^ TKI -^ O LIBRARIES ^ ^'^r Of ^*' «« i^mmcanisiu kmis Ikmmiism; OR, THE CIS-ATLANTIC BATTLE BETWEEN SAM AND THE POPE. BY JAMES L. CHAPMAN, A MINISTER OF THE METHODIST EPISCOPAL CHIIRCH, SOUTH. " And with -whoin hast thou left those few sheep iu the wilderness ? And David said, What have I now done ? Is there not a cause ?" NASHVILLE, TENN. : PUBLISHED FOR THE AUTHOR, AND FOR SALE BT BOOKSELLERS GENERALLY. 1856. tVitKihu. TO GEORGE D. PRENTICE, ESQ., (editor of the LOUISVILLE JOURNAL,) THE MATCHLESS EXPOrNDEE OF AMERICAN PRINCIPLES, AND THE HERO OF A HUNDRED VICTORIES OVER THE MINIONS OF POPERY ; AXD TO THE GREAT COMMONWEALTH OF KENTUCKY, THE HOME OF CLAY, AND THE FIRST OF THE SOUTHERN STATES TO "WHEEL INTO THE AMEKICAI'3" LINE;- THIS WORK IS, BY PERMISSION, RESPECTFULLY INSCRIBED, BY THE AUTHOR, ■' JAMES L. CHAPMAN. ^^ oAo 0'^ Entered, according to Act of Congress, in the year 1856, by James L. Chapman, in the Office of the Clerk of the District Court for the Miildle District of Tennessee. xtl^tt. Our observation, reading, and experience have fully satis- fied us that there are many men who make principles but secondary considerations, when self-interest or the love of party is at stake. A distinguished heathen cuttingly ob- served, influenced by his own conception of society, that he would not trust his own mother, lest she might inadvertently take a black bean for a white one. The deeds and words of more than a few churchmen and statesmen, from the centre to the circumference of the land, will long be contemplated by us as teaching this mortif3nng lesson, that every man ought to be regarded as a prospective disgrace to truth, principle, and honor, whatever his profession may be, until he proves, by a strict continuance in well-doing, the contrary. Looking at things as they are, and not as we would wish to have them, we ask ourself, in the name of every thing praiseworthy, shall we, after having for years contended against acts of unrighteousness, hypocrisy, and a time-serving spirit, fear the storm-cloud that now sits on the brow of Anti- Americanism ? Never ! We have been in trials and dangers for the sake of truth and principle, and still we live; and now once more we expose ourself to abuse, misrepresentation, and persecution, (iii) O n ?i rs i S iv PREFACE. for the common safety of Protestantism and our adopted country, saying : "Know'st thou yesterday, its aim and reason? Work'st thou well to-day for worthy things ? Then calmly wait the morrow's hidden season, And fear not thou what hap soe'er it brings." A question of startling magnitude, by implication, is now before the American people — we mean the political policy of Romanism. Those who are not thoroughly acquainted with the subtleties of Roman Catholic theology and phraseology, are ever liable to the worst form of misconception and error. For instance : if they ask a Roman Catholic, Does the Pope directly exercise temporal power outside of his own temporal dominion ? he will most assuredly answer, No. Many Pro- testants would regard this as satisfactory, and sleep soundly, after having their fears respecting the sovereign pontiff thus removed. What a mistake ! The Romanist may emphati- cally answer No to every such question, and at the same time conscientiously believe that the Pope can interfere with the relations which exist between subject and sovereign, and ab- solve the former from his allegiance to the latter. Pitt, the distinguished British statesman, not understanding this pecu- liarity of Popery, was in a great measure unprepared to cate- chise the Catholic universities in reference to the character of Romanism. Here the astonished reader may justly ask, ^' Could a Roman Catholic so answer without a resort to false- hood ?" Certainly. " How ?" The idea is that there are two orders — the spiritual and the temporal ; that the Church, to use the language of Mr. Brownson, endorsed by the Amer- PREFACE. V ican bishops, lies in the former, and the State in the latter. Here the educated Romanist takes his position, looking on the Pope as having the right, in virtue of his spiritual su- premacy, to interfere with the temporal affairs of nations, when in conflict, according to his judgment, with the Divine law — the right to abrogate the whole, and to free Catholics from all obligations thereto. The principle at the foundation of his creed is, that " the temporal is subject to the spiritual" — subject in the way and sense stated. The editor of the Boston Pilot, a Romanist, thus expresses himself on this matter : " The temporal is subject to the spiritual. '^ A greater than the editor of the Pilot, Pope Urban IL, decides as follows : ''Subjects are by no authority constrained to pay the fidelity which they have sworn to a Christian prince who opposeth God and his saints, or violateth their precepts." From this it will be seen that we represent the Popish theory on the true relation between subject and sovereign correctly. The subtlety of Roman Catholic theology is so far below the surface, that every Protestant seeking to know the exact faith of its advocates, ought to put the question in this form : "Does the Pope claim the right, in virtue of his spiritual power, to interfere with the laws of nations, to decide between subjects and their sovereigns, under any circumstances what- ever?" This, meeting the demands of the case, would at once force out the whole truth. To use the language of Mr. Pitrat, a member of the University of France : " They would not in conscience deny that the Pope has the right, in exer- cising his supreme spiritual power, to interfere in the relations VI PREFACE. between subjects and their sovereigns, between citizens and their governments." Let us here, then, plainly state that it is not religion which is dragged before the public, but a political element stripped of its religious garb. AYe fondly hope that all will carefully remember this, and the land, through coming years, will be saved from a vast amount of misrepresentation, stupidity, and falsehood. In order that our expressed views may be clearly under- stood, not only in the Preface but throughout the work, we would observe, that whether a man drives his horse with the left or right hand, the effect is the same ; that whether one man injures another by the pen or the tongue, the effect is the same ; that whether a wheel is turned by steam or water- force, the effect is the same ; that whether the Pope uproots institutions, dethrones kings, or absolves from allegiance by what is called the temporal or spiritual supremacy, the effect is the same. The principle involved is what we wish to es- tablish — what we wish to make clear to the eye of baptized common sense, and not the peculiar windings of Romanism. In consequence of this, we would change the eighth article of the American Platform of 1855 thus : '^ Resistance to the dangerous influence of all, whether called Roman Catholics, Protestants, or Mormons — whether natives or foreigners by birth — who acknowledge allegiance to any foreign power, civil or ecclesiastical ; signifying thereby that said power has the right to interfere with the relations which exist between subjects and their civil rulers, under the plea that the tem- poral is subject to the spiritual, by the advancement to all PREFACE. Vll political stations; executive, legislative, judicial, or diplomatic, of those only who protest against the allegiance and the plea stated, and who are Americans by birth, education, and train- ing : thus fulfilling the maxim, ' Americans only shall govern America/ " This is the true sense of the article ; but many do not so view it — fail to comprehend its spirit and meaning. Every Anti- American is not a Plato. The fifth article of the present Platform of the American Party, adopted by the National Council, February 21, 1856, is similar to the one noticed in import. It reads thus: '^No person should be selected for political station (whether of native or foreign birth) who re- cognizes any allegiance or obligation of any description to any foreign prince, potentate, or power, or who refuses to recog- nize the Federal and State Constitutions (each within its sphere) as paramount to all other laws, as rules of political action. '^ The question is now fairly before the American people, and the guilty must calmly submit to the consequence. But, by way of showing the reader that our statements are in harmony with the teachings of Romanism, and cover the whole ground in dispute between Sam and the Pope, we beg leave to cite one passage from St. Liguori's Moral Theology, SL standard work in the Romish Church, namely : " Summus Pontifex nequit leges civiles ferre, nisi in populos qui ejus temporali ditioni subduntur. Poterit tamen abrogare, vel corrigere leges civiles aliorum principium, si opponantur aequi- tati. — The Supreme pontiff may not make civil laws except for the people who are under his temporal dominion, however he may abrogate or alter the civil laws of other princes, if VUl PREFACE. they are opposed to equity.'^ — Vol. i., lib. 1, Tract 11, De Legibus, Number 104, p. 119. Precisely so, and in this lurks the danger. But why such alarm concerning Roman Catholics ? Not that we fear their numerical strength, but their influence over time-serving and self-interested politicians. By this, in va- rious ways, they have subverted the rights of the people from generation to generation, causing even rulers to walk at their heels like so many spaniels at the heels of their masters. Such is Popery in fact, teaching, and history ! James L. Chapman. Nashville, April 22, 1856. Coiitnds. PAGE Dedication 2 Preface o Introduction lo CHAPTER I. How the Hon. Messrs. Eustis, Bermet, Smith, Davidson, Florence, Taylor, and Walker talked iu the Thirty-fourth Congress. Would you wish to sec how they appear iu the glass of truth? Read every Avord of this chapter 31 CHAPTER II. The Catholics of Louisiana considered as Galileans — The diftcreuco between Galileans and Roman Catholics clearly stated 45 CHAPTER III. The Popes, Councils, Canon Law, and the opinion of some approved writers of the Romish Church, on oath-breaking, particularly in reference to heretics, with the conclusion of Wesley respecting the whole matter 51 CHAPTER IV. The sum of the evidence on the temporal power of the Pope — Mr. Brownson and Bishop Kenrick testifying 68 CHAPTER V. The sum of the evidence on the temporal power of the Pojjc con- tinued — A few of the leading editors of the Romish Church, and some of her ablest Avriters, testifying 81 CHAPTER VI. The sum of the evidence on the tempoi-al power of the Pope continued and ended — Councils and Popes testifying 90 CHAPTER VII. The Austrian Concordat with Rome — A clear asserticm of, and a clear admission of, the temporal power of the Pope 116 1* (ix) X CONTENTS. CHAPTER VIII. Pope Gregory the Sixteenth and Slavery 121 CHAPTER IX. Lafayette and the Romish Priests 126 CHAPTER X. How the spirit of Popery works against our educational interests, and shows its opposition to every thing contrary to the councils of the Romish Church, to which we have already directed atten- tion 129 CHAPTER XI. The relentless opposition of Irish Roman Catholics to the Saxons, or that of Popery to Protestantism; with an account of the disposal of Ireland to England, by Pope Adrian, 1155 133 CHAPTER XII. A little of this and a little of that respecting Sam, with cutting reflec- tions, highly instructive to Anti-Americans 138 CHAPTER XIII. ^Sajn's Platform of principles, or the Platform of the American party, with some accompanying remarks 154 CHAPTER XIV. Would you be convinced that there is nothing new connected with the principles of Sam ? Read this chapter, and carefully reflect on its details 163 CHAPTER XV. Would you be fully satisfied that the fifth article of the American Pljitform is not fighting with a man of straw ? Read this chapter twice, pausing at the movements of the Irish, and those of the pres- ent Postmaster-General, Mr. Campbell 171 CHAPTER XVI. Proscription of Roman Catholics on account of religion denied and refuted — The proscription of men because of attachment to the American party proved 177 CHAPTER XVII. The state of the controversy respecting persecution stated 192 CHAPTER XVIII. Roman Catholic proscription and persecution established by the state- ments of Romish advocates 202 CONTENTS. XI CHAPTER XIX. A short review of the allusion of General Cass to what is called the Religious Article of the American Platform 21G CHAPTER XX. A review of the Hon, H. A. Wise's letter to the Anti-American meet- ing in New York, improperly called Democratic 221 CHAPTER XXI. Strictures on Judge Longstreet's Anti-xVmerican articles of 1855; and on his Appeal to the preachers of the Methodist Episcopal Church, South, to abandon the American party 228 CHAPTER XXII. A Review of a "Letter to the Bishops, Elders, and other Ministers, Itinerant and Local, of the M. E, Church, South, by Ex-Gov. A. V. Brown, Tennessee," on Americanism 240 CHAPTER XXIII. How he talks ! Who ? The editor of tlie Nashville Union and Amer- ican. How will he be answered ? All will see — the question be- ing, "What has Protestantism done for the world?" 259 CHAPTER XXIV. A review of letters from Col. Tarpley, Rev. F. X. Leray, and C. H. Stonestreet, Esq., Sup. Jesuits of Maryland, published in the Mis- sissippian, Jackson, Mississippi, 1855, under the startling heading: " Interesting Correspondence" 269 CHAPTER XXV. Would you wish to know the opinions of foreign papers, and the views and feelings of patriotic foreigners by birth, respecting Sam? Give this chapter a careful reading 293 CHAPTER XXVI. Do you wish to see a true account of certain supporters of Anti- Amer- icanism, known as The Free. Germans, The Turners, The Liberals of America and Europe — with a letter from the Duke of Richmond, said to be a Roman Catholic? Read this chapter 301 CHAPTER XXVII. If you wish to learn how the combined and increasing influence of foreigners and the Pope becomes a dangerous political element in this country, and what Sam has to fight, read this chapter three times ^1^ xn CONTENTS. CHAPTER XXVIII. Let all Southern Democrats — beg pardon, Anti- Americans — read this chapter aloud to their families 326 CHAPTER XXIX. Would you wish to see the published opinion of no less than the editor of the United States Magazine and Democratic Review, July, 1850, concerning European reformers in this country, and how the Anti- Americans "nibble at them?" Run your eye over this chapter 329 CHAPTER XXX. Would you wish to read a true description of the Anti- American party, sometimes called the Popish party ? Read this chapter 335 CHAPTER XXXI. All sorts — or Anti-Americanism with many faces — or, in plain Eng- lish, the rascalities of party movements, proved by the friends of the Pope 341 CHAPTER XXXII. The Democratic platform and slavery, with a portion of the first reso- lution of the Democratic and Anti-Know-Nothing party of Alabama, reviewed, and proved disgraceful to its oi-iginators 346 CHAPTER XXXIII. Strictures on the letter of Hon. Samuel Caruthers, of Missouri, to his constituents, respecting matters in genei-al, and his own vote for Richardson in particular 853 CHAPTER XXXIV. Facts, facts, facts, for the people 364 CHAPTER XXXV. The oath of allegiance, as taken by Romanists, considered and proved defective, and, under certain circumstances, worthless, by the testi- mony of their own writers 371 CHAPTER XXXVI. Messrs. Fillmore and Donelson — the former for President, and the latter for Vice-President of the United States 381 CHAPTER XXXVII. The most rema;*kable argument of the nineteenth century considered ; one that ought to be sent down in letters of gold to future gene- rations, accompanied with notes headed, "And this is the fruit the tree of Protestantism, planted by Calvin, Luther, and Wesley, bears!!" 388 ntrohuti0it. Respected reader: In advance of introducing to your attention and favor a new work, entitled "Americanism versus Romanism ; or, The cis- Atlantic Battle between Sam and tlie Pope," you will please permit us to talk with you fully and frankly respecting men and measures, as they have appeared to us since the publication of the American Platform in June, 1855. This Platform, as might have been expected, soon produced a feverish excitement in the political battle-field, being regarded as the signal of a general preparation for a mighty struggle. We discovered at a glance a vast array of office-holders and office-seekers engaged in the inglorious work of strengthening a party, justly called Anti- American, at the expense of history and principle — even of religion itself. Injustice and corruption knew no bounds. False- hoods were freely told and generally published. The unedu- cated foreigner was humbugged with a grace peculiar to the managers of the Anti-American drama. Opposition to the American Party was the only qualification required. The Catholic invitation went out thus : " Come Rag, Tag, Bob- tail, Tom, Dick, Harry, Turner, Free German, Jew, Greek, Turk, Mormon, Infidel, Russian, Celt, Federal Whig, Modern (13) 14 INTRODUCTION. Whig, Hardsliell Democrat, Softshell Democrat, Freesoiler, and especially the man who breaks the oath of the midnight conspirators, and bring with you big fiddles and little fiddles, fifes and drums, cornet, flute, harp, sackbut, psaltery, dul- cimer, banjo, and all kinds of music; and while you come, invite all others " and the rest of mankind" to come, assuring them the only qualification required is opposition to Ameri- canism; and when united, what a glorious jubilee we shall have over the doctrine ^' that Americans shall not govern America !" This was the alchemy by which native-born citizens of the United States, trained from their infancy by American Pro- testant mothers, inheritors of the blessings and traditional glory of 1776, the Revolution and the Declaration of Inde- pendence, were transmuted into friends of the Pope, Infidels, Fourierites, and Red Republicans. This was the alchemy by which a few Protestant ministers, and more than a few mem- bers professing the Protestant faith, were transmuted into enemies of patriotism, Protestantism, and the best interests of their nationality. This was the alchemy by which they were transmuted into companions of the vulgar and profane, who followed the heels of miserable demagogues ; into admirers of pot-house politicians, whose very breath was as the poison of the Upas, not only to themselves, but to their families and society. The Anti-American editors and speakers, seeing these things, and being convinced by hearing and observation that the love of Protestantism was lost in the love of party, be- came insolently bold in word and act. The testimony of Pro- INTRODUCTION. 15 testant writers was rejected, and Roman Catholic libraries were resorted to for evidence to silence the voice of ages. The statements of Protestant historians were privately and publicly pronounced " Know-Nothing lies.'^ Protestant ministers and members, of the Anti- American stripe, calmly submitted to all this — demonstrating what their political leaders rejoiced to witness, that the influence of party was greater than the influence of Protestantism. Even a few of the women became so infatuated with the strange abomina- tions and corruptions of Anti-Americanism, that they hesitated not to speak of ministers, favorable to the American cause, as "Know-Nothing scamps." We were not only so favored and classified, but repeatedly called "a traitor to the land of our birth." The Book of Martyrs, by Fox, was publicly ridi- culed, and Romanism, reeking with the blood of the saints, was publicly defended. Silence, under such circumstances, seemed to us a thing of sin ; hence we appeared in open opposition to Anti-Americanism by word and act. The man " who stole the livery of heaven to servo the Devil in," or Satan transformed into an angel of light, to deceive the nations, aflbrded us a fine illustration of the movements of Anti-Americanism, in the name and garb of Democracy, to humbug the republican people of the United States. Did not Southern Democrats say, when the Constitution of Cali- fornia was formed : " We should not regret as we do over the loss of California, only for the fact, that the foreign* * The Conservative, Aberdeen, Mississippi, represents them as talk- ing thus : " How eloquently they talked of the evils of foreign influence when they spoke of the admission of California into the Union ! How 16 INTRODUCTION. vote literally snatched it out of our hands, placing it in favor of the North, and opposed to our institutions.'^ And did not Democrats say, when Scott was announced as a candidate for the Presidential chair: " We cannot see how Protestants can vote for a man who made the American soldiers bow, with their hats off, to Catholic priests in Mexico; a man whose family is under the influence of Catholics, his daughters having been educated at their schools V The Anti- Americans, how- ever, in 1855, while pleading for the Pope and foreign influ- ence, assured the world, heaven and hell, that they were Democrats — exactly what they had ever been. We paused for a moment to reflect, and then, as if moved by the inspira- tion of contempt, inwardly exclaimed, using the language of Falstaff : '' How this world is given to lying \" The idea of secrecy, in political affairs, seemed to distress the Anti- American leaders beyond description and measure. They looked grave, shook their heads, and talked as if its continuance would turn their heads gray, and shorten their useful lives. The whole, however, was but a pitiable exhibi- tion of unadulterated hypocrisy. The continued misrepresentations of the Anti-American editors and speakers, prepared the lowest classes of the foreign population for deeds of violence. Americans were murdered indignant these patriots grew "wlien they told you how California was wrested from the grasp of the South by the votes of Dutch, French, wild Irish, and dirty Mexicans, with their Romish priests ! Where are these patriots who so strongly pleaded against the foreign vote three years ago ? On the other side, pleading against theu' country for foreigners and Papists." INTRODUCTION. 17 in the streets of Louisville, Kentucky, for simply declaring by word and act that Americans shall govern America. There the first martyrs of Americanism, in the great conflict of 1855, fell before the murderous guns of a foreign rabble. The Anti-American leaders, instead of defending their coun- trymen, and vindicating the memory of the dead, exhausted language to exonerate the guilty, and involve the innocent. The Louhville Democrat spoke of the parties thus : ^'No respectable man can think of the scenes of yesterday without shame. We had a farce, or rather a tragedy, instead of an election. A complete system of terror and blood was established by the Know-Nothing party or faction. The details are disgusting. The attempt to lay blame upon our foreign-born population will be a failure. '^ The Viclcsburg Sentinel ONLY SPOKE of the natives as follows : "Quite Conclusive. — A great deal of anxiety is mani- fested by the Know-Nothing party to relieve themselves from the fearful responsibility for the Louisville riots. AflB.davits of men, admittedly participants in the bloody outrages of 'black Monday,' are published to prove that the foreigners were the aggressors : just as if those who did not hesitate to soil their hands with human blood, and apply the torch to the dwellings of a powerless minority, would have any qualms of conscience in adding perjury to their other atrocious crimes. It must be a new code of law, indeed, which allows the crimi- nal to exonerate himself by his own testimony. We are grossly deceived if the moral sense of the community will allow it to be done.'' 18 INTRODUCTION. Similar language was used in every Anti- American paper, from the centre to the circumference of the land. Truth was ostracized. AVhat a representation to make of American citi- zens — citizens by birth and education ! The following affida- vits, however, will show who began the murderous work in Louisville, and who published falsehoods respecting it : " Michael O'Connell, on oath, says : I reside on the corner of Chapel and Main stroets, Louisville, and keep there a grocery store. On the 6th of August, instant, in the after- noon, Theodore Rhodes and David Dougherty came to my grocery; they were my acquaintances and friends. They informed me that there were drunken men going about this part of the city, and I had better close my grocery. I did so at once. As I closed the doors, they left and went on the sidewalk. As they left my doors, some one fired from the opposite side of the street, from the house of Mr. McDonald, a very clever man, and who I believe knew nothing of it. Rhodes fell when the shot was fired, and died soon after. Dougherty was also shot, but I did not see that. Dougherty and Rhodes were both r|iiiet and perfectly sober. They neither did nor said any thing to give ofi"ence to any one. They were peaceable and clever, well-behaved gentlemen. Rhodes had just shaken hands with my wife at the door before he was shot. Immediately and at once after Rhodes was shot, about seventeen shots were fired from the same house in quick succession. The shots took efi"ect in my house, and are now to be seen by any one. One of them struck me in the right leg. When these shots were fired, I saw no disturbance, and heard of none; and there was not the INTRODUCTION. 19 slightest cause for it that I can imagine, and but for tliese shots I believe there would have been no difficulty or disturb- ance; at any rate, they were the beginning, and I am sure the cause of what afterwards occurred. I am an Irishman, and a Catholic. Michael O'Connell. " Subscribed and sworn to August 8, 1855. ^'0. H. Strattan, Notary Puhlic.'' " I, Joanna O'Connell, wife of Michael O'Connell, on oath, say : I have heard the above affidavit of my husband read, and know the same is true, and I adopt and make it a part of this affidavit. Joanna O'Connell." • " Mrs. llubey Dodd states on oath, that she resides on the west side of Eleventh street, just north of Main, Louisville. There has been considerable disturbance and excitement among the Irish living in Quinn's houses on Main street, and, for nearly two weeks before the late August election, she observed them armed passing in and out of the alley in the rear of Long's and Quinn's houses, and heard guns and pistols fired during the nights. The Long boys and Barney Cassedy she observed frequently with arms. She was in con- stant dread from them. " She observed the Long boys and others, perhaps eight or ten in all, just before the firing commenced on Main street, gather up stones at the corner of Main and Eleventh streets, to throw at some persons passing down Main street in a furni • ture-car, but they did not throw : presently I heard the firing. "After the fire commenced on Quinn's block, I saw a num- ber of Americans assisting the women and children to escape, 20 IN-TRODUCTION. and carry their furniture out through the back of the houses, and large quantities of furniture was brought to the opposite side of the street by them, and some of the crowd told Mrs. Mullen to call her sons out, that they would not kill them. I have since seen them, and they are not hurt. '^During the fire on said houses, I observed Edward Keyhoe and Pat. Long, and some one else whom I did not know, on top of Long's house with guns. Keyhoe is living yet, for I have seen him since. Kubey Dodd." " Subscribed and sworn to before me, August 10, 1855. " 0. H. Strattan, Notary Puhlic." "We are daughters of Mrs. Rubey Dodd, and fully concur in the statement above. Elizabeth Dodd. Margaret Dodd." " Caroline Wall, wife of John Wall, on oath, says : She is an Irishwoman ; her husband is an Irishman, and a Eoman Catholic. On the evening of the 6th instant, about five o'clock, I was going home from the grocery of Mr. Brown, on Tenth and Market streets, Louisville, passing down Eleventh street to Main. When I reached Main street, at Eleventh, I heard the report of firearms, and looked up Main where it came from, and saw a man fall near Chapel street ; and a great many shots were fired in quick succession from the north side of Main street, direct towards Chapel. The man who was shot and fell, I learned had just come out of O'Con- nell's grocery, on the corner of Main and Chapel, in company with a man named Dougherty. Rhodes died in a few mo- ments, as I learned there. There was no crowd about at the INTRODUCTION. 21 time, and but very few people, and no disturbance, save that caused by the shooting. Rhodes was not disturbing any one when shot, that I know of. I saw the shots fired from the windows of Quinn's row. I think Rhodes had a carpet-bag in his hand when shot. I do not know him, but was in- formed, on inquiry, that his name was Rhodes. Dougherty was also shot a moment or two after. ^' There were a great many Irishmen in Quinn's row, some of whom were relatives of my husband, and they were often together. For some weeks previous to the 6th of August, 1855, they (not my husband) were preparing for a fight, and procured and had many arms, pistols, and guns ; and, on Sat- urday night before the election, I saw many of them with arms, and they had resolved, / heard them sai/ so, to attack the procession ; but it turned out, as they afterwards told my husband, to be too numerous, and so they let it pass. They had been led to believe the procession would be small, by those who opposed the Know-Nothings : this I heard them say. I saw many of them with arms six or eight days before the last election, and they said they were ready for it. ^^I have not seen my husband since Monday last, nor heard of him. I fear he was finally induced to join them in Quinn's row. They had begged him to receive arms in his house, but he declined. We did not live in Quinn's row. her Caroline x Wall." mark. Jefferson County, Set. '^ Subscribed and sworn to before me, August 10, 1855. J. I. DoziER, Examiner." 22 INTRODUCTION. " Joseph Hucker, on oath, says he resided, on the 6th of August, in one of Quiiin's houses, in what is called Quinn's row, on the north side of Main street, between Tenth and Eleventh, Louisville. He resided there about seven months. On that day, he heard, while in his house, a report of fire- arms, and on looking out of the window, saw a man lying on the sidewalk near O'Connell's grocery, on the corner of Main and Chapel streets ; and in a few moments saw an Irishman pass over from McDonald's grocery, situated opposite O'Con- nell's, and on the north side of Main, having in one hand a revolver, and in the other a gun. He got within ten or twelve feet of the man lying on the sidewalk, and (leliber rately shot him in the forehead. I saw the blood come from the wokund, and also from a wound in the breast. The man never moved afterwards, I think. At this time there was no crowd there, and no one on the street, that I saw, except the dead man and the one that shot him ; but in a few moments some persons came and removed the dead body. A man — an American — then told me I had better close the shutters of my windows, or I might be injured; and I did so at once. He offered me no injury, but borrowed my gun to fight the Irish with, who were firing from McDonald's house, and other Irish houses along the row. He took the gun away, and I did not get it until to-day. '^ The Irish all along the row were well armed, most of them having two pistols each, and also a gun. There were about seventy-five or one hundred Irishmen living in that row, I think, and they had many visitors of their countrymen. I saw many of them often with pistols and guns during the INTRODUCTIOX. 23 two or three weeks preceding the August election of 1855 ; and one of them, who had several pistols, told a man in my hearing, on Saturday before the election, that he was ready. Two or three weeks ago I saw Mr. Quinn carry a double- barrel shot-gun into his house at two difi'erent times. On the night of the riot, there was a keg of powder in the alley opposite Quinn's houses, which I covered up with bed-clothes to prevent explosion. Mr. Quinn had called on me and insisted upon my voting, notwithstanding I had told him I was not naturalized. '' No violence was offered to me or my family. The Ameri- cans aided me and my family to remove out of my house, which was burned, and told me to leave there, or the Irish might shoot me. I am a German by birth, and a Catholic in religion. Joseph Hucker.'' <' Jefferson County, Set. '' Subscribed and sworn to before me, August 9, 1855. " J. I, DoziER, Examiner." Did the Anti-American editors and speakers, after these affidavits were published, acknowled;;e their errors, censure the murderous conduct of a foreign rabble, and defend their countrymen and their country's honor? If they did, we failed to notice the first instance. The editor of the Boston Pilot, a Roman Catholic, became so encouraged by the example of the Anti- American editoi*s, and the slavish submission of more than a few Protestants, that he thus addressed the public '• ^^A midnight gang of conspirators, called Know-Nothings, take possession of the polls, take possession of the city, and 24 INTRODUCTION. make previous arrangements to prevent a certain class of citizens from exercising their rights. They deliberately lay plans for stirring up a riot, and they count securely upon the murder of some score of their opponents, and upon the destruction of their property — upon the burning of churches and such like trifles, and upon escaping the punishment due to their crimes ! They succeeded in all their plans, with the exception of the church-burning.^' :}; ^ ^jc ^ jjj ^ ^' The unspeakable meanness of the riotous Know-Nothings is exemplified in the after-doings of this [Louisville] Journal man, who, having stirred up the riot, wipes his bloody chops and says : ! what have / done ? Has there been a riot ? Oh, dear ! oh, dear ! How did it happen ? It must have been those damned Irishmen ! They are always making mischief. We only defended our own rights. Are 07ili/ twelve Irishmen killed? No churches burned? Well, we hope that justice will be done. Let an impartial investigation be had. Let the guilty men suffer ! " Prentice knows well enough who the jurymen will be, if the call for justice be from the family of a murdered adopted citizen against a Know-Nothing [American] murderer. Know-Nothing jurymen must be faithful to their oaths to the secret order. Thei/ must he perjurers to society and the State. Like Prentice, they will wipe their bloody chops, and answer, "What have we done ? The foreigners were rightly served." " The miserable rascals will go down to posterity as a gang INTRODUCTION. 26 of perjurers, rioters, burglars, house-burners, and murderers ; as a gang of midnight conspirators, more despicahle than any gang that ever disgraced a civilized land. There is no place in which the hypocritical scoundrels are not ready to do what they did in Louisville." If a Presbyterian, Methodist, or Baptist paper had so talked of the bloody deeds of the foreign rabble in Louisville, and of the defence made for them by the Anti-American party, would not a great decrease in the subscription-list have been the immediate reward ? Such is the power of the Pope at these ends of the earth ! The following facts will shed a little light on the matter. An editor of a Methodist paper, speaking to us concerning things as now found in America, observed : ^' Some of the papers opposed to the American party declared that Wesley never wrote those letters on Romanism, (given in chap, iii.,) and not one of our Church papers assumed the responsibility of saying that he did." Does this need comment? Insulted Protestantism answers, "No." The speaker of the Senate of Mississippi, during the winter of 1856, observed : '^ I am beginning to hate the Puritans more and more." This information came to us from a gentleman of veracity. The children of the Puritans, however, voted for him, caring much more for the success of his party than for the religion of their fathers. Such is the power of the Pope at these ends of the earthy, and such the conduct of certain hypocritical mortals, who call themselves Protestants ! Tell not this in the homes of the Mormons, lest the current reformation may be unduly increased ! 2 26 INTRODUCTION. In reference to the position of the American party on the foreign question, we ask, Does not Mr. Brownson, an ex- pounder of Romanism in the United States, in that which follows, fully justify it ? " Every independent and sovereign nation has a right to preserve its own nationality, its identity, and to defend it, if need be, by war against any foreign power that would invade it ; and to close its political society, if it sees proper, against all foreisrn immigrants who in its iudsment would endanger it, or not prove advantageous to it. In so doing it exercises only the inherent right of every sovereign State, and persons born citizens or subjects of any other State have no right to complain. As a general rule, we think the true policy of a nation is to reserve the political — we say not civil — citizen- ship to persons born on its territory ; to distinguish foreign- born individuals, as a reward for eminent service. We do not believe it sound policy to make political citizenship too cheap, lest we make it valueless, and encourage a neglect of its duties.^' And does not Daniel O'Connell, Ireland's great agitator, vindicate, in the following extract, the principle of American- ism ? ^^Let Englishmen rule England — Frenchmen France — Scotchmen Scotland — and in the name of Clod let Irishmen rule Ireland I" The last vote of Washington we consider highly worthy of a place here. '' I was present," says a correspondent of the Charleston Courier, '' when General Washington gave his last vote. It was in the spring of 1799, in the town of INTRODUCTION. 27 Alexandria. He died the 14tli of December following. The court-house of Fairfax county was then over the market- house, and immediately fronting Gadsby's tavern. The entrance into it was by a slight flight of crazy steps on the outside. The election was progressing : several thousands of persons in the court-house yard and immediate neighboring streets; and I was standing on Gadsby's steps when the Father of his Country drove up, and immediately approached the court-house steps; and when within a yard or two of them, I saw eight or ten good-looking men from diiferent directions, certainly without the least concert, spring simul- taneously and place themselves in positions to uphold and support the steps, should they fall in the General's ascent of them. I was immediately at his back, and in that position entered the court-house with him — followed in his wake through the dense crowd to the polls — heard him vote — returned with him to the outward crowd — heard him cheered by more than two thousand persons as he entered his carriage — and saw his departure. ^' There were five or six candidates on the bench sitting; and as the General approached them, they rose in a body and bowed smilingly; and the salutation having been returned very gracefully, the General immediately cast his eyes towards the registry of the polls, when Colonel Duncale (I think it was) said, 'Well, General, how do you vote?' The General looked at the candidates, and said, ' Gentlemen, I vote for measures, not for men ;' and turning to the recording table, audibly pronounced his vote, saw it entered, made a graceful bow, and retired." 28 INTRODUCTION. Anti-Americans, however, sec fit to vote for men, not for measures; for party — worse, for a name, not principle. We presume this must be received as a part of the first fruit of their Romish character. In bringing this Introduction to a close, we beg leave to state, that some of the worst men of Europe, refugees from justice, are in this Republic. Inflated by the idea of liberty, and influenced by the most vicious habits, they are totally unprepared to act the part of enlightened freemen. In a word, some of them ought to have been imprisoned for life in the lands of their births. The thouo'ht of such men shooting native citizens, sons of Protestant freemen, is entirely too provoking for comment. By birth we are a foreigner, but we hate Anti- Americanism : we detest it with unmeasured detestation, and pray that our hatred and detesta- tion of it may never decrease. We have been an American in principle for many years; and such we are determined to be, whether in glory or in gloom. For the sake of principle, we are now out of the ranks of the regular ministry.* We * We deem it due to ourself, and the party -whose cause we advo- cate, to silence at once and for ever certain men who represent us as "a cast-oflF preacher," by inserting here the certificate of the pre- siding Bishop of the Conference from which we withdrew for the reasons stated: " To Rev. James L. Chapman: "The Memphis Annual Conference has, by vote, permitted you to exercise the functions of the ministry as a local elder in tlie Alethodist Episcopal Church, South, so long as your spirit and conduct comport with the gospel of Christ, and the Discipline of said Church. Given under my hand, at Memphis, this 22d day of November, 1855. "H. H. Kavaxaugh." INTRODUCTION. 29 could not preach Protestantism as preached and written by Wesley (see the close of chapter iii.) in Protestant pulpits, owing to the influence of Popery and foreignism on the minds of some of those who profess to be Protestants, and the consequent opposition by word and act. We would be free, and free we are. Most gratefully do we thank George Washington, under Heaven, for this liberty. We now introduce to your attention and favor, respected reader, the present work, hoping you will give the same a careful and impartial examination, and judge and vote according to the evidence therein contained. *'A cast-off preacher!" Every member of the Church knows that this is an unadulterated falsehood — such as could only be originated by men who have betrayed Protestantism and the best interests of their country, influenced by the humbuggery of a name, not less in its corrupting tendencies at present than Romanism — we mean Democracy. In a word, the Methodist Episcopal Church, South, is responsible to the public for what we do, write, and say ; and will so continue, whatever opposers and superficial men may think, until the proper authority of the Church, in accordance with law, decrees otherwise ; and, on the other hand, we are responsible to the Church for what we do, say, and write. Such is our relation to the Church, and such the relation of the Church to the public respecting our words and acts. ^mencarasm kxsm "^mimm. CHAPTER I How the Hon, Messrs. Eustis, Bennet, Smith, Davidson, Florence, Taylor, and Walker talked in the Thirty-fourth Congress. Would you wish to see how they appear in the glass of truth? Read -^ every word of this Chapter. We had closed the manuscript of our work, when the con- flicting remarks of the honorable gentlemen named in the heading arrested our attention. We are glad, truly glad that they were made ; for the facts and corrections we shall pre- sent in our review will fully prepare the minds of all to under- stand and appreciate the points or causes of difl&culty between Sam and the Pope. The Hon. Mr. Eustis, American mem- ber from Louisiana, said : ^' He wished to state the position of the American party of Louisiana on the subject of religion. The party in that State held it as a cardinal maxim, and he hoped to God it would be so held in every State of the Union, that religious faith was a question between each individual and his God ; and they considered any attempt to abridge or circumscribe religious freedom unworthy of our great country, as it was in violation of the organic law of the land. In this spirit, the American party of Louisiana repudiated the eighth section of (31) 32 THE CIS-ATLANTIC BATTLE the Philadelphia platform, and he now repudiated it in toto. He cared not what construction gentlemen might be pleased, in perfect good faith, to put upon that article. They might say that it was inoperative, and therefore inoifensive, as against American Catholics ; but the words were there, and they were offensive and insulting to the American Catholics. He called the attention of the House to the construction that Elournoy had put upon that article when he was the x\merican candidate for governor in Virginia. That gentleman pub- lished a letter, in which he said he would never vote for a Roman Catholic; and he thanked Grod that he (Flournoy) was defeated. He ought to have been defeated, as there was enough in his letter to have defeated ten thousand candidates for governor ; and he hoped that every man who held such odious, such monstrous doctrines, would ever meet with as deep and as early a political grave as did the Hon. Mr. Flournoy." Speaking of Protestant ministers, he asked, "Did they find it (authority for stamping American Catholics as mere tools of the Pope) in that great book, the Bible, on which so much veneration had been bestowed so unprofitably in the Philadelphia platform? (Great laughter.)" Without doubt 31r. Enstis uttered a lamentable and fearful truth when he spoke of the " unprofitable veneration be- stowed on the Bible." The thought of what we read and heard in 1855, almost makes us ashamed of the name Pro- testant. When the members of the various Protestant Churches, who voted for the Anti- American members of Con- gress, saw in print the words (jreat laughter over the unprofit- able veneration bestowed on the Bible, we presume they must have felt as happy as if at a prayer-meciting. Leaving this sickening feature of the explanation of Mr. Eustis, we observe that he is evidently laboring under a mis- apprehension respecting the mighty issue made with Roman- ism. He boldly and emphatically declares opposition to what BETWEEN SAM AND THE POPE. 33 is called the religious arti(3le of the American platform, be- lieving that it abridges religious freedom. In all this he greatly errs. We assert, without the fear of contradiction, that his professed principle as a Southern man is in perfect harmony with that which he opposes in words. To illustrate : Suppose the Republicans crown Mr. Seward their leader; swear allegiance to him; pledge themselves to exterminate slaveholders by fire, the sword, and all other means of death ; hold councils, and publish to the world that they will not respect even an oath made to men, should they become slaveholders : would Mr. Eustis, at some future time, stand on the floor of Congress and say : '' I thank God that Mr. A., who said in a letter that he would never vote for a Sewardite, was defeated as a candidate for governor in Louis- iana V He would not : he dare not. Again we ask, would Mr. Eustis oppose an article of a platform reading thus : '^Kesist- ance to the aggressive policy and corrupting tendencies of the Republican party, by the advancement to all political stations, executive, legislative, judicial, or diplomatic, of those only who do not hold allegiance, directly or indirectly, to Mr. Se- ward, and who are national in sentiment by education and training; thus fulfilling the maxim, 'National men only shall govern x\merica ?' '' no ! Would he call the faith of the Sewardite a " question between each individual and his God ?" Would he call opposition to such a party a " violation of the organic law of the land V In a word, would he vote for any man of the organization supposed ? He would not. Here, however, he may justly ask : '^ Can it be proved that there is an exact similarity between the Romish organization and the one supposed ?" We unhesitatingly answer that Romanism is to Protestants what the supposed organization would be to slaveholders. In proof of this we shall appeal to the testimony of Romanists themselves, persuaded that Mr. Eustis cannot reasonably oppose our authority. 9* 34 THE CIS-ATLANTIC BATTLE Are not Romanists bound to obey their head, the Pope ? The lauiruage of Dens, an authoritative writer of the Romish Church, is : "All the faithful, also bishops and patriarchs, are bound to obey the Roman pontiff. The Pope hath also not only a directive but also a coactive power over all the faithful."— Z>cn.s de Eccles., No. 94, p. 439. 3Iark with more than ordinary attention what follows : '' I receive (each Popish patriotic clergy) and profess all that the sacred canons and general councils have delivered, defined, and declared; and I shall endeavor, to the utmost of my power, to cause the same to be held, taught, and preached. This I promise, vow, and swear : so help me God and these holy (}o^^Qhr—Lahheus, 20, 222. Bishop Kenrick, a prominent American Romish bishop, ob- serves : '• The oath taken at our consecration obliges us to pursue and impugn heretics, (Protestants ;) but our arms are such as become the successors of the apostles." — Primacy^ p. 473. The startling testimony of past history shows what sort of arms were used and how used against Protestants. The Bishop, speaking of the right of the Pope, says : ''It is the undoubted right of the Pope to pronounce judgment on controversies of faith. All doctrinal definitions already made by general councils or by former pontiffs, are landmarks which no man can remove." — Ihid, p. 356. What submis- sion is here implied ! Now, if Mr. Eustis would not vote for any individual in allegiance to Mr. Seward, as above supposed, consistency will demand, if the interest of Protestantism be paramount to that of slavery, that he should not vote for any man in allegiance to the Pope. This is the way to test the pro- fessions of men — the way to find whether they are actuated by principle and a discriminating judgment, or by selfishness and ignorance. The next point to be established is, that Romanists stand BETWEEN SAM AND THE POPE. 85 pledged to exterminate Protestants by fire, the sword, and all other means of death. The General Council of Trent " enjoined the extermination of heretics by the sword, the fire, the rope, and all other means, when it could be done with safety/' — Paolo, iv., p. 604. Aquinus, worshipped as a saint by Romanists, says : '' Heretics may be justly killed. Such the Church consigns to the secular arm, to be exterminated from the world by death." — Aquinus, ii. iii., p. 48. We shall allow the saint to speak again : " Heretics are to be compelled by corporeal punishments, that they may adhere to the faith." — Ibid, ii., p. 10. And these are the things which Bishop Kenrick calls " landmarks which no man can remove." The next thins; that we must establish is, that the councils of the Eomish Church declare that even an oath made to a heretic or Protestant is not to be respected. The Fourth General Council of Lateran declared that ^' the Pope may release his subjects (that is, of a refractory prince) from their allegiance." — Lahhcus, 13, 934. The Council of Constance proclaimed: "A safe-conduct guaranteed must not stand in the way : it may be lawful for a competent ecclesiastical judge to inquire concerning the errors of persons of this character, (Huss,) and, besides, to proceed against them according to their deserts, and to punish them." —Ibid, 16, 301. Bishop Kenrick at once brings before us the true sense and application of these extracts thus : ^^AU doctrinal definitions already made by general councils or former pontifi's, are land- marks which no man can remove." Here we triumphantly ask. Do we not, by the testimony of Home's defenders, prove an exact similarity between the organization supposed and that of Eomanists ? The Republi- cans crown Mr. Seward as their leader — swear allegiance to him — pledge themselves to exterminate slaveholders by fire, 36 THE CIS-ATLANTIO BATTLE the sword, and all other means of death — hold councils, and publish to the world that they will not respect even an oath made to men, should they become slaveholders ; and Eoman- ists crown the Pope a sovereign, bind themselves in allegiance to him; declare their intention to exterminate heretics by fire, the sword, and all other means of death; and proclaim to all that they will not respect even an oath made to men, should they become heretics or Protestants. How complete the agreement ! We hope that Mr. Eustis, after calmly reflecting on these facts and considerations, will clearly see that Romanists are not proscribed on account of their religion, but on account of that above stated. If Mr. Eustis can squeeze religious pro- scription out of this, we can squeeze religious proscription out of his vote against Mr. Banks for the speaker's chair. He would. tell us, however, "1 voted against Mr. Banks on account of his freesoilisra, and not because of his religion." Precisely so; and here we say: ''Protestants vote against the allegiance of Romanists to the Pope, and not against their religion." But some one may ask : " Do they not look on their allegi- ance to the Pope as a part of their religion ?" What of this? If the Republicans were to call what we have supposed a part of their religion, would the Southern people receive it as such, contending against the proscription of the followers of Mr. Seward ? Verily, the world groans under the duplicity of the sons of men ! Reader, do you understand the point here established ? We respectfully commend that which precedes to the critical attention of Mr. Bennet, the eloquent and learned Anti- American member from the State of Mississippi. It may be of great advantage to him — keep his. profound research in harmony with his courage, the next time he makes an in- quiry respecting a certain article in the American Platform, BETWEEN SAM AND THE POPE. 37 and the position of the xVmericau Party of Lousiana. This is the way to "shoot folly as it flies." In reference to the Catholics of Louisiana, and all of the Gallican faith, see next chapter. The Hon. Mr. Smith, American member from Alabama, in reply to Hon. Mr. Eustis, said : " That gentleman had congratulated himself that, although there were many clergymen here, there was no Eoman Catholic priest. He thanked God for that, and he hoped that if the government lived for a thousand years there never would be one sent to Congress. He hoped, with equal fervency, that no clergyman now occupying a seat would ever interfere with the religion of this country as a politician. He asked that gentleman or any other gentleman, whether they could point him to an instance where a Catholic priest had been found arrayed on the side of the people in opposition to a king or arbitrary power. "■ Mr. Davidson asked the gentleman whether the Magna Charta had not been proposed by a priest ? " Mr. Smith replied that it had, and what of that ? [Great laughter.] Had not the Pope excommunicated the king and all who had a hand in that matter ? ''Mr. Florence said that the gentleman from Alabama asked to be shown an instance where a priest had been found arrayed on the side of the people in opposition to arbitrary power : he would refer him to the Irish rebellion of 1798, where Fathers Murphy, Kearns, Perry, Fitzgerald, and John Hay, were leaders in that rebellion, and fought for popular rights at Vinegar Hill. [Great laughter.] ''Mr. Taylor, of Louisiana, stated that when the gentle- man from Alabama insisted that the Catholic clergy were never found arrayed on the side of freedom, he forgot history. He (Mr. Taylor) held in his hand a history of the French revolution of 1790 — an event in which there was a contest 38 THE CIS- ATLANTIC BATTLE between the people and the regal power, and in which the Catholic clergy took the side of the people. When the States- General were assembled in consequence of the dreadful evils under which France labored at that time, a difficulty arose as to the meeting in one body of the three orders, the nobility, the clergy, and the representatives of the people. The latter said they would not act unless the members of the other two bodies united with them in order to constitute the sovereignty of the nation. This demand the nobility resisted, and unless somebody yielded and came to the assistance of the people, the popular power would have been still without a voice, and their will manacled. In this emergency, the Catholic priest- hood, by their action, gave to that power voice. In mon- archical France, in the midst of all the feudal glories, and in the midst of all the temptations held out to them by the hopes of attaining higher dignities in their profession, the Catholic priesthood joined the third estate, and gave motion and power to the popular element which achieved freedom for France. [Applause.]" If some of the members of Congress continue true to their selfish policy, we shall be treated in a day not far distant with glorification speeches about Romanism, spiced with '^ great applause." Mr. Smith was not so far astray as his would-be smart respondents thought. If he had plainly and boldly added : ^"^Let who will be miller. Popery will be dog" — look- ing to the meal, not the man, the whole might be justly placed on the line of truth. Bishop Kenrick states the matter thus : ^' The Catholic religion is suited to every form of government, and indifferent to all." — Primacy, p. 374. We are now ready to answer Mr. Davidson's question. The Pope first excommunicated King John, and then the Barons for opposing his will after he had submitted to the will of Borne. In the Council of Lateran, 1215, the Holy Father hurled the thunders of his power at them. In a letter BETWEEN SAM AND THE POPE. 39 to certain ecclesiastics we find the following : ^^ We will have you to know that in the general council we have excom- municated and anathematized the barons of England, with their partisans and abettors, for persecuting John, the illustrious King of England, who has taken the cross, and is a vassal of the Konian Church, and for strivimi; to deprive him of a kioo-- dom that is known to belong to the Roman Church."— Paris, p. 192. The barons, however, ceased not until they obtained from the king that which is called Magna Charta — English liberty. For particulars respecting the calamities which followed the sentence of the Pope against the king, see Hume's History of England, p. 110. Mr. Davidson, in his haste to defend Popery, ought to have given through Congress to the nation the following informa- tion, that ^' King Henry made a praiseworthy attempt to reform the lives of the priests, but was most sternly opposed by Thomas a Becket, Archbishop of Canterbury. One of the priests debauched the daughter of a respectable man, and for her sake murdered the father. The king demanded that he should be brought before his tribunal, but Becket pro- tested against the measure. The king, in a speech at the great council of Westminster, required that the clergy, when degraded for crime, should be immediately delivered up to the civil power. Becket, for a time, refused to submit, but the following year he solemnly swore to obey the constitu- tions of Clarendon, by which all clergy guilty of criminal offences were rendered amenable to the civil law." What next ? This : ^' He became dissatisfied with his oath, and the Pope released him from its obligation. In the course of time the dijGBculty became so serious, that the Earl of Leicester, representing the barons, demanded that Becket should ap- pear, and give in his accounts, but was answered as follows : / 40 THE CIS-ATLANTIC BATTLE * I decline the jurisdiction of the king and barons, and appeal to my lord, the Pope.' " Why did not Mr. Davidson state this, exclaiming at the top of his voice : Thus we see, fellow-members of Congress, that the charge against liomanists, of acknowledging al- legiance to the Pope, is proved '^to be a Know-Nothing lie; that Mr. Smith is mistaken ; that a priest proposed the Magna Chartaf Would not all this have called forth posthumous applause from the friends of the Pope ? And so we dispose of Mr. Davidson; hoping that the reading of ^'The Great Battle between Sam and the Pope'' will make him a little wiser than he seems to be at present. Mr. Florence would refer Mr. Smith to the Irish Rebellion of 1798, where priests fought for popular rights. We would advise Mr. Florence to tarry at Jericho until his beard grows. The priests did not then fight for popular rights, but against a Protestant government. Is Mr. Florence aware that Pope Adrian turned over Ireland to Henry the Second in 1155 ? Is he aware that this is how Ireland lost its freedom ? We presume he is not. Mageogliegan declares that the transfer of Ireland to England by Adrian ^' violated the rights of na- tions and the most sacred laws of men, under the specious pretext of religion and reformation. Ireland was blotted from the map of nations, and consigned to the loss of freedom, without a tribunal and without a crime." — MageogJicgan, i. 440. Oaron declares that Adrian's bull " proclaims the author a tyrant and a transgressor of the law of nations and equity." — Cai'oii, c. 13. Here is an extract from the bull of Adrian : " No one doubts, and you know the fact yourself, that Ireland and all the islands which have received the Christian faith belong to the Church of Rome. And you have signified to us that you wish to enter into this island, in order to subject the people to the laws, and extirpate their vices; to make them pay to BETWEEN SAM AND THE roi't:. 41 St. Peter a penny a year for each house, and preserve in all things the rights of the Church ; which we grant to you with pleasure, for the increase of the Christian religion." — Lahh., 13, 14, 15. " The Irish clergy met at Waterford, submitted to the Papal dictation, and took an oath of fidelity to Henry and his successors." — Edgar's Variations of Popery, p. zi22. Did the priests then fight for their country ? No. The Pope sold them, and they calmly submitted to the terms. It suited the feeUngs of certain priests, however, in 1798, to fight against a Protestant government; and Mr. Fletcher's perception was so blunt that it failed to discover the true motive of action. Bishop Hopkins justly observes : ^^ It is a marvellous thing how the poor Roman Catholics of Ireland, who are so ill at ease under the Enghsh yoke, can be ignorant that the whole right of the English crown was thus derived from the pre- tended prerogative of Popery." — The End of Controversy Controverted, vol. i., p. 105. Mr. Fletcher might also have informed the pretended friends of the Pope in Congress that Pope Clement the Eighth, in 1600, loaded Oviedo and La Cerda, whom Philip, the Spanish king, had dispatched to Ireland to fight for the interests of Romanism, with crusading indulgences to all who would oppose Protestantism. In addition, he might have said that the University of Salamanca and that of Yalladolid, after deliberating on the war waged by the Irish against the English, declared in favor of supporting the army of the faith under the command of O'Neal, Prince of Tyrone; and that the Roman pontiff had a right to use the secular arm against the impugners of Catholicism ; and that these Uni- versities in 1778 assured Pitt, the British statesman, that the Pope could not interfere with the temporal concerns of x^d,- iions.—Mageogh., 3, 437, 542, 549, 595. Tliuan., 4, 531. 42 .THE CIS-ATLANTIC BATTLE Would this have excited " great applause" in the Popish quarters of Congress ? No — no ! We hope that Mr. Florence will try to remember the mo- tive by which certain priests were influenced in the Eebellion of 1798^ and how Ireland lost her nationality, and govern himself accordingly in all future answers respecting these matters ; for there is a useful and cutting hint in the follow- ing epigram : "When Saul, the handsome son of Kish, Was seeking for his cattle, He found a kingdom, which he won Without a single battle. But now we see the thing reversed — This age the past surpasses : We, seeking for a government, Find legislative asses." Pray, what object had Mr. Taylor in view when he brought a book with him to Congress on the French Revolution, and the connection of the priesthood of Rome therewith ? Of course, to excite applause from the Anti- American members by a defence of Popery. He very sagely observed, that (Mr. Smith) forgot history when he charged the priest with a propensity to favor despotism. We are more than half in- clined to think, judging from the gentleman's nonsense over his book on the French revolution and Mr. Smith's state- ment, that his wonderful knowledge of history will never run his brains into a crazy fit. Bishop Kenrick, Roman Catholic, speaking of the condi- tion of things in France in the days of Pius YII., elected Pope 14th March, 1800, says : ^^Amidst the anarchy, there arose a daring soldier, who, in the name of liberty, grasped an iron sceptre, and offered to become the protector of re- ligion ] but only on condition that the exiled prelates should BETWEEN SAM AND THE POPE. 43 renounce their rights, and the Church of France should be re- organized conformably with the new civil divisions of terri- tory. Pius VII. called on the bishops to make the sacrifice ; and, using the plenitude of pontifical authority, stripped those who hesitated of all claims to their sees, and gave to France a new ecclesiastical organization.''^ — Primacy, p. 358. Pius had to strip some of the bishops, who refused to bow to the will of the people, of all claims to their sees. Why did not Mr. Taylor recite this information for the special benefit of the Auti- American members of Congress ? Poor man, he knew enough of the history of party to convince him that it was without that to which he loved to look, the power to ex- cite applause. Why did he not inform the Anti-American fraternity, when talking of things in France, that the Pope and priests rejoiced over the murder, according to Pavila, of 10,000 individuals in Paris, for worshipping God contrary to the faith of Rome ? Poor man, he knew that this too was without the power to excite applause. Wonder if Mr Taylor can find any thing in the history of the French Kevolution to prove that the patriotic and fc?if7er- hearted priests were then on the side of the suffering people ? We would not wish to see an open enemy afflicted; yet we must be permitted to declare that we are inclined to think a few cracks of the joints of such men as Davidson, Florence, and Taylor, on a perfect Romish rack, would practically teach them how priests respect natural and moral rights ; how one of them ''proposed the Magna Charta*;^^ how many of them " fought for popular rights at Vinegar Hill ;" and how others of them '' took the side of the people in France.'' Hon. Mr. Walker, American member from Alabama, is re- ported thus : , " He said that, however much attached he might be to the fundamental principles on which the American party was based, if he believed that the idea of religious proscription. 44 THE CIS-ATLANTIC BATTLE was to be tlie exclusive policy of that party, he would in a moment cut himself loose from it/' If we could believe that religious proscription, in any sense, shape, or form, is the fixed policy of the American party, we too would at once cut ourself loose from it. But we insist on it that the Romanist is not proscribed on account of his re- ligion, but because of his allegiance to the see of Rome. We cannot but think that this chapter, to say nothing of any other chapter in the work, ought to convince every honest, reflecting man respecting the justness of our statement and conclusion. But if it should fail to do so, the Northern people may deeply regret their want of foresight in not calHng their abolition policy a part of their religion, seeing that Southern politicians, of the Anti- American stripe, would pronounce all opposition to them religious proscription. This would be a happy thought in practice. We should then see Anti- Americanism as nicely circumstanced as a fly in a drum ; and so we close Chapter I. BET^yEEN SAM 'and THE POPE. 45 CHAPTER II. The Catholics of Louisiana considered as Gallicans — The difference between Gallicans and Roman Catholics clearly stated. In the Romish Church, as all well-informed men are aware, there are two distinct schools, called Gallicans and Anti-Cal- licans, or Gallicans and Roman Catholics. The first point, however, in order is, why do we consider the Catholics of Louisiana as Gallicans ? Webster defines Gallic thus : '' Per- taining to Gaul, now France ;" and Gallican, " Pertaining to France.'' Louis XIV., in 1682, caused the French clergy to assemble in Paris. At this meeting the following propositions were passed : '' 1. The Popes have no power from God to interpose, directly or indirectly, in the temporal concerns of princes or of sovereign states. " 2. The authority of general councils is superior to that of the Pope. ^'3. The usages of the French Church are inviolable. "4:. The Pope is not infallible in point of faith, unless his decisions are attended with the consent of the Church." In this we have the creed of a Gallican ; and he who rejects it, contending for the temporal power of the Pope, is an Anti- Gallican, or Roman Catholic. Bishop Kenrick, one of the most careful and critical writers of the Romish Church in America, says : 46 THE CIS-ATDANTIC BATTLE " In rejecting the temporal power of the Pope, the court di- vines of Louis XIV. chiefly rested on the divine right of kings, and their resj^onsibilit}^ to God alone." — Frimacy, p. 303. Here we have the fact plainly stated, that the doctrine of the temporal power of the Pope was rejected by the Catholic divines of France in the days of Louis XIV., 1682. We fondly hope that the Anti- Americans, in their haste to defend the Pope, will take time to see that this is not '' a Know- Xothing lie." The following question naturally arises out of all this : How could the ^'divines" of France have rejected the temporal power doctrine, if such a thing did not exist ? Here we have at a glance the difference between the Galilean Catholic and the Roman Catholic. Bishop Kenrick, as Eo- manists and the Anti- American leaders will believe what you say, please allow us to ask you, how does the Galilean Catholic look on the temporal power of the Pope? "He rejects 'the temporal power of the Pope.' " Mr. Brownson, as you are an endorsed expounder of Bomanism in the United States, and as the Americans will believe you mean what you say, when not acting the Jesuit, permit us to ask you, what do you teach Roman Catholics ? He answers : " In proportion as we wish to save religion and society, we must raise our voice against Gallicanism, turn to the Holy Father, (the Pope,) and, instead of weakening his hands and saddening his heart by our denial of his plenary authority, reassert his temjwral as well as spiritual prerogatives. Protestantism is only full- blown Gallicanism ; and Protestants are distinguished from Galileans only in being a little more daring, and drawing one or two conclusions which the Galileans shrink from." Again : ''Yet the French are not the worst Galileans in the world; and it would be wrong to suppose that Gallicanism, save in the court, predominates in France. The doctrine, since it was first attacked by De Maistre, has lost ground; and the im- mense majority of French bishops and clergy reject it as strenu- BETWEEN SAM AND THE POPE. 47 ously as I do. . . . The Ultramontane doctrine is no doubt odious to the civil power and to the non-Catholics ; but it is the Roman Catholic doctrine; and all odious as it is, we are not a little indebted for the wonderful increase of Catholicity dur- ing the last thirty years, to its fearless and energetic assertion. Gallicanism is a species of old-fogyism, in the proper sense of the word, and, as such, is powerless. '' — January numhcr of his Review, 1854. In the April number, 1854, he says : " The Abbe Rohr- bacher, a doctor of theology, defends it (the doctrine of the Pope's temporal power) throughout his universal Hhtory of the Church, the second edition of which has just been completed, under the eye and with the express encouragement of Rome. Indeed, we had supposed that there was throughout the whole Catholic world a decided reaction, since the disastrous effects of the old French Revolution, against Gallicanism, and in favor of Ultramontanisni ; and we had supposed that we were ourselves only obeying the common tendency of the Catholic renaissance of the nineteenth century." Let us now see what Pope Innocent XL said respecting the acts of the assembly of 1682, which proclaimed to the world the doctrine of Gallicanism. The Archbishop of Rheims, (Gousset, Anti-Gallican,) in his notes to Bergeir's Dictionnaire de Theologie, declares that he annulled the acts of the assem- bly of 1682, in his brief of April 11th, of the same year, in these words: ^^By these presents, in virtue of the authority given to us by the omnipotent God, we condemn, rescind, and annul the acts of your assembly, in the business of the regale, with all that follow them." He continues thus: ^^Nor was Alexander YIII. behind Innocent XL On the 4th of August, 1690, he published the constitution Inter multipUces, in which he condemned, made void, and annulled all that had been done in the assembly of France in the year 1682, as well with regard to the regale as 48 THE CIS-ATLANTIO BATTLE also to the declaration, and the four articles contained in it. 'The four articles contained therein/ says Alexander, 'we do condemn, destroy, annul, and make void.' " Again, the same writer says : ''In 1794, Pius VI., in bull Auctorem Fidei, which has been received without protest by all the churches, renewed these declarations of his predeces- sors, Innocent XI. and Alexander YIII. Moreover, he con- demned, as rash, scandalous, and supremely injurious to the lioly see, the act of the Synod of Pistoia, adopting the declara- tion. The terms of the constitution are as follows : 'Where- fore, as the acts of the Gallican assembly were condemned and annulled, soon after their appearance, by our predecessor. Innocent XI., in his brief of April, 1682, and afterwards more pointedly by Alexander YIII., in his constitution Inter mul- tiplices, August 4th, 1690, much more strongly does our pas- toral solicitude require of us to reprove and condemn the recent adoption of those acts by the Synod, (of Pistoia,) as rash, scan- dalous, and especially injurious in the highest degree to the apostolic see, after the decrees published by our predecessors, and by this present constitution we do reprove and condemn them, and decree that they are to be held as reproved and condemned."' Now, as those who call themselves Catholics, in Louisiana, are of French descent, may we not presume that they are of the Gallican faith ? If this be so, the question is, in what sense are they affected by the eighth article of the American Platform of 1855, or the fifth of the Platform of 1856? Seeing, however, that we must have line on line, and state- ment after statement, in order to get the masses to under- stand, we here beg leave to state, in closing this chapter, that the Gallican Catholic does not believe in the divine right of the Pope to exercise civil or temporal power ; while the Roman Catholic or Anti-Gallican contends for it, saying, with the editor of Civiltd Cattolica, published under the eyes of the BETWEEN SAM AND THE POPE. 49 Pope, ^^The Church rules over monarchs and their ministers." This is exactly what Mr. Brownson lets out in that which follows: ''We cannot be accused of Gallicanism, or of the slightest Gallican tendency, and we go to the full length in asserting the prerogative of Peter." — April number of his Reviexc, 1853, p. 263. Again, p. 275, he says: ''It (the Univers) makes loud professions of Ultramontanism, and brave war against old- fashioned Gallicanism, which has no longer any represen- tatives, or at most not more than three or four, among the bishops of France." Sam, looking at all this, justly concludes that he was not mistaken when the eighth article of the platform of 1855 was written and adopted ; nor unmindful of his duty when the fifth of the present one was framed. He sees, however, and frankly admits, that he might have made himself better under- stood in reference to all who are of the Gallican faith, whether of native or of forei2;n birth. But the reader, from the statement of Mr. Brownson, which is endorsed by all the Romish bishops of America, if their names on the cover of his Review can be received as such, must perceive that all the French Catholics should not be looked on as influenced by the Gallican faith. Truth and justice demand that we should so speak, should so represent the whole matter. The language of our heading, therefore, is the language of a liberal assumption, which we commend to all until the contrary appear. The moment a man recognizes the right of the Pope, through his spiritual power, to interfere with his allegiance to a civil government, and to abolish his obligation, he ceases to be a. Gallican. This matter is expressed thus by Pope Inno- cent X.: "The Pontiff could invalidate civil contracts, or oaths, made by the friends of Catholicism with the patrons of heresy." — Caron, 14. 3 60 THE CIS-ATLANTIC BATTLE This is what the eighth article of the Platform of 1855 thundered its opposition against; and this is what the fifth article of the Platform of 1856 so positively opposes, and not religion in any sense, shape, or form. Reader, do you not clearly perceive the force of all this ? If so, patriotism de- mands that you should speak and vote accordingly. In conclusion, we beg leave to submit the question to all who are of the Galilean faith, Is not the opposition of the American party to Romanism well founded, its own advocates being allowed to decide ? BETWEEN SAM AND THE POPE. 51 CHAPTER III. The Popes, Councils, Canon Law, and tlie opinion of some approved ■writers of the Romish Church, on oath-breaking, particularly in reference to heretics, with the conclusion of Wesley respecting the •whole matter. The Anti- American speakers and editors'assert and reassert : " That the Cliurch of Rome does not teach the doctrine of breaking up oaths on account of heresy, or on account of expediency among her own people — whether the reference be to the Popes, the clergy, or laymen. The charge is a Know- Nothing lie, fabricated for political purposes.'' Well, we shall see, and see at once, whether the charge is a Know- Nothing lie, fabricated for political purposes. The Popes, according to the order of the heading, must be first heard. Pojie Urban the Second, 1090, decreed : " Sub- jects are by no authority bound to observe the fealty which they swear to a Christian prince, who withstands God and the saints, and condemns their precepts/' — FitJiou, 260. Decrct cans. 15, QiKJest. 6. The Holy Father, acting on this prin- ciple, prohibited Count Hugo's soldiery to obey their sover- eign. Pope Innocent the Third, 1215 : ^' Freed all that were bound to those who had fallen into heresy, from all fealty, homage, and obedience." — PttJiou, 241, L. 5, T. 7. Pope Honorius the Third, 1220, after looking at the trou- bles of the King of Hungary on account of an oath : '^ De- molished the royal oath, and commanded the revocation of 62 THE CIS-ATLANTIC BATTLE tliese alienations.''— G^rd'^. 9, L. 2. Tit. 24, C. 23. Pi- thou. 111, .• Pope Gregory the Ninth, elected 1227, said : " None should keep faith with the person who opposes God and his saints." '' Personne ne doit garder fidelite a celui, qui s'oppose h, Dieu et a ses saints." — Bruys, 3, 183. Pope Clement the Fifth, 1306, published a bull : " Grant- ing the King (Edward of England) absolution from his oath." —Bruys, 3, 358. Collier, 1, 400. Pope Urban the Sixth, elected 1378, said : " Engagements made with heretics or schismatics of this kind, after such have been consummated, are inconsiderate, illegal, and in law itself are of no importance, (although, per- chance, made before the lapse of these persons into schism, or before the beginning of their heresy,) even if confirmed by an oath or one's honor being pledged. " Conventiones factae cum hujusmodi haereticis seu schis- maticis, postquam tales effecti erant, sunt temerarige, illicitae, et ipso jure nullag, (etsi forte ante ipsorum lapsum in schisma seu lifBresim initae,) etiam si forent juremento vel fide data firmatae." — Rymer, 7, 352. Pope Uugrentus the Fourth, 1444, induced the King of Hungary to break his treaty with the Sultan, though con- firmed by the solemn oaths of the King and the Sultan on the Gospel and the Koran. Julian represented the Pope on this occasion, and said : '^ I absolve you from perjury, and I sanc- tify your arms. Follow my footsteps in the path of glory and salvation. Dismiss your scrupulosity, and devolve on my head the sin and the punishment." — Moreri, 1, 390. It is said that the Sultan displayed a coj^y of the violated treaty in the front of the battle, calling on the Prophet Jesus to avenge the mock- ery of his own religion and authority. Be this as it may, one thing is certain, the Turks triumphed on the plains of Varna. Pope Paul the Third, 1535 : " Forbade all sovereigns, on BETWEEN SAM AND THE POPE. 53 pain of excommunication, to lend any aid, under pretext of any obligation or oath, to Henry VIII., King of England." He ^^ absolved all princes from all such promises and engage- ments. ''' — Alexander^ 24, 420. Pope Pius the Fourth, who flourished between 1559 and 1565, left it to be said of him : '^ His Holiness annulled the oath of allegiance which had been sworn to her Majesty (Elizabeth) by her sujpjects.'^ This Gregory XIII. and Six- tus Y. renewed and confirmed. — Alexander, 23, 425. Bruys, 4, 502. Pope Paul the Fourth, 1555, by way of setting a good ex- ample to all in the line of breaking oaths, absolved himself from an oath. His Holiness declared that he could not be bound, nor his authority limited by an oath. Nor did he stop at this ; he pronounced the contrary, '^A manifest heresy.'^ —Paolo, 2, 27. Pope Paul the Fifth, elected 1605, canonized Gregory the Seventh for breaking up the oath of allegiance to Henry^ and for dethroning him, saying : " Grant to us, through his example and intercession, boldly to overcome all obstacles. He shone in the house of God like the sun. He deprived Penry of his hingdom, and liberated the enslaved people, who had pledged their faith or allegiance to him. He has removed to heaven. The whole earth is filled with his doctrine. May he himself intercede for the sins of all people. ''■ Da nobis ejus exemplo et intercessione omnia adversautia fortiter superare. Sicut sol effulsit in domo Dei. Henricum regno privavit atque subditos populos fide ei data liberavit. Migravit in coelum. Omnis terra doctrina ejus repleta est. Ipse intercedat pro peccatis omnium Populorum.'' — Brvys, 2, 491-493. Crotty, 85. Pope Innocent the Tenth, who flourished between 1644 and 1655, said : " Civil contracts, promises, or oaths of Catholics with here- 5* §4 THE CIS-ATLANTIO BATTLE tics, because they are heretics, may be dissolved by the pon- tiff. " Contractus civiles, promissa, vel juramenta catholicorum cum hsereticis eo quod haeretici sint, per pontificem enervari possint.'^ — Caron, 14. And this is how the popes dispose of oaths made to heretics ! The decisions of the councils, according to the order of the heading, must now be presented. Tlje Council of Laterau, 1112, freed Pope Pascal from an oath, saying : ^' Condemned and annulled. Pronounced by canonical authority and by the judgment of the Holy Spirit.'^ — Lahheus, 12, 1162. The third General Council of Lateran, in its sixteenth canon, styled " an oath contrary to ecclesiastical utility, not an oath, but perjury.^^ — Pithou, 110. Gihert, 3, 504. The fourth G-eneral Council of Lateran, in its third canon, gives to the world a fine specimen of keeping faith with heretics, as that which follows will show : ''If he (the tem- poral prince who neglects to purge his territory of heretical filth) refuse to give satisfaction within one year, let it be signified to the Pope, that he may release his subjects from their allegiance, and give his territory to be occupied by the faithful, who, having exterminated the heretics, may quietly possess it.^' — Greg. IX., lib. v., tit. 7, cay. 10. Vol. ii., p. 758, Corp. Jur. Can. Leipsic, 1839. This is rather a respectable transaction on a large scale. A council, composed of thirteen hundred members, passes a law, and speaks therein of the Pope releasing subjects from their allegiance, and of giving the territory of a prince to Ro- manists. The General Council of Lyons absolved the Emperor Fred- eric's vassals from their oath of fealty, saying : "All those who are bound to him by an oath of fealty being absolved for ever from any oath of this character. *' Omnes qui ei juramento fidelitatis tenentur adstricti a BETWEEN SAM AND THE TOrE. ;&§ juramento hujusmodi perpetuo absolventes.'^ — Lahheus, 14, 62. Paris J 651, 652. Giamione, xviii. 3. The General Council of Constance, after having convicted Pope John of simonyj schism, heresy, iyijidelity, murdeVj perjuri/, fornication^ adultery, rape, incest, sodomy, and a few other trifling matters of this class, returned this verdict : ^' Declaring all and singular the Christians obedient to him, freed from their allegiance and their oath. '^Universos et singulos Christianos ab ejus obedientia, fidel- itate, et juramento absolutos declarans.^' — Alexander, 24, 620. The General Council of Basil annulled all oaths that might have prevented persons from attending, saying: '' That no one, through pretext of any oath or obligation or promise, might think he was freed from access to the Council. " Nequis, praetextu cujuscunque juramenti, vel obligationis, aut promissionis, se ab accessu ad concilium dispensatum exis- timaret.'^ — Crahhe, 3, 19. The Council of Basil, in its thirty-seventh session, annulled all oaths in the way of an election of a Pope instead of Euge- nius, deposed for simony, perjury, schism, and heresy, saying : " It condemns, reprobates, and annuls promises, obligations, and oaths opposed to his election. " Promissiones, obligationes, juramenta, in adversum hujus electionis, damnat reprobat et annullat.^' — Crahhe, 3, 109. Lahheus, 17, 395. The Council of Constance, in the case of Huss,* decided : * Huss and Jerome "discovered no symptoms of weakness, went to punishment as to a festival, and sang hymns in the midst of the flames, and without interruption till the last sigh." Such is the testi- mony of one who afterward became Pope Pius the Second. Go ask the ashes of Huss and Jerome, if Popery will keep faith with heretics. Go ask history what was their offence, and it will answer. Faithfulness to God and his cause, accompanied by a holy life. Yet Popery burned 56 THE CIS-ATLANTIC BATTLE "A safe-conduct guaranteed must not stand in the way; it may be lawful for a competent ecclesiastical judge to inquire concerning the errors of persons of this character, and, besides, to proceed against them according to their deserts, and to punish them. " Salvo dicto conductu non obstante, liceat judici competenti ecclesiastico de ejusmodi personarum erroribus inquirere, et alias contra eos debite procedere, eosdemque punire/' — Lah- heus, 16, 301. Alexander, 25, 225. Crahbe, 2, 1111. Dachery, an eye-witness, speaking of Huss, the emperor, and the deputation, says : " The emperor being persuaded by many words to ignore faith pledged to Huss and the Bohemians, as if by decretal authority it should not be observed, violated the pledge of a safe-conduct. " Caesar, quasi tenore decretalium, Husso fidem datani prseterire non teneretur multis verbis persuasus, Husso et Bohemis Salvi conductus fidem fregit.^' — Lenfaiit, 1, 82. And this is how Romish councils dispose of oaths made to heretics ! The decision of the canon law, according to the order of the heading, is the next thing in order. This law speaks of Rome as having the right to talk thus : ^^An oath con- trary to the manifest utility of the Church is not to be ob- served. ^^Juramentum contra utilitatem ecclesiasticam praestitum non tenet.'' Again : ^' These are to be called perjuries rather than oaths which are attempted against ecclesiastical utility. ''Non juramenta sed perjuria potius sunt dicenda quae them, and rejoiced over the treachery which delivered them. Talk not to us of Popery redeeming its solemn obligations ! Rather try to make us forget its name and history. BETWEEN SAM AND THE POPE. 67 contra utilitatem ecclesiasticam attentantur/' — Vol. ii., p. 358 : decret. Greg, ix., lib. 2, tit. 24, ca^y. 27. LeApuc^ 1839. And again : " He (the Pope) has plenitude of power, and is above \A-^:'—Gihert, 2, 103. It is unlawful for a man to take the oath of allegiance and then act the part of one unbound ; but what a complete remedy is here — the Pope is above law, can nullify it in a moment, leaving the faithful as free as mountain eagles ! So much for the canon law on the point at issue. The opinions of approved writers of the Romish Church, according to the order of the heading, now claim our atten- tion. Bailly, in the class-book used in the Maynooth Semi- nary, the principal nursery from which priests are transplanted to the United States, ascribes to '^ the Church a power of dis- pensing with vows and oaths. " Existit in ecclesia potestas dispensandi in votis et jura- mentis.^' — Maynooth Report, 283. Cajetan, an able Romish writer, says : ^' The sentence of excommunication for apostasy from the faith is no sooner pronounced against a king, than, in fact, his subjects are freed from his dominion and oath. ^' Quam cito aliquis per sententiam denunciatur excommu- nicatus propter apostasiam a fide, ipso facto, ejus subditi sunt absoluti a dominio et juramento." — Cajetan in Aquin., 2, 50. Aquinas, a saint in the Romish Church, declares : " When a king is excommunicated for apostasy, his vassals are, in fact, immediately freed from his dominion and from their oath of fealty; for a heretic cannot govern the faithful. ^^ Quam cito aliquis per sententiam denunciatur excommu- nicatus, propter apostasiam a fide, ipso facto, ejus subditi a dominio et juramento fidelitatis ejus liberati sunt, quod sub- ditis fidelibus dominari non possit." — Aquinas, 2, 50. Bernard, also a saint of the Romish Church, declares, speak- ing of a debtor : ^ 68 THE CIS-ATLANTIC BATTLE " Though sworn to pay, he may refuse the claitn of a creditor who falls into heresy or under excommunication. The debtor's oath implies the tacit condition that the creditor, to be enti- tled to payment, should remain in a state in which communi- cation with him would be lawful. "Licet non solvat, non incidit in poenam, et in eodem modo, si per juramentum : in ilia obligatiane et juramento tacite subintelligetur, si talis permanserit, cui communicare liceat." — Greg. ix. decret., lib. 5, tit. 7, cap. 16. Maynooth Report, 261. This is how the declaration, " No faith is to be kept with heretics,'' runs through, in principle, the writings of these holy defenders of Romanism. The Huguenots insisted on the faith which the French nation had pledged ; but faithful history thus presents the result : '^Protestants urged plighted faith; our divines, on the other hand, argued, and even with open mouths in their assemblies, and in their common writings they contended, that a prince was not bound to keep faith with schismatics. ' '' Protestantes fidem datam urgerent. Contra theologi nostri disputabant, et jam aperto capite, in concionibus et evulgatis scriptis, ad fidem sectarus servandam non obligare principem contendebant." — Thuanus, 3, 524. Bellarmine exclaims, " The Pope can transubstantiate sin into duty, and duty into sin." — Durand, 1, 50. Dens, in his theology, the modern standard of Catholicism in Ireland, says : " The vicar of God, in the place of God, remits to man the debt of a plighted promise." — Dens, 4, 134, 135. And this is what approved writers of the Romish Church say on the subject of oath-breaking because of heresy. What a storehouse of comfort is here for all the Anti- Ameri- can sinners, who continue to misrepresent the prerogatives of the Holy Father ! BETWEEN SAM AND THE POPE. 59 Keep faith with heretics ! Preposterous ! Dens, already mentioned, a doctor of the University of Louvain, published a system of theology in 1785, and in some of the succeeding years, from which we take the following : "Are heretics rightly punished with death ? St. Thomas answers in the affirmative : because forgers of money, or other disturbers of the state, are justly punished with death; there- fore also heretics, who are forgers of the faith, and, as expe- rience shows, greatly disturb the state. This is confirmed by the command of God, under the old law, that the false pro- phets should be killed. The same thing is proved by the condemnation, in Article 14, of John Huss, in the Council of Constance. '^An haeretici recte puniuntur morte? Respondet S. Thomas affirmative : quia falsarii pecuniae vel alii rempublicam tur- bantes just^ morte puniuntur : ergo etiam haeretici qui sunt falsarii fidei et ut experientia docet rempublicam graviter perturbant. Confirmatur ex eo quod Deus in veteri lege jusserit occidi falsos prophetas. Idem probatur ex condem- natione, Articuli 14, Joan. Huss, in Conciiio Constantiensi.'' —Dens, 2, 88, 89. The University of Louvain vouched for its " orthodox faith and Christian morality.'' What next? This : some years after it had endorsed Dens' work, Pitt asked this University if Romanism would keep faith with heretics ; and received an answer of astonishment at the thought of not doing so. And this is one of the uni- versities quoted by the Anti-American writers to show that Romanism respects its plighted faith to Protestants. In 1758, we see At endorsing that which it denied a few years afterward. We can only explain such conduct by the decla- ration, '^No faith is to be kept with heretics." The University of Salamanca, with that of Valladolid, in 1603, in the case of Elizabeth and Ireland, sanctioned that ' 60 THE CIS-ATLANTIC BATTLE whicli in principle they denied to Pitt — the right of the Pope to interfere in the temporal affairs of nations, saying : ^'Nevertheless, it is received as a certainty, that the Roman Pontiff can force by arms deserters from the faith, and those who oppose the Catholic religion. '' Tanquam certum est accipiendum, posse Romanum Pon- tificem fidei desertores, et eos qui Catholicam religionem oppugnaut, armis compellere." — Mageogh., 3, 596. Sieving 193. And these Universities, too, are quoted, and were quoted in 1855, to prove that Romanism respects the rights of Pro- testants, and its pledged obligations to them. By way of confirmiDg confirmation in the case of Yalla- dolid, we observe that Charles, of Spain, commended to his son, Philip II., unrestricted persecution of heretics. He • proved a dutiful son in this particular. The fires of persecu- tion were kindled at Yalladolid, and the professors of Pro- testantism were committed to the pitu of the flames. Thirty- eight of the Spanish nobility were, in his presence, bound to • the stake and burned, as that which follows will show : " Philip himself looking on, thirty-eight of the principal nobility of that region were bound to the stake, and burned. '' Spectante ipso Philippe, XXXVIII ex proscipua regionis nobilitate palis allagati ac cremati sunt.'' — Thuan. xxiii. 14. Du Pin, 3, 655. This is how we can arrive at the way Romanism tells truth to, and keeps faith with, heretics. Should a doubt, however, here arise in the mind of the reader, founded on the consideration that the facts presented are not of this age, but of time long past, let the doubter appeal to Mr. Brownson, an endorsed expounder of Romanism in the United States, or to Mr. Butler, a Romish writer of world-wide fame. The latter says: ''It is most true that Roman Catholics believe the doctrines of their Church to be BETWEEN SAM AND THE POPE. 61 unchangeable ; and that it is a tenet of their creed, that what their faith ever has been, such it was from the beginning, such it is now, and such it ever will be." — Butler' & Book of the Roman Catholic Church. The former, Mr. Brownson, January number of his Review, 1854, says: "What the Church has done, what she has expressly or tacitly approved in the past, that is exactly what she will do, expressly or tacitly approve in the future, if the same circumstances occur.'^ Where is the doubt now? Can this be any thing but a dream ? Yes — sober reality ! Here Sam appears with uplifted hands, saying : " Well, well, the Pope is really much worse than I had thought or supposed. He is in reality what Frederic the Second called him : ' Balaam, Antichrist, the Prince of darkness, and the great Dragon, that deceives the nations !' He is but accom- plishing his mission among the Anti-Americans. Wonder why I did not think of this before I" If any Roman Catholic should attempt to deny all this, or try to explain the whole away, the reader will at once under- stand the principle of action by that which follows, and please regulate his faith accordingly : ''It is a certain and a common opinion among all (Catholic) divines, that, for a just cause, it is lawful to use equivocation, in the modes propounded, and to confirm it (equivocation) with an oath.'' — Less. 1, 2, c. 41, n. 47. This is the language of St. Liguori, who not only stands canonized by the Pope, but whose writings are approved by the " Congregation of Sacred Rights." We cannot but hope that the newly baptized advocates of Popery will keep down the thought of graduating in the school of Liguori. A history of the lives of the Roman saints, we presume, would be highly instructive to some Anti- Americans we know. We come now to give the last thing embraced in the head- 62 THE CIS-ATLANTIC BATTLE ing, the conclusion of "Wesley on the whole matter. Sam may justly appropriate to himself the following letters : look on himself as if the great and good Wesley — mighty among the Reformers, and one of the purest men since the days of the Redeemer and the cross — originally wrote them for his special benefit and instruction. The first runs thus : " Sir : Some time ago a pamphlet was sent me, entitled ^An Appeal from the Protestant Association, to the People of Great Britain.' A day or two since a kind of answer to this was put into my hand, which pronounces its style contempt- ible, its reasoning futile, and its object malicious. On the contrary, I think the style of it is clear, easy, and natural ] the reasoning, in general, strong and conclusive; the object, or design, kind and benevolent. And in pursuance of the same kind and benevolent design, namely, to iire&erve our happy constitution, I shall endeavor to confirm the substance of that tract, by a few plain arguments. ^^With persecution I have nothing to do — -I persecute no- man for his religious principles. Let there be as boundless a freedom in religion as any man can conceive. But this does not touch the point. I will set religion, true or false, utterly out of the question. Suppose the Bible, if you please, to be a fable, and the Koran to be the word of God. I consider not whether the Romish religion be true or false ; I build nothing on one or the other supposition. Therefore away with all your commonplace declamation about intolerance and persecution for religion ! Suppose every word of Pope Pius's creed to be true ! Suppose the Council of Trent to have been infallible ) yet I insist upon it that no government not Roman Catholic ought to tolerate men of the Roman Catholic per- suasion. ^'I prove this by a plain argument — (let him answer it that can) — that no Roman Catholic does or can give security BETWEEN SAM AND THE POPE. 63 for his allegiance or peaceable behavior. I prove it thus : It is a llomau Catholic maxim, established not by private men, but by public council, that ^No faith is to be kept with heretics.' This has been openly avowed by the Council of Constance; but it was never openly disclaimed. Whether private persons avow or disavow it, it is a fixed maxim of the Church of Home. But as long as it is so, nothing can be more plain than that the members of that Church can give no reasonable security to any government for their allegiance and peaceable behavior. Therefore they ought not to be tolerated by any government, Protestant, Mohammedan, or Pagan. You say, ' Nay, but they take an oath of allegiance.' True, five hundred oaths ; but the maxim, <■ No faith is to be kept with heretics,' sweeps them all away as a spider's web. So that still no governors that are not Roman Catholics can have any security of their allegiance. "Again, those who acknowledge the spiritual power of the Pope can give no security of their allegiance to any govern- ment ; but all Roman Catholics acknowledge this ) therefore, they can give no security for their allegiance. The power of granting pardons for all sins — past, present, and to come — is, and has been for many centuries, one branch of his spiritual power. But those who acknowledge him to have this spirit- ual power can give no security for their allegiance, since they believe the Pope can pardon rebellion, high treason, and all other sins, whatsoever. The power of dispensing with any promise, oath, or vow, is another branch of the spiritual power of the Pope, and all who acknowledge his spiritual power must acknowledge this. But whoever acknowledges the dispensing power of the Pope, can give no security for his allegiance to any government. Oaths and promises are none ; they are light as air — a dispensation makes them all null and void. Nay, not only the Pope, but even a priest has power to pardon sins ! This is an essential doctrine of 64 THE CIS-ATLANTIC BATTLE the Church of Rome. But they that acknowledge this cannot possibly give any security for their allegiance to any govern- ment. Oaths are no security at all ; for the priest can par- don both perjury and high treason. Setting their religion aside, it is plain that, upon principles of reason, no government ought to tolerate men who cannot give any security to that government for their allegiance and peaceable behavior. But this no Romanist can do, not only while he holds that ^no faith is to be kept with heretics,' but so long as he acknowledges either priestly absolution or the spiritual power of the Pope. ^'' If any one pleases to answer this, and set his name, I shall probably reply. But the productions of anonymous writers I do not promise to take any notice of. '^ I am, sir, your humble servant, ^^JoHN Wesley.'' The editor of the Con/ederatej published in Galveston, Texas, thus presents the second letter : ^' Below we publish a letter from this distinguished divine, which, in relation to the present condition of the Protestant world, breathes a spirit of inspiration. It is the second pro- duction of the same kind which has made its appearance recently, and must certainly strike every impartial mind as affording a strange contrast to the new-fangled dogmas of a portion of his modern disciples — those who call themselves Protestants. It has come to this pass now that Protestant clergymen dare not raise their voices against even the tem- poral pretensions of the Romish Church. Their mouths have been shut by the stale cry of political proscription and reli- gious persecution : silence has been awarded them as the penalty of their holy calling, and, although the liberties of this country should be the sacrifice, silence is the penalty still. The time may come when our national condition will BETWEEN SAM AND THE POPE. 65 require that the American clergy shall leave their sacred call- ing and gird on the armor of temporal warfare ; if such should be the case^ there is no class of our citizens upon whom we should be more disposed to rely. God save this Kepublic, we sa}^, in the language of an eloquent divine, from a tongue- tied clergy." ^'- 1 have read a Tract lately sent me, and will now give my free thoughts upon the subject. '^ I set out early in life with an utter abhorrence of perse- cution in every form, and a full conviction that every man has a right to worship God according to his own conscience. Accordingly, more than fifty years ago, I preached on these words: ^Ye know not what manner of spirit ye are of ; for the Son of man is not come to destroy men's lives, but to save them.' And I preached on the same text, in London, the 5th of last November. And this I extend to members of the Church of Rome, as well as to all other men. '■'■ I agree not onl}'' that many of these in former ages were good men, (as Thomas h, Kempis, Francis Sales, and the Mar- quis de Kentz,) but that many of them are so at this day. I believe I know some Koman Catholics who sincerely love both God and their neighbor, and who steadily endeavor to do unto every one as they wish him to do unto them. ''But I cannot say this is a general case; nay, I am fully convinced it is not. The generality of Eoman Catholics, wherever I have been, are of the same principles and the same spirit with their forefathers. And, indeed, if they had the same principles, it could not be doubted but they would be of the same practice too, if opportunity should serve. '■'■ These principles, openly avowed by their forefathers, of priestly absolution. Papal indulgences, and no faith to be kept with heretics, have never been openly and authoritatively disavowed even unto this day. And until they are, a Roman 66 THE CIS-ATLANTIC BATTLE Catholic, consistent with his principles, cannot be trusted by a Protestant. "For the same principles naturally tend to produce the same spirit and the same practice. Yery lately, a person seeing many flocking to a place which she did not know was a Eomish chapel, innocently said, ^What do all these people want ?' and was answered by one of them, with great vehe- mence, ' We want your blood ; and we will have it soon !' " On Friday last I dined with a gentlewoman, whose father, living in Dublin, was very intimate with a Roman Catholic gentl&man. Having invited him to dinner one day, in the course of conversation, Mrs. Grattan asked him, ' Sir, would you really cut my husband's throat, if your priest commanded you ?' He answered honestly, ' Madam, Mr. Grattan is my friend ; and I love him well ; but I must obey the Church.' * Sir,' said she, ' I beg I may never more see you within my doors.' " But still, be their principles what they will, I would not persecute them. So persecution is utterly out of the ques- tion. I know no one that pleads for it. Therefore, the writing or talking against it is time lost : it is proving what no one denies. ''And the Romanists never have been persecuted in Eng- land since I remember. They have enjoyed a full toleration. I wish them to enjoy the same toleration still; neither more or less. " I would not hurt a hair of their head. Meantime, I would not put it into their power to hurt me, or any other person whom they believe to be a heretic. I steer the middle way. I would neither kill nor be killed. I would not use the sword against them, nor put it into their hands, lest they should use it against me : I wish them well, but I dare not trust them. " But still I say persecution is out of the question. And I look on all vague declamations upon it, which have been lately BETWEEN SAM AND THE POPE. 67 poured out, as either mere .flourislies of persons who think they talk prettily, or artful endeavors to puzzle the cause, and to throw dust into the eyes of honest Englishmen. ^'JoHN Wesley." In conclusion, we beg leave to observe, that the most alarm- ing feature in the power claimed for the Pope is that which this chapter so clearly establishes : " No faith is to be kept with heretics.''' But, while we so write, we cannot but think that there are many enlightened Eomanists who would stand shocked at the idea of reducing to practice the doctrine. This will appear a very charitable conclusion to some after reading the following from Bishop Kenrick : "All doctrinal definitions already made by General Councils, or by former Pontiffs, are landmarks which no man can remove.'^ — Pn- macyj p. 356. 68 THE CIS-ATLANTIC BATTLE CHAPTEE IV. The sum of the evidence on the temporal power of the Pope — Mr. Brownson and Bishop Kenrick testifying. Mr. Brownson is an endorsed expounder of Komanism in the United States, as that which follows will clearly show, and consequently his testimony must be received with respect and confidence : "Baltimore, April 13, 1849. " Dear Sir : After the close of our Council, I suggested to our venerable metropolitan the propriety of encouraging you, by our approbation and influence, to continue your lite- rary labors in defence of the faith of which you have proved an able and intrepid advocate. He received the suggestion most readily, and I take the liberty of communicating the fact to you as a mark of my sincere esteem, and the deep interest I feel in your excellent Review. ^' I shall beg of him and other prelates, who entertain the same views, to subscribe their names in confirmation of my statement. Your very devoted friend, '^ Francis Patrick Kenrick, "Bishop of Philadelphia. ''ToO. A. Brownson, Esq." Signed also by " Samuel, Archbishop of Baltimore ; Peter Richard, Archbishop of St. Louis; Michael, Bishop of Mo- bile; Anthony, Bishop of New Orleans; John Joseph, Bishop BETWEEN SAM AND THE POPE. 69 of Natchez; John, Bishop of Buffalo; M. O'Connor, Bishop of Pittsburg; Matthias, Bishop of Dubuque; John M. Odin, Bishop of Galveston ; Martin John, Bishop of Lengone and Coadjutor of Louisville; M. Do St. Palais, Bishop of Yin- cennes; William Tyler, Bishop of Hartford; J. B. Fitzpat- rick. Bishop of Boston ; Kichard Pius, Bishop of Nashville ; John Baptist, Bishop of Cincinnati; John Hughes, Bishop of New York ; Kichard Yincent, Bishop of Wheeling; James Oliver, Bishop of Chicago ; John M. Henni, Bishop of Mil- waukee; John, Bishop of Albany; Amedeus, Bishop of Cleve- land; Peter Paul, Bishop of Zela and Coadjutor Administra- tor of Detroit; Ignatius A. lieynolds. Bishop of Charleston; Andrew Byrne, Bishop of Little Bock.^^ The letter of the Pope, which follows, is an answer to one from Mr. Brownson, which accompanied a complete set of his Reviews up to the time of writing : " Beloved Son : Health and apostolic benediction. Our venerable brother, John, Bishop of Boston, brought to us your letter of the 26th of last December, in which you offer us several works written by you. He spoke to us with mer- ited praise of those same books of yours, and therefore we are in a greater degree rejoiced and consoled by your senti- ment of truly filial devotion and piety towards us and his Holy See, which your letter expresses throughout. With our suppliant vows and prayers, we beseech the God of Mercies and Father of Lights, that, with his celestial protection, he may cherish and guard these sentiments, which we trust you will always preserve. And as a token of our so great benignity, and as a pledge of our gratitude to you for the service you have done for us, we add our apostolic benediction, which we lovingly impart, with the poured-forth affection of our fraternal heart, to you yourself, beloved son, and to your whole family. " Given at St. Peters, at Rome, on the 29th day of April, 70 THE CIS-ATLANTIO BATTLE in the year of our Lord 1854, and eighth year of our Pon- tificate. Pius IX. [Pope.]" Having given the letter of the Pope, and the letter of Bishop Kenrick, it only remains for us to add, so far as en- dorsement is concerned, that the Review still bears on its cover the names of the American Bishops; and that he tells us in the January number, 1854, speaking of the principles of his advocacy : '' These were the principles prescribed to him for his guidance when he commenced the Review as a Catholic Review.^' The Freeman^s Journal, the organ of Bishop Hughes, says : '^ No Catholic should be without a complete copy of Brownson's Review, past as well as future.'^ Do not all these things make a strong endorsement ? Well, what does this endorsed expounder of Romanism testify respecting the tem- poral power of the Pope ? We shall see. In a letter to Hugh J. Davis, Esq., North Carolina, dated Boston, June 13, 1855, he prevaricates thus : " I claim, and never have denied for the Pope, out of the ecclesiastical states of which he is the temporal sovereign, no temporal or civil jurisdiction, power, or authority, properly so called.'^ ^' Properly so called.^' What a fine dash at Jesuitism ! When our readers compare this with quotations from his Re- view in this chapter, they will at once become perfectly satis- fied that the author is not eiitirely ignorant of certain Catholic doctrines, called "The Decisions of the Church," by the JDiiblin Review, Roman Catholic. These " Decisions of the Church" may be judged by the following extract : " To swear with equivocation, when there is a good reason and the equivocation itself is lawful, is not wrong ; for where you have a right to hide the truth, (as in North Carolina during the exciting canvass,) and you do it without a lie, no irreverence is done to the oath. The reason is, that we are BETWEEN SAM AND THE POPE. 71 not deceiving our neighbors, but, for some good reason, (such as carrying an election in our favor,) letting them deceive themselves.'^ Bravo ! St. Liguori says : <'It is a certain and common opinion among all divines that, for a just cause, it is lawful to use equivocation, and to confirm it with an oath." — Less. 1, 2, c. 41, n. 47. But what next from Mr. Brownson's letter? This : '^ The Pope is the proper authority to decide for me whether the constitution of this country is or is not repugnant to the laws of God.'' "The Pope is the proper authority to decide" for Mr. Brownson and the Romanists of the United States whether our constitution " is or is not repugnant to the laws of God." Suppose the sovereign pontiff should decide that' it is repug- nant to the laws of God : what then ? We should like to hear from the friends of his Holiness on this subject — we mean the Anti-Americans. An editor of a political paper, Lynchburg, Virginia, made the following truthful and critical remarks on Mr. Brownson's letter when it first appeared in print : " We find some mystification and apparent contradictions in his letter, but we venture to say that no intelligent and un- prejudiced man can carefully peruse this document without coming to the conclusion that the Roman Catholics of this country recognize a higher law than the constitution of the United States, and that the American party are right in their understanding of the Catholic doctrine on the subject of papal allegiance. An isolated sentence of Mr. Brownson's letter, torn violently from its context, has been going the rounds of the Democratic papers, because it seemed to favor their views ; but if these journals will publish the whole letter, their read- ers will have a much better chance of getting at the truth. " Mr. Brownson declares, in substance, that the State or 72 THE CIS-ATLANTIC BATTLE temporal power is under the law of the spiritual ; that the Pope and Romish Church are at the head of the spiritual, and that the Pope is the proper authority to decide for Ameri- can Catholics whether the constitution of this country is or is not repugnant to the laws of God. He also contends that the deposing power, or the power of absolving a people from their allegiance to an established government, is vested in the Church, and that the Pope is the head of the Church ! V Mr. Brownson, in the January number of his Review, 1850, furnished his readers with this quotation from Josepho Gue- vera, an approved Romish writer : " The Catholic dogma in regard to every subject whatsoever has been always the same from the beginning, remains always unchangeably the same, and will always continue in every part of the world immutable. For ' the word of the Lord remains for ever. Heaven and earth shall pass away, but the word of the Lord shall not pass away.' Nevertheless, a dogma is not always equally manifest, or brought before the minds of all with an equally brilliant light. The Church, who possesses an admirable gift of discretion, has prudently judged that she would not declare all things explicitly from the beginning, but at a given time, and in suitable circumstances, would bring into the light some things which were hitherto in con- cealment and covered with a certain obscurity." Now the admirable gift of discretion requires that the right to overthrow and build up governments, and to hold in abeyance the secular order, should be covered with a cer- tain ohscuriti/, whenever it may not safely be avowed, and at a given time, in suitable circumstances, he brought into the light, for the purpose of advancing the power of the Church; What are seventy-five years in the history and policy of such a Church? January number, 1853, Mr. Brownson exclaims : '' sovereign pontiff, successor of the prince of the apos- BETWEEN SAM AND THE POPE. 73 ties, vicar of God on earth, if ever, through love of the world, or through fear of the secular power, whether royal or popu- lar in its constitution, I forget to assert thy rights, as supreme chief under Christ, my Saviour, of the whole spiritual order, and, as such, supreme alike in spirituals and in temporals, let my right hand forget her cunning, and my tongue cleave to the roof of my mouth/^ We cannot think that he had forgotten a vow so solemn when he wrote : '^ I claim no temporal or civil jurisdiction, power, or authority, properly so called," for the Pope out of the Italian States. O no : he was merely governed by the *' admirable gift of discretion V Same number, Mr. Brownson observes: ^' Tell us then, even supposing the Church to have only spiritual power, what question can come up between man and man, between sovereign and sovereign, or sovereign and sub- ject, that does not come within the legitimate jurisdiction of the Church, and on which she has not, by Divine right, the power to pronounce a judicial sentence ? None ! Then the power she exercised over sovereigns in the middle ages loas not a usurpation, was not derived from the concessions of princes or the consent of the people, but icas and is hers hy Divine right, and who resists it rebels against the King of kings and Lord of lords. This is the ground on which we defend the power exercised over sovereigns by popes and car- dinals in the middle ages. We know this ground is not ac- ceptable to sovereigns, to countries, or to demagogues. But is that our fault ? Who has made it our duty to please them ? Are we not bound to please Grod, and to adhere to the truth, let it offend whom it may ?" Here we have an easy boldness, an undeniable advocacy of the temporal power of the Bomish Church. Here there is not the slightest evidence of the '' admirable gift of discre- tion." When the letter was written, his Church was on trial -4 74 THE CIS-ATLANTIC BATTLE for the exercise of temporal power before the bar of public opinion. How true tlie saying, " Man is a creature of cir- cumstances !" In this extract, however, he shocks our sensi- bilities with cruel courage and tyrannical doctrine. What a declaration: "The power she (his Church) exercised over sovereigns in the middle ages was not a usurpation, was not derived from the concessions of princes or the consent of the people, but was and is hers by Divine right V Is this a "Know -Nothing slander on the Romish Church?'' Alas, Anti-Americanism ! We shall now direct attention to what Mr. Brownson refers to in the "middle ages." The Roman See countenanced the dethronement of Childeric III., King of France, and crowned Pepin ; and received from the latter, as a reward, the exarch- ate of Ravenna, Pentapolis, and twenty-one cities and castles. Charlemagne, his son, received his crown from the hand of Rome, and expressed his gratitude by a liberal gift. Henry, Emperor of Germany, was compelled, after being driven from his throne by Gregory YIL, a most arrogant Pope, to cross the Alps, in the winter of 1077, and to stand three days in the open air at the entrance of the Pontiff's palace, with his feet bare, his head uncovered, having only a coarse woollen cloth around his body. Nor was this all; "he was there forced to implore forgiveness and a restoration to his domi- nions." What was his offence ? Simply this — a slight colli- sion with the massive power of the Pope. And this is what Mr. Brownson calls the " divine right" of the Church ! We take the following from Rev. Pierce Connelly's i?easo/is for ahjnri'ng Allegiance to the See of Rome : "Witness the example of Gregory VII., who deposed the Emperor Henry lY., and commanded another to be chosen in his stead; of Innocent III., who in like manner deposed Otho IV. ; of Innocent IV., who deposed Frederic II., and gave BETWEEN SAM AND THE POPE. 75 the Lusitanian king a coadjutor to administer his realm ; of Clement VI., who deposed Louis IV. ; and of eight other pontifis, with the instances of sending poor kings adrift." Pope Innocent III., in the commencement of the thirteenth century, "excommunicated John, King of England, forbid- ding all persons to eat, drink, or converse with him, or do him service; absolving all his subjects from their allegiance/' etc. Pray, what was his offence ? He opposed the Pope in reference to an appointment of an archbishop. Nothing temporal in all this ! We shall here give an array of facts, furnished by a friend, worth more than a volume of words on the question at issue : '^PRINCES EXCOMMUNICATED OR DEPOSED, OR BOTH. By Pope Gregory II., Leo III., emperor. " Gregory III., Leo III., emperor. " Pascal I., Leo V., emperor. " John VIII., Lewis, King of Germany. " Gregory V., Robert, King of France. " Adrian II., Lothario, emperor. " Gregory VII., Henry IV., emperor, Balislaus, King of Poland. " Urban II., Henry IV., emperor, Philip, King of France. " Pascal II., Henry IV., Henry V., emperors. " Calixtus II., Henry V., emperor. " Gelasius II., Henry V., emperor. " Adrian IV., William, King of Sicily. " Alexander III., Frederic I., emperor; Henry II., King of England. " Celestine III,, Henry IV., emperor; Alphonso, King of Galicia. " Innocent III., Philip and Otho, emperors; John, King of England; Philip IL, of France; Ladis- 76 THE CIS-ATLANTIC BATTLE laus, King of Poland; Louis YII. and VIII., of France. By Pope Honorius, Frederic II., emperor. ^^ Gregory IX., Frederic II., emperor; Winceslaus. " Innocent TV., Frederic II., emperor. " Urban IV., Manfred, King of Sicily. " Clement IV., Conradiu, King of Sicily. " Gregory X., Alphonso, King of Portugal; Alplionso X., King of Castile. " Nicholas IV., Charles, King of Anjou. " Martin IV., Peter of Arragon; Michael Paleologus, emperor. " Honorius IV., James, Alphonso, Kings of Arragon. " Nicholas IV., Alphonso, King of Arragon. " Boniface VIIL, Philip IV., King of France; Eric VIII., King of Denmark. " John XXII., Lewis of Bavaria, emperor. " Benedict XIL, Lewis, emperor. " Clement VI., Lewis, emperor. " Urban VI., Jane, Queen of Naples; Charles, King of Naples. " Boniface IX., Lewis of Anjou; Richard, Edward, Kings of England ; Wenchelaus, emperor. " Innocent VIL, Ladislaus, King of Naples. " Alexander V., Ladislaus, King of Naples. " Sixtus IV., Ladislaus, King of Bohemia. " Julius IL, Albert, King of Naples: Lewis XIL, King of France. " Leo X., Stenton, King of Sweden. « Clement VIIL, Henry VIIL, King of England. « Paul III., Henry VIIL, King of England. " Pius v., Elizabeth, Queen of England " Sixtus v., Henry III., King of France; Henry, King of Navarre. BETWEEN a AM AND THE POrE. 77 By Pope Gregory XIY., Henry TV., King of France and Navarre. " Innocent XI., Ambassador of Louis XIV., of France. *^And this is what Mr. Brownson, an endorsed expounder of llomanism in the United States, calls the ^divine right' of the Church V Here, however, Anti-Americanism meets us with great confidence, saying, ^' The Romish Church is not now what she was in the middle ages I'' Let us see. The Archbishop of St. Louis says : "Heresy and unbelief are crimes; and in Christian coun- tries, as in Italy and Spain, for instance, where all the people are Catholics, and where the Catholic religion is an essential part of the law of the land, they are punished as other crimes.'' Does this afford to the reflecting mind an}'- evidence of a change in the spirit of Popery ? Not at all ! The Anti- Americans, if Popery should eventually triumph, will most assuredly, according to the decision of the bishop concerning '^unbelief" — their pla^orm being without the acknowledg- ment of the Supreme Being — receive the greater punishment. Here the American party can find a crumb of comfort. What a fortunate circumstance that its platform opens thus : "An humble acknowledgment to the Supreme Being," etc. What a number of the Anties will be found at the Inquisition ! " Unbelief," says the bishop, " is punished as a crime ;" that is, as horse-stealing. This is why we exclaim. What a number of the Anties will be found at the Inquisition ! Mr. Browuson, you are an approved expounder of Roman- ism in the United States : what is 3'our opinion respecting the statement of the Anti-Americans, that the Church of your 78 THE CIS- ATLANTIC BATTLE choice ^' is not now what she was in the middle ages V He answers : " What the Church has done, what she has expresslf/ or tacitly approved in the jya&t^ that is exactly what she will do, expressly or tacitly approve in the future, if the same circum- stances occur. This may be a difficulty, and embarrassing, but it will not do to shrink from it. We are responsible for the past history of the Church, in so far as she herself has acted, and to attempt to apologize for it by an appeal to the opinion of the times, or to explain it in conformity with the prevailing spirit and theories of non-Catholics in our age, is only to iceaken the reverence of the faithful for the Church, and yield the victory to our enemies. The odium we may incur should not unnerve us. There never was a time when Catholicity was not odious to the non-Catholic world, and there never will come a time when it will not be.^' — Review, January number, 1854. The principle of a Church, claiming in her decisions infal- libility, changed ! The idea is superlatively preposterous. She cannot change if she were inclined, except at the expense of yielding the point to Protestants that she is fallible — sinned against God and man, human and di^e right, in the " mid- dle ages.^' She make this confession ! Never ! Having shown that the spirit of the Romish Church is not changed, we shall resume the testimony of Mr. Brownson on the temporal power of the Pope. In the January number of his Review, 1853, he observes : "When we find a sovereign -^onii^ pidging, condemning, and deposing a secidar prince, releasing his subjects from, their obligations to obey him, and authorizing them to choose another king, we may regret the necessity for such extreme measures on the part of the pontiff, but we see in them only the bold and decided exercise of the legitimate authority of BETWEEN SAM AND THE POPE. 79 the spiritual power over the temporal; and instead of blushing for the chief of our religion, or joiiiinj;' our voice to swell the clamor against him, we thank him with our whole heart for his fidelity to Christ, and we give him the highest honor that we can give to a true servant of God and benefactor of man- kind. It is not the sainted Hildebrand nor the much-wronged Boniface that we feel deserving our apology or our indigna- tion ; but Henry of Germany and Philip the Fair of France.'' Here we have an appalling account of condemning and de- posing a secular prince, and of releasing his subjects from their obligations to obey him. We have given a startling de- tail of facts respecting the deposing power here mentioned — a detail of facts to wbich we invite the attention of all, par- ticularly the Anti-Americans. They practically show the meaning of the quotation. Mr. Brownson, in the January number of his Review, 1854, descants thus : ^' We have heard some very loud whispers about ultra-Catho- licity, and received some significant hints that we were ultra-Catholic. But we venture to hint in reply, that there is and can be no such thing as ultra-Catholicity, and that the charge is absurd. Catholicity is a definite system of truth, and to be more or less than Catholic is simply not to be a Catholic at all. Catholicity, as long as it continues to be Catholicity, cannot he carried to excess. It is not one system among many. It is simply the truth, and nothing but the truth. It excludes all not itself: it recognizes no rival : it WILL BE ALL OR NOTHING." Mr. Brownson, what is your full opinion respecting the de- sign of Catholicity? My full opinion is, and I send it to the world under the approval of the bishops and the thanks of the present Pope, '^ It will be all or nothing.'' How can it be all or nothing without using the temporal sword ? He answers : ^' What the Church has done, (that is, in dc- 82 THE CIS-ATLANTIC BATTLE ''We may fairly date from this epoch what I may term the temporal supremacy of the Komau bishop. St. Stepheu, King of Hungary, acknowledged to have received his crown and title from Sylvester II. Calo Joannes sought from the same Pontiff (Innocent III.) the crown and title of King of the Bulgarians."— //>2c/, p. 239. Again, speaking of the outrageous conduct of Pope Adrian the Fourth, in making a sort of transfer of Ireland to England, he observes : ''Much odium has been attached to the Holy See in conse- quence of the act of Adrian IV. authorizing Henry II. of England to invade Ireland, and subject it to the British cvownr—Ihid, p. 244. Just think of the power exercised in authorizing a king to invade a nation, and subject it to his crown. Again: "From these various considerations it is evident that the power exercised by the Popes in temporal matters, during the middle ages, was a natural result of the intimate relations of the ecclesiastical and civil authorities, and had for its foundation and support the best of all principles of public law, the common consent of nations and their rulers." — Ibid, 246. The temporal power of the Pope is not only here admitted, but looked to as founded on the best of principles, the com- mon consent of nations and their rulers. All that is needed, then, is such a consent with us, and the temporal care of the Pope will be duly exercised over the States. x\gain the Bishop says : " It is plain to every reader of history, that in the eleventh century, and during some ages afterwards, a power was claimed by the Popes to depose unworthy princes, and release their subjects from the allegiance which they had sworn to them." —Ibid, 270. And this is the admission of one of the most distinguished BETWEEN SAM AND THE TOPE. 8S bishops of the Romish Church iu the United States. He frankly admits that Popes claimed the right to depose princes, and to release their subjects from the allegiance which they had sworn unto them. Will the Anti- Americans call this "a Know-Nothiug lie V Mr, Brownson, you are endorsed by Bishop Kenrick as an expounder of Bomanism in this country : please let us have your opinion on the policy of your Church. He responds : ^'What the Church has done, what she has expressly or tacitly approved in the j)cisf, that is exactly what she will do, expressly or tacitly approve in the future, if the same circum- stances occur." Exactly so; and then all will see that she means what she says when she uses the word infallible. Popery changed! Mr. Brownson observes: ''The Majesty of St. Peter's chair is asserted as vigorously in France, Austria, Naples, and Spain, in 1853, as it was a hundred — two hundred — ^years ago; nay, more vigorously.'^ — April number of his Review^ 1853, p. 238. 84 THE CIS-ATLANTIC BATTLE CHAPTER V. The sum of tlie evidence on the temporal power of the Pope con- tinued — A fe-w of the leading editors of the Romish Church, and some of her ablest -writers, testifying. The testimony of Mr. Brownson and that of Bishop Ken- rick being given, we shall now introduce the testimony of a few of the leading editors of the Romish Church, beginning with the Civilta Cattolica, an authoritative journal at Rome, which says : ^' From the darkness of the catacombs she (the Church) dic- tated laws to the subjects of the emperors, abrogating decrees, whether plebeian, senatorial, or imperial, when in conflict with Catholic ordinances. To-day, as in all times, the Church com- mands the spiritual part of man ; and, in ruling over the spirit, she rules the body, rules over riches, over science, over affections, over interests, over associations ; (out with it !) rules, in fine, over monarclis and their ministers." The Boston Pilot thus brings Mr. Chandler before the pub- lic for denying the high claims of the Pope in his speech in Congress : *^ Some time since, Dr. McClintock published an elabo- rate review of the speech which the Hon. Joseph R. Chand- ler made in the House last January, (1855,) in reply to Mr. Banks, who had about that time become a Know-Nothing, and had made in the House an Anti-Catholic speech. The intentions of Mr. Chandler were excellent, but his efforts did BETWEEN SAM AND THE I'OPE. 85 more harm than good, because it was easy for a Protestant whose studies in ecclesiastical history were at all respectable, to ask questions which would puzzle any Catholic who adopts Mr. Chandler's method of argument, to answer. Dr. McCiin- tock is a Protestant minister, an able man, and a close, earnest reasoner. With his argument and that of Mr. Chandler be- fore us, we cannot but admit that Dr. McClintock has the best of the argument. We believe that it is generally admitted that the weight of Catholicity is decidedly against the ex- plainers away of the Roman Catholic doctrine with reference to the relation between the spiritual and the temporal. Even the explainers away admit this. They cannot help admitting it, since every parish priest really exercises and must exercise the authority which they deny to the Pope.'' The Dublin Tablet, the most highly accredited organ of Romanism in the British dominions, speaking of the speech of Mr. Chandler, said, 24th of February, 1855 : ^' It is not a pleasant task to repudiate the help of a friend, or to disown him, but it is sometimes a duty. " Mr. Chandler trenches on the real spiritual power which he is so anxious to guard inviolate. His words are these : ' I deny to the Bishop of Rome the right resulting from his divine office, to interfere in the relations between subjects and their sovereigns, between citizens and their governments.' It is impossible that he can mean what the words imply. The Pope is at this moment interfering in Piedmont, defend- ing one class of citizens there against the government, and in the House of Representatives a Christian denies the right. Grovernments may and do prohibit good works, and the Pope interferes. They also encourage and commit evil ; the Pope interferes, and good Christians prefer the Pope's authority to that of the State. The godless colleges in Ire- land, the hierarchy in England, the troubles of Piedmont, all bear witness together against the unchi'istiau opinion, 86 THE CIS-ATLANTIC BATTLE which must have escaped from the speaker, who did not pon- der his words." This is how Mr. Chandler's speech was met by editors of the Romish Church, speaking by authority. Again the Tablet says : ''In the world we have two fields of battle: one is the Protestant, at the head of which army is the Queen of Eng- land ) the other is the Roman Catholic, at the head of which is Louis Napoleon. We pray God that the two armies may encounter each other, and that Louis Napoleon may fight with and overcome the Protestant army, and crush all Pro- testant hopes and thoughts, so that Papacy may spread over all the world; and we will help Louis Napoleon to make this country a province of France." — Quoted in GavazzVs Lectures, p. 327. And again the Tablet says : '' Rome has spoken. England is parcelled out into dioceses, and in future there will be a bishop in every diocese, and a parish priest in every parish. The whole community of bap- tized persons in the kingdom of England will owe obedience to the Church of Rome, under pain of eternal damnation." — Quoted in Cumminrj's Lectures, p. 78. These extracts need no comment. The Catholic Visitor says : ''For our part, we take this opportunity of expressing our hearty delight at the suppression of the Protestant chapel at Rome. This may be thought intolerant; but when, we would ask, did we ever profess to be tolerant of Protestantism, or favor the doctrine that Protestantism ought to be tolerated ? On the contrary, we hate Protestantism — we detest it with our whole heart and soul, and we pray that our aversion to it may never decrease. We hold it meet that in the Eternal City no worship repugnant to God should be tolerated, and we are sincerely glad that the enemies of truth are no longer BETWEEN SAM AND THE POPE. 87 allowed to meet together in the Capital of the Christian world." No smacking of temporal power here ! Does the editor not boldly declare that the Romish Church hates the very thought of tolerating Protestantism ? We fully understand his meaning in this : '^ When did we ever profess to be tole- rant of Protestantism ?" After all the liberties, however, allowed to Romanism in this country, one should suppose that a Protestant chapel would be permitted to have a name and place at Rome. Not so; and a Popish editor shouts out with joy over the fact, while the Anti- Americans say by their speeches and votes, " The Know-Nothings slander the Pope.'^ The Boston Pilot exclaims : " No good government can exist without religion ; and there can be no religion without an inquisition, which is wisely designed for the promotion and protection of the true faith." We should like to see an inquisition under a full head of steam, without a resort to the civil powers as agents of the Pope. The Rambler talks thus : "You ask, if he (the Pope) were lord in the land, and you were in a minority, if not in numbers, yet in power, what would he do to you ? That, we say, would entirely depend on circumstances. If it would benefit the cause of Catholi- cism, he would tolerate you ; if expedient, he would imprison you, banish you, fine you, possibly he might even hang 3'ou ; but be assured of one thing, he would never tolerate you for the sake of the ^glorious principles' of civil and religious liberty." We should be very much surprised to see Protestants fined, imprisoned, and hanged, without the interference of the Pope and his clergy in temporal matters. 88 THE CIS-ATLANTIC BATTLE The Shepherd of the Valley says : '^ The Church is, of necessity, intolerant. ' fleresy she endures when and where she must; but she hates it, and directs all her energies to its destruction. If Catholics ever gain an immense numerical majority, religious freedom in this country is at an end. So our enemies say — so we believe/' This is letting loose, without any reserve, thoughts on the temporal power of the Pope, and the destruction of Pro- testants. The Paris Univers delivers itself thus : '^As for myself, what I regret, I frankly own, is, that they did not burn John Huss sooner, and that they did not like- wise burn Luther. This happened because there was not found some prince sufficiently politic to stir up a crusade against Protestants. ^'A heretic examined and convicted by the Church, used to be delivered over to the secular power, and punished with death. Nothing has ever appeared to us more necessary. More than 100,000 persons perished in consequence of the heresy of Wycliffe, and a still greater number for that of John Huss; and it would not be possible to calculate the bloodshed caused by Luther, and it is not yet over." The chair of St. Peter, by the temporal sword, has shed the blood of multiplied thousands, and here we are coolly informed '^and it is not yet over." The editor talks of the wholesale slaughter of men, women, and children, as a heartless wretch would talk of the Me of so many bull-frogs. Horrid! horrid ! The testimony of Mr. Browuson, of Bishop Kenrick, and that of a few leading editors of the Romish Church, on the temporal power of the Pope, being stated, we shall next give the testimony of some of her ablest writers on the same subject — beginniug with JIahnhourff, who says : BETWEEN SAM AND THE POPE. 89 " Boniface proposed pontifical sovereignty over all earthly kingdoms, in temporals as in spirituals, to all as an article of faith, necessary for salvation. '^ — Maimhourg, 129. We do not know whether or not the Anti-Americans will freely submit to this small proposition ; but this we do know, should they persist in denying the claim of temporal power, that their prospect for a short residence in purgatory cannot be disputed. Caron observes : '' Boniface defined from the chair that the ^ench king was subject to the lioman Pontiff in temporals as in spirituals.'' — Caron, c. ii. Gentlemen of the Anti-American party, please do not call this " another Know-Nothing lie ;" for in doing so, your friend, the Pope, will feel you are ashamed or afraid to admit his claims. Paris, speaking of the sentence^ of Pope Innocent IV. against the Emperor Frederic the Second, says : '' The Pope and the Bishops, sitting in council, lighted tapers, and thundered in frightful fulminations against the emperor." — Paris, G52. Giannone, xv. 3. Pope Martin, speaking of this matter, uses this language : '' Denounced the notorious Frederic at Lyons with the approbation of the council." — Pacliery, 3, 384. But Frederic, by way of returning the compliment, justly called his Holiness, ''Balaam, Antichrist, the Prince of Dark- ness, and the great Dragon that deceives the nations." — Bruys, 3, 192. It seems as if the Pope has thrown a spell on the Anti-Americans — even that of keeping their leaders in office. This accounts for their delusion, acts, and votes. '"> Durand emphatically declares : ''The Pontiff, by the commission of God, wields both the temporal and spiritual swords."— ^i)wm?if?, 1, 61. ♦ 90 THE CIS-ATLANTIC BATTLE Could a Know-Nothing, if laboring to use strong and pointed language on the temporal power of the Pontiff, tran- scend this ? No. Ferraris, in his Ecclesiastical Dictionary, a standard work of Roman Catholic divinity, talks thus on the power and greatness of the Pope : '' The Pope is divine monarch, supreme emperor and king. Hence the Pope is crowned with a triple crown, as king of heaven, of earth, and of hell. He is also above angels^ so that if it were possible that angels could err from the faith, they could be judged and excommunicated by the Pope. Hence the common doctrine teacheth, that the Pope hath the power of the two swords — the spiritual and temporal." — • Ferraris in Papa, Art. ii. No. 1. Such power is too wonderful for our conception — so high that we cannot well understand it ; therefore we leave it with the friends of the Pope — the Anti-Americans — requesting some of their knowing ones to furnish Sam and his advocates with a full and clear exposition of it. De Pratt, once an abbe of the Pope, says : '' Every thing in Catholicism tends to Rome. The Pope is chief of 150,000,000 of followers. Catholicism cannot have less than 500,000 ministers. The Pope counts more subjects than any sovereign, more than many sovereigns to- gether. These have subjects only on their own territory : the Pope commands subjects on the territory of all sovereigns. If the whole were Catholics, the Pope would command the whole world. What power !" — Flag of the Union. We take the following from an address to the Catholics of tfte United Kingdom, signed Paul, Archbishop of Armagh, Primate of all Ireland : ^' Our venerated hierarchy and clergy, in the fulfilment of • their duties, will inculcate the strict and religious duty of BETWEEN SAM AND THE POI'E. 91 selecting:, as representatives of the people, those men who are best fitted to support iu the Imperial Parliament our reli- gious RIGHTS." The Primate of all Ireland, a sworn vassal of the Pope, true to his oath, goes in for the interest of his Church, leaving the State to look out for itself — calling on the clergy to incul- cate the political — not the religious — duty of selecting, as re- presentatives of the people, those men who are best fitted to support in the Imperial Parliament their religious rights. A plain instance of dabbling in temporal affairs ! Baronius, speaking of Gregory II., who, in the year 730, excommunicated the Emperor Leo Isaurius, thus states the matter : '' He did effectually cause both Romans and Italians to secede from obedience to the emperor. He left to posterity a worthy example, that heretical princes should not be suf- fered to reign in the Church, if, being warned, they were found pertinacious in error." — Barouius, anno 730, sec. 40. Will not this do for one of 'em ? Antoninus^ Archbishop of Florence, expresses himself as follows on the temporal power of the Pontiff : ''He is crowned with a triple crown. And is constituted over the works of his (God's) hands, to regulate concerning all inferiors : he opens heaven, sends the guilty to hell, con- firms empire, orders the clerical order." — Di&t. 40, Bi Papa. The whole of this is an outrageous falsehood : still the point at issue is fully maintained — civil power. He send a man to hell, and confirm empire ! Bellarmme, speaking of the opinions entertained on the temporal power question, observes : " The first opinion is, that the Pope, by Divine right, has supreme power over the whole world, both in ecclesiastical and civil affairs. This is the opinion of Panormitanus, Hostiensis. Silvester, and many others." — Bell de Pontiff , V. 1. 92 THE CIS-ATLANTIC BATTLE Notwithstanding this, the Anti- American speakers and editors have the impudence to call the charge of the ex- ercise of temporal power by the Pope "a Know-Nothing falsehood." BeUarmine adds : ^' The existence of this power in the Pope concerning tem- porals, is not a matter of opinion among Catholics, but a certainty. It is not right for Christians (Romanists) to tole- rate a heretical king, if he endeavor to draw away his subjects to his heresy." — Contra Barclaiuni^ c. iii. He reckons of this opinion twenty-one Italian authors, fourteen French, nine German, seven English and Scotch, nineteen Spanish — seventy in all — and these not common, but eminent nuthors : still the people are told that the charge against the Pope of claiming temporal power is ^' a base Know- Nothing fabrication." Augustine Triumplius, in the preface to a work dedicated to Pope John XXII. , says : " It is an error not to believe that the Roman Pontiff" is pastor of the Universal Church, the successor of Peter, the vicar of Christ, and that he hath not universal supremacy over temporal and spiritual matters." — Aug. Triumph, de Potest. Eccles. in pra'fat., ad P. J oh. XXII. This is how the testimony of the most learned of Romish authors goes ! St. Bernard, a prince among Roman Catholic writers, boldly declares : '' Two swords were given to Peter, the one temporal, and the other spiritual." — Bernard de Consid., lib. iv., c. 3. Surely the Anti- Americans will not attempt to call in ques- tion the solemn persuasion and declaration of a man who is now looked to as a saint in the Romish Church. Aquinas, also a saint in the Romish Church, declares: '^ When a king is excommunicated for apostasy, his vassals BETWEEN SAM AND THE POPE. 93 are, in fact, immediately freed from his dominion, and from their oath of fealty; for a heretic cannot govern the faithful/' — Aquinas, 2, 50. No temporal power here ! " me/' as the children say ! Daniel O'Connell, in 1843, said : " I declare my most unequivocal submission to the Head of the Church, and to the hierarchy in its different orders. If the bishops would make a declaration on this bill, I never would be heard speaking against it, but would submit at once, unequivocally, to that decision. They have only to de- cide, and they close my mouth : they have only to determine and I obey. I wish it to be understood that such is the duty of all Catholics.'' The Pope claims temporal power, and the bishops represent him; and no less than Daniel O'Connell declares they have only to speak to close his mouth, and then adds : ^' They have only to determine, and I obey;" and, fearing all this would fail to show the full power of the Pope through the clergy, he winds up thus: "I wish it to be understood that such is the duty of all Catholics." And this is how the power of Popery works. Blasius : " The Pope is the only vicar of God; his power is over all the world. Pagan, as well as Christian ; the only vicar of God who has supreme power and empire over all kings and princes of the earth," etc. — De Rom. Eccles. Dignitatem pp. 34, 83, 84. Moscovius : " The Pope is universal judge : he is king of kings, and lord of lords. All other powers are his subjects." — Ecdcs.. Mis it., lib. 1, cap. 8. Scioppius : " Catholics believe the Pope's power to be not only ministerial, but imperial and supreme, so that he has the right to direct and compel, with the power of life and death," etc. — Ecdes. Jacob. Mag. Brit. Reg. Oppos., cap. 138, 189, 241. 94 THE CIS-ATLANTIC BATTLE Maynardus: ^^Magistrates are tlie Pope's subjects. The Pope lias power iu the whole world, in temporals and spirit- uals/' etc.— X>e Privileg. Eccles., artic. 5, sees. 19 and 21; artic. 6, sees. 1 and 11 ; artic. 13, sect. 19. JBzovius : *' The Pope has supreme power even over kings and Christian princes, who may correct them, and remove them from office, and in their places put in others." — De Rom. Pontiffs cap. 46, p. 621. Mancinus, : " The Pope is lord of the whole world. The Pope, as Pope, has temporal power : his temporal power is most eminent. All other powers depend on the Pope." — Dejureprincip., Rom., lib. 3, cap. 1, 2. Bossuet: ^'All things are submitted to the keys of St. Peter — all, kings, people, shepherds, and flocks." — Defence of tlie Declaration of 1682, lib. 2, cap. 220. Alplionzo de Castro: "Nor should any one wonder that the Pope, on account of the crime of heresy, deprives a king of his royal dignity, and strips him of his kingdom ; for, in the matter of faith, kings, like other subordinates, are the subjects of the sovereign pontiff, who can punish them as he does others." — De Castro, etc., c. vii. He was a friar, and was made an archbishop before his death. , ^^St. Liguori: "The supreme pontiff may not make civil laws except for the people who are under his temporal do- minion. However, he may abrogate or alter the civil laws of other princes, if they are opposed to equity. "Summus pontifex nequit leges civiles ferre, nisi in populos qui ejus temporali ditioni subduntur. Poterit tamen abrogare, vel corrigere leges civiles ahorum principum, opponantur sequitati."— i¥oraZ Theology, vol. 1, lib. 1, Tract xi., De Le- gibus, Number 104, p. 119. What gives immense force to the statement of Ligouri is the fact that his work is not only taught in seminaries, but stands pontifically approved by Benedict XIV. See his letter, BETWEEN SAM AND THE POPE. 95 dated 15th of July, 1745, in TJieologia Moralisj vol. i., p. 7. In addition to this, he was beatified by Pius VII., the 6th of December, 1816, and canonized on the 16th of May, 1830, l)y a decree from the hand of Pius VIII. Cardinal de la Luzerne: '^The Pope is vested with supremacy both on persons and on things.'^ — Declaration of 1682, 1st part, chap, i., No. 4. Is all this '' a Know-Nothing fabrication, gotten up for po- litical purposes, — to ruin the Democratic party?" How deep the corruption of the age ! Truth is rejected and falsehood received ; yet the Arnolds of the Protestant army hypocriti- cally speak of what Protestant America is accomplishing, while they impudently deny what Romanists themselves be- lieve and state. f 96 THE CIS-ATLANTIC BATTLE CHAPTER VI. The sum of the evidence on the temporal power of the Pope continued and ended — Councils and Poj^es testifying. "Without recapitulating the foregoing evidence, we shall at once introduce the testimony of the councils of the Romish Church on the power of the Chair of St. Peter. The Gen- eral Council of Vienna, 1311, spoke thus to the world : " The emperor was bound to the Pope, from whom he re- ceived unction and coronation, by an oath of fealty.'^ Former emperors, according to its decision, had submitted to this : hence the language : " We declare the before-mentioned oath of fidelity to be still in existence. — Declaramus ilia juramenta prasdicta fideli- tatis existere.'^ — Clem. L. 11, Tit. 9. Pithou, 356. Binius, 8, 909. The Fourth General Council of Lateran, composed of thir- teen hundred members, decreed thus : '' The Pope may re- lease his subjects (those of the temporal prince) from their allegiance, and give his territory to be occupied by the faith- ful, who, having exterminated the heretics, may quietly possess it." — Council Lat. 1, cap. 13. At a council held at Rome, 1228, the following decision was proclaimed by Pope Gregory IX., and sanctioned by the members : "Because, according to the decree of Pope Urban II., our predecessor of happy memory, men are by no authority Bin^WEEN SA.M AND THE l»OrE. 97 constrained to observe the allegiance whicli they have sworn to a Christian prince who opposes God and his saints, and tramples their precepts under foot." — Cited by Bishop Ken- rick in his Primaqj, p. 290. Let it be remembered that the author of Primacy is an xVmerican Roman Catholic bishop. In a word, eight general councils, Lateran, Lyons, Vienna, Pisa, Basil, Constance, Lateran, and Trent, sanctioned the exercise of the temporal power of the Pope in the deposition of kings. Bishop Keurick informs us : ''All doctrinal definitions already made by general councils, are landmarks which no man can remove.'' — Primacij, p. 350. The sovereign pontiffs will now be allowed to speak for themselves. Pope Gregory VIL, elected 1073, deposed Henry lY., saying : '' For the dignity and defence of God's holy Church, in the name of Almighty God, the Father, Son, and Holy Ghost, I depose from imperial and royal administration King Henry, son of Henry, some time emperor, who too boldly and rashly hath laid hands on thy Church ; and I absolve all Christians, subject to the empire, from that oath whereby they were wont to plight their faith unto true kings ; for it is right that he should be deprived of dignity who doth endeavor to diminish the majesty of the Church." — Plat, in Greg. VII., et torn, VII. J Cone. Rom. Ill, ajmd Binium, p. 484. No temporal power here ! Pope L'rhan II., elected 1088, in a decree, declared : '• Subjects are by no authority constrained to pay the fidelity which they have sworn to a Christian prince, who opposeth God and his saints, or violateth their precepts."^ — Pithou, 260. Decret. Cans. XY., qu. 7, cap. 5. No interference with temporal matters here ! Pope Innocent III., elected 1178, humbly spoke thus: 5 98 THE CIS- ATLANTIC BATTLE ^' The Church has given me a crown as a symbol of tem-^ poralities : she has conferred on me a mitre in token of spirit- ual power : a mitre for the priesthood — a crown for the king- dom : making me the vicar of Him who bears written on his pu-ment and thigh, ^ The King of kings and Lord of lords.' " — Serm. in festo S. Silvest. This is about as explicit as possible on the temporal power doctrine. He who doubts would have doubted, even if pre- sent, the exercise of civil power by a certain Pope when he kicked the crown from the head of a certain royal subject, to show his authority for making and unmaking kings. Pope Gregory IX., elected 1227, deemed that which fol- lows worthy of a place in his decretals : " If the secular power refuse to comply, (refuse to exter- minate heretics,) let it be told to the sovereign pontiff, and let him denounce the subjects as released from their fealty, and give the country to Catholics, who, having exterminated the heretics, may peaceably possess it.'' — Decretal, headed Innocent III., in Concilio Generali, vol. ii., edit. 1839, p. 758. Fojw Innocent IV., elected 1243, in the General Council of Lyons, proclaimed the following sentence of deprivation asainst Frederic the Second : '^ That he should not reign or command, being bound by his sins and cast away, and deprived by the Lord of all honor and dignity. We denounce, and accordingly, by sentence, deprive ; absolving all who are held bound by oath of alle- giance from such oath for ever ; by apostolic authority, firmly prohibiting that no man henceforth do obey or regard him as emperor or king; and decreeing that whoever hereafter yield advice, or aid, or favor to him, as emperor or king, shall im- mediately lie under the ban of excommunication." — P. In- nocent IV. in Condi. Lug. Pope Boniface VIII., elected 1294, at a council held at BETWEEN SAM AND THE POPE. 99 Rome, in liis famous constitution, denominated Unam Sane- tarn, decreed thus : ^'Both swords are in the power of the Church; namely, the spiritual sword and the material sword ; but the one is to be exercised by the Church, the other for the Church ; the one by the hands of the priest, the other by the hands of kings and soldiers, but at the nod of the priest. Moreover we declare, affirm, define, and pronounce that it is altogether a matter of necessity to salvation for every human creature to be subject to the Roman Pontiff.'' — Corjms Juris Canonici. Ed. Boehmer, torn. ii.,p. 1139. Will not this do for a claim of power? Pope Pius v., elected 1559, thus thundered against Eng- land's Queen, Elizabeth : ^^ We do declare her to be deprived of her pretended title to the kingdom aforesaid, and of all dominion, dignity, and privilege whatsoever — and also the nobility, subjects, and people of said kingdom, and all others which have in any sort sworn to her, to be for ever absolved from any such oath." — P. Pius V. ill Bull contra R. Eliz. Providence, however, permitted her to sit undisturbed on her throne, laughing at the thunders of the Vatican. No temporal power in all this ! Clear the track for the car of unbelief ! Mr. Brownson, sanctioned by all the bishops of the United States, plainly informs us in that which follows that the bull of the Pope respecting England is not numbered with the things that were : ^'A few church-burnings, a Madiai meeting, a preconization of apostates like Gavazzi and Achilli, make up the sum of her weak protest against the everlasting power that long since fulminated against her a sentence which no created power ever yet withstood, and which stands calmly by to await the inevitable result." — Review, April number, 1853, p. 240 100 THE CIS-ATLANTIC BATTLE So the bull against Elizabeth '^ stands calmly by to await the inevitable result/' This is Popery undisguised — Popery justly represented. AVonder what reply Anti- Americans will make to this ? Surely they will not call these things ^' sins three hundred years old I^' They make a portion of the startling events of our age, of our history. Pope Sixtus Y., elected 1588, thundered as follows against Henry, King of Navarre, and the Prince of Conde : " We deprive them and their posterity for ever of their dominions and kingdoms. By the authority of these presents, we do absolve and set free all persons, as well jointly as seve- rally^, from any such oath, and from all allegiance whatever, in regard of dominion, fealty, and obedience; and do charge and forbid all and every of them that they do not dare to obey them, or any of their admonitions, laws, and commands.'^ — Bulla SixtiY. contr. Henr. Navarr., etc. Pojie Benedict XIV., elected 1740, proclaimed to the world : '^ The Pope is the head of all heads, and the prince, mode- rator, and pastor of the whole Church of Christ which is under heaven. He is also the patriarch of the West, the primate of Italy, the archbishop and metropolitan of the E.oman province, and bishop of the city of Rome." — Bene- dict XIV., de Sj/nodo, lib. ii., cajy. 1. Pope Gregory XVI., elected 1831, sent forth the following decision : '' Ever bearing in mind, the universal Church suffers from every novelty, as well as the admonition of Pope St. Agatho, that from what has been regularly defined, (such as the tem- poral power,) nothing can be taken away, no innovation in- troduced there, no addition made ; but that it must be pre- served untouched as to words and meaning." — P. Greg. XVI. Epistola Enci/clicay ad omnes, Patriarchas, Pi'imates, Archi' episcopos et Episcopos, anno 1832. BETWEEN SAM AND THE POPE. 101 Pope Pius Vn., elected 1800, in a letter to the cardinals, dated February 5, 1808, thus spoke in reference to Bonaparte's proposal to grant freedom of conscience : '^It is proposed that all religious persuasions should be free, and their worship publicly exercised ; but we have rejected this article as contrary to the canons, and to the councils, to the Catholic religion, and the welfare of the State, on account of the deplorable consequences which ensue from it/^ The reader can see the character of the councils and canons by turning to chapter iii. of this work — the councils and canons to w^hich Pius the Seventh, in 1800, looked to as prohibiting the idea of allowing all to worship God publicly, as freemen in religion. Nor did he stop at this : he absolved all Frenchmen from their obedience to Louis XVIU., and authorized an oath of allegiance to Napoleon Bonaparte. Moreover, in 1809, he excommunicated Napoleon, because he invaded his dominions. The language of his bull is : " Let our persecutors learn, once for all, that the law of Jesus Christ has subjected them to our authority and our throne. For we also bear the sceptre, and we can say that our power is far superior to theirs. Already have so many sovereign pontiffs been forced to proceed to similar extremities ag-ainst rebellious princes and kings, and shall we be afraid to follow their example?" — Quoted in the End of Controversy/ Contro- verted, by Bishop Hopkins, vol. ii., p. 341. What will those gentlemen think of this, who assert, "that the Pope has not exercised absolving or excommunicating power for the last three hundred years ?" But the other day. Pope Pius IX. raised the temporal sword against the independent kingdom of Sardinia. That which follows is an extract from his bull, fasliionahli/ called an Allocution: "Words fail us to express our grief at such criminal and almost incredible acts against the Church and against the 102 THE CIS-ATLANTIC BATTLE inviolable supremacy of the Holy See iu that kingdom, where there are so great a number of fervent Catholics, and where formerly, and iu particular among the sovereigns, such ex- amples were to be found of piety, religion, and respect for the chair of St. Peter. But the evil having arrived at that point that it is not sufficient to merely deplore the injury done to the Church, and that we are bound to do every thing in our power to put an end to this state of things, we again raise our voice with an apostolic liberty in this solemn assembly, and we reprove and condemn not only all the decrees already issued by the government to the detriment of the rights and authority of the Church, and of the Holy See, but likewise the bill lately proposed ; and we declare all these acts to be entirely worthless and invalid. Furthermore, we warn, in the most solemn manner, not only those persons by whose orders such decrees have been published, but also those others who may not fear to sanction, favor, or approve in any manner whatever the bill recently proposed : we warn them, we say, to consider in time what penalties and censures the apostolical constitutions and the canons of the Holy Councils, and in par- ticular the canons of the Council of Trent, have established against the plunderers and profaners of holy things ; against the violators of the liberty of the Church of the Holy See, and against the usurpers of their rights, '' Is this "a Kuow-Xothinsj lie?" Plow startlinc:: the Ian- guage, ^' worthless and invalid I" What ? The laws of Sar- dinia at the breath of a icorthhss old man, called Pope Pius IX. No temporal power here ! But the other day Pius IX. proclaimed himself as follows respecting the Republic of Granada, South America : "Neither must we pass over in silence, that, by the new constitution of that republic, enacted in these recent times, among other things the right of free education is defended, and liberty of all kinds is given unto all, so that each person BETWEEN SAM AND THE POPE. 103 may even print and publish his thoughts and all kinds of monstrous portents of opinions, and profess privately and pub- licly whatever worship he pleases. ^^You assuredly see, venerable brothers, how horrible and sacrilegious a war is proclaimed against the Catholic Church by the rulers of the republic of New Granada, and what and how great injuries have been inflicted on the said Church and its sacred rights, pastors, and ministers, and our supreme authority and that of the Holy See. ''We say nothing concerning that other decree by which the mystery, dignity, and sanctity of the sacrament of mar- riage being altogether despised, and its institution and nature utterly ignored and overturned, and the power of the Church over the same sacrament being completely set at naught, it was proposed, according to the already condemned errors of the heretics, and against the doctrine of the Catholic Church, that marriage should be esteemed merely as a civil contract, and that in various cases divorce, properly so called, should be sanctioned, and all matrimonial causes be referred to the lay tribunals, and be judged by them ; though no Catholic is ignorant, or can be ignorant, that matrimony is truly and properly one of the seven sacraments of the evangeli- cal law instituted by Christ our Lord: and therefore that, amongst the faithful, marriage cannot be given without there being at one and the same time a sacrament, and, conse- quently, that any other union whatever of man and woman among Christians, made in virtue of what civil law soever, is nothing else but a shameful and miserable concubinage, so often condemned by the Church j and, therefore, that the sacrament can never be separated from the conjugal alliance, and it exclusively appertains to the power of the Church to determine all those things which can in any way relate to the same marriasie." Here the old man plainly tells the people of Granada, and 104 THE CIS-ATLANTIC BATTLE through them the world, that marriage by civil law places a woman in a ^' miserable concubinage/' and consequently makes her children bastards. No interference with civil affairs in this — no expression of temporal power here ! We should like to see the opinion of the Anti- American leaders in print, re- specting the position in which their friend, the Pope, places the wives and children of Protestant fathers throughout Christendom. Gentlemen, will you be so kind as to let us see it? He writes on the brow of the mother a concubine, and on the cheek of the daughter o bastard. In reference to a late act of the Spanish government, the present Pope speaks thus : " Raising our voice in your assembly, [the principal officials at Rome,] we complain of all that the lay government has done, and is still doing, in Spain, unjustly against the Church. The patrimony of the Church has been usurped, in spite of all divine and human law. We therefore, in virtue of our apostolic authority, censure, abrogate, and declare without value and without force, null and of no effect, for the past and the future, the said laws and decrees.'' — Taken from the Creole. Lord Beaumont, a Roman Catholic peer of England, is so satisfied that the present Pope interferes in temporal matters, that he declares he must either disobey the claims of the Pontiff, or be disloyal to the Queen. — Ciunming's Lectures^ p. G8. Mr. Brownson, speaking of the bulls of the present Pope against Sardinia and New Granada, from which we have above given extracts, says : " How is it that this weak power, which, as men say, is upheld only by foreign bayonets, is enabled to speak to Sardinia and to New Granada in a tone no less authoritative than that employed by Gregory the Seventh, in speaking to the Catholic governments of his day V^ BETWEEN SAM AND THE POPE. 105 yc unbelieving sinners of the Anti- American party, heui what this endorsed expounder of Romanism next says : ^' Seven hundred years ago, — and we earnestly recommend this consideration to those Catholics who suppose that the interference of Popes in what are called temporal affairs, in ancient times, was based, not upon divine law, but upon the temporary concessions of kings, — seven hundred years ago, seventeen hundred years ago, the Papal chair, in its inter- course with human governments, used language not a syllable less authoritative than the language held by Pius the Ninth, in speaking to human governments, in this year of grace, 1853/'— See April number of his Eevieio, 1853, p. 239. How he talks in that which follows : " "We repeat, then, that it is not a little singular, humanly speaking, that the Pope at no time, not even in the days of Hildebrand, exercised his powers more vigorously than he has since 1848. Even America has recently borne witness to this truth. So President Fillmore, through Mr. Secretary Everett, has, to use the caustic language of Archbishop Hughes, become a petitioner side by side with Lord Roden, and taken his place of hope and expectation in the ante- chamber of the Grand Duke of Tuscany ! And as the common impression seems to be that the Grand Duke, like other sovereigns, reigns through the Pope, [let Anti-Ameri- cans note this, that they are so stupidly ignorant that they do not even so much as know the common opinion of Roman- ists,] per ME reges regnat, the petition should have been intrusted to Mr. Cass, junior, and presented at the Vatican. ^^ — April Number of his Review^ p. 24, 1853. What Mr. Brownson here refers to is, to use his own language, " the criminals called Madiai.'^ l^^^oy were cast into prison for praying and living according to the Bible. Such is the testimony of the Popes on the question of their temporal power. 106 THE CIS-ATLANTIC BATTLE Bishop Kenrick must be allowed to explain all this for us : "All doctrinal definitions already made by Pontiffs are landmarks, which no man can remove." — Primacy^ p. 356. But may it not be said that the things stated are not doc- trines of the Bomish Church ? What of this ? Suppose a man kill another by drugs called doctrines^ or by drugs called acts : would not the effect be the same ? We make this remark to break the force of a quibble respecting doctrines of the Bomish Church, and acts of said Church ; and we presume that every honest man will heartily endorse the dis- position we have made of the matter. We shall now proceed to close this chapter with a few appropriate facts and reflections. In the year 184:4, Maria Joaquina Alves was tried for heresy in the island o*f Madeira, and condemned to death. Does this give any evidence of the spirit of Bomanism being changed ? could she have been so sentenced without the exercise of temporal power ? Boman- ism changed I It refuses to know change. It is but as the lion chained — the lion still, waiting for an opening to show its true character. We take the following from a letter written in Mexico, December 5, 1855, and published in the New York Tribune : ''A new general law for the administration of justice has been issued within a few days, by which the clergy and the army are now subject to answer the demands of a citizen before the ordinary or civil tribunals ; whereas, before they had the right to demand a trial in any case before their own courts, much to the prejudice of those who were under the necessity of having recourse to them for justice, and also to the prejudice in general of the rights of the citizen. Those tribunals now have cognizance only in respect to the common crimes arising solely among themselves, the law, however, giving individuals accused the right of renouncing privilege, and appearing before the civil tribunals. The Archbishop of BETWEEN SAM AND THE POPE. 107 Mexico has solemnly protested against so mucli of this law as affects the privileges of the clergy, and claims the right to appeal to and await the decision of the Court of Rome beforo obeying the same ; and he has given orders to the ecclesiasti- cal tribunals, and clergy in general, to resist this law until such decision can be had from the Roman See." Here we have a clear acknowledgment of allegiance to the Pope in temporal matters. The Archbishop of Mexico refuses to submit to the civil law until he hears from the Holy Father, the sovereign Pontiff at Rome. Yet the Anti- American leaders, with brazen effrontery, deny that Roman Catholics claim for the Pope the right to interfere in civil transactions. The canon law speaks of the Pope thus : " He has plenitude of power, and is above law. — Habet plenitudinem potestantis et supra jus est." — Gibert, 2, 103. Pojye Urban explains how this works in that which follows. " For we do not esteem those homicides who, burning with zeal for their Catholic mother against excommunicated persons, may have happened to slay any of them. " Non eoim eos homicidas arbitramur, quos adversus excommunicates, zelo Catholicce matris ardentes, aliquis eorum trucidasse contingerit." — PithoUj 324. Escoher says : " Ecclesiastics sin not mortally in violating the laws of secular princes, because they are not directly bound by such \3iWs."—TheoL 3Ior., Vol. I., i. 5, s. 2, c. 19, proh. 19, p. 162. Pray, who are they bound to obey ? Their sovereign, the Pope. The following will explain why we do not see the principle everywhere reduced to practice : '* The adherents of heresy should be tolerated when their extermination would be attended with danger; but when their extirpation can be effected with safety, they should bo 108 THE CIS-ATLANTIC BATTLE destroyed by iire, the sword^ the gallows^ and all other means.'^ Such was the lauiruaire of Ciaconia, in a sermon delivered to the general Council of Trent — a Council which the Romish clergy are sworn to obey. This Council, at its last session, fearing that some would fail to comprehend the determination to interfere in civil affairs, admonished "all princes to exert their influence to prevent abettors of heresy from misinter- preting or violating the ecclesiastical decrees, and to oblige these objectors, as well as all their other subjects, to accept and to observe the synodal canons with devotion and &de\- itj."— Paolo, iv. p. 604. The Hon. Daniel Ullmau, speaking of the temporal power of the llomish Church, says: "When the trustees of St. Louis Church, at Buffalo, in the State of New York, refused to violate the trust laws of the State, Bishop Timon excom- municated them, reciting that he was authorized to do so by virtue of the decrees of the ' Holy Council of Trent' — the same Council cited by Pius IX., in his Allocution respecting Piedmont." He continues thus : " There is no article, sec- tion, clause, or sentence in the Constitution of the United States, or in the Constitution of any one of the States of this Union, which gives authority to Romish prelates, owing alle- giance to a foreign king, to punish American citizens, because they will not violate the laws of a State, by virtue of the decrees and canons of a council held in Austria, in the 16th century. In consequence of these proceedings, the State of New York enacted a law at its last session, (1855,) further defining ecclesiastical tenures. In his letter respect- ing it, addressed to the editor of the New- York Freeman'' s Journal, dated March 2Sth, 1855, Archbishop Hughes says : ^Now, in this it seems to meddle with our religious, as well as our civil rights; and we shall find twenty ways outside the iutricatc web of its prohibitions, for doing, and doing BETWEEN SAM AND THE POPE. 109 more largely still, tlie very things which it wishes us not to do/ '' The decision of the Council of Trent is appealed to, and not the laws of the State of New York; and Archbishop Hughes tells us, in plain language, he can find twenty ways outside of the action of the Legislature for doing, and doing more largely still, the very things which it forbids him to do ; yet he has the effrontery, acting the part of the Jesuit, to exhort all good Catholics to submit to the laws of the land; and Anti- Americans are so simple as to believe that he is sin- cere, and that Catholics consider their allegiance to this gov- ernment above all claims of the Pope, Canons, and Councils. The above facts teach the very opposite. Mark the language of the expelled trustees: '^For no higher offence than simply refusing to violate the trust law of our State, we have been subjected to the pains of excommu- nication. We yield to none in attachment to our religion, and cheerfully render the bishop that obedience in spiritual matters which the just interpretation of our faith may require; but, in respect to the temporalities of our Church, we claim the right of obeying the laws of the State, whose protection we enjoy.'^ The trustees frankly admit that they were pun- ished for not allowing the bishop to induce them to violate the laws of their State, and submit to him in temporal mat- ters : still Anti- Americans declare that the Romish Church does not exercise temporal power, nor teach any such creed. How their pens and tongues misrepresent their best friend, the Pope ! John, Bishop of Buffdo, spieaks of the affair thus : ^'AYhereas, the trustees of the St. Louis Church, though frequently warned of their uucatholic proceedings, and duly notified of impending excommunication, cease not their usur- pation against Church law and discipline; and whereas, the National Council, held at Baltimore, in 1852, declares that 110 THE CIS- ATLANTIC BATTLE all wlio do what said trustees have long been doing, are, by the fact, under the sentence of excommunication, pronounced by the Holy Council of Trent against such transgressors of Church discipline ; and whereas, the said trustees did them- selves appeal to Home, and the Holy See sent a Nuncio to decide that case, who judged and decided that the trustees were wrong, that the bishop was right, and that ' he could not have acted otherwise than he did;"^ whereas, then the Nun- cio exhorted the refractory and the trustees to obey their bishop, and said: 'The Congregation of St. Louis Church, by adopting the course indicated, which alone is just and in- dispensable, will give a noble proof of faith and charity ; but if they refuse, I can only see in them persons faithless to their duties, who can never be received as obedient sons of the Church of God/ " The learned Nuncio ending his mission by these words of * Does the reader wish to know why the bishop could not have acted otherwise? The patriotic clergy of the Romish communion are, according to the bull of Pius the Fourth, sworn to receive the canons and the councils as delivered to them, and to cause the same to be held, taught, and preached. The oath runs as follows : " I receive and profess all that the sacred canons and general coun- cils have delivered, defined, and declared ; and I shall endeavor, to the utmost of my power, to cause the same to be held, taught, and preached. This I promise, vow, and swear, so help me God, and these holy Gospels. "Omnia a sacris canonibus ct oecumenicis conciliis tradita, definita, et declarata, indubitanter recipio atque profiteor. Illis quorum cura ad me, in munere meo, spectabit, teneri, doceri, et prasdicari, quan- tum in me erit, curaturum, ego idem spondee, voveo, ac juro. Sic me Deus adjuvet, et haec sancta Dei evangelia." — Labbeus, 20, 222. See the close of the next chapter. The politician, who will, after reading these facts, deny that Ro- manists acknowledge allegiance to Rome, will knowingly pi'oclaim a falsehood. BETWEEN SAM AND THE POPE. Ill his lust letter to the trustees: ^Now, then, it becomes my duty to say that your answer is truly painful, especially to an cuvoy of the Holy Father, to whom you referred your case. The sad conviction forces itself on me that you disregard altogether Catholic principles ; consequently, that if you per- sist, it only remains for me to deplore the sad position in wliich you place yourselves in the face of the Church. But the responsibility rests on yourselves/ "■ The same learned and pious Nuncio, writing to the bishop, says of the trustees and of their abettors : ' I consider them as not being Catholic at heart; and, Right Reverend Sir, should your Episcopal ministry inspire you to declare so, in order that good Catholics may know who are their brethren and who are not, and that those who are now led astray may no longer be deceived as to right or participation in the benedictions and benefits of the Catholic Church, I leave it to your discre- tion and to your holy inspirations.' ''Finally, whereas the Holy See has since approved the judg- ment of the Nuncio : though sad and reluctant, the bishop is bound to fulfil his duty. Alas ! an article which the trustees have just published in the public papers, boasting, amid many untruths, their determination never to comply with the decision of the Holy Father, renders the sad duty more imperative. "■ I then declare the said trustees of St. Louis church, in Buffalo, to wit : Messrs. Martin Both, Alexander Allenbrand, Michael Mesmer, Jacob Wilhelm, George Fisher, Nicholas Ottenot, J. P. Munchauner, to be excommunicated with the major or greater excommunication, and, through the authority given to his Church by Almighty God, Father, Son, and Holy Ghost, I do hereby, then, excommunicate them. Declaring further, that all who may henceforth accept the office of trustee in St. Louis church, to continue the present unholy opposition to the Church discipline, will, ij)so facto, that is, by the very fact, incur the same major excommuDication. 112 THE CIS-ATLANTIC BATTLE Pray for their converi Philadelphia — for ho lived in one of the Catholic-infested dis- tricts of that city — and in that position he remained until nominated for election to the Supreme Bench of the State. Then, when Americans had something like a fair chance to be heard in reference to the selection of their own judiciary, he was defeated^ of course ; for he had not only shown himself a bigoted Catholic, but had evinced a want of capacity as a judicial officer. It was on account of this overwhelming defeat that he was proposed as the person in whose name Pennsylvania should be made over to Pierce. These we know are facts, and we do not fear successful contradiction. "After Judge CarapbelFs accession to the chair so lately occupied by a man whose private virtues and whose official superiority made the contrast almost ridiculous, there were, of course, for a period of some weeks, constant and pressing applications, by political friends and strangers with various objects, for admission to the presence of the new incumbent. Many of these visitors had come from long distances ; many had urgent business in charge, demanding instant attention ; all were anxious to see the Postmaster-General, and to con- clude the settlement of their affiiirs in the shortest space of time possible. "Yet we have seen scores of such petitioners, suppliants for the attention of the person whom they had elected to office, kept waiting outside the locked door of his room, while priests — Catholic priests — held him in conversation for hours at a time ! This did not occur once, but many times, during the first month of the present reign of Jesuitism in the Depart- ment, and can be attested by many willing witnesses. "And yet the waiting and suppliant men, the humble people outside, were Americans, and the supercilious official was a Catholic, and his favored guests were the loyal subjects of a foreign potentate. Can any one blame us for wishing to so? Americans, and none but Americans, on auai'd in the hi2:h 174 THE CIS-ATLANTIC BATTLE places of our land? sentries on the rights, protectors of the privileges guaranteed us as the descendants of the men of Bunker's Hill and of Yorktown ?'^ The engraving is intended to illustrate the successful pro- gress of Mr. Campbell, the subject of the preceding stric- tures, from obscurity to notoriety, and the agencies by which he has succeeded. In the outset of his career, you have him driving a truck ; a little in advance you see him on his way to public notice on the shoulders of an able-bodied and strong- minded Jesuit; a little in advance of this you see the Celtic Irish voting for him, to fill the chair of associate judgeship of the police court; and above you perceive Bishop Hughes, by the side of President Pierce, waitini^ to introduce the chosen object for a certain place in the cabinet. JSam's looks and position are volumes of censure. He plainly tells the Presi- dent and the nation: ''This sort of political Jesuitical jug- gling will not begin to do — will eventually ruin the coun- try if allowed to proceed after this fashion : Americans must govern America.'' For other particulars in the engraving, we refer the reader to its introduction and application at the end of Chapter XXIX. T~T. BETWEEN SAM AND THE POPE. 177 CHAPTER XVI. Proscription of Roman Catholics on account of religion denied and refuted — The proscription of men because of attachment to the American party proved. The Anti- American editors and speakers talk as if their political fortunes were in one word — Proscription. The New York Express thus meets them, exposing their silly hum- buggery : '' This is the cuckoo-cry of a great many unthink- ing, but echoing men, against the American party, which is warring with Papacy, not with Catholicism. Papacy — that is, allegiance to the Pope of Rome — is one thing, and Catho- licism is altogether another. ^' What a man thinks of ^ Confession,^ ^ Transubstantiation,' ^ Purgatory,' ^ Nunneries,' ^ Monasteries,' is his own business, not ours ; nay, what he thinks of the Pope of Rome is also his business, and not ours, until he wishes to become an Ame- rican citizen, and to share with us in the partnership of this government; when it does become our business to know whether he, our partner in this government, owes allegiance to the Roman potentate, or to the government of the State of New York and the United States of America, Partners in government, thus divided, owing double allegiances to conflicting sovereigns, cannot, it is certain, transact business in government together; and hence they had better never begin to try. "Everybody assents to all this. ^But,' says the Roman Catholic, ' I owe nothing but " spiritual allegiance" to 178 THE CIS-ATLANTIC BATTLE the Pope.' This has ever beeu Greek to us, and we could read Greek, too, in our earlier days, with some facility; but the more we read this Papal Greek, the older we grow, the harder becomes the understanding of such an absurdity. 'The Pope,' says the Ptoman Catholic, in substance, 'has my spirit, my soul, but not my hodi/.' Now, if the Catholic would only give his spirit to his own country, as the rest of us do, the Pope might have his temporalities and his body in welcome — the spirit of a man, in our estimate, being of far more importance to have than any of his temporary posses- sions, or even his body. Indeed, the Pope may have any man's temporal allegiance, if he will only give his sjnritual allegiance to his country. He who owns the mind, the spirit, the soul of a man, owns all a man hath. " Papacy, then — Papal allegiance, not Catholicism — is what we quarrel with. Man or woman may worship the Virgin Mary till doomsday, or believe in the 'Immaculate Concep- tion,' or confess wives' or husbands' secrets to the priest, if they choose ; and we can vote for, elect to office, and consent to be governed by such men. We may have in them that sort of confidence and love, by which we can trust them in any thing and every thing, when they act of their own free wills, under the inspiration of their own consciences, and by the conclusion of their own judgments -, but if a conscience in Rome, four thousand miles off, is to rule them — if Roman judgment is to be our judgment, and Roman will the will over us — we demur to the partnership and to the subservi- ency. The allegiance of Americans to a Roman potentate, is not the allegiance of an American citizen. " To priests — to Catholic priests — ^to their churches, their ceremonies, their burning candles, their Latin masses, their rosaries and their breviaries, we may not object. The dashing magnificence of their ceremonies may bo useful, may be necessary, perhaps, to overawe and elevate the unthinking BETWEEN SAM AND THE POPE. 179 mind of Irish, Spanish, or Italian multitudes. But to a priest sent from Rome, independent of us all — not of us, nor know- ing us, nay, owing temporal and spiritual allegiance in all matters of faith and practice to a Roman potentate — we do demur. That stupendous hierarchy, of which the Holy Father is the head, and which dictates a priest from Austria to the United States — from Spain to Chili — from the East Indies to the West Indies — is a despotism we will not, if we can help it, suhmit to. We may so love our own self-chosen priest, that we may be willing our wives and daughters shall enter his confessional, almost lip to lip, and breathe into his attentive and luxurious ear the consecrated secrets of our beloved homes and families; but we are not willing to have that priest forced in upon us, and dictated to us from Rome, four thousand miles off. The monarchy of Rome, that stretches over us Americans its authority, is of that sort and class that in 1776 provoked rebellion, and is provoking rebel- lion now. " Now then, let it be understood, it is not upon a man^s religion, or his forms of religion, that the American party wars, but upon American Papal allegiance, and Papal govern- ment in America. Protestantism is in Catholic countries 'n crime,' we know, and punished as ^a crime' in Italy and Spain ; but Catholicism is no crime here — disqualifies no one for office, and deprives no one of citizenship. Nay, absolute Papal allegiance is no crime here; every man that pleases can be as much of a Papist as he pleases. All the blessings and privileges of our country, ^and of our government, are recog- nized as his, even in the American party — save only that with this man, thus owing Papal allegiance, the American declines to share the partnership of the government of this country. Let us hear no more, then, of this cu€koo-cry, ^Proscription because of reli2;ion.' " Mr Morchcad, the American candidate for Governor of 180 THE CIS-ATLANTIC BATTLE Kentucky, in a speech delivered in Louisville^ July 15, 1855, said : ^'The American party was called proscriptive in matters of religion. He denied the accusation. He was the friend of the broadest, the most unlimited religious tolerance. It was upon this continent that the star of religious liberty first arose. Roger Williams was the great and first evangelist of the new gospel in our western wilderness. For himself, he desired eveiy man to worship as he chose. The religion of the citi- zen is a matter between him and his God. But there was an intolerant Church — one that sought to interfere in temporal matters — one, of whose members allegiance to a foreign sove- reign pontiff was required. Such men he would tolerate; but if he had never taken the oath in any secret society before, he would now swear before high Heaven, that for none such men would he ever vote. That was a vow he intended keeping to the last of his life.'^ The following, taken from the Camden Journal, South Carolina, we deem highly worthy of a place here, as it has been used by the American papers in vindication of their principles, and to meet the j^^'efended opposition of the Anti- Americans respecting proscription : " Some of our friends appear to be alarmed for our safety, for fear that we should identify ourselves with the American party, alias the Know-Nothings. We have no apprehensions of a serious character, having, as we think, arrived at the stature of a full-grown man, if not full in the years of discre- tion. We have avowed, and do distinctly avow our disincli- nation to engage in any political crusade, where party lines are to be drawn and observed. We are disgusted — heartily sick and tired of aU party organizations, whether of Whig, Democrat, or otherwise } for our limited experience assures us, that after all they are nothing but sounding brass or tinkling cymbals. Yet wc do not see the philosophy of rejecting BETWEEN SAM AND THE POPE. 181 every thing, because they may not be in exact accordance with our preconceived opinions and predilections. Whilst we are as free as ever to say that certain features of the new platform of the American party pleased us, and if carried out by them as a party, in good faith, we shall approve and heartily en- dorse, we cannot perceive that we are committed to a blind and indiscriminate endorsement of every thing which the new party professes or does. Not at all. The assumption is un- reasonable; we don't mean that it shall be so, and it is unwar- rantable to assign us such a position. '' If to love our country, with a jealous regard for her pecu- liar institutions, and no disposition to see her overrun by a wild swarm of isms and errors, calculated, in their very nature, to subvert the principles upon which our glorious 31agna Char fa rests — in a word, to destroy true republicanism, and place us upon a footing with other priest-ridden and abused governments — if this be Know-Nothingism, be it so, we are willing to shoulder the reproach. If to ' advocate an amend- ment of the naturalization laws, with proper safeguards to pre- serve the purity of the elective franchise,' and the ' passage of such laws as will prevent the immigration of paupers and criminals to this country,' be Know-Nothingism — be American — then we glory in the appellation. If to 'oppose any inter- ference in the vested rights of persons, whether they be of native or foreign birth,' or to declare ourselves ' in favor of non-intervention with slavery by the Federal Government, except for the protection of our constitutional rights,' or to ' advocate a high national policy, such as will afford stern and unwavering protection to the American name abroad, and will follow and guard the American citizen wherever he moves,' and with all our heart to ' believe that America should be governed by Americans, effecting the same through the ballot- box alone, the only legitimate instrument of reform in this country,' and endorsmg most heartily the noble and patriotic 182 THE CIS-ATLANTIC BATTLE sentiment, ^ that the office should seek the man, and not man the office/ and oppose with zeal and energy the distribution of office and office spoils among office-seekers as a reward for partisan services : — if it be treason to hold and avow these sentiments, then, in the language of Patrick Henry, we say, make the most of it — we are traitors. "And, ao-ain, as another reason of the faith that is in us, ^ we will maintain and defend the Constitution of the United States, and the rights of the States without diminution, insist- ing upon a fciithful performance on the part of the General Government of all the duties enjoined upon it by the Consti- tion / and, whilst we hold that religious faith is a question for each individual to settle for himself, we regard it as of the utmost importance — to use the original language in the con- stitution of one of the ' old thirteen' Confederates — ' that no person who shall deny the being of God, or the truth of the Protestant religion, or the Divine authority of either the Old or New Testament, or who shall hold religious principles in- compatible with the freedom and safety of the State, shall be capable of holding any office, or place of trust and profit in the civil department within the States.' These are a few of the reasons which we give for the present, why we favor cer- tain principles avowed by the American party.'^ Would that such proscription had been more generally preached in every city, town, and neighborhood of the land of "Washington, Jefferson, and Jackson ! The Hon. Archibald Dixon strongly advocates the pro- scription for which the American party so zealously contends, as that which follows, taken from the American Organ, will clearly show : "Henderson, July 11, 1855. " Messrs. Ira and W. Delano : — " Gentlemen : With the view of gratifying many friends who desire to know my vicvrs on the American question, I BETWEEN SAM AND THE POPE. l