentioning the fabulous origin of the nation from Scythia and Spain, their boasted line of one hundred and thirteen native Kings, the establishment of the Christian religion in Scotland, by the ministry of Andrew the apostle, and the favour which the Roman pontiffs had shewn to their forefathers, as being under the special patron- age of the brother of St Peter. * Tyrrel, vol. iii. p. 278. says, that the Scots immediately vio- lated this truce, invaded England, burnt the suburbs of York, and made prisoner John de Bretagne Earl of Richemont. This is a mistake copied from Walsingham, p. 113. Walsingham him- self says, p. 117. that the Earl of Richemont was made prisoner long after this time. The account of that event will be related in its proper place. " Foedera, iii. 816. *3 Anderson, Diplomata^ No. 51, 52. Fordun, xiii. 23. 116 ROBERT I. A. D. 1320. After this puerile preamble, full of the prejudices of an ignorant and superstitious age, they proceed- ed in a more elevated and manly style. " We continued to enjoy peace and liberty, with the protection of the papal see, until Edward, the late King of England, in the guise of a friend and ally, invaded and oppressed our nation, at that time without a head, unpractised in war, and sus- pecting no evil. The wrongs which we suffered under the tyranny of Edward are beyond descrip- tion, and, indeed, they would appear incredible to all but those who actually felt them. He wasted our country, imprisoned our prelates, burnt our religious places, spoiled our ecclesiastics, and slew our people, without discrimination of age, sex, or rank. Through the favour of Him who *woundeth and maketh xvhole, we have been freed from so great and innumerable calamities by the valour of our Lord and Sovereign Robert. He, like another Josuah, or a Judas Maccabeus, gladly endured toils, dis- tresses, the extremities of want, and every peril, to rescue his people and inheritance out of the hands of the enemy. The Divine Providence, that legal succession which we will constantly maintain, and our due and unanimous consent, have made him our chief and King. To him, in defence of our liberty, we are bound to adhere, as well of right as by reason of his deserts, and to him we will in all things adhere ; for through him salvation has been wrought unto our people. Should he aban- don our cause, or aim at reducing us and our king- dom under the dominion of the English, we will A.D. 1320. ROBERT I. 117 instantly strive to expel him as a public enemy, and the subverter of our rights and his own, and we will chuse another King to rule and protect us ; for, while there exist an hundred of us, we will never submit to England. We fight not for glory, wealth, or honour, but for that liberty which no virtuous man will survive. " Wherefore, we most earnestly request your Holiness, as the Vicegerent of Him who giveth equal measure unto all, and with whom there is no distinction either of persons or nations, that you would behold, with a fatherly eye, the tribula- tion and distresses brought upon us by the English, and that you would admonish Edward to content himself with his own dominions, esteemed in for- mer times sufficient for seven kings, and allow us Scotsmen, who dwell in a poor and remote corner, and who seek for nought but our own, to remain in peace. In order to procure that peace, we are willing to do whatever is consistent with our na- tional interests. " Herein it behoves you, Holy Father, to inter- pose. You behold with what cruelty the Heathen rages against the Christians, for the chastisement of their sins, and that the boundaries of Christen- dom are daily contracted. How must your me- mory suffer in after ages, should the Church be diminished in glory, or receive reproach under your administration ? " Rouse, therefore, the Christiaii Princes, and call them to the rescue of Palestine : They pre- tend that wars with their neighbours hinder that 118 ROBERT!. a. d. 1320. enterprise ; but the true cause of hindrance is, that in subduing their weaker neighbours, they look for less opposition, and profit more immediate. Every one knows, and we now declare it to you, and to all Christendom, that our King and we are willing to undertake the holy expedition, if Edward will permit us to depart in peace. " Should you, however, give a too credulous ear to the reports of our enemies, distrust the sincerity of our professions, and persist in favouring the English, to our destruction, we hold you guilty, in the sight of the Most High, of the loss of lives, the perdition of souls, and all the other miserable con- sequences which may ensue from war between the two contending nations. " Ever ready, like dutiful children, to yield all fit obedience to you, as God*s Vicegerent, we com- mit our cause to the protection of the Supreme King and Judge : We cast our cares on him, and we steadily trust that he will inspire us with valour, and bring our enemies to nought." It will be remarked, that, in this manifesto, no mention is made of the clergy of Scotland. We must not, however, suppose that they were less zealous than the laity in the national cause. But the style of the letter was such, that it could not, with propriety, be avowed by ecclesiastics, espe- cially in an address to the head of their church. Although the Scottish barons appeared unani- mous in their resolution to maintain the govern- ment of Robert, yet there were concealed traitors A.D. 1320. ROBERT I. 119 among the patriots."^ William de Soulis, and some other persons of quality conspired against the King. The plot was revealed by the Countess of Strath- ern.* Soulis having been apprehended, made a full confession. The conspirators were tried in parliament, (at Scone, August 1320). Soulis and the Countess of Strathern were con- demned to perpetual imprisonment. Gilbert de Malerb and John de Logie,t both Knights, and Richard Brown an Esquire, were found guilty of treason, and suffered the punish- ment of traitors. Roger de Moubray died before sentence. Yet a like sentence was pronounced upon his dead body. The King, however, mitigated this rigour, and allowed him all the honours of sepulture. The fate of David de Brechin was much de- plored. That brave young man, the nephew of the King, had served with reputation against the * Fordun, L. xiii. c. 1. says, That the Countess of Strathern confessed her offence, and was punished with perpetual impri- sonment. Barbour, p. 396. says. That the conspirators were discovered through a lady, whose name he does not mention. From comparing the two narratives, there is reason to conclude, that the Countess of Strathern revealed the plot. f From a charter granted by Robert Bruce to the Black Friars at Perth, there is some reason to suspect, that John de Logic forfeited at an earlier period. That charter is dated 2d Feb. anno regni nostri quarto decimo, and mentions the tenement of Logy, quod Juit (]uon(lan\ Jokannis de Log!/, militis, et quod Jbrisfecit. This charter is in the archives of the borough of Perth. As Bruce ascended the throne on the 27th March 1306, the 2d day of February, in the IMh year of his reign, seems to be 2d February 1319-20. *t Fordun, xiii. I. Barbour, 395 — 598. 120 ROBERT!. a. d. 1320. Saracens. To him the conspirators, after having exacted an oath of secrecy, had revealed their plot. He condemned their undertaking, and refused to share in it ; yet, entangled by his fatal oath, he concealed the treason. Notwithstanding his rela- tion to the royal family, his personal merits, and the favourable circumstances of his case, he was made an example of rigorous, although impartial justice. Sir Eustace de Maxwell, Sir Walter de Berclay, sheriff of Aberdeen, Sir Patrick de Graham, Ha- meline de Troupe, and Eustace de Rattray, were tried and acquitted. It is impossible to discover the nature of this conspiracy. Fordun says in general, that the Lord Brechin and the rest were convicted of high trea- son.' ^ Barbour asserts that the plot was formed against the life of the King ; and he seems to insi- nuate, that the conspirators meant to place the crown on the head of Soulis.*'^ Boece relates the circumstances of this event with as much confidence as if he had assisted at the condemnation of the criminals.'' According to him, the King of Scots had in parliament re- quired his barons to produce the titles by which they held their lands : But the barons at once drew * This William de Soulis seems to have been the grandson of Nicolas de Soulis, one of the competitors at the time of the dis- puted succession. Nicolas claimed in right of his grandmother, the daughter of Alexander II. and he would have excluded the other competitors, had her legitimacy been ascertained. '5 Fordun, xiii. 1. '" Barbour, 596. • '^ Boece, xiv. 305. A.D. 1320. ROBERT I. 121 their swords, intimating, that by arms they would maintain their estates against all regal encroach- ments. The King desisted from his requisition ; nevertheless, he entertained secret thoughts of re- venge. The barons, dreading his resentment, con- spired to betray their country to England.* This parliament, in which so much noble blood was shed, continued long to be remembered by the vulgar, under the appellation of the black parlia- menV^ It appears that the Pope was alarmed at the lan- guage which the Scottish barons had used in their manifesto ; for he addressed a Bull to Edward, earnestly recommending peace with Scotland.'^ Neither ought it to escape observation, that, in this Bull, the Pope sometimes employs the very expressions of the Scottish manifesto,t and that he bestows on Bruce the ambiguous title of Regeiit of the kingdom of Scotland.X * This is a tale ill-connected and improbable. It cannot be supposed that all the barons should have been so much offended at the King's requisition ; for some of them had received re- newed charters, and others, original grants from him ; neither could the barons be alarmed at what was indeed consonant to the law and practice of that age. See Quon. attachiamentay 0.25. f Thus the Scottish barons said to the Pope, " corporum ex- cidia, animarum exitia, et caetera, quae sequentur incommoda. — Vobis ab Altissimo credimus imputanda." The Pope in his Bull speaks thus of war, " quot animarum exitia, excidia corpo- rum, et alia non facile enxxmexdindLdi incommoda secum trahat ;" Foedera, T. iii. p. 847. % " Inter te et Regentem regni Scotiae ;" Foedera, T. iii. p. 84.7. "^ Fordun, xiii. 1 — 5. '£> Foedera, iii. 846. 122 ROBERT I. a. d. 1320. The King of Scots sent ambassadors* to the Pope, and sohcited a repeal of the sentence of ex- communication. The Pope pretended that the in- structions of the ambassadors were not sufficiently ample ; he, however, allowed the King of Scots to renew his solicitations at any time before the first of May 13^1. The English King appointed commissioners for treating of peace with Scotland, (15th Septem- ber)/° Philip le Long, King of France, under pretence of consulting the honour and advantage of Edward, desired that some persons on his part might be present at the congress. Edward thank- ed the King of France for his good mil, yet he thanked him as if suspecting his sincerity. The Pope also made a like request. Edward consented to it ; but desired that Rigand, Bishop elect of Winchester, might be one of the persons present at the treaty on the part of the Pope. In all this there is an air of reserve, which seems to intimate that Edward distrusted both the King of France and the Pope. Edward still entertained hopes of exciting dis- sension among the Scots."" With this view, he ap- pointed commissioners for receiving into favour all the Scots who might be desirous of reconciliation with England, (17th November). He even grant- * The ambassadors were Edward de Mambuisson, and Adam de Gordon, Knights ; Foedera, T. iii. p. 848. The Pope made excuses to Edward II. for his lenity in permitting Bruce to be still heard against the sentence of excommunication. 2° Foedera, iii. 851. 853, 854. 860. '^^ Foedera, iii. 862- A. D. 1321. ROBERT I. 123 ed an indemnity to all the inhabitants of Scotland, excepting only the rebels who were of English birth, or who claimed right to estates in that king- dom,* (11th December). 1321. The Pope had sent the Bishop of Winchester, and one William, a friar, to the King of Scots with letters.** Edward would not suffer the letters to be delivered ; and he made this apology to the Pope, *' that there were certain expressions in them which it was not held safe to communicate to Bruce,'' t (14th May). Edward had lately endeavoured to excite dissen- sions among the Scots ; but the dissensions in his own kingdom now required all his solicitude. The violence of the Earl of Lancaster, and his asso- ciates, against the two d'Espensers, made an irre- parable breach between the King and many of his most powerful barons. The Earl of Lancaster was one of those politi- cians who estimate the lawfulness of actions by * This is a singular instrument. David Earl of Athole is one of the commissioners for granting the indemnity. The only exceptions from the indemnity are thus expressed : " Illis de regno nostro Angliae, qui contra nos hostiliter extiterunt, et aliis qui terras infra dictum regnum nostrum clamant habere, omnino exceptis ;" Foedera, T. iii. p. 865. Hence some of the persons who assisted at the slaughter of Comyn might have taken the benefit of the indemnity, and thus one great object of the Scottish war would have been overlooked. f " Propter aliqua verba, in dictis Uteris inserta, sanum vide- batur eas non esse dicto Roberto porrigendas ;" Foedera, T. iii. p. 884. «* Foedera, iii. 884, 12^4^ ROBERT I. a. d. 1321. their probable success. This person, a Prince of the blood, and, in the opinion of the people, an eminent patriot, entertained a treasonable corres- pondence with the Scots. A passport granted by Douglas to Richard de Topclif, an emissary of Lancaster, is the first proof that we have of this correspondence,* (7th Decem- ber 1321).*^ This passport was ratified by Ran- dolph, as acting for the King of Scots, who appears at that time to have been indisposed. The Scots, encouraged by the prospect of an alliance with the malecontents, invaded Northum- berland, and the bishoprick of Durham, as soon as the truce expired. t It is probable that they were conducted by Douglas in this invasion, t While the Earl of Lancaster, and his associates, were endeavouring to collect their forces, Edward took the field, and disconcerted the whole plan of their ambition.*"^ Lancaster marched to Burton upon Trent with what troops he could assemble ; but he was dislodged from thence, and obliged to retreat to his castle of Pontefract. * It bears, " escript a Etlehredehelys de dimaigne en la feste Seint Nicolas, I'an de grace 1321." The feast of St Nicolas is celebrated on the 6th December. I wish to know what place is meant by Ktlebredehelys. This is of moment for ascertaining a certain material circumstance in our history. f " Finita treuga, inter nos et ipsos nuper inita, regnum nos- trum in magna multitudine ingressi ; Foedera, T. iii. p. 927. X This is collected from the letters which passed between Douglas and the English malecontents ; Foedera, T. iii. p. 926, 927. and from this other circumstance, that at that time Ran- dolph was at Cavers in Scotland ; Foedera, T. iii. p. 926. 23 Foedera, iii. 907 — 924. ^+ H. Knyghton, 2539- A.D. 1321. ROBERT I. 125 He wrote a letter to Douglas in his own name,* and in the name of the Earl of Hereford, and other barons of that party, requesting an interview, " that we may,*' said he, *' adjust all points of our alli- ance, and agree to live and die together/' At the same time, he desired a passport for messengers to be sent into Scotland. The bearer of this letter was to have delivered it on the 7th of February ; but Douglas had removed his quarters, and by that accident there was some time lost. More time still was lost, because Dou- glas judged it necessary to procure the passport from Randolph, who then lay in Scotland near the borders. And thus it happened that Douglas could not return any answer before the 17th February. His answer was general, referring to the messenger for particulars. It was addressed to King Arthur, which seems to have been a sort of cypher denot- ing the Earl of Lancaster.! It does not appear that the unhappy man had so much as concerted the terms of his treaty with the enemies of Eng- land. After so many days had been lost at this * The letter is in Foedera, T. iii. p. 927. Although not sign- ed, it must have been addressed to Douglas from the Earl of Lancaster. f This is more probable than that Thomas Earl of Lancaster should have assumed to himself the title of King, under the fan- tastic appellation of Arthur. 1. In the proposal for an alliance with Scotland, which was found upon the Earl of Hereford, he is called Earl of Lancaster. 2. In his trial no mention is made of his having assumed or received the appellation of King ; yet the circumstance of the letter addressed to King Arthur ,was known at that time ; for Walsingham, p. 116. says, " cum Tho- mas Comes introductus fuisset in villam (Pontefract) a tota gente derisus est, et acclamatus Rex Arthurus, et ubique sub- sannatus." 126 ROBERT I. a. d. 1321. critical conjuncture, Lancaster continued his re- treat towards the north. Sir Andrew Hartcla met him near Borrough-bridge, and defeated his army, (l6th March 132l-2y' The Earl of Hereford was slain in the action. Lancaster fled, and next day surrendered himself. Having been tried in presence of the King and barons, he was found guilty and beheaded,* (22d March 1321-2). The services of Sir Andrew Hartcla were re- warded with the dignity of Earl of Carlisle, con- ferred on him and his issue male. To this an an- nual pension of 1000 marks was added.*'' 1322. In a high strain of exultation, Edward informed the Pope, that he had crushed his rebellious sub- jects, and was preparing to invade Scotland."' " Give yourself no farther solicitude,'* said he, " about a truce with the Scots ; the exigencies of my affairs inclined me formerly to listen to such proposals ; but now I am resolved to establish peace by force of arms," (25th March). While Edward was making his preparations for subduing Scotland, the Scots penetrated by the western marches into Lancashire, spoiled the coun- * The people of England imagined that many miracles were wrought through the intercession of the Earl of Lancaster ; and, which is more extraordinary, Edward III. solicited the Pope to canonize this person, who was undoubtedly a traitor to his country ; Foedera, T. iv. p. 268. »5 H, Knyghton, 2540 — 41. Th. de la More, 596. Foedera, iii. 936. Walsing. 116. '^^ Foedera, iii. 943. *? Foedera, iii. 944, A. D. 1322. ROBERT I. 127 try at pleasure, and returned home loaded with ex- traordinary booty.* *^ Edward, after having requested the Pope to en- force the sentence of excommunication against the Scots, invaded Scotland with a formidable army, (August).*^ The King of Scots had been obliged, at Bannock- burn, to risk the fate of his kingdom on the event of one battle ; but now there was no such necessity ; and therefore he avoided a general engagement, where every thing might have been lost, and where nought but glory could have been won. Having ordered the whole cattle and flocks to be driven off, and all effects of value to be removed from the Merse and Lothian, he fixed his camp at Culross, on the north side of the Frith of Forth.^"* His orders were so exactly obeyed, that, as tra- dition reports, the only prey that fell into the hands of the English was a lame bull at Tranent in East-Lothian.^' •* Is that all that ye have got ?" said Earl Warenne, when the spoilers returned to the camp ; " I never saw so dear a beast.'* t * This inroad is well described by Knyghton, p. 2542. " Anno gratiae 1322, circa translationem Sancti Thomae, intraverunt Scoti in Angliam per medium Fornesiae, et comitatum Lancas- triae devastaverunt undique, absque aliquo damno suorum, coUi- gentes immensam praedam auri et argenti, animalium, ornamen- torum ecclesiasticorum, lectualium, mensalium, abducentes onus- las carrectas de omnibus bonis patriae ad suum placitum," f This sarcastical and ill-timed reflection is related as in Barbour, p. 386. Fordun, L. xiii. c. 4. gives it in still fewer words : " Quod illius tauri caro erat nimis cara ;" that is, " This beef is very dear." Had Warenne spoken thus to the King, it *8 Fordun, xiii. 4. ^9 Foedera, iii. 952. 959. 967. Walsingham, 116* '° Barbour, .585. ^^ Barbour, 386. 128 ROBERT I. a. d. 1322. Edward advanced to the neighbourhood of Edin- burgh, without opposition, indeed, but also with- out hope of mastering the kingdom.^* His provi- sions were soon consumed, and there was no possi- bihty of obtaining any supplies. Famine began to prevail in the English camp, and many of the sol- diers perished for want of food. Edward, after all his mighty preparations for subduing Scotland, was obliged to retire without having ever seen an ene- my. His soldiers, in their retreat, plundered the abbeys of Holyrood and Melros, burnt the abbey of Dryburgh, and other hallowed places, slew many monks, and violated whatever was most sacred in their religion.* Returning to commodious and plentiful quarters in England, they indulged them- selves in excesses productive of mortal diseases, in so much that, according to an English historian,^' almost one-half of the great army which Edward had led into Scotland, was destroyed either by hun- ger or intemperance, t might have been considered as a gallant freedom of speech, suit- ing a baron of those times ; but the words addressed to the sol- diers, would have been petulance and mutiny in any age. * " Spoliatis tamen in reditu Anglorum, et praedatis monas- teriis Sanctae Crucis de Edinburgh et de Melros, atque ad magnam desolationem perductis ; in ipso namque mdnasterio de Melros Dominus Willelmus de Peblis, ejusdem monasterii prior, unus etiam monachus tunc infirmus et duo conversi caeci effecti, in dormitorio eorundem ab eisdem Anglis sunt interfecti, et plures monachi lethaliter vulnerati, corpus Dominicum super mag- num altarejuit projedum, ablata pixide argentea in qua erat repo- situm. Monasterium de Driburgh igne penitus consumptum est, et in pulverem redactum, ac alia pia loca quamplurima per prae- dicti Regis violentiam ignis flamma consumpsit ;" Forduii, L. xiii. c. 4. ■|- " Cumque multi de Regis exercitu pervenissent ad pro- pria, et gustassent cibos avidius, mox vel diruptis visceribus 3» Fordun, xiii. 4. Th. de la More, 596. ^^ Walsingham, 117- A. D. 1322. ROBERT I. 129 Edward, on his return to England, appointed Andrew Hartcla guardian of the west marches, and David de Strathbolgie Earl of Athole, guardian of the east, (1.5th September). ^''^ Edward had scarcely taken these precautions for the security of his kingdom, when the Scots appear- ed with a numerous army before the castle of Nor- ham.^^ Edward lay at the abbey of Biland in York- shire ; a body of his troops was advantageously posted in the neighbourhood. The Scots, by a forced march, endeavoured to surprise him : to this, it is said, they were incited by some traitors who were about his person.* Edward escaped to York with the utmost difficulty, abandoning all his bag- gage and treasure to the enemy. ^^ The English camp was supposed to be accessible only by one narrow pass.^' Douglas undertook to force it. Randolph, leaving that part of the army which he moriebantur, aut consutnpta natura semper irabecilles et debiles permanserunt, vires praehabitas recuperare non valentes ;" IVal- singham, p. 117. " Ubi pene perdidit mediam gentem suam pudibunde niaxime ; ibid. Knyghton, p. 2542. says, that near 16000 men perished. Knyghton erroneously supposes, that, in the following year, Edward again marched into Scotland, and I'eturned, after having proceeded no farther than to Melros. * Edward himself seems to have ascribed this to the negli- gence of Lewis de Beaumont Bishop of Durham. Henry de Beaumont had said, that if his brother Lewis, or any other per- son of noble birth, was appointed to the see of Durham, he would so well defend the frontier, as to be like a stone wall against the invasions of the Scots. " I named you Bishop, said the King to Lewis de Beaumont, and yet your negligence has been so great, that your territory and the adjacent parts have suffered more from the Scots under your administration than in the days of any of your predecessors ;" Foedera, T. iii. p. 994« 34 Foedera, iii. 973. 3j Foedera, iii. 975. 3« Walsingham, U7. Murim. 59. ^^ Barbour, 388—394, VOL. II. I 130 ROBERT I. a. d. 1322. commanded, presented himself as a volunteer under Douglas his friend. The attack was resisted by the English with undaunted courage. The King of Scots ordered the Highlanders and the men of the Isles to climb the precipices in which the Eng- lish confided. They obeyed, and the English fled. John de Bretagne Earl of Richeraont, Henry de Sully, a Frenchman of quality, and many other persons of note, were made prisoners. ^^ The Stewart, with five hundred men, pursued the Eng- lish to York, and, in the spirit of chivalry, remain- ed at the gates until evening, waiting for the enemy to come forth and renew the combat.* The King of Scots had formerly received some discourtesies from the Earl of Richemont.^^ In the first exultation of victory, he so far forgot his own character and dignity, as to reproach his prisoner ;t * " Walter Stewart that great bountie Set ay upon hy chevalry, With five hundred in company, Unto York's gates the chace can ma And there some of their men can sla, And there abade while near the night, To see if any would ish and fight." Barbour, p. 393. f " And when he saw John of Britain He had at him right great engraigne, For he ivas "wont to speak highly At home, and oer dispiteously. And bad him have him away on hy And look he kceped were straitly ; And said, ivere it not that he were Sik a cative, he should buy sore His words that were so angry." Barbour, p. 393, 394. 38 Foedera, iii. 978. 982. Th. de la More, 596^ 39 Barbour, 393, 594. A. D. 1322. ROBERT 1. 131 but to Sully and his companions he expressed every kindness. *' I know," said he, " that ye fought to prove yourselves valiant knights in a strange land, and not from enmity to me." The Scots committed great outrages in York- shire ; at Rippon, as if they had meant to use re- prisals, they murdered many ecclesiastics. "^^ They had so little apprehensions of any enemy, that they continued their incursions to Beverley in the East- riding ;* but the clergy and citizens, by paying a large ransom, purchased immunity from pillage. t After having wasted England, and braved the power of their late invader, the Scots returned home unmolested. Andrew Hartcla, Earl of Carlisle, had received the highest honours and the most distinguished trust from Edward ; he now betrayed his King and his benefactor. Much has been related by historians concerning the nature of his treason. I propose to make men- tion of those circumstances alone which appear from authentic instruments. The sentiment, as expressed by Barbour, seems obscure ; the meaning may be, that the Earl of Richemout M^ould have been worse used, had it not been on account of his eminent rank. * It is evident, that, after the rout near Biland abbey, Ed- vrard was not able to oppose the Scots in the field. We learn from Foedera, that he remained at York while the Scots ex- tended their arms to Beverley, in a remote corner of the East- riding of Yorkshire, and almost to the banks of the Humber. f " In villa de Beverlaco neminem occiderunt, quia pro CCCC libris se burgenses et canonici redemerunt, et sic Scoti, propter instantem hiemem, redierunt ;" A. Murimuth, p. 59. ^° Murimuth, 59. Th. de la More, 596. 13^ ROBERT I. A. D. 1322. About the beginning of January 1322-3, Ed- ward received intimation that the barons of the north of England had entered into a treaty for a truce with the Scots/' He prohibited any further proceedings in this treaty, and commanded Hartcla instantly to inform himself of its nature and con- ditions, to provide for the security of Carlisle, and to repair to court ; " that I may be directed,'* said the King, *' by your advice, and the advice of my other faithful counsellors." Either the English King had at that time no suspicions of the fidelity of Hartcla, or he acted with the most profound dissimulation. But Hartcla having avoided the presence of his injured sovereign, Edward ordered him to be ar- rested as a traitor, (1st February 1322-3)/* Edward appointed his brother, Edmund Earl of Kent, to be sole guardian of the marches, (5th February 1322-3) ; and thus deprived both Hartcla and the Earl of Athole of their offices."^^ Commissioners were appointed to try the offences of Hartcla, (27th February 1322-3)/^ It was found at his trial that he had had an in- terview with Bruce, and had become bound, as well by writing as by oath, to maintain him and his heirs in the right and possession of Scotland :* That Bruce had agreed to name six persons, and Hartcla as many, who, by common consent, were * " Pur maintenirle dit Robert d'estre Roi d'Escosse propre- ment, et pur maintenir au dit Robert et ses heirs le royaume d'Escosse entirement ;" Foedera, T. iii. p. 999. 41 Foedera, iii. 983. ** Foedera, iii. 988. 43 Foedera, iii. 988. *+ Foedera, iii. 999. A. D. 1322. ROBERT I. 13S to regulate the weighty affairs of both kingdoms : That Hartcla had promised to resist all those who might endeavour to obstruct this treaty ; and that he had induced the people of the country to swear to the observance of it. Edward also charged Hartcla with having pre- tended to act under the royal authority in the ne- gociations for a truce with Scotland ; but this charge, however probable, appears not to have been proved to the court. '^^ The court condemned Hartcla to be degraded, and to suffer the punishment of a traitor.*'^^ This sentence was immediately executed, (at Carlisle, 2d March 1322-3). * " That you shall be degraded, and lose the title of Earl for yourself and your heirs in all time to come : That you shail be ungu'ded of your sword, and have your gilt spurs cut off from your heels ;" Foedera, T. iii. p. 999. The sentence also bears, " That his heart, bowels, and intrails, shouid be plucked out, burnt to ashes, and the ashes scattered in the air." It assigns, what, it seems, is the moral of this savage mode of punishment : " Because from them your traitorous devices proceeded," (^dount les treitrouses penzez vindrent) ; Foedera, T. lii. p. 1000. His quarters were to be exposed on the towers of Carlisle and New- castle, on the bridge of York, and at Shrewsbury, and his head was to be fixed upon London bridge. The English historians re- late some other particulars concerning Hartcla, which are more dubious ; as, that the King of Scots had agreed to give him his sister in marriage; A. Murhnutli, p. 60. Walsingham, p. 118. I doubt much whether the King of Scots had any unmarried sister at that time. Wcdsinahcmi says. That Hartcla became a traitor from his enmity to Hugh le d'Espenser, whom he per- ceived to increase daiiy in the favour of the King ; Ibid. Murimuth says. That he was arrested by Anthony de Lucy, his special confident, p. 60. But it appears from Foedera^ T. iii. 988 — 1000. that Henry Fitz-Hugh was the person ap- pointed to arrest Hartcla, and that de Lucy was at that time 4J Foedera, iii. 994. 4" Murimuth, 60. 134 ROBERT I. A. d. 1322. Dishonoured 'by his flight from Biland, impove- rished and weakened by the repeated calamities of war, and betrayed by those in whom he placed confidence, Edward now agreed to a cessation of arms " with the men of Scotland who were engag- ed in war against him." "^^ But the King of Scots would not consent to the truce in that form. He thus wrote to Henry de Sully, who acted as a me- diator between the two nations : " I see from the copy of the letters of the King of England which you have transmitted to me, that he says he has granted a cessation of arms to the men of Scotland ^ho are engaged in war against him. This lan- guage is very strange. In our former truces, I was always named as a principal party, although he did not vouchsafe to give me the title of King ; but now he makes no more mention of me than of the least person in Scotland ; so that, if the treaty were to be violated by him, I should have no bet- ter title than the very meanest of my subjects to demand redress. I cannot consent to a truce sheriff of Carlisle ; so that, if de Lucy took Hartcla into cus- tody, he did no more than what the duty of his office, superior to the rights of private friendship, indispensably required. The Chronicle of Lanercost, quoted by Tyrrel, vol. iii. B. 10. p. 301, says, That by Hartcla's treaty with Scotland, the King of Scots was to pay 80,000 merks to Edward, in annual payments of 8000 merks, and that Edward was to have the disposal of the marriage of the eldest son of the King of Scots. All this, how- ever, is improbable ; the sum of money, as matters then stood, exceeds credibility ; and the clause as to the marriage of the eldest son of the King of Scots, must seem strange, when we re- collect that, at that time, he had no son at all. 47 Foedera, iii, 1003. A. D. 1323. ROBERT I. 135 granted in such terms ; but I am willing to con- sent, if the wonted form is employed. I send you a copy of the King's letter ; for I imagine that you have either not perused it, or not adverted to its tenor," (21st March 1322-3. Dated at Ber- wick). It is probable that the omission which gave rise to this animated letter was accidental. For, in Edward's consent to the cessation of arms, (dated 14th March), Bruce is ti'eated as a principal par- ty.*« 1323. Edward demanded the opinion of his counsellors as to the expediency of this truce."^^ Henry de Beaumont, one of the counsellors, refused to give his opinion. Edward then commanded him to de- part from the council-board. " I had rather go than stay," answered Beaumont. He saw, but he was too proud to acknowledge, the necessity of the truce. His behaviour admits of no apology. In questions as to what is constitutional, and what is illegal, a counsellor, from diffidence of his own knowledge, or from ignorance, may hesitate : But, when the question is as to expediency, a counsellor ought to deliver his opinion with that dignity which suits his rank, and with the spirit of a free man, (30th March 1323). On the same day, the treaty of truce, to endure until the 12th June 1336, was concluded, (at Thorpe in the neighbourhood of York).^° ** Foedera, iii, 1001. •♦9 Foedera, iii, 1021. S© Foedera, iii. 1022. 136 ROBERT I. a. d. 132$, It was agreed, that during the truce no new fortresses should be erected in Cumberland, to the north of the Tyne, or in the counties of Berwick, Rokesl)urgh, and Dumfries. By a very singular article it was provided, " that Bruce, and the people of Scotland, might procure absolution from the Pope ; but, in case there was no peace concluded before the expiration of the truce, that the sentence of excommunication should revive." It does not appear how laics, by their own authority, could limit or qualify the operations of a spiritual sentence ; and, therefore, it may be presumed, that this provision was made with the consent of the Pope, implied, if not ex- pressed. Bruce, under the style of King of Scotland, ra- tified the treaty (at Berwick, 7th June 132o) j^' with the consent of his bishops, earls, and barons.* Edward, while he was negociating this truce, employed his ambassadors at the Papal Court to widen the breach between Scotland and the Pope.^* He requested the Pope to ratify and publish in due form,t the sentence of excommunication against * The persons who, together with the King, made oath for the observance of this truce, are thus described in the instru- ment. All the earls of Scotland ; but their names are not spe- cified. The Stewart, James Douglas, John Menteth, Robert Keith, Henry St Clair, Gilbert de la Haye, David Lindesay, David Graham, Alexander Frisel (or Fraser), Hugh Ross, Ro- bert Boyd, and Robert Lauder the elder ; Foedera, T. iii. p. 1025. f " Per crucis signationem et alia juris remedia ;" Foedera, T. iv. p. 31. S' Foedera, iii. 105], ^* Foedera, iv. 32. 34. A. D. 1323. ROBERT I. 137 Bruce and his adherents. He said that the Scots, by their contempt of the censures of the church, had incurred the suspicion of heresy, and that they had proceeded to the criminal excess of inflicting tortures, and even capital punishments, on eccle- siastics, without regard to their sacred character.* He farther requested the Pope not to give his sanc- tion for electing Scotsmen to the episcopal office in their native country ; *' because," said Edward, the Scottish prelates are they who cherish the na- tion in its rebellion and contumacy. Before the Pope had made answer to this request, accounts of the truce between the two nations ar- rived. This afforded to the Pope an opportunity of denying the request of Edward. He said, that it was his duty to promote, and still more to enforce a truce ; and that, as the King of England had <;onsented that the Scots might obtain a temporary absolution at least, it would be improper to ratify and publish the sentence of excommunication. As to the demand concerning Scottish Bishops, the Pope made answer, that to grant it, would be to deprive the flock of pastors altogether, seeing no Englishman could receive admittance into Scot- land. The King of Scots, on his side, resolved to send ambassadors for soliciting a reconciliation with the -church. ^^ Previous, however, to this embassy, he judged it expedient that his nephew Randolph * " Hiis diebus, in contemptum ecclesiae, indifferenter per- ■sonas ecclesiasticas torquent et occidunt ;" Foedera, T. iv. p. 32v ^3 Foedera, iv. 28. 138 ROBERT I. a. d. 1323. should endeavour to sound the dispositions of the Papal Court. The Pope sent a narrative to the King of Eng- land of the conversation which passed between him and Randolph. The narrative is exceedingly cu- rious and characteristical. Randolph having been admitted to an audience, informed the Pope, tliat he had made a vow to re- pair to the Holy Land, but that he could not accom- plish it without the permission of the Papal see ; and that the main purpose of his journey to Avig- non was to seek the indulgences usually bestowed on those who undertook that religious expedition. The Pope made answer, that it was not fit to grant such permission and indulgences to one who, as a simple individual, could not perform any ef- fectual services ; and, as an excommunicated per- son, could not further his own salvation in Pale- stine : But he added, that he would hereafter lend a favourable ear to this . petition, if Randolph did his utmost endeavours for procuring the establish- ment of peace between the two nations. Randolph then said, that ambassadors were speedily to be sent from Scotland, to solicit a re- conciliation with the church, and he requested the Pope to grant them his own passport m ample form. The Pope, although he could not grant this, of- fered to issue letters requisitorial for their safe con- duct^ addressed to all the Princes through whose territories they might have occasion to journey. Randolph next produced a commission from his uncle of the following tenor : " The King of Scots A. D. 1323. ROBERT I. 139 makes oiFer to the Pope, that he will accompany the French King in his intended expedition to the Holy Land ; and, if that expedition should not take place, that he himself will repair in person to the Holy Land, or send his nephew, Thomas Randolph Earl of Moray, in his stead/* To this proposal the Pope made answer, " that until Bruce concluded a peace with England, and was reconciled to the church, it would not be de- cent to receive him as a crusader, either in society with the French King, or by himself." Then the shrewd ambassador observed, that his own wishes were most ardent for peace with Eng- land, and for a perfect reconciliation with the ca- tholic church : That to this end he would sincere- ly labour, were he assisted by the good offices of his Holiness ; but that, for rendering such interpo- sition effectual, it would be expedient, and indeed absolutely necessary, that a Bull should be address- ed to Bruce, under the appellation of King. He was confident that a Bull, with that conciliating title, would be reverently received ; but he greatly feared, that if the name of King was withheld, that which had happened formerly would again happen, and the Bull would remain unopened. The Pope hastily consented to a proposal made with so much appearance of candour ; but recol- lecting the consequences of what he had done, he endeavoured to apologize for it to the King of England. " I remember to have told you," said he, " that my bestowing the title of King on Ro- bert Bruce, would neither strengthen his claim, IM) ROBERT I. A. D. 1323. nor impair yours. My earnest desires are for re- conciliation and peace ; and you well know, that my Bull, issued for attaining those salutary pur- poses, will never be received in Scotland, if I ad- dress it to Bruce under any other appellation but that of King ; I therefore exhort you^ in your royal "wisdom, that you would be pleased patiently to suffer me to give him that appellation.* I hear that reports have reached you, as if Randolph had made other proposals, prejudicial to you, and your kingdom-; but you may assure yourself, that I would not have permitted any proposals of that nature to have been so much as mentioned in the absence of those to whom you have committed the superintendency of your affairs.! Besides, Henry de Sully, a per- son of known zeal for your honour and interest,! was present at the audience which I gave to Ran- dolph ; he heard all that passed, and he would not have suffered me, even if I had been so inclined, to receive any proposals prejudicial to you or your kingdom," (13th January 1323-4). This narrative displays Randolph in the charac- ter of a consummate politician. * " Providentiam Regiam exhortamur quatenus — Velit Regia circumspectio aeqiianimiter tolerare, quod nos scribamus eidem Roberto sub titulo Regiae dignitatis ;" Foedera, T. iv. p. 29. This singular language is preserved in the translation. f " Negotiorum regiorum promotoribus non vocatis ;" Foe- dera, T. iv. p. 29. It is uncertain whether the cardinals pen- sioned by England, or the Bishop of Winchester and the Dean of Lincoln, the English ambassadors, are here meant. J He was a pensioner of England, as the Pope well knew ; for the Pope, in a letter to Edward, of the same date, requested him to continue his favours to Henry de Sully ; Foedera, T. iv. p. 28. Sully was probably the bearer of the letter giving an ac- count of what passecl at the audience of Randolph. A. D. 1323. ROBERT I. HI His first request to the Pope was merely per- sonal, expressing his own zeal in the service of the church, and the estimation in which he held her indulgences ; this he represented as the chief busi- ness of his journey to Avignon. Although the Pope could not grant the Jirst and principal request of Randolph, yet he declared himself willing to listen to it whenever a proper opportunity should offer ; and he made his future favour to depend on Randolph's sincerity in promoting the establish- ment of peace. Randolph then talked of a reconciliation with the church, an essential preliminary of peace ; he mentioned an embassy from Scotland having that object in view ; and he demanded a passport for the ambassadors in a form which would have per- suaded the world that the Pope himself had invit- ed a reconciliation. The Pope perceived the ten- dency of the request, and eluded it. Randolph next produced his commission from the King of Scots, offering to pei'form a service meritorious in itself, and connected with the glory of the French King, which could not fail of being interesting to a Pope born a Frenchman, and resid- ing at Avignon. The Pope eluded this offer also, but without shewing any marks of displeasure at the extraordinary proposal, that a person lying un- der the curse of the church should engage in a cru- sade by authority of the Pope. After Randolph had soothed the passions, and conciliated the favour of the Pontiff, he opened the true business of his embassy ; and that, not as 14.2 ROBERT I. a. d. 1323. from the King of Scots, but merely as the amicable suggestion of his own zeal for peace, and the honour of the church ; and he so judiciously enforced the topics of persuasion, that the Pope consented to give the title of King to one ed'commimicated per- son, by the advice of another. Edward, however, was not convinced by that ca- suistry which held, *' that to bestow the title of King on his antagonist, was a matter of indifference."^* He remonstrated against the concession which the Pope was willing to make ; he said, that it was a thing dishonourable to the church, and highly pre- judicial to the claims of the English crown : And he added, with great shew of reason, *' that the Scottish nation would naturally conclude, that the Pope intended to acknowledge the right where he had given the title.^^ Neither did Edward omit to retort the maxim of Papal policy, " that no altera- tion in the condition of the parties ought to be made during the subsistence of the truce." A son was born to the King of Scots (at Dun- fermline, 5th March 1323-4), and named DavidJ^ The court poets of those times foretold, that this infant would one day rival his father's fame, and prove victorious over the English.* 1324. Edward, the son of John Balliol, had resided for many years on his paternal estate in Normandy, * " Filius hie Regis, post patrem lumina legis Diriget, augebit, populum probitate fovebit, Iste raanu fortis Anglorum ludet in hortis." Fordun, L. xiii. c. 5- S4 Foedera, iv. 46. ^S Fordun, xiii. 5. A. D. 1324. ROBERT I. H3 neglected by England, and forgotten by the Scots.^*^ The English King now required his presence at court* It is impossible to discover the purpose of this requisition : The presence of the representa- tive of the rival family could not serve to facilitate the negociations for a peace between England and Bruce. The Scottish commissioners for treating of this peace were William de Lamberton, Bishop of St Andrews, and Randolph. ^^ On the part of Eng- land, the two D*Espensers, who had all power at that time, and nine more commissioners, were ap- pointed, (at York, 8th November). In the course of the negociations at York, the English fondly insisted on the claim of feudal so- vereignty ; but this the Scots would not admit ;t neither would they listen to the insidious, though plausible proposal, of having the controverted mat- ters argued in presence of the Pope. The Scots had made themselves masters of Ber- wick in contempt of the papal truce, and they still maintained possession of that fortress.^^ When * '' Cum dilectus et fidelis noster Edvvardus de Ballolo de partibus transmarinis, ad nos, de mandato nostra, in Anglia sit venturus ;" Foedera, T. iv. p. 62. (2d July). Foedera, T. iv. p. 81. (20th August). f Such 1 understand to be the import of what Edward wrote to the Pope, (8th March 1324-5) ; Foedera, T. iv. p. 141. " Scoti, in tractatu illo, nulla alia obtulerunt, nisi quae prius in aliis tractatibus obtulerant, quae absque exhaeredatione mani- festa Regiae nostrae coronae, prout alias deliberate consilio fuerit judicatum, concedi aliquatenus nan valebant." S° Foedera, iv. 62. 81. Si Foedera, vi. 70. s* Foedera, it. 168. 176. Murim. 62, 14 Ui ROBERT I. A. D. 1324. they sought to be reconciled to the church, Ed- ward prevailed on the Pope to reject their prayer, until restitution should be made. But the Scots chose rather to remain under the sentence of ex- communication, than to yield up Berwick. 13^6. A parliament was held at Cambuskenneth, The clergy, earls, barons, and all the nobility of Scot- land, together with the people there assembled,* took an oath for performance of fealty and homage to David the King's son, and his issue ; whom fail- ing, to Robert Stewart. At this time, Andrew Moray of Bothwell, the companion of Wallace, obtained in marriage Chris- tian, sister of the King of Scots, and widow of Sir Christopher Seton.t^^ Walter Stewart, the King's son-in-law, died, (9th April). *^° Had he lived, he might have equalled Randolph and Douglas : But his course of glory was short. Randolph, ambassador from the King of Scots, concluded an alliance, offensive and defensive, with France, (at Corbeil, April).*^' Edward II. resignedt his crown to his son Ed- * " Una cum populo ibidem congregate ;" Fordun, L. xiiL c. 12. f It was one part of the policy of Robert Bruce, to strengthen his family by matrimonial alliances. \ Some historians say, that he was deposed ; but the diffe- rence seems merely verbal. Tyrrel, vol. iii. b. ix. p. 337. says, That " Edward was, by sentence of parliament, and by his own solemn resignation, deposed and laid aside.'' S9 Fordun, xiii. 12. ^° Fordun, xiii. 12. Barbour, 402. "' Leibnitz, Cod. Jur. Gent i. 116. A. D. 1327. ROBERT I. 145 ward III. a youth in his fifteenth year, (24th Janu- ary 1326-7).'* Edward III. renewed the negociations for peace with Scotland, (4th Marcii), and ratified the truce which his father had made, (8th March).^^ 1327. He received intelhgence that the Scots having assembled their forces on the borders, had resolved to infringe the truce, and, if peace was not instant- ly conchided, to invade England.'^* Edward dis- continued not the negociations for peace, yet he summoned his barons to meet him in arms at New- castle upon Tyne, (5th April), and made every pre- paration for opposing the enemy. At an exorbi- tant expense he contracted with John Lord of Beaumont,^^ brother of the Count of Hainault, for a body of heavy-armed cavalry,* (18th May, 28th June) ; and, with uncommon precaution, he forti- fied York, (15th July) :^^ And he even appears to have invited Edward Balliol from France, that there * This John of HainnriU, as he is commonly called, had a pension for life from Edward III. of 1000 merks yearly ; Foe- dera, T. iv. p. 290. He had been a chief instrument in the late revolution, when Isabella invaded England, and dethroned her consort Edward II 14000 pounds were paid to John of Hain- ault for the horsemen whom he brought over. Their number is uncertain. The English historians generally say Jive hundred ; but Froissart adds, " Si le suyvit chacun voulontiers, selon son pouvoir, ceux qui furent mandes, et moult d'autres qui ne furent point mandes :. Pourtant que chacun pensoit en rapporter autant d'argent comme les autres avoyent fait, qui avoient este en I'autre chevauchee en Angleterre avec lui ;" T. i. c. 16. ^'^ Foedera, iv. 243. ^^ Foedera, iv. 270, 271. ^■^ Foedera, iv. > 81. 287. '^^ Foedera, iv. 290. 294. 357. •'"' Foedera, iv. 296. VOL. II, It 116 ROBERT I. A. D. 1327. miglit be a pretender to the Scottish crown, to be employed at any fit opportunity, (12th July).^"^ Historians give different accounts of the causes which moved the Scots at this time to disregard the truce.*^^ Fordun says, in general, that they had detected the bad faith of the English.* Ac- cording to Barbour, the English had seized some Scottish ships bound for the low countries, slain the mariners, and refused to make satisfaction. Randolph and Douglas invaded England, t (15th June 1327), on the side of the western borders. * " Detecta eorum fraude ;" Fordun, "L. x'ni. c. 12. Barnes, Life of Edward III. p. 5. rejects this insinuation, " because the English nation was never noted so much for fineness and subtlety as for downright honesty and blunt valour." As if the conduct of the sovereign and his counsellors were the standard of the manners and dispositions of the English nation ! It is not to be supposed that so prudent a person as Bruce would have involv- ed himself in war with England, unless for weighty causes. Although there had been no other ground of complaint, the machinations of Edward II. which prevented the Pope from granting a temporary absolution to the Scots, would have justi- fied the renewal of hostilities ; and, perhaps, it is to this that Fordun alludes in the woi'ds, " Detecta eorum fraude." On the authority of a Chronicle quoted by Stow, Barnes, p. 5. and Tyrrel, vol. iii. b. 9. p. 34-0. say, That the Scots commenced hostilities on the very day of the young King's coronation, (1st February), by attempting to storm the castle of Norham. But this is a gross error. We have seen that Edward ratified the truce, 8th March, and renewed the negociations for peace, 2f3d April, Besides, it appears from Foedera, T. iv. p. 287. that the Scots had not commenced hostilities on the 29th April 1327. The first mention of their having invaded England is to be found in an instrument dated at York 17th June ; Foedera, T. iv. p. 293. This agrees exactly with Fordun, who says. That the Scots invaded England 17. kal. Jul. or 15th June ; L. xiii. c. 12. The attempt against the castle of Norham was made in autumn 132"^ : Leland, vol. i. p. 551. f Tyrrel, vol. iii. b. 9. p. 340. says. That '< this army was commanded by the Earl of Moray and the Lord Thomas Ran- *^7 Foedera, iv. 295. ^^ Fordun, xiii. 12. Barbour, 402. A. D. 1327. ROBERT I. U1 Their army was chiefly composed of cavahy, and amounted to about 20,000 men.^^ Edward III. led an army, amounting, at the lowest computation, to 50,000 men, against the in- vaders, and arrived at Durham, (13th July).* 7° On the 18th of July, the English descried at a distance the smoke of the flames kindled by the Scots in their cruel progress.'^' They marched out in order of battle, and proceeded towards the quar- ter from whence the smoke issued. Having march- ed for two days without receiving any further intel- ligence, they concluded that the Scots were about to retire. Disencumbering themselves of their heavy baggage, they resolved, by a forced march, to reach the river Tyne, and by taking post on the north banks of that river, to intercept the Scots on their return. With wonderful celerity the Eng- lish pressed on through woods, morasses, and wild deserts. The cavalry, leaving the foot soldiers be- hind, crossed the river at Haidon, (20th July). Before the infantry could come up, the river, swollen by incessant rains, was no longer ford- able ; and thus the army remained divided for se- veral days, without any accommodation of quar- ters, and in exceeding want of provisions and for- dolph, ttvo experienced commanders." Is it possible that Tyr- rel wrote the history of Edward II. without discovering that Lord Thomas Raiidolph tvas Earl of Moray ? * A more particular account of this campaign may be seen in the Appendix. "9 Fordun, xiii. 12. Froissart, i. 16. 7° Froissart, i. 16. '' Froissart, i. 17. 148 ROBERT I. a. d. 1327. age.'* The troops now began to murmur ; and they hesitated not to affirm, that false traitors had led the King and his army into a remote corner, there to perish through fatigue and famine, without ever encountering an enemy. A new plan of ope- rations was formed, and it was again resolved to march southwards. The King proclaimed a re- ward of lands, to the value of one hundred pounds yearly, for life, to the person who should first dis- cover the enemies " on dry ground, where they might be attacked.'*'^ Many knights and esquires swam across the river, and set out upon this singu- lar search.^"^ The army continued to march for three days without receiving any intelligence of the Scots. On the fourth day, Thomas Rokesby, an esquire, brought certain accounts of them. He reported, *' that the Scots made him prisoner, but that their leaders, understanding his business, had dismissed him, saying, that they had remained for eight days on the same ground, no less ignorant of the motions of the English than the English of theirs, and that they were desirous and ready to combat.'* With Rokesby for their guide, the English army came in view of the Scots.' ^ The Scots were ad- vantageously posted on the side of a rising ground, having the river Were in front, and their flanks secured by rocks and precipices, (1st August). The English dismounted and advanced. They hoped to allure the Scots from their fastnesses ; 7* Froissart,^ 17. Scala Chron. ap. Leland, i. 551. 73 Poedera, iv. 312. 74 Froissart, i. 1 9. 7 j Froissart, i. 20. A. D. 1327. ROBERT L 149 but the Scots moved not. Edward sent a herald to Randolph and Douglas. In the style of these times, he said, " Either suffer me to pass the river, and leave me room for ranging my forces, or do you pass the river, and I will leave you room to range yours, and thus shall we fight on equal terms." But the Scottish commanders scornfully answered, " We will do neither : On our road hither we have burnt and spoiled the country, and her£ are we fixed while to us it seems good j and, if the King of England is oftended, let him come over and chastise us.'* Two days passed in this manner, and the armies continued in sight of each other. The English un- derstanding that provisions began to fail in the camp of the enemies, resolved to maintain a close blockade, and to reduce the Scots by famine. Next morning the English saw, with astonish- ment, that the Scots had secretly decamped, and taken post two miles fiuther up the river, in ground still stronger, and of more difficult access, and amidst a great wood.'^ The English placed them- selves opposite to them, near Stanhope-park. At dead of night, Douglas, with two hundred horse- men, approached the English camp. Under the guise of a chief commander making the rounds, he called out, *' Hah ! St George, is there no watch here ?" and thus eluding the sentinels, passed on undiscovered to the royal quarters. His compa- nions shouted, " A Douglas ! a Douglas ! English y*' Froissart, i. 21, 22. Knyghton, 2552, Hemingford, ii. 268. Barbour, 411,412. 150 ROBERT 1. a. d. 1327. thieves, you shall all die." They overthrew what- ever opposed their passage, and furiously assaulted the King's tent. The King's domestics made a bold stand to save their master. His chaplain* and others of his household were slain, and himself hardly escaped. Douglas, disappointed of his prey, rushed through the enemies, and, with inconsider- able loss, retreated,t (4th August). * Hemingford, T. ii. p. 268. calls him, " Vii' aiidax et ar- matiis," which may imply a censure of the brave chaplain of Edward III. ; but when an ecclesiastic draws his sword to pro- tect a benefactor and a sovereign, he may, with Hemingford's good leave, be forgiven, although he should become canonically irregidar. ■\ In relating this celebrated camisade of Douglas, I have carefully followed the narrative drawn up by Froissart, from in- formation which seems to have been communicated by officers who had served under John de Hainault. — Had I leisure or in- chnation to criticise on former historians, I might observe, that there is a writer who says that Douglas lost the greatest part of his folloX'oers ; and, in proof of this, quotes various authors, who mention nothing of the loss sustained by Douglas, and Froissart, vi^ho most expressly asserts that his loss was very small, " Perdit aucuns de ses gens a la retraite, maisce nefut mie grandement ;" vol. i. p. 21. Barbour, p. 411, &c. says, that Douglas had 500 horsemen with him ; that they cut the tent-poles, and slew the English as they came out of their tents, naked and unarmed. It appears from his account, that Douglas came in upon the rear of the English, and, if I mistake not, upon the rear of the right wing or first battle. Barbour relates a little incident which I shall give in his own words : " And as they near were approachand, An Englishman that lay beekand Him by the fire, said to hi^ feer, I wit not what may tide us here. But right a great growing me taes, I dread sore for the Black Douglas. And he that heard him said, Perfay You shall have cause if that I may ; With that, with all his company, He rushed in on them hardily. And the palzions down he bare," &c. A. D. 1327. ROBERT I. 151 Next day the English learnt from a prisoner that general orders had been issued for all men to hold themselves in readiness that evening to follow the banner of Douglas.'' The English apprehend- ing a night attack, made themselves ready for battle, lighted up great fires, and kept most vigilant watch. On the morning two trumpeters were brought in prisoners.'^ They reported that the Scots had decamped before midnight, and were returning to their own country. The English would not credit this strange and unwelcome report. They remain- ed in order of battle during several hours, and still hoped and looked for the appearance of the enemy. At length some scouts having crossed the river, re- turned with certain intelligence, that the Scottish camp was totally deserted, (6th August). Barbour relates,'^ that there was a morass in the rear of the Scottish camp, which he calls the two mile moss ; that the Scots made a road with brush- wood through the morass, and having thus passed over, removed the brush-wood, lest the English should pursue them. When the young King heard that the enemy had escaped out of his toils, he wept bitterly.^" To pursue the Scots, already many miles distant, would have been vain ; and, indeed, the cavalry of Edward were so worn out by long marches and scanty sustenance, that they could hardly move to Beekandy basking, warming ; Jeer, companion ; growing, shud- dering ; taes, takes ; j)erfai/, by my faith ; palzions, pavillions, tents. '7 Froissart, i. 22. 7^ Proissart, i. 22. 75 Barbour, 419. *o Hemingford, ii. 268. S. Chron. ap. Leland, i 55J. Froissart, i, 22. 1511 ROBERT I. A. D. 1327. Durham. After having rested there for some days, Edward marched to York, and then disbanded his army, (15th August). The soldiers of Hainault also were dismissed. They procured horses to con- vey tliemselves to the south of England, for their own horses had all died, or liad become unservice- able, in the course of a three weeks campaign, (20th August).^' Thus, after foreign auxiliaries had been hired at an enormous expense, and the whole power of England had been exerted against the Scottish in- vaders, the enterprise of Edward III. terminated in disappointment and dishonour. Various causes were assigned for the bad success of the northern expedition.^* Some men censured the auxiliaries of Hainault, and said that those fo- reigners were remiss in the public cause, through jealousy of the renown which the Enghsh would have acquired by overcoming their enemies. Others suspected treachery, and said that some of the English commanders, having been won by bribes, permitted the Scots to escape from Stan- hope-park.^^ Mortimer, in particular, has been charged as the prime contriver of this treason, and as having received twenty thousand pounds from the Scots for his reward.* * " Causae vero mortis dicti Comitis Marchiae, quae impo- nebantur ei, fuerunt infra scriptae. — Secunda causa imposita fuit, quod ipse impedivit honorem Regis et regni apud Stanhope- park, ubi Scoti fugerunt, qui capi et interfici potuerunt faciliter, si ipse, qui fuit major de consilio Regis, Anglicos cum Scotis S' Foedera, iv. 504. ^^ Hcmingforcl, ii. 268. ^J Hemingfoid, ii. 268. Murimutli. 77, A.D.I 327. ROBERT I. ISlJ But all this is the language of pride and disap- pointment. The troops of Hainault had no cause to be jealous of the glory in which they themselves, who led the van, would have eminently shared j and indeed they appear to have suffered more by laborious marches, than probably they would have done had they encountered the enemy. That Mortimer should have contributed to blast the ho- nour of his own administration, is not to be lightly credited ; and although he had been wilHng to accept of a bribe of twenty thousand pounds, it was a sum which the King of Scots could not have bestowed. Froissart, who has given an ample ac- count of the campaign 1327, never insinuates that the Scottish army was permitted to retire through any treachery of the English commanders. And notwithstanding what has been said by Murimuth, and his many transcribers, it does not appear that *' the having connived at the escape of the Scots" was made one of the articles of Mortimer's im- peachment ; and this is the more remarkable, be- cause the impeachment contains some articles of a nature less heinous.^"*^ Mortimer, indeed, was charged in parliament as guilty of embezzling the money paid by the Scots to England, in consequence of a treaty concluded in 1328 ;^5 and it is not improbable that this cir- hic congrcdi fecisset, ipse item, quia recepit XX mille libras a Scotis, illos tunc permisit evadere ;" A. Murimuth, p. 77. JVal- singham transcribes the words of Murimuth, Hist. Angl. p. 131. and Ypod. Neust. p. 511. To the same purpose, the anony- mous writer of the reign of Edward III. speaks, p. 398. ** Knyghton, 2556. Brady, append. NO. 83. Tyrrel, iii. 362. ^^ Knyghton, Brady, Tyrrel, iit sup. 154- ROBERT I. a. d. 1327. cumstance might have given rise to a general re- port, that he had received money from the Scots for aiding them in England. The causes of that disgrace which befel the English in the summer 13'27, may be easily disco- vered. Without guides, and without intelligence of the motions of the enemy, they resolved at all hazards to pursue and attack the Scots, active and accus- tomed to sudden predatory incursions, and led by able commanders. Former events had taught the English not to despise their adversaries ; they now erred through excess of caution, and began, even from the gates of Durham, to march in order of battle. In a country uneven and difficult, their motions were slow, and ill suited to the rapidity of the course of that enemy whom they had to en- counter. No measures had been taken, and perhaps none could have been taken, for supplying the troops with provisions and forage. The forced march to the banks of the Tyne ap- pears to have been ably planned ; and, if the Eng- lish army could have maintained itself in those quarters, it would have been exceedingly difficult for the Scots to retreat home, without engaging in a general action at great disadvantage. But it was not easy to find sustenance for an army of 50,000 men in the interior parts of Northumberland ; and it was still harder to persuade bold-spirited and impatient barons to endure every sort of hardship in obscure and inactive cantonments, and quietly A. D. 1327. ROBERT I. 155 to wait for that enemy whom they were eager to seek. Troops, ill disciplined, and unaccustomed to fatigue, are apt to murmur at the delays of war : In such circumstances, the commanders of armies are often obliged to prefer the popular wishes to their own judgment ; and, therefore, if the event proves disastrous, they are rather to be pitied than censured. Every thing which befel the English after they quitted the banks of the Tyne, must be ascribed to the superior skill and vigilance of the Scottish com- manders. What wonder that an inexperienced monarch of sixteen, a court favourite, some foreign officers, unacquainted with the country, and a crowd of barons equally unfit to command or obey, should have been foiled by Douglas and Randolph ? Douglas and Randolph having returned expedi- tiously into Scotland, (9th August), the King of Scots resolved to lead his army against the eastern borders. He besieged the castle of Norham, which was gallantly defended by Robert Maners.* Dou- glas and Randolph were detached to make an at- tempt on the castle of Alnwick ; but having failed * " In eadera obsidione apud Norham, Willelmus de Monte- alto, Johannes de Clapham, et MaHsius de Dobery, cum aliis propria inertia interfecti sunt ;" Forclun, L. xiii. c. 12. This probably means that they were negligent in duty, and suffered themselves to be surprised. In Scala Chron. ap. Leland, T. i. p. 551. W. de Monte-alto is called Mouhand, i.e. Mouhaud, mow pronounced MotvaL Clapham seems to be the same as Clepham. I can form no conjecture as to Dobery ; that person, from his appellation of Malise, appears to have been a native of Scotland. Boece being at a loss, as I am, turned Dobery into Dunbar. 156 ROBERT I. a. d. 1327. in their enterprise, they returned to the King, who still lingered before Norham. So exhausted was the EngHsh treasury, that the demands of the foreign auxiliaries could not be discharged. ^^ Violent animosities prevailed among the great Lords, and the power of the Queen- mother, and Mortimer, who ruled the young King, was not firmly established. The events of the late campaign had been singularly 'unfortunate ; and there were, in truth, no reasonable hopes of more prosperous success in the prosecution of the war. These considerations induced the English govern- ment to entertain serious thoughts of peace. Wil- liam de Denoun, a lawyer, was sent to the King of Scots at Norham, with some proposals for the marriage of the Princess Johanna of England, and David, the only son of the King of Scots.^' This alhance was intended to be the basis of a treaty. Soon after, William de Denoun, and Henry de Percy, were appointed plenipotentiaries for con- cluding a peace with Scotland, (9th October). ^^ To them other plenipotentiaries were added, (23d November). But the persons who chiefly managed this important business were Douglas and Morti- mer. ^^ Elizabeth, the consort of Robert Bruce, King of Scots, died, (26th October). She was buried at Dunfermline. ^° The commissioners for the treaty met at New- castle, and drew up certain articles of pacification.^' 8<5 Froissart, i. 19. ^7 s. Chron. ap. Leland, i. 551. ^^ Foedera, iv. 514. 85 Foedera, iv. 525. °° Fordun, xiii. 12. ^i Foedera, iv. 328. A.D. 1327. ROBERT I. 157 The English King summoned a parliament to meet at York on the 8th of February 13^7-8, for delibe- rating on those articles, (10th December). Mean- while, a short truce was concluded with Scotland, (25th January 13^7-8). In the parliament at York, the important preli- minary of renouncing all claim of superiority over Scotland, appears to have been adjusted.* Edward " willed and consented, that the said kingdom, ac- cording to its ancient boundaries observed in the days of Alexander III. should remain unto Robert King of Scots, and unto his heirs and successors, free and divided from the kingdom of England, without any subjection, right of service, claim, or demand whatever ; and that all writings which * This instrument is printed in Foedera, T. iv. p. 337. from a copy, as I understand, in the Chronicle of Lanercost. Tyrrel, vol. iii. p. 350. supposes this to be the only copy extant ; but he is mistaken ; there is another in Fordun, L. xiii. c. 12. and one more accurate than either, in an instrument under the hand of Wardlaw, Bishop of St Andrews, an. 1415. Mr Goodall, the editor of Fordun, has published this instrument according to Wardlaw's copy ; its conclusion is more accurate than in Foedera : " Et ad praemissa omnia plene, pacifice, et fideliter perpetuis temporibus observanda, dilectis et fideiibus nostris Henrico de Percy, consanguineo nostro, et Willelmo le Zousch de Asheby, et eorum alteri, ad sacramentum in animam nos- tram inde praestandum, per alias literas nostras patentes, ple- nam dedimus potestatem ac mandatum speciale. In cujus rei testimonium, has literas nostras fecimus patentes. Dat. ap. Ebor. primo die Martii, anno regni nostri secundo," i. e. March 1. 1327-8. This WilUam de la Zouche was a Mortimer ; his father Robert married a lady of the family of de la Zouche. William assumed the name of his mother, on obtaining a grant of the barony of Ashbie in Leicestershire. See Burton, Leicester- shire, p. 19. The renunciation of all claim to the superiority of Scotland was made before the peace, probably that the two Kings might treat upon an equal footing, as sovereign and inde- pendent Princes. 158 ROBERT!, a. d. 1328. might have been executed at any time to the con- trary, should be held as void and of no effect." (York, 1st March 1327-8). 13S8. Peace with Scotland was concluded in a Parlia- ment held at Northampton, (April 1328).^* The original treaty is not extant, neither is there any transcript of it to be found ; yet, from a care- ful examination of public instruments,^^ and of the writings of ancient historians, it may be collected, that the chief articles of the treaty were these fol- lowing :— - I. There shall be a perpetual peace between the two kingdoms of England and Scotland.^* II. The stone on which the Kings of Scotland were wont to sit at the time of their coronation, shall be restored to the Scots.* ^^ III. The King of England engages to employ his good offices at the Papal court for obtaining a revocation of all spiritual processes depending be- fore the Holy See against the King of Scots, or against his kingdom or subjects.! * We owe the knowledge of this singular circumstance to the industrious author of the Introduction to The Calendars of Ancient Charters. He has discovered a writ under the privy seal, 1st July 1328, by Edward III. to the Dean and Chapter of Westminster, reciting, " That his council had, in his parlia- ment held at Northampton, agreed that this stone should be sent to Scotland ; and requiring the Dean and Chapter, in whpse custody it was, to deliver it to the sheriffs of London, who were to cause it to be carried to the Queen-mother." f To this purpose Edward III. addressed the Pope and the Cardinals in a more earnest strain than mere benevolence to the »* Murimuth, 7'2. 93 Calend. of Anc. Chart. Intr. 56. y* Foedera, iv. 337. Fordun, xiii. 12. s>J Calend. of Anc. Chart. Intr. 52- A. D. 1328. ROBERT I. 159 IV. For these causes, and in order to make re- paration for the ravages committed in England by the Scots, the King of Scots shall pay 30,000 merks to the King of England.* ^*^ V. Restitution shall be made of the possessions belonging to ecclesiastics in either kingdom, where- of they may have been deprived during the war.t VI. But there shall not be any restitution made of inheritances which have fallen into the hands of the King of England, or of the King of Scots, by reason of the war between the two nations, or through the forfeiture of former possessors, t King and nation of Scotland would have excited; Foederaf T. iv. p. 350. * From the different passages in Foedera referred to, it seems that this sum was to be paid at the rate of 10,000 merks an- nually, on St John Baptist's day. V^hether that day was fixed upon by accident, or whether the English chose to have this pecuniary acknowledgment made on the Anniversary of Ban- nockbu7-n, I know not. f " Quod viris ecclesiasticis utriusque regni, super possessio- nibus suis per guerram occupatis, nullatenus praejudicetur ;" Foedera, T. iv. p. 467. It appears from Foedera, T. iv. p. 373. that this article was, bona fide, executed by both nations. For Edward III. acknowledged that the King of Scots had made the stipulated restitution, and he, on his part, ordered restitu- tion to be made to the Abbeys of Jedburgh, Melros, Kelso, and Dundrenan. X Such a provision was either expressed or implied with re- spect to Scotsmen. This appears from a grant in Foedera, T. iv. p. 384. by Edward III. to Sir James Douglas : " Sciatis, quod de gratia nostra speciali dedimus, concessimus, et reddi- dimus — Jacobo Douglas militi, manerium de Faudon, cum per- tinentiis, in comitatu Northumbriae, et omnes alias terras, &c. quae Willielmus Douglas pater suus habuit in Anglia, et quae occasione guerrae inter Dominum E. quondam Regem Angliae, avum nostrum, et tunc Regem Scotiae, motae, in manum ipsius avi nostri, tanquam sibi forisfactae, capta fuerunt, et sic ad i^" Foedera, iv. 397. 410. 14 160 ROBERT I. a. d. 1328. VII. But Thomas Lord Wake of Ledel, Henry de Beaumont Earl of Buchan, and Henry de Per- cy, shall be restored to their lordships, lands, and estates, whereof the King of Scots, by reason of the war between the two nations, had taken pos- session.*^' manus nostras devenerunt ;" (ap. Eltham, 12th May 1329). Abercrombie, v. i. p. 626. says, " Though Englishmen were not to be repossessed of those estates Edward 1. had given them in Scotland, yet Scotsmen were reponed to those he had taken from them in England ; for which reason the lands of Fawdon hi Northumberland, that had belonged to Sir William Douglas before the war first broke out, were now restored to Sir James Douglas, his son ;" Foedera, T. iv. p. 384'. Thus Abercrombie, thinking to do honour to his native country, has mistaken the plain import of the grant to Sir James Douglas, and has repre- sented the treaty of Northampton as a treaty partial and unjust. Words cannot be plainer than those in the grant by Edward III. to Douglas ; it is a restitution through special favour alone, and, indeed, it is impossible that different rules should have been established with respect to Englishmen in Scotland and Scotsmen in England. Modern historians have enlarged and embellished this article according to their own imaginations, and ancient historians have hardly mentioned it at all. There is some allusion to it in the following passage : " But these Lords, Percy, Wake, Beaumont, and Zouche, wold not agre upon this condition, that the Englischemen should lese such lands as they held by inheritance in Scotland ;" Scala Chron. ap. Lelandp T. i. p. 552. — It is provided by Stat. 7. Pari. i. James III. " That na Englishman have benefice secular or reli- gious within the realme of Scotland, after the forme of the act maid thereupon by King Robert the Bruyse" No such act exists : for c. 24. Robert I. is of a less extensive import ; it can hardly be supposed that benefice secular comprehended all land estates. It will be observed, that, by the treaty of Northampton, the King of Scots, in effect, renounced all claim to his paternal in- heritances in England. * Henry de Beaumont, in right of his wife, an heir parcener of the Earl of Buchan. Thomas Lord Wake of Ledel or Lidely was proprietor of that lordship. Henry de Percy had posses- sions in Galloway and Angus. The lands of Vere in Galloway 97 Foedera, iv. 46 1 . A. D. 1328. ROBERT I. 161 VIII. Johanna, sister of the King of England, shall be given in marriage to David, the son and heir of the King of Scots.^^ IX. The King of Scots shall provide the Prin- cess Johanna in a jointure of i^.2000 yearly, secur* ed on land and rents, according to a reasonable es- timation.* X. If either of the parties fail in performing the conditions of this treaty, he shall pay 2000 pounds of silver to the Papal treasury.^^ Such appear to have been the chief articles of a treaty, honourable for the Scots, and necessary for England. The English historians, indeed, term the peace of Northampton ignominious ^ and the marriage of the Princess Johanna, that base marriage ; because, on that occasion, Edward III. renounced a claim of superiority which the bloody and ruinous wars of full twenty years had in vain attempted to esta- blish. They who censure pacific measures, are gene- rally persons exempted by their condition from the and of Redcastle in Angus were his property. These lands formerly belonged to Henry de Balliol ; they descended to his daughter and heir Constance, and from her to her son Henry de Fishburn, who sold them to Percy. Dugdale, T. i. p. 273. I have doubts as to the word Vere, which is in Dugdale. For further particulars, see Dugdale, articles Beaumont, Wake, and Percy. * "Duo millia hbratarum terrae et redditiis per annum, per I'ationabilem extentam ;" Foedera, T. iv. p. 354. We may pre- sume that the neat yearly produce would be ascertained by an inquest, and this would produce a netv extent of great part of the crown-lands and rents. s^ Foedera, iv. 354. 99 Knygliton, 25GO, VOL. ir. L 162 ROBERT I. a. d. 1328. toils and dangers, and intolerable expense of war. No peace is ever adequate to the sanguine expec- tations of the vulgar : And, through some strange fatality, the expectations of the vulgar are no less sanguine after a long series of disasters, than after the most signal and uninterrupted success. There were many causes which concurred to render the peace of Northampton necessary. Eng- land, at that period, was miserably divided by fac- tions, under the dominion of a youth of sixteen, and, through the prodigality of the former reign, so impoverished, as hardly to be capable of paying for the feeble aid obtained from foreign mercena- ries.* There were no able and experienced com- manders to oppose against Bruce, Randolph, and Douglas : And, Jiowever harsh it may now sound, it is acknowledged by the ancient English histo- rians, that, in the course of a twenty years war, the spirit of Scotland had attained an astonishing as- cendant over the English. That motives of private interest, also, induced Queen Isabella and Mortimer to precipitate a peace with Scotland, will not be denied. All the mis- fortunes which might have ensued in the prosecu- tion of the war, would have been ascribed to the errors of their administration, while Edward alone would have reaped the glory of any successful en- * Of the 14,000 merks due by treaty to John of Hahiault, the first moiety was not discharged before the end of June 1328. Foedera, T. iv. p. 357. The other moiety was advanced by some Florentine merchants, and Edward III. bestowed a gratuity of two thousand pounds on them for their good ser- Vices, (25th May 1329). Foedera, T. iv. p. 387. A. D. 1329. ROBERT I. 1G3 terprise : And, indeed, a young King, if bred up in camps, and constantly surrounded by his barons, could not have been long detained in a state of tu- telage favourable to the ambition of Isabella and Mortimer. Fortunate it is for a nation, when the selfish views of its rulers chance to coincide with the pub- lic interest. In consequence of the treaty of Northampton, David, Prince of Scotland, married Johanna, the daughter of Edward II. (at Berwick, 12th July).' 1329. Robert Bruce, the restorer of the Scottish mo- narchy, departed this life (at Cardross, 7th June 1329).* He had long laboured under an inveterate dis- ease, which, in those days, was termed a leprosy.* He died at the age of 55. His remains were in- terred, near those of his consort, in the middle of the choir at Dunfermline.^ Bruce, in his last hours, requested Douglas, his old and faithful companion in arms, to repair with his heart to Jerusalem, and humbly to deposit it at the sepulchre of our Lord.t"^ * " Lepra percussus ;" W. Hemingford, T. ii. p. 270- " Charge de la grosse maladie ce disoit-on ;" Froissart, T. i. 24. \ Edward III. granted a passport to Sir James Douglas on his journey : " Versus Terrain Sanctam in auxilium Christia- norum contra Saracenos, cum corde Domini R. Regis Scotiae nuper defuncti," (1st September 1329) ; Foedera, T.iy. p. 400. * Hemingford, ii. 269. ^ Hemingford, ii. ?70. ' Fordun, xiii, H. '^ Barbour, 427. IGh ROBERT I. A. p. 1329. Some authors ascribe this request to motives of pohcy, and observe, that although Douglas and Randolph had hitlierto harmoniously exerted their abilities in the public cause under their common sovereign, yet that, after his death, emulation and dissensions might possibly have arisen between those high-spirited men, who were equal in merit and popularity ; and, therefore, that, to remove Douglas from Scotland, was a judicious contriv- ance for obviating the evils apprehended. Nevertheless, when we recollect the notions of those times, it is not improbable that Bruce had indeed resolved to carry his arms into Palestine, and, by honourable and meritorious service against the Saracens, to complete his military glories, and make expiation for all his offences, and that now, disappointed of this hope, he requested Douglas to conv'ey his heart to Jerusalem, as a testimony to the Christian world of his penitence, faith, and zeal. Robert I. married Isabella, the daughter of Do- nald, tenth Earl of Marre.^ By her he had issue a daughter, Marjory, married to Walter the vStewart of Scotland. His second wife was Elizabeth, the daughter of Aymer de Burgh Earl of Ulster. By her he had issue David II. ; Margaret, married to William Earl of Sutherland ; * Matildis, married * She had a son, John, who died in England; Foedera, T. v. p. 724'. Ftrdun, L. ix. c. 13. L. xiv. c. 25. Fordun says, That the Countess of Sutherland died soon after the birth of her son : " Mater post partum statim ex hac luce migravit." S Fordun, xii. 23. Charter of Sutherland, 14th October 1347. CrawfunJ, Peerage, 72.-377. A.D. 1329. DAVID 11. 165 to an Esquire, one Thomas Isaac ; * (Elizabeth, married to Sir Walter Oliphant of Gask).t DAVID II. In consequence of the act of settlement 1318^ Randolph assumed the character of Regent.'^ * " Quae nupsit cuidam armigero nomine Thomae Isaac." She had two daughters, Johanna, married to John Lord of Lorn, and Catherine, who died unmarried ; Fordun, L. xiv. c. 7. Cravofurd, Peerage, p. 72. has thus perverted the passage in Fordun, " Quae ex Thoma de Ysack habuit fiiiam," &c. His intention was to conceal the mean marriage of the daughter of Bruce ; and therefoi'e he suppressed the words quidam armiger, (a certain esquire), and he changed the name of Thomas Isaac into Thomas de Ysack, which has the appearance of a more dig- nified appellation, assumed from lands. There is a singulax" passage in Fordun, L. ix. c. IS. " De Matilde penitus taceo, quia nihil egit memoria dignum ;" i. e. " I chuse to be altoge- ther silent as to Matildis, for she did nothing which deserves to be remembered." Whether this passage only alludes to her mean alliance with Thomas Isaac, or whether it also implies a particular censure on her character, I know not. -j- Craivfurd, Peerage, p. 72. is positive as to the existence of this Elizabeth ; he says, " I have seen a charter in the custody of Oliphant of Gask, bearing date on the 11th of January 1364, whereby King David erects the lands of Gask into a barony ; Dilecto etjideli sua Waltero Olyfant et Elisabethae sponsae suae, dilectae sorori nostrae." \n the MS. collections of Sir Alexan- der Seton, (Lord Pitmedden), the charter is quoted as contain- ing these words, " Dilecto et fideli nostro Waltero Oliphant pro bono servicio suo nobis impenso, et Elisabethae sorori nos- trae." Here the word dilectae is omitted. Not having had any opportunity of inspecting this charter, I must still hesitate. The silence of Fordun and his continuator is remarkable; every one conversant in ancient deeds knows, that Jiliiis, Jilia, frater, are words which do not necessarily imply legitimate relation. To " Fordun, xiii. 18. 166 DAVID II. A. D. 1329. Indefatigable in discharging the duties of his station, he secured the pubhc tranquilHty by wise ordinances, and distributed speedy and severe jus- tice. One example of the fortitude of his administra- tion is too singular to be passed over in silence. A certain man having slain a priest, went to the Papal court, obtained absolution, and boldly re- turned to Scotland. Randolph ordered him to be tried, and, on conviction, to be executed : " Be- cause, although the Pope may grant absolution as to the spiritual consequences of sin, he cannot screen offenders from civil punishment."* 1330. Meanwhile Douglas, having the charge of the heart of his dear master, set sail from Scotland with a numerous and splendid retinue, (June).' He anchored off Sluys in Flanders, the great em- porium of the Low Countries, where he expected to find companions in his pilgrimage.! He there remove all doubts, the charter itself, if extant, ought to be de- posited in the Register-house. Robert Bruce had a natural son, Robert, of whom mention will be made hereafter. * " Quaravis sufficienter ostensum est, ipsum fore absolutum a culpa, tamen oportuit eum plecti pro qffensa ;" Fordun, L. xiii. c. 18. f Froissart, T. i. c. 21. says, that Douglas had in his train a knight bearing a banner, (probably Sir William St Clair of Roslin), and seven other knights, and twenty-six esquires, all " comely young men of good family," besides many attendants of inferior rank; that he kept open table (tinel), with trumpets and timbals, as if he had been King of Scotland, and that he was served in gold and silver plate. Froissart adds, that all persons of condition who visited him on shipboard, were well 7 Fordun, xiii. 20. Barbour, 455. A. D. 1330. DAVID II. 167 learnt, that Alphonsus XI. the young King of Leon and Castile,* waged war with Osmyn, the Moorish commander in Granada. The temptation of bearing arms against the ene- mies of the Christian faith was too violent to be resisted. In the judgment of those times, it was a holy warfare ; and it seemed, in some measure, to correspond with the purposes of the journey which Douglas had undertaken : He therefore resolved to visit Spain, and combat the Saracens in his pro- gress to Jerusalem. t Douglas and his companions were honourably entertained by Alphonsus. t^ entertained with two sorts of wine, and two sorts of spice : " Et sachez que tous ceux qui le vouloyent aller veoir, es- toient bien servis de deux manieres de vins et de deux manieres d'espices." * Froissart, T. i. c.21. says, " Alphonsus IV. King of Arra- gon ;" but that is a mistake, however impHcitly followed by many historians : For we learn from Mariana, L. xv. c. 21. that the King of Arragon, although joined in alliance with the King of Castile against the Moors, did not bring his troops to the field. \ It is probable, however, that Douglas had projected this expedition before he quitted Scotland. His passport from Ed- ward III. (dated 1st September 1329), is to him on his journey, " Versus Terram Sanctam in auxilium Christianorum contra Saracenos, cum corde Domini R. Regis Scotiae nuper defuncti ;" Foedera, T. iv. p, 4'00. :{: It is reported, that, in the army of Alphonsus, there was an officer having his face altogether disfigured with the scars of wounds received in battle : " It astonishes me," said he, petu- lantly, to Douglas, " that you, who are said to have seen so much service, should have no marks of wounds on your face." " Thank Heaven," answered Douglas, " I had always an arm to protect my face ;" Barbour, p. 434. * Barbour, 433. 168 DAVID n. A.D. 1330. The Spaniards came in view of the enemy near Theba,* a castle on the frontiers of Andalusia, to- wards the kingdom of Granada.^ Osmyn the Moor ordered three thousand horsemen to make a feicn- ed attack on the Spaniards, while, with the rest of his army, he took a circuit, with the intent of fall- ing on the rear of the camp of Alphonsus. The King, having received intelligence of this strata- gem, opposed some troops to the Moorish cavalry, and stood prepared in his camp to encounter Os- myn. Osmyn attacked the Spaniards, was repulsed and discomfited. The King improving his victory, advanced, and won the camp of the enemies. The detached troops fought with equal advan- tage, and the Moorish cavalry fled.'° Douglas, with his companions, eagerly pursued the Saracens. Taking the casket which contained the heart of Bruce, he threw it before him, and cried, *' Now pass thou onward as thou was wont, and Douglas will follow thee, or die !" The fugitives rallied. Surrounded and overwhelmed by superior numbers, Douglas fell,t (25th August). His few surviving companions found his body in the field, together with the casket, and reve- rently conveyed them to Scotland. The remains * Or Teva. Fordiin, L. xiii. c. 21. quotes a metrical epitaph on Douglas, which says, " Apud castrum Tibris." f While attempting tp rescue Sir William St Clair of Roslin, he shared his fate ; Barbour, 437. Robert and Walter Logan, both of them knights, were slain with Douglas. His friend Sir William Keith, having had his arm broke, was detained from the battle ; Barbour, p. 439. 9 Mariana, XV. 21. »° Barbour, 435— 438. Fordun, xiii. 2h A.D. 1331. DAVID II. 169 of Douglas were interred in the sepulchre of his forefathers,* and the heart of Bruce was deposited at Melrose. 1331. David II. and his consort Johanna were anointed and crowned, t (S4th November, at Scone)." * Douglas was Interred in the church of Douglas. His na- tural son Archibald Douglas erected a marble monument to his memory; Barbour, p. 44-1. But his countrymen have more effectually perpetuated his name by bestowing on him the ap- pellation of " the good Sir James Douglas." Fordim reports, L. xiii. c. 21. that Douglas was thirteen times defeated in battle, and fifty-seven times victorious. There are who quote Fordun as reporting " that Douglas was thirteeii times victorious over the Saracens." Boece, L. xv. fol. 311. b. confidently asserts, That Douglas, after having buried the King's heart at Jerusa- lem, waged war with the Saracens in Palestine, and obtained many victories over them : That, on his return homewards, he was driven by a tempest on the coasts of Spain, where he died in battle. Boece had the works of Barbour and Fordun before his eyes when he invented this tale. Perhaps my readers will not dishke to see the portrait of Douglas, drawn by Barbour, p. 13. *< In visage was he some deal gray. And had black hair, as I heard say ; But then of limbs he was well made, With bones great and shoulders braid, His body well made and lenzie. As they that saw him said to me. When he was blyth he was lovely, And meek and sweet in company; But who in battle might him see, Another countenance had he ; And in his speech he lispt some deal, But that set him right wonder well." f By James Ben, Bishop of St Andrews. In the Advocates' library at Edinburgh, there is extant an original bull of Pope John XXII. addressed to Robert Bruce, which empowers the Bishop of St Andrews, and failing him, the Bishop of Glasgow, to anoint and crown the Kings of Scotland. " Fordun, xiii. 21. no DAVID II. A. D. 1331. About this time an incident, unimportant in it- self, is said to have been productive of mighty con- sequences. One Twynham Lowrison was enjoined by William Heckford, official of the Bishop of Glas- gow, to do penance for adultery ; he disregarded the sentence, and was excommunicated.'* Twynham, with his profligate associates, waylaid and cruelly beat the official, and extorted from him a large sum of money. After having committed this outrage, he fled into France, and there, as is reported, he found access to Edward Balliol ; and by displaying the internal weakness of the Scottish government, excited him to reassert his claim to the crown. Such is the account propagated from Fordun by our later historians. But, in truth, there need- ed not the suggestions of an obscure outlaw for persuading Edward Balliol to revive the preten- sions of his family. 1332. The circumstances of this part of our national history are momentous and interesting. By the treaty of Northampton, in the year 1328, it was provided, " That Thomas Lord Wake of Ledel, Henry de Beaumont, called Earl of Buchan, and Henry de Percy, should be restored to their lordships, lands, and estates, whereof the King of Scots, by reason of the war between the two na- tions, had taken possession."'^ " Fordun, xiii. 20. '■' Foedcia, iv. 46J. A. D. 1332. DAVID II. 171 The article was performed as to Henry de Percy, but not as to Lord Wake and Henry de Beaumont ; and, although Edward repeatedly complained of this delay of justice,* (1st December 1330, 24th February 1330-1, and 22d April 1332), yet he ob- tained no satisfaction.'* For this our historians have offered no specious excuse.'^ Vainly do they say, tliat the inheritances of Lord Wake and Henry de Beaumont had been bestowed on the followers of Robert Bruce, and could not, without difficulty, be wrested from them ;t for those inheritances, instead of having * By some strange error, the requisition of the 22d April 1332 is limited to the estates of Lord Wake ; although it ap- pears from that very instrument, that Henry de Beaumont had not been restored. ■j- Such is the hypothesis of Mr Hume ; vol. ii. p. 163. he says, " It had been stipulated in this treaty, that both the Scottish nobility, who, before the commencement of the wars, enjoyed lands in England, and the English who inherited estates in Scotland, should be restored to their several possessions; Rymer, v. iv. p. 384-. But though this article had been execut- ed pretty regularly on the part of Edward, Robert, who saw the estates claimed by Englishmen much more numerous and valu- able than the other, either esteemed it dangerous to admit so many secret enemies into the kingdom, or found it difficult to •wrest from his otvn Jblloioers the possessions bestowed on them as the revoard of their fatigues and dangers ; and he had protracted the performance of his part of the stipulation," &c. Errors are crowded into this short paragraph. 1. There was no article in the treaty of Northampton concerning a general and reci- procal restitution ; see Annals, p. 158, &c. 2. There is no evi- dence that Robert Bruce protracted the performance of the treaty on his part, or that Edward III. ever complained of his delays. It is strange that Mr Hume should have quoted Foe- dera, T. iv. p. 384. and yet have said, that Robert Bruce pro- Iracted the performance on his part, while the article had been pretty regularly executed on the part of Edward III. ; for the instrument quoted from Foedera, however much it may have been misun- '4 Foedera, iv. 461. 471. 518. »5 Hume, History of England, ii. 163. 172 DAVID II. A. D. 1332. been given away, did still, in all probability, re- main with the crown. At the same time it is un- deniable, that, even laying aside all considerations of good faith, and of the sanctity of treaties, the true interest of the Scots led them to maintain the peace of Northampton inviolated ; and it is equally undeniable, that their true interest could not have been overlooked by Randolph, a politician of ma- ture and exquisite judgment. The delays and evasions of the Scottish regency seem to have proceeded from causes which I shall now attempt to explain. By the treaty of Northampton, all the claims of the English barons to inheritances in Scotland were disregarded, excepting those of Henry de Percy,. Thomas Lord Wake of Ledel, and Henry de Beau- mont. Percy procured satisfaction j but the others did not. derstood in other particulars, certainly proves that Edward III. made a grant to Douglas on the 24th of May 1329, in conse- quence, as Mr Hume supposes, of the treaty of Northampton. Now, Robert Bruce died on the 7th June 1329, just nine days after the date of the grant by Edward III. to Douglas ; and thus the delay ascribed to Bruce, when opposed to the regular per- formance by Edward III. could not have been a delay of more than 7iine days. 3. The claimants under the treaty of Nor- thampton were not many ; they were only two, Thomas Lord Wake, and Henry de Beaumont. 4. There is no probability that the lands which they claimed had been bestowed on the followers of Bruce ; on the contrary, there is every reason for supposing, that, in 1332, the lordship of Ledel, claimed by Lord Wake, and the lands in Buchan, claimed by Henry de Beau- mont, were still enjoyed by the crown : For, in 1342, David II. made a grant of the former to Sir William Douglas, (see the charter in Douglas, Peerage, p. 489.) and Robert II. made a grant of the latter, as is universally acknowledged, to Alexander Stewart, his fourth son. But of any previous royal grant of either, there is no vestige. A. D. 1332. DAVID II. 173 Henry de Beaumont, in the reign of Edward II. had associated himself with the nobility against the D*Espensers, and, on that account, had suffered imprisonment and exile."' He aided Queen Isa- bella in the invasion which proved the cause of the deposition, captivity, and death of her husband. Although, under the administration of Mortimer, he had obtained a share in the partition of the spoils of the D'Espensers,* he persisted in opposing the measures of the new favourite ; and although his own interests were secured by the treaty of Northampton, he boldly exclaimed against the in- justice done to the other barons by that treaty. He joined the Princes of the blood-royal in their attempt to rescue the young King from the hands of Isabella and her minion, and place him in their own J and, on the failure of that ill-advised con- spiracy, he again took refuge in foreign parts. It appears that Lord Wake, having followed the poli- tical opinions of Henry de Beaumont, was involved in like calamities and disgrace. While the Queen- dowager and Mortimer retained their influence, the claims of those two barons were altogether over- looked : But, within forty-eight hours after the execution of Mortimer,! a peremptory demand * " He obtained a grant of the manor of Loughborough, in general taile, part of the possession of Hugh de le Despenser Earl of Winchester, then attainted;" 1. Edward III. Dugdale, Baronage, T. ii. p. 51. f Mortimer was executed 29th November 1330. Edward III. made the requisition in favour of Lord Wake and Henry de Beaumont 1st December 1330. "5 Dugdale, ii. 51. 541. Knyghton, 2549. Leland, i. 55Z. ly* DAVID 11. A. D. 1332. was made by Edward III. to have their inherit- ances restored. The demand was unexpected and alarming. Made at the very moment of the fall of Isabella and Mortimer, and in behalf of men who had loudly protested against the treaty of Northampton, it indicated a total and perilous change in the sys- tem of the English. Randolph, of late years, had beheld extraor- dinary vicissitudes in England. The D'Espensers alternately persecuted and triumphant, and at length abased in the dust : The fugitive Mortimer elevated to supreme authority, victorious over the Princes of the blood-royal, and then dragged to a gibbet. Hence it was natural for Randolph to wish, and even to look for some new revolution, which might prove more favourable to the Scottish interests. Meanwhile, with great reason, and good policy, he delayed the restitution of the inheritances claimed under the treaty of Northampton, in be- half of the avowed opposers of that treaty.* Besides, it was necessary for Randolph to be assured, that the English, while they urged the per- formance of one article of that treaty, did, on their part, sincerely purpose to perform its more impor- tant articles, by continuing to acknowledge the * In consequence of this resolution, Lord Wake would have had an entrance into Scotland by the western marches, and Henry de Beaumont would have been master of the coasts of Buchan. Their establishment in Scotland would have facilitated the entrance of the disinherited barons, whose cause they had espoused. It might be matter of inquiry, whether they had any right to claim under one article of the treaty of Northampton, while they protested against another. A. D. 1332. DAVID II. 175 succession in the house of Bruce, and the indepen- dency of the Scottish nation. Of this, however, there was much reason to doubt. For the English King had taken Balliol under his protection, and had granted him a pass- port to come into England, with permission to re- side there during a whole year, (10th October 1330).'' These things had no friendly or pacific appearance. ■ Be this as it will, the event too fatally justified the apprehensions of Randolph ; for, while Ed- ward III. was demanding restitution of the estates reserved by the treaty of Northampton, his subjects were arming in violation of that treaty.* Having Balliol at their head, and guided by the counsels of Henry de Beaumont, the disinherited barons resolved to invade Scotland, vindicate their ancient possessions, and subvert that government which the valour and policy of Robert Bruce had established.'^ The whole force assembled on this mighty en- * It is remarkable, that, on the 24th March 1331-2, Edward appears to have known of the hostile association of the disinhe- rited barons : His words are, " Quia ex relatu accepimus pluri- morum, quod diversi homines de regno nostro, et alii (meaning Balliol and his attendants), pacem inter nos, et Robertum de Brus, nuper regem Scotorum, initam et confirmatam infringere rnachinantes, diversas congregationes hominum ad arma indies faciunt, et, per marchias regni nostri, dictam terram Scotiae, ad earn modo guerrino impugnandum, ingredi intendunt ;" Foedera, T. iv. p. 511. And yet, on the 22d April following, he de- manded restitution of the inheritance of Lord Wake, one of the barons in arms ; Foedera, T. iv. p. 518. " Foedera, iv. 452. '^ Leland, i. 552. Fordun, siii. 22. 25. 14 176 DAVID II. A. D. 1332. terprise consisted of four hundred men at arms, and of infantry three thousand.* At first, the barons intended to have entered Scotland by the marches, after the mode of avowed enemies in legitimate and national war. But Ed- ward would not permit them.'^ Although he fa- voured their undertaking, he dissembled until the event should be seen ; and as he could not pretend ignorance of their preparations, he, published a specious order, " that no one should presume to infringe the peace of Northampton," (24th March 1331-^2). This obliged the barons to vary their plan of operations.' ° They determined to invade Scot- land by sea : And, without any obstacle, they em- barked at Ravenshere in Holderness.t Among the disinherited or the claimantSyX these were the principal." Henry de Beaumont, Gil- bert de Umfraville, Thomas Lord Wake of Ledel, David de Strathbogie, Richard Talbot, Henry de Ferrers, and his two brothers, William de la Zouche, and Henry the brother of Edward Balliol. * " Having a 400 men of arms with him ;" Scala Chron. ap. Leland, v. i. p. 553. " Cum trecentis armatis et tribus mille de omni genere peditum ;" Knyghton, p. 2560. " Cum 2500 ar- matis et peditibus ;" Walsingham, p. 131. f Called also Ravenspur and Ravensburgh, at the mouth of the Humber. The place does not exist, having been over- whelmed by the sea many centuries ago. According to con- jecture, it stood near that point now called the Spurn heacL See Carnden Britannia, p. 740. and Gibsons additions, p. 747. X They are sometimes called les querelleurs, which implies claimants. '5> Foedera, iv. 511. ^o Leland, i. 553. *' Knyghton, 2560. Hemingford, ii. 273. Murimuth, 79. Leland, i 478. 552. Fordun, xiii. 25. A. D. 1332. DAVID IL 177 Historians also mention John, Alexander, Gef- froy, and William de Moiibray, Walter Comyn,! Fulk Fitz-Warine, and Roger de Swinerton.* * The claims of the chief of die disinherited barons will be understood in some measure, from the following narrative. Henry de Beaumont claimed the earldom of Buchan, by reason of his marriage with Alicia, one of the heirs of Comyn 5th Earl of Buchan, and constable of Scotland. Dugdale, Baronage, T. ii. p. 50. says, " "that she was one of the cousins and heirs of John Earl of Buchan ;" but T. ii. p. 685. that she was his niece ; and with this last opinion, Burton, Leicester-* shire, p. 37. concurs. He supposes that she was the daughter of Alexander who was the brother of John Earl of Buchan. Genealogists, who examine the different passages in Dugdale, will find ample matter for doubt. Gilbert de Umfraville claimed the earldom of Angus, of which his predecessor Robert had been deprived by forfeiture in the late reign ; Coke, 4. inst. p. 47. Dugdale, T. ii. p. 505. He had a like right to the superiority (status dominii) of the barony of Dunipace in Stirlingshire, which Bruce had granted to William de Lindesay ; Rolls, Robert I. NO. 88. Thomas Lord Wake had right of inheritance in the lord- ship of Ledel or Lidel, through his grandmother Johanna de Stuteville. He now sought to regain that possession, of which lie had been deprived in the course of the wars with Scotland ; Dugdale, T. i. p. 273. John Comyn of Badenoch, slain by Bruce at Dumfries, left a son John, and two daughters, Johanna and Elizabeth. John died without issue, 19. Edward II. being then seized of the manor of Tirsete in Tindale. He was called " of Badenoch in Tindale ;" Dugdale, T. ii. p. 686. His English estates and his pretensions in Scotland devolved on his two sisters. The eldest, Johanna, married David de Strathbogie, (or Hastings), Earl of Athole, who forfeited in 1323. She was the mother of David de Strathbogie, who, in England, retained the title of Earl of Athole ; Dugdale, T. ii. p. 96. Hence David de Strathbogie claimed one-half of the estates of Comyn of Badenoch, in right of his mother, Elizabefh, the younger sister of the last John Comyn, mar- ried Sir Richard Talbot, called of Goderick-castle in Hereford- shire, in right of his wife, as it seems ; Dugdale, T. i. p. 326. 686. and hence Sir Richard Talbot claimed the other half of the estates of Comyn of Badenoch, in right of his wife. Henry de Ferrers of Groby had pretensions to lands in Galloway and elsewherCj through his grandmother, Margaret VOL. IT. M 178 DAVID II. A. D. 1332. Randolph, in consequence of the English pre- parations, assembled an army, and advanced to tie Quinci, one of the co-heirs of Roger de Quinci Earl of Win- chester ; Dugdale, T. i. p. 262. 267. It appears that Bruce made a grant of the superiority of the lands of Lambrachtoun and Grugere in Cuningham, to Robert de Cuningham, which had belonged to Alan de la Zouche and William de Ferrers, (the father of Henry) ; Rolls, Robert I. NO. 53. This was plainly a part of the de Quinci succession. It is probable that the claim of William de la Zouche was founded on a grant made to him by his cousin Alan de la Zouche, of some part of the lands which had anciently belonged to Roger de Quinci, Earl of Winchester, the great-grandfather of Alan. See Burton, Leicestershire, p. 19. and Dugdale, T. i. p. 153. T. ii. p. 688, 689. What I have to offer on this sub- ject is merely in the form of plausible conjecture. Roger de la Zouche had two sons, Alan and William ; Alan the eldest married Helen de Quinci, daughter and co-heir of Roger Earl of Winchester ; he had a son Roger, who had a son Alan. The lands of Tranent (anciently Tranirnentis), in East Lo- thian, which belonged to Alan de la Zouche, were granted by Bruce to Alexander Seton ; Rolls, Robert I. NO. 56. William, the second son of old Roger de la Zouche, left Joyce, his daughter and heir, married to Robert de Mortimer of Ricards-castle : she had two sons, 1. Hugh, 2. William. Alan de la Zouche, the chief of the family, having no issue- male, settled the manor of Ashbie and other lands on his cou- sin William de Mortimer, who assumed the name of de la Zouche. He, in all probability, is the William de la Zouche mentioned by historians as one of the disinherited barons. My conjecture is, that Alan, together with the manor of Ashbie, settled on William the estates in Scotland which had belong- ed to Helen de Quinci ; and, indeed, as matters then stood, it was an alienation not greatly to the detriment of the daughters of Alan. The preceding narrative will be best understood by a geneu' logical tree. Roger de la Zouche. \ 2. William de la Zouche. 1. Alan z=. Helen de Quinci. I Lord of Ashbie. I Robert de Mortimers: Joyce. Roger de la Zouche. 2. William, called I.Hugh. Alan de la Zouche, who made DE LA ZouciiE. the settlemeiit on William de Mortimer. A. D. 1332. DAVID IL 179 Colbrandspath, on the frontier of East Lothian • but having received intelhgence of the naval arma- ment, he marched northwards, to provide for the defence of the interior parts of the kingdom. No other hypothesis occurs to me which can connect Wil- liam DE LA ZoucHE of Mortimer with any estates in Scot- land. Knyghton, p. 2560. relates, that William de la Zouche did not claim in person, but that (Ralph) Lord Stafford claimed for him. We may learn the reason of this from Dugdale, Tj i. p. 153. William de la Zouche of Mortimer was at that time justice of the forests south of Trent, and constable of the tower of London. The duties of those offices, it is probable, prevent- ed his personal attendance in the Scottish expedition ; and, be- sides, it would not have been decent for a man possessed of such high employments, to have appeared in arms against the Scots, while his sovereign affected to disapprove of the war. Roger, the father of John de Moubray, forfeited in the late reign. His estates were Eckford in Rokesburghshire, Kelly in Fife, (or perhaps Kello in the Merse), and Methven in Perth- shire. They were all granted to the Stewart of Scotland. See Nisbet, Heraldry, T. i. p. 287. and Abercrombie, T. ii. p. 149. These facts, however, must rest on the authority of the writers quoted, for I have seen no evidence of them on record. Fordun, L. xiii. c. 25. gives the appellation of Strathbolgie to John de Moubray. It is observed by Dugdale, T. ii. p. 95. '' That when David de Strathbolgie, for 5000 merks, purchased, from Ralph de Monthermer, the estate of Athole, which had belonged to his ancestors, John de Moubray was one of the persons who entered a recognisance with him for the price." Perhaps David de Strathbolgie, on this account, mortgaged his lands of Strathbolgie to John de Moubray. Alexander de Moubray was the brother of John ; Fordun^ L. xiii. c. 29. It is probable that he, and the other persons of that name, having no claim for ancient inheritances, engaged as adventurers in the Scottish expedition. Walter Comyn was, in all likelihood, the son or represen- tative of William Comyn of Kilbride in Lanerkshire, who for- feited in the last reign. His lands also had been granted to the Stewart ; Remarks on Ragman's Roll, p. 10. subjoined to Nisbet, Heraldry, v. ii. But I do not vouch for the truth of this, not having discovered any thing to that purpose on record. There was a Walter Comyn who held seven pounds and six pennies of the lands of Branksholme, in the barony of Hawick,, 180 DAVID IL A.D.1S32V Amklst the excruciating pains of a confirmed stone, he ceased not to discharge the duties of his office with activity and vigilance. He expired on the march* (20th July). A man he was to be remem- bered, while integrity, prudence, and valour, are held in esteem among men. ( Selkirkshire)"; Rolls, Robert I. NO. 24. Two persons bearing the name of Walter Comyn followed the fortunes of Balliol ; the one was killed at Annan- 26th December 1332, and the Other was killed in the forest of Kilblain, September 1335; Fordun, L. xiii. c. 25. c. 36. Henry de Balliol was the younger brother of Edward, who now asserted his pretensions to the crown of Scotland. A person of that name had a grant of the lands of Branksholme^ with the exception of the parcel granted to Walter Comyn ; Rolls, Robert I. NO. 24'. ; but whether he was the same person, I know not. FuLK Fitz-Warine and Roger de SwiiJerton are barons well known in English history ; but what were the estates in Scotland to which they laid claim, I have not been able to dis- cover. * At Musselburgh, five miles to the east of Edinburgh. It Is said, Fordun, L. xiii. c. 19. that he died on the 13th of Au- gust. But this is a mistake of the transcriber ; for the Earl of Marre was chosen guardian in his room, 2d August ; Fordun, L. xiii. c. 22. — Barbour, p. 442. says, that Randolph was poison- ed by a friar ; Fordun, L. xiii. c. 19. says, by his chaplain, an Enghsh friar ; and he adds some circumstances, implying, that Edward III. was then on the borders of Scotland, and was privy to this base deed : Boece, L. xv. fol. 310, 311. adds many more circumstances to the same purpose ; and yet he confesses that Randolph was afflicted with a confirmed stone. This popular story has been examined. Remarks on the history of Scotland, c. iv. In support of what is there observed, I have to add, that Edward III. during the course of the summer and autumn 1332, •was never within 200 miles of the Scottish borders. He resided at Woodstock, near Oxford, from 2d May to 28th July ; Foe- dera, T. iv. p. 520 — 526. ; at Wigmore in Herefordshire, 7th August ; ibid. p. 529. ; at Kidderminster in Worcestershire, 18th August ; ibid. p. 530. ; at Westminster, i3th and 20th Septem- ber ; ibid. p. 531 — 533. From examining dates, it is natural to draw this conclusion, that Edward HI. was upon a progress through the interior parts of his kingdom, and that having heard of the changes in Scotland, he repaired to London. A. D. 1332. DAVID 11. 181 The Scottish parliament assembled at Perth for electing a Regent.''* After great diversity of opi- nions, it was agreed that Donald Earl of Marre, nephew of the late King, should be entrusted with that important charge,* (2d August). An un- happy choice ! His connexion with the royal fa- mily appears to have been the principal merit of the person elected to supply the place of Randolph. Tlie Earl of Marre, while a child, had been con- veyed into England by Edward I. and remained in captivity for many years. After his release, he seems to have established his chief residence in England.! No military service of his is known, except a subordinate command which he held dur- ing the short campaign in the year 1327.''* Having, probably, small knowledge of his native country, and being destitute of civil abilities, and experience in war, he assumed the reins of government at a most critical juncture, and amidst perils which it * " Omnes magnates, tarn ecclesiastici quam laici, apud Perth, quarto nonas Augusti congregati, post plures alterca- tiones, et varias dissensiones, Dovenaldum Comitem de Mar unaniiiiiter elegerunt in regni custodem ;" Fordun, L. xiii. c. 22. It was indeed difficult to make a fit and unanimous choice. Most of the surviving companions of the victorious Bruce were far advanced in years ; his grandson, the Stewart, was under age, and the pretensions of the other great Lords were nearly equal. f He was present at the parliament of Scone 1318 ; but his name does not appear in the letter to the Pope 1320. This of itself affords reasonable evidence that he was not then in Scot- land. There is a remarkable passage in Scala Chron. ap. Le- land, T. i. p. 550. " Donald Earl of Marre in Scotland was made, by King Edwarde, guardian of the castel of Bristow, the which he delyverid to the Quene, and so repaired into Scotland." This was in summer 1326 ; Knyghton, p. 2545. s» Barbour, 405. 182 DAVID II. A. D. 1332. would have required the genius of Douglas, Ran- dolph and Bruce, effectually to oppose. After the disinherited Lords had embarked at an English port, in order to invade Scotland, Edward empowered Henry de Percy to punish all his sub- jects who should presume to array themselves in contempt of his prohibition : And, because he un- derstood that the Scots were arming, he empower- ed Percy to arm for repelling them, (9th August)."*^ This tardy zeal for maintaining peace, and this pre- text of self-defence, were thin disguises to cover the hostile intentions of the English government against an unhappy nation, now bereaved of its chief supports, and rendered feeble by the minority of its sovereign. Edward Balliol, and his associates, appeared in the Frith of Forth, (31st July).^^ He landed in the neighbourhood of Kinghorn,* (6th August), and routed the Earl of Fife, who opposed his land- ing with some troops hastily assembled. In this conflict, Alexander Seton, the son, was slain. t * Although historians say Kinghorn, yet I suppose that Wester- Kinghorn, now called Burntisland, was the place where Balliol landed. The ground about Kinghorn would have been exceedingly inconvenient for the disembarkation of cavalry. ■\ IV. Hemingford, T. ii. p. 273. says that the Earl of Fife op- posed the landing of Balliol with a body of 10,000 men, and that 900 Scots were slain in the action ; but Fordun, L. xiii. c. 22. says, " Cui Alexander Seton filius cum paucis ei in Jade resistens, eodem die cum tribus aut qiiatuor ibidem occubuit." The three ov Jbnr mentioned by Fordun, were probably men of some rank. As to this Alexander Seton, the son, see Ap- 2^endix. ^^ Foedera, iv. 529. ^+ Fordun, xiii. 22. Heming. ii. 273. A.D. 1332. DAVID II. 18S Balliol marched next day to Dunfermline ; and having ordered his fleet to sail round the east coast of Fife, and wait for him at the entrance of the river Tay, he proceeded northwards, and encamp- ed on the Millar's acre at Forteviot, with the river Earn in front, (11th August).'^ The Earl of Marre encamped with a numerous army on the opposite hank of the river Earn, in the neighbourhood of Duplin. Another army, nearly as numerous, under the command of the Earl of March, had advanced from the southern parts, through the Lothians and Stirlingshire, and had fixed its quarters at Auchterarder, eight miles to the west of Forteviot.* No situation could be more perilous than that of Balliol : Within view of one army greatly supe- rior in numbers to his own, and most advanta- geously posted, and, at the same time, hourly in hazard of seeing another formidable enemy ad- vance on his flank. To retreat, in such circum- stances, through Fifeshire, would have been im- practicable ; and, although it had been practicable, would have availed him nothing, for he had ordered * Historians differ as to the force of the armies. Fordun, L. xiii. c. 23. says, That the Regent had 30,000 men mider his command, and the Earl of March as many ; and L. xiii. c. 22. that Balliol had between 500 and 600 armed men, that is, horseraen completely armed. W- Hemingjord, T. ii. p. 273. reckons each of the Scottish armies at 40,000, and Balliol's at 500 armed men. Knyghton, p. 2560. says, That Balliol, when he landed in Fife, had 300 armed men, and 3000 more of diffe- rent sorts ; " De omni genere peditum," and that he had with hixn 2500 in all, at his camp on the banks of the river Earn. '^ Fordun, xiii, 215. lieraing. ii. 273. 184; DAVID II. A. D. 1332. his fleet to depart from the Frith of Forth ; neither would the danger have been less imminent, or the hopes of success more probable, had he marched towards the mouth of the river Tay, in the uncer- tain expectation of meeting his fleet. He took the desperate resolution of crossing the river, and attacking the Regent in his camp. Andrew Murray of Tullibardin directed the English to a ford.* The Scots kept no watch, but abandoned them- selves to intemperance and riotous mirth, while at midnight the English, led by Alexander de Mou- bray, crossed the river.""^ They ascended a rising ground, came unperceived on the right flank of the Scottish army, and made a pitiless slaughter. At the first alarm, young Randolph, Earl of Moray, hasted with three hundred men at arms to oppose the enemy. Being gallantly seconded by Murdoch Earl of Menteth, Alexander Eraser, and Robert Bruce, a natural son of the late King, he checked the English impetuosity, and maintained the com- bat on equal terms. But the Regent, and the whole multitude, rushed to battle without order or discipHne, and at once overwhelmed Randolph and his companions. In a moment all was unutterable confusion ; and, while those behind still pressed on, the foremost were thrown down and trodden under foot, and suffocated. The English slaughtered * He fixed a stake in the river to direct them, '' fixit palum in le Dernjord aquae de Erne ;" Fordun, xiii. c. 25. =<5 Fordun, xiii. 23. Heining. ii. 275. Knyghton, 25CO-1. 3Iurim. 79. A. D. 1332. DAVID II. 185 without controul. The carnage and pursuit lasted for many hours,* and the remains of this mighty army were utterly dispersed, (12th August), t Never did the Scottish nation receive an overthrow so disgraceful; and, indeed, the English them- selves stood astonished at their easy victory.^ In the action of Duplin-moor, there were slain ,many Scotsmen of eminent rank.*' Donald Earl of Marre, the Regent, whose ignorance of military discipline was the chief cause of this national dis- aster, 1| Thomas Earl of ]\'Ioray, Murdoch Earl of * " Ab ortu soils usque ad altam primam diei ;" Kiii/ghton, p. 2561. " Ad horam nonam ;" JV. Hemingjord, T. ii. p. 373. f According to Fordun, L. xiii. c. 22, 23. Balliol came to the river Earn on the eve of St Lawrence, or 9th August, and fought on the next day, or the 10th ; and yet Fordun afterwards mentions the 1 1th of August as the day of the battle. Knyghton says, that the battle was fought " Die Mercurii post festum Sancti Laurentii ;" that is, if I mistake not, on the 12th of Au- gust. \ " Virtute divina revera non humana ;" JV. Hemingford, T. ii. p. 273. To the same purpose, Foirbm, L. xiii. c. 24'. *' Quos utique non vis humana, sed ultio prostravit divina, quod in hoc patet, quod multo plures ex coUisione corporum, confri- catione armorum, et prostratione equorum, se invicem pppri- mentium, sine vulnere ceciderunt, quam qui telo vel gladio ju- gulati sunt ;" and c. 23. he applies to the Scots that saying of one of the ancients, " Nunquam in solido stetit superba felici- tas." II Barnes, Edward III. p. 60. says, on the credit of a MS. Chronicle, " That the Earl of Marre had secretly combined with Balliol ;" and he relates a conversation which passed on that subject, during the battle, between the Earl of Marre and the Earl of Carrick, erroneously called the bastard of Robert Bruce. It is grievous that a man should be charged as unfaith- ful to that cause in which he died. Nothing, indeed, can be more improbable than a charge which supposes that the nephew would have betrayed the son of Robert Bruce, at the expense of his own authority as well as of his honour ; besides, the cir- cumstances related by Barnes, at too great length to be tran- scribed, are utterly absurd. '7 ForduD, xiii. 24. Hemingford, ii. 275. Knyghton, 2560-1. 186 DAVID II. A.D. 1332. Menteth, Robert Earl of Carrick,* Alexander Era- ser,! and Robert Bruce ;t the slaughter made of the men at arms, and of the infantry, was very great. II Of the men at arms, under the particular command of the Earl of Fife, three hundred and * He was the natural son of Edward Bruce, and had received the title of Earl of Carrick from the late King. f Chamberlain of Scotland. He married Mary the sister of Robert Bruce. He was ancestor of the Lords Lovat and Sal- ton. See Craivfurd, Officers of State, p. 274-. \ A natural son of the late King. The English historians mention Nigel and Alexander Bruce among the slain ; Knygli- ton, p. 2561. IValsingltam, p. 131. I know nothing concerning them. They also speak of an Earl of Athole among the slain. The person meant is John Campbell Earl of Athole ; but he was killed at Halidon in the following year. II " Ad hominum tria millia ;" Fo7-dun, L. xiii. c. 24-. But this must be a mistake, unless he means men at arms. W. Hem- ingford, T. ii. p. 273. says, that twelve barons were slain, with 806 knights, probably a mistake of the transcriber for 86, 2000 men at arms, and 13,300 foot soldiers. In describing the disaster at Duplin-moor, Boece has surpass- ed himself; L. xv. fol. 312, 313. The story, as related by for- mer historians, is just within the bounds of credibility ; Boece, however, resolved to add a little of his own marvellous. Of Balliols harangue to his troops, I say nothing, although it would have enabled any single deserter to disclose the whole plan of operations, whose success depended on the utmost se- crecy. Neither will I say any thing of the second harangue made at midnight to his officers, when not a moment was to be lost in the parade of words ; because I know, that, for such things, there are precedents, ancient and modern. What I have first to observe, is concerning a downright fiction qf Boece. He literally hurries his readers into the midst of things ; and he asserts, that the first attack of the English was on the rear of the centre of the Scottish camp, and that they surprised the Regent's tent, and killed him while he lay asleep, (" jamque ubi in media castra ad praetorium pervenerant, nee quisquam adventum perceperat, ibi praetorio dcjecto ducem imprimis dor- mientem confodiunt)" He next' remarks, that " all unvoarlike men, and especially the English" are of a merciless disposition towards the vanquished, (quum omnes homines imbelles, turn praesertim Anglormn gens, nirais in victos ac superatos impotentes nuUi pareunt)." Thi' A.D. 1332. DAVID ir. 187 sixty were slain ; the Earl himself having been, made prisoner, submitted to the conqueror. On the side of the English there fell two knights, John de Gourdon, and Reginald de la Beche, with is, indeed, an extraordinary remark to be made by a Scotsman, in the narrative of tlie battle of Duplin. Bellenden, the para- phrast of Boece, has judiciously omitted it. In numbering the slain, Boece has given free reins to his ima- gination. " Three thousand gentlemen, and an innumerable mul- titude of the common sort," far exceeds any English account of the slain. When he comes to particulars, he is singularly unfortunate. " William Hny, Constable of Scotland, was slain, and the race would have been extinguished, had he not left his wife preg- nant." " Una dies Fahios," &c. This is an old fable often re- peated in our histories. What Boece relates is altogether fabu- lous. 1. There is no reason for believing that Sir Gilbert Hay of Errol, whom Boece calls William, was slain at Duplin. 2. That the line of the family was carried on by a posthumous child, is impossible. David, the son of Sir Gilbert, Constable of Scotland, was witness to a charter in 1344, Chart. Aberbro- thock, and was killed at the Battle of Durham in 1346, as Boece himself acknowledges, fol. 325. a. To say that the Constable of Scotland was killed at the head of an army in the 14th year of his age, is a contradiction. Boece says, that, at Duplin, Robert Keith the marshal was slain, vv'ith most of his kindred. If this was so, it is strange that neither Fordun, nor any of the English historians, should have mentioned it, while they made mention of the death of persons less distinguished. He adds, that David Lindesay of Glenesk was slain, with 80 gentlemen of his kindred. There is a great sameness in the nar- rative of Boece ; and, I presume, that the 80 gentlemen were thrown in for the sake of variety. There was no such person as David Lindesay of Glenesk in 1332. The person then in pos- session of that barony was Alexander de Lindesay, and he was slain in 1333, at Halidon. If Boece meant to speak of David Lindesay, the head of the family, it is certain that he was not killed at Duphn in 1332, for he was alive in 1348, when his son was killed at Durham. Fordun, L. xiv. c. 3. reckons among the slain at that battle " David de Lindesay filius et haeres D. David de Lindesay." Boece gives the names of many knights slain at Duphn ; but X have neither leisure nor opportunity to examine this part of 188 DAVID II. A. D. 1332. thirty-three esquires ; and, of common men, an in- considerable number."^ Next day Balliol took possession of Perth.' ^ Ap- prehending an attack from the Earl of March, he ordered the ditch to be cleared, and the town to be enclosed with palisadoes.^ A soldier coming from the carnage at Duplin, met the Earl of March, shewed his mortal wounds, and expired. This was the first intelligence that the Scottish army received of the overthrow of their countrymen. On their advancing to the field of battle, it was sadly confirmed. Eager for re- venge, they hurried on to Perth. While they were descending from the neighbouring heights, *' Cou- rage," cried Henry de Beaumont, *' those men will not hurt us." Whether he said this merely to ani- mate the English, or w^hether he formed his con- jecture from the disordered motions of the enemy, or whether he, indeed, discerned the banners of some noble persons, who secretly favoured Balliol, is uncertain. Certain, however, it is, that the hasty resolution of assaulting Perth was as hastily aban- his narrative. It is probable, however, that he has not been more accurate in his account of persons of inferior rank, than in his account of more emin-ent persons. * " Fortificaverunt villam cum larga fossui'a et de palo, sup- ponentes se infra breve habituros indigentiam defensionis ;" KnyghUm, p. 2561. This circumstance is mentioned, because many historians of both nations have considered Perth as a place of strength at that time, have mentioned its surrender, and have pointed out the causes of its making no resistance. Perth appears to have been dismantled by Robert Bruce, in conse- quence of a favourite maxim of his policy, which, however spe- cious in theory, served to accelerate the conquests of Balliol. 23 Knyghton, 2561. ^3 Hcmingford, ii,27.5. A. D. 1333. DAVID IL 189 doned, and that the slow operations of a blockade were preferred. The Scots hoped, by investing the town, and cutting off all communication with the sea, to reduce the English to the extremities of famine, and force them to capitulate. John Crabbe, a Flemish mariner, had eminently distinguished himself at the defence of Berwick. ^° Attached to the service of Scotland, he continued for many years to cruise on the eastern coasts, and exceedingly annoyed the English commerce.* While the Scots blockaded Perth, he came with ten vessels to the entrance of the river Tay : He took the ship which belonged to Henry de Beau- mont ; but soon after, in a general engagement, his whole fleet was burnt, (24th August). The Earl of March, after this disaster, saw that his own numerous forces were in imminent hazard of perishing through want of provisions,! while the English, now become masters at sea, received abun- * " Qui raulta mala saepius per mare pluribus annis Angli's intulerat ;" JV. Hemiiigford, T. ii. p. 273. f This circumstance is mentioned in Scala Cliron. ap. Leland, T. i. p. 553. " Cam an infinite numbre out of al partes of Scot- land afore S. John's toune, and sone after, for lak of vitayle, were constraynid to recoyle and disparkle themselves." Fordun., L. xiii. c. 24<. either not knowing or not remarking this circum- stance, has censured the conduct of the Earl of March in aban- doning the blockade of Perth. Many circumstances in the con- duct of that noble person admit not of apology ; in particular, his negligence, and his ignorance of the motions of the enemy at Duplin, are inexcusable ; and it must be admitted, that his behaviour was often ambiguous, and resembling that of an opu- lent man, who meant to save his own fortune out of the public wreck ; yet, after the destruction of Crabbe's fleet, it does not appear that the blockade of Perth was any longer practicable. 2° Knyghton, 2J6L i9d . DAVID 11. A. D. 13S2. dant supplies. He therefore relinquished the block- ade, and ordered the Scots to disperse themselves. His orders were instantly obeyed : And thus, with- in the space of three weeks from his landing, Ed- ward Balliol saw himself in quiet possession of Scot- land. He was crowned at Scone, (24th September),* in presence of the clergy and people of Fife, and of the low country of Perthshire, who had submit- ted to a power which they could not resist.^' Dun- can Earl of Fife, and William Sinclair Bishop of Dunkeld, assisted at this solemnity. The former had, a few weeks before, opposed Balliol in the iield, and the latter, in the reign of Robert Bruce, for his valiant opposition to the English invaders, had merited the title of The King's Bishop. Immediately after his coronation, the new mo- narch repaired to the southern parts of Scotland, having intrusted Perth to the custody of the Earl ofFife.3* James Eraser, Simon Eraser, and Robert Keith, surprised Perth, and razed its fortifications, (7th October). ^^ The Earl of Fife, and his family and vassals, were made prisoners. Andrew Murray of TuUibardin, who had directed the English to a ford on the river Earn, was taken at Perth, and punish- ed as a traitor. The English historians report, * JV. Hemingford, T. ii. p. 273. places the coronation of Bdliol on the 27th September. 3» Fordun, xiii. 24. 3* Knyghton, 2562. Fordun, xiii. 25, 33 Fordun, xiii. 25. A. D. 1332. DAVID II. 191 that the Earl of Fife, the governor, betrayed the town to the Scots.* Such of the Scots as still adhered to their infant sovereign, conferred the office of Regent on Sir Andrew Murray of Bothwell, husband of Christian the sister of Robert Bruce. ^"^ But he, although brave and active, had not force sufficient to attempt ought considerable. On the news of the sudden change of affiiirs in Scotland, Edward III. repaired to York,^^ having been counselled by his parliament, y6r the safety of the realm, to draw near the Scottish frontiers.! Meanwhile, Balliol came to Rokesburgh, and there made a solemn surrender of the liberties of Scotland. ^^ He acknowledged the English King for his liege Lord ; and, as if that had not been sufficient, he became bound to put him in posses- sion of the town, castle, and territory of Berwick, and of other lands on the marches, extending in all to the yearly value of ^.2000, " on account, as the instrument bears, of the great honour and emoluments which we have procured through the * " Idem Comes se Scotis contulit, villamque illis proditiose tradidit ;" Knyghton, p. 2562. It may seem strange that Balliol placed such confidence in the Earl of Fife, so lately an enemy. But the forces of Balliol were not numerous, and he could not leave an English garrison in Perth : He therefore judiciously intrusted that town to a lord wliose territories lay open to the incursions of the English fleet. This circumstance might either serve to ensure his fidelity, or afford means of chastening his bad faith. f It appears from Foedera, T. iv. p. 535 — 550. that Ed- ward III. remained at York, and in its neighbourhood, from 26th October 1332 to 9th March 1332-3. ?* Foidwn, xiij. 25, 3j Foedera, iv. 539, 540, 3*^ poedera, iv. d^Q^Bo^ , 192 DAVID 11. A. D. 1332. sufferance* of our Lord the King, and by the powerful and acceptable aid which we have re- ceived from his good subjects." Moreover, Balliol offered to marry the Princess Johanna, whom he considered as only betrothed to David Bruce, and to add £.500 of land-rent to her original jointure, and this under the extrava- gant penalty of 5^.10,000, to be appropriated as a portion to the young lady, or otherwise disposed of for her behoof. He further engaged to provide for the main- tenance of David Bruce, as the King of England should advise. And, lastly^ he became bound to serve Edward in all his wars, excepting in England, Wales, and Ireland, for the space of a year together, with 200 men at arms, and all at his own charges ; and he bound his successors to perform the like service, with 100 men at arms, (23d November). Edward having engaged to maintain Balliol in possession of Scotland, Balliol engaged to serve him in all his wars without exception, (23d No- vember). At this season there was a duplicity in the con- duct of Edward III. which can neither be account- ed for nor justified. ^^ With much earnestness he solicited the Papal court to prefer Robert de * " La sufFrance." It was necessary to use sufferance in the translation. Permission implies more than Balliol meant to ex- press ; and connivance would be an improper word to use where a sovereign prince is concerned. 37 Foedera, iv. 539. A.D. 1332. DAVID 11. 193 Ayleston, Archdeacon of Berks, to the vacant see of St Andrews, and he urged that it was necessary to have, in that office, a person of pacific disposi- tions, and well affected to England, *' the plighted fidelity of the Scots being frail, and their friendship dubious ;"* but he industriously avoided any men- tion of the revolution in Scotland, (26th October). In another despatch to the Pope, he expressed his fears lest his conduct in Scottish affairs should be misrepresented ;^^ and, while he spake of the enterprise, victories, and coronation of Balliol, he kept a profound silence with respect to the submis- sion made by Balliol to him as his liege Lord, (15th December). And, which is the most singular of all, he, at the very same time, appointed plenipotentiaries to treat with ambassadors from the Regent and barons of Scotland, (14th December). ^^ It is said, that when the Scottish ambassadors implored the assistance of Edward in behalf of their sovereign, Edward made answer, " That he could give no assistance to those who had deprived his subjects of their estates." ^^ But it is not pro- bable that this evasive answer was made, after Ed- ward, by receiving the homage, had acknowledged, and had become bound to support the title of Balliol. Perhaps the concessions made at Rokesburgh by Balliol were, for a season, kept secret. If this con- * " Cum sit fragilis et dubia penes iios et regnum nostrum Scotoi'um promissa fides et aniicitia ;" Foedera, T. iv. p. 535. 38 Foedera, iv. 540. 39 Scala Chron. ap. Leland, i. 555, 554. VOL. II. N 194 DAVID II. A. D. 1332. jecture be admitted, the conduct of Edward, how- ever unjustifiable, will appear consistent. Many of the Scottish barons, either through des- pair, or from ancient attachment to the Balliol line, submitted to the conqueror, and acknowledged his title."*" The Earl of March and Archibald Douglas ob- tained a truce from Balliol until the second of February, by which time it was proposed to have all controversies settled in a general convention."*' John, the second son of Randolph, now become Earl of Moray by the death of his brother ; Archi- bald, the youngest brother of the renowned Dou- glas, together with Simon Eraser, assembled a body of horsemen at Moffat in Annandale, and suddenly traversing the country, assaulted Balliol at Annan, where he lay in thoughtless security. Henry, the brother of Balliol, gallantly resisted the enemy ; but at length, being overpowered by numbers, he was slain. With him there fell many other persons of distinction.* Balliol escaped almost naked, and * Particularly, Walter de Comyn, John de Moubray, and Richard Kirby ; Knyghton, p. 2562. Fordun, L. xiii. c. 25. Barnes, Edward III. p. 67. says, " Surely the Lord John Mou- bray of England was not now slain, as Hector Boece falsely affirms ; for we find, by undoubted records, Dugdale, vol. i. p. 127. that he died not till twenty-nine years after this time." Mr Ruddiman, 77ot. ad Buchanan, p. 156. attempts to justify Boece, by observing, that if the authority of Dugdale is relied on, we must admit that Boece, and almost all our other histo- rians, and also Knyghton, an English writer, are mistaken : the better answer is, that Boece mentions not " the Lord John Moubray of England," and that he and Dugdale speak of diffe- rent persons. *° Fordun, xiii. 25. "*' Hemingford, ii. 273. A. D. 1332. DAVID 11. 195 with hardly a single attendant, and took refuge in England, (l6th December). That the Scots perfidiously violated a truce then subsisting, is averred by the English historians ; but this charge is certainly too general.'^* The Earl of March, whose estates lay exposed to the enemy on all quarters, might judge it ejipedient to temporize and request a truce ; but no convention between Balliol and him could bind the Earl of Moray. Alexander Earl of Carrick, a natural son of Ed- ward Bruce, had lately submitted to Balliol, and was found in arms at Annan. The moderation and prudence of the young Earl of Moray saved him from the punishment of a traitor.* Balliol, now an exile, appointed commissioners to swear in his name to the faithful performance of whatever he had promised to the King of England, (at Burgh, 12th February 1332-3).^^ The Scots began to make incursions into the English borders."^"^ Edward issued a proclamation, in which he solemnly averred, that the Scots, by their hostile depredations, had violated the peace of Northampton, (23d March 1332-3). And he repeated this averment, (30th March 1333). Balliol, " by the sufferance of the English King, and the aid of Englishmen," had invaded Scot- land, overcome its armies, and seated himself on the throne of Bruce. In gratitude for this suffer- * This seems to be the sense of the passage in Fordun, L. xiii. c. 25. " In quo conflictu captus fuit Comes de Carrick per Comitem Moraviae, et a morte liberatus." •♦* Walsingham, 132. Knyghton, 2562. 43 Foedera, iv. 548. *♦ Foedera, iv. 552, 196 DAVID IL A, D. 1332. ance and aid, he ceded part of the Scottish domi- nions to England, and surrendered the indepen- dency of the rest : Yet, after all these events, Ed- ward complained that the Scots had violated the peace of Northampton. History records not a more flagrant example of a royal manifesto offering insult to the common sense of mankind. Balliol, having been joined by many English barons, returned to Scotland, (9th March 1332.3).^5 He took and burnt a castle where Robert de Col- ville commanded,* and establishing his quarters in the neighbourhood of Rokesburgh, began to make preparations for besieging Berwick. Just after the return of Balliol, Archibald Dou- glas,! with 3000 men, invaded England on the side of the western marches, wasted the whole district of Gillesland, and brought off much booty, and many prison ers."^^ * It is probable that the person here meant is Robert Col- ville of Ochiltree, and the castle, Oxnam in Teviotdale, which belonged to him. Kiii/g/iton, p. 2562. says, " Ceperunt unam forsulam, in qua invencrunt Dominum Robertum de Colvyll cum X. armatis, cum multis dominabus et feminis de patria, et plures alios homines ;" which passage Bmnes, Edward III. p. 73. thus paraphrases, " They took a certain fortress, wherein they found the Lord Robert Colville prisoner, "whom they released, with many other English gentlemen, and several great ladies of the country, all ivhom they released" f Sir James Douglas, called the good Douglas, was never married ; his estate went to his brother Hugh, who probably laboured under some imbecility either of body or of mind ; for his name never appears in history, and seldom on record. His brother Archibald was the person who, at that period, main- tained the renown of the house of Douglas. He was conmionly called Tineman, implying, as may be conjectured, 21ny, or slender little man. ^^ Hemingford, ii. 274. Walsingham, 152. ^s Walsingham, 132. A. D. 1333. DAVID II. 197 In revenge, Sir Anthony de Lucy made an in- road into Scotland."*' This enterprise, in itself un- important, had fatal consequences ; for Sir WiUiam Douglas, famous in our story, under the appella- tion of The Knight of Liddesdaky encountered; de Lucy, was totally defeated, and made prisoner,* (near Lochmaben, towards the latter end of March). 1333. Kdward commanded the Knight of Liddesdale to be put in irons. His captivity endured for two yeare."^^ About the same time Sir Andrew Moray of Both well, the Regent, resolved to attack Balliol before the arrival of reinforcements from England. '^^ A short conflict ensued at the bridge of Rokes- burgh. Ralph Golding, a resolute soldier, having advanced before his companions, was thrown to the ground. The Regent generously attempted to rescue him ; but, ill seconded by his troops, he fell into the power of the enemies. Disdaining to be their prisoner, he cried, *' I yield to the King of England, conduct me to him." He was con- * William Barde and one hundred more were made prisoners, one hundred and sixty were slain. Among the slain are men- tioned Sir Humphry de Bois, Sir Humphry Jardine, and Wil- liam Carlyle, (probahly of Torthorald). It may be conjectured, that Sir Humphry de Bois was the ancestor of Hector Boece. That historian says, L. xv. fol. 323. a. " Proavus meus Hugo Boetius, cujus pater ad Duplin occubuerat, Baro Drisdutiae" &c. Drisdale is a territory in Annandale. Boece supposed that his ancestor was slain at Duplin ; it is more probable that he was slain at Lochmaben, with his countrymen. 47 Walsingham, 132. Fordun, xiii. 27. ts Poedera, iv. 552. Fordun, xiii. 27. 49 Fordun, xiii. 27. 198 DAVID 11. A. D. 1333. ducted to Edward at Durham, and detained in close custody.* And thus Scotland, in an evil hour, was depriv- ed of the services of two of its ablest commanders. Sir Andrew Moray of Bothwell and the Knight of Liddesdale. Archibald Douglas now became Regent, whether by a regular election, or by the general wish of the nation, is uncertain.! Edward avowed his hostile intentions towards the Scots. He ordered an army to assemble at Newcastle upon Tyne, within a month from the 4th of April, t (30th March). He desired that pub- lic prayers might be put up for himself and his troops engaged in the defence and preservation of the kingdom, (23d April), and he requested the Earl of Flanders to prohibit his subjects from giving aid by sea to the rebellious Scots, (27th April). ^° The King of France had formerly solicited Ed- ward in behalf of the Scots, and had received an * The English historians seem to place this event in the for- mer year, immediately after the coronation of Balliol. Fordun, however, places it in the beginning of 1333, and he relates the circumstances with much precision, L. xiii. c. 27. Edward III. came to Durham about the 8th of April 1333 ; Foedera, T. iv. p. 553. This may contribute to ascertain the date of the Re- gent's disaster. \ " Interea vero Archibaldus de Douglas, qui Tyneman dic- tus est, statim post captionem Domini Andreae de Moravia custodis, gardianus effectus est ;" Fordun, L. xiii. c. 27. :j: "A die paschae proxime futuro in unum mensem ad ulti- mum ;" Foedera, T. iv. 552. In 1333, Easter-day fell on the 4th of April. This is a material date, and serves to correct a common error of historians as to the duration of the siege of Berwick. s° Foedera, iv. 55G. A. D. 1333. DAVID II. 19J) ambiguous and courtly answer. Edward now threw aside all disguise, and declared that the Scots had violated the peace, and that he was resolved to chastise their outrages, and seek redress for the wrongs done, in such manner as to himself should seem good, (7th May).^' There was another circumstance in the conduct of Edward, which shewed that he meant to circum- scribe the territories of Scotland, as well as chas- tise the Scots. He ordered possession to be taken of the Isle of Man, in his name, (20th May), and soon after he made it over to William de Montague, who had some claim of inheritance in it, (9th Au- gust).^* The chief purpose of the English King was to gain the town and castle of Berwick, already ceded to him by Balliol. To the Scots the preservation of Berwick ap- peared no less important. The Earl of March was appointed to the command of the castle, and Sir Alexander Seton, and afterwards Sir William Keith, to the command of the town.^^ Balliol with his forces came before Berwick. Edward arrived soon after with the English army, and established his quarters at Tweedmouth. oppo- site to Berwick, on the south bank of the Tweed, (May).* 5^ i4 * Edward appears to have been at Belford on his march northwards, 7th May ; Foedera, T. iv. p. 557- So that it is pro- bable, that, in a day or two after, he came to Berwicis. Frois- S' Foedera, iv, 557. S* Foedera, iv. 558. S^ Foedera, iv. 5Q4. 566. M Hemingford, ii. 274, 200 DAVID II. A.D. 1333. The siege was vigorously prosecuted on the quarter towards the sea, as well as by land." Al- though the Scots made an obstinate defence, and were successful in burning great part of the English fleet, yet, unless relief arrived, they must, at last, have surrendered. The English historians aver that the garrison amused the besiegers with deceit- ful proposals of capitulation.^^ At length the Regent appeared with a numer- ous army in the neighbourhood of Berwick, (ilth July). He endeavoured to convey succours into the town, or to provoke the enemies to quit the advantage of the ground, and engage in battle. But all his efforts were vain ; the English obstruct- ed every passage, and stood on the defensive.^"^ sart relates, v. i. c. 27. that Edward III. leaving Balliol with his forces before Berwick, invaded Scotland, wasted the coun- try, penetrated as far north as Dundee, and from thence march- ed across the island to the neighbourhood of Dumbarton. That he took the castles of Edinburgh and Dalkeith, and placed gar- risons in them, and that, after having employed six months in this expedition, he returned to the siege of Berwick. This story has been transcribed by divers historians, who could not distinguish when Froissart was well informed, and when not. Froissart has placed in 1333 events which, as to many particu- lars, occurred afterwards. This course of six months is an im- possibility ; for Edward did not come to the siege of Berwick before May, and the place surrendered on the 20th of July. Be- sides, it appears from Foedera, T. iv. p. 558 — 564'. that Edward was in the neighbourhood of Berwick 27th and 30th May ; 2d, 4th, 5th, 6th, 8th, and 26th June; 2d, 6th, and 15th July; so that he never could have been three weeks absent ; and indeed it is not probable that he was ever absent from the siege. An invasion of Scotland at that time could have served no purpose of conquest, and, by dividing the army, might have had fatal consequences. SS Fordun, xiii. 27. J'' Hemingford, ii. 275. Murimuth, 80. 57 Heming, ii. 275. Kuyghton, 2563. Walsinglmm, 151. Fordun, xiii. 27^ A. D. 1333. DAVID II. 201 The Regent then entered Northumberland, wast- ed the country, and even assaulted Bamburgh cas- tle, where Philippa, the young Queen of England, had her residence. *^^ He fondly imagined that Edward III. would have abandoned the siege of Berwick, after the example of his father in circum- stances not dissimilar. Edward nevertheless per- severed in his enterprise. During a general assault the town was set on fire, and in great measure consumed. ^^ The inlia- bitants having experienced the evils of a siege, and dreading the worse evils of a storm, implored the Earl of March and Sir Wilham Keith to seek terms of capitulation. A truce was obtained ; and it was agreed, that the town and castle should be deliver- ed up on terms fair and honourable, unless suc- cours arrived before the hour of vespers on the 19th July.t It was specially provided, " that Berwick should be held as relieved, in case two hundred men at arms, in a body, should force their passage into the town." * In support of the facts here related, Tyrrel quotes the MS. chronicle of Lanercost. Walsingham, Ypod Neustriae, p. 511. supposes the attempt on Bamburgh castle to have been made after the main army returned to Scotland ; but this is ex- ceedingly improbable. f The articles of capitulation are to be seen in Foedera, T. iv. p. SGi — 568. They are curious, and present a detail singu- larly minute ; but they cannot be abridged, and they are too "diffuse to be transcribed. S8 Fordun, xiii. 28. 59 Fordun, xiii. 27. 202 DAVID II. A. D. 1333. By the treaty, Sir William Keith was permitted to have an interview with the Regent. He found him with his army in Northumberland, urged the necessity of his return, and shewed him, that Ber- wick, if not instantly relieved, was lost for ever. Persuaded by his importunities, the Regent resolv- ed to combat the English, and either to save Ber- wick or lose the kingdom. On the afternoon of the 19th of July the Re- gent prepared for battle. He divided his army in- to four bodies : The Jirst was led by John Earl of Moray, the son of Randolph ; but as he was young and inexperienced in war, James and Simon Era- sers, soldiers of approved reputation, were joined with him in the command. The second body was led by the Stewart of Scotland, a youth of sixteen, under the inspection of his uncle Sir James Stewart of Rosyth. The thii^d body was led by the Regent himself, having with him the Earl of Carrick and other barons of eminence. The fourth body, or reserve, appears to have been led by Hugh Earl of Ross. The numbers of the Scottish army on that day are variously reported by historians. The conti- nuator of Hemingford, an author of that age, and Knyghton, who lived in the succeeding age, ascer- tain their numbers with more precision than is ge- nerally required in historical facts. The continuator of Hemingford minutely re- cords the numbers and arrangement of the Scottish army. He says, that, besides Earls and other Lords, or great Barons, there were 55 Knights, A. D. 1333. DAVID II. 203 1100 men at arms, and 13,500 of the commons, lightly armed, amounting in all to 14,655.*^° With him Knyghton appears to concur, when his narrative is cleared from the errors of ignorant or careless transcribers.* It is probable, however, that the servants who tended the horses of persons of distinction, and of the men at arms, and the useless followers of the camp, were more numerous than the actual com- batants. The English were advantageously posted on a rising ground at Halidon, with a marshy hollow in their front. Of their particular disposition we are not informed, further than that Balliol had the com- mand of one of the wings. It had been provided by the treaty of capitula- tion, *' That Berwick should be considered as re- lieved, in case two hundred men at arms forced their passage into the town."^' This the Scottish men at arms attempted ; but Edward, aware of their purpose, opposed them in person, and repul- sed them with great slaughter. The Scottish army rushed on to a general attack ; but they had to de- scend into the marshy hollow before mounting the eminences of Halidon. After having struggled with the difficulties of the ground, and after hav- ing been incessantly galled by the English archers, they reached the enemy. Although fatigued and disordered in their ranks, they fought as it became * See Appendix. °° Hemingford, ii. 275, 276. «' Fordun, xiii. 28. 204. DAVID II. A. D. 1333. men who had conquered under the banners of Ro- bert Bruce. The English, with equal valour, had great advantages of situation, and were better dis- ciplined than their antagonists. The Earl of Ross led the reserve to attack in flank that wing where J3alliol commanded ; but he was repulsed and slain. There fell with him, Kenneth Earl of Sutherland, and Murdoch Earl of Menteth.* In the other parts of the field the events were equally disastrous. The Regent received a mortal wound, and the Scots every where gave way. In the field, and during a pursuit for many miles, the number of slain and prisoners was so great, that few of the Scottish army escaped. Besides the Earls of Ross, Sutherland, and Men- teth, there were among the slain Malcolm Earl of Lennox, an aged Baron ; he had been one of the foremost to repair to the standard of Robert Bruce, and he now paid the last duties to his country ; Alexander Bruce Earl of Carrick, who atoned for his short defection from the family of his benefac- tor ; John Campbell Earl of Atliole, nephew of the late King ; James Eraser, and Simon Eraser, John de Graham, Alexander de Lindesay, Alan Stewart, and many other persons of eminent rank. The Stewart had two uncles, John and James. John was killed, and James mortally wounded and made prisoner.! * Knyghton, p. 2562. says, that the Earl of Strathern was killed ; but lie is mistaken. See Foedera, T. iv. p. 59.5. \ Fordun, L. xlii. c. 28. relates, that Sir James Stewart was slain ; the English historians, that he was mortally wounded and made prisoner. It may be remarked, that at Halidon two A. D. 1333. DAVID ir. 205 The Regent, mortally wounded, and abandoned on the field of battle, only lived to see his army discomfited, and himself a prisoner. This victory was obtained with very inconsider- able loss. It is related by the English historians, that, on the side of their countrymen, there were killed one knight, one esquire, and twelve foot sol- diers.'^* Nor will this appear altogether incredible, when we remember that the English ranks remain- ed unbroken, and that their archers, at a secure distance, incessantly annoyed the Scottish infan- try- According to capitulation, the town and castle of Berwick surrendered. The English King took twelve hostages for securing the fidelity of the ci- tizens of Berwick.^ ^ Whether he put to death any of the hostages whom he had formerly received, is an historical problem, which will be considered in a separate dissertation.* Edward not only granted his protection to the Earl of March, (26th July), but he also received him into favour, and appointed him to a distin- guished command on the borders of the two king- doms.! '^'^ Stewarts fought under the banner of their chief; the one Ala?i of Dreghorn, the paternal ancestor of Charles I. and the other James of Rosyth, the maternal ancestor of Oliver Cromwell. * See Appendix. f Fordun, L. xiii. c. 28. says, " In crastino vero jussit Rex Angliae omnes exanimari ; multi tamen tam nobilium quam ''^ Foedera, iv. 568. Ypod Neustriae, 511. ^'^ Foedera, iv. 581. ''4 Knyghton, 2565. Foedera, iv, 570. 206 DAVID II. A. D. 1333. " And now," says an English historian, " it was the general voice, that the Scottish wars were end- ed ; for no man remained of that nation who had either influence to assemble, or skill to lead an army."^^ Some castles, however, still remained in the pos- session of the friends of Scotland.**^ Malcolm Fle- ming having escaped from the carnage at Halidon, secured the castle of Dumbarton. Alan de Vypont held the castle of Lochleven, Robert Lauder the castle of Urquhart in Inverness-shire, and Christian Bruce the castle of Kildrummy in Marre. This venerable matron was the sister of Robert I. and mother of the Earl of Marre, Regent, slain at Du- plin in 1332. There was also a strong-hold in Lochdown, on the borders of Carrick, where John Thomson, a man of low birth, but approved valour, command- ed.* In such circumstances, it became necessary to provide, a safe place of refuge for the young King and his consort.^ ^ Malcolm Fleming found means aliorum inoccisi reservantur." It is not probable that Edward III. would have ordered all the prisoners taken at Halidon to be put to death ; and it will be remarked, that Fordun has not mentioned the name of any person who suffered in consequence of an order equally cruel and impolitic. * " Fortalicii de Louchdown, quod tunc Anglice vocabatur Pele, custos erat valens vernaculus, Johannes videlicet Thomae ;." Fordun, L. xiii. c. 28. He was probably the same John Thom- son who led home the broken remains of the Scots after the bat- tle of Dundalk. See Annals, vol. ii. p. 102. ^S Anonymous, Edward III. 402. °° Fordun, xiii. 28. <57 Froissart, i. 54. A. D. 1333. DAVID II. 207 to convey them from the castle of Dumbarton into France, where they were honourably entertained.* Balliol held a parliament, (about the beginning of October 1333).^^ To it many Englishmen, now become possessed of estates in Scotland, repaired. The English King appointed commissioners to re- quire from Balliol and his parliament the ratifica- tion of the treaty of Rokesburgh. Nothing, how- ever, was concluded at this time. Edward summoned Balliol to his parliament ; but Balliol excused himself by reason of the unset- tled state of Scotland.! Balliol held a parliament at Edinburgh, (10th February 1333-4). Geffrey Scrope, chief justice of England, demanded, in the name of Edward III. that the treaty between Balliol and his liege Lord should be ratified j and to this Balliol and his par- liament consented. Balliol became bound to serve * Whether David II. was conveyed into France, after the battle of Duplin in 1332, or after the battle of Halidon in 1333, is a question of little importance. Our later authors have decid- ed in favour of 1333, and not without probable reasons; the chief is, that Balliol, 23d November 1332, offered to marry Johanna, the infant consort of David Bruce ; Foedera., T. iv. p. 536 — 539. which he would not have done, had she been con- veyed into France immediately after the battle of Duplin, 12th August 1332. This is a more specious argument than any thing drawn from the Chronicle of Froissart, where dates and facts are strangely misplaced and confounded, as the manner is in colloquial history. f This is said on the authority of the anonymous author of the life of Edward III. subjoined to the edition of W. Heming- ford by Hearne. Henry de Beaumont and William de Mon- tague are mentioned as Balliol's attornies, p. 405. Anonymous, Edward III. 405. Foedera, iv. BIF,. 25 208 David II. a.d. issir. with all his forces in the wars of Edward ; and for performing, in part, the conditions covenanted, he made an absolute surrender of the town, castle, and territory of Berwick, to be annexed for ever to the English crown. These things were concluded on the ISth February 1333-4. With so much preci- pitancy did the assembly at Edinburgh dismember the kingdom, and yield up the national liberties.* * There is an instrument in Foedera, T. iv. p. 590, &c. which relates the whole circumstances of this disgraceful transaction ; from it we learn the names of the principal persons present. BISHOPS. John de Lindsay Bishop of Glasgow. Alexander de Kynynmound Bishop of Aberdeen. William (Sinclair) Bishop of Dunkeld. Henry Bishop of Galloway. John Bishop of Ross. Maurice Bishop of Dunblane. Adam Bishop of Brechini BARONS'. ''■ Henry de Beaumont Earl of Buchan. David de Strathbolgie Earl of Athole. Patrick de Dunbar Earl of March. Richard Talbot Lord of Marre. Alexander de Seton. Alexander de Moubray. William de Keith, Stewart of the household. William Brisbain, Chancellor of Scotland. The instrument adds, " et aliis compluribus Baronibus, mag- natibus, proceribus, et hominibus tarn clericis quam laicis." Impartiality constrains me to mention, that there is too much ground for supposing that William Bishop of Dunkeld was the courageous prelate whom Robert I. termed his Bishop; see Keith, Catalogue of Scottish Bishops, p. 51,52. ; and that Maurice Bishop of Dunblane was that Maurice abbot of Inchaf- fray, who, at the battle of Bannockburn, " passed along the front of the Scottish army barefooted, and bearing a crucifix n\ his hands, and exhorted the Scots, in few and forcible words, to combat for their rights and liberty ;" See Annals, vol. ii. p. 60.^ The same person now concurred in voting the annihilation ot A. D. 1334. DAVID II. , 209 1334. The humiliation of the unhappy kingdom be- came complete, when Balliol, by a solemn instru- ment, surrendered great part of the Scottish domi- nions to be annexed for ever to England. In this instrument Balliol said, that he had for- merly become bound to make a grant to Edward of lands on the marches to the amount of tzvo thoii- sand 2>onnd lands, that the Scottish parliament had ratified his obligation, and that he had accordingly surrendered Berwick and its territory ; and now, those rights and that dear-bought Hberty. The Earl of March had been newly reconciled to the English interest ; Foedera, T. iv. p. 570. As to Seton and Keith, it is not altogether cer- tain xvho they were. The other Barons mentioned in the in- strument were all of the number of the disinheriied or claimants. Tyrrel, vol. iii. p. 381. observes, " that Edward III. went to Edinburgh about the beginning of February 1333-4, Avhere Balliol then held a parliament, who, in the presence and by the assent of the prelates, Sec. did homage to King Edward in French, as it is expressed in the charter." He adds, " that the original is still preserved in a box, entitled Scotia tempore Regis Edtvardi III. in the old chapter-house at Westminster. And that this rather deserves our notice, because 72one of our histo- rians, either in print or manuscript, say any thing of this charter, nor mention any homage to have been done by this Balliol to our King Edward. ' This is utterly erroneous, though delivered with the self-sufficiency which distinguishes the works of Tyrrel. The homage of which he speaks was performed at Rokesburgh 23d November 1 332 ; Foedera, T. iv. p. 536. and there is a transcript of it in the instrument of the notary reciting the pro- ceedings of the parliament at Edinburgh 10th and 12th Febru- ary 1333-4; Foedera, T. iv. p. Jj90, &c. That instrument, as well as the other writings in Foedera, demonstratively prove that Edward III. did not appear at Edinburgh in person in February 1333-4 ; his commissioners, Geffrey Scrope, and others, acted in his name. It is strange that Tyrrel should have said that no historians iTlention any homage done by Edward Balhol to Edward III. when all the more ancient historians mention it, and when he himself pretends to confute Walsing- liam and Murimuth for having asserted that Balliol did homage to Edward III. at Newcastle in June 1334. VOL. IT. O 210 DAVID II. A. D. 1334. for completely discharging his obligation, he made an absolute surrender to the English crown of the forests of Jedburgh, Selkirk, and Etrick ; of the counties of Rokesburgh, Peebles, and Dumfries ; together with the county of Edinburgh, and con- stabularies of Linlithgow and Haddington, and of all the towns and castles belonging to the several territories thus surrendered, (at Newcastle upon Tyne, 12th June 1334)/^ Edward immediately regulated the government of his new dominions : He appointed a sheriff for each district, a cliamberlain, or general steward, and a justiciary of Lothian,* (15th and 21st June). Although the territories thus acquired were of * The partition of the countr}-, and the names of the persons who were to bear rule in the different districts, are thus record- ed in Foedera, T. iv. p. 616 — 618. Rokesburgh, Geffrey de Moubray ; Edinburgh, John de Kingston ; Peebles, Gilbert de Bourgdon ; Dumfries, Peter Tilliol ; Jedburgh toxim, xvith Sel- kirk and Etrick, Robert de Maners ; Jedburgh castle and forest, "William de Pressen ; Chamberlain of the nciv acquisitions, John de Bourdon ; Justiciary of Lothian, Robert de Lowedre. Gef- frey de Moubray, who had the charge of the district of Rokes- burgh, married Isobel Stewart, the widow of Donald Earl of Marre, slain at Duplin in 1332. Soon after his appointment, he claimed the offices of Sheriff of Rokesburgh and keeper of Sel- kirk forest, in right of his wife ; Foedera, iv. 622. But what was the nature of her claim, I cannot discover ; perhaps her father, Alexander Stewart of Bonkill, held those offices herit- The justiciary of Lothian was required to do all things " se- cundum legem et consuetudinem regni Scotiae." These were the dictates of sound policy. Edward and his ministers knew that the people of a subjugated province dishked the laws of their new rulers, however superior in excellence they may be to the former usages of the nation, and that a change, even to the better, must be imperceptibly accomplished, and rather by ^le wish of the subjects, than by the avowed will of the lawgiver. '^^ Toedera, iv. 614—616. A.D. 1334-. DAVID II. 211 greater extent than that Lothian which England had formerly claimed^ yet it was politic to impose the ancient name on the whole territory, that it might seem to have been resumed rather than ac- quii'ed. Balliol presented himself before his liege Lord ; did homage and swore fealty ** for the Xijhole king- dom of Scotland and the isles adjacent,*' (at New- castle upon Tyne, 18th June 1334').^° The surrender of the southern part of Scotland had been made with such precipitation, and in terms so general, that the private estate of Balliol was comprehended under the words of the instru- ment.^' Edward therefore issued a declaration, importing, that the lands of Botel, Kenmore, and Kirkandrews, were not to be understood as falling within the surrender. He said, that, having al- ready received satisfaction in full, he had too much reverence for God, justice, and good faith, to mejfn that the cession shoidd be prejudicial to the private rights of the King of Scots, (at Newcastle, 18th June 1334). The disinherited Lords, to whose fortunate valour Balliol owed so much, had the chief share in his favour.^'' A quarrel now arose among them, which, from slight beginnings, produced extraordinary con- sequences. The brother of Alexander de Moubray died,* leaving daughters, but no issue-male. Mou- * Probably John dc Moubray, slain at Annan, 16th Decem- ber 1332. See Annals, vol. ii. p. 194. 'o Hemingford, ii. 277. Wahingliain, 133. Murimuth, 84, Scala Chron, ap. Leland, i. 554. -' Foedera, iv. GI8, f* Fordun, xiii. 29, 212 DAVID 11. A. D. ISSi. bray having claimed to be preferred to the daugli- ters of his brother, BaUiol countenanced his suit, and, as it appears, put him in possession of the in- heritance. Henry de Beaumont Earl of Buchan, and David de Strathbolgie (or Hastings) Earl of Athole, espoused the cause of the heirs-general. Perceiving that their solicitations were not heard, they left the court in disgust, and retired to their castles, (about the end of August). Balliol soon became sensible that it was dangerous to exasperate two barons, haughty and independent, the Lords of the extensive territories of Athole, Badenoch, and Buchan ; and, therefore, he dismissed Mou- bray, and, as an earnest of his favour, conferred on David de Strathbolgie the whole estates of the young Stewart of Scotland. But that which con- ciliated the favour of Buchan and Athole, alienated Moubray from the service of Balliol. About this time. Sir Andrew Moray of Both- well having been set at liberty, returned to his na- tive country ; and, with his ancient zeal for the public, began to assemble the surviving friends of Scotland. Moubray, dreading the power and vio- lence of his adversaries^ joined himself to Sir An- drew Moray. Geffrey de Moubray also, whom Edward had appointed governor of Rokesburgh, revolted to the Scots.* Richard Talbot was in th6 north when these disturbances began. He endeavoured to pass into * His wife Isabella, Countess-dowager of Marre, retired into England, and obtained from Edward a grant of her husband's whole chattels in England, and estates in the county of Nor- thumberland, (22d February 1335-6) ; Foedera, T.iv. p. 635. A. D. 1534. DAVID II. 213 England ; but he was intercepted by Sir William Keith of Galston, defeated and made prisoner.*'^ Sir Andrew Moray and Alexander de Moubray marched into Buchan, and besieged Henry de Beaumont in his castle of Dundarg.'* Beaumont, despairing of relief, capitulated, and obtained li- berty to depart into England.t The Stewart of Scotland had lain concealed in Bute ever since the battle of Halidon ;'^ he now found means to pass over to the castle of Dumbar- ton, and resolutely stood forth in the public cause. Assisted by Dougal Campbell of Lochow, he made himself master of the castle of Dunoon in Cowal.'^ His tenants of the island of Bute attack- ed and slew Alan de Lile, the governor, and pre- sented his head to their master.1: John the son of Gilbert § w^as made prisoner in the action where De Lile fell. This man was governor of the castle * There is some confusion in the dates of the great variety of events which occurred in this busy period. I have endea- voured to arrange them in that order which appears most pro- bable. In the following year Richard Talbot was ransomed for 2000 merks ; Anont/m. Edward III. p. 408. Fordim, L. xiii. c. 40. ■f In Ypod. Neustriae, p. 512. it is said, that the castle of Dundarg was relieved by the EngHsh. Fordun's account is more consistent with probability, and it is confirmed by Scala Chron. ap. Leland, T. i. p. 554. :|; Fordun, L. xiii. c. 32. calls those men the Brandanes of Bute, and says, that, as a reward for their services, they asked and obtained a perpetual exemption from payment of midtures. It is to be presumed, that they sought to be freed from the obli- gation of bringing their corn to be grinded at the mill of the barony, not that it should be grinded gratuitously. 5 " Johannes Gilbert! ;" Fordim, L. xiii. c. 32. 73 Scala Chron. ap. Leland, i. 554. Walsingham, 134. Fordun, xiii. 40. 74 Fordun, xiii. 29. " Fordun, xiii. 29. ^e Fordun, xiii. 29. 214 DAVID II. A. D. 1331. of Bute ; he ordered the garrison to surrender, and attached himself to the Scottish interest. Encou- raged by these successes, the Stewart invaded the territory of Renfrew,* his ancient inheritance, and by military execution compelled the inhabitants to acknowledge the sovereignty of David.t Godfrey de Ross, the governor of Ayrshire, either from considerations of interest, or through necessity, submitted to the Stewart.'^^ Fordun thus describes the Stewart : ** He was a comely youth, tall and robust, modest, liberal, gay, and courteous ; and, for the innate sweetness of his disposition, generally beloved by true hearted Scotsmen," t The Earl of Moray had escaped into France after the battle of Halidon ; he now returned to Scotland. "^^ The Scots acknowledged him and the Stewart as Regents under the authority of their infant and exiled sovereign. The Earl of Moray speedily collected a body of troops, invaded the country of the Earl of Athole, and constrained him to retire into Lochaber. Athole, deprived of all means of subsistence, was compelled to surrender. * The district called the Steivart-lands^ or the barony. For" dun, L. xiii. c. 33. says, that the Stewai"t was joined by Thomas Carruthers and his relations from Annandale, and by Thomas Bruce from Kyle. f " Ad fidem Scoticanam convertunt ;" Fonhni, L. xiii. c. 33. Literally, " the partisans of the Stewart converted the inliahitnnts ()f Renfrew to the Scottish faith." ■\. I would have said univcrsalli/ instead of general///, had it, not been lor an expression in Fordun, L. xiii. c. 32. " a cunctis fh-c popuiis,' tS;c. "' Fonlun. xiii. 3,',. '" Fordun, xiii. 35. A.E.lSS't. DAVID II. 125 Ambition, or levity of mind, induced him to em- brace the party of the conquerors.* On this rapid change of things, BaUiol again re- tired into England, and implored the protection of his sovereign.'^ At an unfavourable season for military operations, Edward led his troops against the insurgents, (14th November). With one part of the army Balliol wasted Avondale and the adja- cent territories, (December). He celebrated Christ- * It is difficult to account for the motives which induced Athole to join the partisans of David II. By the late revohition he had been restored to his paternal inheritance, and had ob- tained possession of great part of the estate of the Comyns, in right of his mother, the eldest daughter of John Comyn slain at Dumfries. By the prodigal liberality of Balliol, he had receiv- ed a grant of the whole estates of the Stewart. In his own right, and in right of his mother, he had ample possessions in England. Although the fate of war now deprived him of every thing in Scotland, and reduced him to the necessity of laying down his arms ; yet there appears not to have been any neces- sity for his resuming them again to combat against his party, and against Balliol his benefactor. It is reasonable to suppose, that the Scots would have given such conditions to him as they gave to Henry de Beaumont, and would have permitted him to depart into England. On the other hand, he had every thing to fear from the resentment of Edward III. ; and accordingly we find that the King immediately confiscated the English estates of Athole ; Dugdale, Baronage, vol. ii. p. 96. It is true, that at an after period Athole pretended, that " what he had done was not out of any evil intentions towards the King, but for his honour, and to save his own life ; Dugdale, ibid. These are the common pretences of unsuccessful traitors, which, al- though they may find place in the narrative of a pardon, are never believed. The most probable reason for the conduct of Athole seems to be, that, in the right of John Comyn, he had all the claims of the Balliol line to the crown of Scotland, sup- posing Edward Balliol to be set aside, whom his submissions to England had rendered odious. Athole, amidst the confu- sions of war, might possibly have hoped to assert such ambitious pretences. 79 Hemingford, ii. 277. Foedera, iv. 628. 216 DAVID ir. A. D. 1334. mas in royal state at the castle of Renfrew, and dis- tributed lands and offices among his guests.* The person in whom BalHol placed his chief confidence was William Bullock, an ecclesiastic of eminent abilities. He was appointed Chamberlain of Scot- land, and he had the custody of the castles of St Andrews and Cupar, and of other fortresses, in- trusted to him. Edward led the rest of his army into the Lo- thians, seized certain men whom the English histo- rians term " evil doers," put their leaders to death, and ruled at pleasure in a desolate and defenceless country.^" At this perilous juncture, Patrick Earl of March formally renounced the fealty which he had sworn to England.! There were great motives urging him to a reso- lution so desperate. Balliol had ceded to Edward that part of Scotland where the estates of the Earl of March lay, and the Earl foresaw inevitable ruin to himself, and to the power of his family, should England be left in possession of the Lothians j for, although the English Kings had hitherto, by their protection, maintained the house of March in an * Such appears to be the meaning of Fordun, L. xiii. c. 29. " ad Renfrew, villam regiam, pervenit, ubi regio more festum Jaciens, convivis suis terras et officia distribuit," ■\ *' Redeuntibus vero Regibus versus Berewicuni, Comes Patricias, qui fideHtatem juraverat et homagium fecerat, ab eis recedendo, quanquara Rex Angliae multas curiahtates sibi fece- rat, suum homagium per literas suas eas remisit ;" W. Heming- fnrd, T. ii. p. 277. Per literas suas eas, is an idiom of old French, j^ar les siennes lettres. ^^ Hemingford, ii. 277. A. D. 1335. DAVID II. 217 independency dangerous to Scotland, yet it was ob- vious that they would never permit it to continue formidable on the new frontier. 1335. We have seen that Alan de Vypont held the cas- tle of Lochleven against the adherents of Balliol.^' That castle, built on a small island, was strong from its situation, and of difficult access. John de Stri- velin* blockaded it, erected a fort in the neich- bouring cemetery of Kinross, and at the lower end of the lake, where it forms the water ofLeveUy he raised a strong and lofty bulwark. By means of it he hoped to lay the island under water, and to con- strain Vypont to surrender. Four men of the gar- rison approached in silence, and, after much labour and perseverance, pierced the bulwark. The sud- den inundation swept away the enemies who were quartered on that side. Confusion arose in the English camp. The garrison of the castle landed at Kinross, and stormed and plundered the fort. It chanced that John de Strivelin was absent, with many of his soldiers, celebrating, at Dunfermline, the festival of Margaret Queen of Scotland,! (19th * Probably the same John de Strivelin who had been made prisoner at Halidon. There were with him many barons whom the English had received into favour, particularly Michael and David de Wemyss, Richard de Mclvil, and Michael de Arnot. A. de Vypont was assisted by James Lambyn, (probably Lamy), a citizen of St Andrews ; Fordun, L. xiii. c. 30. f " Nundinae Fermolinodunenses etiamnum celebrantur 18 die Junii, pridie festum traiislationis D. Margaretae, /. e.\9 Junii, juxta Extract. Dempsterum et Camerarium ;" Ruddman, not. ad Buchanan, p. 159. See Annals, vol. i. p. 370. Mr Rud- " Fordun, xiii. 30, 31. 218 DAVID II. A. D. 1335. June). On his return, he passionately swore that he would never desist from his enterprise until he had rased the castle, and put the garrison to the sword. Yet, after some vain attempts, he retired, *' with the imputation of perjury," says Fordun, as if the offence had consisted, not in swearing rashly, but in failing to accomplish what was impractica- ble.* JMeanwhile the Stewart, and the Earl of Moray, Regents, assembled a parliament at Dairsy, (near Cupar in Fife), April 1335.^^ There appeared at that assembly, the Earl of March, 3ir Andrew Moray of Bothwell, Alexander de Moubray, Wil- liam Douglas of Liddesdale, and many other ba- rons. The Earl of Athole also appeared, having a formidable train of attendants, and bearing himself with a haughtiness of demeanour v.hich the Scot- tish Lords could ill brook. This ambitious and fickle young man set up his party in opposition to the Earl of Moray, and wrought on the inexperience and facility of the Stewart, to join with him in pcr- diman suspects that the siege of Lochleven happened in some other year than 1335. His chief reason is, that, from the 4th April to the 24th June 1335, there was a truce between the two nations ; and, to prove the existence of the truce, he refers to an instrument in Foedera, T. iv. p. 640. But that instrument only shews that proposals for a truce had been made, not that a truce had been concluded. * Fordun ascribes the success of the Scots to the interposi- tion of St Servanus, the tutelary saint of that district. He, it geems, thus chastised the impiety of John de Strivelin and his army, who had erected a fort on consecrated ground ; and yet Queen Margaret failed to protect John de Strivelin, who had left his post that he might pray at her shrine. 82 Fordun, xiii. 34. A. D. 1335. DAVID II. 21i) plexing and thwarting the national councils. The dehberations of the parhament were influenced by private interests, animosities, and mutual disgusts ; and at length the barons, without having concert- ed any general plan of defence, separated them- selves in confusion.* Through the mediation of France, some over- tures had been made for a treaty with the Scots ; but the English parliament rejected all terms of peace, and Edward again invaded Scotland, t (11th July).^^ Whilst he cruelly ravaged the country, * Of this parliament Fordun speaks, L. xiii. c. 34'. " Ubi, propter tyrannidem Davidis Cornitis Atholiae, nihil aliud actum est nisi derisione dignum. Hie Senescallo adhaerens, qui tunc 71071 magna regebatur sapicntia, sed Comitem Moraviae et Wil- Helmum de Douglas despectui habens, omnibus ibi existentibus factus est infestus : Sed circumspecta praenominatorum pruden- tia imraanem ipsius saevitiam callide declinavit." In justifica- tion of the Stewart, Mr Goodall observes, not. ad Fordun. " at quid mirum, si infra aetatcm juvenis scnibus astutia cedat."' It is to be regretted that Fordun has not been more explicit in his narrative ; one may essily discern that he had some particular circumstances in view which he could have explained. + Knijghton, p. 2566. says, that Edward III. invaded Scot- land by the west marches, and crossed the Solway on the 11th July 1335. This has the appearance of great accuracy ; and, indeed, Knyghton relates many minute particulars as to the progress of Edward's army, which seem to have been transcrib- ed from some military journal of those times. Fordun, L. xiii, c. Si. says, that the navy of Edward was seen in the Frith of Forth, 6th July 1335. This does not contradict Knyghton, for Edward might have marched his army on the one side, while his fleet with provisions and military stores advanced on the other side of the island. His grandfather Edward I. followed a like plan of operations : but here lies the difficulty ; in Foedcra, T. iv. p. 655 — 57. there are different orders issued by Edward, dated from Carlisle, 18th, 25th, 26th, and 28th of July 1335. This appears inconsistent with Knyghton's account. I incline, however, to believe that the public business continued to be *> Foedera, iv. G37. Anonym. Edw. III. 408. Hemi'-ig. ii. 27:^. Murim. 8S. 220 DAVID II. A. V. 1553. Balliol and Earl Warenne, on another quarter, pro- secuted the war witli equal inhumanity.* The two Princes arrived in the neighbourhood of Glas- gow, and, having united their forces, marched to Perth. Soon after the arrival of Edward in Scotland, Count Guy of Namur landed at Berwick with a considerable body of men at arms, in the service of the EngHsh, (30th July).^'* Imagining that Edward had left no enemies in his rear, he advanced to Edinburgh, at that time an open place, and having its castle dismantled. Scarcely had he arrived there, when the Earls of Moray and March, and Sir Alexander Ramsay, appeared in the neighbour- hood with a powerful force. They fought on the Boroi(gh-7mdr with obstinate valour. Richard Shaw, a Scottish esquire, was singled out by a combatant in the army of the Count of Namur. They were transacted in the King's name at Carlisle, even after he was per- sonally in Scotland : And what confirms me in this opinion is, that an order, which, from its nature, must have been issued by the King himself, is dated from Erthe (Airlh on the Forth), S'd August 1335; Foedera, T. iv. p. 658, Now, it is not probable ihat Edward could have marched an army from Carlisle to Airth, between the 28th July and the 3d of August, especially 'as he went by Glasgow or its neighbourhood. • * Knyghton, p. 2566. says, that Balliol and Earl Warenne riiade themselves masters of the castle of Comhrenoidh, belong- ing to the Earl of Athole, and this circumstance is repeated by many historians. The true name of the castle is preserved in Scala Chron. ap. Leland, vol. i. p. ooo. " Balliol got the castle of Combrenauld by assaulte." Cumbernauld in Stirlingshire >.ad belonged to John pomyn, and had been granted to Malcolm Fleming by Robert Bruce ; it was now in the possession of the Earl of Athole as one of the co-heirs of Comyn. • *♦ Fordun, xiii. .35. Focdcra, iv. 654. Scala Chron. ap. Ldand, i. 555. A. D. 1335. DAVID II. 22i transfixed with each other's spearSj and both slain. On the body's being stripped of its armour, the brave stranger was discovered to be a woman. Vic- tory was about to declare for the enemy, when William Douglas came down from Pentland hills with a reinforcement. The troops of Namur gave way, yet still maintained the fight in retreating. At length, Count Guy was compelled to take re- fuge among the ruins of the castle. Having order- ed all his horses to be killed, he formed a tempo- rary parapet of their bodies. Nevertheless, thirst and hunger soon obliged him to capitulate. The Earl of Moray paid due respect to the valour of the strangers, and allowed the Count of Namur, and his troops, to depart unmolested, on their pro- mise not to serve against David in the Scottish wars** The Earl of Moray, accompanied by William Douglas and his brother James, escorted Count Guy of Namur to the borders.^^ On his return, William de Pressen, warden of the castle and fo- * Fordun, L. xiii. c. 35. says, that one reason which induced the Earl of Moray to shew such courtesy to the conquered was, that he imagined it would be an agreeable service to Philip King of France. This Count Guy of Namur was the second son of John de Dampierre Count of Namur. John dc Danipierre had for his first wife Margaret the daughter of Robert de Clermont or Bourbon, sixth son of Louis IX. King of France. Although Margaret left no children, the alliance established a connexion with the royal family of France. Fordun supposes that the Count of Guelders, also a leader in Edward's army, was the per- son made prisoner. In Foedera, T. iv. p. 658. there is a pass- port from Edward III. to the Count of Namur returning home, (dated at Perth, 11th August 1335). ^' Fordun, xiii. ."J, 2i22 DAVID II. A. D. 1335. rest of Jedburgh, attacked and routed his party.* James Douglas was slain, and the Earl himself made prisoner, and conveyed into England.! The captivity of the one Regent, and the inex- perience of the other, seemed to precipitate the * This is the account given by Fordun, and it seems the most probable one. Knyghton, p. 2566. gives a very different ac- count : he says, that the Scots, to the number of 10,000 men, under the command of the Regent, marched to besiege the cas- tle of Bamburgh, where the English Queen resided, that by this diversion they might oblige the English to withdraw their troops from Scotland : That they were encountered by a body of 5000 English, and defeated, with the loss of 19 knights and 500 men, (it is afterwards said 5000, which may be an error of the tran- scriber) : That the English took the Earl of Moray prisoner, and conducted him to Bamburgh-castle, and that they themselves lost 400 men. This story is of very dubious credit ; for the earlier writers make no mention of it. See Hemingford, T. ii. p. 278. Anonipn. Edw. III. p. 408. A. Murimuih, p. 86. Be- sides, there is a grant made by Edward III. Foedcra, T. iv. p. 670. (20th October 1335), which seems inconsistent with the narrative in Knyghton ; from it we learn that the Earl of Moray was made prisoner, " in quodam conflictu," by William de Pressen, " et quidem alii fidcles nostri in sua comitiva exis- tentes." Now, if 5000 English had attacked and defeated 10,000 Scots, this would not have been called " a conflict between the Scots and William do Pressen, and certain others of Edward's subjects in his company." The words plainly imply such a skirmish as Fordun describes. In the same sense it is said, Scala C'lron. ap. Leland, T. i. p. 555^. " The Count of Murref was bi/ chance taken yn the marches, by one William Prcsfen." It is conjectured hy Barnes, p. 97. that this English army was commanded by John of Eltham Earl of Cornwall, brother of Edward III. who, with the troops of the northern counties, penetrated by Galloway and Ayrshire into the western parts of Scotland, and then marched through Lenox, Menteth, and Strathern, to the head-quarters at Perth. That this army should have encountered a Scottish army on its route from Edinburgh to Bamburgh-castle, is a wonderful circumstance indeed ! Edward III. rewarded the good services of William de Pressen by a grant of the estate of Edrington near Berwick, until he should be provided with twenty pounds of land ycarly in some other place ; Foedcra, T. iv. p. 670. f The Earl of Moray was committed by Edward III. to the custody of the Sheriff of York, and then ordered to the castle of Nottingham, (13th August 1335; this warrant is dated at A.D. 1335. DAVID II. 223 ruin of the Scottish nation* Alexander de Mou- bray, Geffrey de Moubray, and certain other per- sons,* having, as they said, full powers *' from the Earl of Athole, and Robert the Stewart of Scot- land,'* concluded a treaty with Edward III. (at Perth, 18th August 1335).^^ By this treaty it was provided, that the Earl of Athole, all the other barons, and all persons of the community of Scotland, on submitting themselves to the English King, should receive pardon, and have their lands, fees, and offices within the king- dom secured. But an exception was made of those who, hy common asseiit, (in parliament), should be denied the privilege of this indemnity. The liberties of the Scottish church were to be preserved on their former establishment ; and the laws, and ancient usages of Scotland, as in the days of King Alexander, were to continue in force. Further, it was provided, that all offices in Scot- land should be held by natives of that kingdom, with this exception, that the Sovereign might name Perth) ; Foedera, T. iv. p. 660 ; removed to Windsor 29th De- cember 1335 ; Foedera, T. iv. p. 662 ; to Winchester 25th May 1336 ; Foedera, T. iv. p. 700 ; and to the tower of London 28th September 1336 ; Foedera, T. iv. p. 708. He did not recover his hberty till 1311, when he was exchanged for the Earl of Sa- lisbury, a prisoner with the French ; Foedera, T. v. p. 250. * The other persons were Geftrey de Roos, Eustace de Loreyne, and William Bullock, an ecclesiastic ; to all appear- ance, he is the same man on whom Balliol conferred the office of Chamberlain. As there is no reason for believing that Wil- liam Bullock had, at this time, ever revolted from Balliol, we may conclude that he acted as attorney for the persons wh(*> were absent. *<^ Fordun, xiij= ■'ifj, Ileming. ii. 278. Knyghton, 'i5(}6, Tyncl, iii.SST^ 4 ^21. DAVID II. A.D. 1335. whatsoever persons he pleased to offices within his royal domains.* The otlier articles of the treaty of Perth respect the particnlar persons therein named, who had estates in England, and principally, indeed, the Earl of A thole. Edward III. granted a special pardon to the Earl of Athole, restored him to his English estates, (at Pertli, 21-th August 1335), and conferred on him the office of Lieutenant in Scotland.t^^ * Or, as it is more generally expressed, his regalities. Tyr- rel, vol. iii. p. 387. thus translates the passage, " Yet that the King of Scotland of his royalty may make such officers as he pleases, and of what nation soever." The ambiguity in this translation leaves it uncertain whether Tyrrel understood the original ; but there is no uncertainty as to Barnes, who says, p. 98. '' Yet so as that the King of Scotland, o^ his ■prerogative royal, may, at any time, according to his pleasure, advance to places of office, men of any nation whatsoever." Ahercromhie, vol. ii. p. 49. follows the paraphrase of Barnes, which just amounts to this, that all offices shall be enjoyed by Scotsmen, saving the good pleasure of the King to bestow them on the men of any other nation. f I here transcribe a passage from Scala Chron. ap. Leland, T. i. p. 555. ** Edwarde the 3d cam from S. John's tounne to Edingburgh, whether cam Robert the Seneschal of Scotland, onto hys peace. This Robert was sunne to the doughter of Robert Bruse King of Scotland." Edward III. was at Edin- burgh from the 16th to the 26th September 1335. Foedera, T. iv. p. 667. 669. It appears from Leland's manner of spel- ling, that in the days of Henry VIII. the English had much of that pronunciation which is now termed Broad Scotch. Thus he writes cam for came, siinne for son, and doughter for daughter. The word his is still pronounced in the south-east parts of Scot- land hees ; whether the sound of hys was the same, I cannot say. This observation might be enlarged and enforced from the common spelling of words so late as the reign of Queen Eliza- beth, and from other examples, which would astonish many of my readers. *' Foedera, iv. 6G4. Fordun, xiii. 5C. A. D. 1355. . DAVID II. 225 Athole required all men to acknowledge the au- thority of Balliol, and, with the zeal of a new con- vert, arbitrarily and severely punished the partisans of that cause which he himself had deserted.^^ With 3000 men he besieged the castle of Kildrum- my, hitherto the asylum of the royalists. There still remained three barons, says Fordun, who had not made their submission to England ; the Earl of March, William Douglas of Liddesdale, and Sir Andrew Moray of Bothwell. They kept them- selves in lurking-places, not without the conniv- ance of the English Lords. Sir Andrew Moray resolved, at ail hazards, to attempt the rescue of his wife and family.* He and the Earl of March, with William Douglas, had collected 800 men, na- tives of the Lothians and Merse, and they were joined by 300 from the territory of Kildrummy, under the command of John Craig.t They sur- prised Athole in the forest of Kilblain. His troops, seized with a panic, fled and dispersed themselves.^ * Fordun, L. xiii. c. 36. says, " Petita licentia et obtenta a D. Willelmo de Montacuto Regis AngHae tunc principali con- siliario." If William de Montague (afterwards Earl of Salis- bury) gave any such permission, it is a striking example of the consequences of jealousy and emulation among the great. f Probably tihe vassals of the earldom of Marre, whereof Kildrummy was the capital messuage, not a detachment from the garrison of that castle, as later authors have imagined. — Fordun calls the commander quidam Johannes Crag, which plainly shows that he did not mean to speak o^ John Crabbe the Fleming, whom he had formerly mentioned ; yet later authors suppose them to have been the same. j; "'Subito dissipata ejus comitiva;" Ypod. Neust. "p. 512. »8 Fordun, xiii. 56. Hemingford, ii. 278. Anonymous, Edward III. 408. Ypod. Ncust. 512. VOL. II. P 226 DAVID 11. A. D. 1S35. Abandoned by bis dastardly soldiers, and disdain- ing quarter, Athole was slain.* Thus perished, in i the flower of his age, David de Hastings, of royal ; descent, nobly allied, and possessing estates above the rank of a subject. t He was brave and enter- prising, but ambitious withal, insolent and un- * According to Fordiin, L. xiii. c. 36. Athole was slain 30th November 1335, (prid. kal. Decemb.) ; according to English historians, " post festum S. Michaelis," which, literally taken, implies the 30th September, but may mean some time between that feast and another. Abeixromhie, vol. ii. p. 51. shews from Foedera, T. iv. p. 711. that, on Thursday the \2th of September 1335, Balliol granted to John of the Isles the ward of the heir of David Earl of Athole deceased. This evidence is cogent, and yet it seems strange, that Athole should have procured the pardon and forgiveness of Edward III. taken possession of his new office, collected a body of troops, besieged Kildrummy, and died in battle, all between the 18th August and the 9th September 1335 ; for if his death was known, and the ward of his son granted on the 12th September at Perth, it follows that he could not have been killed at Kiiblain later than the 9th September. Should this seem improbable, we might conjecture that the instrument in Foedera, T. iv. p. 711. which is a copy, not an original, bears Thursday 12th September, instead of Thursday Vlth December, from a mistake of the transcriber; the difference between the two words would be very minute in the original manuscript. What strengthens this conjecture is, that Edward III. in the terms of accommodation offered to the King of France, expressly says, that the Scots slew the Earl of Athole during a truce ; Foedera, iv. p. 806.; and the same thing is said by A. Murimuth, p. 87. and by Walsingham. p. 136. Now it is certain, that it was not until the 8th November 1335 that Edward granted a truce to Sir Andrew Moray and his ad;% herents, Foedera, T. iv. p. 675. and T. v. p. 161. I observe, by the way, that Edward appears to have unjustly charged the Scots as guilty of a violation of the truce ; for he had granted it under the express condition that the Scots should proclaim it on their side ; Foedera, T. iv. p. 677. and it is not probable that they would have done this while Athole remained in arms, and held Kildrummy besieged. f He was descended from Donald, surnamed Bane, the bro- ther of Malcolm III. King of Scots. He held in England the castle of Mitford, the Manor of Gainsborough in Lincolnshire,, A. D. 1335. DAVID II. 227 Steady. Robert Brady, Walter Comyn, and three other knights, died in the field with Athole. Tho- mas, the brother of Walter Comyn, having been made prisoner, was beheaded. The Earl of Moray had been engaged, just be- fore the time of his captivity, in negociating a treaty with John, Lord of the Isles. ^^ That Lord, descended from the famous Somerled, was not powerful enough to be altogether independent of Scotland ; yet the extent of his territory, and its remoteness, had enabled him hitherto to remain in a state of dubious allegiance. Balliol, by mighty oifers of advantage, won him over to acknowledge himself the vassal of Scot- land.^° A contract, in form of indenture, was exe- cuted between Balliol and the Lord of the Isles. By it Balliol, " as far as in him lay,"* yielded to John, Lord of the Isles, and his heirs and assigns, the islands of Mull, Sky, Ila, and Giga, the lands of Cantire and Knapdale, with other islands and ter- ritories, and also the wardship of the heir of the Earl of Athole, at that time a child of three years old.^' of Holkeham in Norfolk, and many other manors ; DugdaiCy Baron, vol. ii. p. 95. ; in Scotland, the Earldom of Athole, and great part of the extensive estates of the Comyns, Lords of Badenoch. To these Balliol added the lands which belonged to the Stewart. He was only twenty-eight at his death ; Dug- dale, ut sup. * " Quantum in se est ;" Foedera, T. iv. p. 711. This shows that Balliol had a slender hold of the estates which he yielded up. 9s> Fordun, xiii. 35. so Foedera, iv. 711. s> Dugdale, ii. 96. 228 DAVID II. A. D. 1335- On account of which concessions, the Lord of the Isles bound himself, and his heirs, to be the liege men of Balliol, and his heirs, and to aid them at all times, to the utmost, against all their ene- mies. He also became bound " to swear to the performance of the premisses on the eucharist, on the cup of the altar, and on the missal ;" and, for farther security, to grant hostages, if required,* (at Perth, 1^2th September, probably l^th December 1385. Confirmed by Edward III. 5th October 1336). Thus did Balhol, in order to secure the fidehty of the Lord of the Isles, increase his power and in- fluence, and extend it even unto Athole, the centre of Scotland. Edward, on his side, endeavoured to strengthen himself in his new acquisitions, by making grants of them to his principal lords. ^* With this view, he bestowed the town and sheriffdom of Peebles, the town, sheriffdom, and forest of Selkirk, and the forest of Etrick, on William de Montague, and his heirs,t (10th October 1335). In the former year, he had acquired from Henry Percy the Pele of Lochmaben, with Annandale and Moffatdale, and had given him in exchange, the town, castle, constabulary, and forest of Jed- * " Pro quibus quidem concessionibus." In this deed no mention is ever made of the words dare or confirmare. -j- William de Montague was to pay a yearly acknowledg- ment of £.20 for Selkirk, and as much for Peebles; Foedera, T. iv. 671, 672. 9* Foedera, iv. 671, A. D. 1335. DAVID 11. 229 burgh, with some other places in that neighbour- hood.* Edward lent ^^.300 to Balliol, (l6th October 133.5), and soon after bestowed on him a daily pension of five merks, to be enjoyed during plea- sure,! (27th January 133.5-6).^^ After the death of the Earl of Athole, Sir An- drew Moi;ay assembled a parliament at Dunferm- hne, and was acknowledged by that assembly in the character of Regent. t^'* * Dugdale, Baronage, vol. ii. p. 274. says, " Henry Percy had a grant from Balliol of the inheritance of the Pele of Loch- maben, as also of Annandale and Moft'atdale, in as ample man- ner as Thomas Randolph, some time Earl of Moray, ever had them; which castle, lands, &c. then valued at 1000 merks per ami. he did, the year following, 8. Edward III. surrender to Edward III. in exchange for the castle and constabulary of Jedburgh, and towns of Jedburgh, Benjedburgh, Hassenden, and the forest of Jedburgh, together with 500 merks to be received out of the customs of Berwick, as also the custody of the castle of Berwick, with the fee of 100 merks for that service in time of peac.:!, and 200 pounds /^er ann. in time of war." ■f He made several other donations to Balliol as his necessi- ties required. Thus, he gave him ten tons (dolia) of flour, and ten of wine, 30th December 1335; £.200 for paying his north country debts, (in partibus borealibus^, and £. 100 besides, 24th March 1335-6. £.200, and wine and provisions of the value of £.100, 3d October 1336. And £.20, 3d January 1337-8. See Foedera, T. iv. p. 683. 694. 710. 834. J Two remarkable events concerning Scotland are recorded by some of the English writers as having happened about this time ; they must not be altogether overlooked, although both of them are fictitious : The^r.s^ is mentioned by Knijghton, p. 2568. It is said, " That the Scottish Lords having been constrained to submit to the English power, took a solemn oath, that they, to- gether with David Bruce and his wife, would appeav in the English parliament at Michaelmas, and stand to the determina- tion of Edward and his council ; and that it was agreed that David Bruce and his wife should reside in England until the 93 Foedera, iv. 674. G86. »* Fordun, xiii. 56. 230 DAVID II. A. D. 1335. Meanwhile, the Papal and French ambassadors were incessantly soliciting Edward in behalf of the Scots.^^ A short truce had been granted to them> (8th November l'j35), and commissioners appoint- ed to treat of peace.* The truce was renewed from time to time,t but it does not appear that it death of Balliol, and, in the mean time, that the Scots should perform due honi,;ge to Edward. Nevertheless, that by the machinations of France, the Scots were prevailed upon not to appear." This narrative is somewhat abrupt ; for it does not mention what was to be provided for David Bruce after the death of BalHol. Tyrrel, however, vol. iii. p. 388. supplies the blank by a conjecture of his own, but without mentioning it as a conjecture. He says, " that the Scots submitted to King Edward, upon condition that they would obey Balliol during his life ; and, in the mean while, David Bruce and his Queen tvere to have a royal maintenance in England ; but that if Balliol died voithoid issue, as he had none at present, that then David was to succeed him." Barnes, p. 99. tells the same story, with this variation, •' that David and his Queen were to reside 2jrivatelj/y but honourably, at London ;" for this he, too, quotes Knyghton, and even distinguishes the passage with inverted commas ; and this it is to wTite history ! The narrative in Knyghton is incon- sistent with the whole strain of the transactions of that winter. The second circumstance is a charter of homage granted to Edward III. by David Bruce, in a parliament held at Edinburgh on the 1st November, in the 5th year of his reign. This is printed by Dr Brady, Appendix, NO. 85. It is a senseless for- gery ; for David Bruce was certainly in France on the 11th November 1333, and for many years after. Besides, a Scottish parliament could not meet at Edinburgh, which had now be- come a part of the English dominions. * Edward appointed William de Montague, and others, to treat with Sir Andrew Moray, 1st November 1335; Foedera, T. iv. p. 674. ; and Geffrey Scrope, and others, to treat with David Bruce, 16th November 1335; Foedera, T. iv. p. 675. The Scottish commissioners were Andrew Moray, William de Keith, Robert Lauder, and William Douglas, 23d November 1335 ; Foedera, T. iv. p. 677. f Truces were granted 8th, 16th, and 23d November, 21st December, 22d and 26th January, and 8th March 1335-6 ; Foedera, T. iv. p. 675. 677. 681. 684. 685. 690. 'ii Hemingford, ii. 278. A. D. 1336. DAVID 11. 231 ever took full effect ; for Sir Andrew Moray kept the field during the winter, and blockaded the castle of Cupar in Fife, which William Bullock held, and the castle of Lochindorp, where Catherine de Beaumont, the widow of the Earl of Athole, resid- ed \^^ and therefore, when Edward granted a re- newal of the truce (8th March 1335-6), he did it under this express condition, that the Scots should desist from blockading the castles of Cupar and Lochindorp, and that they should not undertake the siege of any other fortress.^' 1336. Edward began to suspect that the Scots held secret intercourse with the French King, and that a powerful armament, prepared in France under pretence of the holy war, was destined against Eng- land.* He appointed Henry of Lancaster to the command of his troops in Scotland, (7th April 1336), and intrusted him with the most ample powers for receiving the Scots to pardon and fa- vour, (10th April). ^^ Embarrassed with important affairs on the continent, he appears to have been averse to carry on the Scottish war with vigour ; * This partly appears from a proclamation issued by Edward, 16th February lf535-6; Foedera, T. iv. p. 687. where the fol- lowing ambiguous expressions are used : " Auribus nostris est intimatum, quod quidam homines de Scotia quasdam alliga- tiones et confoederationes in partibus exteris, cum quibusdam hominibus partium earundem faciunt, et ea de causa ipsi homines alienigenae ad arma se parant, et naves in magna copiositate supra mare congregare nituntur, et de guerra muniri, ad inva- dendum hostihter regnum nostrum," &c. 9" Fordun, xiii. 36, 37. Foedera, iv, 694, 57 Foedera, iv. 690. S8 Foedera, iv. 695. 2S2 DAVID 11. A. D. 1336. and, therefore, he authorized the General, and other Lords,* to consent to a new truce with the Scots until the latter end of June, (4>ih May). The English army lay at Perth, when Edward unexpectedly appeared there. For now the King of France had avowedly taken the Scots under his patronage, and no longer concealed his intentions of invading England. It therefore became neces- sary to crush the Scots before they could receive any assistance from their allies.^^ Edward led his army into the north,! (August), raised the siege of Lochindorp, wasted Moray, and penetrated to Inverness.^ H attempted to force the Scots to a general action ; but Sir Andrew Moray remem- bered the military lessons of his old master, and took refuge amidst forests and morasses, from which Edward could not dislodge him. While Edward, in the vain pomp of triumph, over-ran the north, Thomas Rosheme, a knight in his service, landed at Dunoter, not many miles * The other commissioners were Thomas de Beauchamp Earl of Warwick, Henry de Beaumont Earl of Buchan, and William de Bohun ; Foedera, T, iv. p. 659. f Edward was at Berwick 26th June ; Foedera, T. iv. p. 702. At Perth 4th, 6th, and 18th July, 24th August, 1st and 3d September ; Foedera, T. iv. p. 703 — 707. Hence we may, with sufficient certainty, place his expedition into the north of Scotland, between the 18th of July and the 24th of August 1336. X " Per multa millia ultra quam unquam fuerat avus suus ;" W. Hemingford, T. ii. p. 278. This confirms what was ob- served, Annals, vol. i. p. 336. that Edward I. did not march into Caithness. 53 Hemingford, ii. 27S. Anonymous, Edward III. 409, 410. Scala ChroHi ap. Leland, i. S56. Foedera, iv. 706. Fordun, xiii. 57. X. D. 1335. DAVID 11. 23S from Aberdeen.' The citizens of Aberdeen at- tacked him and were defeated, but Rosheme fell in the action. Edward, on his return, severely chastised the temerity of the citizens, and laid the town in ashes. The enemies had been dispersed, but not sub- dued ;* and therefore Edward attempted, accord- ing to the poHcy of his grandfather, to curb their incursions by a chain of fortresses.* He put in a state of defence the castles of Dunoter, Kinclevin,t Lawrieston, Stirling, Bothwell, Edinburgh, and Rokesburgh, and he greatly augmented the fortifi- cations of Perth.t Having left a considerable body * Barnes observes, p. 90. that " King Edward passed as far as Elgin and Inverness, where Scotland is bounded by the sea, in pursuit of the enemy, to see if by any means he could bring them to a battle. Yet, for all their assistance from France, they durst not look him in the face.''' It is probable, that in the days of Edward III. the vulgar had the like notions of the geography of Scotland and of the victories of the English King. But A. Murimuth, p. !^8. has given the sentiments of a dispassionate bystander ; Jecit bonum quod potuit, says he. Indeed, as the ne- cessities of Edward's situation required an offensive war, it was the policy of the Scots to stand on the defensive. This is a simple rule, but which has been frequently transgressed through pride, temerity, or impatience. f Called also Kynnef by Fo7-dim, L. xiii. c. 38. j With gates and towers of hewn stone, which Edward com- manded to be built at the charges of the monasteries of St An- drews, Dunfermline, Lindores^ Balmerinoch, Aberbrothock, and Cupar in Angus. There were three towers and three great gates, fportae majores). There was, it seems, a tower over each gate. Fordun says, that the monasteries were in a man- ner ruined by this expense. He adds, that John de Gowry, prior of St Andrews, paid 280 merks to the workmen for build- ing one of the towers, L. xiii. c. 38. This chain of fortified places, from Dunoter to Stirling, appears weak ; the castles, so » Scala Chron. ap. Leland, i. 555, Fordun, xiii, 37. Herajngford, ii. 279. ^ Fordun, xiii. 59. 234< DAVID II. A. D. 1336. of troops at Perth with his brother John^ surnamed of Elthani, Earl of Cornwall, he departed into England. The Earl of Cornwall died soon after,* (at Perth, about the end of October).^ Scarcely had Edward departed, when Sir Andrew Moray came forth from his fastnesses, and besieged the castle of Stirling,! (October 1336), Edward far distant from each other, could not afford mutual support ; and therefore it may be conjectured, that there were interme- diate castles formerly erected, which served to complete and strengthen the chain, such as Inverbervie, Brechin, and Forfar. In this line of fortifications, three miles to the west of Glamis in Angus, there are the vestiges of a castle, of which the name is forgotten ; but, in its neighbourhood, there is a hamlet called Jngliston ; this seems to point out the origin of the castle. * " Sine bello ;" Anonym, Edward III. p. ^lO. " of fayr death ;" Scala Chron. ap. Leland, vol. i. p. 556. But Fordun, L. xiii. c. 38. gives a different account of his death ; he says, that the Earl of^ Cornwall had burnt the priory and church of Lesmahago in Clydesdale, together with many unhappy persons who had fled thither as to a sanctuary ; that Edward III. meet- ing with his brother before the great altar at Perth, reproached hira for his cruel and sacrilegious deed ; and, on his making a haughty reply, stabbed him to the heart. Fordun relates this strange tale rather in the way of applause than blame. Ed- ward III. was at Nottingham 29th September 1336; Foedera, T. iv. p. 709. and 3d October, ibid. p. 710. ; at Bishop Aukland, 5th and 18th October, ibid. p. 712. 714. ; and at Newcastle upon Tyne, 28th October and 3d November, ibid. p. 715. The Earl of Cornwall was born in 1316, so that he was twenty at hig death ; Dugdale, Baronage, vol.ii. p. 109. f According to Fordun., L. xiii. c. 41. the siege of the castle of Stirling happened in summer 1337. He admits, however, that accounts vary as to the year : that event is placed in Octo- ber 1336, because there is evidence from Foedera, that Edward was not in Scotland during the summer 1337 ; and because it is certain from Foedera, T. iv. p. 716. that he returned to Scot- land about the beginning of November 1 336, and actually came to Stirling. As he had left Scotland in September, it must have been something unexpected and important which induced him to make so sudden a journey thither in the winter season ; 3 Hexaiugford, ii. 279. Murimuth, 88, A. D. 1336. DAVID ir. 2S5 made haste to relieve that important post. He was young and brave, and his motions were rapid. Sir Andrew Moray earnestly pressed on the siege ; but Sir William Keith, the favourite of the army, hav- ing been slain,* the Scots abandoned their enter-i prise. Edward returned into England,! and Sir Andrew Moray again took the field, made himself master of the castles of Dunoter, Lawrieston, and Kincle- vin, and, during the winter, harassed the territories of Kincardine and Angus.'^ While the Lord Berkeley was leading a convoy of provisions from Edinburgh to the castle of Both- well, the Knight of Liddesdale, lying in wait at Blackburn, assaulted him, but was utterly discom- fited, and escaped, almost alone, through the favour of the night. ^ The Scottish royalists were not inattentive to' the means of annoying the enemj, even on his own coasts.^ At Genoa, they hired some gallies to act against the English ; but the Genoese regency and unless we suppose it to have been the siege of the castle of Stirling, it will be difficult to account for it. * This Sir William Keith is said, but without evidence, to have been the younger son of Sir Robert Keith the Marishal. He was killed by his own lance, says Fordun, L. xiii. c. 41. " propria lancea interfectus, non minus infeliciter, quam mira- biliter." f Edward was at Stirling in the beginning of November 1336; Foedera, T. iv. p. 716 ; and at Both well -castle 28th No- vember, 3d, 4th, 11th, 12th, 15th, and 16th December ; ibid. p. 716 — 725. The next account which we have of him is from Doncaster, 22d December ; ibid. p. 726. * Fordun, xiii. 39. 5 Scala Chron. ap. Leland, i. 556. Fordun, xiii. 44. ^ Foedera, iv. 709. 236 DAVID ir. A.D. 13S6. seized and burnt them. This was a service which Edward considered as meriting a special letter of thanks. With more prosperous fortune, a naval arma- ment, fitted out in France by the partisans of David Bruce, infested the English coasts, made captures of many ships near the Isle of Wight, and plundered Guernsey and Jersey.' There is no doubt that those hostihties were committed with the connivance, and even with the aid of the French King.* * Tyrrel, vol. iii. p. S93. says, that the fleet was under the command of David Bruce, and Barnes, p. 106. less ambiguously, that the admiral of this yiavy for the French voas David Bruce ; and he quotes Ashmole, History of the Garter, T. ii. p. 677. The single evidence to which Ashmole, Barnes, and Tyrrel ap- peal, is Rot. Scotiae, lOmo Edw. III. m. 3. That instrument is printed in Foedera, T. iv p. 721. and the words from whence it is inferred that David Bruce acted as admiral of the fleet, are these : " Nuper, ut pro certo intclleximus, David de Bruys, et nonnulli alii de Scotia, hostes nostri, et sibi adhaerentes, copiosam navium et galearum multitudinem, in diversis locis supra mare, et etiam in aliis locis et portubus exteris, congregarefocerunt, et mercatores et alios regni nostri per mare transeuntes hostiliter aggredientes, tarn naves ac bona et res ipsorum subditorum nos- trorum quam quasdam alias naves, prope litora Insulae Vectae jacentes anchoratas, mercatoribus et marinariis in dictis navibus existentibus nequiter interfectis, plures ceperunt et secum ab- duxerunt," &c. (dated at Bothwell in Scotland, Uth December 1336). Surely these words do not import that David Bruce commanded the fleet in person ; yet Abercrombie, vol. ii. p. 55. observes, " That King David was now about fourteen years of age, 3'et was thought capable of very great matters : a proof that God Almighty, through his wisdom and goodness, yb?- the most part, forms the very nature of sovereigns for rule and go- vernment, and that he endows them, from their infancy, with those qualifications which are in others the product of aged ex- perience and painful study." The amiable English satyrist has well expressed the sentiment of Abercrombie, where he says, ** that all maids of honour have beauty — by their place." 7 Foedera, iv. 721. A.D.13S7. DAVID II. 237 Sir Andrew Moray, joined by the Earls of March and Fife, and William Douglas, made an inroad into Fife, cast down the tower of Falkland, took the castle of Leuchars, and, after a siege of three weeks, made himself master of the castle of St An- drews, (^8th February). Not having a force to maintain remote garrisons, he destroyed it. The only fortress in that quarter which resisted his arms, was the castle of Cupar, where William Bullock commanded.* The castle of Bothwell was next besieged and taken by the Scots,t (March 1336-7).» 1337. Having thus secured the passage of the Clyde, Sir Andrew Moray invaded Cumberland, and wast- ed the country in the neighbourhood of Carlisle.' On his return, he invested the castle of Edinburgh. The English on the borders hastened to relieve it.t * " Excepto castro de Cupro, validci virtufe Domini Willelnai Bullok defense ;" Fordun, L. xiii. c. 39. This brave man, who checked the career of the successes of the Regent, was an ec- clesiastic, and is therefore called by Barnes " Dr W^illiam Bul- lock." In 1336, Edward paid £.20 to Bullock for repairing the works at Cupar, and presented him with a gratuity of 100 merks ; Foedera, T. iv. p. 694. t Fordun, L. xiii. c. 39. mentions Stephen Wiseman as slaia at this siege on the Scottish side, and Giloin de Villers on the English. He observes, that the Scots owed much of their success to a military engine which he calls boustour. ■^ " The marchers of England hering of the sege of Eden- burge, cam to rescue it ; so that the (Scots) ram thens to Clerk- ington, and the Englischmenne cam to Krethtoun, where, be- twixt them and the Scottes was a great fighte, and many slayne on both parties. Then the Scottes made as they wold go yn to England, and lodged themself at Galuschel, and the Englische 8 Hemingford, ii. 279. Anonym. Edw. III. 410. » Scala Chron, ap. Leland, i. 556. Hemingfprd, iL 280, ?S8 DAVID II. A. D. 1337. William Douglas encountered them at Crichton in Mid-Lotbian. Many were slain on each side j and although the Scots appear to have maintained the field, jet they had no cause to boast of victory, for Douglas their commander was grievously wounded, and Sir Andrew Moray judged it expedient to re- linquish the siege.*' ° The military operations against the Scots began now to languish." Edward, busied in preparing for war with France, could not bestow much at- tention on the affairs of Scotland. Henry de Beau- mont, indeed, who appears to have commanded in the north, occupied himself in revenging the death of Athole, his son-in-law, and slew all Scotsmen whom he suspected to have been present in the action at Kilblain, whenever they fell within his power.'* But this served rather to exasperate the nation, than to reduce it under the dominion of Balliol and the English. Scotland, at this time,'' was visited by a grievous famine, the consequences of the desolations of war. Many persons died of want ; and many, abandon- went over Twede ;" Scala Chron. ap. Leland, v. i. p. B5Q, B57. The motions of the two armies are accurately described in this passage. Had the Scots been worsted, it is not probable that they would have marched to Galashiels after the battle. It seems that the English took the direct road from Crichton to Rokesburgh. * Fordun, L. xiii. c. 41. insinuates, that the Regent was ob- liged to raise the siege through the treacherous practices of some Scotsmen. Douglas was run through the body by a spear : " Per corpus translanceatus ;" Fordim, L. xiii. c. 44. '0 Scala Chron. ap. Leland, i. 557. " Hemingford, ii. 280. " Fordun, xiii. 58. " Fordun, xiii. 39. A. D. 1337. DAVID IL 239 ing their native country, emigrated into otiier lands. While the war raged, the wives and children of many of the Scottish barons had sought an asylum in Flanders."^ On the first appearance of public tranquillity, they embarked, to return, in two ves- sels, under the guidance of John de Lindesay, Bishop of Glasgow. At that time, John de Ros, the English admiral, was escorting home the am- bassadors whom Edward had employed in his con- tinental negociations ;* he encountered the Scot- tish ships, and, after a gallant resistance, took them. The Bishop was mortally wounded, and many per- sons of distinction were slain. What added great- ly to this disaster was, that the King of France had sent warlike stores by these vessels, together with a considerable sum of money, to his allies the Scots,t (August 1337). * There is a passage in Scala Chron. ap. Leland, v. i. p. 557. which deserves to be transcribed, although it relates not to Scottish affairs : " The Erie ot" Sarisberi, that was nere of privy counsel with King Edwarde, toide hym, that his alliaimce tvitk th' Emperour and the Alemayn, was very costely, and to a smaul prqfite to hym." Thus, there is nothing new under the sun ! In FoederUy T. iv. p. 754. and 756. there are to be found contracts for military services and subsidies between Edward III. and the valorous knights, (strenui milites), Henry de Graischaf, and Arnold de Bagheim, and the noble and potent personages (no- biles et potentes viri), Henry de Gemenith, Ernest de Mulenar- ken, and Wimunde de Dunzenchoyen, and many others, whose names are equally uncouth to an English ear. f Walsingham, p. 135- places this event in 1335, and Keiths Catalogue of Scottish Bishops, p. 145. observes, from the Char- tulary of Paisley, that the successor of John de Lindesay was Bishop of Glasgow in 1335. Nevertheless, I have placed this ^* Heming.ii. 280. Knyghton, 2570. Walsing. 135. Foeder», iv. 727, 25 2i0 DAVID II. A.D. 13S7. Edward publicly asserted his claim to the crown of France, (7th October 1:)37).'^ The apparent, and the real causes of the war which ensued be- tween France and England, are foreign to the sub- ject of these Annals. It must, however, be obsei-v- ed, that at this particular juncture it was of mighty importance to the Scots that Edward occupied himself in foreign wars, and, on that account, re- laxed his military operations against his weaker neighbours.* In the present situation of the affairs of England it became necessary that the Scots should be amus- ed with the hopes of an armistice, or a peace ; and accordingly, negociations to that effect were renew- ed, (7th and I5th October 1337).'^ It was pro- posed, and with no injudicious policy, that two treaties should be carried on at the same time, the event in 1337, not only on the authority of Hemingford, T. ii. p. 280. but on that of Foedera, when compared with Walsingham himself. Walsingham says, that the Scottish ships were taken by the Earls of Salisbury and Huntington, when returning from their German embassy ; now, it is certain from Foedera, T. iv. p. 789. that they were in the Low Countries 19th .luly 1337, and that they returned to England in the following month ; ibid. p. 808. If a successor was appointed to John de Lindesay so early as 1335, it must have been owing to this, that the greatest part of his diocese was within the dominion of the English, and that he had revolted to the Scots — Hemingford says, that 250 were made prisoners : Of that number he mentions John Stew- art, David de la Hay, Hugh Giftbrd, John de la More, William Baillie, and Alexander Frisel (or Eraser), " filii nobilium." * Bowmaker, the continuator of Fordun, says, L. xiii. c. 41. " Incepta est guerra inter Reges Franciae et Angliae satis atrox et dira ; feliciter tamen pro Scotia ; nam, si Rex Angliae prae- dictus guerram in Scotiae continuasset, ipsam ex toto, et sine dif- 'S Foedera, iv. 818. '" Foedera, iv. 820. 824. A.D. 1337. DAVID II. 241 one with David Bruce, and the other with the royal- ists in Scotland. Edward also invested the Earls of Arundel and Salisbury with the most ample powers for receiving to pardon and favour all Scots- men who might be wilHng to accept of terms, (15th October 133?). The negociations, however, proved fruitless, and the Earl of Salisbury laid siege to the castle of Dunbar,* (28th January 1337-8).' ' Jicultate, quantum ad humaniim spedat judicmm, ohtinuisset." These expressions, it might be admitted, are too strong ; yet it ought to be remembered, that the principal fortresses of Scot- land were in the hands of the Enghsh ; that they were masters at sea ; that there was a famine in the land ; and, that the Scots were far from being mianimous in defence of their liberties. To heroes of romance, nothing is difficult ; but Sir Andrew Moray and his associates were not heroes of romance ; they were only brave men struggling under mighty disadvantages with a power- ful enemy. And surely, even to such men, so circumstanced, a foreign war, which removed from them the weight of the Eng- lish arms, was a most acceptable event. Yet Mr Goodall ob- serves, not. ad Fordun. " Neque erat quare adeo timeret ne Edwardus III. tunc Scotos potius subjugaret, quam cum antea a multis retroactis annis, et ipse ac pater avusque suus, qui totis viribus in id incubuerint frustra, ut et ipse postea, temporibus Scotis non minus adversis." * Most historians suppose the siege to have been undertaken about the beginning of the year 1337, according to the modern computation. This has involved them in obscurity and contra- dictions, which they themselves perceive not, but which an at- tentive reader must. It is not merely the authority of Heming- ford which fixes that siege about the beginning of the year 1338, according to the modern computation ; for there is another proof of it, which seems conclusive : All historians agree, that William de Montague, Earl of Salisbury, was at that siege : That the siege began about January, and lasted until the begin- ning of June. Now, we learn from Foedera, T. iv. p. 726. that William de Montague was, on the 24th January 1336-7, appoint- ed to command on the coasts of England, from the mouth of the Thames ivestxvard : That, soon afj..er, he was appointed an ani« '7 Hemingford, ii, 281, VOL. ir. Q 242 DAVID II. A. D. 1337-8. 1337-8. Dunbar was the chief post which the Scots pos- sessed on the eastern coast, and it preserved their communication with the continent. Its castle, si- tuated on a rock, ahuost surrounded by the sea, and newly fortified, was strong, as well by art as nature. The Earl of March chanced to be absent when the English laid siege to his castle of Dun- bar. His spouse, the daughter of Randolph, un- dertook to defend it in the absence of her lord. The Countess of March, from her dark complexion vulgarly termed Black Agnes y performed all the bassador in foreign parts, 15th, 18th, and 19th April 1337; Foedera, T. iv. p. 744', 1^5. 74<7. It appears that he had gone abroad 29th April, ibid. p. 749. and that he continued in the Low Countries, and in the neighbourhood, during the months of May and June, ibid. p. 789. ; and he appears to have returned in August 1337, ibid. p. 808. Thus we see, that if the siege of Dunbar had been carried on in 1337, the Earl of Salisbury could not have commanded at it. There is a circumstance men- tioned by Fordun, L. xiii. c. 41. which, M^hen compared with a passage in Foedera, will tend greatly to support what has been already observed : He says, speaking of the siege of Dunbar, " Habebat eo tempore Comes duas permaximas galeas de Janua. — ad observandum ne quid eis ad subsidium per mare adventa- ret." Now, it appears from Foedera, T. iv. p. 835. that on the 3d of January 1337-8, Edward granted a commission to John Doria and Nicolas Bianco, (called de Flisho or Fiesca, T. v. p. 83). to sail with two gallies, as they are called, to the coasts of Scotland, " ad perscrutandum mare." That they were Ge- noese vessels, is plain from the names of their commanders, Doria and Fiesca. The business in which they were employed, and the date of their commission, precisely coincide with the hypothesis, that the siege of Dunbar was undertaken in January 1337-8. Fordun, L. xiii. c. 40. says that the siege began " on the 13th January:" Knyghton, p. 2570. " after Epiphany," which is a few days later: IValsingkam, p. 136. " on the 28th of January." It is probable, that Walsingham speaks of the time when the warlike operations began, and the other histo- rians of the time when the English first appeared before tha castle. A. D. 1337-8. DAVID II. 243 duties of a vigilant commander ; animated the gar- rison by her exhortations and munificence, and braved every danger with the intrepidity of a Ran- dolph. When the warlike engines of the besiegers hurled stones against the battlements, she, as in scorn, ordered one of her female attendants to wipe off the dust with a handkerchief; and, when the Earl of Salisbury* commanded that enormous fabric called the Sowf to be advanced to the foot of the walls, she scoffingly cried out, " Beware^ Montague, thy sow is about to farrow ;'* and then ordered a huge rock to be let fall upon it, which crushed it to pieces. Such little circumstances may seem be- neath the dignity of historical narrative, yet they are characteristical of those times, exhibiting a picture of bold unpolished manners. A certain man, who had the charge of one of the gates, agreed with the English to leave it open.'* Salisbury resolved to lead the party which by this treason was to surprise the castle. He found the gate open ; but while he was entering in, John Copland, one of his attendants, hastily pressed on before him ; the portcullis was let down, and Cop- land, mistaken for his Lord, remained a prisoner. * Richard Earl of Arundel commanded the English forces in Scotland ; but it appears, that the conduct of the siege had been committed to the Earl of Salisbury. f There is an attempt to describe the nature of this engine, in the account of the siege of Berwick, vol. ii. p. 111. That ob- vious witticism o^ the soik s farroxDing, was employed by the Scots on the former occasion, according to Barbour. As, however, the same observation is ascribed to the Countess of March, it is repeated here. *2 Fordun, xiii.4I, 24* DAVID II. A. D. 1338. The person with whom Salisbury held correspon- dence had disclosed the whole machination to the Scots. 1338. The English, thus unsuccessful in their attacks, turned the siege into a blockade, closely environed the castle by sea and land, and strove to famish the garrison.'^ Alexander Ramsay heard of the extremities to which Dunbar was reduced. He embarked with forty resolute men, eluded the vigi- lance of the English, and, amidst the silence of a dark night, entered the castle by a postern next the sea. He sallied out, and attacked and dispersed the advanced guards. The English commanders, disheartened by so many unfortunate events, at length withdrew their forces, after having remain- ed before Dunbar during nineteen weeks, (about 10th June).*° They even consented to a cessation of arms,* and, departing into the south, intrusted the care of the borders to Robert Manners,! Wil- liam Heron, and other Northumbrian barons. The failure of the enterprise against Dunbar was, in all its circumstances, held exceedingly disgraceful to England, t * " Acceptis sub certis conditionibus treugis;" IV. Heming- ford, T. ii. p. 281. The Earl of Arundel had a commigsion from Edward III. to make truces, and even to conclude peace with the Scots, (25th April 1338) ; Foedera, T. v, p. 30. ■\ Probably Robert Manners of Etale in Northumberland, ancestor of the Duke of Rutland ; Dugdale, Baronage, vol. ii. p. 109. J " Post longam moram in obsidione ibidem factam relicta obsidione recesserunt abinde, in eorum opprobrium non modicum," says Knyghton, p. 2570. " Quae quidem obsidionis dimissio et fa Fordun, xiii. 41, ^J Knyghton, 2570. Scala Chron, ap. Leland, i, 557. A. D. 1338. DAVID II. 24^5 Although the English remained masters of Edin- burgh, the adjacent territory was infested by bands of the Scots.*' Alexander Ramsay concealed him- self in the caves of Hawthornden with a company of resolute young men,* and issuing out from thence as occasion presented itself, he pillaged the neigh- bourhood, and even extended his inroads to the English borders. Returning out of Northumber- land with much booty, he was encountered by Ro- bert Manners at Prestfen, near Werk castle. By a feigned flight he led the English into an ambush, attacked, and totally defeated them. Robert Man- ners was made prisoner, and William Heron wound- ed. So complete was the victory, that hardly any Englishmen escaped. "** While Alexander Ramsay thus distinguished himself, the Knight of Liddesdale, by his valour and perseverance, expelled the English from Ti- viotdale.t treuga majoribus Angliae et multis ibidem congregatis displl- cxxit ; ftiernt enim, id ferebatur, ipsa dispendiosa, nee honorifica, nee secura, sed Scotis utills cttque ^rata," says IVahingham, p. 136. In Scala Chron. ap. Leland, vol. i. p. 557. there is a very awk- ward apology for the English commanders. " The lords being at a point of rendering the castel of Dunbar, hering that they that letted the King's passage into Framice for prosecuting his title thereof, should be counted as traditors, disloggit them- self thence with treuves, lest they should have been countit as letters of the Kingges passage." All this adds to the renown of Black Agnes. * Fordiin mentions the names of some of them, viz. Halibur- ton, Heryng, Heries, Dunbar, and Dishington. He adds, that " to be of Alexander Ramsay's band," was considered as a branch of military education, requisite for all young gentlemen who meant to excel in arms. f " Hoc in tempore, D. Willelmus de Douglas, per incredi- biles conflictus et labores Tevidaliam ad pacem Regis, expulsis 2' Fordun, xiii. 48. ** Scala Chron. ap Leland, i. 557. Fordun, xiii. 48. 246 DAVID II. A. D. 1338. About this time, Sir Andrew Moray, Regent of Scotland, died."*^ When very young, he was join- ed in command with Wallace ; and, during a course of forty years, in an age of heroes and patriots, had been eminent for intrepidity and public spirit.* Robert, the Stewart of Scotland, succeeded him in the office of Regent. The new Regent began his administration by preparing for the siege of Perth.*'* That town had been the head-quarters of the English for many years : As Balliol had chosen it for the place of his usual residence, it might be termed the seat of government, and it was a post of exceeding impor- tance. There were mighty obstacles to be over- come before the Scots could have any hopes of winning a fortress, which, according to the skill of those times, had every defence of art, and which, by reason of its vicinity to the sea, maintained a constant intercourse with England. The Regent despatched the Knight of Liddes- dale into France, to represent the state of affairs, and to implore the aid of the French King."* Edward had intelligence of the preparations made by the Scots, and he provided for the securi- ty of the fortresses which lay most exposed to their Anglicis, reduxit." Fordun, L. xiii. c. -ii. relates several other gallant actions performed by liim. * Fordun, L. xiii. c. 43. blames him for the cruel manner in which he waged war, by desolating the country, and reducing the inhabitants to the extremities of famine. But this is to be ascribed rather to the savage manners of those times, than to the natural disposition of Sir Andrew Moray ; for the historian himself admits, that " he was a just and beneficent person." *J Fordun, xiii. 4J. *+ Fordun, xiii. 45. A. D. 1339. . DAVID II, 247 assaults.* Having already experienced the fidelity of William Bullock, he continued him in the go- vernment of the castle of Cupar. But he appears to have entertained suspicions of the persons whom Balliol might intrust with the defence of Perth, and, therefore, he required him to commit the custody of that place to Thomas Ughtred,t a com- mander in whom the English had entire confidence, (4th August 1338). Balliol obeyed the commands of Edward, left Perth, and fixed his residence in England. t 1339. The Stewart appeared before Perth with his army. He had under him William Earl of Ross, Patrick Earl of March, Maurice Moray Lord of Clydesdale, * It appears from Foedera, T. v. p. 68. that there had been a scandalous neglect in supplying the English garrisons with pro- visions ; and that many men who adhered to the English inte- rest had, in quest of subsistence, abandoned the fortresses where they were stationed. Edward ordered ample supplies to be sent both to Perth and Cupar, (30tli July). The particulars are as follows : PERTH. CUPAR. 600 Quarters of wheat, 100 Quarters of wheat, 700 Quarters of barley, 120 Quarters of barley, 300 Quarters of oats, 200 Quarters of oats, 30 Tons (dolia) of wine. 6 Tons (dolia) of wine. From the minutes of the 13th parHament of Edward III. it is plain, that, by dolia, tons are understood. f Balliol, in the first year of his government, bestowed on Thomas Ughtred the barony of Bonkill, and all the other estates of Sir John Stewart, (at Rokesburgh, 20th October) ; Foedera, T. V. p. 170. This grant was confirmed by Edward III. 8th April 134?0, ibid. \ This may be inferred from different circumstances in FoC' dera. See T. v. p. 109. and p. 131. 2*8 DAVID II. A.D. 1339. William Keith,* and many other barons. Alan Boyd, and John Stirling, t commanded the archers. At this juncture, the Knight of Liddesdale re- turned from his embassy in France/^ He brought with him five ships of force, commanded by a Frenchman, whom our writers term Hugh Haut- pyle, and many knights and soldiers completely armed. Among them there were Arnold d'Ande- neham,t afterwards a Marshal of France, and the Lord of Garencieres. Hitherto the Scots had endeavoured to maintain the contest with England by force alone ; but the Stewart sagaciously employed policy as well as force. ''^ William Bullock, promoted by Balliol to high honours, held the castJe of Cupar. It had baffled the arms of the late Regent, and was thought to be a post of great consequence. The Stewart sounded this man. He discovered him to be selfish and avaricious ; and, satiating his predominant passion by an ample grant of lands, won him over from his duty. Bullock abandoned and betrayed his benefactor, yielded up the fortress * Fordun, L. xiii. c. 45. calls him William Keith of Galston : he must not be confomided with that William Keith who distin- guished himself at Berwick, and was accidentally slain at the siege of Stirling. f Fordun, ibid, terms them valentes armigeri. j Froissart, vol. i. c. 34. calls him d' Andregien ; but I fol- low more correct authors. Fordun, L. xiii. c. 45. makes men- tion of two esquires among the French, whom he ievms famo- siores, viz. Giles de la Huse and John de Braisi. He has omit- ted the other names, which arc here restored from Froissart. -S Ilenaut, 215. *" Fordun, xiii. 45. A. D. 1339. DAVID II. 249 committed to his charge, and, with his numerous adherents, swore fealty to David. Men in all ages have rewarded treason ; but in that age men were wont to put confidence in trai- tors. Bullock was received into as great trust with the Scots as he had ever enjoyed under Balliol ; and he seems to have acted with zeal and fidelity in support of that cause which he had so dishonour- ably espoused. The Stewart, assisted by the counsels of Bullock, laid siege to Perth." ^ Ughtred, the governor, made a gallant resistance. Alan Boyd, and John Stir- ling, who commanded the Scottish archers, were slain, and the Knight of Liddesdale was dangerous- ly wounded. The Earl of Ross, by the artifice of a mine, diverted the water from the fosse. The Scots prepared to storm Perth ; Ughtred capitu- lated, and was conducted with his garrison into England, (lyth August).* The Stewart conferred honourable rewards on his French auxiliaries, and dismissed them.''^ His next enterprise was against the castle of Stirling, which was feebly defended.'^ Thomas * The conduct of Thomas Ughtred became the subject of an inquiry in parliament. His justification of himself had so fair a shew, that the Regent, in absence of the King, ordered hira to be restored to his good name, (pristinae restitui faniae suae), until the King should return to England, and appoint a more exact inquiry; Foedera, T. v. p. 131. (29th October 1339). Ughtred was employed in an office of trust, 18th February 1339-40; Foedera, T. v. p. 167.; and, by a grant which Ed- ward III. made to him, 8th April 1340, Foedera, T. v. p. 177. it appears that he was restored to favour. -7 Fordun, xiii. 45. ^^ Fordun, xiii. 46. -» Fordiin, xiii. 46. 250 DAVID II. A. D. 1339. Rokesby, the governor, despairing of succours from Edward, accepted conditions similar to those which had been granted to the governor of Perth.* The Stewart having thus dislodged the enemy from every post to the north of the Frith of Edin- burgh, undertook a progress through Scotland, ad- ministered justice, redressed grievances, and esta- blished good order. Meanwhile Edward occupied himself in asserting by force of arms hi» title to the French crown. ^° He entered the territories of France, (26th Sep- tember), and was opposed by Philip, his adversary, in person. The armies of the two nations remain- ed for some days in sight of each other, and then, as of mutual consent, withdrew, (at Vironfosse, in the Cambresis, about the end of October). " Such was the fruitless, and almost ridiculous conclusion of all Edward's mighty preparations ; and, as his measures were the most prudent that could be embraced in his situation, he might learn from experience, in what a hapless enterprise he was engaged.'*^' It is reported by Froissart,^* that David King of Scots was in the French army. 1340. Edward unsuccessfully besieged Tournay. A truce was concluded between France and England, (25th September), to endure until 24th June 1341. * Froissart, T. i. c. 74. says, that the Scots employed can- non at this siege, " par engins et canons." -^° Foedera, v. 1 24. Knyghton, 2575. 3i Hume, Hist, of England, ii. 1 75. ^* Froissart, i. 57. A. D. 1341. DAVID II. 251 The Scots were to be comprehended in this truce. If they did not accede, Philip and his alhes be- came bound to withhold succours from them.^' While Edward remained before Tournay, the Scots, under the command of the Earls of March and Sutherland, made an inroad into England. They were encountered and repulsed by Thomas de Gray.^'^ 1341. The fortresses of Edinburgh, Rokesburgh, Ber- wick, Jedburgh, and Lochmaben, with several less considerable castles in the south, still remained un- der the power of the English. ^^ The castle of Edinburgh was surprised by a de- vice of William Bullock. ^'^ According to his ap- pointment, one Walter Curry of Dundee privately received into his ship the Knight of Liddesdale, with William Eraser, Joachim of Kinbuck, and two hundred resolute men. Curry cast anchor in Leith road ; he pretended to be an English ship-master, having a cargo of wine and provisions, and agreed to furnish the commander of the castle* with what- * From the minutes of the 13th parhament of Edward III. it appears that Thomas Rokesby was governor of both the castles of Stirling and Edinburgh. Wliether he continued to command at Edinburgh, after having yielded up Stirling, is uncertain. Froissart, T. i. c. 56. says that Richard Limosin, an English- man, was governor of the castle of Edinburgh. Froissart, ibid. gives a long narrative of the surprise of that castle ; in the chief circumstances it agrees with the account in Fordun. The Knight of Liddesdale appointed his bastard brother to the com- mand of the castle of Edinburgh. He is called William Dou- 23 Knyghton, 2578. Foedera, v. 208. 3* Scala Chron. ap. Leiand, i. 558. Knyghton, 2577. 3j Fordun, xiii. 46. -J" Fordun, xiii. 47. 259 DAVID II. A. D. 1341. ever was requisite for his garrison. He brought his barrels and hampers to the entry of the castle, suddenly threw them down, obstructed the closing of the gate, and slew the sentinels. At a signal given, the Knight of Liddesdale, and his compa- nions, who lurked in the neighbourhood, appeared, and overpowered and expelled the garrison, (lyth April). David II. with his consort Johanna, landed from France, (at Inverbervie in Kincardineshire, 4th May 1341).^ #37 glas senior, by Fordun, L. xiii. c. 47. This circumstance ought to be remembered ; for, as will be hereafter seen, it serves as a guide to the proper interpretation of several passages in our na- tional history. * It has become a received opinion, that David Bruce did not arrive from France until 1342. The words of Fordun cer- tainly import that he arrived in 1341, and I see no reason why his authority should be disregarded, merely to make way for the reports of foreign or more recent historians. Knyghton, p. 2581. places this event in 1342 ; but there is a manifest confusion in the dates of that part of Knyghton's work : thus, for example, he mentions the return of David to have happened in 1342, and vet he says, p. 2580. that David invaded Northumberland in 1340. There is a passage in Scala C/won. ap. Leland, T. i. p. 559. which confirms the narrative of Fordun : " This season, David Balliol, (plainly a mistake of the transcriber for Bruce), cam out of France, and yn the winter (ifter, about Candlemas, made a road into the Englisch marches, and brent much corne and houses ; and yn somer after, he made a rode ynto Northum- berland into Tyne." Both these inroads are mentioned by For- dun as having happened in 1342. If the two inroads were made, the one about Candlemas, and the other in the summer after tlie arrival of David II. as Scala Chron. circumstantially relates, it follows, that David arrived from France in 1341 ; for it is plain from history, that there were no military operations on the fron- tiers of England in summer 1343, and thus the series of events is perspicuous. David arrived from France in May 1341. About February 1341-2, he accompanied the Earl of Moray, or 37 Fordun, xiii. 49. A. D. 1341. DAVID II. 253 Alexander Ramsay of Dalwolsy took the strong fortress of Rokesburgh by escalade,* (.30th March 1342). The King, as a reward for this important service, injudiciously bestowed on Ramsay the charge of sheriff of Teviotdale, which William Douglas, the Knight ofLiddesdale^ then held. From that moment Douglas, once the friend and com- panion in arms of Ramsay, became his implacable enemy. According to the duty of his office, Ramsay held courts in the church of Hawick, expecting the wonted attendance of the crown's vassals.^^ Dou- glas came with an armed retinue, and was cour- teously welcomed by the noble-minded and unsus- picious Ramsay. Equally regardless of the reve- rence due to magistracy, and of the sanctity of the place, Douglas dragged him from the judgment- seat, and conveyed his prey, bleeding, and loaded with chains, to the castle of Hermitage, (Friday, 20th June) ; and there he immured Ramsay in a remote apartment. It is related, that above the place of his confinement there lay a heap of corn, and that, with some grains which dropt down some other commander of the Scottish army, in his invasion of the western marches ; on the 30th or 31st March IS^S, Alex- ander Ramsay surprised the castle of Rokesburgh ; this at once facilitated the invasion of Northumberland in summer 1342, and secured a retreat. * Fordun, L. xlli. c. 49. says, that the enterprise was sug- gested by one Hodo Ednam. Fordun places this event on Easter-eve, (30th March 1342). But Scala Chron. ap. Leland, T. i. p. 558-9. on the morning of Easter-day, (31st March), " at the very hour of the resurrection :" It is added, " but all they that were capitaynes of this covyne dyed after an ill death." 38 Fordun, xiii, 50. fS4. DAVID II. A. D. 1341. through the crevices in the floor, Ramsay support- ed a miserable Hfe for seventeen days. Thus pe- rished one of the bravest, and worthiest, and most fortunate leaders of the Scottish nation, to the everlasting infamy of him who perpetrated the murder, and to the disgrace of that feeble govern- ment which durst not avenge it. About the same time ensued the fall of William Bullock. That able and sagacious person, after having betrayed and abandoned the cause of Bal- liol, acquired great honours under the King of Scots, and became his favourite and chief coun- sellor. Having been invidiously accused of trea- sonable practices, he was thrust into the castle of Lochindorp, with the meanest criminals, and there expired through extremity of cold and hunger.* A Scottish historian, who records the fate of those two eminent persons, Ramsay and Bullock, adds this singular observation ; "It is an ancient saying, that neither the wealthy, nor the valiant, nor even the wise, can long flourish in Scotland, for envy obtaineth the mastery over them all."t Bullock, it is probable, fell unpitied by his con- temporaries, and was speedily forgotten ; but a * " Invidia procerum et aliorum multorum apud Regem de infidelitate delatus, de maudato ejus per David Barclay capitur, et cum Molmaran et aliis iniquis deputatus in Lochindorp, cus- todiae mancipatur, et fame et frigore ad niodum dicti Alexandri de Ramsay defecit Post quorum mortem tristia felicibus in regno succreverunt ;" Fordun, L. xiii. c. 50. It is plain from this passage, that Fordun viewed Bullock in the light of an in- nocent and oppressed man. f *' Antiquitus proverbialiter dici solet de Scotis, quod neque dives, neque fortis, sed nee sapiens Scotus, praedominante in- vidia, diu durabit in terra j" Fordun, L. xiii. c. 50. A. D. 1341. DAVID II. 255 grateful nation remembered the virtues and merito- rious services of Ramsay, and cried aloud for ven- geance. The young King sought to execute justice on the offender, but could not. At length, through the intercession of the Stewart, he received Dou- glas into favour, appointed him keeper of Rokes- burgh castle, which Ramsay had won from the English, and restored him to the office of sheriff of Teviotdale. Thus increasing his honours and in- fluence, the King of Scots put Douglas in posses- sion of the middle marches. And thus was the first Douglas who set himself above the law, pardoned through the generous in- tercession of the Stewart. During this year, England was infested by fre- quent inroads of the Scots.^^ The Earl of Moray,* entering on the side of the western marches, wast- ed the country, and burnt Penrith, (Feb. 1341-2). David served as a volunteer under him. In sum- mer, David erected the royal standard, liberally distributed the honours of knighthood, and led his numerous forces into Northumberland. But from such mighty preparations nothing memorable en- sued. Several of the new knights fell into an am- * He had been exchanged for the Earl of Sah'sbury, made prisoner by the French in the neighbourhood of Lisle ; Fordun, L. xiii. c. 48. Scala Chron. ap. Leland, T. i. p. 558. The French would not release Salisbury unless he made oath never to bear arms in France ; and Edward III. consented to this ex- traordinary condition, (20th May 1342); Foedera, T.v. p. 313. 39 Scala Chron. ap. Leland, i. 559, 23 256 DAVID II. A.D. 134.1. bush whicb Robert Ogle had laid for them,* and David ingloriously retreated. A third invasion was undertaken ; but Balliol, lieutenant to the north of Trent,! obliged the Scots to desist from their en- terprise. The Scots besieged the castle of Lochmaben in Annandale, where Walter Selby commanded.'^° Henry de Lancaster Earl of Derby, with many other great Lords, and a numerous army, went to succour Lochmaben ; but before their arrival, Selby, aided by John Kirkeby, Bishop of Carlisle, and * Fordiin, L. xiii. c. 49. has recorded their names, viz. Stewart, Eglinton, Boyd, Craigie, and Fullarton. As lour of the five appear to have been from the shire of Ayr, and as the fifth, Stewart, might have been from that neighbourhood, there is reason to believe, that the number of knights created at that time was exceedingly great. -j- All persons who, on account of felony, had taken refuge in sanctuaries, were pardoned by royal proclamation, under condition of serving, at their own charges, in the army of Balliol, (5th July 1342) ; Foedera, T. v. p. 328. They are de- nominated Grithmen, i. e. Girthmen. Froissart, T. i. c. 75. gives a very circumstantiated account of this campaign. Ac- cording to him, David assaulted Newcastle, took and plundered Durham, laid siege to Werk castle, and raised the siege : but all this seems to be fabulous, and to have been invented by some person who meant to impose on the inquisitive credulity of Froissart. It cannot be reconciled with known historical dates, v, ith the characters and condition of the persons therein mentioned, or with the general tenor of authenticated events. Had David violated the patrimony of St Cuthbert in the savage manner related by Froissart, the English histories would have teemed with declamations on an enormity, more heinous, in the opinion of those days, than any crime prohibited by the deca- logue. Besides, the sacking of Durham, related by Froissart, was an event too singular and momentous to be altogether omitted ; and yet the English historians make no mention of it, neither does Fordun, whose simple narrative I have chosen to follow. 4° Walsingham, 160. A.D. 1343. DAVID II. 257 Thomas de Lucy, had constrained the Scots to re- tire. Edward III. issued a proclamation, bearing, that, for himself and his allies, he had consented to a truce with Philip of France and his allies, to en- dure until Michaelmas in the year 1346, (20th February 1342-3).'^' At what time it was that the King of Scots formally acceded to this truce is not known.* It appears, however, that, on all sides, the military operations were suspended.t 1343. Edward employed this season of tranquillity in seducing William Douglas, the Knight of Liddes- dale, from the duty which he owed to his King and his benefactor.'^* We have seen that Douglas, instead of being punished for the murder of Alexan- der Ramsay, had obtained additional honours and * The French King had written to David II. desiring him to accede to the truce; but had received no answer, (19th May 1343) ; Foedera, T. v. p. 365. That David afterwards acceded to the truce, is evident from commissions relating to that subject, which Edward III. issued,20th May, ISth August, and 1st December 1343 ; Foedera, T. v. p. 367. 379. 396. f Froissarty T. i. c. 90. says, that Edward led an army to Berwick, celebrated Easter there, and remained in that part of the country for three weeks. Edward did not arrive in Lon- don, from an expedition into Britany, till the 4th of March 1342-3; Foedera, T. v. p. 357. ; he appears to have been there on the 14th, 17th, and 20th March ; ibid. p. 350—360. In 1343, Easter-day fell on the 13th April. Edward appears to have been at London on the 18th April 1343 ; ibid. p. 361. and on the 1st and 12th May ; ibid. p. 362—364. If, then, Edward went to Berwick, it must have been before Easter, and he must have returned with exceeding expedition immediately after Easter. 41 Foedera, v. 557. ** Foedera, v. 579. VOL. II. R 258 DAVID IL a.d. 1343. authority. He now entered into a treasonable ne- gotiation with England, either because he dreaded the vengeance of the partisans of Ramsay, and looked for a more powerful protector than his own sovereign, or because, after having committed an enormous crime, he had become lost to every sen- timent of virtue. Henry de Percy, Maurice de Berkeley, and Thomas de Lucy, were appointed commissioners by Edward III. " with full powers," as the record bears, *' to treat of, and conclude a treaty with William Douglas, to receive him into our faith, peace, and amity, and to secure him in a reward," (18th August).^^ Whether the commissioners concluded any treaty with Douglas at that time is uncertain : But the very proposal for a treaty shews that his reputation was tainted.* 1344, The Scots, becoming weary of the truce, made inroads on the marches.! Balliol, with the forces of the north of England, was appointed to oppose them, (25th August).** * Mr Ruddiman, not. ad Buchanan, p. 430. imagines that David II. had received intelligence of this treason, and that, to secure the fidelity of Douglas, he then appointed him to the offices of governor of Rokesburgh and sheriff of Teviotdale. There appears not any avithority for this fanciful hypothesis. f Walsingham, p. 165. mentions a skirmish in which a Scottish commander, whom he calls Alexander Strachan, was defeated and slain, by the Bishop of Carlisle and Robert Ogle ; and this, with great pomp of words, he has magnified into a battle. 4o Foedera, v. 379. "** Foedera, v. 424. A. D. 1346. DAVID II. 259 1345. Edward III. declared that Philip of France had violated the truce ; and he ordered hostilities to be recommenced, (24th April). "^^ He particularly charged Philip with having aid- ed the Scots, contrary to the conditions of the truce, (15th March 1 345-6). ^^ 1346. While the English King was occupied in foreign wars, David, at the instigation of France, resolved to invade England."*^' He appointed his army to assemble at Perth ; with the other Scottish barons, William Earl of Ross, and Raynald of the Isles,* appeared at the rendezvous ; the Earl of Ross as- sassinated Raynald in the monastery of Elcho, abandoned the King's host, and led back his fol- lowers to their mountains. This seemed an omen of impending national calamities. David stormed the castle of Lidel, and beheaded Walter Selby the governor. "^^ Selby, according to the usage of those loose times, seems to have been both a robber and a warrior, alternately plunder- ing and defending his country.t * The parentage of this Raynald continues, if I mistake not, to be matter of very serious controversy among the different septs oi the McDonalds. -j- He vras one of the band of robbers so famous in EngHsh story, who, under their leader, Gilbert Middleton, robbed two Cardinals and the Bishop of Durham. He afterwards held out the castles of Mitford and Horton against his sovereign ; Scala 4S Foedera, v. 448. 452. et pass. 4° Foedera, v. 446, 47 Fordun, xiv. 1. Walsingham, 167. ♦^ Fordun, xiv. 1. Scala Chron, ap. Leland, i. 561. 260 DAVID II. A. D. 1346. After the Scots had advanced thus far, the Knight of Liddesdale counselled the King to aban- don his enterprise against England, and to dismiss his army. *' What," cried the Scottish barons, ** must we fight merely for i/our gain ? You have profited by the spoils of England, and do you now envy us our share ?* Never had we such an oppor- tunity of taking vengeance on our enemies. Ed- ward and his chief commanders are absent, and we have none to oppose our progress except ecclesias- tics and base artisans." The counsels of Douglas were slighted, and David proceeded on his enterprise.*' At Hexham he numbered his forces, consisting of two thousand men at arms, completely accoutred, and of a very great multitude of light armed infantry. David crossed the river Tyne at Ryton, above Newcastle, and urged his way into the bishoprick of Durham, cruelly wasting the countiy, and not even sparing the hallowed patrimony of St Cuthbert. He pitch- Chron. ap. Leland, T. i. p. 561. Yet PacJcinton, ap. Leland, T. i. p. 470. says, " David King of Scottes caused the noble Tcnight Walter Selby capitayne of the Pyle of Lydelle, to be slayne afore his owne face, not suffering hym so much as to be confessid." * *' Tu satis abundas de bonis Anglorum, nee velles in lacro socios habere, sed in bello ;" Fordim, L. xiv. c. 1. The ex- pression is highly characteristical, but the full force of it could not be conveyed in the narrative ; the castle of Lidel was con- nected with the territory of W. Douglas, and it served as a frontier garrison to his castle of Hermitage. The meaning of the barons was this : *' By our valour in storming the castle of Lidel, you have rounded, as it were, and secured your own territories, and now your ambition is satisfied." *" Fordun, xiv. 2. A.D. 1346. DAVID II. 261 ed his camp at Bearpark,* within view of Durham, (l6th October, at nine in the morning). At this critical juncture Edward III. lay before Calais with the flower of his troops. In his absence the English Regency issued a proclamation of array, and appointed William le Zouche Archbishop of York, Henry de Percy, and Ralph de Nevil, or any one of them, to the com- mand of all the forces of the northern parts of Eng- land,t (20th August).^^ The Archbishop and his colleagues assembled their forces at Bishop- Aukland.^' It is remarked, that their army was chiefly composed of ecclesias- tics ; but, in this there is somewhat of monastic exaggeration, in honour of the clerical order ; for * Called by Fordun, L. xiv. c. ^. Beau repair ; by Walsing- Jiam, Ypod. Neustriae, p. 517. Beurepeir ; and hy Knyghton, p. 2590. Beal repair. The place is well known. f Froissart supposed that Philippa, the consort of Edward III. was their leader ; and in this he has been implicitly follow- ed by the later historians of both nations. A young and comely Princess, the mother of heroes, at the head of an army in the absence of her Lord, is an ornament to history. Yet no Eng- lish writer of considerable antiquity mentions this circumstance, which, if true, they would not have omitted. Balliol also is said to have been next in command to Queen Philippa ; yet the ancient English writers say nothing of it ; and the whole strain of Foedera is inconsistent with the hypothesis of his having had any such command. Barnes, p. 378. says, that the English were " in number 1200 men at arms, 3000 archers, and 7000 footmen, besides a choice band of expert soldiers, newly come from before Calais, the whole amounting to 16,000 complete ;" for this he quotes Giov. Villani, the Fiorentin historian, L. xii. c. 75. Villani's account of the battle of Durham is exceedingly superficial ; and, which is remarkable, he says nothing of what Barnes quotes as from him. See Muratori, Script. Ital. T. xiii. p. 959. S*' Foedera, v. 524. S« A. Murimuth, cont, 100, Walsingham, 167. 262 DAVID II. A. D. 1346. it is certain that the Sheriffs of the northern coun- ties, and many of the most powerful and popular barons of those parts, were at the rendezvous. The English marched towards Sunderland-bridge, with the view, as it seems, of occupying an advan- tageous post, and of checking the further progress of the invaders.'* The Knight of Liddesdale ad- vanced with the men at arms to procure forage and provisions ; he unexpectedly encountered the whole English army on its march, near Ferry of the Hill, He attempted to avoid an engagement ; but he was pursued, attacked, and discomfited.* His na- tural brother William Douglas was made priso- ner ;t 500 of his best men were slain, and he him- self, with the remains of his party, hardly escaping, carried the alarm and panic into the camp of the Scots. * " Rex — de approximatione Anglorum nihil conscius, misit de mane Dominum Willelmum de Douglas ad depopulandam terram ecclesiasticam de Durham, et ad praedas exercitui suo reficiendo corrogandas. Qui inscius in hostes irruens, obviave- runt sibi, tarn subito quam mutud, ad locum qui vulgaliter dici- tur le Ferry of the Hill. Sed quia non suppetiit dicto Domino Willelmo de Douglas copia congrediendi cum tanta multitudine adversariorum, ad regem cum suis fugam iniit, in qua quingen- tos de Scotis viris validioribus amisit in loco qui Sunderlandis nuncupatur : Sed et ipse Douglas manus eorum feliciter evasit. Quod audientes Scoti mirabiliter consternati," &c. ; Fordun, L. xiv. c. 3. This passage in Fordun sufficiently authenticates every circumstance in my narrative. Fordun sa)'S, that Dou- glas met the enemy at Ferry of the Hill., but that the carnage ensued at Sunderland. This shews that Douglas, in his attempt to retreat, had been overtaken by the enemy. f Kyiyghton, p. 2590. supposes that Douglas himself was made prisoner. " Dominus Willelmus Douglas cum suis prae- 5* Fordun, xiv. 2, .). A. D. 1346. DAVID II. 263 On this sudden intelligence of the approach of the enemy, the Scots hastily prepared for battle. Their right wing, or van, was commanded by the Earl of Moray and the Knight of Liddesdale, the centre by the King in person, and the left by the Stewart and the Earl of March. The ground on which the army formed, was intersected by ditches and enclosures.* The Enghsh advanced to NeviVs cross. In their front, a crucifix was borne, amidst the displayed banners of the nobility.'^ Graham,t a Scottish officer, offered to attack the English archers in flank, if an hundred men at arms were put under his command ; " but to con- fess the truth," says Fordun, *' he could not pro- cure a single man on that service,t either because cesserat exercitum Scotiae, et Angli inopinati supervenerunt super euro, et captus est per unum armigerum Domini le Deyn- courtr But the true fact appears from Foedera, T. v. p. 534. where William Deynecourt is said to have made prisoner Wil- liam Douglas I'eisne {i.e. Faisne, or the elder). We have had occasion to see in Fordun, L. xiii. c. 47. that William Douglas the elder was the bastard brother of the Knight of Liddesdale. * " Inter fossata et sepes ;" Fordun, L. xiv. c. 3. sepes is translated enclosures, not hedges ; because in modern language a hedge is generally understood to imply a quickset ; but in those days fences were made of stakes and small boughs of trees, in wattled work. f Fordun, L. xiv. c. 3. calls him Johyi de Graham : Per- haps he means Sir John de Graliam who assumed the title of Earl of Menteth, as in right of Mary his wife. Among the prisoners, Foedera, T. v. p. 533 — 535. mention is made of David de Graham, ancestor of the Duke of Montrose ; per- haps Fordun or his transcriber has written John for David. J " Petiit Dorainus Johannes de Graham centum equestres lanceatos ad interrumpendum Anglorum sagittarios, at vel sic S3 Fordun, xiv. 2. 264 DAVID 11. A. D. 1346. the attempt was too hazardous, or because the spirit of the men at arms had sunk under their re- cent disaster.'* The Enghsh began the attack on the right wing of the Scots, where the Earl of Moray command- ed.* The Scots, entangled among ditches and enclosures, had not room to act. The Earl of Moray was slain, and the Knight of Liddesdale made prisoner. The Scots, bereaved of their lead- ers, gave way, and were totally routed on that side. The English attacked the centre, where David commanded, not only in front, but also with their archers on the flank, now exposed by the defeat of the right wing. The archers of the enemy without intermission annoyed the Scots ; yet the contest, even on terms so unequal, was ob- stinately maintained for several hours. The chief officers of the crown, and many of the nobility, fell at the side of their sovereign. He, although dangerously wounded,t still encouraged his few surviving companions, and fought like the son of expeditius hostes Rex invaderet. Sed ut verumjatear, nee unum quidem obtinere potuit j" Fordun, L. xiv. c. 3. Some MSS. add, " quod nullus se tanto discrimini ausus est committere." A movement like that proposed by Graham decided the battle of Bannockburn. It was the English archery which proved fatal to our countrymen at Halidon. * This is expressly asserted by Fordun, L. xiv. c. 3. " agmen illud cui Comes Moraviae praeficiebatur, impetitur." f He was wounded in the head by an arrow ; Knyghton, p. 2591. He received another wound ; the arrow pierced so deep, that its point could not be extracted ; Fordun, L. xiv. c. 3. Fordun relates, that David was miraculously cured while he prayed at the shrine of St Monan, and that, in grateful remem- brance of the saint, he erected and endowed a church to his honour. As to that church, or rather chapel, See SpotisiKOod, A. D. 1346. DAVID II. 265 Bruce. At length John Copland, a gentleman of Northumberland, disarmed him. The King, while struggling to disengage himself, with his gauntlet wounded Copland ;* yet he was overpowered and made prisoner.! The Stewart and the Earl of March, who com- manded the left wing, made their retreat good, although not without loss.t Such was the disastrous event of the battle fought in the neighbourhood of Durham, on the 17th of October 1346. The loss of the vanquished was exceedingly great. Among the slain there were the Earls of Moray and Strathern, David de la Haye Constable, Ro- bert Keith the Marshall, Robert de Peebles Cham- berlain, and Thomas Charteris Chancellor of Scot- land, together with many Barons of eminence.^* Besides the unfortunate David Bruce, there were made prisoners, the Earls of Fife, Menteth, and Wigton, the Knight of Liddesdale, and about fifty other Baron s.^^ Religious Houses, c. 15. Major, L. v. c. 19. relates the same story ; but he has ascribed to St Ninian the honour which was due to St Monan. * " Prius tamen duobus de suis dentibus ictu Regis evulsis ;" Fordun, L. xiv. c. 3. f Knyghton, p. 2591. says, that the King of Scots having abandoned the field, was taken at Meryngton, by a servant of John Copland. Meryngton is considerably to the south of Dur- ham. It is impossible to imagine that the King, if he had left the field, would have passed forward into England. \ In this narrative of the battle of Durham, the account given by Fordun, simple, and to all appearance impartial, has been 54 Fordun, xiv. 3. Knyghton, 2590. JS Foedera, v. 553. 535. Fordun and Knyghton, ut sup. 266 DAVID II. A. D. 1346. Of the common sort slain or made prisoners, there is no certain computation. " That day," says Walsingham, " would have been the last of Scottish rebellion, had the Eng- lish, neglecting the spoil and the making of cap- tives, urged the pursuit of the fugitives, and cut off from the land of the living that nation which has ever been rebellious.*'* The English commanders, allured by the lucre of ransoms, connived at the escape of many of followed. From it we may learn the immediate causes of the defeat of the Scots. They were, in effect, surprised, and they fought on disadvantageous ground. The death of the Eari of Moray, the captivity of the Knight of Liddesdale, and the dis- comfiture of the right wing, brought on the ruin of the centre, and thus the battle was lost. Boece, L. xv. fol. 324-. b. has been pleased to assert, " that the Stewart and the Earl of March, perceiving that the forces under their command were dispirited, and unwilling to fight any longer, withdrew them to a place of safety." He adds, " that this retreat was the cause of all the disasters which ensued." There are who believe Boece, and yet vindicate the Stewart ! The proper vindication of the Stewart is, *' that the narrative of Boece is fabulous." Although not alto- gether of his own invention, it has no warrant from Fordun, or from any English historian of considerable antiquity. That the Stewart fought, and that he did not retire without loss, is evi- dent from the number of the barons of the name of Stewart who were either killed or made prisoners. For it must be presumed, that some of them, if not all, fought under the banners of the chief of their family. Besides, two Maitlands, and Adam de Whitsom, were slain, and Patrick de Polwarth made prisoner : and it is probable, from their names, that they were with the forces under the command of the Earl of March. In the Ap- pendix, the reader will find a list of the killed and prisoners, collected from all the probable information that could be pro* cured. * " Et revera hie dies fuisset ultimus obstinatae Scotorum rebellionis, si praedis et captivis tunc omnino neglectis, Anglici gentem ab antique rebellem persequendo de terra viventium de- levissent;" Wahingham, Hist. Angl. p. 167. We can now smile at the pious regret of Waismgham ; a regret which has been im- patiently reiterated on other occasions. A.D. 134G. DAVID II. 267 their prisoners.^^ This practice became so preva- lent, and seemed of such hazardous example, that it was prohibited by proclamation, under pain of death,* (20th November). The King of Scots, with his faithful and favou- rite servant, Malcolm Fleming Earl of Wigton, was conducted to a long and dreary captivity in the tower of London,t (2d January 1346-7).^' Meanwhile the English regency, studious to im- prove the success at Durham, appointed commis- sioners to pardon the Scots, and receive their feal- ty, t (SOth October 1346). John Copland, who took the King of Scots, and Robert de Bertram, who took the Knight of Lid- desdale, were amply rewarded. § The English entered Scotland : The fortresses on the borders made no resistance. ^^ Eustace Lorain, keeper of Rokesburgh castle, yielded it to Henry de * Notwithstanding the proclamation, it appears that Gerard de Widdrington, and others, persisted in this traffic ; Foedera, T.v. p. 594. (18th October 134-7). f Knyghton, p. 2592. relates, that by the command of Edward III. David Bruce was conducted to the Tower, under an escort of 20,000 men well armed : That the different companies of Lon- don, in their proper dresses, were present at the procession ; and that David Bruce rode on a tall black horse, so as to be seen of all men. % Waller de Bermingham, Justiciary of Ireland, was empower- ed to proffer conditions of peace to John of the Isles ; and, if they were refused, to wage war against him ; Foedera, T. v. p. 530. (4th November 1346). § " Copland was made a Banneret, with a salary of £.500 yearly, to him and his heirs, until lands of the like yearly amount should be bestowed on him. He obtained a pension for hfe 5" Foedera, v. 532—7. Scala Chron. ap. Leland, i. 562. Knyghton, 2591. " Foedera, v. 557—9. js Fordun, xiv. 5. 268 , DAVID IL a.d. 13i6. Percy. The castle of Hermitage surrendered, and the English became masters of the whole country on the borders from the east to the west sea, and advanced their posts to the neighbourhood of the vale of Lothian.* Balliol resided in Galloway, in a corner of his nominal kingdom. ^^ Having been joined by Henry de Percy and Ralph Nevil,t he led the men of Galloway into the Lothians, penetrated to Glasgow, and returned through Cuningham and Niddesdale, wasting the country in his cruel and impolitic pro- gress. The Stewart was elected to the office of Regent ;t and, notwithstanding the national calamities, he supported the cause of his absent sovereign, and maintained a shew of civil government in Scot- land.^° of £.100, under condition of furnishing twenty men at arms ; Foedera, T. v. p. 5^2. (20th January 1346-7). He was also made warden of Berwick ; Foedera, T. v. p. 557. Besides all this, it appears, that he obtained the office of sheriff of Northum- berland, and keeper of Rokesburgh castle ; Foedera, T. v. 756. 760. Robert de Bertram obtained a pension of 200 merks, to him and his heirs, until the King should provide him in lands of an equal value ; Foedera, T. v. p. 713. * " In tantum fines suos dilataverunt, ut infra breve marchias ad Colbrandspeth et Soltre ponerent : Deinde usurpando ad Karlynlippes, (Qu. Carlops), et Crossecryne," Qu. Fordun, L. xiv. c. 6. f Henry de Percy had 100 men at arms, and 100 archers on horseback. Ralph Nevil, 80 men at arms, and 80 archers on horseback. They were hired to serve under Balliol for a year, 26th January 1346-7 ; Foedera, T. v. p. 545. X The title which he assumed runs thus : " Robertus Senes- calius Scotiae, locum tenens serenissimi principis David, Dei gra- tia Regis Scotiae illustris ;" Foedera, T. v. p. 831. 59 Fordun, xiv. 6. ^° Fordun, xiv. 6. A. D. 1346. DAVID II. 269 William Lord Douglas, son of Archibald, sur- named Tinemaji, had been educated in France.^' At this disastrous season he returned home, expell- ed the English from Douglas-dale, and took pos- session of Etrick forest. John Copland governor of Rokesburgh hastily assembled forces to protect Teviotdale ; but the men of Teviotdale joined themselves to Douglas, and expelled Copland. John de Graham Earl of Menteth had formerly sworn fealty to the English King ;* and Duncan Earl of Fife had sworn fealty to Balliol, the vassal of England. Notwithstanding these engagements, they went over to the party of David Bruce, and were made prisoners with him at Durham. Ed- ward determined their death ; and accordingly he issued an order for trying them ; and together with that order, he transmitted to the judges " a schedule containing the sentence of condemna- tion,'*! (2^d February 1346-7). They were con- demned. The Earl of Menteth suffered as a traitor ; but sentence against the Earl of Fife was not exe- cuted.t * " Qui ad essendum de consilio nostro et nobis in omnibus fidelis, corporale praestitit juramentura ;" Foedera, T. v. p. 549. John de Graham had assumed the title of Earl of Menteth in right of his wife Mary, according to the practice of that age. + " Mittimus vobis praesentibus inclusam quandam cedulam continentem judicium in eis proferendum, per nos et concilium nostrum apud Caleys ordinatum ;" Foedera, T. v. p. 549. X Probably on account of his relation to the royal family of England. His mother, Mary de Monthermer, was the niece of Edward I. <" Fordun, xiv. 6. 270 DAVID li. A. D, 1347. 1347. Edward III. won Calais, after a tedious siege, (4th August).^* He concluded a truce with France, to endure until June 1348 ; and by various pro- rogations, until the 1st of April 1354. Scotland was comprehended under this truce, (28th Sep- tember). 1348. Negotiations were commenced for obtaining the liberty of the King of Scots,* (l6th April).^^ Johanna, a Princess of England, obtained per- mission to visit her consort, the King of Scots, after he had remained in durance for two years, (10th October).^ ^ 1349. The great pestileiice, which had long desolated the continent, reached Scotland.^ ^ The historians of all countries speak with horror of this pestilence. It took a wider range, and proved more destructive than any calamity of that nature, known in the an- ^nals of human kind.t * The commissioners from Scotland were numerous, viz. William de Landales Bishop of St Andrews, John Pilmore Bishop of Murray, Adam Bishop of Brechin, Thomas de Fingask Bishop of Caithness, Thomas Earl of Marre, David Lindesay of Crawfurd, Robert Erskine of Erskine, William de Meldrum (call- ed Dominus de Bachynnanebet, a corrupted word which I un- derstand not), Alexander de Seton master of the hospitallers in Scotland, Sir Andrew Douglas, Friar Walter of Blantyre, and William Wigmer burgess of Edinburgh; Foedera, T. v. p. 618. 625. 632. 634. 646. 657. f Barnes, p. 428 — 441. has collected the accounts given of this pestilence by many historians ; and hence he has, uuknow- ^"^ Knyghton, 2595, Foedera, v. 575.588.625—629.660.672.725.762.781. •^3 Foedera, v. 618. ^* Foedera, v. 647. ^^ Fordun, xiv. 7. A.D. 1351. DAVID II. 271 1350. John St Michael and his accomplices assassinated Sir David Berkley (at Aberdeen, on Shrove Tues- day).*^'^ The Knight of Liddesdale, then a prisoner in England, is reported to have hired the murderers, to revenge the death of his brother Sir John Dou- glas, whom Berkley had assassinated. Philip King of France died, (23d August).^ ^ He was succeeded by his son John. A treaty with Scotland was carried on for re- leasing the King of Scots from his captivity, and for establishing perpetual peace between the two nations.^^ Against this Balliol ineffectually pro- tested ; he was, however, permitted to be present at the conferences, (5th March 1350-1). 1351. In consequence of an agreement between Edward III. and certain commissioners from Scotland, the King of Scots was enlarged, and permitted to visit his dominions, on his making oath to return into custody.*^^ Seven youths of the first rank were given as hostages for the performance of his oath,* (4th September). ingly, furnished materials for a curious inquiry into the popu- lousness of Europe in the fourteenth century. * 1, John, son and heir of the Stewart, afterwards King of Scots, under the assumed name of Robert III. 2. John Dun- bar, son and heir of the Earl of March. 3. John, son and heir of the Earl of Sutherland ; his mother was the sister of David n. 4. Thomas Fleming, grandson (nepos) of the Earl of Wig- ton. 5, James Lindesay, son and heir of David Lindesay. 6. Hugh Ross, brother and heir presumptive of the Earl of Ross. "^ Fordun, xiv. 7, c? Foedera, v. 680. Henaut, 205, °8 Foedera, v. 686. 699. 700.711. "9 Foedera, v. 711.722. 724.727. 272 DAVID II. A. D. 1352. 1352. From an instrument preserved in FoederaAngliae, it appears that the English were engaged in some mysterious negotiations with the King of Scots and Lord Douglas."° The instrument is of the following tenor : — " Be- sides the instructions publicly given to Roger de Beauchamp, concerning the business of Scotland, he is charged with this secret commission. " That, in case the treaty should fail, and it should be thought, after conference (eiaminementj with the Lord David Bruce and the Lord William Douglas,* that the work might be accomplished in another way (exploit se purrafaire par autre voiej, and if they have sounded the dispositions of their friends, and if the commissioners for England are of opinion, that the return of the Lord David to the south would be a hinderance to the business j then it is the King's pleasure, that the Lord David do remain at Newcastle or at Berwick, in the choice 7- Thomas Moray, brother and heir presumptive of John Moray Lord of Bothwell. * Boece, L. xv. fol. 324. a. erroneously asserts, that David II. bestowed the title of Earl on Lord Douglas, just before the fatal expedition to Durham : *' Priusquam iter Rex ingredere- tur, solennibus ceremoniis Wilhelmum Douglas Comitem Dou- glassiae creavit." This error has been transplanted into our genealogical histories, has taken root, and will flourish. Al- though we have been long reformed from popery, we are not yet reformed from Hector Boece. There is every reason to suppose that Lord Douglas did not return to Britain till after the battle of Durham ; it is certain that he continued to bear the name of Lord Douglas for several years after that unhappy event ; and hitherto no man has pointed out either authentic instrument, or credible history, in which he is called Earl of Douglas before "° Foedera, v. 737. A. D. 1352. DAVID II. 27a of the commissioners, until the King receive more information, and until his farther commands be made known. " Moreover^ in case the commissioners shall judge that the setting at large the person of the Lord David will tend to promote the business, and if they can have sufficient security by hostages, oaths, covenants, or otherwise, from him, and from those who are willing to accede to his agreement, (que veidlent estre de son accordj, then it is the King's pleasure, that the commissioners be em- powered to prolong the time of his re-delivering himself, and to permit him to remain at large, un- til some limited day between this and Whitsunday next, at farthest, that, in the interval, it may be seea what he can accomplish in the premises," (quel ejL'ploit il enpurrafairej. An English historian'' reports, that the King of Scots, having himself sworn fealty to Edward, en- gaged to procure the acquiescence of his people in the long contested claim of feudal superiority ; but that the Scots with one voice declared, *' that they would joyfully pay the ransom of their sovereign, and that no consideration whatever should induce them to renounce their independency. Whether the mysterious instructions to Roger de Beauchamp establish, in any measure, the truth of what the historian relates, I determine not. 1357. Yet all this avails not ; Hector Boece has said, " that he was solemnly created Earl of Douglas in ISt'G." As fast as the cobwebs of fictitious history are brushed away, they will be replaced. 7' Knyghton, 2603. VOL, TI. 8 ' 274. DAVID II. A. D. 1352. The negotiations, whatever might have been their tendency, proved unsuccessful, and the King of Scots was remanded to prison.'* But the EngHsh King concluded a singular treaty with his prisoner the Knight of Liddesdale.'^ By it, the Knight of Liddesdale bound himself and his heirs, to serve the English King, and his heirs, in their wars against all persons whatever, excepting his own nation. But this strange pro- viso was added, *' that he might, at pleasure, re- nounce the benefit of the exception." He shall furnish, says the treaty, ten men at arms, and ten light horsemen, for three months' service, on his own charges. Should the French, or other foreigners, join the Scots, or the Scots join the French, or other fo- reigners, in invading England, the Knight of Lid- desdale shall do his utmost endeavours to annoy all the invaders, *' excepting the Scots." He shall not, either openly or in secret, give counsel or aid against the King of England, or his heirs, onbehalf of his own nation, or of any others. The English shall do no hurt to his lands, or his people, and his people shall do no hurt to the Eng- lish, unless in self-defence. He shall permit the English, at all times, to pass through his lands without molestation. He shall renounce all claim to the castle of Lid- del.* * Said in the instrument to have belonged to Lord Wake,, and now to be the inheritance of the Earl of Kent ; Foedera, T. V. p. 739. "- Foedera, v. 746. Fordun, xiv. 15. '^ Foedera, v. 738. A. D. 1352. DAVID II. 275 In case the English, or the men residing on the estates of the Knight of Liddesdale, injured each other, by setting fire to houses or stack-yards, by pillaging, or by committing any like offences, it was declared, that the treaty should not be thereby annulled, but that the parties contracting should forthwith cause the damage to be mutually liqui- dated and repaired. Edward, on his part, engaged to release the Knight of Liddesdale from his captivity, and to make a grant to him of the territory of Liddesdale and of Hermitage castle, together with some lands in the interior country of Annandale.* But it was specially provided, that his heirs should hold the estates thus granted, under condition of fulfilling the articles of this treaty, and no otherwise. It was stipulated, that the Knight of Liddesdale should make oath for the due performance of every thing incumbent on him, under pain of being for ever held " a disloyal and perjured man, and a false liar ;" and that he should give his daughter and his nearest heir-male, t as hostages, to remain in the custody of the English King for two years. Nevertheless, in the same base instrument, he * Half of the town of Moffat, Corhened (Corehead), New- ton, and Granton-Polbothy in Moffatdale ; Foedera, T. v. p. 739. \ James, the son of Sir John Douglas, afterwards known by the name of Lord of Dalkeith. By inheritance, by marriage, and by royal grants, he became possessed of very ample estates. See Douglas, Peerage of Scotland, p. 490. I have some reason . to suspect that Froissart mistook him for the F.arl of Douglas ; if so, the confident assertion of that writer, who pretended to have been personally acquainted with the Earl of Douglas, has led me into an error. See Remarks on the History of Scotland, C.3. 276- DAVID II. A. D. 1352. made professions of his purpose to yield due service to liis liege lord the King of Scots,* m every thing that might be consistent with the articles of this treaty, (London, 17th July). And thus, in an evil hour, did Sir William Dou- glas at once cancel the merit of former achieve- ments, and, for the possession of a precarious inhe- ritance, transmit his name to posterity in the roll of time-servers and traitors. 1353. Duncan M'Dowal, a powerful chief in Galloway^ was the hereditary enemy of the house of Bruce, and bound by fealty to England. William Lord Douglas penetrated into Galloway, and either by force or persuasion induced M*Dowal to renounce England for ever, and to acknowledge the sove- reignty of the King of Scots. Edward ordered the estates of M'Dowal to be seized, and his goods confiscatedjt (18th August). * " Et est I'entencion que le dit Monsieur William puisse touz jours faire son devoir devers son Seigneur lige, et totes- choses qui ne sont contraires a cestes alliances ;" Foedera, T. v. p. 739. It would have puzzled the most able feudalist to disco- ver what that devoir could be ; for Sir William Douglas had agreed to fight the battles of the King of England and his suc- cessors, even against the auxiliaries of his liege Lord, and never to give counsel or aid against the King of England, even in be- half of his own nation. He had expressly stipulated a neutrali- ty for his own estate ; he had virtually engaged to facilitate the entry of the English into Scotland at all times ; and he had sub- mitted to hold his lands of the English King. These were feu- dal delinquencies inconsistent with the service of his liege Lord. Some readers may think that there was no occasion for entermg into so minute a detail of a private covenant between Edward III. and a Scottish Baron ; but the articles of this singular treaty could not be abridged, and they tend to explain the policy of Edward III. and the real character of the Knight of Liddesdale. f Fordun, L. xiv. c. 15. says, " Willelmus de Douglas — col- lecta multitudine non modica aniiatorum, secessit in Galweiam A. D. 1353. DAVID II. 277 The treaty for the release of the King of Scots was renewed.''^ By permission of Edward he came to Newcastle, where commissioners from the two kingdoms held fruitless conferences. It is said, that the Scots suspected that their King, under the influence of English counsels, was prone to barter the national independency for his own freedom. And it is added, that they refused to contribute to his release, unless he consented to withdraw him- self from evil advisers, and to grant an ample in- demnity for all offences committed in Scotland since his captivity. This last report has a probable appearance, for there were many and mighty of- fenders who had cause to dread the restoration of their sovereign. The Knight of Liddesdale, while hunting iti Etrick forest, was waylaid and assassinated by his kinsman and godson William Lord Douglas, in re- venge, as was said, for the murder of Ramsay and Berkley, (August, at a place called Galvord).'^^ Fordun bestows this eulogy on the Knight oi' Lid- desdale : " A hardy soldier he was, and one who ubi sic finaliter tractavit, quod Dovenaldum M'Dowall, et totam terram Galweiae, ad fidem Regis retraxit." He adds, that M^Dowal swore fealty to the King of Scots in the church of Cumnock, in presence of the Stewart, and that he faithfully persevered in his allegiance. Fordun seems to place this event in 1356 ; but I have placed it in 1353, on the authority of an instrument in Fnedera, T. v. p, 759. which begins thus, " Quia Duncanus (in Fordun Dovenaldus) Magdowaill, contra fidelita- tem et sacramentum nobis per ipsum praestita, Scotis inimicis nostris contra nos jam adhaesit," &c. (iHth August 1353). By Gahveia in this place is to be understood the interior Galloway, called sometimes by our writers, Insula Scotis inimica. 7* Foedera, v. 756. Knyghton, 2606. 7j Fordun, xiv. 8. 278 DAVID II. A. D. 1353. had endured much in defence of the Hberty of the kingdom : Skilled in war ; faithful to his promise ; the scourge of the English ; and a wall of defence to Scotland." So little suspicion had Fordun of the foul alliance with Edward III. There are no descendants of the Knight of Lid- desdale. 1354. At length a treaty for the ransom of the King of Scots was concluded, (Newcastle, 13th July).'*^ The ransom was fixed at 90,000 merks Sterling, to be paid at the rate of 10,000 merks annually, for nine years : During that space, there was to be a truce between the two nations, and in it all the allies of England, and especially Balliol, were in- cluded. Twenty young men of quality were to be given as hostages. It was provided that the King of Scots, the bishops, and prelates, and all the nobles of Scotland, should become bound after the strict- est form that could be devised,* as well for pay- * " En la meillour manere et fourme comme homme savera plus seurement deviser par reson ;" Foedera, T. v. p. 793. This treaty contains many provisos respecting the hostages, which would not afford entertainment or instruction to the reader. One clause, however, is of a singular nature, and deserves to be remembered. It was provided, that on payment of the first moiety of the ransom, (2d February 1354-5), the eldest son of the Earl of March, an hostage, should be exchanged for the eldest son of the Stewart ; and that, on payment of the second moiety, the eldest son of the Stewart should be exchanged for his brother Walter, if alive, and if not, for another of the sons of the Stewart (un autre de ses filz). This seems to imply, that, in 1354, the Stewart had, at least, four sons. The Eng- T^ Foedera, v. 795. A. D. 1354. DAVID II. 279 merit of the ransom, as for observance of the truce ; and, in Hke manner, the merchants and burgesses of Aberdeen, Perth, Dundee, and Edinburgh, for themselves, and for all the other merchants in Scot- land. In case of any delay in payment, additional hos- tages were to be given ; and in case of failure in performance, the King of Scots was to be delivered back to the English. This treaty was ratified by commissioners from Scotland, (12th November), and by Edward III. and his son the Prince of Wales, (5th December).'' It is certain, that, about this time, the English King negotiated with Balliol, as well as with David Bruce ; but to what particular end is unknown.'^ He obtained possession of Hermitage castle by treaty with Elizabeth, the widow of Sir William Douglas of Liddesdale,* (8th October). lish commissioners engaged to use their good offices for pro- curing the hberty of Walter de Haliburton, David de Annand, and Andrew Campbell, without ransom. The reader cannot fail to remark, that the merchants and burgesses of Aberdeen, Perth, Dundee, and Edinburgh, became bound, not only for themselves, but for all the merchants in Scotland. * Edward had appointed commissioners to treat with her, 14th October 13.53; Foedera, T. v. p. 760. The treaty, how- ever, was not adjusted until October 1354. Edward made a grant to her of Liddesdale and Hermitage castle for life ; and he pro- mised, if she married an Englishman, to enlarge the grant to her and her husband, and to the heirs of the marriage. And thus the heirs of the Knight of Liddesdale were excluded, con- trary to the treaty between him and Edward HI. while the heirs of his wife by another husband were let in. The lady did homage, and swore fealty to Edward, and consented to admit and pay an English garrison. But it was provided, that, if she married an Englishman, he should have the command of the 77 Foedera, v. 812. 78 Foedera, v. 788. 280 DAVID II. A.D.135*. About this time, the Scottish government inju- diciously debased the coin. Edward issued a pro- clamation forbidding its currency in England, and ordered it to be taken as bullion only, (12th March 1354-5). The preamble of this proclamation will seem strange to those who are unacquainted with the state of the two nations about the middle of the fourteenth century. ** The ancient money of Scot- land," says Edward, " was wont to be of the same weight and alloy as our Sterling money of Eng- land, and, on that account, had currency with us ; yet, of late, money, bearing the resemblance of the ancient money, has been coined in Scotland of less weight, and of baser alloy, and begins to have cur- rency, whereby the English nation will be deceived and wronged,"* &c, 1355. A truce between the two nations, for the long term of nine years, would have proved prejudicial to France ; and therefore the French King em- garrison. Not long after, she married Hugh Dacre, brother of William Lord Dacre, He was appointed keeper of Hermitage castle, 1st July 1355 ; Foedera, T. v. p. 818. Edward also became bound, on his attaining the sovereignty of Scotland, to put the lady in possession of whatever lands be- longed to her of right, (probably as the daughter and heiress of Sir John Graham of Abercorn). Lastly, It was covenanted, that the treaty with her deceased husband should be annulled, and that her daughter and the heir-male of her husband, hos- tages for the performance of that treaty, should be delivered back, (8th October), Foedera, T. v. p. 804; but this last was superfluous, for the term during which they were to I'emain as hostages had ah'eady expired. * " Licet antiqua moneta Scotiae ejusdem ponderis et allaiae, sicut fuit moneta nostra Sterlingi Angliae, ante haec tempora esse consueverit, propter quod in regno nostro Angliae habuit cursum suum ; quia tamen quaedam moneta, dictae antiquac A. D. 1355. DAVID II. 281 ployed his utmost endeavours to frustrate it. He sent Eugene de Garencieres to Scotland with a small but chosen body of soldiers,* and, which was of more importance, with a considerable sum of money. t This money was to be distributed among the Scottish nobility, on condition of their renew- ing the war, (April). " The Scots," says Fordun, " are wont, for the sake of any present gain, to overlook all future inconveniencies."t They ac- cepted the French offers, and consented to dissolve the truce, and invade England. The Earl of March, who had assisted at the treaty with England, appears to have been singu- larly active in forwarding the negotiations with France, whether from ambition, or avarice, or levi- ty of mind, is uncertain.'^ luonetae simills et conformis, quae in pondere minor et allaia debilior existit, in dicto regno Scotiae de novo est cussa, et in regno nostro suum cepit cursum," &c. ; Foedera, T. v. p. 813. * " Post festum Paschae venit quidam miles nobiiis et exper- tus armis, nomine Eugenius de Garenceris, cum quibusdam mi- litibus praeelectis et valentibus armigeris, nmnero sexagmta ;" Forduii, L. xiv. c. 9. f Ten thousand merks, according to Scala Chron. ap. Leland, T. i. p. 564: ; but, according to Fordun, L. xiv. c. 9. forty thou- sand gold moidons. This gold coin had the impression ot" the Agnus Dei, which the vulgar mistook for a sheep ; hence it got the ridiculous name of nwtdon. Gaguin, Hist. L. ix. toi. 15-'. b. says, " Mutonus, id enim monetae aureae nomen erat, quia arietis effigiem, quem midonem Franci dicunt, sculptam habe- ret ;" he supposes that it had the impression of a ram ; moidon, in propriety of speech, is a wedder. This coin was originally of the value of 12 sols 6 deniers of fine silver. :j: " Qui crebro per denarium amittunt solidum ;" Fordun, L. xiv. c. 9. ; literally, *' who often for a penny lose a shilling," '« Fordun, xiv. 9. Scala Chron, ap, Leland, i. 564. 282 DAVID II. A. D. 1355. The Northumbrian borderers had made a preda- tory incursion into the territories of the Earl of March. Eager to seize any fair pretext for hosti- lities, the Earl ordered Sir William Ramsay of Dalvvolsy to enter England, pillage Norham, and lay waste the adjacent country. Ramsay obeyed, and insultingly drove off his spoils, in view of Nor- ham castle. The keeper, Sir Thomas Gray, sallied out with a body of cavalry to chastise the spoilers. Ramsay fled ; Gray pursued him across the Tweed, and fell into an ambush which the Earl of March and the French commander Garencieres had laid in concert with Ramsay. Gray, perceiving himself beset on every side, commanded his horsemen to dismount, and led them on to a desperate attack. But personal valour, admired and praised even by enemies,* could not break through those toils in which rashness had entangled him. He was made prisoner, together with his eldest son, and James Dacre, and many other brave men. Few of the English escaped. Of the Scots, John de Halibur- ton, a commander of approved fidelity and courage, was slain, (August, at Nisbet). Thomas Stewart Earl of Angus, having collect- ed some ships, approached Berwick in the night, landed his forces silently, and scaled the walls on the side next the sea ; while on the land sidet the * " Animas suas in propriis manibus commiUebant, Scotis viriliter resistentes ;" Fordun, L. xiv. c. 9. " Yet for al that, Gray with his men lighting apon foot, set upon them with a wonderful corage, and killed mo of them than they did of the Englishmen ;" Scala Chron. ap. Leland, T. i. p. 565. f " By treason," says a MS. in the library of Peter's house, Cambridge ; ap. Leland, T. i. p. 4'79. A. D. 1355. DAVID II. 283 Earl of March, witli the French auxiharies, second- ed the attack. ^° The inhabitants fled into the castle, and abandoned to pillage a town become opulent through the tranquillity of twenty years, (about the beginning of November).* The tower called Douglas Tirdoer still remained in the possession of the English. John Copland, who commanded on the eastern borders, attempted, in consequence of the access by Douglas Tower, to dislodge the Scots from their new conquest. The Scots repulsed him, and won the tower. Elated with this success, they assaulted the castle ; but that enterprise far exceed- ed their strength. The Regent came to Berwick, and provided, as well as the situation of affairs could allow, for its defence. He thanked the French auxiliaries for their good services, and dismissed them to their own country. It appears singular that the Regent thus dismiss- ed the French auxiliaries, after they had performed good service at Nisbet, as well as at the storming of Berwick, and especially at a juncture so critical, * All historians seem agreed that the surprise of the town of Berwick happened about the beginning of November. In i^cala Chron. ap. Leland, T. i. p. 5Q5. this event is placed hventy-one days after the ambush at Nisbet. Holding this computation to be just, the ambush at Nisbet ought to be brought down to the beginning of October, instead of being placed in August, as has been done on the authority of Fordun. Hector Boece has com- prehended the history of Scotland, between the battle of Durham and the surprise of Berwick, in a single page, T. xv. foi. 325. a. The little that he says is taken from Fordun ; but he has varied the narrative according to his own fancy. Thus, for example, he speaks of the Knight of Liddesdale having been assassmated by one William Douglas ; " a Willelmo quodam Douglas." 80 Fordun, xiv. 10, Scala Chron. ap. Lelajid, i. 565. 284 DAVID II. A. D. 1355. and in the depth of winter. An Enghsh historian accounts for it, by observing, that ** the French could not submit to Uve after the country fashion."* And, indeed, the French, although eminently skil- led in the elegancies of life, have seldom acquired the important art of appearing easy while from home. Edward III. having returned from France, (18th November), assembled an army for recovering Ber- wick, before the Scots could have leisure to streng- then its fortifications. He invested the town : Ar- ticles of capitulation were speedily adjusted, and the Scots had liberty to depart with all their effects, (13th January 1355-6).^' Balliol, w eary of being the nominal sovereign of a people among whom he had no authority, resolv- ed to renounce Scotland for ever. He made an absolute surrender to Edward HI. of all his private estates in Scotland, (at Rokes- burgh, 20th January 135D-6).t On the same day, he made an absolute surrender * " Nescientes vivere secundum morem patriae, cito repa- triaverunt ; Knyghton, p. 2608. In writing history, I have in- dustriously avoided the refinements of conjecture ; and there- fore I shall, on this occasion, barely hint, that the Stewart might possibly have wished to rid himself of the French auxi- liaries. They were particularly connected with the Earl of March, in whom the Stewart could place no confidence ; and their remaining in Scotland would have proved an obstacle to the renewal of the negotiations with the English. f His principal estates lay in Galloway ; Foedera, T. v. p. 833. He had also some lands in Annandale ; and he held Lauderdale by virtue of a grant from Edward III. ; Foedera, T. V. p. 632. *' Barnes, 486. Foedera, v. 828. Fordun, xiv. 12. Ypod, Neust. 521, A. D. 1355. DAVID II. 285 to Edward III. of the kingdom and crown of Scot- land, " by delivery of a portion of the earth of Scotland, and also by delivery of his golden crown.'* These were considered as the proper feudal symbols of possession given, (at Rokesburgh, 20th January Balliol judged it incumbent on him to publish to the world the reasons which occasioned this sur- render. They are here collected from the various instruments drawn up at that time, and they are eleven in number. 1. The many great favours, and distinguished marks of honour, bestowed on him by the English King. 2. Balliol's especial affection towards the English King. 3. The near relation by blood in which they stood to each other.* 4. The ingrati- tude, and the obstinate rebellion of those his rela- tions who stood next in succession to the crown. 5. That his own right to the crown might not alto- gether perish. 6. That its opposers might not escape with impunity. 7« The various and immi- * The nature of their relation will be discerned from the fol- lowing pedigree : 2. Hugh le Bnin,= Isabella D'Angoulesme,=1. John King of England; Count de la Marche. I I John E. Warren = Alicia. 1 - Henry III. 1 John Balliol = Isabella. 1 Edward I. 1 Edward Balliol. Edwaid II. 1 Edward III. 82 Foedera, v. 852. 286 DAVID II. A. D. 1355. nent dangers, spiritual as well as temporal, in which his subjects were involved through the prevalency of rebellion. 8. The feebleness of his body by reason of the approach of old age. 9- The evils which might arise from a disputed succession after his death. 10. His expectation, that, through the valour of Edward, the wicked would at length be overcome ; and, through his wisdom and clemency, the good protected. And, lastly, in order to pro- mote union, for the mutual strength, safety, and advantage of the two nations. ^^ To this instrument of surrender, a clause was added of the following import : " And we, and our heirs, shall warrant against all mortals, for ever, the said kingdom and crown of Scotland, the Isles, and all other the premises, with their whole pertinents, to the said Edward our cousin, and his heirs and assigns."* It must appear exceedingly strange, that Balliol, when deprived of the possession of the kingdom of Scotland, and despairing to regain it, should have made it over to another " with absolute warranty.'* In return for this surrender, Edward became bound to pay five thousand merks to Balliol, and to secure him in an annuity of two thousand pounds •Sterling,^* (at Bamburgh, 20th January 1355-6).t * " Et nos et haeredes nostri, dicta regnum et coronam Scotiae, Insulas, et omnia alia praedicta, cum suis pertinentiis universis, praefato Domino et consanguineo nostro, haeredibus et assignatis suis, contra mortales omnes voarrantizabimus et in perpetuum defendemus ;" Foedera, T. v. p. 833. f From the instruments executed on this memorable 20th January 1355-6, it appears that Edward III. and Btilliol werCy »3 Foedera, v. 832. 854. 839. **+ Foedera, v. 836. A. D. 1355. DAVID II. 287 The fate of Edward Balliol was singular. In his invasion of Scotland, during the minority of David Bruce, he displayed a bold spirit of enterprise, and a courage superior to all difficulties. By, the vic- tory at Duplin he won a crown ; some few weeks after, he was surprised at Annan, and lost it. The overthrow of the Scots at Halidon, to which he signally contributed, availed not to his re-estabhsh- ment. Year after year he saw his partisans fall away, and range themselves under the banners of his competitor. He became the pensioner of Ed- ward III. and the tool of his policy, assumed and laid aside at pleasure : And, at last, by the surren- der at Rokesburgh, he did what in him lay to en- tail the calamities of wai- on the Scottish nation, a nation already miserable through the consequences of a regal succession disputed for threescore years. The remainder of his days was spent in obscurity 5 and the historians of that kingdom where he once reigned, knew not the time of his death. He died childless, (1363^ Edward, after having received the solemn sur- render of BallioPs rights, remained at Rokesburgh for some days.^^ He suffered himself to be amused with hopes of the submission of the Scottish barons 5 but perceiving at length, that they only sought to gain time, and that they had no purpose of acknow- on the same day, at Rokesburgh and Bamburgh. It is pro- bable that the treaty was concluded at Bamburgh, and that the parties afterwards went to Rokesburgh to give and to re- ceive livery and sasine. "S Abercrombie, ii. 109. Knyghton, 2627. 2° Knyghton, 2611. Fordun, xiv. 1,7. 14 288 DAVID II. A. D. 1355. ledging his authority, he resolved to extort their obedience, and he led his numerous forces into East Lothian. The Scots had not failed in their wonted precaution of driving off the cattle, and re- moving every sort of provisions beyond the reach of the enemy. Edward ordered a fleet of victuallers to attend him in the Frith of Forth ; but his ships were dispersed by a tempest, and many wrecked. As he advanced, his difficulties increased. Flying parties of the Scots infested him on all sides, and embarrassed his march. Edward, inflamed by dis- appointment and rage, desolated the country, and laid every town, village, and hamlet in ashes. More resembling the frantic John, than the conqueror at Cressy, he spared not the edifices consecrated to religion.* It behoved him to retreat j and, while * " Combusto burgo et toto monasterio, ac solemni ecclesia Fratrum Minorum de Hadington, opus certe quod sumptuosum erat, mirique decoris, ac totius patriae illius solatium singulare, cujus chorus quidem, ob singularem pulchritudinem et luminis claritatem, Lucerna Laudoniae communiter vocabatur, direxit iter suum per Laudoniam, circumquaque cuncta comburens et devastans, et nihil pro posse salvans, usque ad burguni de Edin- burgh perveniret. A quo abcedens, et omnia combustibilia in- cinerans, propterea vulgo le Burnt Candlemas data datur, ad. propria sine honore I'emeavit ;" Fordun, L. xiv. c. 13. To the same purpose the English historians speak : " King Eduarde went beyond Lambremore in Lovvnes, destroying the country on to Edinburg ;" Scala Chron. ap. Leland, T. i. p. 56Q. *' Super hoc Rex carpit iter versus Edynsborg cum iii aciebus, et destruxerunt patriam per viii leucas in circuitu, et succende- rujif igne et flammd ;" Kmjghton, p. 2611. Some of the English historians, as Walsingham and the Continuator of Murimuth, have altogether suppressed this savage and inglorious expedi- tion. As to the fact of Edward having burnt churches, Barnes bluntly says, " I believe it not, because of that notable success which followed his arms this year in France ;" Edward III. p. 491. Mr Hume says, " Balliol attended Edward on this ex- pedition ; butjinding that his constant adherence to the English A. D. 1356. DAVID II. 289 part of his army was passing by the borders of Etrick forest, Lord Douglas set upon them, and slew great numbers. This inroad happened about the time of the feast of the Purification ; and hence it was long remembered as an sera among the vul* gar in Scotland, under the name of tJie burnt Can- dlemas, After having been thus foiled, Edward issued an ostentatious proclamation, intimating, that he was resolved, as sovereign of Scotland, inviolably to maintain the ancient laws and the usages of that kingdom, (15th March 1355-6).^^ 1356. After Edward's retreat, the Scots expelled his partisans from the west marches.^^ Roger de Kirk- patrick stormed the castles of Dalswinton and Car- laverock, and obtained possession of Nithsdale ; and John Stewart, eldest son of the Regent, ob- liged the inhabitants of Annandale to yield submis- sion to the Scottish government. About this time, also, according to Fordun, it was that Lord Dou- glas reduced Interior Galloway. had given his countrymen an unconquerable aversion to his title, and that he himself was declining through age and infirmities, he finally resigned into the King's hands his pretensions to the crown of Scotland ;" History of England^ v. ii. p. 210. If there is no inaccuracy in the language of the historian, he erroneously imagines that Balliol made the surrender after the expedition into Scotland. That Balliol attended Edward into Scotland, is exceedingly improbable, and it is a circumstance not recorded by the old historians of either nation. Barnes, indeed, has asserted it, but without quoting any authority ; p. 4-91. And Tyrrel has transcribed the passage from Barnes, without even quoting him, V. iii. p. 592. Thus is history written ! 87 Foedera, v. 846. 28 Fordun, xiv. 15. VOL, ir. T 290 DAVID II. A. D. 1356. The aflairs in France required the whole atten- tion of Edward.^' He now expressed his willing- ness to enter into a treaty with the Scots, not only for the ransom of their King, and for a cessation of hostilities, but also for a perpetual peace.* Wil- liam de Bohun, Earl of Northampton, warden of the marches, with others, were appointed commis- sioners, (25th March 1356). Lord Douglas made a treaty with the warden. ^° He became bound not to molest the English while they abstained from hostilities against his, estates, and those of the Earl of March, (17th April). This cessation of arms was to continue until the ensuing Michaelmas. Within that period he might have accomplished a pilgrimage which he had un- dertaken into foreign parts. Other objects, how- ever, more suited to his temper, and his profession of arms, diverted him from this fashionable expia- tion for crimes. The eyes of all men were turned towards France.^' The Black Prince had imprudently penetrated into that country with forces dispropor- tioned to those of his antagonist. John, the French king, assembled a formidable army to intercept liim in his retreat. The Scots, who at that time enjoyed a momentary tranquillity at home, crowded * " Ad tractandum et concordandum cum praelatis, nobili- bus, et popularibus regni Scotiae, adversariis nostris, de redemp- tione et de liberatione David de Bruys, prisonarii nostri, ac de treugis sive sufferentiis guerrae, et dejinali pace, ac ligis et per- petuis amicitiis, inter nos et ipsos nostras adversarios nostras in- eundis ;" Foedera, T. v. p. 8i7. *!> Foedera, v, 847. ^° Foedera, v. 849. si Fordun, xiv. 16. A. D. 1356. DAVID II. 291 from every quarter to the French standard. Lord Douglas, forgetful of his religious pilgrimage, of- fered his sword to the French king. He was re- ceived witli distinguished honours,* and his service was accepted. The French and the English en- countered in the vineyards of Maupertuis, not far from Poictiers, (19th September). The event of that day is well known. Great carnage was made of the Scots. Lord Douglas, after having been wounded, was forced off the field by his surviving companions.t Archibald Douglas, a warrior emi- nent in our history, fell into the power of the ene- my ; but, by the extraordinary presence of mind of Sir William Ramsay of Colluthy, he was con- cealed, and escaped unknown.^ * " Was made knight of his hande ;" Scala Chron. ap. Le- land, T. i. 567. To say that a person received the honour of knighthood, is, in modern language, uninteresting, and some- times it is ludicrous. This must always be the case when names and ceremonies are retained, while, from a total change of manners, that which gave dignity to such names and ceremonies is forgotten by the vulgar. f Frohsart, T. i. c. 162. says, that Lord Douglas left the field as soon as he perceived that the English had the advan- tage, " because he dreaded being their prisoner ;" " car nulle- ment ne vouloit estre prins des Anglois, ains eust plus cher estre occis." \ The story, as related by Fordun, is curious. It shall be translated, as nearly as possible, in his own manner. " Archi- bald Douglas having been made prisoner along with the rest, appeared in more sumptuous armour than the other Scottish prisoners, and, therefore, he was supposed by the English to be some great lord. Late in the evening after the battle, when the English were about to strip off his armour. Sir William Ramsay of Colluthy happefiing to be present, fixed his eyes on Archi- bald Douglas, and affecting to be in a violent passion, cried out, You cursed, damnable murderer, koto comes it, m the name of -mischief (ex parte Diaboli), that you are thus proudly decked out in your master s arvwur ? Come hither, and ptdl iff my boots. Douglas approached trembling, kneeled down, and pulled off 292 DAVID II. A. D. 1356. In a parliament held at Perth, the Scots appoint- ed the Bishop of St Andrews, and the Bishop of Brechin, Sir William Livingstone, and Sir Robert Erskine, commissioners to treat with England, not only for the ransom of the king, but also for peace between the two nations,* (17th January 1356-7).^* one of the boots. Ramsay taking up the boot, beat Douglas with it. The English bystanders imagining him out oF his sen*- ses, interposed, and rescued Douglas. They said, that the per- son whom he had beaten was certainly of great rank, and a lord. " What? he a lord T cried Ramsay, '* he is a scullion, and a base knave, and, as I suppose, has killed his master. Ga, you villain, to the jield, search for the body of my cousin, your master, and ivhoi you havejhund it, come back, that, at least, I may vive him a decent burial. Then he ransomed the feigned serving-man for forty shillings ; and having buffeted him smartly, he cried, Get you gone ; fly. Douglas bore all this patiently, carried on the deceit, and was soon beyond the reach of his enemies." This story, as to some of its circumstances, may not seem altogether probable ; yet in the main it has the appearance of truth. Had I been at liberty to vary the narrative, I would have made Ramsay suspect that the feigned serving-man had stript his master after he had been slain or mortally wounded. This Archibald was the natural son of the renowned Sir James Douglas, slain by the Saracens in Granada ; Fordun, L. xiv. c. 16. * The commission granted in consequence of this appoint- ment is sealed by the Stewart, Regent, in his own name, by two Bishops for the whole clergy, by Patrick Earl of March, Thomas Earl of Angus, and William Keith, the Marshal, for the nobility, (nomine et vice procerum et baronum), and with the common seals of the boroughs of Aberdeen, Dundee, Perth, and Edinburgh, for all the burgesses, and whole community, (nomine et vice omnium burgensium, et totius communitatis). The commission is granted " de unanimi et expresso consensu et assensu omnium praelatorum, procerum, ac totius communi- tatis Regni Scotiae." The commissioners are persons whose names generally appear in tlie negotiations about that period ; William Landales, Bishop of St Andrews, Patrick de Leuchars, Bishop of Brechin, and Chancellor of Scotland ; Keith, Cata- logue of Scots Bishops, p. 95. ; Sir William Livingstone, and Sir Robert Erskine, afterwards Chamberlain of Scotland. They »* Foedera, v. 831. A. D. 1357. DAVID 11. 293 1357. A truce for two years was concluded between Edward III. and the French King, (at Bourdeaux, 23d March 1356-7).^^ It was provided, that the Scots might take the benefit of this truce ; but the Scots chose to negotiate for themselves, and con- cluded a truce for six months with England, (8th May 1357).^4 During this season of public tranquillity, when no enemies were to be dreaded on the borders, Roger de Kirkpatrick chanced to entertain Sir James Lindesay as his guest at Carlaverock cas- tle.^5 After an evening passed in friendship and jollity, Kirkpatrick retired to rest. Lindesay burst into his chamber, and murdered him. Lin- desay rode off precipitately. The darkness of that night seemed to favour his escape. Having con- tinued his course until day-break, he perceived himself still in the neighbourhood of the castle. Bewildered by guilt, he was seized. He was tried, and instantly executed,* (about 24th June). obtained a passport from Edward III. 28th March 1357 ; Foe- dera, T. vi. p. 12. Rymer has printed their commission as if it had been granted in January 1355-6, instead of January 1356-7. This error in a single date has occasioned considera- ble confusion. Abercrombie, vol. ii. p. 119. did not remark the error ; and, by that means, he has exceedingly perplexed his narrative. * Fordun, L. xiv. c. 20. remarks, that Lindesay and Kirk- patrick were the heirs of the two men who accompanied Ro- bert Bruce at the fatal conference with Comyn. If Fordun was rightly informed as to this particular, and as to the time of the murder of Kirkpatrick at v'arlaverock castle, an argument arises in support of a notion which I have long entertained, that the person who struck his dagger in Comyn's heart was not the re- S3 Foedcra, vi. 5. 04 Foedera, vi. 15. ^J Fordun, xiv, 10- ^94 DAVID II. A. D. 1357. Some Scotsmen, impatient of peace, equipped three vessels, and sent them well armed to cruise against the English in the east seas.^^ Their course was short : They were forced by a tempest to take shelter at Yarmouth, with the English ships which they expected to seize, and they were confiscated. This incident, however, did not interrupt the negotiations between the two kingdoms. David Bruce was conveyed to Berwick, where the com- missioners held their conferences, (August).^' The English insisted that one hundred thousand marks Sterling should be paid as the ransom of the King of Scots. A parliament was held at Edinburgh, (26th September). ^^ The nobility, the clergy, and the boroughs, consented to the demand of the English. The Regent, and the nobility present, became bound for the payment of this exorbitant sum ; and they declared, that their obligation should be effectual against all persons of that estate. In like manner, the bishops, having obtained the consent of their respective chapters, bound themselves, presentative of the honourable family of Kirkpatrick in Niths- dale. Roger de Kirkpatrick was made prisoner at the battle of Durham in 1346 ; Roger de Kirkpatrick was alive on the 6th August 1357 ; for, on that day, Humphi-ey, the son and heir of Roser de Kirkpatrick, is proposed as one of the young gentle- men who were to be hostages for David Bruce ; Foedera, T. vi. p. 35. Roger de Kirkpatrick, Miles, was present at the parlia- ment held at Edinburgh, 26th September 1357 ; Foedera, T. vi. p. 43. And he is mentioned as alive, 3d October 1357 ; Foe- dera, T. vi. p. 48. It follows, of necessary consequence, that Roger de Kirkpatrick, murdered in June 1357, must have been a different person. 3" Knyghton, 2617. ^7 Foedera, vi. 51. ^^ Foedera, vi, 39 — ■36. A. D. 1357. DAVID II. 295 and all the rest of the clergy ; and the commis- sioners of the boroughs bound tliemselves, and all the burgesses and merchants of Scotland.* To * As the transactions in this parliament are curious, and throw considerable light on the history of those times, it may be proper to enter into a detail of circumstances : It appears, that, at first, the Scots prelates granted powers to certain persons to act for them in parliament at Edinburgh, and to concur in every thing which might be requisite for effecting the deiiver- ance of their Sovereign. The Bishop of Aberdeen named three commissioners ; one of them was John Archdeacon of Aberdeen, (John Barbour, the metrical historian). Like commissions were granted by the Bishop and Chapter of Moray, of Glasgow, and of Dunkeld, by the Bishop of Argyle, by the Chapter of Koss, by the Prior and Chapter of St Andrews, and by the Abbot and convent of Scone ; Foedera, T. vi. p. 39, 4-0. These are pre- served in Foedera, and it is probable that there were others, al- though now lost. It seems that this form was laid aside, and that it was judged more proper that the bishops should become bound personally in parliament for the whole clergy. The nobles present in the parliament at Edinburgh 26th September 1357, were, Robert, Stewart of Scotland, the King's Lieutenant ; William Earl of Ross David Graham Lord of DundafF Malcolm Earl of Wigton William More Lord of Abercorn Donald Earl of Lenox Roger Kirkpatrick Wm. Douglas (Lord Douglas) John Maxwell Wm. Keith Marshal of Scotland Thomas Bisset Ja. Lindesay Lord of Crawford Patrick Ramsay. They, " de consensu et voluntate omnium Comitum, procerum, et Baronum, et communitatis regni Scotiae," appointed com- missioners to appear at Berwick, and treat with the English, namely, Patrick Earl of March, Thomas Earl of Angus, Wil- liam Earl of Sutherland, Thomas Moray of Bothweil, William Livingston, and Robert Erskine, (in Foedera, T. vi. p. 4::). he is called de Griffin ; but I suppose that to be one of the num- berless errors in transcribing which disgrace the Foedera Ang- liae). The Bishops present were, William Bishop of Glasgow John Bishop of Moray John Bishop of Dunkeld Alexander Bishop of Ross Alexander Bishop of Aberdeen William Bishop of Dunblane Martin Bishop of Argyle. It seems that Michael Bishop of Gaiioway was not present, but he afterwards acceded ; Foedera, T. vi. p. 6L 296 DAVID II. A. D. 1357. the four ambassadors already appointed, the parlia- ment added Patrick Earl of March, and Thomas de Fingask, Bishop of Caithness. Each of the three estates granted a separate commission to certain persons to appear at Berwick, and to treat with the English. The treaty, which had been in agitation for so many years, was at length concluded, (at Berwick 3d October 1357).^^ By it the King of Scots was released, after a captivity of eleven years. The Scottish nation agreed to pay one hundred thou- sand marks Sterling as the ransom of their Sove- reign, by yearly payments of ten thousand marks, (on the 24th June). Twenty young men of qua- lity, and among them the eldest son of the Stewart, were to be given as hostages ; and, for further security, three of the following great lords were to place themselves in the hands of the English : The Stewart, the Earls of March, Marre, Ross, Angus, and Sutherland, Lord Douglas, and Thomas Moray They appointed William Bishop of St Andrews, Thomas Bishop of Caithness, and Patrick Bishop of Brechin, to be their commissioners. There were delegates present in parliament from seventeen boroughs, ranged in the following order : — 1 Edinburgh 7 Coupar 18 Dumbarton 2 Perth 8 St Andrews 14 Ruthergleu 3 Aberdeen 9 Montrose 15 Lanark 4? Dundee 10 Stirling 16 Dumfries 5 Inverkeithing 11 Linlithgow 17 Peebles. 6 Crail 12 Haddington They appointed eleven commissioners, the same men who were the delegates in parliament for the boroughs of Edinburgh, Perth, Aberdeen, and Dundee. 99 Foedcra, \\. 46—52. A. D. 1358. DAVID II. 297 of Both well. It was provided, that a truce should continue between the two nations until complete payment of the ransom. The King of Scots, the nobility, and the boroughs, ratified this treaty, (5th October) ; and the bishops ratified it on the following day, (Gth October).' David, immediately after his release, summoned a parliament ;* laid the treaty before the three estates, obtained their approbation, and then ratifi- ed the treaty anew, (at Scone, 6th November). 1358. The King of Scots had undertaken to apply to the Pope for his ratification of the engagement which the Scottish Bishops had come under, sub- jecting the ecclesiastical revenues in payment of the ransom. But the Pope declared, that such ob- ligations might prove ruinous to the church, and that he could not, in conscience, ratify them by his authority ; and, therefore, he peremptorily re- jected the request,! (^Ist June 1358). It appears that the King of Scots inclined to re- side in the country where he had been so long a prisoner.^ After having remained at liberty for a few months, he procured permission from Edward III. to visit England, (14th July). This permis- * So I understand the words. *' in pleno concilio nostro apud Sconam ;" Foedera, T. vi. p. 68. f Nevertheless, Edward III. by an instrument dated 24th June 1S58, seems to acknowledge that the Scottish Bishops had obtained that permission whicli the Bull itself refuses to grant ; Foedera, T. vi. p. 90. Perhaps he only meant to ac- knowledge, that they had done every thing in their power to obtain such permission. ' Foedera, vi. 52 — 65. ^ Foedera, vi, 98. 298 DAVID II. A. D. 1358. sion was to continue in force until February 1358-9. In the course of his reign, he made many expen- sive, unprofitable, and impolitic visits of the like nature. 1359. Ambassadors were sent to the Pope for procur- ing a grant of the tenth of the ecclesiastical reve- nues in Scotland towards payment of the King's ransom.^ The Pope consented to make the grant for three years, under condition that nothing more, on account of that ransom, should be exacted from the Scottish clergy. Sir Robert Erskine, and Norman Lesley,* pleni- potentiaries appointed by the King of Scots, en- tered into a negotiation with plenipotentiaries ap- pointed by Charles the Dauphin, Regent of France.'^ " Our nation,'* said the Scottish plenipotentia- ries, *' has maintained a long and disastrous war against England. After our Sovereign was made prisoner in battle, he might, by renouncing the French alliance, have obtained his own liberty, and peace to his people ; but he rejected liberty and peace on such conditions. In full confidence of aid from France, he agreed to lay down a ransom of one hundred thousand marks Sterling, by an- nual payments of ten thousand marks : He gave hostages of the chief of his nobility ; and he con- cluded a truce with England until the ransom * Sir John le Grant was in the commission (dated at Edin- burgh, 10th May 1359); but it does not appear that he ever acted. The King calls Norman Lesley Armiger noster. 3 Fordun, xiv. 21. 4 Alliances between Fiance and Scotland, 20—31. MS. Adv. Libr, A. D. 1359. DAVID II. 299 money should be discharged. Of this sum only ten thousand marks have been paid j and, until the remainder is paid, the hostages cannot be re- lieved, or war recommenced. The Scottish nation is not only willing, but most able to carry on the war with vigour,* yet cannot, conveniently, \ dis- charge the ransom before the terms appointed, un- less by the aid of France." The Scottish plenipotentiaries reminded the French of the alliance which subsisted between France and Scotland ; and concluded by engaging, " that the Scots should instantly, and vigorously, and at their own charges,? make war against the English, if the Regent, and kingdom of France, afforded the aid necessary for discharging the ran- som.'* § * " De la quelle guerre ils avoient tres grand desire faire bonne et forte, et la pourront faire." -f- " Le quel payement nostre dit Seigneur le Roi D'Escosse et SOQ Royaume ne pourroient faire bonnement devant Jes termes dessus dits." Abercrombie, vol. ii. p. 124 — 126. refers to this negotiation ; but in many particulars he has misunderstood it. He says, that Erskine and Lesley " were commissioned to re- new the old league, so it is expressly called, hitherto inviolably observed between the two nations." The words of the commis- sion by David II. are : " Quod cum quaedam confaederatio amicitiae inter illustres Reges Franciae, et progenitor-em nostrum, ac nos, populumque ipsorum et nostrum, ab olim facta fuit, et inviolabiliter observata diutius," &c. This old league must imply the treaty concluded at Corbeil, 26th April 1326, between the King of France and Robert Bruce, unless the words of the com- mission are egregiously and wilfully misconstrued. X The Scottish plenipotentiaries observed, that the King of France had formerly become bouixl to furnish to the King of Scots, during war with England, the pay of five hundred armed horsemen and five hundred archers, but that the Scots wert willing to release him from that obligation. § " Neanmoins si tost comme le Roi et le royaulme d'Escosje feront guerre au Roy et au royaulme d'Angleterre nostre <«it 300 ^ DAVID 11. A. D. 1359. The French, bj their plenipotentiaries, profess- ed their regard for the faith of treaties ; and they gently insinuated, tliat the Scots themselves had overlooked the terms of the alliance, by omitting to include France in the truce. They said, that, while their country was exposed to the ravages of war, and their own Sovereign a captive, they could not, conveniently f pay so large a sum ; nevertheless, if the Scots made war against England, they would afford whatever assistance was in their power. Although, at first, the one party demanded so much, and the other offered so little, it was finally agreed, that, on Easter day 1360, the French should pay fifty thousand marks Sterling to the Scots ; and that the Scots should renew the war with Eng- land. A ratification of the former alliance between France and Scotland was also reciprocally stipulat- ed, (at the Louvre, 7iear Paris, 29th June 1359). 1360. The French and the English concluded a treaty of peace, (at Bretigny near Chartres, 8th May 1360).' By it the French King *' renounced every alliance with Scotland, and engaged for himself and his successors, that they should not, in time coming, aid, comfort or favour the King, king- Seigneur le Regent et le royaulme de France les aiderotit et con- seilleront en tout ce qails pourront bonnement." This general clause is transcribed from the treaty of Corbeil, 2(?th April 1326. But the words comme loyaux alliez, which occur in the treaty of Corbeil, are omitted in that of Paris ; Alliances, MS. fol. 19. S Foedera, vi. 178—196. A. D. 1360. DAVID II. \ 301 dom, or subjects of Scotland, ot make any new alliance with them to the prejudice of the Eng- lish."* The English King, on his part, renounced every alliance with the people of Flanders. But both Kings afterwards protested, that these renunciations should only take place in the event of the articles of the peace being reciprocally ful- filled, (24th October).^ A treaty for a final peace with the Scottish nation was commenced, (20th August)."^ In this year a singular incident occurred.^ David Bruce, during his captivity, had an unlawful inter- course with one Catharine Mortimer, a native of Wales. She came to Scotland with him, and con- tinued for several years to be his favourite con- cubine. She became obnoxious to some of the nobility. They conspired against her life. Two wretches, Hulle and Dewar, went to her residence, pretending that they had orders to convey her to * This ought to be perpetually remembered : it is the 32d article. See Foedera, T. vi. p. 192. " Concordatum est, quod Rex Franciae, et suus primogenitus, regens, pro ipsis et pro haeredibus suis, Regibus Franciae, in quantum fieri potest, dimittent et recedent in toto de alligantiis, quas habent cum Scotis ; et proraittent, in quantum fieri potest, quod nunquam illi. vel haeredes sui, nee Reges Franciae qui pro tempore erunt, dabunt vel ferent Regi nee regno Scotiae, nee subditis ejusdem, praesentibus vel futuris, auxilium, consolamen, vel favorera con- tra dictum Regem Angliae, nee contra haeredes et successores suos, nee contra suum regnum, vel subditos suos, quocunque modo ; et quod ipsi non facient alias alligantias cum dictis Scotis, in futurum, contra dictum Regem et Regnum Angliae." ° Foedera, vi. 265. 7 Foedera^ vi. 207, 208. 8 Fordun, xiv. 24. Scala Chron. ap. Leland, I 578. 302 DAVID II. A. D. 1360. the King. She committed herself to their guid- ance. On the road between Melrose and Soltra, they murdered her. Great suspicions arose that Thomas Stewart Earl of Angus, a turbulent and projfligate person, had instigated the murderers. The King imprisoned him in the castle of Dum- barton ; and honourably interred his beloved Mor- timer in the chapel of the abbey of Newbottle. 1361. The plague broke out again in Scotland with redoubled violence, and continued its ravages through this year.^ It was computed, that one- third of the people perished in this general calami- ty ; among them were many persons of distinction. The Earl of Angus died in his prison at Dumbar- ton, and some of the hostages died in England,* To avoid the infection, the King, with many of his nobles, retired into the northern parts of Scot- land.' ° Some differences arose between him and the Earl of Marre. The King besieged and took the castle of Kildrummie, the principal residence of that nobleman, and placed a garrison in it. The Earl obtained leave to quit the kingdom ; but he was soon received into favour again. Our historians are silent as to the cause of the King's displeasure against a nobleman nearly allied * The King's nephew, son of the Earl of Sutherland, died of the plague at Lincoln ; Fordmi, L. xiv. c. 25. Fordun adds, that Thomas Earl of Moray died of the plague in England 1361. But there existed no such person at that time. Fordun proba- bly meant " Thomas Moray Lord of Bothwell." ' Fordun, xiv. 24. '° Foiclunv xiv. 24. A. D. 1363. DAVID II. 303 to the royal family : But it was probably this : The Earl of Marre had lately become bound, for a pension of six hundred marks Sterling, to serve Edward III. " in his wars, and elsewhere, against all men, his liege lord only excepted."" It was natural for the King to be displeased at such a treaty between one of his own subjects, and a prince still at enmity with Scotland ; and he appears to have seized the first convenient opportunity of express- ing his displeasure. 1362. Johanna, Princess of England, the consort of David Bruce, died* childless. 1363. The King of Scots, in a parliament at Scone, proposed to the three estates, that, in the event of his dying without issue, they should choose for their * There is a strange diversity among historians concerning the time of the death of this ill fated lady ; Fordun, L. xiv. c. 18. says, that she went to England in 1357, and died after she had remained there for some time, (aliquanto tempore com- morata). In Scala Ckron. ap. Leland, T. i. p. 568. it is said, *' The Quene of Scotland, sister to King Edward, cam oute of Scotland to Wyndesore to speke with him, and after was with her mother Quene Isabel at Hertford, and there dyed." This imports that she died, either before her mother, or soon after her. It is certain that her mother died in autumn 1358. — Fordun, and the author of Scala Chronica, are in a mistake. — • Queen Johanna must have lived beyond the year 1357 or the year 1358 ; her husband speaks of her as alive on the 21st Feb- ruary 1S58-9 ; Foedera, T. vi. p. 118. Nay, more, on the 2d May 1362, a passport is granted by Edward III. to John Heryng " the servant of Johanna Queen of Scotland, our sister ;" Foe- dera, T. vi. p. 364. and, therefore, I incline to follow Walsing' havi, p. 179. who places her death in 1362. " Foedera, vi. 119. 14 304. DAVID II. A. D. 1363. Kins' one of the sons of Edward III.'* And he ear- nestly expressed his wish that the choice might fall on Lionel Duke of Clarence. This, he said, would be the means of establishing perpetual tranquillity : That the Duke of Clarence would be able to main- tain the national liberties ; and that the English King would renounce for ever all pretensions to the sovereignty of Scotland. The estates instantly, and unanimously, made answer,* *' That they would never permit an Eng- lishman to reign over them : That the proposition made by the King was ill advised : That by acts of settlement, and solemn oaths of the three estates, in the days of Robert Bruce, the Stewart had been acknowledged presumptive heir of the crown ; and that he and his sons were brave men, and fit to reign." The King appeared to be sensible of the force of their arguments, and desisted from his pro- position.t But such a proposition, having been once made, could not be forgotten. Jealousy and distrust arose in the minds of a people who prized the national independency above all things. Many of the no- * " Cui breviter et sine ulteriore deliberatione aut retractione responsum fuit per universaliter singulos et singulariter univer- ses de tribus statibus ;" Fordun, L. xiv. c. 25. that is, " gene- rally by each man, and particularly by all." t Something has been said on this subject in Remarks on the History of Scotland, c. 5. But a more accurate attention to dates has enabled me to place the transactions of this year 1363 in a clearer light. By some strange inadvertency, I quoted Barnes, p. 4-26, 427. instead of Foedera, T. vi. p. 426, 427- See Note, p. 116. '* Foedera, xiv. 25. A. D. 1368. DAVID II. 303 bility entered into associations for their mutual sup- port ; and they resolved to force tlie King to dis- claim his proposition, or, on his refusal, to expel him. The Stewart, in particular, entered into as- sociations with the Earls of March and Douglas, the most powerful of the southern barons ; and, which is remarkable, he formed a confederacy with his own sons. We are ignorant of the precise te- nor of those instruments : We may, however, pre- sume, that they aimed at maintaining the legal succession to the crown. Neither did the malecontents rest satisfied with such precautions : They took up arms, seized the persons whom they suspected of favouring the poli- tical views of the King, plundered the estates of the supposed traitors, and divided the spoils as if they had been in an enemy's country. Personal intrepidity distinguished the character of David Bruce. Undismayed at the hostile ap- pearances which he beheld on every side, he called on his people to protect their Sovereign j and he issued a proclamation, commanding his barons to desist from their rebellious attempts. His procla- mation having been received with scorn, the King had recourse to arms. Many resolute men stood forth in defence of the throne.* The insurgents * Fordun, L. xiv. c. 25. says, that the King of Scots ex- pended large sums of money in paying the forces which he had drawn together, " in stipendiis illorum exposita multa pecuilia." This, if true, is singular : the finances of David Bruce must have been very low at that time ; and it is hardly posffible to imagine, that he could have commanded any considerable sum of monej', without assistance from Engfand. VOL.ir. T7 306 DAVID n. A. D. 1363. now perceived the hazards to which they had ex- posed themselves and their country, and they sued for peace. A general amnesty was granted, under condition that the barons should renounce their as- sociations, become bound to abstain from such pri- vate confederacies in time coming, and renew their oaths of fealty. Fordun has preserved the form of the obligation executed by the Stewart. It is under the penalty of forfeiting for ever all right and title to the crown of Scotland, as well as to his own inheritances, and of being held a perjured man, and a false and dis- honoured knight,* (at Inchmurdoch, 14th May 1363), * Fordiin, L. xiv. c. 27. says, that the other nobles came un- der like obligations, mutatis mutandis. " Sub isto tenore jura- verunt caeteri, mutatis tamen certis terminis, prout personarum qualitas expostulavit." Pity that he had not been more explicit ; for then we should have seen ixiho they were that engaged in this insurrection, and what confederacies they had formed. It is probable that the obligations were granted, either in parlia- ment, or at a convention, " convocatis omnibus regni optima- tibus ;" Fordun, ib. The following persons appear to have been present : — * William Bishop of St Andrews * Patrick Bishop of Brechin, Chancellor John Abbot of Dunfermline * Walter Wardlaw Archdeacon of Lothian, Secretary * Gilbert Armstrong Prior of St Andrews * Robert Erskine Chamberlain of Scotland Archibald Douglas ^ K^; j^^^ Robert Ramsay * Thomas Fauside * Norman Leslie Alexander Lindcsay There were others present whose names are omitted by Fordun. From this list one may form a tolerable conjecture as to the persons who, at that time, enjoyed the chief confidence of the King. Those marked with an asterisk, appear to have been employed in the secret negotiations with England. V Ki A. D. 1S6S. DAVID II. 307 And thus a dangerous insurrection, which the extravagant proposals at Scone had excited, was quelled by the fortitude and clemency of the King. Scarcely was the public tranquillity restored, when this capricious Prince repaired to London, and again involved himself in secret negotiations with Edward III.'^ The two Kings were present at a conference held by their privy counsellors, (23d November 1363). The heads of this conference were committed to writing ; but it was anxiously premised, that the whole should be viewed merely in the light of a scheme or plan, and that nothing should be under- stood as having been either proposed on the one side, or agreed to on the other. This singular historical curiosity is still preserv- ed, and is of the following import : — I. In default of the King of Scots, and his issue- male,* the King of England, for the time being, to succeed to the kingdom of Scotland. II. If this was agreed to, then the town, castle, and territory of Berwick, to be forthwith delivered to the Scots. III. As also the castles of Rokesburgh, Jed- burgh, and Lochmaben, with their respective terri- tories. * The original bears, " sanz hoir engendre de son corps." But the expression at the end of the conference, " hoir made engendre son corps," shews, that issue-male was understood. »3 Foedera, vi. 426, 427. '30S DAVID 11. A. D. 1363. IV. And also, in general, all lands occupied by the King of England, or those under his govern- ment, in which the late King Robert was vested and seized at the time of his decease* V. The whole ransom money due by the Scots to be discharged, their obligations for payment cancelled, and the hostages set at liberty. VI. The King of England to make satisfaction to the Earl of Athole, the Lords Beaumont, Percy, and Ferrars ; to the heirs of Sir Richard Talbot, and to all who claim lands in Scotland, whether by the gift or grant of the King of Scotland, since he became a prisoner, or otherwise ; so that the present possessors may enjoy such lands, without any manner of challenge against them or their heirs. VII. The King of Scotland to be put in posses- sion of the greatest part of the lands and rents which his ancestors held in England, and to have an equivalent, in a suitable place, for the remain- der ; he performing service to the King of Eng- land for such lands only. VIII. Th€ name and title of Kingdom of Scot- land to be preserved with due honour, and proper distinctions, no union or annexation being made with England ; and the King to be styled, in all public instruments, and others, the King of Ei^g- land and of Scotland. IX. The King, after having been crowned King of England, to come regularly to the kingdom of Scotland, and to be crowned King at Scone, in the royal chair, which is to be delivered up by the A. D. 1363. DAVID II. 309 English : The ceremony of the coronation to be performed by persons whom the court of Rome shall depute for that purpose. X. Every parliament concerning the affairs of the kingdom of Scotland, to be held either at Scone, or in some other place within that king- dom. XL The King, at his coronation, to make oath, that he will maintain the freedom of the holy church of Scotland, so that it shall not be subject- ed to any Archbishop, nor to any one else, saving the Papal See. XII. Also, to make oath, that he will maintain the laws, statutes, and usages of the kingdom of Scotland, established under its former Kings. XIII. Also, to make oath, that he will, in no sort, summon the people of Scotland, or force them to appear in any court, unless within the kingdom, according to their own laws and usages. XIV. Also, to make oath, that he will never consent that the bishopricks, ecclesiastical dignities, or other benefices of the holy church of Scotland, be conferred on any except natives, XV. The Chancellor, Chamberlain, and Jus- ticiary, the sheriffs, provosts, bailies, governors of towns and castles, and other officers, to be natives of the kingdom of Scotland only. XVI. The Prelates, Earls, and Barons, and other freeholders, whether ancient or new, in the king- dom of Scotland, to be fully maintained in their privileges, lands, revenues, and offices, according to their infeftments and their possession. 310 DAVID 11. A.D. 1363. XVII. The Earl of Douglas to be restored to the estates in England to which his father and uncle had right, or to receive an equivalent in a suitable place. XVIII. No grants to be revoked which have been made by the present King of Scotland, or any of his predecessors. XIX. The merchants of Scotland to use their liberties in merchandizing, and not to be obliged to go to Calais, (then the staple town for the sale of wool), or elsewhere ; and to pay to the general customs, only half a mark for each sack of wool.* XX. The English King to make oath never to alienate the kingdom of Scotland, or to make over * " Que les marchans d'Escose useroient leur franchises de marchander, et qu'ils ne seroient constrainz a aler a Cales, ne ailleurs, fors a leur voloir, et qu'ils ne paient fors demi marc du sac de laine a la grant coustume ;" Foedera, T. vi. p. 427. Not being perfectly certain as to the meaning of this article, I have added the words as they stand in the original, leaving my readers to judge for themselves. Abercrombie, v. ii. p. 131. has given a translation of this article, which I imagine to be erroneous : It runs thus, " That the merchants of Scotland should have full liberty of commerce and trade with the English, and that they should not be obliged to go any where, not even to Calais, the then staple port for English wool, which was their gi-and, and perhaps, only commodity, but might purchase wool in England itself, upon paying but half a mark custom for the sack of it." He adds, in his commentary, " the Scots are invited to share in the commerce and wealth of flourishing and triumphant Eng- land." The expression " useroient leur franchises de marchan- der," seems to imply no more than that the Scottish dealers, as well in buying as in selling, should have their former privileges reserved to them. They might have full liberty of commerce and trade with the English ; but this could only mean in such a way as was consistent with the system of commerce established in England. If the Scots Avere to have full liberty to purchase, the English would have had full liberty to sell ; and this would at once have annihilated the favourite institution of staples. Hence I incline to conclude, that the mention of a duty of half A. D. 1363. DAVID II. 311 any part of it to be held of the King of England, or any one else, but to preserve the kingdom free and entire, as in the days of King Robert. XXI. His only counsellors, as to Scottish affairs, to be Peers and Lords of Scotland. XXII. To impose no taxes whatever, others, or otherwise, than what were wont to be imposed in the days of the former Kings of Scotland. XXIII. The people of Scotland not to be called out to military service, otherwise than of old. Af- ter the term of forty days, during which they are bound to serve on their own charges, to receive pay according to the rank of the persons who serve, and the nature and extent of the service. XXIV. The abbeys, and other religious houses of both kingdoms, to be reciprocally restored to their lands, revenues, and benefices. XXV. Indemnity to all who, after fealty per- formed to the English King, have revolted. XXVI. The treaty founded on this conference, to be read in presence of the people and the King, whenever he is crowned, and tlie King to make oath for observing all its conditions. XXVII. The King of England to advise with his council as to granting and confirming whatever other points, conditions, and articles, shall be de- manded by the three estates* of Scotland, for the a mark Sterling on the sack of wool, respects what was to be paid as a duty on Scottish wool, not what was to be paid on the purchase of English wool. The difference is exceedingly ma- terial. * " Les trois comunaltes ;" Foedcra^ T. vi. p. 427. 3J2 DAVID II. A. D. 1363. general good of the kingdom, and for the more firm estabhshment of lasting tranquillity.* XXVIII. The King of Scots to sound the in- clinations of his people as to the subject of this conference, and to inform the English King, and his council, of the result, fifteen days after Easter next. The two Kings having retired from the confe- rence, their counsellors discoursed on the perplex- ing question of " a recompense to be made for the castles and territories, which it was proposed to yield up to the Scots, in case the treaty should be frustrated by the King of Scots leaving issue-male." What expedients were suggested on either side is unknown. Happily for David Bruce, the secret of this con- ference was faithfully kept.t Had it been disclos- ed, the proposals, however cautiously expressed, ■would have raised a general alarm in the Scottish nation, and have proved the cause of a more for- midable insurrection than that which had been lately quelled. It is probable that David, on his return to Scotland, was soon made sensible of the * Abercromhie, y. ii. p. 132. thus translates the xxvii. article : " That the King of England was willing to grant, by the advice of his council, whatever else the three communities of the king- dom of Scotland should ask for their farther security and satis- faction." But " se voudra aviser a grantcr," is far short of such a meaning. In truth, the article is merely elusory. It only implies that Edward III. would grant any other conditions that might be agreeable to himself. By mentioning tlie advice of fas council, he provided against the odium of refusing his assent to any equitable modifications of the treaty. -|- To the best of my recollection, this conference was pot known till after the union of the two kingdoms, when Mr Rymer published it in the sixth volume of Foedcra Angliae. A. D. 1363^ DAVID II. 313 extravagance and impracticability of the plan di- gested in the conferences at Westminster. It was, indeed, a plan equally extravagant and impracticable. It did not tend to establish the in- ternal tranquillity, increase the importance, or se- cure any valuable interests of the nation ; neither do the Scots appear to have stipulated advantages of moment with respect to their commerce. According to the plan proposed, the King of England was to become the Sovereign of the Scots ; and thus the line of regal succession, acknowledged in the reign of Robert Bruce, was to be broken, all the descendants of his daughter Marjory disinherit- ed, and even the daughters of David Bruce, and all the descendants of those daughters, excluded from the throne. No national benefit* accrued from a treaty so humiliating, and of such obvious injustice, other than a discharge of the sums still due for the ran- som of the King of Scots. The only visible motives which could have in- duced the King of Scots to ratify such articles, are, the jealousy which he might have conceived * I say, " no other national benefit," for it is evident from the difficulty suggested at the end of the conference, that the English would never have surrendered Berwick, tic. until the King of England had become possessed of his new kingdom. The reader will remark, in the minute of the conference at Westminster, an affected repetition of the phrase, the kingdom of Scotland. Perhaps the Scottish negotiators imagined, that the phrase was sufficient to secure the independence of their country. But the clause concerning military service, would of itself have had the consequence of rendering the Scottish nation dependent, and of exhausting all her force in the warlike enter- prises of an English sovereign. 314. DAVID II. A. D. 1363. of the Stewart, as a person who was more respect- ed in Scotland than himself, and the impatient de- sire of securing liis own liberty. It will be re- membered, that he had come under the most so- lemn engagements to return to his prison, if the ransom was witliheld ; and he might possibly have discerned, that his subjects were either unable, or Tinwilling, to make regular payments of a sum so exorbitant. As he had no children, the exclusion of his own daughters was a very distant contingency. And if resentment, and the love of ease, were his mo- tives, every distant contingency would be disre- garded.* About this time it was that the King of Scots married Margaret Logic, a woman of singular beauty.t This unequal alliance proved unhappy. * I formerly imagined, that the proposal made by David II. to his parliament, was in consequence of the negotiations at Westminster, in November 1363. But the dates are so distinct- Jy marked in Fordun, and the argument from the nature of the obligation granted by the Stewart, in May 1363, is so cogent, that I do not see how that hypothesis can be supported. -|- In one MS. of Fordun she is called ihc daughter, and in another, the tvidotv of John Logic. In the MS. of Fordun, which Hearne used in his edition, she is called " magna domina, honestis ac nobilioribus orta natalibus." Boece, L. xv. fol. 327. a. says, that her flither was Sir John Logic. In Foedera, T. vi. p. 576. there is a passport to " Johannes de Logy de Scotia, cum xii equitibus," (26th October 1367). Be her parentage what it will, all writers agree that she was exceedingly beautiful. The author of Scala Chron. ap. Leland, T. i. p. 579. says, " the King of Scottes took to wife, by force of love, one Margaret de Logy." Fordun, or rather his interpolator, on mention being made of Margaret Logic, runs out into an extravagant digres- sion concerning bad wives ; L. xiv. c. 28 — 32. There are some passages in that digression capable of forcing a smile from the severest readers. A. D. 1365. DAVID II. 315 The King of Scots made another visit to Eng- land, (February 1363-4), under pretence of per- forming his devotions at the shrine of the Virgin at Walsingham.* 1364. The history of Scotland, from the year 1363 to the end of the reign of David II. affords few inte- resting occurrences ; and even these are, in general, imperfectly related. John King of France died, (at London, 8th April).'* He was succeeded by his son Charles, 1365. At first, the annual payments of the ransom set- tled for the King of Scots, had been made with tolerable regularity ;t but for some years past they had ceased. Probably the negotiations for a sur- render of Scotland had made the EngHsh King less importunate, and the Scottish less attentive as to the ransom ; but the negotiations being now at an * At the same time, Margaret, Ills consort, obtained a pass- port to visit the shrine of Thomas a Becket ; Foedera, T. vi. p. 435. The King of Scots visited England almost every year. See Foedera, T. vi. p. 451. 463. 497. 582. 613. 651. He had generally a numerous retinue. In January 1368-9, there were 100 horsemen in his train, and 60 in the train of his consort ; Foedera, T. vi. p. 582. Such frequent journies, undertaken in so great state, must have been exceedingly expensive. They were not fit to be undertaken by David Bruce, who ought to have studied, by frugality, to ease his affectionate and loyal sub- jects of the burden of his I'ansom. f The following payments were made: 1358, 24th June, 10,000 marks; Foedera, T. vi. p. 92. 1359, 30th October, 3000 marks; Foedera, T. vi. p. 142. 1359, 23d December, 2500 marks ; Foedera, T. vi. p. 151. Date uncertain, 4500 marks; Foedera, T. vi. p. 197. 1360, 24th June, 10,00d marks ; Foedera, T. vi. p. 201. In all 30,000 marks. »■* Knyghton, 2627. 316 DAVID II. A. D. 1365. end, Edward demanded the arrears, and the penal sums incurred through failure in payment. This produced a new treaty, by which the King of Scots obliged himself to pay one hundred thou- sand pounds Sterling,* at the rate of 6000 marks annually, on the 2d of February, until the whole should be cleared.'^ The truce between the two nations was prolonged to the 2d of February 18/0-1, (12th and 20th June 1365). 1367. About this time, committees of parliament, with parliamentary powers, were introduced, under the pretence of general conveniency.'^ From them the institution of The Lords of the Articles appears to. have had its origin. t * It is probable, however, that this was of the nature of a penal sum, and that, if the King of Scots faithfully observed the treaty on his part, the sum was to be restricted to 80,000 marks. Certain it is, that the method of accompting which ensued was on such principles. There is some obscurity in the transaction,, owing to this, that all the mutual obligations between the two Kings have not been published in Foedera. In Calendars of Ancieiit Charters, p. 228. 39no Edward III. there is this title, de quibusdam conditionibus contentis in treugis. This is, probably, the instrument wanting. f " A. D. 1367. Apud Sconam convocatis tribus communi- tatibus regni congregatis ibidem, certae personae electi fuerunt per eosdem ad parliamentum tenendum, data aliis causa autumni licentia ad propria redeundi ; quidam ex parte cleri, quidam ex parte baronum, quidam ex parte burgensium, electi sunt. <' Parliamentum apud Perth, 6. March 1368, cum super certis punctis praesens parliamentum fuerit ordinatum teneri, electi fuerunt certae personae ad ipsum parhamentum tenendum, data licentia aliis reccdendi. " Parliamentum apud Perth, 18. Feb. 1369, anno regni Da- vidis 40. Quum fuerit inexpediens quod universalis communitas ad deliberationem intenderet seu expectaret, electi fuerunt qui- dam, ad generalem et unanimem consensum et assensum triuni »* Foedera, vi. 468. *° Pitmeiiden, MS. Collections. A. D. 1369. DAVID II. 317 1369. The truce between the two nations was pro- longed for the farther space of fourteen years, and it was agreed that the residue of the ransom mo- ney should be cleared by annual payments of 40(X) marks,* (20th July)."' In this year an act of parliament was made of the following tenor : " No justiciary, sheriff, or other officer of the King, shall execute any orderj whether under the great seal, privy seal, or signet^ if such order be against law ; but whenever it is presented to him, he shall indorse it, (or note it), communitatum congregatavum, ad ea quae concernunt commu- nem justitiam, judicia contradictoria et querelas alias, quae per parliamentum debeant determinari, discutienda, et alii per eos communes et alias commuyiitates (Qu.) electi ad tractandum et deliberandum super certis et sp6cialibus ac secretis regni et regis Davidis negotiis, antequam veniant ad notitiam dicti con- cilii generalis, et quod judicia contradictoria proponentur penul- timo die parliamenti vacatis partibus et facta de premissis rela- tione solenni sentcntialiter sit pronunciatum, secundum leges et consuetudines regni." * While the annual payments of the ransom were made afe the rate of 6000 marks, according to the second treaty, there were paid the following sums: 1366-7, 2d February, 6000 marks; Foedera, T. vi. p, 493. 1367-8, 2d February, 6000 marks; Foedera, T. vi. p. 5.50. 1368-9, 2d February, 6000 marks; Foedera, T. vi. p. 585. 1369-70, 2d February, 6000 marks; Foedera, T. vi. p. 601. In all 24,000 marks. The King of Scots, in the third treaty, says, that 56,000 marks were still due. 24,000 marks added to that sum make up the 80,000 marks, which I understand to have been exigible, according to the second treaty. The 56,000 marks were at length completely paid, and a dis- charge in full was granted by ilichard II, in the 7th year of his reign, (1st December 1383) ; Foedera, T. vii. p. 417. For an account of the various payments, the reader may consult Foe- dera, T. vi. p. 648. 689. 734. T. vii. p. 26. 40. 68. 113. 152. 208. 271. 417. '7 Foedera, vi. 632, SIS DAVID II. A. D. 1369. and in that form return it j"* (at Scone, 18th Feb- ruary 1369-70). An act was also made, revoking all late grants by which any persons were exempted from bearing their share in public burdens, and in the services due to the King.t The King of Scots, yielding to the suggestions of his consort, imprisoned the Stewart and his three sons, John, Robert, and Alexander. This impri- sonment of the heir presiimj)tive and his children, is a singular event in a reign full of strange incidents, and yet it is mentioned by one historian alone.t 1370. The power of Margaret Logie over the uxorious but fickle monarch, was of short endurance. Dis- gusts and bitter animosities arose between the King and his consort. He applied to the Scottish bishops and obtained a divorce.il Margaret Logie escaped * " Nullus justiciarius, vicecomes, aut aliquis alius minister Hegis, faciet executionem alicujus mandati sibi directi, sub quocunque sigillo, magno, secreto, vel parvo, seu signeto in prae- judicium juris. Sed, si quid tale fuerit praesentatum, indorset et indorsatum remittat;" Stat. David II. c. 18. The date is added from a MS. in my possession. \ " Statutum est a Rege David, ex deliberatione parliamenti, conimuni utilitate pensata, quod oranes libertates de novo cou- ccssae generaliter revocentur, sic scilicet quod ad servicia Do- mini Kegis contribuant, conserviant, et opera subeant cum vicinis ;'' Chart. Morav. vol. i. fol. 80. Mucli might be learned from an accurate edition of the whole statutes of David II. % " Ad cujus suggestionem Rex nepotem suum Robertum Stewart, cum tribus filiis Johannem, Robertum, et Alexandrum, arrestavit, et in diversis munitionibus ad custodiendum deputa- ■vit ;" Fordun, L. xiv. c. 3i. II Fordun, L. xiv. c. 34-. says, " circa festum carnisprivii, an. 1369." In 1368-9, Lent commenced in the third week of February. Fordun mistakes, if he means to place the divorce about the beginning of Lent 1368-9, For it appears from jpoe- A. D. 1370. DAVID ir. 31^ from Scotland, and found means to present herself to the court at Avignon. She appealed to Pope Urban V. from the sentence of the Scottish bishops. The cause was warmly agitated, and depended long : the issue is not certainly known ; but as Forduii remarks that the Pope threatened to lay the king- dom of Scotland under an interdict, it is probable that the proceedings of the Scottish bishops were judged to be irregular.* dera, T. vi. p. 582. that David and his consort obtained a pass* port to visit England in January lf368-9 ; and it is not probable, that, in the very next month, he procured a divorce from her. Fordun, therefore, must have meant to place the divorce in 1S69-70. It is remarkable, that in Foedera, T. vi. p. 613. there is a passport, 10th March 1369-70, for David to visit England, in which no mention is made of his consort. * Fordun, who had seen a copy of the proceedings, is silent as to the grounds of the sentence pi-onounced by the Scottish bishops ; and, as to the reasons of appeal, he says, " Liber inde confectus, et notariorum signis signatus, praecellit in scrip- tura, judicio meo qui processum vidi et haec scripsi, continen- tiam literatui'ae quatuor psalteriorum ;" L. xiv. c. 34. But although he is so ridiculously accurate in recording the size of the writings, he says not a word of their contents. John Major, L. v. c. 23. honestly confesses that he was unacquainted with the merits of the cause. Boece, not inclining to be ignorant of any thing, observes, L. xv. fol. 327. a. that the King of Scots was reported to have m,arried Margaret Logie, rather on account " of her beauty, than with the wi.^h of having children by her : That he repudiated her when she had entered into her 25th year, and he had no hopes of children by her. (Magis, ut jactabatur, specie captus, quam quod sobolem ex ea cuperet. Earn autem annum egressam vicesimum quartum, (\\mrci. nidlam ex ca prolent speraret, repudiavit)." This is a singular story indeed ! The King married without wishing for children, and repudiated his wife be- cause he despaired of having children by her. And the reason of his despair was, that she had entered her twenty-fifth year ! Bellenden, B. xv. fol. 231. a. perceiving, probably, that this story was absurd, has substituted another in its room, which, from its tenor, has the appearance of a popular tradition : " He mariit ane lusty woman, namet Margaret Logy, and, within thre monethis after, he repentit, and wes so sorrowful, that he had degradit his blud ryal with sic obscure lynnage, that he banist 14 320 DAVID II. A. D. 1370. On the disgrace of Margaret Logie, the Stewart and his three sons were released from their prison, and reinstated in the favour of the King.'^ David 11. died (^2d February 1370-1, in the castle of Edinburgh), in the 47th year of his age, and the 42d of his reign.' ^ He was buried in the church of the abbey of Holyrood> before the great altar. He was succeeded by his nephew Robert, the Stewart of Scotland. When we acknowledge David II. to have been courteous and affable, and possessed of personal intrepidity, we complete the catalogue of his praise- hir, and all otheris that gave him counsall thairto, out of his realme. At last this lady past, with an certane hir freindis, to Avinion, quhaire the Paip held his seit for the tyme, and wes' so favorit, that scho gat finalie an sentence aganis King David, to annexe to hir as his lawchfull lady and wyffe. Thus suld the realme have cumyn under interdiction and gret truble, tvernocht scho deceissit be the ivay retiirncmd home." Much of this ill-told and confused story may be confuted from record. Margaret Logie was living with the King of Scots, and acknowledged as his wife, from 12th January 1365-6, to 4th January 1368-9 ; Foedera, T. vi. p. 484. 497. 582. So that instead of banishing her in three months, he lived with her iliree ijears, and, probably, for a longer space. The time of her death is uncertain ; but we know that she survived her husband. She was at Avignon on the 23d June 1372. She is then styled '' egregia Domina, Domina Margareta, Regina Scotiae, uxor quondam Domini Davidis Regis Scotiae illustris, jam defuncti ;" Foedera, T. vi. p._727. She obtained a passport from Edward III. *i4th March 1 373-4 ; Foedera, T. vii. p. 35. Hence we may certainly conclude, that it was not her death which relieved Scotland from the apprehension of a Papal interdict. Fordun, it is true, says something like this ; " si supervixisset." But, tc reconcile his expression with the truth of history, we must sup- pose that Rex, or Papa, is to be understood ; that is, David Bruce, or Pope Urban V. " Fordun, xiv. 34. '» Fordun, xir. 34, A. D. 1370. DAVID II. 321 worthy qualities.* But the defects in his charac- ter were many, and all of them were prejudicial to the public ; he was weak and capricious, violent in his resentments, and habitually under the domi- nion of women. The Scottish nation had an amiable partiality for the only son of their great deliverer, and his mis- fortunes excited universal pity. Hence it is, that A worthy friend of mine, while at Rome in 177G, took the trouble of inquiring whether the proceedings on the appeal of David 11. were to be found in the Papal archives. The Abbate Cocquelini, the learned and industrious editor of the Magnum Bullarmm Romanuni, engaged in this search. It was laborious, and proved unsuccessful. I cannot express this so well as in his own words. After having mentioned his searches in the Vatican library, and elsewhere, he says, " Confugiendum fuit ad secretins archivium Vaticanum, in quo regesta Integra bullarum, brevium, ac literarum Pontificum Avenionensium asservari ex- ploratum est, Romam a Cardinali Ursinio duobus abhinc seculis adsportata. Elias Baldius, Graecae Latinaeque linguae scriptor in laudata bibliotheca, et Johannes Marinius secretions Vaticani scrinii pro-custos, pro sui fide asseverant, codices se singulos bibliothecae et archivii non regesta modo, sed schedas quoque quam diligentissime, nee sine magno dierum quinque impendio, perlustrasse, nullamque actae a Davide Rege, causae aut inter- positae appellationis schedam vel indicium adinvenisse." If, by any accident, this work should fall within the knowledge of the Abbate Cocquelini, and his associates, they are requested to ac- cept of my sincere thanks. I lament that, when I wished to have the inquiry made, the precise date of the proceedings was not known to me. That would have greatly abridged the trou- ble of such a search. The proceedings must have been in 1370, or in the beginning of 1371, about the latter end of the Pontifi- cate of Urban V. * Fordun, L. xiv. c. 34. says, that David II. by his policy, suppressed the robbers in the mountainous country of Scotland, and in the isles : That he set them against each other, reward- ed those who destroyed their adversaries, and thus, insensibly, extirpated the disturbers of the public peace. It was a cruel poHcy, if indeed used. But it is probable, that, in this account, there is much exaggeration. For the remote parts of Scotland remained as uncivilized and disorderly after the reign of David II. as in elder times. VOL. II. X 322 DAVID II. A.D. 13Y0. the historians of our country are studious to draw a veil over the faults of David 11. * Nevertheless, M^hile we pity the early exile, and imfortunate valour, and tedious captivity of the only son of Robert Bruce, we ought not to forget, that he degenerated from the magnanimity of his father, and that, through the allurements of present ease, or through motives of base jealousy, he was willing to surrender the honour, security, and in- dependence of that people whom God and the laws had intrusted to his protection. * It must, however, be admitted, that our historians were ignorant of the conferences at Westminster in November 1363. Fordun imagined, that the proposal made by' the King to his parliament in the beginning of that year, was in consequence of a promise extorted from him during his captivity, L. xiv. c. 24. This good-natured hypothesis, founded on an imperfect know*' ledge of facts, has been adopted by later historians, who had opportunities of being better informed. MISCELLANEOUS OCCURRENCES. 1306. William of Lambyrton Bishop of St Andrews, while a prisoner in England, had a daily allowance for himself of six pence, of three pence for his serv- ing man, of three half-pence for his footboy, and of three half-pence for his chaplain.' Elisabeth, the consort of Robert Bruce, while a prisoner in England, had servants appointed to at- tend her,* and particularly, " a footboy for her chamber, sober, and not riotous, to make her bed."* 1308. John Duns Scotus,t called doctor subtiliSy died, a person excessively admired by his contemporaries. * " Eit ele un garzon a pee, por demorer en sa chambre, tiel qui soit sobre, et ne un riotous, por son lit faire." f " Descended from the family of The Dunses in the Merse ;" M^Kenzie, Lives of Scots Writers, vol. i. p. 215. But Camden, Britannia, p. 861. says, that he was a native of Northumberland ; because a note subjoined to a manuscript copy of the works of John Duns, in the library of Merton College, Oxford, has these words : " Explicit lectura subtilis doctoris in universitate Oxo- niensi, super libros sententiarum, Doctoris Johannis Duns, nati in villa de Emilden vocata Dunstan, contracta Duns, in comitatu Northumbriae, pertinens ad doraum scholasticorum de Mertori' ' Foedera, ii. 1015. ^ Foedera, ^, 1015. 324. MISCELLANEOUS OCCURRENCES, a. d. 1308, He taught what, in those days, was called philo- sophij and theology^ at Oxford, Paris, and Cologne. It is reported, that, at Oxford, thirty thousand pupils attended his lectures.* hall in Oxonio, et quondam dictae domus socii." This testi- mony is not sufficient to confute the received opinion : For, in its utmost latitude, it only implies, that an unknown and illiterate transcriber of the works of John Duns, chose to make him a native of Emilden in Northumberland, called Dunstan, and, by a fanciful abbreviation. Duns. There was a more ancient Johannes Scotus, distinguished by the appellation of Erigena, who flourished in the days of the Emperor Charlemagne. The Scots have laid claim to him also as their countryman ; but upon less probable grounds. They translate Erigenay " a native of the town of Ayr ;" but, in order to justify this translation, they must suppose that the town of Ayr existed in the days of Char- lemagne ! The obvious translation of Erigena is, " a native of Ireland." * Anthony a Wood, Antiquitates Universitatis Oxoniensis, p. 147. ad. an. 1303, says, " Hac denuo tempestate exmidare coepit scholarium frequentia — Oppidanis Brevi regio Sept. xix. dato, stricte praecipitur ut hospitiorum scholasticorum posses- sione propere excederent, maxime cum academici lecturas jam essent resumpturi. Quod regem vero induxit, ut mandatis suis exequendis sedulo magis attenderet, erat Scotorum frequentia, quos Oxonii commorari jusserat : Male enim metuens, ne gentis illius optimates, et ingenua pubes, si alibi educarentur, rebus novis maxime studerent ; post Scoticas suas expeditiones, cap- tivorum quemque eruditioni deditum Oxonium deduxit." This inundation of Scottish students was, in all likelihood, the inun- dation of the pupils of John Duns Scotus, called Scoti, from their master, or from the sect to which they belonged. That they were Scotsmen of fashion, (optimates et ingenua pubes), is exceedingly improbable. Janus Vitalis says of John Duns, ————— " omnibus sophistis Argutus magis, atque captiosus." Which may be thus translated: " The chief of quibblers." Jacobus Latomus, in one of his epigrams, says, " Quaecunque humani fuerant jurisque sacrati In dubium veniunt cuncta, vocante Scoto." That is, " All laws to canvass, human or divine. Of all to doubt, great Scottish Duns, was thine !" I have only to add, concerning this singular personage, tha^ Lucas Wading published a part of the works of John Duns in A. D. 1312. MISCELLANEOUS OCCURRENCES. 325 1310. So great famine in Scotland that many persons fed on horse-flesh.^ 1312. Hugh Harding, an Englishman, challenged Wil- liam de Seintlowe, a Scotsman, for bearing the coat armorial of Harding."^ To decide the contro- versy, they fought at Perth. William de Seintlowe was vanquished, and resigned the coat armorial, and the honour of the combat, to Hugh Harding, by open confession, in presence of Robert Bruce. The King, sitting on his throne, adjudged the coat armorial to Harding.* ten volumes in folio, a. d. 1639 ; and that many treatises of his composition are still in MS. * " Robertus, Dei gratia, Rex Scotiae, omnibus ad quos praesentes literae pcrvenerint, salutem. Cum nos accepimus duellum apud nostrum villam de Perthe, die confectionis prae- sentium, inter Hiigonem Harding, Anglicum appellantem, de armis de Goules, tribus leporariis de auro colloi'ee de B. et Wil- lielmum de Seintlowe, Scotum appellatum, eisdem armis sine differentia indutos. Quo quidem duello percusso, praedictus Willielmus se finaliter reddidit devictum, et praedicto Hugoni remisit ac relaxavit, et omnino de se et haeredibus suis in per- petuum praedicta arma, cum toto triumpho, honore, et victoria, ore tenus in audientia nostra. Quare, nos in solio nostro tribu- nali regali sancti patris, cum magnatibus et dominio regni nostri personaliter sedentes, adjudicavimus et finaliter decretum dedimus, per praesentes, quod praedictus Hugo Harding et haeredes sui, de caetero in pcrpetuum habcant et teneant, gaudeant et portent, praedicta arma integraliter, absque ca- lumnia, perturbatione, contradictione, reclamatione, praedicti Willielmi seu haeredum suorum : In cujus rei testimonium, has literas nostras fieri fecimus patentes, apud dictam villam nostram de Perthe, secundo die ApriHs, anno regni nostri septimo, annoque Domini 1312." " Diploma hoc, genere et studiis nobilissimi Sampsonis Er- deswick, de quo vide Camdenum, adversariis debemus ;" E. Bisse, 3 Fordun, xii. 18. ♦ E. Bisse, in N. Uptonum, de studio miliuri. Notae 34, 326 MISCELLANEOUS OCCURRENCES. A.D.13U. 1314. Five shillings supposed to be the value of a cow, and six shillings and eight pence, the value of an ex.* 1327. Fire-arms were first employed by the English in their wars with Scotland. Barbour calls them *' crakys of war." ^ Froissart thus describes the manner of living of the Scots during their military expeditions.^ " Their Knights and Esquires are well mounted on great coursers ; the common sort and the country people ride little horses. They take no carriages with them, by reason of the unevenness of the ground among the hills of Northumberland, through which their road lies, neither do they make provision of bread or wine ; for, such is their abstemiousness, in N. Uptonum de studio militari ; Notae, p. 34. Colloree de B. is obscure ; perhaps it may signify, that the greyhounds had blue collars. In plain language, the coat armorial was, " three gold or yellow greyhounds, with (blue) collars, on a red field." Harding won it, and, by the decree of the King of Scots, wore it. This certificate is singular in its style ; I do not affirm it to be anthentic, not having seen the original writing. Qu. Was this Hugh related to John Harding the forger ? * " Assedatio tcrrarum de Dunnethyn," by Bernard Abbot of Aberbrothock, to David de Maxwell — " Et si dictus David amerciatus fuerit in curia Domini Abbatis, pro propria querela dabit pro amerciamento, quoties acciderit, quinque solidos, vel tuiam vaccam ;" Ch. Aberbro. vol. ii. fol. 12. Bernard, the Abbot, became Bishop of Sodor in 1328. The delivery of Jour oxen by the Earls of Lennox, was commuted, in 1317, into a payment of two marks of silver. So that, at that time, it ap- pears that the price of an ox was six shillings and eightpence. The deed containing this commutation is so cautiously conceiv- ed, that we may conclude the bargain to have been fair ; Chart. Aherbroth. ibid. 5 Barbour, 411. ^ Froissart, i. 18. A. D. 1327. MISCELLANEOUS OCCURRENCES. 327 that, in war, they are wont, for a considerable space of time, contentedly to eat flesh half dressed, without bread, and to drink river water, without wine : Neither have they any use for kettles and caldrons ; for, after they have fiead the cattle which they take, they have their own mode of dressing them.'* (This he elsewhere ^ describes to be, by fixing the hide to four stakes, making it in the shape of a caldron, placing fire below, and so boil- ing the flesli). " They are sure of finding abun- dance of cattle in the country through which they mean to go, and therefore they make no farther provision. Every man carries about the saddle of his horse, a great flat plate, and he trusses behind him a wallet full of meal ; the purpose of which is this : after a Scottish soldier has eaten flesh so long that he begins to loath it, he throws this plate into the fire, then moistens a little of his meal in water, and when the plate is once heated, he lays his paste upon it, and makes a little cake, which he eats to comfort his stomach. Hence we may see, that it is not strange that the Scots should be able to make longer marches than other men."* * Here is a minute and long description of the method of baking bannocks on a girdle. Froissart says, " chacun eraporte entre la selle do son cheval et le penon, une grande piece plate." Sauvage, the publisher of Froissart, annot. 39. confesses his ig- norance of the sense of the woxA. penon at this place. It proba- bly implies crupper. As to the caldrons made of the hides of cattle, Sauvage says, annot. 41. " J'ay entendu de ceux qui disent avoir veu chose semblable en Escoce, que les Escosois, apres avoir ecorche les grosses bestes, attachent les peaux, par les pieds, a quatre fourchettes droites, lichees en terre : Telle- ? Froissart, i, 19> 3'J8 MISCELLANEOUS OCCURRENCES, a. 0.1329. 1329. Thefts had become so frequent in Scotland, that husbandmen were obliged to house their plough- shares every night.^ Randolph, Regent in the minority of David II. ordered that all plough- shares should be left in the fields, and, if stolen, that the county should refund their value. A cer- tain husbandman hid his ploughshare, and, pretend- ing that it had been stolen, obtained its value* from the sheriff of the county. The cheat hap- pened to be discovered, and the husbandman was hanged for theft. 1335. Edward III. made a grant of the estate of Ed- rington near Berwick. This grant is remarkable ; because it determines a controverted point in the history of the law of Scotland. It proves, that an- ciently salmon-Jishings and mills were extended, that is, valued, for ascertaining the rate of public taxations,! &c. raent qu'au milieu d'icelles peaux, alnsi suspendues, se fait un fond : dedans lequel ils mettent bouillir et cuire ce qu'ils veu- lent, sur feu moyen, et si bien tempere, que c'est tout s'il brule seulenient le poll, qui est tourne vers lui." * Fordun says, that the iron work of the plough was estimat- ed at two shillings. f " Quae quidem villa (de Ederynton) piscaria (de Edermuth) et molendina (villae de Berewico) ad centum et septem libras, tres solidos, et septem denarios, tempore pads, per dilectum cle- ricum nostrum Thomam de Burgh, Camerarium nostrum de Berewico super Twedam, de mandate nostro extenduntur ;" Foedera, T. iv. p. 670. Here also there is a new sense of the phrase tempore pads, not implying any ancient valuation, but tonly the rate at which the subjects might be reasonably estimat- ed in times of public tranquillity. ^ Fordun, xiii< 18. A. D. 1336. MISCELLANEOUS OCCURRENCES. 829 By a treaty of alliance between Edward Balliol and John Lord of the Isles, it was specially pro- vided,' that the Lord of the Isles should have right to stand godfather to any heir of BallioPs body.* 1336. Alan of Winton forcibly carried off the young heiress of Seton.'° This produced a feud in Lothian, ■while some favoured the ravish er, and others sought to bring him to punishment. Fordun says, that on this occasion a hundred ploughs in Lothian were laid aside from labour* Henry de Lancaster,! ciommander of the Eng- lish forces, invited the Knight of Liddesdale to combat with him in the lists at Berwick. In the first course, the Knight of Liddesdale was wounded by the breaking of his own spear. This accident having interrupted the sport, Henry de Lancaster requested Alexander Ramsay to bring twenty gen- tlemen with him to encounter an equal number of English. The request was complied with, and the *^ " Praeterea praefatus Dominus Rex vult et concedlt, quod quocunque tempore habeat haeredem de corpore suo legitime procreatum, quod compaternitas ejusdem haeredis praefato Johan- ni concedatur." In Du Cange, v. Compaternitas, it is said, Com- paternitas, cognatio spiritualis quae inter compatres intercedit. Cotnperage Gallis. P. Damiani, L. ii. Epist. 17. duo quidam viri qui et amicitiae invicem Jbedere, ct compaternitatis necessitudine, tenebantur. Thuroczius Reg. Hung. c. 66. apud quern aliquan- diu commoratus compaternitatis vinculo Regi sociatur, vid. c. 1. et 3. de cognatione spirituali" f Fordun, L. xiii. c. 43. calls him Earl of Derby ; but he did not obtain that title until 19th March 1337; Knyghton, p. 2568. The tournament at Berwick is placed at the only sea- son in which it could have been celebrated — during the truce in summer 1336. 9 Foedera, iv. 7 H , »° Fordun, xiii. 5 1 . 330 MISCELLANEOUS OCCURRENCES, a. d. 1336. sports continued for three days. Two of the Eng- lish combatants were killed on the field : Nor was the loss of their antagonists less considerable. The point of a spear pierced the brain of William de Ramsay. After having been shrieved, he expired in his armour. John Hay, an eminent person among the Scots, received a mortal wound. At this juncture, Patrick Graham happened to arrive from abroad. An English knight challenged him. ** Brother," said Graham, 'pleasantly , " prepare for death, and confess yourself, and then you shall sup in paradise." And so it Jell oitty says Fordun ; for Graham transfixed him with his spear, and left him dead on the field. This story is related, as much as possible, in the style of Fordun. He appears not to have felt any horror at a scene, where brave men, without either national animosity or personal cause of offence, lavished their lives in savage amusement. 1339. A great famine in Scotland, the poorer sort fed on grass, and many were found dead in the fields." 1340. At the siege of Stirling, in this year, the Scots employed cannon.'* 1345. Ten marks Sterling settled as a stipend on the vicar of Aberdeen.*'^ * In 1392, four marks were added to a prebend of six marks per annum, " Quod modernis temporibus sex marcae non suffi- ciunt annuatim ad sustentationem congruam capellani." It is added, " qui prebendarius sibi de habitu quoties indigebit tene- bitur providere ;" Chart. Aberdeen, fol. 108. " Fordtin, xiii. 4.6, " Froissart, i. 74. '^ Chart. Aberdeen, 73. A. D, 1349. MISCELLANEOUS OCCURRENCES. S31 1346. Alexander Bruce, Earl of Carrick, fell at Hali- don in ISSS.'"* A person assuming his name, ap- peared in Scotland. He said that he had been made prisoner in the battle ; that he had concealed his quahty for a long course of years 5 and, at length, under the feigned character of a citizen of Aber- deen, had procured himself to be ransomed. His tale, related with many circumstances, imposed on numbers, and particularly on the meaner sort. Af- ter having undergone several examinations at court, he made his escape into Carrick, his supposed in- heritance ; but he was apprehended, tried by a special commission, convicted as an impostor, and hanged, (at Ayr, July). Fordun says, that, accord- ing to the report of some, the judicial procedure against this adventurer was not formal ; and hence there w^ere who still believed that he had right to the title which he assumed. 1347. Edward Balliol, and many others, were engaged to serve the King of England.'^ The daily pay of BalUol was sixteen shillings ; of a banneret, four shillings ; of a knight, two shillings ; of an esquire, one shilling ; and of an archer on horseback, four pence. The Earl of Angus (Umfraville), and the other chief commanders, had the daily pay of eight shillings. Twenty- eight days were reckoned to the month, and ninety days to the quarter. ' 1349. David II. while a prisoner, appeared in a tour- '* Fordun, xiii. 51. 'S Foedera, v.517. 332 MISCELLANEOUS OCCURRENCES, a. d. 1349. nament at Windsor, (23d April).' ^ The harness of his horse was of blue velvet, " with a pale of red velvet, and beneath, a white rose, embroidered thereon." This is the earliest mention of the Scot- tish "white rose, which, in process of time, became a party badge. It appears to have had no con- nexion whatever with the York rose, and to have been more ancient than it. The great pestilence reached Scotland. It prov- ed mortal in forty-eight hours.'' The bodies of persons seized with this distemper swelled exceed- ingly. This pestilence was particularly fatal to the poorer sort. 1350. A perpetual annuity of eight marks Sterling, secured on land, was purchased for one hundred and twenty marks. Tliis appears to have been a deliberate bargain.* 1354. William Heron accused John Wallace and Wil- liam Prudholm as horse-stealers.'^ They offered to justify themselves according to the law and customs of Scotland, by single combat, against Heron, or * " Carta fundationis de uno capellano super firmam terrae de Mayn." By Alexander de Mennerys, Dominus de Lam- bride, (an English name, converted by degrees into Menyes, and, by a false reading, into Menzies). He says, " Cum Johan- nes de Innernys, cancellarius ecclesiae Moravien. volens in eadera ecclesia unum capellanum fundare pro anima sua, tradi- disset mihi in pecunia numerata centum et viginti marcas Sterl. ad comparandum sibi et assignatis suis in perpetuum annuum redditum octo marcarum Sterlingorum," &c. Chart. Morav. Vol. i. fol. 76. "5 Ashmole, History of the Garter, ii. 185. '7 Fordun, xiv, 7. »8 Foedera, v. 808. A. D. 1356. MISCELLANEOUS OCCURRENCES. 333 any person whom he should delegate. Heron ob- tained permission from Edward III. to send two men into Scotland as his champions for proving the charge. 1355. After the action at Nisbet in Berwickshire, a certain Frenchman, who served in the armies of Scotland, purchased some English prisoners, and, having conveyed them to a retired place, beheaded them, in revenge for the death of his father, whom the English had slain.' ^ 1 do not recollect a like example of sentimental barbarity in the history of latter ages. Edward III. had permitted Balliol to hunt in the forest of Inglewood.*° The forest laws were so rigorously maintained in those times, that it became necessary to grant a formal indemnity to all men who had hunted in company with Balliol. 1356. There is another instrument^' of a like nature, but still more singular, which mentions, that Bal- liol had caught offish in the ponds of the lordship of Haitfield, in Yorkshire, Feet. Inches. 2 Pikes of - - - 3 6 3 Pikes .--30 20 Pikes - - .- 2 6 20 Pikes - - - 2 50 Pikerels . J . 1 6 6 Pikerels ..-10 6 Breams and bremels 109 Perch, roach, tench, and skelys. W> Fordun, xiv. 9. ^° Foedjera, v. 828. ^' Foedera, v. 870. 433 MISCELLANEOUS OCCURRENCES. A. d. 1358. 1358. On Christinas Eve, there happened an inunda- tion in Lothian, great beyond example.** The rivers, swollen by excessive rains, rose above their banks, and swept away many bridges and houses. Tall oaks, and other large trees, that grew on the banks, were undermined by the waters, and carried off to the sea. The sheaves of corn laid out to dry in the adjacent fields were utterly lost.* The suburb of Haddington, called the Nimgate, was levelled to the ground. When the water approach- ed the nunnery at Haddington, a certain nun snatched up the statue of the Virgin, and threat- ened to throw it into the river, unless Mary pro- tected her abbey from the inundation.t At that moment the river retired, and gradually subsided within its ancient limits. " This nun," says For- dun, " was a simpleton, but devout, although not * Hence it appears that harvest was not got in on the S^th December 1358. f At this clay, the Portuguese sailors address their favourite St Antonio in a hke form. There is a curious passage concerning the Portuguese at Goa, in the travels of a zealous Roman catholic, de la Boulaye le Gouz, c. 25. p. 204'. " Les Portugais — ayment extremement Sainct Anthoine de Lisbon, ils lui font une particuliere devotion lors qu'il ne fait point de pluye ; ils prennent sa statue, I'attachent par les pieds, la trempent dans des puys la teste la premiere, et apres I'avoir bien mouillee et trempee plusieurs fois, ils la retirent par la corde qu'elle a attachee aux pieds, et font la mesme a celle de la Vierge Marie. Comme je m'estonnois de cette cere- monie extraordinaire, j'en demandai la raison au Pere Gardien des Capuches de Damaon, lequel me dist, que Sainct Anthoine vouloit estre ainsi traitte, et avoit opere par ce moyen une infi- nite de miracles ; et la Sainte Vierge, laquelle fit retrouver I'en- fant d'une pauvre femme, qui alia dans I'eglise apres I'avoir per- «* Fordun, xiv. 21. 26 A. D. 1362. MISCELLANEOUS OCCURRENCES. 335 according to knowledge."* If, however, she per- ceived any abatement of tlie inundation before slie uttered her threats, she was not a simpleton. 1361. The pestilence again in Scotland, with the same symptoms as in 13ut to Death the Son of Sir AlexaU' der Seton at Berivic/c, in 1333. FoRDUN relates, that the besieged in Berwick obtained a truce from Edward III. and became bound to deliver up the town, unless relieved within a time limited ; that, for the faithful execu- tion of this treaty, Thomas, the son and heir of Alex- ander Seton, governor of the town, was given as an hostage j that, after the lapse of the time limited, Edward required those in Berwick to surrender, and, on their refusal, hanged Thomas Seton on a gibbet before the gates, in sight of both his parents.' Boece, and his imitator, Buchanan, improve on the simple narrative of Fordun, and relate, that Edward hanged, not only the hostage, but also another son of Alexander Seton, who was a priso- ner of war. This seems to have been added to heighten the horrors of the narrative ; and it is not improbable that Boece, much conversant in antiquity, might have held it lawful, in certain circumstances, to kill an hostage ; and therefore, that, to make the character of Edward completely detestable, he re- presented him as a violator of the law of nations, by murdering a prisoner. ^ Fordun, xiii. 27, 28. SON OF SIR ALEXANDER SETON. 375 The heroic speech uttered by the wife of the governor is now given up on all hands as a rheto- rical fiction. In none of the ancient English historians hither- to published is there any mention made of tliis cruel incident ; and hence the modern liistorians of that nation are generally inclined to consider it as a tale absolutely fabulous. Tyrrel, however, has drawn up a narrative from the Chronicle of Lanercost, and the treatise called Scala Chronica, both in MS. which greatly favours the account given by Fordun."^ What he says, when divested of embarrassed expressions, pleo- nasms, and tautology, amounts to this : *' The besieged obtained a truce for fifteen days, and became bound to surrender, if not relieved within that term j for this there were given twelve hosta- ges, and, among them, the son of Sir Alexander Seton, the governor. After the lapse of the term, Edward required the governor to surrender ; but he refused. Then Edward, by advice of his coun- cil, commanded young Seton to be hanged in sight of his father. This severity so intimidated the other persons whose children were hostages, that they sought and obtained a prolongation of the truce for eight days more, under the condition of surrendering, if they were not relieved ;'* and " that the Scots having ineffectually attempted to relieve Berwick, a capitulation was concluded." The story in Tyrrel is certainly incorrect ; for we learn from an authentic instrument, Foedera, * Tyrrel, iii. 379. 376 APPENDIX. T. iv. p. 564 — 568. that what is called the seco?id truce was not for eight days, but for a shorter space, from the 15th to the 19th of July. To the story, as related by Fordun, and in Tyr- rel, there lies a capital objection, which, since the publication of Foedera AtigUaey is obvious to every one, namely, " That Alexander Seton is said to have been governor of the town of Berwick in July 133o ; whereas it is certain, from record, that Sir William Keith held that office, and, in the cha- racter of governor of the town of Berwick, entered into a negociation with Edward III." Mr Ruddiman observes,^ that it might be an- swered, ** That, when Sir William Keith, the go- vernor, obtained permission to go from Berwick, and lay the state of affairs before the Regent, he left Sir Alexander Seton as his deputy." But" this solution is altogether unsatisfactory, 1. Any one who peruses Fordun with attention must perceive that he supposed Alexander Seton to have been governor of the town of Berv;ick from the beginning of the siege. 2. The passport granted by Edward III. to Sir William Keith is dated l6th July, and therefore, if there were two treaties, must relate to the second. Now, if Sir W^illiam Keith appointed Alexander Seton to be deputy-governor in his own absence, this must have happened after the second treaty was made, and, consequently, after the death of young Seton, who is said to have been put to death because the conditions of the first treaty were violated ; and ^ Not. ad Buchanan. 429. SON OF SIR ALEXANDER SETON. 377 this seems effectually to confute the story, that at the death of yoang Seton his father was deputy- governor in absence of Sir William Keith. Another attempt might be made to get free of this difficulty, and it is by supposing, " That, on occasion of the first treaty. Sir William Keith ob- tained a passport to go to the Scottish army ; that he left Seton as his deputy ; that he returned in the interval between the death of young Seton and the second treaty ; and that then he obtained ano- ther passport, which is on record, to go again to the Scottish army." But this hypothesis is awk- ward and improbable, and is not supported by any evidence. Hitherto the weight of the argument is against the story related by Fordun, and the presumption seems to be for the general opinion of the later English historians. As to the MS. authorities of the Chronicle of Lanercostf I can say nothing, never having been able to discover in what library it is preserved. With respect to Scala Chronica^ I have been more fortunate, having obtained a copy of what it contains with respect to the siege of Berwick, ati. 1333* The reader will not be displeased to see the passage from Scala Chronica ; it brings many cu- rious circumstances to light, and may serve in a * The manuscript of Scala Chronica is in the hbraiy be- queathed to Corpus Christi college in Cambridge, by' Archbishop Parker. The Rev. Mr Nasmith, late Fellow of that college, transcribed it for my use, with a ready politeness which en- hanced the favour. 578 APPENDIX. great measure to terminate the controversy con- cerning the death of young Seton. " Le roy desirant les armys et honors, et soun counsail enprovauntz et coveittaunz les gueres, qy tost sez acorderent a cest conditioun, et le plus tost par desire a reconquer lors pris sur eaux, par queux ils le avoint perduz. Des plus prive du counsail le Roy moverent ove Edward de Baillol. Qui en le second semayn de qarresme assigerent la vile de Berevvyk par mere et terre ; et pro- cheyneraent devaunt la Pentecost, le Roy d'Englet. y veint meismes, et assaillerent la vile, mais ne la pristrent point ; mais reaparaillerent meutz lors horduz pour reassailler la dit vile. En le mene temps ceaux dedenz la vile parlerent de condi- ciouns, que sils ne ussent rescous devaunt un cer- tain jour, qu*ils renderoint la vile ; et sur ceo baillerent hostages. Devaunt quel temps limitez tout le poair d'Escoce, un si graunt multitude dez genz qi a mervail, {>asserent I'eaw de Twede en uu aube de jour a le Yarforde, et ses monstrerent de- vaunt Berewik del autre Twede devers Engleter au plain vieu du Roy et de son ost, et bouterent gentz et vitaillis dedenz la vile, et demourerent la tout le jour et la nuyt. Et lendemain a haut hour delogerent et moverent parmy la tere le Roy en Northumbreland, ardauntz et destruyauntz le pays au plain vieu del ost as Engles. Cestes gentz departys a la maner le counsail le Roy al assege demanderent la vile selonc lez condiciouns, le terme passe de lours rescous. Ceaux dedenz di- soint, qils estoint rescous et dez gentz et des vi- SON OF SIR ALEXANDER SETON. 37<> tails. Si monstrerent novelis gardeins de la vile et chevalers eynz boutes de lour ost, dount Willm de Keth estoit un od autres. Fust avys au dit counsail qe ils avoint perduz louz ostages. Si firent pendre le fitz Alex, de Setoun gardeyn de la vile. Cest ostage mort a la maner, lez autres dedenz la vile par tendresce de lours enfauntz q'estoient ostages, renovelerent condiciouu par assent des chevalers einz boutes as queux estoit avys qe lour poair d*Escoce surmountoit le ost le Roy d'Engiet. Si pristrent tiel novel condicion qe devaunt lez xv. jours ils butroient ij centz horns darmis par force par sek tere dedenz la vile entre Post des Engles et la haut mere, ou qe ils lez com- bateront au playn. Willm. de Keth, Willam de Prendregest, et Alex. Gray, chevalers qestoient einz boutez dedenz la vile avoient conduyt a passer parmy l*ost devers lour gentz d'Escoce, od cest condicioun qe furent amenez par conduyt parmy Northumb. qi lour ost d'Escoce troverent a Wit- ton-Undrewod, et les reamenerent a Berewik a per- former lour rescous, ou ils vindrent combattre, et ou ils furent descounfitz. Archebald de Douglas al hour gardein d'Escoce de par le Roy David de Brus fust la mort, lez Countis de Rossce, Muret, de Meneteth, de Levenaux, et de Suthirland, furent la mortz. Le Seignour de Douglas Fitz James de Douglas qi morust en le frounter de Cernate sur lez Sarazins, qavoit empris cest saint veage od le quere Robert de Bruys lour Roys qi le avoit devise en soun moriaund, et touz plain dez barouns dez chevalers et dez comunes furent illoeqs un tres 880 APPENDIX. graiint noumbre mortz. La vile se rendy sur condiciouns taille. Le Count de la Marche qavoit le chastel de Berewik a garder, deveint Engles, qi n*avoit my graunt gree de nul coste, qi en le mene temps fist affermer par sufFraunce le Roy soun chastell de Dunbar, qi puis fist grant mal.'* That is, *' The King was eager to be at the head of armies, and to gain renown. His counsellors approved of war, and wished for it : And there- fore, they speedily agreed to the conditions pro- posed (by Balliol and his adherents). And this the rather, because they sought, by the means of the Scots themselves, to recover what the Scots had taken from England. Some of the chief coun- sellors of the King went with the army of Edward Balliol ; and, in the second week of Lent, they laid siege to the town of Berwick, by sea as well as on the land side. And shortly before Whitsun- tide, the King of England came thither in person. They assaulted the town ; but they did not master it. Then they busied themselves in repairing their hurdles for a new assault. At this time, the be- sieged entered into a treaty with the besiegers, and agreed to surrender the town, unless succoured be- fore a certain day : And to that effect they gave hostages. Before the day thus limited, the whole power of Scotland, in astonishing numbers, crossed the river of Tweed one morning at day-break, at the Yareford, and shewed themselves before Ber- wick, on the south side of the river, towards Eng- land, in full view of the King and his army. They conveyed some men and provisions into the town. SON OF SIR ALEXANDER SETON. 381 and they remained on their ground all the day and the night following ; and next day, before noon, they removed into the territories of the King in Northumberland, burning and ravaging the coun- try in full view of the English army. These men having thus departed, the King's counsellors re- quired the town to be given up, as the term sti- pulated for their being succoured had now elapsed. The besieged made answer, that they had received succours both of men and of provisions ; and they shewed that there were new governors in the town, and also knights, who had been sent from their army. Sir William Keith was one, and there were others besides. It was the opinion of the English council that the Scots had forfeited their hostages, and, therefore, they caused the son of Alexander Seton, governor of the town, to be hanged. On his death, after this sort, the other people of the town, from affection for their children, who were also hostages, renewed the treaty of capitulation. The Scottish knights who had found entrance into the town, advised them to this, being of opinion that their forces were superior to the army of the King of England. By the new conditions, it was agreed to surrender the place, unless, within fifteen days, the Scots should either throw 200 men at arms in a body into the town by dry land, be- tween the sea and the English army, or combat (and overcome) the English army in open field. William de Keith, William de Prendegest, and Alexander Gray, all knights who had thrown them- selves into the place, had a passport to go through 582 APPENDIX. the English camp to their countrymen in Northum- berland. They found the Scottish forces at Witton Underwood, and brought them back to the relief of Berwick. The Scots fought, and were discom- fited. Archibald Douglas, then Regent of Scot- land for King David Bruce, was there slain, toge- ther with the Earls of Ross, Murray, Menteth, Lenox, and Sutherland. The Lord Douglas also fell. He was the son of James Douglas who perished on the frontiers of Granada, in battle asrainst the Saracens. This James Douelas had undertaken that holy expedition with the heart of Robert Bruce King of Scots, in consequence of his dying request. There were slain, besides them, many barons and knights, and a great multitude of the common sort. The town surrendered accord- ing to treaty. The Earl of March, who held the castle, became English ; a man lightly esteemed by all parties. At the same time, by permission of the English King, he fortified his own castle of Dunbar, which afterwards had fatal consequences." Such is the narrative in Scala Chronica, of which Leland has made this very brief extract : " After that the hole Englisch hoste had faught with the Scottes, and had so great a victory, the toune of Berwick was given up to King Edward."* The narrative of Scala Chronica appears, in general, to be authentic, although not altogether free from errors. From it we discover the solution of that difficulty ♦ Leland, Collecta. i. 554. SON OF SIR ALEXANDER SETON. 383 in the accounts given by the Scottish historians, which hitherto has been inexpHcable ; namely, " how Sir Alexander Seton could have been gover- nor of the town of Berwick in July 1333, while it appeared from record, that, at that very time, Sir William Keith was governor." We now learn, that Sir Alexander Seton had been originally governor, but that Sir William Keith, having found means to enter Berwick to- wards the end of the siege, assumed the command, with a view, no doubt, to favour the pretext of Berwick having received succours, according to the letter of the treaty. Hence, also, we may discern why the English were so exceedingly minute in the second treaty^ as to what should be held as succours to Berwick, It was to prevent any ambiguity like that which had arisen from the too general terms in which, as it seems, the Ji7^st treaty had been conceived. The right of putting an hostage to death, when the conditions of the treaty, for which he was given in pledge, are not performed, has been ex- amined by the writers on the law of nations, more diligent in collecting precedents, than in establish- ing principles,^ That parties contracting may agree to give some of their own number as host- ages, to be put to death if the treaty is violated on their part, appears to be a proposition of more difficulty than is generally apprehended ; but that they may agree to give their children as hostages, S Grodus de Jure Belli et Pacis, uL 4. 14. J84. APPENDIX. under such conditions, is repugnant to every no- tion of morality ; and, therefore, I neither pretend to justify Sir Alexander Seton for exposing his child to death, nor Edward III. for killing him. No. VI. Vol. II. Page ^65. List of the Persons of Distinction in the Scottish Army Killed or made Prisoners at the Battle of Durham, 11 th October 1346. Knyghton is the historian who has given the most ample list of the killed at the battle of Dur- ham ; yet it is in various particulars erroneous, and it has been strangely disfigured by the mis- takes of transcribers. Knyghton has afforded the ground-work of the following list ; and care has been taken to correct his errors, whenever they could be detected. This was the more necessary, because our writers seem to have despaired of be- ing able to correct the list, and have left many names as erroneous as they found them. Thus, Abercrombie has Humphrey de Blois, and Robert Maltalenty and, to conceal his ignorance, he affirms them to have been Frenchmen.' He has also David Banant and Nicholas Clopodolian, names which he has not ventured to account for. Some additions have been procured from Fordun, although his list ' Martial Achievements, ii. 98. BATTLE OF DURHAM. 385 is not so full as that in Knjghton.* These addi- tions are marked, F. It is impossible to give a correct list of all the prisoners of distinction taken at Durham ; for it appears, that many persons privately took ransoms for the prisoners whom they had made, and suffer- ed them to depart. This practice became so gene- ral, that it was prohibited under pain of death, (20th November, and 13th December 1546).^ Most of the prisoners of distinction, who had not escaped by means of this connivance, were ordered to be conveyed to the tower of London, (8th December 1346)."* From that instrument, and from some other scattered notices, I have drawn up a list of prisoners, not so complete, in- deed, as might have been wished, yet more authen- tic and intelligible than any that has been hitherto exhibited. Killed. 1. John Randolph, Earl of Moray 2. Maurice Moray, Earl of Strathern 3. David de la Haye, Constable, F 1. The younger son of Randolph the Regent. With him the male hne of that heroic family ended. He was succeeded in his honours and estate by his sister, the Countess of March, vulgarly termed Black Agnes. 2. In right of his mother Mary. The English, in general, did not acknowledge his title. Knyghton mentions him again under the name of Maurice de Murref. 3. Knyghton mentions his name, but without his title of office. * L. xiv. c. 3. 3 Foedera, v. 533. 536-, 557. * Foedera, v. 533-^535. VOL. II. B b 386 APPENDIX. 4. Robert Keith, Marshall, F 5. Robert de Peebles, Chamberlain, F 6. Thomas Charters, Chancellor, F 7. Humphry de Bois 8. John de Bonneville, F 9. Thomas Boyd 10. Andrew Buttergask, F 11. Roger Cameron V2. John de Crawfurd ^ 13. William Fraser, F 14. David Fitz-Robert 15. William de Haliburton 16. William de la Haye 17. Gilbert de Inchmartin, F 18. Edward de Keith 19. Edmunde de Keith 20. Reginald Kirkpatrick 21. David de Lindesay v •t. Grantlson of Sir Robert Keith, mentioned vol. ii. p. 60. 5. There is considerable uncertainty as to this name. 6. De Carnuto. A name of great antiquity in Scotland. See Crawfurd, Officers of State, p. 19. 7. Knyghton, and his copists, say, de Bloys, probably BoySy the same with Boyse, or Boece. 9. This is a mistake in Knyghton, unless there were two persons of that name ; for there was a Thomas Boyd among the prisoners. 10. This family subsisted until about the beginning of the 15th century, when the heiress, Margaret Buttergask of that Ilk, made over her estate to the family of Gray. 13. OfCowie; ancestor of Lord Saltoun. 14. Probably some person who had not as yet assumed a surname. 15. Fordun says Walter ; but there is a Walter de Halibur- ton among the prisoners. 19. According to Knyghton, the brother of Edward de Keith. 21. Said by Fordun to have been " the son and heir of Lord BATTLE OF DURHAM. 387 22. John de Lindesay '^ 23. Robert Maitland 24. Maitland 25. Philip de Meldrum 26. John de la More 27. Adam Moygrave 28. William Moubray 29. William de Ramsay, the father 30. Michael Scot, F 31. John St Clair 32. Alexander Strachan ^S, — Strachan 34. John Stewart ^5, John Stewart 36. Alan Stewart 37. Adam de Whitsom David de Lindesay," ancestor of the Earls of Crawfurd and Balcarras. 23. Called Mantalent by Knyghton. From whence Aber- crombie formed " Maltalent, a French knight." Plainly Matu- lant, now Maitland, of Thirlestane, ancestor of the Earl of Lauderdale. 24. The brother of Robert Maitland of Thirlestane. 25. Called de Mildron by Knyghton. 28. There was a William Moubray among the prisoners. 29. A William de Ramsay, probably the younger., was among the prisoners. 30. Of MurthocJcstone, now Murdiestone, ancestor of the Duke of Buccleugh. 31. There was a John St Clair among the prisoners. 32. Called Stragy by Knyghton. 33. The brother of Alexander Strachan. 35. I conjecture that Sir John Stewart of Dreghorn is meant, whose father Jlan was killed at Halidon. 36. The brother of John Stewart. 37. Knyghton has Adam de Nyston, which is plainly an error in transcribing Perhaps de Di^nnistoun is the right name. Knyghton reckons; Patonus Heryng, r. Patricim Heron, among the slain. It appears from Foedera that he was a prisoner. 3S8 APPENDIX, Prisoners. 1. David II. King of Scots 2. Duncan Earl of Fife 3. John Graham, Earl of Menteth 4. Malcolm Fleming, Earl of Wigton 5. George Abernethy 6. David de Annand 7. William Baillie 8. Thomas Boyd 9. Andrew Campbell 10. Gilbert de Carrick Knyghton also reckons the Earl of Sutherland among the slain,^ Fordun, among the prisoners. It is certain that he was not killed ; and, it" he was made prisoner, he must have been among those who were suffered to escape immediately after the battle. 1. He received two wounds before he yielded himself a pri- soner. 2. He had sworn fealty to Balliol. He was condemned to suffer death as a traitor, but obtained mercy. 3. In right of his wife Mary, according to the mode of those times ; he was executed as a traitor. He had formerly sworn fealty to Edward III. 4. He is called Malcolm Fleming, without any addition ; Foedera, T. v. p. 537. He had a grant of the earldom of Wigton in 1342. See Craxvfurd, Peerage, p. 493. But the English government did not acknowledge the right of David II. to confer titles of honour. It is probable that he made his escape; for, in Calendars of Ancient Charters, p. 203. there is this title, " de capiendo Robertum Bertram, qui Malcolmum Fleming, Scotum, inimicum Regis, cvadere permisit." 5. Of Salton, ancestor of Lord Salton. 7. Supposed to be Baillie of Lambistoun or Lambintoun, vul- garly Lamington ; Nisbet, vol. ii. Appendix, p. 137. But see Sir James Dalrymple, p. 410. 8. Probably of Kilmarnock. The son of that Boyd who was the faithful and fortunate companion of Robert Bruce. 9. Of Loudoun. In right of his mother Susanna Crawfurd, heritable Sheriff of Ayrshire, ancestor of the Earl of Loudoun. 10. Ancestor of the Earl of Cassilis. His son assumed the name of Kennedy. BATTLE OF DURHAM. 389 11. Robert Chisholm 12. Nicholas Knockdolian 13. Fergus de Crawfurd 14. Roger de Crawfurd 15. Bartholomew de Dermond 16. John Douglas ly. William Douglas, the elder 18. Patrick de Dunbar 19. Adam de Fullarton 20. John Giffard SI, Laurence Gilibrand 22. David Graham 23. Alexander Haliburton 24. John de Haliburton 25. Walter de Haliburton 12. Called Clopdolian by Knyghton, and by Abercrombie, Clopodolian, in Galloway, although the name has a German air. 15. A German, as the record in Foedera bears. This is mentioned, because Abercrombie, vol. ii. p. 99. says, " perhaps Drummond, although he had perused Foedera. 16. Probably the younger brother of William Douglas of Liddesdale, ancestor of the Earl of Morton. 17. This person, I am confident, is William Douglas, the bastard brother of William Douglas of Liddesdale. There is no evidence that William Lord Douglas, son of Archibald, sur- named Tineman, and first Earl of that family, was made priso- ner at Durham, or, indeed, that he was present at tiie battle. Fordun, L. xiv. c. 6. expressly says, that he did not come from France till after the battle. We learn from Foedera, that he was at liberty while others were prisoners ; and we do not learn from Foedera that he was ever a prisoner. To support an erro- neous hypothesis of Boece, concerning William Lord Douglas, records have been misconstructed and misapplied. 22. Of Montrose ; ancestor of the Duke of Montrose. 23. 24-. Douglas, Peerage, p. 321. conjectures, not impro- bably, that they were the brothers of Walter de Haliburton. But he ought not to have referred to Fordun, v. ii. (L. xiv. c. 3.) in proof of this, for Fordun mentions them not. 25. Predecessor of the Lords Haliburton of Dirleton. 390 APPENDIX. 26. Patrick Heron Sy. William de Jardin 28. Roger de Kirkpatrick 29. Thomas de Lippes 30. William de Livingston 31. Lorein 32. Duncan M'Donnel 33. Duncan M'Donnel 34. : — de Makepath / 35. John de Maxwell 36. Walter Moigne 37. David Moray 38. William de Moray 39. William More 40. William Moubray 41. Patrick de Polwartli 42. John de Preston 43. Alexander de Ramsay 28. Made prisoner by Ralph de Hastings. Hastings died of his wounds. He bequeathed the body of Roger de Kirkpatrick to his joint legatees, Edmund Hastings of Kynthorp, and John de Kirkeby ; Foedera, T. v. p. 535. 29. Called, in Calendars of Ancient Charters, Chevalier. If he was not a foreigner, I know not who he was. 31. Said in the record to have been the son of Eustace Lorein. This Eustace, called Tassy by Fordun, L. xiv. c. 5. was captain of Rokesburgh under Douglas of Liddesdale, the governor. 32. Not in the list in Foedera, T. v. p. 535. but mentioned as a prisoner, Foedera, T. v. p. 554. 33. See Foedera, ib. the son of the former. 34. Were it not for the article de, I should suppose that some person of the name of M'Beth was here understood. ■iB. Of Carlaverock, ancestor of the Earl of Nithsdale. 41 . Ancestor of the Earl of Marchmont. 42. Supposed to have been the ancestor of Preston Lord Dingwall. BATTLE OF DURHAM. 391 4f4f. Henry de Ramsay 45. Ness de Ramsay 46. William de Ramsay 47. William de Salton 48. John St Clair 49^ Alexander Steel 50. Alexander Stewart 51. John Stewart 52. John Stewart 53. John de Vallence 54. W^illiam de Vaux 55. Robert Wallace, x 46. Probably Sir William Ramsay of Colluthy. He was at the battle of'Poictiers in 1356, and was made prisoner there. -i?. Not in Foedera ; but mention is made of him, Calendar of Ancient Charters, p. 199. ■51. Of Dalswinton, as the record bears. Ancestor of the Earl of Galloway. 52. A bastard, as the record bears. CHRONOLOGICAL ABRIDGMENT. I INTENDED to have made a complete Index to the Annals of Scotland ; but I soon perceived that I had not leisure for executing such a work. The reader, therefore, is entreated to accept of this Chronological Abridgment of Events instead of an Index, The writers who have been consulted in the course of this Work, do not all compute the be- ginning of the year from the same day. One or two of them hold the year to commence at Mi- chaelmas, others at Christmas, others on the 1st of January, and others on the 25th of March. This last was the legal computation with us, until the beginning of the 17th century, and yet our authors have not uniformly observed it. Such diversity is sometimes productive of uncer- tainty and confusion ; but the various methods for describing the days of the year, occasion a much greater intricacy. Some v/riters affect to compute after the Roman fashion, by Kalends and Ides. This manner of computation, in itself inconvenient, becomes more embarrassing through the ignorance or carelessness of the transcribers of MSS. Other writers, following a course still more inconvenient, CHRONOLOGICAL ABRIDGMENT. 393 describe the dates of events, by computing from moveable feasts, or by mentioning the day of the week previous to the festival of some saint. From these causes, it became a matter of no small difficulty to ascertain and arrange the dates of the numerous events recorded in the Annals of Scotland. Some errors, in this respect, have been discovered and amended ; others, which may have -escaped my observation, will be excused by the candid reader. A. D. 1034- Duncan succeeded his maternal grandfather Malcolm 11. 1039 Duncan was assassinated by M'Beth in the neighbourhood of Elgin. 1055 Malcolm, the son of Duncan, invaded Scotland. 1056 Dec. 5. M'Beth was slain at Lunfannan in Aberdeenshire. 1057 April 3. Lulach, successor of M'Beth, was slain at Essie in Strathbolgie. April 25. Malcolm III. was crowned at Scone. 1061 Malcolm, having quarrelled with Tostig Earl of Northumberland, invaded that territory. 1065 Jan. 5. Edward the Confessor died : Succeeded by Ha- rold. 1066 Tostig, brother of Harold, invaded England: Having been repulsed, he sought refuge with Malcolm. Sept. 25. Harold, King of Norway, and Tostig, were slain at Staneford-bridge near York. Oct. l^. Harold, King of England, was slain at the battle of Hastings : William, Duke of Normandy, succeeded him. 1068 Edgar ^theling, heir of the Saxon line, fled to Scotland. 394- CHRONOLOGICAL ABRIDGMENT. A. D. 1068 His sister Margaret married Malcolm III. Jan. 28. The Northumbrians revolted, and surprised Durham. 1069 Sept. 11. The Danes landed in England. Oct. 22. The Northumbrians and Danes stormed the castle of York, and then dispersed themselves, 1070 Malcolm invaded England. 1072 William the Conqueror invaded Scotland, and concluded a peace with Malcolm. William the Conqueror fortified Durham. 1073 Edgar iEtheling was received into the favour of the Conqueror. 1079 Malcolm invaded and wasted Northumberland. 1080 Robert, the son of the Conqueror, invaded Scot- land ; repulsed ; built Newcastle. 1087 Sept. 9. William the Conqueror died : Succeeded by his second son, William Rufus. Edgar ^Etheling again took refuge in Scotland. 1091 May Malcolm invaded England, and concluded a peace with William Rufus. 1092 William Rufus built a castle at Carlisle. 1093 Aug. 24. Malcolm repaired to Gloucester, to have an in- terview with William Rufus, and returned home in disgust. Nov. 13. Malcolm having invaded England, was slain near Alnwick castle. Nov. 15. His son Edward died of the wounds he received at Alnwick. Nov. 16. Margaret, Queen of Scotland, died. Donald Bane, the brother of Malcolm III. land- ed from the Hebrides, and assumed the crown of Scotland. 1094 May. Duncan, a bastard of Malcolm III. expelled Donald Bane, and reigned in his stead. 1095 Duncan was assassinated, and Donald re-ascend- ed the throne. 1097 Edgar ^theling, with the approbation of Wil- liam Rufus, invaded Scotland; and having CHRONOLOGICAL ABRIDGMENT. 395 A.D, 1097 overcome Donald, placed Edgar, the son of Malcolm III. on the throne. 1098 Magnus, King of Norway, it is said, made him- self master of Orkney. 1100 Aug. 2. William Rufus was slain in the New Forest: Succeeded by his brother Henry I. surnamed Beauclerc. Nov. 15. Henry I. married Matildis, sister of Edgar King of Scots. 1102 Eustace, Count of Boulogne, mairied Mary, the other sister of Edgar. 1106 Jan. 8. Edgar, King of Scots, died: Succeeded by his brother Alexander I. 1107 Alexander married Sibilla, the natural daughter of Henry I. King of England. Alexander consented that his brother David should possess the Scottish part of Cumber- land. 1109 July 30. After long contests, Turgot, a monk of Durham, was consecrated Bishop of St Andrews. 1115 Aug. 31. Turgot, Bishop of St Andrews, died. 1118 May 1. Matildis, Queen of England, died. 1120 June 29. Eadmer, a monk of Canterbury, was elected to the see of St Andrews, and soon after quitted it. 1121 Ralph Flambard, Bishop of Durham, founded the castle of Norham, on the south bank of Tweed. 1122 June 12, Sibilla, wife of Alexander I. died. John, Bishop of Glasgow, was suspended by Thurstin Archbishop of York, for having re- fused canonical obedience to him. The Bi- shop of Glasgow appealed to Rome. 1123 Jan. Robert, prior of Scone, was elected Bishop of St Andrews. 1124 April 27. Alexander I. died: Succeeded by his brother David. 396 CHRONOLOGICAL ABRIDGMENT. A.D. 1125 John of Crema, a Cardinal and Papal Legate, held a council at Rokesburgh. 1127 Henry I. King of England, made a settlement of the crown in favour of his daughter Ma- tilda. 1128 Robert, Bishop of St Andrews, was consecrated. 1130 Angus, Earl of Moray, was slain b}' the Scots at Strickathrow in the county of Forfar. Matildis, the wife of David, died. 1135 Henry 1. King of England, died : His sister's son, Stephen Earl of Mortaigne, ascended the throne. David marched into England to assert the pre- tensions of Matilda : Not being supported, he was obliged to make peace with Stephen. Feb. Henry, Prince of Scotland, did homage to Ste- phen for the honour of Huntington, &c. 1136 David prepared to invade Northumberland; but was persuaded to consent to a truce. 1137 David invaded Northumberland, and assaulted the castle of Werk, unsuccessfully. 1138 Stephen marched against David : David retired into Scotland. Stephen wasted the Scottish borders, and then retreated. Mar. 31. David again invaded Northumberland. June 5. The Scots defeated the English at Clitherow, on the borders of Lancashire. The castle of Norham surrendered to the Scots. Aug. 22. The English defeated the Scots at Cutton-moor, near Northallerton. The castle of Werk surrendered to the Scots. 1139 April 9. Peace was concluded at Durham, between Ste- phen and David. Henry, Prince of Scotland, after having accom- panied Stephen to the siege of Ludlow castle, married the daughter of the Earl of Warenne. CHRONOLOGICAL ABRIDGMENT. S97 A.D. 1 140 Feb. 2. Ranulph, Earl of Chester, unsuccessfully at- tempted to surprise Prince Henry ; but hav- ing been joined by the Earl of Gloucester, he defeated the army of Stephen at Lincoln, and made him prisoner. 1141 David repaired to Matilda at London : A con- spiracy having been formed against her, she fled with David : David, after many dangers, escaped into Scotland. 1149 Henry, the son of Matilda, had an interview with David at Carlisle : An unsuccessful plan was formed for dethroning Stephen. 1151 One Wimund, an impostor, who had excited troubles in Scotland, was made prisoner, and his eyes were put out. 1152 June 12. Henry, Prince of Scotland, died. 1153 May, 24. David I. King of Scots, died at Carlisle: Suc- ceeded by his grandson, Malcolm IV. Nov. 5. Soraerled, Thane of Argyle, with the children of Wimund, invaded Scotland. 1154 One Arthur, who had plotted against the King, was killed in single combat. Oct. 25. Stephen, King of England, died : Succeeded by Henry II. 1156 Donald, the son of Wimund, was made prisoner. 1157 Wimund was pardoned by the King of Scots, and retired to the monastery of Biland in Yorkshire. Somerled agreed to terms of accommodation with Malcolm. Malcolm had an interview with Henry II. at Chester ; did homage to him ; ceded his pos- sessions in the northern counties to him, and obtained from him the territory of Huntington. 1158 Malcolm had an interview with Henry II. at Carlisle : Having been denied the honour of knighthood, he returned to Scotland in dis- gust. S98 CHRONOLOGICAL ABRIDGMENT. A. D. 1159 An embassy was sent from Scotland to Pope Alexander III. Malcolm went to France, and served in the army of Henry II. He was knighted by that King. 1160 An insurrection in Scotland. Fercjuhard Earl of Strathern, and five other Earls, unsuccess- fully attempted to seize the person of the King at Perth. An insurrection in Galloway. Malcolm over- came Fergus Lord of Galloway : Fergus as- sumed the monastic habit. J 161 The sisters of Malcolm were given in marriage, Margaret to Conan Count of Britany, and Ada to Florence Count of Holland- Malcolm expelled the mutinous inhabitants of Moray, and planted new colonies in their room. 1 163 July 1. Malcolm did homage to Henry II. and his infant son, at Woodstoke. Roger, Archbishop of York, the legate of Alex- ander HI. summoned the Scottish clergy to a council at Norham : They remonstrated against this, and appealed to Rome. IJG't Somerled invaded Scotland: He and his son Gillecolane were slain at Renfrew. It is said, that the people of Scotland constrain- ed William, the brother of Malcolm, to assume the office of regent. 1165 Dec. 9. Malcolm IV. died at Jedburgh : Succeeded by his brother William. 1166 William, surnamcd the JAon, served in France under the banners of Henry II. 1168 William, dissatisfied with Henry, sent ambassa- dors to France for negociating an alliance with that crown. 1170 Henry II. celebrated Easter at Windsor, attend- ed by William and his brother David: He knighted David. June IS. Henry II. celebrated the coronation of his son. CHRONOLOGICAL ABRIDGMENT. 399 A. D. 1170 June 16. William and David did homage to tlie young King. 1172 William having in vain solicited the restitution of Nortliumbcrhuu!, (jiiarvellcd with Henry IL 1173 William entered into an alliance with the rebel- lious son of Henry H. invaded England, and unsucccsslully besieged Werk and Carlisle. The English malcontents were defeated in Suf- folk, and their leader, the ICarl of I^eieester, made prisoner. 1174' The vassals of the Earl of Leicester put David, the brother of William, in possession of the castle of Leicester. July 13. William invaded Northumberland : He was sur- prised and made prisoner near Alnwick : He was conveyed to Ealaise in Normandy : His brother David retreated to Scotland. Dec. 8. A treaty was concluded at Valogne in the Co- tentin ; by which William became the liege- man of Henry for Scotland, and all his other territories : William was released from his captivity. 1175 William, with his clergy and barons, did homage to Henry H. at York. 1176 Cardinal Huguccio Petrileonis, the papal legate, held a council at Northampton, where the Scottish bishops asserted the independency of their church. 1178 Ada, the mother of the King of Scots, died. Wiiliatn founded an abbey at Aberbrothock ia honour of Thomas a IJecket. 1179 William marched an army to repress some dis- orders in Ross, and built two castles in that country. 1181 Roger, Archbishop of York, the papal legate, exconnnuiiicated William, and put Scotland under an interdict, because William had ex- 14 400 CHRONOLOGICAL ABRIDGMENT. A. D. 1181 ♦ pelled and banished John Bishop of St^ An- drews. 1182 Lucius III. recalled the sentence pronounced against William : The dispute as to the see of St Andrews was amicably adjusted : Pope Lucius conferred the golden rose on William. 1 184< The Pope refused to grant a dispensation for the marriage of William with Matildis of Saxony, grand-daughter of Henry II. Henry restored the earldom of Huntington to William, who conferred it on his brother David, 1186 After long and bloody dissensions, a pacification ensued in Galloway. Sept. 5. William married Erniengarde, daughter of Rich- ard Viscount of Beaumont, at Woodstoke. 1187 July 30. Donald Bane, called M'William, grandson of Duncan the bastard King of Scotland, pre- tended a title to the crown, seized Ross, and wasted Moray : William led an army against him : A marauding party, commanded by Ro- land of Galloway, slew M'William near In- verness. 118& Clement III. declared that th^ church of Scot- land was immediately subject to Rome. Henry II. offered to restore the castles of Rokes- burgh and Berwick which he held, if William would pay the tenths of his kingdom for the holy war : The barons and clergy of Scotland rejected the offer. 1189 July 6. Henry II. died : Succeeded by his son Richard, surnamed Coeur de Lion. Dec. 5. Richard restored Scotland to its independency. 1190 David, Earl of Huntington, married Matildis, daughter of Ranulph Earl of Chester, and im- mediately departed for the Holy Land. 1195 William held a parliament at Clackmannan: It is said, that in that parliament, measures were CHRONOLOGICAL ABRIDGMENT. 401 A. D. 1195 taken for regulating the succession to the crown : WilJiam made a change in tlie coin. 1196 William de Moreville, Constable of Scotland, died : Succeeded by Roland of Galloway, who had married Ela the sister of Moreville. Troubles in Caithness : William dispersed the insurgents, headed by Harold Earl x)f Orkney and Caithness. 1197 The rebels again appeared in arms, headed by one Roderick, and Torphin the son of Plarold : The King's forces defeated and slew Roderick near Inverness : William marched into Caith- ness, seized Harold, and detained him captive until Torphin became an hostage for him : Harold having again rebelled, it is said that Torphin's eyes were put out. William built the castle of Ayr. 1198 Aug. 24. A son born to William at Haddington, named Alexander. 1199 Richard, King of England, slain at Chalus in the Limosin : Succeeded by his brother John. N. B. This omitted in the Annals. 1200 Nov. 22. William did homage to John at Lincoln, and de- manded back the northern counties. 1201 Oct. 12. The Scottish barons swore fealty to the infant son of William at Musselburgh. Margaret, sister of William, and mother of Con- stantia, Duchess of Britany, died : Her daugh- ter Constantia died. 1204 Misunderstanding between John and William concerning a castle at Tweedmouth : Fruitless conference between the two Kings at Norham. 1205 David, Earl of Huntington, swore fealty to the Prince of Scotland. 1208 Innocent HI. confirmed the privileges of the Scottish church. 1209 Alan, son of Roland of Galloway, married Mai'- VOL. II. C C 402 CHRONOLOGICAL ABRIDGMENT. A. D. 1209 garet, the daughter of David Earl of Hunting- ton. Rupture between John and WiUiam : Terms of peace adjusted by the mediation of their ba- rons : Wiiham dehvered his daughters Mar- garet and Isabella to John, that they might be provided in suitable matches. 1210 An inundation happened at Perth : WiUiam and his family escaped with difficulty : It is said that his infant son John was drowned. 1211 A parliament at Stirling: An aid granted to William by the barons and the boroughs. Troubles in the North : Guthred, of the family of M 'William, wasted Ross : An army sent against him ; but Guthred avoided a general action. 1212 Guthred, betrayed by his followers, was put to death by William Comyn, Justiciary of Scot- land. Alexander, Prince of Scotland, was knighted by John, though excommunicated. 1214 Dec. 4. William, King of Scots, died at Stirling : Suc- ceeded by his son Alexander II. Dec. 10. Alexander II. crowned at Scone. 1215 Donald M'William, and others, made an inroad into Moray : They were defeated. Alexander, espousing the cause of the barons against John, invaded Northumberland, and vmsuccessfuiiy besieged Norham. 1216 John wasted the north of England, invaded Scot- land, burnt Dunbar, Haddington, the priory of Coldingham, and the town of Berwick. Alexander invaded Cumberland : The Scots in his army burnt the monastery of Holmcultram : Many of them were drowned in the Eden : Alexander retreated. Aug. 8. Alexander, again invading England, took pos- session of Carlisle, assaulted Bernard castle, CHRONOLOGICAL ABEIDGMENT. 403 A. D. 1216 ' " marched to the south, and joined Lewis the French King. Oct. 17. John, King of England, died : Succeeded by his son Henry HL Gaulo. the Pope's legate, excommunicated Alex- ander and the whole kingdom of Scotland. "" 1217 Alexander unsuccessfully besieged the castle of Carlisle. May 25. The army of Lewis routed at Lincoln : Lewis made a separate peace. Dec. 1. Alexander, deserted by his ally, sought and ob- tained a reconciliation with the see of Rome at Tweedmouth : . He rendered up the town of Carlisle, and did homage lor the Earldom of Huntington, &c. 1-218 The Scottish clergy were absolved by Pope Honorius, who confirmed the liberties of thf Scottish church. 1219 David, Earl of Huntington, died in England : Succeeded by his son John, surnamed tht Scot, Earl of Chester. Henry IH. promised to bestow one of his sisters in marriage on Alexander King of Scots. 1221 June 25- Alexander married Joan Princess of England. Margaret, the sister of Alexander, married Hu- bert de Burgh, justiciary of England. 1222 An insurrection in Argyle: Alexander led an army into that country, and quelled the in- surrection. Adam, Bishop of Caithness, a rigorous exacter of tithes, was burnt alive by the men of his diocese. Alexander hastened to Caithness, and inflicted exemplary punishments on the murderers. 1224 Alexander levied an aid for portioning his sisters. 1225 Isabella, the sister of Alexander, married Roger the eldest son of Hugh Earl Bigot 4.04 CHRONOLOGICAL ABRIDGMENT. A. D. 1225 Pope Honorius IV. authorized the Scottish Bi- shops to hold a provincial council. 1228 One Gillescop disturbed the peace of the north ; The King went against him, but without suc- cess. 1229 The Earl of Buchan, Justiciary of Scotland, slew Gillescop and his two sons. 1230 Alexander, on invitation, visited Henry III. at York. 1231 The Earl of Orkney was murdered in his own house by his servants, and afterwards burnt. 1233 The Archbishop of York asserted his right of officiating at the coronation of the Scottish Kings. Ermengarde, the widow of William the Lion, died : Buried at the monastery of Balmerino which she had founded. Dervorguil, the daughter of Alan Lord of Gal- loway, married John de Balliol, Lord of Ber- nard-castle. Alan Lord of Galloway, Constable of Scotland, died : Succeeded by his three daughters, co- heiresses. The natives of Galloway requested Alexander to assume the Lordship, in prejudice of the right heirs of Alan ; but Alexander rejected their request. They requested that Thomas, the bastard son of Alan, might be appointed their Lord : This having been denied, they rebelled ; headed by the bastard and Gilrodh, an Irish chief, they invaded Scotland : Alexander attacked and defeated them, an.d restored Galloway to the heir of Alan* 1234f The bastard and Gilrodh, who had sought refuge in Irelaad, returned with fresh forces : They were vanquished without resistance : Their CHRONOLOGICAL ABRIDGMENT. 405 A. D. 1234 Woops were massacred, themselves obtained pardon. Gregory IX. exhorted Alexander to perform the conditions of the old treaty between Henry II. and William the Lion. 1235 Marjory, sister of Alexander, married Gilbert Earl Marshal of England, at Berwick. 1236 Henry III. and Alexander had an interview at Newcastle : Henry bestowed lands on his sister, the wife of Alexander. 1237 June 25. John the Scot, Earl of Chester, died without issue. Sept* Agreement between Henry III. and Alexander at York, by the mediation of the Pope's le- gate : Henry III. agreed to assign to Alexan- der £.200 Sterling per annum out of the north- ern counties. Mar. 4. The Queen of Scots died at London. 1239 May 15. Alexander married Mary, daughter of Ingelram de Couci, at Rokesburgh. June 18. Edward, son of Henry III. born. Hubert de Burgh accused, among other things, of having married the eldest sister of the King of Scots, although she was destined for Henry IIL Eudes le Blanc I'Aleran, cardinal legate, held a provincial council at Edinburgh : Alexander would have no intercourse with him. 1241 Sept. 4. A son was bom to Alexander at Rokesburgh, named Alexander. 1242 In consequence of the treaty (1237) Henry III. assigned to Alexander a rent of £.200 Ster- ling. Purposing to go beyond seas, Henry III. con- fided to Alexander the care of the northern borders. Patrick Earl of Athole was murdered at Had- dington : W. Bisset suspected of the murder, 406 CHRONOLOGICAL ABRIDGMENT. A. D. 1242 escaped into England, and endeavoured to embroil the two nations. 1244 Henrylll. sought pretences to quarrel with Alex- ander : By the mediation of the English nobi- lity, a peace was concluded at Newcastle. 1245 Innocent IV. issued an order that the papal de- legates for trying Scottish ecclesiastical causes should hold their sittings, either within Scot- land, or within the dioceses of Carhsle or Dur- ham, but never within the diocese of York. 1247 Roger de Quinci, Earl of Winchester, who had married one of the co-heiresses of the Lord of Galloway, was attacked in his castle by his vassals : He forced his way through the ene- mies, and sought redress from Alexander : Alexander ch^tised the insurgents, and rein- stated him. 1246 Alexander made an unsuccessful expedition against the province of Argyle. 1249 July 8. Angus of Argyle had been wont to do homage to the King of Norway for certain lands : Alexander required this homage ; and was preparing to force it, when he died in the island of Kerarry : Succeeded by his son Alexander III. July 13. Alexander III. was crowned. 1250 The form of the Scottish coin was changed. 1251 Pope Innocent IV. directed a bull to the Bishops of Lincoln, Worcester and Litchfield, requir- ins them to examine into abuses in Scotland. Dec 26. Alexander, betrothed to Margaret the daughter of Henry III. now married her at York : Alex- ander did homage to Henry for his English possessions, but refused to do homage for Scotland, although insidiously required. Henry accused Alan Dureward, justiciary of ^Scotland, as guilty of ambitious machinations : CHRONOLOGICAL ABRIDGMENT. 407 A. D. 1251 Dureward, soon after, obtained the favour of his accuser. GeofFry of Langley was sent by Henry to act in concert with the Scottish nobles, as guardian of the young King, but was soon expelled. 1254? Innocent IV. granted a twentieth of the eccle- siastical revenues in Scotland, during three years, to the English King, for the aid of the Holy Land. Simon de Montfort, Earl of Leicester, came to Scotland with a secret commission from Henry HI. 1255 A faction of the Scottish nobles combined against the Comyns, who had the chief rule in Scot- land: Henry espoused the interests of this faction. The enemies of the Comyns seized the King and Queen, under pretence of setting them at liberty. Aug. 25. Henry marched towards Scotland to second their enterprises. Sept. 20. Alexander and his Queen had an interview with Henry at Werk-castle, and he with them at Rokesburgh : New Regents were appointed. John de Baliiol, and Robert de Ros, who had borne the name of Regents, were disgraced. Gamelin, Bishop-elect of St Andrews, who had been removed from his secular offices, was consecrated by the Bishop of Glasgow, con- trary to the injunction of the Regents. 1256 Gamelin, having been put out of the protection of the laws, complained to Pope Alexander IV, Alexander, with his Queen, visited London : He obtained a renewal of the grant of Huntington from Henry. 1257 The Pope decided in favour of Bishop Game- lin ; but the sentence was disregarded by the Scots. t08 CHRONOLOGICAL ABRIDGMENT. A.D. 1257 The Comyns seized the King and Queen, and reassumed their former power. 1258 Alexander assembled an army to fight the dis- graced nobles: A coalition of parties ensued, and new Regents were appointed. Nov. 6. Henry III. promised his friendship to the new Regents. Walter Comyn, Earl of Menteth, died, not with- out suspicion of poison administered by his wife. A violent contest ensued concerning his succes- sion, which was terminated by compromise in 1259. 1259 Alexander, by the advice of Henry, yielded to the papal nomination of John de Cheyam to the see of Glasgow. 1260 Alexander and his Queen visited London : She bore a child in England, named Margaret. 1262 Henry attempted to prevent a rupture between Alexander and Haco King of Norway. 1263 Henry paid 500 merks of his daughter's portion, and pleaded his inability to pay more. Oct. 2. Haco, King of Norway, invaded Scotland : Over- come by the Scots at Largs : A tempest dis- sipated his fleet : Haco retired to Orkney and died. Jan. 21. A son born to Alexander at Jedburgh, named Alexander. 1264- MagnuSj son of Olave, King of Man, did homage to Alexander at Dumfries. An army sent to the western isles for chastising those who were suspected of having favoured the Norvegians. A civil war in England : Northampton stormed by the forces of Henry HI. May 14. Battle of Lewes : Henry III. defeated and made prisoner : John Comyn and Robert Bruce als» made prisoners. CHRONOLOGICAL ABRIDGMENT. 409 A. D. 1265 Aug. 4. Battle of Eveshame : Simon de Montfort, leader of the barons, defeated and slain. 1266 Peace with Norway : The iEbudae and Man given up to Scotland : The Scots agreed to pay 4000 merks Sterling to the King of Nor- way, Alexander, with the advice of his clergy, refused to permit the papal legate in England to levy the expenses of his visitation from the Scottish clergy. 1267 A quarrel arose between Alexander and his clergy concerning Sir John de Dunmore, whom the King required to be absolved from excommunication, without his making satis- faction : This quarrel was terminated by the prudence of Dunmore. 1268 The Papal Legate summoned the Scottish clergy to a council in England : They disregardt?d his summons, and refused to give obedience to the canons enacted in that council. Clement IV. required the Scottish clergy to pay a tenth of their benefices to the King of Eng- land, in aid of his intended crusade : Alex- ander and his clergy rejected the requisition : David Earl of Athole, and Adam Earl of Carrick, with many other Scottish Barons, en- gaged in a crusade : Athole died before Tu- nis, 1269; Carrick, in Palestine, 1270. 1269 Henry III. attempted to levy the tenth which the Pope had granted him : The Scottish clergy appealed to Rome : They held a pro- vincial council at Perth, wherein one of their own Bishops presided, and enacted canons which continued in force until the Reforma- tion. J270 A son born to Alexander, named David: He died in his nonage. 410 CHRONOLOGICAL ABRIDGMENT. A. D. 1272 Nor. 16. Henry III. King of England, died: Succeeded by his son Edward I. I274< July 11. Martha, Countess of Carrick, the wife of Robert Bruce, Lord of Annandale, bore a son, Robert. Alexander, his Queen, and many of his nobility, at the coronation of Edward I. Feb. 26. Margaret, Queen of Scotland, died. 1275 Benemundus de Vicci, vulgarly called Bagimont, was employed by the Pope to collect the tenth of ecclesiastical benefices in Scotland, for the relief of the Holy Lafld : The rent-roll by which this tax was levied, is tei-med Bagi- monf s-roll. 1277 The Bishop of Durham complained that the Scots had encroached on his boundaries ; Commis- sioners of the two nations were appointed to try the question. 1278 Sept. 29. Alexander, in presence of the English parlia- ment, swore fealty to Edward I. in general terms : Robert Bruce, Earl of Carrick, per- formed the ceremony of homage for the King of Scots. 1281 Eric, King of Norway, married Margaret the daughter of Alexander. 1282 Alexander Prince of Scotland, married Margaret the daughter of Guy Earl of Flanders. 1283 Mafgaret, Queen of Norway, died, leaving an only child Margaret, the Maiden ofNorvoay. Jan. 28. Alexander, Prince of Scotland, died. Feb. 5. The succession to the crown of Scotland was settled by Alexander HI. and the states. 1284' Edward I. requested from Pope Martin IV. a grant of the tenths in Scotland for the relief of the Holy Land ; The Pope granted his re- quest ; but with conditions which rendered the grant elusory. Alexander married Joleta, daughter of the Count de Dreux. CHRONOLOGICAL ABRIDGMENT. 4.II A. D. 1284 Mar. 16. He was thrown from his horse over a precipice between Burntisland and Kinghorn, and killed on the spot. April 11. A regency, consisting of six, was appointed in Parliament (at Scone). 1288 Sept. 25. Sir Patrick Abernethy and Sir Walter Percy murdered the Earl of Fyfe, one of the guar- dians : The Earl of Buchan, another of the guardians, died. Dissensions arose among the four survivors : The Stewart formed an association, with certain Scottish Lords, with Gilbert de Clare Earl of Gloucester, and Richard de Burgh Earl of Ulster, and took up arms " in defence of him- self and his people." 1289 Eric, King of Norway, interposed, and sent plenipotentiai'ies to treat with Edward I. con- cerning the infant Queen. Oct. 3. The guardians appointed three of their number, Eraser Bishop of St Andrev/s, Wisheart Bishop of Glasgow, and John Comyn, together with Robert Bruce the father, to assist at this treaty, " saving the liberty and honour of Scotland." Preliminaries were adjusted at Salisbury. Edward procured a dispensation from Pope Nicholas IV. for the marriage of his eldest son with the young Queen of Scotland. The Scots were eager to have the English match concluded, and pressed Eric to send his daugh- ter to England. 1290 Eric was unwilling to yield up his child ; but Edward overcame this obstacle, by distribut- ing bribes among the Norwegian counsellors. May 15. Edward became bound in a penalty of 3000 merks, payable to the guardians of Scotland, that, before 1st November 1290, Margaret should either be landed in Britain, or that 412 CHRONOLOGICAL ABRIDGMENT. A. D. 1290 Eric and his nobles should take a joint oath to deliver her. July 18. A treaty was concluded between the ambassa- dors of England and the Scots, (at Brigham), adjusting the marriage-articles between Mar- garet Queen of Scots, and Edward, the son of the English King. Aug. 28. Edward made oath to observe the treaty of Brigham : He appointed Anthony Beck, Bishop of Dui'ham, to officiate as lieutenant in the name of Queen Margaret and the Prince of England ; and he demanded, that all the places of strength in Scotland should be yielded up to him ; but the Scots refused to agree to his demands. Sept. — Margaret, Queen of Scotland, died in Orkney. The competitors for the crown of Scotland be- gan to assert their pretensions. Nov. 28. Edward prepared to visit the north of England ; but his journey was delayed on account of the sickness and death of his consort, Eleanor. 1291 April 16. Edward commanded the barons of the north and north-west of England, to assemble, with all their powers, at Norhara, on the 3d of June. He also desired the nobility and clergy of Scot- land to meet him at Norham, but on an earlier day. May lO. The nobility and clergy of Scotland had a con- ference with Edward at Norham : At this conference Edward required that his right of Lord Paramount of Scotland, should be ac- knowledged. The Scots requested a delay ; but Edward re- quired them to make answer on the morrow. May 11. Edward allowed the space of three weeks to the Scots, for deliberating and making answer. CHRONOLOGICAL ABRIDGMENT. 41S A. D. 1291 May 31. He declared, that the meeting at Norham, in the English territories, should not be held as a precedent. June 2. He gave audience to the Scots at Upsettlington, on the north bank of Tweed, and again asserted his right as Lord Paramount. Robert Bruce, and seven other competitors for the crown of Scotland, acknowledged his title, and declared their willingness to receive judgment from him in that character. June 3. John Balliol and John Comyn appeared, and made a like declaration. The Chancellor of England protested, in name of the King, That his claiming the Siiperuirity should not prejudice his right to the Property of Scotland. June 3. The competitors sealed an Instrument, by which they acknowledged Edward as superior of Scotland, requested judgment from him, and became bound to submit to his award. It was agreed, that the competitors should name eighty commissioners, and Edward twenty- four, or a greater or less number, and that the commissioners named should examine the cause, and make their report to Edward. June 4. The competitors agreed, that seisine of Scotland and its fortresses should be given to Edward. June 11. This having been performed, Edward restored the custody of the kingdom to the regeiuts; he ordered them to confer the office of Chsm- cellor on Alan Bishop of Caithness, an Eng- lishman, and lie added Walter of Agmodsham as his associate in office. June 12. Gilbert de Umfraville, Earl of Angus, refused to deliver up the castles of Dundee and Forfar, unless Edward, and all the competitors, joined in an obligation to indemnify him. This was granted. ^l* CHRONOLOGICAL ABRIDGMENT. A. D,. 1291 June 15. Edward appointed Bryan Fitzallan to be joined in commission with the Scottish regents. The regents, Bruce, Balliol, Mark Bishop of So- dor, and many of the principal Scottish barons, swore fealty to Edward. July 3. Edward protested, that, if a question iconcerning the succession to the crown of Scotland again occurred, he should be at liberty to pronounce judgment in England. Homage from the people of Scotland was requir- ed, under various penalties. Aug. 3. The competitors put in their claims (at Berwick). 1292 The auditors having heard the parties, and made a report to Edward- Edward appointed the claims of Bruce and Bal- liol to be first tried. June 2. The commissioners differed in opinion, as to the question b}'^ what law the controversy ought to be determined ; and, therefore, referred them- selves to the better judgment of the prelates, nobility, and other wise men of England. Edward appointed a parliament to assemble at Berwick on the 15th of October. After having consulted with his parliament, upon some preliminary questions, he allowed Bruce and Balliol to be heard at great length. Nov. 6^ Edward decreed, that Bruce should take nothing in the competition with Balliol ; and he ap- pointed the claims of the other competitors to be heard. John Hastings claimed a third of the kingdom of Scotland, as a divisible inheritance ; Bruce made a like claim. Nov. 17. All the other competitors either withdrew their claims, or no longer insisted on them. Edward then decreed, that the kingdom of Scot- land was indivisible, and, therefore, that Bruce and Hastings should take nothing ; and, by CHRONOLOGICAL ABRIDGMENT. 415 A. D. 1292 his final award, adjudged the kingdom to Balliol. Nov. 19. Edward ordered the Regents of Scotland, and the governors of castles, to give seisine to Bal- liol. Nov. 20. Balliol swore fealty to Edward (at Norham). Nov. 30. John Balliol was crowned at Scone. Dec. 26. He did homage to Edward for the kingdom of Scotland (at Newcastle-upon-Tyne). Dec. 31. One Bartholomew, having complained to Edward of a sentence pronounced by the Regents, Balliol contended, that the cause could not be removed from Scotland into the English courts ; but Edward declared, that he would hear that, and every other cause of the like nature, and, if necessary, would summon the King of Scots to appear before him, notwith- ; standing any temporary concessions which might have been made. Balliol executed an instrument, by which he de- clared, that all the obligations which Edward came under, while he had the custody of Scot- land, were already fulfilled : he became bound to ratify whatever Edward had done, and re- nounced all benefit from the convention at Brigham in 1290. About this time, many revenue accounts, and other public writings, were delivered by Ed- ward to the Chamberlain of Scotland, for the use of the Scottish King. Jan. 4. All the rolls concerning causes heard by the guardians, during the interregnum, were de- livered to Balliol. Edward granted seisine of the Isle of Man to Balliol. The fees to be paid to the Chamberlain of Eng- land by the King «f Scots, were fixed in par- 14 416 CHRONOLOGICAL ABRIDGMENT. A. n. 1292 liament at twenty pounds, being the double of what was paid by an Earl. Feb. 10. BalHol held his first parliament at Scone. A judgment was given against M Duff, great- uncle of the Earl of Fife, and he was impri- soned for a short space : M'DuiF appealed to Edward. 1295 Mar. 25. Edward ordered Balliol to appear before him in person, and to make answer to M'Duff. Bal- liol having failed to appear, Edward renewed the order. The English parliament made some standing or- ders, in cases of appeal from the King of Scots. Aug. 3. BalHol held his second parliament (at Stirling), Bruce, the son of the competitor, resigned the Earldom of Carrick to his son Robert Bruce. Young Bruce was allowed to do ho- mage, although his right was defective in form. t Balliol appeared before Edward, and declined to make answer to the appeal of M'DufF, with- out the advice of his people. Being required to ask a longer day, or consent to an adjourn- ment, he refused to do either. The parliament of England declared. That Bal- liol had been guilty of a contempt of the court of his Lord, and ordered three of his castles to be taken into the custody of Edward, and that M^DufF should have damages of him ; but they left the determination of the point of civil right to the King of England. Balliol then craved a delay, until he might con- sult with his people. Edward staid all pro- ceedings until the Feast of Trinity 1294. 1294? A war broke out between France and England. May. A parliament was held at London, where, it is said, Ballioi yielded up the whole revenues of CHRONOLOGICAL ABRIDGMENT. 417 A. D. 1294? hre English estates for three years, in aid of the war against France. Edward laid an embargo on all vessels within England, and ordered and requested Ballio! to do the same in Scotland : He also requested Balliol to send him troops to the war in (j as- cony ; and he required the aid of some Scot- tish Barons for the same purpose. The Scots eluded the request, as they were ne- gociating a treaty with France. A parliament at Scone. Balliol, under pretence of economy, dismissed all Englishmen from his court. A committee of twelve, out of the estates, appointed for regulating all national affairs. 1295 Oct. 16. Balliol perceiving himself suspedted by Edward, consented, that, during the war with France, the Bishop of Carlisle should hold the castles of Berwick, Rokesburgh, and Edmburgh. Ed- ward promised that they should be restored at a peace. Oct. 23. Balliol concluded an alliance offensive and de- fensive with France, (at Paris). 1296 Mar. 28. The Scots invaded Cumberland, and unsuccess- fully assaulted Carlisle. April 8. They invaded Northumberland, burnt some mo- nasteries, unsuccessfully assaulted Harbottle, and retired. Mar. 30. Meanwhile Edward besieged Berwick, winch had remained in the hands of the Scots : The town was sacked ; the castle surrendered. April 5. Balliol, by the advice of his parliament, renounc- ed his allegiance and fealty to Edward. Mar. 28. Earl Warenne laid siege to the castle of Dunbar, which the Countess of March had betrayed to the Scots. April 28. The Scottish army attacked the besiegers, and were totally routed. VOL. II. D d 41» CHRONOLOGICAL ABRIDGMENT. A. D. 1296 April 29. Edward arrived at Dunbar, and the castle sur- rendered. About this time the Scots ordered all beneficed persons, of English birth, to depart from Scot- land. And they declared all partisans of England, and all neutrals, to be traitors, and their estates to be confiscated. May 13. The Stewart yielded up the castle of Rokes- burgh, swore fealty to Edward, and abjur- ed the French alliance. The castles of Edin- burgh and Stirling were also yielded up. July 2. Balliol implored pardon of his offences, and re- signed Scotland, its people, and their homage, to Edward. Edward proceeded northwards, and the Scottish Barons crowded in to swear fealty. July 26. Wisheart Bishop of Glasgow, and other digni- taries of the church, performed that ceremony (at Elgin). Edward returned to the south from Elgin. He ordered the Stone at Scone to be conveyed to Westminster. Aug. 28. He held a parliament at Berwick. Robert Bruce the younger, Earl of Carrick, and many of the clergy and laity of Scotland did fealty. Edward endeavoured, by moderation and lenity, to secure his new conquest ; and having esta- blished military and civil governors, departed into England. 1297 William Wallace began to infest the English quarters : He and Sir William Douglas at- tempted to surprise Ormesby, the justiciary, while he held his courts at Scone. The Scots roved over the country, and massacred all Englishmen who came within their power. They marched into the west, and were joined by many persons of rank. CHRONOLOGICAL ABRIDGMENT. 4m A. D. 1297 Young Bruce, suspected of favouring that party, was summoned to Carlisle : He made oatli to be faithful to Edward ; wasted the estate of Douglas with fire and sword, and then joined Wallace. Sir Henry Percy and Sir Robert Clifford marched against the Scots, who had become enfeebled through dissension. July 9. The Scottish Barons, without consulting Wal- lace, submitted to Edward ^^at Irvine). Wallace and Sir Andrew Moray retired into the north. Edward accepted the submissions of the Scots, and set his prisoners at liberty, under condi- tion tliat they should serve him in his French wars. The Bishop of Glasgow and Sir William Dou- glas had treated in name of all the Scots ; finding that Wallace would not accept of the terms offered, they voluntarily surrendered themselves to the English. Wallace, in re- venge, pillaged the Bishop's house. Sept. 11. Wallace drew his troops near Stirling: The English rashly attacked him, and were totally routed. In this action Sir Andrew Moray was mortally wounded. The English were seized with a panic, and aban- doned Scotland. Dundee, and the other castles in Scotland, surrendered to Wallace : The Scots took possession of the" town of Berwick, which the English had relinquished. Oct. 18. Wallace led his army into England, and remain- to Nov. IL ed there for three weeks, wasting the country to the gates of Newcastle. 1298 Mar. 29. Wallace, as Governor of Scotland, in name of King John, and by the con -ent of the Scottish nation, made a grant of the constabulary of 420 CHRONOLOGICAL ABRIDGMENT. I A. D. 1298 Dundee to Alexander Skirmischur, his stan- dard bearer. Edward, who had been for some time in Flan- ders, returned to England, and summoned the Scottish Barons to meet him at a parliament at York : But they disobeyed his summons. June 12. While the JEnglish army was rendezvousing at Berwick, the Earl of Pembroke landed in the north of Fife : Wallace attacked and defeated him (in the forest of Black Ironside). June — Edward invaded Scotland, and took the castle of Dirleton in East Lothian, the only place M-hich made resistance. While Edward was encamped between Edin- burgh and Linlithgow, a quarrel arose between his Welsh and English troops, in which much blood was shed. Edward, unable through scarcity of provisions to proceed into the west, gave orders for a retreat ; but hearing that the Scots were at Falkirk, he marched to attack them. July 22. The Scots were totally defeated at Falkirk : Sir John Stewart, Sir John Graham, and M'Duff were slain. The Scots, in their retreat, burnt the town and castle of Stirling : Bruce, when he heard of the loss of the battle, burnt the castle of Ayr, and retired into Camck : Edward could not pursue him, by reason of the want of provi- sions : Having taken Bruce's castle of Loch- maben in Annandale, Edward returned into England. He held a parHament at Carlisle, and' bestowed the estates of several of the Scottish Lords on his followers. 1299 July 18. By the mediation of the Pope, Edward set Bal- liol at liberty, and had him conveyed inta Franc*. CHRONOLOGICAL ABRIDGMENT. 421 A. D. 1299 The Scots chose Lamberton Bishop of St An- drews, Robert Bruce Earl of Carrick, and John Comyn the younger, guardians of Scot- land. The guardians besieged and took the castle of Stirling, which Edward attempted in vain to relieve. J 300 Edward invaded Scotland, wasted Annandale, and received the submission of Galloway. Oct. 30. By the mediation of France, a truce was con- cluded with Scotland until Whitsunday 1301, (at Dumfries). Wisheart Bishop of Glasgow was pardoned by Edward, and received into favour. Pope Boniface VIII. claimed the kingdom of Scotland. Feb. 12. The English parliament made answer to the Pope, and denied his pretensions. d301 May 7. Edward also, in a laboured manifesto, denied the Pope's pretensions. Edward marched into Scotland, built a castle at Linlithgow, and wintered there. Jan. 26. By the mediation of France, a second truce was concluded with the Scots, to endure until the 30th November 1302. 1302 Aug. 13. Pope Boniface, relinquishing his pretensions^ charged the Bishops of Scotland to submit to the English government. Feb. 24. The English army, commanded by John de Se- grave, was totally routed by the Scots, under the command of John Comyn and Simon Era- ser (at Roslin). 1303 May 20. The King of France made peace with England, without taking any notice of the Scots, (at Paris). May 21. Edward invaded Scotland, besieged and took the to Oct. 10. castle of Brechin, and subdued all the north of Scotland. 422 CHRONOLOGICAL ABRIDGMENT. A. D. 1303 He dispersed the Scots assembled near Stirling. Feb. 9. Comyn and his followers submitted to Edward, (at Strathord), and obtained pardon under certain conditions. The only conditions which they made for Wallace were, that he should render himself up at the will and mercy of the King, if it shall seem good to him. Edward assembled a parliament at St Andrews ; sentence of outlawry was pronounced in it against Wallace, Simon Eraser, and the gar- rison of Stirling. 1304< July 24. Edward besieged the castle of Stirling. Sir William Oliphant, the governor, surrendered it up, after an obstinate defence for three months. Robert Bruce, son of the competitor, died. Ed- ward gave seisine of Annandale to his son the Earl of Carrick. 1305 June 11. The Earl of Carrick entered into a secret asso- ciation with Lamberton Bishop of St An- drews. Aug. 23. Wallace having been apprehended, was tried and executed, (at London). Sept. 23. Edward made a total settlement of Scotland, with the advice of Wisheart Bishop of Glas- gow, Bruce, and John de Moubray. Oct. 15. He granted an indemnity to the Scots, under certain conditions. Feb. 10. Robert Bruce Earl of Carrick slew John Comyn of Badenoch, (at Dumfries). 1306 Mar. 27. Robert I. was crowned at Scone. 29. He was again crowned by Isabella de Fife, Countess of Buchan, officiating for the heir of M'Duff. Edward I. prepared to avenge the death of Co- myn, and to quel! the insurrection in Scotland, but sickened at Carlisle. CHRONOLOGICAL ABRIDGMENT. 423 A. D. 1306 June 19. Robert Bruce came before Perth ; was attacked and defeated at Methven, by Aymer de Val- lence Earl of Pembroke. Aug. II. Bruce was defeated by the Lord of Lorn, at Dairy. He eluded the pursuit of his enemies, and escap- ed to Rachrin, on the northern coast of Ire- land. Edward I. inflicted various punishments on the partisans of Bruce. Oct. 23. James, the Stewart of Scotland, did homage to Edward I. at Lanercost, near Carlisle. Feb. — Bruce and his adherents were excommunicated by the cardinal legate at Carlisle. Bruce passed over from Rachrin to Arran, and from thence to Turnberry in Carrick, sur- prised the English in their cantonments ; but was obliged by superior numbers to take shel- ter among the hills. Feb. 9. Thomas and Alexander, the brothers of Bruce, landed in Galloway, were defeated by Dun- can M'Dowal, made prisoners, and executed. Mar. 19. Sir James Douglas surprised the English, at Douglas castle, and put them to the sword. 1307 Bruce defeated the Earl of Pembroke, at Low- doun-hill. After having made a vain attempt on the castle of Ayr, Bruce was again obliged to take shel- ter among the hills. The English burnt the monastery of Paisley. July 7. Edward I. died on his march against the Scots, at Burg on Sande in Cumberland. Aug. 28. Edward II. having entered Scotland, empowered the Earl of Pembroke to receive the Scots to mercy, under certain exceptions Edward II. ingloriously returned into England. Sept. 13. He appointed the Earl of Richmond guardian of Scotland in the room of Pembroke. 424< CHRONOLOGICAL ABRIDGMENT. A. D. 1307 Bruce invaded Galloway. Was put to flight by the guardian, and retired into the north. Dec. 25. The Earl of Buchan attacked Bruce, and was discomfited. 1308 May 22. The Earl of Buchan, and Moubray, an English commander, totally routed by Bruce, at In- verury. Sir David de Brechin, and other Scotsmen, aban- doned the English. About this time, according to common report, the citizens of Aberdeen, and other partisans of Bruce, stormed the castle of Aberdeen, slew the English garrison, razed the fortifica- tions, and defeated the English, who endea- voured to regain that castle. June 29. Edward Bruce invaded Galloway, overthrew the enemies of Scotland, expelled the English, and subdued the country. Sir James Douglas surprised and made prisoners Alexander Stewart of Bonkill and Thomas Randolph, the King's nephew. Randolph having spoken petulantly to the King, was .committed to close custody. July 16. James the Stewart of Scotland died. Aug. 23. Bruce invaded Lorn, defeated the troops of Lorn at Crethinben, and made himself master of that country. 11. William de Lambyrton, Bishop of St Andrews, having been received into favour with the English, undertook to publish the sentence of excommunication against Bruce and his adhe- rents. Edward II. made frequent changes in the office of guardian of Scotland. Philip King of France endeavoured to promote a reconciliation between Edward II. and Bruce. Edward, through the mediation of the King of France, consented to a truce with the Scots ; CHRONOLOGICAL ABRIDGMENT. 425 A. D. 1308 but he presently charged them as guilty of violating the truce, and he summoned his ba- rons to march against them. Aug. 2. Edward complained to the King of France of the dupHcity of de Varennes his ambassador, who had sent despatches openly to the Earl of Car- rick, and secretly to the King of Scots. The King of France, by other ambassadors, so- licited a truce for Scotland. Edward con- sented to negociate at the request of the King of France, as his father-in-law, and friend, Nov. 29. but not as an ally of Scotland. Dec. 3. Bruce besieged the castle of Rutherglen. It was relieved by the young Earl of Gloucester. Feb. 16. The negociations with Scotland were renewed* The Bishop of St Andrews was one of the commissioners on the part of England. A truce was concluded; but the Scots disre- garded it. 24. The Scottish clergy issued a declaration, im- porting, that they, together with the rest of the nation, had assumed Robert Bruce for their Sovereign. 1310 Edward II. made preparations for invading Scot- land. — The English barons, disgusted at his government, repaired slowly to the royal stan- dard. Sept. He invaded Scotland ; penetrated by Selkirk and Biggar to Renfrew, and then retired to Ber- wick, while Bruce remained on the defensive. Dec. 9. Edward II. issued a proclamation, prohibiting his subjects, under pain of forfeiture, from supplying the Scots with military stores. Bruce projected an invasion of the Isle of Man, but was prevented by the vigilance of the English. 1311 William Binnok, a poor peasant, won the castle of Linlithgow from the English by stratagem. 426 CHRONOLOGICAL ABRIDGMENT. A.D. 1311 July H. Edward II. again purposing to invade Scotland, ordered a rendezvous of his forces at Rokes- burgh. Bruce invaded England, and ravaged the coun- try about Durham. Jan. 8. Bruce took Perth by escalade. 26. Edward II. empowered the Earl of Athole and others to conclude a truce with the Scots. Feb. 8. He endeavoured, by conferring favours, to se- cure the fidelity of such of the Scots as had hitherto remained in his interest. 1312 Bruce invaded England, burnt great part of Durham, and threatened to besiege Berwick. Edward II. fixed his residence at Berwick. Bruce took the castles of Butel, Dumfries, and Dalswinton, and many others. Mar. 6,7. Douglas surprised the castle of Rokesburgh. li. Randolph, guided by one William Frank, sur- prised the castle of Edinburgh. 1313 The Earl of Athole revolted to the Scots. May 17. Through the mediation of France, conferences for a truce with Scotland were renewed. 23. The Scots ravaged Cumberland. June 11. Bruce subdued the Isle of Man. July. Edward II. attempted to assemble forces for re- sisting the Scots, but was thwarted by the Earl of Lancaster, and other discontented barons. Such of the Scots as continued in the English interest sent a deputation to Edward II. re- presenting their distresses, and imploring aid. Nov. 28. Edward dismissed the deputies with many fair promises. Edward Bruce, brother of the King of Scots, took the castles of Rutherglen and Dundee, and besieged the castle of Stirling. Philip de Moubray agreed to surrender it, unless reliev- ed on the 24;th June ISH. CHRONOLOGICAL ABRIDGMENT. 4-27 A. D. 1313 Bruce ratified this singular capitulation. 1314 Edward II. made great preparations for the re- lief of the castle of Stirling. He invited Mar. 26. many Irish chiefs to his aid ; and he summon- ed his English subjects in Ireland to join the army under the command of the Earl of Ulster. May 27. He ordered a great army to be assembled for the succour of the castle of Stirling. Bruce assembled his army at Torwood, between Falkirk and Stirling ; and he chose the ground on which he was to combat the English. June 23. Edward II. with his army, came in sight of the Scots, who were posted between Stirling and the stream called Bannockburn. — There were skirmishes this day, in which the Scots had the advantage. — Bruce slew Henry de Bohun in single combat. 24. The two nations fought The English were to- tally routed. — Edward II. fled sixty miles without halting. The Earl of March threw open the gates of his castle of Dunbar to Ed- ward ; and conveyed him by sea into Eng- land. The castle of Stirling surrendered according to treatj^ — Moubray, the governor, entered into the service of Scotland. The castle of Bothwell was besieged. The Earl of Hereford, who had taken refuge there after the rout of Bannockburn, capitulated. Edward Bruce and Douglas wasted Northum- berland, laid the bishopnck of Durham un- der contribution, penetrated to Richmond in Yorkshire, burnt Appleby, &c. and returned home loaded with plunder. Aug. Edward II. summoned a parliament at York, in order to concert measures for the pubJic secu- 4.28 CHRONOLOGICAL ABRIDGMENT A. D. 1314 Aug. 10. He appointed the Earl of Pembroke, late guar- dian of Scotland, to be guardian of the coun- try between the Tweed and the Trent. Sept. 18. Bruce having made overtures for peace, Edward Oct. 17- II. appointed commissioners to treat with the Scots. The Scots again invaded England, and levied contributions. John Balliol died, leaving his son Edward heir to his fatal pretensions. i315 The Scots invaded England, penetrated into the bishoprick of Durham, and plundered Hartle- pool. April 26. The succession to the crown of Scotland was settled in parliament at Ayr. July. Bruce besieged Carlisle,; but was repulsed. The Scots aiso failed in an attempt to surprise Berwick. Waiter, the Stewart of Scotland, married Mar- jory, daughter of the King of Scots. The Irish of Ulster implored the aid of Bruce against the English, and offered to acknow- ledge his brother Edward for their Sovereign. Bruce accepted their offers. May 25. Edward Bruce landed at Carrickfergus, in the north of Ireland, with 6000 men. Aided by his new subjects, he wnsted the pos- sessions of the English settlers. June 29. The Scots stormed, plundered, and burnt Dun- dalk : They burnt Atherdee, and other places. Richard de Burgh, Earl of Ulster, assembled forces to oppose Edward Bruce. July 22. Edmond Butler, Justiciary of Ireland, having gathered together the forces of Leinster, of- fered to assist the Earl of Ulster ; but the Earl scornfully rejected his assistance. Sept. 10. The Earl of Ulster was surprised and defeated by the Scots at Coyners. CHRONOLOGICAL ABRIDGMENT. 429 A. D. 1315 Sept. 15. Randolph went into Scotland for reinforcements. Dec. 6. Edward Bruce besieged the castle of Carrick- fergus. — Raised the siege. — Randolph brought over a reinforcement of 500 men. — The Scots penetrated into Kildare. Jan. 26. The Scots defeated the English under the com- mand of Butler, the Justiciary, near ArscoU in Kildare. Feb. 14. Edward Bruce was compelled, by want of pro- visions, to retreat towards Ulster. Roger Lord Mortimer endeavoured to cut off his retreat. The troops of Mortimer were dispersed by the Scots, at Kenlis in Meath. March. Edward Bruce acted as Sovereign in Ulster. Randolph went again into Scotland for fresh reinforcements. In the course of this year Bruce subdued the western isles. 2. Marjory, daughter of Bruce, and wife of Wal- ter, the Stewart of Scotland, brought forth a son, Robert, and soon after died. 1316 April 11. Edward Bruce resumed the siege of the castle of Carrickfergus. Lord Mandeville entered the castle with succours, sallied out and sur- prised the Scots. While pursuing his advan- tage, he was slain, and the troops of the sally were cut to pieces. May 2. Edward Bruce was crowned King of Ireland. 31. The garrison of the castle of Carrickfergus agreed to surrender,- unless relieved within a certain day ; that term having elapsed, they desired the Scots to send a detachment to take possession. They seized the detach- ment, and persisted in maintaining the castle. Bruce, having committed the charge of his king- dom to the Stewart and Douglas, conducted a reinforcement to his brother. 430 CHRONOLOGICAL ABRIDGMENT. A.D. 1S16 The garrison gf the castle of Carrickfergus, after having endured the extremities of fa- mine, surrendered. Oct. 25. The EngUsh appeared in Ulster, and defeated a part of the Scottish army. Feb. 16. Bruce and his brother, by forced marches, en- tered the province of Leinster, and approach- ed to Dublin The inhabitants of Dublin made preparations for defending their city. Feb. 23. to The Scots, after having remained some days in March 12. the neighbourhood of Dublin, marched to Cal- len in Kilkenny, and continued their progress to Limerick. 1317 Mar. 31. The English assembled their whole forces in the neighbourhood of Kilkenny. April 7. Roger Lord Mortimer arrived from England in the character of deputy. He ordered that no attempt should be made against the Scots until he joined the army. May. Meanv/hile the Scots, having eluded the enemy, retreated leisurely into Ulster. During the absence of Bruce, the English made several unsuccessful attempts against Scotland. The Earl of Arundel invaded the forest of Jedburgh ; Douglas drew him into an ambush, and dffi^ated his troops. Edward de Cai- laud uivaded Teviotdale : Douglas routed his troops, and slew him. Robert Neville sallied out from Berwick against Douglas, was de- feated and slain. The English invaded Scotland by sea, landed near Inverkeithing, and routed the Earl of Fife, and others who opposed their landing. William Sinclair, Bishop of Dunkeld, rallied the fugitives, attacked the English, and drove them back to their ships. Pope John XXII. despatched two cardinals into Britain to proclaim a papal truce for two years CHRONOLOGICAL ABRIDGMENT. 431 A. D. 1317 between the English and the Scots ; and he conferred on the cardinals a discretionary power of excommunicating Bruce, and whom- soever else they thought fit. Sept. The cardinals sent messengers to Bruce. He refused to receive letters not addressed to the King of Scots, and dismissed the messengers with a mild, but resolute answer. Dec. 20. The cardinals sent Adam Newton, a Minorite friar, to proclaim the papal truce in Scotland. The King of Scots turned him back to Ber- wick unheard. The friar, in his return, was ■waylaid, stript, and robbed of all his parch- ments, letters, and instructions. 1318 Mar. 28. Randolph and Douglas, conducted by one Spal- ding, a malecontent citizen of Berwick, sur- prised the town of Berwick. The garrison of the castle sallied out to regain the town ; but was repulsed, chiefly by the valour of Sir Wil- liam Keith of Galston. Bruce attacked and won the castle of Berwick. He committed the defence of the town and the castle to the Stewart. The Scots invaded Northumberland, and took the castles of Werk, Harbottle, and Mitford. May. They again invaded England, penetrated into Yorkshire, burnt Northallerton, Borrough- bridge, Scarborough, and Skipton in Craven, and exacted contributions from Rippon. June 28. The Pope commanded Bruce, and his adherents, to be excommunicated for their contempt of the papal truce. June 8. Edward II. summoned his forcel to assemble at & 10. York for defence of the country. Sept. A parliament, held at London, appointed an army to be raised, the quotas of soldiers being furnished by the different cities and towns. This army was assembled ; but, on account of 14 432 CHRONOLOGICAL ABRIDGMENT. A. D. 1318 party animosities among the soldiers, was im- mediately disbanded. Oct. 5. Edward Bruce, contrary to the opinion of all his officers, fought the English under Lord Ber- mingham, at Fagher near Dundalk. His army was totally defeated and dispersed, and him- self slain. Dec. The death of Marjory, the King's daughter, and of Edward his brother, made new arrange- ments necessary as to the regal succession. They were accordingly settled in parliament at Scone. Many wise and salutary laws were enacted in that parliament. . , About the same time, the two cardinals, who re- sided in England, pronounced the sentence of excommunication against Bruce and his adhe- rents. — From Scotland messengers were sent to solicit the repeal, and from England, the confirmation of this sentence. The Pope having been informed, by the English King, of a correspondence by letters between Avignon and Scotland, imprisoned the Scots who were within his territories, and the per- sons who had corresponded with Scotland. 1319 Robert Count of Flanders refused to prohibit trade with Scotland, " because Flanders was the common country of all men, and prohibi- tions as to trade would ruin his people." April 24!. Edward II. obtained leave from the Pope to treat with certain concealed traitors in Scot- land. July 20. Ed,ward II. resolved to regain Berwick. He re- and 24^. quested the prayers of the clergy, together with a great loan, and ordered his forces to assemble at Newcastle upon Tyne. Sept. 7. The Engish drew lines of countervallation round CHRONOLOGICAL ABRIDGMENT. 433 A. D. 1319 Berwick, assaulted the town, and were re- pulsed. 13. They made a general assault, and were again re- pulsed. The Stewart distinguished himself by his courage and conduct in defence of Ber- wick. Fifteen thousand Scots, under Randolph and Douglas, entered England by the west- 20. marches, wasted Yorkshire, and fought and overcame the Archbishop of York, and his followers, at Mitton, near Burrough-bridge. The northern barons, whose estates were most exposed to the inroads of the Scots, forced Edward II. to raise the siege of Berwick. Ed- ward in vain attempted to cut off the retreat of the Scots. Commissioners were appointed for negociating a treaty between the two nations. Nov. 17. The Pope interposed, and ordered the general sentence of excommunication to be published against Bruce and his adherents, and also the ancient sentence against Bruce for the slaugh- ter of Comyn. Dec. 21. A truce, until Christmas 1321, was concluded between the two nations. 1320 April 6. In a parliament held at Aberbrothock, the ba- rons, freeholders, and whole community of Scotland, drew up a letter to the Pope, as- serting their independency, and justifying their cause. William de Soulis, and other persons of quality, conspired against Bruce. The Countess of Strathern revealed the conspiracy. August. The conspirators were tried in a parliament at Scone. Some of them were condemned and executed. — Soulis, and the Countess of Strath- ern, were imprisoned for life. VOL. II. E e 34, CHRONOLOGICAL ABRIDGMENT. A. D. 1320 July 12. The Pope addressed a Bull to Edward II. re- commending peace w'.n Scotland. . Bruce, bj'' his ambassadors, applied to the Pope for a repeal of the sentence of excommunica- tion. The Pope questioned the power of the ambassadors, but allowed Bruce again to ap- ply. Sept. 15. Edward II. appointed commissioners for treating of peace with Scotland. Nov. 17. Edward II. appointed commissioners for receiv- ing into favour all the Scots who might be de- Dec. 11. sirous of reconciliation with England; and granted an indemnity, with few exceptions. 1321 May 14. Edward II. stopt certain letters sent by the Pope to Bruce, because they contained expressions which it was not held safe to communicate to the Scots. Dec. 7. The Earl of Lancaster entertained a treasonable correspondence with the Scots. The Scots invaded Northumberland, and the BishoprJck of Durham. Feb. The Earls of Lancaster and Hereford rose in arms against their Sovereign. Mar. 16. They were defeated near Burrough-bridge by Sir Andrew Hartcla. Hereford was slain. Lancaster yielded himself up. 22. Tlie Earl of Lancaster was tried, found guilty, and beheaded. 1322 Mar, 25. Sir Andrew Hartcla was made Earl of Carlisle, and had a pension of 1000 marks yearly. Edward II. informed the Pope that he had sup- pressed the rebellion, and was preparing to invade Scotland ; and he declared that he would no longer listen to any proposals for a truce. Meanwhile the Scots invaded England, pene- trated into Lancashire, and spoiled the coun- try without opposition. CHRONOLOGICAL ABRIDGMENT. 435 A. D. 1322 August. Edward II. having requested the Pope to en- force the sentence of excommunication against the Scots, invaded Scotland. Bruce ordered the whole cattle and flocks to be driven off from the Merse and Lothian, and fixed his camp at Cardross, on the north side of the Frith of Forth. Edward II. advanced to Edinburgh, but was obliged to retreat for want of provisions. His soldiers plmidered the abbeys of Holyrood and Melros, and burnt Dryburgh. It was computed that one-half of the English army died in this campaign. Sept. 15. Edward II. appointed Andrew Hartcla guardian of the west marches, and the Earl of Athole of the east. The Scots besieged Norham. They surprised Edward II. at Biland in Yorkshire, stormed his camp, and defeated his army. The Scots wasted Yorkshire, and continued their incursions to Beverley in the East-riding. Feb. 1. Andrew Hartcla having engaged in a treasonable correspondence with the Scots, was arrested as a traitor. 5. Edmund Earl of Kent, brother of the English King, was appointed sole guardian of the marches. 27. Commissioners were appointed for the trial of Hartcla. Mar. 2. Hartcla was condemned to be degraded, and to suffer as a traitor. This sentence was imme- diately executed. 21. Edward II. agreed to a cessation of arms '< with the men of Scotland ;" but Bruce would not, until he was treated as " a principal party." 1323 Mar. 30. Edward II. demanded the opinion of his coun- sellors, as to the expediency of a truce. 436 ^' CHRONOLOGICAL ABKlDGiMENT. A. O. 1323 Henry de Beaumont refusing to give any opi- nion, was removed from the council board. 30. The treaty of truce, to endure until the 12th June 1336, was concluded at Thorpe near York. June 7. Bruce, under the style of Khig of Scotland, rati- fied the treaty at Berwick, with the consent of his Bishops, Earls, and Barons. Meanwhile, Edward II. requested the Pope to publish the sentence of excommunication against Bruce and his adherents, but the Pope would not. Bruce sent Randolph to the papal court, who prevailed with the Pope to bestow the title of King on Bruce. Jan. 13. The Pope, reflecting that his concessions were too ample, apologized to the English King. Mar. 5. A sou was born to Bruce at Dunfermline, named David. 1324' April 1. Edward II. remonstrated against the concessions which the Pope had made to Randolph, the Scottish ambassador. July 2. Edv/ard II. required Edward, the son of John Balliol, to come to his court. Nov. 8. Commissioners appointed for a treaty of peace between the two nations. The Scots prayed to be reconciled to the church, Edward II. prevailed on the Pope to reject their prayer, until restitution of Berwick should be made. But the Scots rather chose to re- main excommunicated than to restore Ber- wick. 1326 The parliament, held at Cambuskenneth, took an oath for the performance of fealty and ho- mage to David, the King's son, and his issue, whom failing, to Bobert Steivart. Andrew Moray of Bothwell, married Christian, CHRONOLOGICAL ABRIDGMENT. 437 A. D. 1326 sister of the King of Scots, and widow of Sir Christopher Seton. April. Randolph, ambassador from Scotland, concluded an alliance offensive and defensive with France, at Corbeil. 9. Walter Stewart, the King's son-in-law, died. Jan. 24?. Edward II. resigned his crown to Edward III. a youth of 15. March 4. Edward III. renewed the negociations for peace and 8. with Scotland, and ratified the truce. April 5. Having received intelligence that the Scots had resolved to infringe the truce, he summoned his barons to meet him in arms at Newcastle, but without discontinuing the negociations for peace. May 18. He contracted with John de Beaumont, brother of the Count of Hainault, for a body of heavy- armed cavalry. July 12. He invited Edward Balliol from France. 15. He fortified York. June 15. Meanwhile, Randolph and Douglas invaded Eng- land by the west marches, with an army of 20,000, chiefly horsemen. July 13. Edward III. with an army of 50,000, came to Durham, in order to oppose the invaders. Aug. 1. The English army came in view of the Scots. 4. Douglas surprised the English camp at Stanhope- park, and assaulted the King's tent. On being repulsed, he made good his retreat. 6. The Scots, when their retreat appeared to be cut off, disengaged themselves by a skilful movement, and retired without loss. 15. Edward HI. having marched to York, disbanded his army. Bruce besieged the castle of Norham. Randolph and Douglas made an unsuccessful attempt on the castle of Alnwick. i3S CHRONOLOGICAL ABRIDGMENT. A. D. 1326 Oct. 9. Henr}' de Percy, and others, were appointed plenipotentiaries for concluding a peace with Nov. 23. Scotland. The treaty, however, was managed by Mortimer for the English, and Douglas for the Scots. Oct. 26. Elizabeth, the consort of the King of Scots, died. Dec. 10. The commissioners for the treaty met at New- castle, and drew up articles of pacification. Edward II. summoned a parliament to meet at York for deliberating on the articles. Jan. 25. Meanwhile, a short truce was concluded with Scotland. Mar. 1. In the parliament at York Edward II. consent- ed, " That Scotland should remain unto Ro- bert King of Scots, and his heirs and succes- sors, free, and divided from England, without any subjection or right of service." 1328 April. In a parliament at Northampton, peace was con- cluded with Scotland. July 12. In consequence of an article in the treaty of Northampton, David Prince of Scotland mar- ried Johanna the daughter of Edward II. at Berwick. 1329 June 7. Robert Bruce the restorer of the Scottish monar- chy, died at Cardross, and was succeeded by his only son David II. In consequence of the act of settlement 1318, Randolph assumed the character of Regent. 1330 June. Douglas had promised to convey the heart of Bruce to the Holy Land : He set out on this expedition: Having heard that Alphonsus, King of Leon and Castile, waged war with the Moors in Granada, he resolved to fight the infidels in his progress to Jerusalem. Aug. 25. Douglas, incautiously pursuing the enemy, was slain near Teva, on the frontiers of Andalusia. 1331 Nov. 24. David II. and his consort Johanna, were anoint- ed and crowned at Scone. CHRONOLOGICAL ABRIDGMENT. 439 A.D. 1331 Edward BalHol began to revive his pretensions to the crown of Scotland. Mortimer, the great minister in England, having been disgraced, and executed, Edward III. required the Scottish regency, in terms of the treaty of Northampton, to restore the estates of Henry de Beaumont, and Thomas Lord Wake, who had been enemies of Mortimer. The Regent, distrusting the sincerity of the English in the performance of the other arti- cles of the treaty of Northampton, delayed the performance of the article as to Beaumont and Wake. Balliol and the disinherited barons, under the guidance of Henry de Beaumont, resolved to invade Scotland with an army of 400 men at arms, and 5000 infantry, which they had as- sembled. 1332 Mar. 24'. Edward III. would not permit them to march into Scotland, and issued a specious proclama- tion enforcing observance of the treaty of Northampton. Balliol and his folloM'crs, without any obstacle, embarked at Ravenshere in Holderness. Randolph had assembled an army, rjid marched to Colbrandspath, on the frontier of East Lo- thian ; but hearing of the eobarkation, he marched northwards. July 20. He expired on his march, at Musselburgh. Aug. 2. The Scottish parliament, at Perth, elected Do- nald Earl of Marre to the office of Regent. 9. Edward III. empowered Henry de Percy to punish all his subjects who should presume to array themselves in contempt of his proclama- tion of the 24th March, and also empowered Percy to arm for repelling an imaginary inva- ^icm of the Scots. 440 CHRONOLOGICAL ABRIDGMENT. A. D. 1332 July 31. Balliol appeared In the Frith of Forth. He landed near Burntisland, in Fife, and routed the Earl of Fife, who, with troops hastily ga- thered together, opposed the landing. Aug. 11, Balliol encamped near Fort-Teviot, with the river Earn in front. The Earl of Marre, with a numerous army, en- camped at Duplin, on the opposite bank of the river. The Earl of March, with another army, approached, and quartered at Auchterarder^ eight miles to the west of Fort-Teviot. 12. Balliol, being thus in imminent jeopardy, crossed the river by night, surprised and totally defeat- ed the Scots. The Earl of Marre, and many other persons of distinction, were slain. The Earl of Fife, having been made prisoner, submitted to the victors. 13. Balliol took possession of Perth, and hastily for- tified it. The Earl of March's troops hurried on to as- sault Perth ; but instead of assaulting, blockad- ed it. John Crabbe, a Fleming, in the service of Scot- land, came with a fleet of ten ships to the mouth of the river Tay. He took a ship be- longing to Henry de Beaumont. He was soon 24. after defeated, in a general engagement, and his whole fleet was burnt. The Earl of March abandoned the blockade of Perth, and ordered his troops to disperse. Sept. 24. Edward Balliol was crowned at Scone ; Duncan Earl of Fife, and William Sinclair Bishop of Dunkeld, assisted at the solemnity. He repaired to the south of Scotland, intrusting the custody of Perth to the Earl of Fife. Oct. 7. James and Simon Erasers, and Robert Keith, surprised Perth, and razed its fortificationsr CHRONOLOGICAL ABRIDGMENT. 44-1 A. D. 1332 The English said that the Earl of Fife, the governor, betrayed the town. The Scots who remained faithful, conferred the office of Regent on Sir Andrew Moray of Bothwell. Edward III. having been counselled by his par- liament to draw near the Scottish frontiers, re- paired to York. Nov. 23. Balliol, at Rokesburgh, made a solemn surrender of the liberties of Scotland to the English King ; became bound to put Berwick, and its appurtenances, into his hands ; offered to marry the Princess Johanna, and to provide for the maintenance of her infant husband, David II. and also to serve the English King in all his wars, excepting in England, Wales, and Ireland. He renounced even this exception, on Edward III. becoming bound to maintain him in the possession of Scotland. Oct. 26. Edward III. without mentioning the revolution in Scotland, requested the Pope to prefer Ro- bert de Ayleston to the see of St Andrews, because he was well affected to England, and ' the plighted fidelity of the Scots was frail.' Dec. 15. Edward III. in addressing the Pope on another occasion, was silent as to Balliol's submission. 14. Just about the same time, he appointed plenipo- tentiaries to treat with the ambassadors from the Regent and the Barons of Scotland. Many of the Scottish royalists submitted to the conqueror. The Earl of March, and Archi- bald Douglas, obtained a truce until the 2d of February. 16. John Randolph, now become Earl of Moray, Archibald Douglas, the youngest brother of the renowned Douglas, together with Simon F.'ocor,. sju-prised Balliol at Annan. Henry, *42 CHRONOLOGICAL ABRIDGMENT. A. D. 1332 his brother, was slain ; himself, almost naked, escaped into England. Febt 1 2. Balliol, now an exile, appointed commissioners to swear to the performance of his promises to the English King. Mar. 23. The Scots having made incursions into the Eng- lish borders, Edward III. proclaimed that they had violated the treaty of Northampton. 9. Balliol, having been joined by many English ba- rons, returned to Scotland, took and burnt the castle of Oxnara in Teviotdale, fixed his quar- ters near Rokesburgh, and prepared to besiege Berwick. Archibald Douglas, with 3000 men, invaded Cumberland, and wasted the district of Gilles- land. Sir Anthony de Lucy made an inroad into Scot- land, defeated and made prisoner William Douglas, called the Knight of Liddesdale^ near Lochniaben. 1333 Mar. 28. Edward III. commanded the knight of Liddes- dale to be put in irons. Sir Andrew Mora;-, the Regent, attacked Balliol's troops at the bridge of Rokesburgh. While attempting to re; cue Ralph Golding, who had advanced too far, he was made prisoner. Archibald Douglas was acknowledged as Regent by the Scots. Mar. 30. Edward III. ordered an army to rendezvous at Newcastle. May 7. He rejected the solicitations of the King of France in behalf of the Scots ; and declared, that he was resolved to chastise their outrages. 20. He ordered the Isle of Man to be seized in his name ; and, soon after, he made it over to William de Montague. Edward III. and Balliol, laid siege to Berwick. CHRONOLOGICAL ABRIDGMENT, 443 A. D. 1333 The besieged, although successful in burning great part of the enemy's fleet, were reduced to extremities. July IL The Regent appeared with an army in the neigh- bourhood ; attempted to relieve Berwick, but in vain ; marched into Northumberland, and made an unsuccessful attack on Bamburgh- castle, where Philippa, the consort of Edward III. resided. During a general assault, Berwick was set on fire, and great part of it burnt. The inhabi- tants insisted to capitulate. It was agreed that the town and castle should be surren- dered, unless relieved on the 19th of July. 19. The Regent returned out of Northumberland, attacked the English at Halidon, and was to- tally defeated. He was made prisoner, and died of his wounds. The Earls of Lenox, Ross, Sutherland, Menteth, Carrick, and Athole, (Campbell), with many other persons of distinction, were slain. Berwick surrendered to the English. 26. Edward III. granted his protection to the Earl of March, v.ho had commanded in Berwick, and appointed him to an important office. The castles of Dunbarton, Lochleven, Urqu- hart, and Kildrummy, with a strong-hold in Lochdoun, were the only places in Scotland which remained in possession of the partisans of David II. Malcolm Fleming conveyed David II. and Ixis consort, from Dunbarton into France. Oct. Balliol held his first parliament. Edward III. summoned Balliol to his parliament ; but Balliol excused himself, by reason of the unsettled state of Scotland. Feb. 10. Balliol held a parliament at Edinburgh. M* CHRONOLOGICAL ABRIDGMENT. f A. D. 1333 12. In that parliament, the treaty between BaHioI and his liege lord was ratified. 1334* June 12. Balliol surrendered great part of the Scottish dominions, to be annexed for ever to Eng- land, at Newcastle upon Tyne. June 15. Edward III. appointed officers of justice in his and 21. new dominions. 18. Balliol did homage to Edward III. for the whole kingdom of Scotland, and the isles adjacent, at Newcastle upon Tyne. The private estates of Balliol happening to have been comprehended under the general words of Balliol's cession, Edward III. declared them excluded, " because he had too much reve- rence for God, justice, and good faith, to mean that the cession should be prejudicial to pri- vate rights." August. A quarrel arose among the disinherited, or claim- ants, who had supported the cause of Balliol. Alexander de Moubray claimed an inheri- tance as heir-male of hia brother John de Moubray. Henry de Beaumont, Earl of Buchan, and David de Strathbolgie, or Hast- ings, Earl of Athole, espoused the cause of the heirs-general. Perceiving that they were not heard, they left the court in disgust. Balliol dismissed Moubray, and courted his opposers. Sir Andrew Moray of Bothwell having been re- leased from captivity, assembled the surviving friends of Scotland. Alexander de Moubray joined him ; and Geffrey de Moubray, gover- nor of Rokesburgh, revolted to the Scots. Richard Talbot, an eminent person among the disinherited Lords, endeavoured to pass into England from the north. He was inter- cepted, defeated, and made prisoner, by Sir William Keith of Galston. CHRONOLOGICAL ABRIDGMENT. U5 A. D. 1334) The Regent and Sir Andrew Moray, with Moubray, besieged Henry de Beaumont in his Castle of Dundarg ; and, on his capitulat- ing, allowed him to depart into England. The Stewart, who had lain concealed in Bute, took arms, won the castle of Denoon in Ar- gyleshire, and made himself master of Bute, and the territory of Renfrew. Godfrey de Ross, the English governor of Ayr- shire, submitted to the Stewart. The Earl of Moray had escaped into France after the battle of Halidon: He now re- turned. The Scots acknowledged liira and the Stewart as joint Regents. The Earl of Moray suddenly invaded the terri- tories of (Hastings) Earl of Athole, cut off all supplies, and compelled him to surrender. Athole went over to the Scots. Balliol again fled to England for protection. Nov. 14. Edward III. marched into Scotland to quell the insurgents. Dec. Balliol, with a detached body, wasted Avondale and the neighbouring country. He royally celebrated Christmas at the castle of Renfrew ; distributing lands and offices a- mong his guests. — His chief favourite was William Bullock, an ecclesiastic. Edward III. led the rest of his army into the Lothians, and ruled at pleasure. Patrick, Earl of March, renounced his fealty to Edward III. 1335 John de Strivelin (or StirHng) besieged Alaa de Vipont in the castle of Lochleven. June 19. While he was celebrating the festival of St. Margaret at Dunfermline, the Scots surprised and destroyed his works. John de Strivelin passionately vowed never to desist from his enterprise until he had over- *46 CHRONOLOGICAL ABRIDGMENT. A. D. 1335 thrown the castle, and put the garrison to the sword ; Yet he raised the siege. April. The Stewart and the Earl of Moray, Regents, held a parliament at Dairsy, (near Coupar in Fife). The members, distracted by party animosities, separated without concerting any general plan of defence. July 11. France had offered her mediation; but the Eng- lish parliament rejected all terms of peace; and Edward III, again Invaded Scotland, and marched with Balliol towards Perth. 30. Count Guy of Namur landed at Berwick with a body of foreign auxiliaries, and advanced to Edinburgh. He was encountered, and van- quished at the Borough'Muir. He and his troops were allowed to depart, on their pro- mise not to serve again in the Scottish wars. The Earl of Moray, Regent, while he returned from escorting Count Guy, was set upon and made prisoner by William de Pressen, warden of Jedburgh. Aug. 18. The Moubrays and others, pretending to have powers from the Earl of Athole and the Stewart, concluded a treaty with Edward III. at Perth. 24. Edward III. granted a pardon to the Earl of Athole, restored him to his English estates, and appointed him Lieutenant in Scotland. Athole, invested with new authority, punished the partisans of the cause which he had deserted. He besieged the castle of Kildrummy. Sir Andrew Moray and the Earl of March hav- ing collected 1100 men, surprised Athole in the forest of Kilblaln. Athole, abandoned by his troops, was slain. Dec. 12. Balliol concluded a treaty with John, Lord of the Isles, on very disadvantageous terms. CHRONOLOGICAL ABRIDGMENT. M7 A. D. 1335 Edward III. made grants of his new acquisitions to his principal Lords. Jan. 27. After having lent £.300 to Balliol, he settled a daily pension on him of five marks, to be en- joyed during pleasure. Sir Andrew Moray assembled a parliament at Dunfermline, and was acknowledged by that assembly as Regent. A short truce had been granted to the Scots, through the mediation of the ambassadors from the Pope and the King of France, and had been renewed from time to time ; neverthe- less, the Scots still kept the field. Edward March 8. III. renewed the truce, on condition that the Scots should desist from the blockade of the castles of Coupar and Lochindorp, and not besiege any other fortresses. 1336 April 7. Edward III. appointed the Earl of Lancaster to the command of the troops in Scotland. 10. He vested him with full powers of pardoning the Scots. May 4. He authorized Lancaster, and others in com- mission with him, to conclude a short truce with Scotland. Aug. Edward III. came unexpectedly to Perth, marched into the North, raised the siege of Lochindorp, wasted Moray, and penetrated to Inverness. The Scots avoided encounter- ing him. Meanwhile Thomas Rosheme, a foreigner in the service of England, landed with a body of troops at Dunoter. The citizens of Aber- deen attacked him, and were worsted ; but Rosheme fell in the action. Edward, on his return from the north, burnt Aberdeen. Edward III. endeavoured to secure Scotland by a chain of fortresses ; and left his brother, 14 44.8 CHRONOLOGICAL ABRIDGMENT. A.D. 1336 John Earl of Cornwall, to command in Scot- land. October. The Earl of Cornwall died at Perth. Sir Andrew Moray, the Regent, besieged the castle of Stirling ; but was obliged to abandon the enterprise. Sir Andrew Moray won the castles of Dunoter, Laurieston, and Kinclaven, and thus broke the chain of the English fortresses. The Knight of Liddesdale attacked Lord Berke- ley near Blackburn, but was discomfited, and hardly escaped. The Scots hired some gaUies at Genoa to act against the English ; but the Genoese re- gency burnt them. A naval armament, fitted out by the partisans of David 11. took many English ships near the Isle of Wight, and plundered Guernsey and Jerse3^ Feb. 28. Sir Andrew Moray cast down the tower of Falk- land, won the castle of Leuchars, and, after a siege of three weeks, took the castle of St Andrews. 1337 March. The castle of Bothwell surrendered to the Scots. Sir Andrew Moray invaded Cumberland, and wasted the country in the neighbourhood of Carlisle. He besieged the castle of Edin- burgh. The English came to its relief; they fought the Scots at Crichton in Mid-Lothian. The Scots kept the field ; but their comman- der, the Knight of Liddesdale, Mas danger- ously wounded. Sir Andrew Moray raised the siege. Henry de Beaumont, in the north, revenged the death of Athole, his son-in-law, by slaying the Scots who had been at the battle of Kilbiain^ whenever they fell into his hands. CHRONOLOGICAL ABRIDGMENT. 449 A.D. 1337 A great famine in Scotland : Many persons died of want, and many emigrated. August. The wives and children of the Scottish barons, who had sought an asylum in Flanders, era- barked in two ships to return home, under the guidance of John de Lindesay, Bishop of Glasgow ; John de Ros, the English Admiral, took them. The Bishop of Glasgow was mortally wounded, and many persons of dis- tinction slain. Oct. 7. Edward III. publicly asserted his claim to France. — 7. 15. Meanwhile the Scots were amused with negocia- tions for peace. 15. Edward III. empowered the Earls of Arundel and Salisbury to receive the Scots to pardon and favour. Jan. 28. The Earl of Salisbury besieged the castle of Dunbar, which was bravely defended by the Countess of March, daughter of Randolph. 1338 June 10. Alexander Ramsay having brought succours into the castle of Dunbar, made a successful sally. The English abandoned the siege, and con- sented to a cessation of arms. Alexander Ramsay, with a company of reso- lute young men, lurked in the caves of Haw- thornden, infested the country, and even made inroads into the English borders. He en- countered Robert Manners at Prestfen, near Werk-castle, made him prisoner, and totally defeated his forces. The Knight of Liddesdale expelled the English from Teviotdale. Sir Andrew Moray, Regent of Scotland, died. Robert the Stewart succeeded him in the office of Regent. The Regent made preparations for besieging 450 CHRONOLOGICAL ABRIDGMENT. A. D. 1338 Perth ; and despatched the Knight of Liddes- dale into France to implore aid for the Scots. Aug. 4. Edward III. required BalHol to commit Perth to the care of Thomas Ughtred. BaUiol obeyed, and went to reside in England. 1339 The Stewart came before Perth. The Knight of Liddesdale returned with French auxiliaries. William Bullock, bribed by the Stewart, yielded up the castle of Coupar, and swore fealty to David II. The Stewart, assisted by the counsels of Bul- lock, besieged Perth. The Earl of Ross, by the artifice of a mine, drained the fosse. Aug. 17. Ughtred capitulated. The Stewart rewarded, and dismissed the French auxiliaries. The Stewart besieged and took the castle of Stirling, where Thomas Rokesby commanded. The Stewart made a progress through Scotland for the administration of justice. Sept. 26. Edward III. entered the French territories. The armies of England and France, after having been in sight for some days, mutually with- drew, at Viron-fosse, in the Cambresis. David II. it is said, was in the French army. 1340 Edward III. having unsuccessfully besieged Sept. 25. Tournay, made a truce with France ; in that truce the Scots were comprehended. The Scots, commanded by the Eai'ls of March and Suthei'land, made an inroad into Eng- land : They were repulsed by Thomas do Gray. 1341 April 17. The castle of Edinburgh was surprised by a stra- tagem of William Bullock. May 4. David II. and his consort Johanna, landed from France, at Inverbervie, in Kincardineshire. 1342 Mar. 30. Alexander Ramsay of Dalwolsy took the castle of Rokesburgh by escalade. CHRONOLOGICAL ABRIDGMENT. 451 A. D. 1342 David II. rewarded him with the office of Sheriff of Teviotdale, which the Knight of Liddesdale enjoyed. June 20. While Ramsay held his courts in the chapel of Hawick, the Knight of Liddesdale assaulted and wounded him, raid carried him prisoner to the castle of Hermitage. — Ramsay was starved to death. William Bullock, accused of treasonable practi- ces, was thrust into the castle of Lochindorp, where he expired through cold and hunger. The Knight of Liddesdale, through the interces- sion of the Stewart, was pardoned, restored to his office, and made keeper of Rokesburgh castle. During this year, the Scots infested England by frequent inroads : 1 . The Earl of Moray burnt Penrith. The King served as a volun- teer under him. 2. The King erected the royal standard, invaded Northumberland, re- ceived a check from Robert Ogle, and retired ingloriously. 3. A third inroad was repressed by Balliol, lieutenant to the north of Trent. The Scots besieged the castle of Lochmaben in Annandale, where Walter Selby commanded. Selby, aided by John Kirkeby, Bishop of Car- lisle, and Thomas de Lucy, repulsed the Scots. Feb. 20. Edward HI. made proclamation, that he had consented to a truce with France, and her allies, until Michaelmas 1346. Military opera- tions were everywhere suspended. 1343 Aug. 18. Edward III. began to make attempts on the fide- lity of the Knight of Liddesdale. 134;4< Aug. 25. The Scots, weary of the truce, made inroads on the marches : Balliol, with the forces of the north of England, was appointed to oppose them. 452 CHRONOLOGICAL ABRIDGMENT. A. D. 1345 Mar. 15. Edward III. charged Philip King of France with having aided the Scots, contrary to the conditions of the truce. 1346 April 24. He declared that the King of France had vio- lated the truce, and he commanded hostilities to be recommenced. David II. instigated by France, undertook to invade England. His array rendezvoused at Perth. The Earl of Ross assassinated Ray- nald of the Isles in a monastery, and, aban- doning the King's host, led back his followers to their mountains. David II. stormed the castle of Lidel, and be- headed Walter Selby the governor, who had alternately plundered and defended England. The Knight of Liddesdale advised the King of Scots to abandon his enterprise against Eng- land, but his barons urged him on. David II. marched through Northumberland and wasted the bishoprick of Durham, not even sparing the patrimony of St Cuthbert. Oct. 16. He pitched his camp at Bear Park, within view of Durham, while Edward III. lay before Calais with his best troops. William le Zoucho Archbishop of York, with the northern barons, prepared to oppose the Scots. The Knight of Liddesdale, being on a foraging party, encountered the English forces, and was defeated at Ferry of the Hill. 17. The Scots and the English fought at Nevii's-cross, near Durham ; the Scots were utterly discom- fited ; David II. was wounded and made pri- soner ; and many of the Scottish nobility were slain. 20. The English regency appointed commissioners to pardon the Scots and receive their fealty. Nov. 20. Some of the English Ixaving connived at the CHRONOLOGICAL ABRIDGMENT. 453 A. D. 134(5. escape of their prisoners, this was prohibited, under pain of death. Jan. 2. The King of Scots was imprisoned in the Tower of London. 20. John Copland, who took him, and Robert de Bertram, who took the Knight of Liddesdale, were amply rewarded. The English entered Scotland, took the castles of Rokesburgh and Hermitage, and advanced their posts to the neighbourhood of the low country of the Lothians. Balliol, who then resided in Galloway, having been joined by some English troops, wasted the Lothians, Clydesdale, Cuningham, and Niddesdale. The Stewart was elected to the office of Regent- in absence of the King. William Lord Douglas, having returned from France, expelled the English from Douglas- dale, the forest of Etrick, and Teviotdale. John d"e Graham Earl of Menteth, and Duncan Earl of Fyfe, prisoners at Durham, were con- victed of treason. Edward HI. together with the warrant for trying them, transmitted to their judges a schedule containing the sen- tence of condemnation. Sentence was exe- cuted against the Earl of Menteth, but not against the Earl of Fyfe. 1347 Aug. 4. Edward HI. won Calais, after a tedious siege. Sept. 28. He concluded a truce with France, to endure, by various prorogations, until the 1st of April 1354. Scotland was comprehended in the truce. 1348 April 16. Negociations were commenced for procuring the liberty of the King of Scots. Oct. 10. Queen Johanna obtained permission to visit her husband the King of Scots, after he had been in captivity for two years. 454. CHRONOLOGICAL ABRIDGMENT. A. D. 1349 The great pestilence reached Scotland. 1350 John St Michei and his accomplices assassinated Sir David Berkley at Aberdeen. The Knight of Liddesdale, it is said, hired the murderers, in revenge of the death of his brother Sir John Douglas, assassinated by Berkley. Aug. 23. Philip King of France died ; succeeded by his son John. Mar. 5. A trfjaty vpas carried on for releasing the King of Scots, and for establishing peace. Balliol in vain protested against this treaty : He was, however, admitted to the conferences. 1351 Sept. 4. The King of Scots obtained a temporary enlarge* ment from prison, on giving hostages. 1352 The English engaged in certain dark negocia- tions with the King of Scots and Lord Dou- glas. The negociations proved unsuccessful, and the King of Scots was remanded to prison. July 17. The Knight of Liddesdale, while a prisoner, en- tered into articles of agreement with Ed- ward in. inconsistent with his duty as a subject of Scotland, (at London). 1353 Duncan M'Dowal, a powerful chief in Galloway, was induced by Lord Douglas to acknowledge the sovereignty of the King of Scots. Ed- Aug. 18. ward III. ordered his estates to be seized, and his goods confiscated. The treaty was renewed for the release of the King of Scots. David II. was^ permitted to assist at the conferences at Newcastle ; but nothing was determined. The Scots, it is said, suspected their King. Aug. The Knight of Liddesdale was assassinated at Galvord, in Ettrick forest, by his kinsman Lord Douglas, in revenge, it is said, for the murder of Ramsay and Berkley. CHRONOLOGICAL ABRIDGMENT. 4^55 A. D. 1353 July 13. The treaty for the ransom of David II. was finished at Newcastle. The ransom was 90,000 marks, in yearly payments of 10,000 marks. A truce concluded for nine years, in which all the allies of England, and especially Balliol, were comprehended. Twenty young men of quality were given by the Scots as hostages. Nov. 12. The treaty was ratified by commissioners from Scotland. Dec. 5. And by Edward III. and the Prince of Wales. Edward III. about this time negociated with Balliol, as well as with David Bruce. Oct. 8. Edward III. secured the possession of Her- mitage castle, by a treaty with the widow of the Knight of Liddesdale. Mar. 12. The Scottish government debased the coin. Edward III. issued a proclamation forbidding its currency. This proclamation sets forth, " that the ancient money of Scotland v/as wont to be of the same weight and alloy as the Sterling money of England." 1355 April. The King of France, in order to procure a breach of the truce, sent Eugene de Garen- cieres to Scotland with a body of troops, and a considerable sum of money. The Scots agreed to break the truce, and to invade Eng- land. The Earl of March, who had assisted at the treaty with England, was active in forwarding the negociations with France. August. Taking a pretext from an incursion of Northum- brian borderers into his estates, he ordered Sir William Ramsay of Dalwolsy to pillage the townof Norham. Sir Thomas Gray, the keeper of Norham castle, sallied out, was drawn into an ambush by Ramsay, and, after a courageous resistance, was made prisoner, with most of his followers, at Nisbet in the Merse. *56 CHRONOLOGICAL ABRIDGMENT. A. D. 1355 Nov, Thomas Earl of Angus surprised the town of Berwick from the sea, while the Earl of March and the French auxiliaries assaulted it on the land side. The town was pillaged. The Regent came to Berwick, and made provi- sion for its defence. He sent the French auxiliaries home. Jan. 13. Edward III. expeditiously marched against Ber- wick. The garrison obtained favourable terms of capitulation. 20. Balliol made an absolute surrender to Edward III. of all his private estates in Scotland, (at Rokesburgh). And, on the same day, he surrendered his king- dom and crown to Edward III. Edward III. became bound to pay 5000 marks to Balliol, and to secure him in an annuity of 2000 pounds Sterling, (at Bamburgh). Edward III. after having remained at Rokes- burgh for some days, in hopes of the submis- sion of the Scottish barons, marched into Scotland, desolated the country, and then ve- treated, not without considerable loss. Mar. 15. He issued a proclamation, declaring his resolu- tion to maintain the ancient laws and usages of Scotland. 1356 After Edward's retreat, the Scots expelled his partisans from the west marches. Roger de Kirkpatrick stormed the castles of Dalswinton and Carlaverock, and reduced Nithsdale. John Stewart, the eldest son of the Regent, reduced Annandale, and Lord Douglas Inte- rior Galloway. Mar. 25. Edward III. appointed the Earl of Northamp- ton, Warden of the Marches, and others, commissioners for treating of a peace with Scotland, CHRONOLOGICAL ABRIDGMENT. 457 A. D. 1356 April 17. Lord Douglas became bound to the Warden not to molest the English, as long as they abstain- ed from hostilities against his estates, and those of the Earl of March. Sept. 19. Battle of Poictiers. The French were defeated, and their King made a prisoner. There was great carnage of the Scots, who had crowded to the French standard. Lord Douglas, al- though wounded, escaped. Archibald Dou- glas, although made prisoner, escaped un- known. Jan. 17. In a parliament at Perth, the Scots appointed the Bishop of St Andrews, and others, com- missioners to treat for the ransom of the King, and for peace. Mar. 23. A truce for two years was concluded between Edward III. and the French King, (at Bour- deaux). 1357 May 8. The Scots, negociating for themselves, conclud- ed a truce with England for six months. June 24-. Sir James Lindesay assassinated, under trust, Roger de Kirkpatrick, at Carlaverock castle. He was seized, tried, and executed. Notwithstanding the truce, certain Scotsmen sent out three vessels to cruise against Eng- land.— —They were forced into Yarmouth by a tempest, together with the ships which they meant to sieze, and were confiscated. August. David II. was conveyed to Berwick, where the conferences for peace were held. The English demanded a ransom of one hundred thousand marks for the King of Scots. Sept. 26. In a parliament held at Edinburgh, the Scots consented to the demands of the English, and took every method for rendering their con- sent effectual. Oct, 3. The treaty was at length concluded at Berwick. The ransom was 100,000 marks, in ten equal 458 CHRONOLOGICAL ABRIDGMENT. A. D. 1357 yearly payments. Many hostages of distin- guished x*ank were to be given. A truce, until payment of the ransom, was stipulated. Oct. 5. The King of Scots, the nobility, and the bo- roughs, ratified the treaty. 6. The Bishops also ratified it. Nov. 6. David II. having been released, held a parlia- ment at Scone, laid the treaty before the three estates, obtained their approbation, and then ratified the treaty anew. 1358 June 21. Tlie Scottish Bishops had engaged to subject the ecclesiastical revenues in payment of the ran- som ; but the Pope peremptorily refused to ratify their engagement. July H. David II. obtained permission from Edward III. to visit England. The Pope granted a tenth of the ecclesiastical revenues in Scotland for three years, towards payment of the ransom, under condition that nothing more should be exacted from the Scottish clergy on that account. 1359 June 29. Sir Robert Erskine and Norman Lesley, ambassa- dors from Scotland, entered into a negociation with France. It was agreed, that on Easter day 1360, the French should pay fifty thou- sand marks Sterling to the Scots, and that the Scots should renew the war with England. A ratification of the former alliance between France and Scotland was also stipulated, (at the Louvre). 1360 May 8. The first step that the French took after a treaty so solemn on their part, and so hazardous to Scotland, was to conclude a treaty of peace with the English, (at Bretigny near Chartres). By it the King of France renounced every alliance with Scotland, and the King of Eng- land every alliance with the people of Flanders. CHRONOLOGICAL ABRIDGMENT. 459 A. D. 1360 Oct. 24'. But both Kings protested, that such renuncia- tions should only take place, in the event of the articles of peace being reciprocally ful- filled. Aug. 20. Meanwhile negociations for a final peace be- tween England and Scotland were commenced. Catharine Mortimer, a favourite concubine of David II. was murdered. Thomas Stewart Earl of Angus, suspected of having been privy to the murder, was imprisoned in the castle of Dunbarton. 1361 The plague broke out in Scotland. It was com- puted that one-third of the people perished in this general calamity. The Earl of Angus died of it ; as also some of the hostages in England. David II. retired to the north of Scotland to avoid the infection. Some differences arose between him and the Earl of Marre. The King besieged and took his castle of Kildrum- my ; but he soon received him into favour again. 1362 Johanna, the consort of David II. died childless. 1363 In a parliament held at Scone, David II. pro- posed to the three estates, that in the event of his dying without issue, they should chuse for their King Lionel Duke of Clarence, son of Edward III. The three estates unanimous- ly rejected the proposition. Many of the Scottish nobility now formed as- sociations for their mutual support. The Stewart, in particular, with his own sons, and with the Earls of March and Douglas. The malecontents took up arms, and committed many outrages. The King also armed. The malecontents submitted, and a general amnes- ty was proclaimed, on condition that the barons should renounce their associations, become 460 CHRONOLOGICAL ABRIDGMENT. A. D. 1363 bound to abstain from such confederacies^ and renew their oath of fealty. May 14. The Stewart, in particular, renounced his asso- ciations, under the penalty of forfeiting all title to the crown of Scotland, &c. David II. again repaired to London, and in- volved himself in secret negociations with England. Nov. 23. The two Kings were present at a conference, in which a plan was formed for settling the crown of Scotland on the King of England for the time being, in default of David II. and his issue-male. David II. married Margaret Logie, a woman of singular beauty. Feb. David II. visited England, under pretence of performing his devotions at the shrine of the Virgin at Walsingham. 1364 April 8. John King of France died at London. Succeed- ed by his son Charles. A treaty was concluded which settled the arrears of the ransom, and the penalties for delay of payment, at 100,000 marks Sterling, to be 1365 June 12, paid in moieties of 6000 marks yearly. But and 20. the parties seem to have restricted the sura to 80,000 marks. (Note). The truce was prolonged until 2d February 1370-1. 1367 Committees of parliament, with parliamentary powers, were introduced, under the pretence of general conveniency. 1369 July 20. The truce between the two nations was prolong- ed for the farther space of fourteen years ; and it was agreed, that the residue of the ransom- money should be cleared by annual payments of 4000 marks. Feb. 18. In a parliament, at Scone, some wise laws were enacted. CHRONOLOGICAL ABRIDGMENT. 461 A.D. 1S69 David II. yielding to the suggestions of his con- sort, imprisoned the Stewart and his three sons, John, Robert, and Alexander. 1370 David II. applied to the Scottish Bishops to be divorced from Margaret Logie. They pro- nounced sentence of divorce ; but she appeal- ed to the Pope, and repaired in person to Avignon to prosecute her appeal. The cause was never determined. On the disgrace of Margaret Logie, the Stewart and his sons were set at liberty. Feb. 22. David II. died in the castle of Edinburgh. And was succeeded by his nephew Robert, the Stewart of Scotland. MISCELLANEOUS OCCURRENCES. 1138 Description of the arms of Scottish infantry; jesters, buffoons, and dancers, both male and female, in the Scottish camp. 1153 William Comyn, Chancellor of Scotland and Bishop of Durham, poisoned in the wine of the Eucharist. Famine in Scotland ; — charity of the monks of Melros. David I. made a grant to the Abbey of Dun- fermline of all the gold that should accrue to him out of Fife and Fothrif. 1164 Walter, the Stewart of Scotland, founded an abbey at Paisley. 1165 Two comets appeared before sunrising in the month of August. 1184 Remarkable circumstances in trying the boun- daries of a royal forest by a jury. 462 CHRONOLOGICAL ABRIDGMENT. A. D. 1184? A fountain near Kilwinning, in the shire of Ayr, ran blood for eight days and eight nights. 1194< Allowance for daily expenses made by Richard Coeur de Lion to the Kings of Scotland, when- ever they were invited to the English court. 1196 Great famine In Scotland. 1198 Great scarcity in Scotland. Bridge at Berwick carried off by the floods; dis- putes as to the rebuilding it. 2201 Earthquakes in Scotland, and an intense frost. 1202 In a provincial council, all who had received priest's orders on a Sunday, were proTiibited from officiating at the altar. The Bishop of St Andrews censured the monks of Dunfermline, because they had neglected to supply him with wine for his collation after supper. 1206 A miracle wrought by William the Lion at York. 1213 One Andrew, elected Bishop of Ross, refused to accept the Episcopal dignity. 1216 A remarkable aurora borealis in Galloway. 1231 Singular circumstances concerning the death of Patrick Earl of March. 1236 Circumstances concerning Richard Siward, a fa- vourite of Henry HI. King of England. 124;4« Many towns in Scotland consumed by acciden- tal fire. 1249 The Count de St Paul had a large ship of war built at Inverness. 1250 Peter de Ramsay, Bishop of Aberdeen, allotted a stipend of 15 merks of silver to each vicar- age within his diocese. The abbots and priors appealed to the Pope against this augmenta- tion as exorbitant, and procured it to be set aside. 1251 Miracle at the removal of the body of Margaret Queen of Scots. CHRONOLOGICAL ABRIDGMENT. 46S A. D. 1253 Five ;jer cent paid for the expense of conveying 20 meiks from Badenoch to Berwick. 1258 Slaves and their children conveyed from one master to another, even without lands. 1259 So great a dearth in Scotland, that a boll of meal was sold at four shillings. 1266 A great wind m Scotland, and an inundation from the sea. 1267 Cavern in the castle of Hugh Gifford de Yester, formed by magical art. 1269 The Abbot of Melros, and many of his convep- tual brethren, excommunicated for their enor- mities. A great frost in Scotland. 1272 Many churches fired by lightning in winter. 1275 Alexander III. had a daily allowance of 100 shillings to bear his charges in England, when he was summoned thither by the English King. A grant of eight oars in the new boat at Queens- ferry ; the boat divided into eight shares ; eight pennies of rent to be paid for each share. 1281 Edward 1. lent £.40 to Robert Bruce Earl of Carrick. 1282 The plague said to have appeared in Scotland, for the first time. 1285 At a ball at Jedburgh, a skeleton is said to have danced. General amount of the salaries of parish priests in the reign of Alexander III. Account of Thomas Learmonth, otherwise call- ed the Rhymer. 1289 Pope Nicolas IV. condemned, by a bull, the practice in Scotland of excluding aliens from all offices of trust in religious houses, because there is no respect of persons toith God. 1291 Pope Nicolas IV. issued a bull, exhorting the Scottish Bishops to preach a crusade, and 14 464 CHRONOLOGICAL ABRIDGMENT. A. D. 1291 granted them an indulgence of a hundred days for every sermon preached : From this bull it appears, that pilgrimages to the Holy Se- pulchre were prohibited by Papal authority. At the same time the Pope required the whole ecclesiastics in Scotland to pay the tenth of their revenues annually, during six years, to Edward King of England, in aid of his cru- sade* 1295 A hen valued at one halfpenny. 1298 The English soldiers, at the siege of Dirleton in East Lothian, in the beginning of July, sub- sisted on the pease and beans which they picked up in the fields. 1303 Price of wine in Scotland. 1304' Edward I. stripped the whole lead off the mo- nastery of St Andrews, for the machines used at the siege of Stirling castle. Fabulous account of the siege of the castle of Urquhart. The Bishop of Buchan agreed not to augment the pension of any vicar beyond ten pounds Sterhng. 1305 An English hermit saw a vision of angels con- ducting Wallace out of purgatory. 1306 A daily allowance of sixpence was made for the Bishop of St Andrews, while a prisoner in England, of threepence for his serving man, of three halfpence for his foot-boy, and three halfpence for his chaplain. Elizabeth, the consort of Robert Bruce, while a prisoner in England, had a foot-boy to make her bed. 1308 John Duns Scotus, called Doctor Subtilis, died, a person excessively admired by his contem- poraries, as a teacher of philosophy and the- ology. CHRONOLOGICAL ABRIDGMENT. 465 A. D. 1310 So great famine in Scotland, that many persons fed on horse flesh. One Harding asserted, that his coat armorial had been usurped by one Seintlowe. The question was decided by single combat, in pre- sence of the King of Scots. Seintlowe having been vanquished, acknowledged the right of Harding. (Qu. as .to the truth of this inci- dent ?) 1314; Five shillings the value of a cow, and six shillings and eightpence the value of an ox. 1327 Fire-arms first employed by the English in their wars with Scotland. The manner of living of the Scots during their military expeditions, described by Froissart. 1 329 Theft was so frequent, that husbandmen housed their ploughshares every night. Randolph, Regent, in the minority of David II. ordered, that all ploughshares should be left in the fields ; and, if stolen, that the county should refund their value. The iron-work of a plough was estimated at two shillings. 1335 From a grant by Edward III. of the estate of Edrington, in the Merse, it appears, that, an- ciently, salmon Jishings and mills were extend- ed. By an article of the alliance between Balliol and the Lord of the Isles, it was provided, that the Lord of the Isles should have right to stand godfather to any heir of Balliol's body. 1336 Alan of Winton forcibly carried off the heiress of Seton. This produced a feud in Lothian. " An hundred ploughs were laid aside from their labour," says Fordun. Henry de Lancaster, commander of the English at Berwick, courteously invited the Knight of Liddesdale, and his friends, to partake of the • diversion of a tournament. In the course of VOL. II. G g '^66 CHRONOLOGICAL ABRIDGMENT. A. D. 1336 the sports, the Knight of Liddesdale was wounded, and two Scottish gentlemen and three English were killed. 1339 A great famine in Scotland ; the poorer sort fed on grass ; and many were found dead in the fields. 1340 The Scots employed cannon at the siege of the castle of Stirling. 1345 Ten marks Sterling settled as a stipend on the vicar of Aberdeen. 1346 A person pretending himself to be Alexander Bruce Earl of Carrick, slain at Halidon in 1333, appeared in Scotland, and deceived the vulgar. He was convicted as an impostor, and hanged ; yet his story still obtained credit. 1347 Edward Balliol, and others, engaged to serve the King of England. The daily pay of Balliol was sixteen shillings ; of the chief comman- ders, eight shillings ; of a banneret, four shil- lings ; of a knight, two shillings ; of an esquire, one shilling ; of an archer on horseback, four- pence. Twenty-eight days were reckoned to the month, and ninety days to the quarter. 1349 David II. while a prisoner, appeared at a tour- nament with the badge of a tuhite rose. 1350 The great pestilence, which had desolated the continent, reached Scotland. A perpetual annuity of eight marks Sterling, se- cured on land, was purchased for one hundred and twenty marks. 1354 Wallace and Prudholm, whom Heron had charg- ed as guilty of horse-stealing, offered to justify themselves by single combat. Heron obtain- ed permission from Edward III. to send two champions into Scotland to prove his charge. 1355 After the action at Nisbet, a Frenchman, in the service of Scotland, purchased some English prisoners, and privately slew them, in revenge CHRONOLOGICAL ABRIDGMENT. 467 A. D. 1355 for the death of his father, whom the English had slain in France. Edward III. having permitted Balliol to hunt in the forest of Inglewood, an indemnity was granted to all men who had hunted in his company. 1356 A like indemnity was granted as to fishing : It mentioned the species and the size of the fish caught. 1358 A great inundation happened in Lothian. A nun of the convent at Haddington, is reported to have stayed the waters by threatening to throw the statue of the Virgin Mary into the riyer. 1361 The pestilence again in Scotland. / 1362 One hundred shillings provided to the vicar of Cloveth and Kildrummy, in Aberdeenshire. 1370 Andrew Demster of Caraldston became bound that he and his heirs should furnish a person to administer justice in the courts of the abbey of Aberbrothock. The salary, twenty shillings. to be paid out of the issues of the courts. END OF THE SECOND VOLUME. Printed by Walker and Greig, Edinburgli,