i?tf? Columbia Umbersittp inttjeCttpofi5etD|9orfe LIBRARY GIVEN BY Mrs Eby, a- c A 'CJr o ■J> 7 7 J> BY THE SAME AUTHOR. KURTZ'S MANUAL OF SACRED HISTORY; OR, A GUIDE TO THE UNDERSTANDING OF THE DIVINE PLAN OF SALVATION, ACCORDING TO ITS HISTORICAL DEVELOPMENT. TRANSLATED FROM THE SIXTH GERMAN EDITION, BY CHARLES F. SCHAEFFEE, D.D. Fourteenth Edition, l'imo. Trice, $1.50. — «*<>• Extracts from Notices of" the Press- Bibliotheca Sacra, "This is the best book of the kind we have ever examined, and one of the best translations from German into English we have ever seen. The author makes no parade of learning in his book, but his exegetieal state- ments are evidently founded on the most careful, thorough and extensive study, and can generally be relied upon as among the best results, the most surely ascertained conclusions, of modern philological investigation. We cordially recommend it to every minister, to every Sunday-school teacher, to every parent, and to every intelligent layman, as a safe and exceedingly instructive guide through the entire Bible History, the Old Testament and the New. It is a book which actually accomplishes more than its title promises.'' Biblical Repertory and Princeton Review. "This book is, according to the Lutheran standard, thoroughly orthodox in matters of doctrine, and is more thoroughly religious in spirit than any similar German work with which we are acquainted. "The English translation is, in our opinion, highly creditable to its author; not only accurate, so far as we have yet had time to judge it. but less disfigured by undue adherence to German idiom, by awkward stiffness, and by weak verbosity, than any version we have recently examined." Christian Chronicle (Baptist). "An admirable volume [ts literary and theological merits are of a high order, and entitle it to a wide circulation among the lovers of a religious literature. The translator has faithfully executed his task." Lutheran Standard, "This volume deserves to be in every family; all may read and study it with profit. It is well adapted for schools and seminaries of learning and theology. . . . We know of no work in any language, in all the bounds of sacred literature, calculated to exert a more wholesome and beneficial in- fluence in the cause of Christ, than this work." ii NOTICES OF THE PRESS. Protestant Churchman! "The present volume treats the subject of sacred history on a novel plan. It embraces the period covered by the Scriptures, and undertakes to develop the essential principles of human redemption in their historical manifestations. Without following in the steps of Prideaux and Shuck- ford, and tracing the relations between the Scriptural narratives and the course of external history, it furnishes a suggestive comment on the inci- dents recorded in the Bible, considered as illustrations of the Divine pur- pose in the salvation of man. The style is clear, compact, and forcible, presenting a mass of weighty thoughts, in simple and appropriate language." German Reformed Messenger. " It contains a vast amount of important information, conveniently and systematically arranged, throwing much light upon the teachings of the Sacred Volume. Its author is a very distinguished Lutheran divine, whose productions in the German language have met with great favor from the Christian public. The translator has done an important service to the in- terests of Christianity by putting this work into an English dress. He has also executed his task well." Harper's Magazine. " Profound in thought, vigorous in style, and thoroughly Christian in spirit, the student of theology will find it a suggestive and valuable guide. The translation has evidently been made with conscientious accuracy, and has succeeded to a remarkable degree in reproducing the spirit of the orig- inal. We regard it as an important and seasonable aid to the understanding of the Holy Scriptures." Puritan Recorder. "The work is remarkable for condensation and point; more being often crowded into a simple paragraph than would suffice many other writers for a dozen papers. The arrangement is exceedingly logical, and the style, notwithstanding it is a translation, is clear and agreeable, and very free from the German idiom. What we knew of this book previous to its appearance in an English dress, has led us to anticipate it with more than common interest ; and we can truly say, that it has more than answered our highest expectations." Philip Schaff, D.D. " I know of no work in the English or German language which gives, in so short a compass, so full and clear an account of the gradual develop- ment of the divine plan of salvation, from the fall of man to the resur- rection of Christ and the founding of the apostolic church, and which is, at the same time, so sound in sentiment, so evangelical in tone, and, with- out being superficial, so well adapted for popular use, as the ' Manual of Sacred History,' by Dr. J. H. Kurtz. The translation of the Rev. Dr. Charles F. Schaeffer seems to me, as far as I have examined it, to do full justice to the German original, as well as to the English idiom." m TEXT-BOOK OF Chitegh History. BY DR. JOHN HENRY KURTZ, PROFESSOR OF THEOLOGY IN THE UNIVERSITY OF DORPAT: AUTHOR OF "A MANUAL OF SACRED HISTORY," "THE BIBLE AND ASTRONOMY," ETC., ETC. <§w fykm* in $iw, Revised, with Corrections and Additions from the Seventh German Edition. VOL. I. TO THE REFORMATION. PHri/ADEirPH'l'A: SMITH, ENGLISH i CO., N" O. 7 L A EC H/ Si RIv E T. , ,- ; -18,7 6. . . - ■ .. > > ; ; , ' K%(* 7 V, ^h I G Mrs. £ by Entered, according to Act of Congress, in the year 1875, by SMITH, ENGLISH & CO., in the Office of the Librarian of Congress, at Washington. 2D3P h-W M ' * l CAXTON PRESS OF SHERMAN & CO. REVISER'S PREFACE. Lk -) rpiiE present revision is in no sense either a new translation or a X recast of an old one. The chief labor has been directed to cor- recting in part the oversights or errors not unfrequently common to cs/' translations. Generally these corrections have been simply verbal, including, however, when it seemed necessary, the remodelling of whole sentences, and in a few cases even more than this. But, in the main, only such alterations were attempted as could be made without destroying the plates from which the American translation was d printed. Many of the corrections, though involving very slight changes, are of considerable importance, the translation in some cases having quite reversed the statements of the author. Examples of this first part of the revision may be found by carefully comparing the translation and the revision on the following page- : Vol. I., on pages 45, 54, 67, 83, 92, 97, 98, 104, 135, 143, 212, 228, 236, 299, 344, 371, 379, 387, 392, 400, 432, 447, 491, 513, and Vol. II., on pages 57, 101, 105, 123, 133, 139, 207, 209, 212, 225, 229, 247, 252, 261, 265, 282, 29S, 307, 318, 319, 324, 336, 342, and 359. In addition to the above, several hundred minor corrections were made, in large part merely of typographical errors, errors of dates, names and references, and in part, though in small part, corrections aiming to modify Germanized forms of expression. It will, however, be readily observed that to completely expurgate the foreign idioms would involve a greater number of changes than the limits of the present task permit. The other principal aim of the revision was to introduce new mate- rial from the seventh German edition. Where it could be easily accom- plished, this was done by modifying the text, as will be seen by refer- ring, as above, in Vol. I., to pages 64, 65, 215, 232, 279, 340-2, and in Vol. II., to pages 150, 304, 343 and 376. The paragraph on page 341, relating to The Forged Decretals of Isidore, has been almost entirely retranslated from the last German edition. But this new matter has vn viii reviser's preface. been annexed, for the most part, in registered Addenda at the close of the volume. References to the Addenda are made in the small figures printed just above the lines in which they occur, through the body of the work. The Addenda embrace generally ahstracts of what was thought to he most important and interesting in the new material. Those parts not included relate largely to the strictly local history of the Author's own land. Owing, however, to the limits to which, the volume had to be confined, some of the results of the Author's later researches were passed by with regret. Here and there the references to the later German literature have been inserted, but the mass of these, as they are of interest chiefly to those who will use the original text, were left untouched. What Dr. Kurtz has said, on page 350, Vol. II., relating to the Lutheran Church of the United States, is so entirely incorrect, that the whole paragraph has been cut out and a very brief statement of the present condition of this church supplied from reliable Amer- ican authorities. Save one or two foot-notes, easily distinguished, nothing has been attempted beyond the limits here indicated. August 20th, 1876. EDITOR'S PREFACE. The author of the following work was born Dec. 13, 1809, at Montjoie, in the district of Aix-la-Chapelle, Rhenish Prussia. In early life he contemplated becoming a merchant ; but as the desire to study theology soon became predominant, he entered (1839), after a five years' course at the Gymnasia of Dortmund and Soest, the University of Halle. Ullmann and Tholuck were then lecturing there, and the latter especially exerted a decidedly favourable influence upon our author's theological training. He subsequently completed his studies at Bonn, and then went as a private teacher to Courland. He would soon, however, have returned to his native country, but for an appointment in 1835 as chief teacher of Religion in the Gymnasium at Mitau. Whilst occupying this post, he produced several works which laid the basis for his present reputation : " The Mosaic Sacrifice," Mitau 1842; " The Bible and Astronomy," Mitau 1842 -3d ed. Berlin 1853 (transl. by T. D. Simonton, and publ. by Lindsay & Blakis- ton, Philadelphia, 185V); "Suggestions in vindication and proof of the Unity of the Pentateuch," Konigsb. 1844 ; " The Unity of Genesis," Berlin 1846 ; " Symbolical Signification of the Tabernacle," Leipsic 1851 ; " Text-book of Church History," Mitau 1849, 3d ed. Mitau 1853, 4th ed. Mitau and Leipsic 1860; "Manr.il of Sacred History," Konigsb. 1843, 6th ed. 1853 fix) X EDITOR'S PREFACE. (transl. by Chas. W. Schaeffer, D. D., publ. by Lindsay & Bla- kiston, Philad. 1856); "Biblical History illustrated," Berlin 1847, 3d. ed. 1853; and "Manual of Church History," Mitau 1852, 2d ed. 1853. His literary labours soon gained for him nattering atten- tion ; the honorary degree of Doctor of Theology was con ferred upon him, and in 1S50 he was called to the euair of Church History in the evangelical University of Dorpat, Livonia (founded in 1G32 and revived in 1802), which he continues to occupy. He has also been appointed to the honorable post of Counsellor of State to the Emperor. The present edition of the " Text-book of Church History" is, to a large extent, a reprint of the Edinburg translation. But as that translation, avowedly, tampered with the original work, care has been taken, in this edition, to make the rendering con- form strictly to the author's sense. This proved to be a more serious task than was anticipated, in some cases requiring an entire reconstruction of the plan of the work, and in others the translation of whole pages of matter omitted in the Edinburg issue. The number of pages thus added amount to about fifty, including pp. 371-82, 387-99, and the whole of the section treating upon Hus. The verbal alterations necessary are too many to be enumerated, although in making these no mere pri- vate taste was indulged. Wherever the translation fairly con- veyed the author's nense, it was allowed to stand; and it is due to the Edinburg edition to say, that this was very largely the case. It is probable that no book, original or translated, was ever issued, in which the author, or editor, did not see room for improvement, But the verbal changes made in the present in- stance, were required in justice to the theological stand-point of Dr. Kurtz. Mr. Erdesheim (the translator of the Edinburg edi- tion), by omitting a qualifying word, or substituting one of a different import, has kept Dr. Kurtz from saying, in many in- EDITOB S PREFACE. XI stances, what be desired to say, or has made him utter something which he would be unwilling to endorse. This is especially true of statements relating to Predestinarianism, the Sacraments, and the Church. As an illustration of the injustice thus done to the author, the reader is referred to § 119, 6, (2), where, in reference to John Euchrath of Wesel, Dr. K. says: "In opposition to transubstantiation he advocated the doctrine of impanation." The Edinburg translation has it : " His views were certainly not Romish." Indeed it became very evident, upon comparing the Edinburg issue with the original, that the alterations were de- signedly made, for the purpose of adapting a Lutheran work to a Puritan market. This is not only doing great injustice to the author, but to the Church at large. One of the best apologies for denomination- alism is, that it is overruled for the more manifold development of the excellencies of Christianity. And this benefit, so far as it may hold in fact, must exhibit itself no less in the literary than other labours of Christians of different confessions. Why then should not a Puritan or Presbyterian be allowed to speak or write as a Presbyterian, an Episcopalian as an Episcopalian, a Reformed as a Reformed, and a Lutheran as a Lutheran? The truth is not all on one side. And no one mind, imbued with true moral earnestness, is capable at once of appreciating and presenting fairly, the various sides of truth. Instead, there- fore, of distorting a work like the present, by forcing it into the pattern of a foreign mould, it should be permitted to set forth facts in its own way. Doubtless Dr. Kurtz is fallible, and will find many to dissent from some of his statements. But he is a responsible man, and ready, it is to be presumed, to make cor- rections whenever convicted of errors. We say this the more unreservedly for not being of the same Church with the respected author. The merits of this work which the reader will please notice is XU EDITOR'S PREFACE. the author's Text-book, not his Manual (the latter being a much larger work) of Church History, are so obvious, that they need not be pointed out in detail. It combines lucid conciseness with full comprehensiveness to a rare degree. And although it can- not, of course, supply the place of larger works on the subject, already issued, or in course of publication, it will tend to satisfy a great want in this department of literature. It is proper to add, that whilst the Edinburg translation was made from the third edition of the original work, the edition now offered to the public contains all the improvements of the fourth edition of the original, which was published within tha last three months. J. H. A. BOMBERGER. Philadelphia, July 16, 1860. TABLE OF CONTENTS. INTRODUCTION TO THE HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. I 1. Idea of Church History Page '25 §2. Division of Church History , 26 1. Different Tendencies apparent in Church History. 2. The Several Branches of Church History. 3. Principal Phases in the Historical Development of the Church. 'i 3. Sources and Auxiliaries of Church History 32 §4. History of Church History 33 THE PREPARATORY HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH ; OR, THE WORLD BEFORE THE COMING OF CHRIST IN ITS RELATION TO THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. §5. Survey of the History of the World 42 \ 6. Primeval Preparation of Salvation 42 \ 7. Different Purposes which Judaism and Heathenism were intended to serve 43 \ 8. Heathenism 45 1. Religious Life among the Heathen. 2. Moral Condition of the Heathen. 3. Intellectual Culture of the Heathen. 4. Greek Philosophy. 5. Social Condition. \ 9. Judaism 51 1. Judaism under Special Divine Discipline. 2. Judaism after the Retirement of the Spirit of Prophecy. J10. The Samaritans 5S 2 (xiii) XIV CONTENTS. § 11. Points of contact between Judaism and Heathenism 54 1. Influence of Heathenism on Judaism; 2. of Judaism on Heathenism. §12. The Fulness of Time 56 HISTORY OF THE PRIMITIVE CHURCH. FOUNDATION OF THE CHURCH BY CHRIST; ITS CONSTITUTION IN THE APOSTOLIC AGE. (First Century.) § lo. Characteristics of this Primitive History 57 I. THE LIFE OF JESUS. § 14. Jesus Christ the Saviour of the World 59 II. THE APOSTOLIC AGE. § 15. Feast of Pentecost- — Activity of the Apostles before the calling of Paul Gl §16. Labours of the Apostle Paul 62 § 17. Labours of the other Apostles 64 1. Peter's Bishopric at Rome. 2. Two or Three James's ? 3. John's Exile. \ 18. Constitution, Life, Discipline, and Worship of the Church 66 1. The Charismata. 2. Bishops and Presbyters. 3. Other Church Offices. 4. Life and Discipline. 5. Worship. § 19. Apostolic Opposition to Sectarians and Heretics 71 1. The Convention of the Apostles. 2. The Basis of Apostolic Teaching. FIRST SECTION. HISTORY OF THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE CHURCH IN ITS ANCIENT AND CLASSICAL FORM. § 20. Characvor and Boundaries of this Phase or Development 79 FIRST PERIOD OF ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY UNDER THE ANCIENT AND CLASSICAL FORM OF CULTUKE (100-323). t. DELATIONS BETWKMN HIE CHURCH, THE SYNAGOGUE, AND HEATHENISM. §21. Hostilities and Persecutions by the Jews 82 \ 22. Attempts at Restoration and Reaction on the part of the Syna- gogue and the Samaritans 8? 1 Dositbcus. 2. Simon Magus. 3. Menander. CONTENTS XV § 23. Persecution of Christians in the Roman Empiie 84 1. To the Time of Trajan. 2. To the Time of Marcus Aurelius. 3. To the Time of Septiniius Severus. 4. To the Time of Decius. 5. To the Time of Diocletian. 6. Diocletian. 7. Constantine. § 24. Intellectual Reaction on the part, of Heathenism 92 1. Apollonius of Tyana. 2. Neo-Platonism. 3. Lucian. 4. Celsus, Porphyry, Hierocles. §25. Spread of Christianity . 94 II. DANGERS ACCRUING FROM A LEAVEN OF JUDAISM AND HEATHENISM REMAINING IN THE CHURCH. §26. Survey 95 Gnosticism. §27. Ebioni.sm and Ebionite Gnosis 97 1. The Nazarenes. 2. The Ebionites. 3. The Elkesaites. 4. The Pseudo-Clementine System. §28.. Christo-Gentile Gnosticism 101 1. Cerinth. 2. The Gnosticism of Basilides. 3. The Gnos- ticism of Valentine. 4. The Gnosticism of the Ophites. 5. The Gnosticism of Carpocrates. 6. The Antitactes. 7. Saturninus. 8. Tatian. 9. Bardesanes. 10. Marcion. 11. Ilermogenes. § 29. Manichseism t 108 1. Person and History of the Founder. 2. The System and Sect. III. DEVELOPMENT IN THE GOVERNMENT, WORSHIP, LIFE, AND DISCIPLINE OF THE CHURCH. § 30. Internal Organization of the Church. ,. Ill 1 Ordines Msjores et Minores. 2. Synods. 3. Unity and Catholicity of the Church. 4. The Primacy of Rome. §31. Celebration of Public Worship .-., 116 Disputes about the Observance of Easter. §32. The Administration of Baptism 118 1. Catechumens. 2. Discussion about the Baptism of Heretics. 3. The Dogma concerning Baptism. § 33. The Administration of the Lord's Supper , 12 1 1. The Liturgy of the Supper. 2. The "Disciplina Arcani." 3. The Dogma of the Lord's Supper. 4. The Sacrificial Theory. J 34. Reading, Sermon, Prayer, and Singing 123 1. The Doctrine of Inspiration. 2. The New Testament Canon. 3. Translations of the Bible. 4. Ilymnology. XVI CONTENTS. jj 35. Places of Public Worship and Influence of Art 12fl §36. Life, Manners, and Discipline 121 1. The Christian Life. 2. Ecclesiastical Discipline. 3. As- ceticism. 4. Beginning of the Worship of Martyrs. g 37. The Montanistic Reformation 131 1. Phrygian Montanism. 2. Montanism in the West. 3. Doc- trine and Practice. I 38. Ecclesiastical Schisms 13a 1. The Schism of Hippolytus at Rome. 2. Of Felicissimus at Carthage. 3. Of Novatian at Rome. 4. Of Meletius in Egypt. IV. DOCTRINAL AND APOLOGETIC LABORS OF THE CHURCH. I S9. Theological Schools and their Representatives 135 1. The Apostolic Fathers. 2. The Apologetical Writers of the Second Century. 3. The School of, Asia Minor. 4. The School of Alexandria. 5. The School of North Africa. 6. The School of Antioch. 7. Apocryphal and Pseudo- Epigraphic Works. \ 40. Development of Doctrine and Dogmatic Controversies 141 1. The Trinitarian Question. 2. TheDynamistic Monarchians. 3. Praxeas and Tertullian. 4. Noetus, Callistus, and Hip- polytus. 6. Beryllus and Origen. 6. Sabellius and the Two Dyonisii. 7. Paul of Samosata. 8. The Millennarian Controversy. §41. Theological Literature 147 1. Apologetics. 2. Polemics. 3. Dogmatics. 4. Criticism and Exegesis. 4. Historical Theology. G. Practical Theology. SEOJND PERIOD OF ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY UNDER THE ANCIENT CLASSICAL FORM (323-692). I. STATE AND CHUKCH. \ 42. Fall of Heathenism in the Roman Empire 151 1. Constantine the Great and his Sons. 2. Julian the Apos- tate. 3. Final Destruction of Heathenism. 4. Resistance and Apologies of the Heathen. { 43 The Christian State and the State Church 156 1. The Emperors. 2. General Synods. 3. Ecclesiastical Law. CONTENTS. XV11 II. MONASTICISM, 1HE CLERGY, AND HIERARCHY. 2 44. Monasticism 158 1. St. Antonius. 2. Nunneries. 3. Monasticism in the East. 4. The Acoimetes and Stylites. 5. Sectarian and Hereti- cal Monasticism. \ 45. The Clergy 162 1. Training of the Clergy. 2. Canonical Age. 3. Ordination. 4. Injunction of Celibacy. 5. Ecclesiastical Functionaries. \ 46. The Patriarchal Office and the Primacy 165 1. The Rivalry between Rome and Byzantium. 2. Pretensions of Rome to the Primacy. III. THEOLOGICAL SCIENCE AND ITS LITERATURE. §47. Theological Schools and Tendencies 170 1. The School of Antioch. 2. Of Edessa. 3. Of Alexandria. 4. New Alexandrian School. 5. Theology of the West during the Fourth and Fifth Centuries. 6. The Theology of the Sixth and Seventh Centuries. \ 48. Theological Literature 181 1. Exegetical Theology. 2. Historical Theology. 3. Apolo- getics. 4. Polemics. 5. Dogmatics. 6. Ethics and As- ceticism. 7. Practical Theology. 8. Christian Poetry. IV. DOCTRINAL CONTROVERSIES AND HERESIES. \ 49. General Development of Doctrine 186 I 50. The Trinitarian Controversy (318-381 ) 187 1. First Victory of Homoousian Principles (318-325). 2. As- cendancy of Homoiousianism (326-356). 3. Homoiism (357-361). 4. Final Ascendancy of the Nicene Creed (361-381). 5. The Pneumatomachoi. 6. Literature of the Controversy. 7. Later Development of Nicene Views. I 51. Origenistic Controversies (394-438) 194 1. The Monks of the Scetian and Nitrian Desert. 2. Contro- versy in Palestine and Italy (394-399). 3. Controversy in Alexandria and Constantinople (399-438). \ 52. Discussions about the Person of Christ (428-680) 197 1. The Apollinaristic Controversy (362-381). 2. Antagonism between the Different Theological Schools (381-428). 3. The Nestorian Controversy (428-444). 4. The Monophy- site Controversy — (A.) Eutychianism (444-451). 5 (B.) Imperial Attempts to bring about a Union (451-519). 6. (C.) The Decrees of Justinian I. (527-553). 7. (D.) The Monophysite Churches. 8. The Monothelete Controversy (633-680). 2* XV111 CONTENTS. I 53. Controversies connected -with the Doctrine of Redemption (112- 529) 207 1. Preliminary History. 2. Doctrinal Views of Augustine. 3. Pelagius and liis System. 4. The Pelagian Controversy (412-431). 5. The Semi-Pelagian Controversy (427-529). § 54. Revival of former Sects 214 1. JNIanichaeism. 2. Priscillianism. V. WORSHIP, LIFE, DISCIPLINE, AND MANNERS. §55. Worship in general 216 § 5G. Times of Public Worship and Festivals 217 1. The Weekly Cycle. 2. Hora and Quatember. 3. The Cal- culation of Easter. 4. The Easter Cycle of Festivals. 5. The Christmas Cycle of Festivals. 6. Festival of the Trans- figuration. 7. The Ecclesiastical Year. §57. The Worship of Saints, of Relics, and of Images 221 1. Saints' Days. 2. The Worship of Mary. 3. The Worship of Angels. 4. The Worship of Images. 5. The Worship of Relics. G. Pilgrimages. § 58. Administration of the Sacraments 226 1. Administration of Baptism. 2. Doctrine of the Lord's Sup- per. 3. Sacrifice of the Mass. 4. The Dispensation of the Supper. § 59. Administration of Public Worship 230 1. Use of the Scriptures. 2. Hymnology. 3. Psalmody and Hymnody. 4. The Liturgy. 5. Symbolical Rites. § 60. Places of Worship and Works of Art 236 1. Basilicas, &c. 2. Side Buildings. 3. Ecclesiastical Furni- ture. 4. The Fine Arts. §61. Life, Discipline, and Manners 239 1. Ecclesiastical Discipline. 2. Christian Marriage. 3. Sick- ness, Death, and Burial. g 62. Heretical Reformers 212 § 63. Schisms 213 1. Schisms in consequence of the Arian Controversy. 2. The Donatist Schism. 8. The Concilium Quinisextum. VI. THE CHURCH BEYOND THE BOUNDARIES OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. I 64. Christian Missions in the East 247 1. The Abyssinian Church. 2. The Persian Church. 3. The Armenian Church 4. The Iberians, Lazians, and Abas- gians ; the East Indies and Arabia. CONTENTS. XIX §65. The Mohammedan Counter-Missions 250 1. Fundamental Idea of Islaraism. 2. Service performed by Mohammedanism. THIRD PERIOD OF ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY IN ITS ANCIENT AND CLASSICAL FORM. (692-1453.) I. MOVEMENTS IN THE EASTERN CHURCH, IN CONJUNCTION WITH SIMIIiAK DEVELOPMENTS IN THE WESTERN CHURCH. \ 66. Iconoclastic Controversy in the East (726-842) 253 1. Leo the Isaurian. 2. Constantinus Copronymus. 3. Irene 4. Theodora. \ 67. Schism between the Greek and the Roman Church, and Attempts at Union (857-1453) 256 1. Commencement of the Schism (867). 2. Leo the Philoso- pher and Basiliusi II. 3. Completion of the Schism in 1054. 4. Attempts at Re-union. 5. Andronicus III. and Johannes V. Paloeologus. 6. Johannes VII. Palseologus. II. INDEPENDENT DEVELOPMENT IN THE EASTERN CHURCH. \ 68. Theological Science and its Literature 261 1. Revival of Classical Studies. 2. Aristotle and Plato. 3 Scholasticism and Mysticism. 4. Theological Sciences 5. Distinguished Theologians. $69. Dogmatic Controversies (the Hesychastic Controversy) 268 g 70. Government, Worship, and Manners 268 1. The Arsenian Schism. 2. Public Worship. 3. Monasticism. 4. Reformatory Efforts. \ 71. Gnostic and Manichman Heretics 270 1. The Paulicians. 2. The Children of the Sun. 3. The Eu- chites and Bogomiles. I 72. The Orthodox Slavonic-Greek Churches 274 1. Greece. 2. The Chazars. 3. The Bulgarians. 4. The Russians. \ 73. The Heretical Churches of the East 27" 1. The Nestorians. 2. The Monophysites. 3. The Maronites. XX CO NTE NT8. SECOND SECTION. HISTORY OF THE CHURCH IN ITS MEDIAEVAL AND GERMANIC FORM OF DEVELOPMENT. § 74. Character and Extent of this Phase of Development 284 1. Its Character. 2. Its Periods. FIRST PERIOD OF ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY IN ITS MEDIEVAL AND GERMANIC FORM OF DEVELOPMENT. (Cent. 4-9.) I. ESTABLISHMENT, SPREAD, AND LIMITATIONS OF THE GERMAN CHURCH. § 75. Christianity and the Germans 287 1. Predisposition. 2. Profession of Christianity. 3. Mode of Conversion. §76. Victory of Catholicism over Arianism 290 1. The Goths in the Countries along the Danube. 2. The Visi- goths. 3. The Vandals. 4. The Suevi. 5. The Burgun- dians. 0. The Rugians and St. Severinus. 7. The Ostro- goths. 8. The Langobards. 9. The Franks. § 77. Victory of the Romish over the British Confession 290 1. British Confession. 2. Ireland. 3. The Picts and Scots. 4. Romish Mission among the Anglo-Saxons. 5. British Mission among the Anglo-Saxons. 6. Victory of the Ro- mish over the British Confession. \ 78. Conversion of Germany •■ 302 1. South-Western Germany. 2. South-Eastern Germany. 3. North - Western Germany. 4. St. Boniface. 5. The Saxons. § 79. The Slavonians within the Boundaries of Germany 311 1. The Moravian Church. 2. Introduction of Christianity into Bohemia. \ 80. The Scandinavian Nations 313 \ 81. Christianity and Islamism 316 CONTENTS. XXI IT. INDEPENDENT DEVELOPMENT OF THE GERMANIC CHURCH. \ 82. The Papacy and the Carolingians 313 1. Origin of the States of the Church. 2. The Carolingian Dynasty. 3. The Papacy till the Time of Nicholas I. 4. Nicholas I. and Hadrian II. 5. John VIII. and his Suc- cessors. § 83, The Papacy and the Metropolitan Office 326 §84. State of the Clergy 329 1. The Higher Clergy. 2. The Inferior Clergy. 3. Injunction of Celibacy. 4. The Canonical Life. §85. Monasticism 333 1. Benedict of Nursia. 2. Benedict of Aniane. 3. Nunneries. 4. Large Monasteries. 5. Stylites, Recluses, and An- chorites. § 86. Ecclesiastical Property 337 Benefices and Secularization. §87. Ecclesiastical Legislation 839 1. Collections of Ecclesiastical Law. 2. The Forged Decretals of Isidore. § 88. State of Intelligence, Ecclesiastical Usages, and Discipline 342 1. Religious Education of the People. 2. Popular Christian Poetry. 3. Social State. 4. Administration of Justice. 5. Ecclesiastical Discipline and Penances. §89. Public Worship and the Fine Arts 348 1. Liturgy and Preaching. 2. Church Music. 3. The Sacri- fice of the Mass. 4. The Worship of Saints, Relics, Im- ages, and Angels ; Pilgrimages. 5. Ecclesiastical Seasons and Places. 6. The Fine Arts. § 90. State of Science and of Theological Literature 353 1. Monastic and Cathedral Schools. 2. Celebrated Theologians before the Time of the Carolingians. 3. During the Reign of Charlemagne. 4. Under the Reign of Louis the Pious. 5. During the Reign of Charles the Bald. 6. Theological Sciences: Exegesis. 7. Systematic Theology. 8. Prac- tical Theology. 9. Church History. \ 91. Development of Doctrine and Dogmatic Controversies 361 1. The Adoptionist Controversy. 2. Controversy about the Procession of the Holy Spirit. 3. Controversies of Pas- chasius Radbertus. 4. Controversy about Predestination. \ 92. Reformatory Movements 367 1. Opposition of the Carolingians to Image Worship. 2. Ago- bard of Lyons and Claudius of Turin. X^ll CONTENTS. SECOND PERIOD OF ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY IN ITS MEDIAEVAL AND GURMANIC FORM OF DEVELOPMENT. (Cent. 10-13.) I. SPREAD OF CHRISTIANITY. \ 93. Missionary Operations during that Period 370 1. The Scandinavian Mission. 2. The Slavonian Magyar Mis- sions. 3. Missions among the Fins and Letonians. 4. Missions among the Mongols. 5. Missions in Mohamme- dan Countries. I 94. The Crusades 382 §95. Islamism and the Jews in Europe 38S 1. Islamism in Sicily. 2. Islamism in Spain. 3. The Jews in Europe. II. HIERARCHY, THE CLERGY, AND MONASTICISM. \ 96. The Papacy and the Holy Roman German Empire 389 1. The Papacy to the Death of Sylvester II. (904-1003). 2. To the Synod of Sutri. 3. To Gregory VII. (1046-1073). 4. Gregory VII. 5. To the Settlement of the Dispute about Investiture. 6. To Innocent III. ( 1 123-1198). 7. Innocent III. (1198-1216). 8. To Boniface VIII. (1216- 1294). \ 97. The Clergy 407 1. Political Influence. 2. The Pataria. \ 98. The Religious Orders 410 1. Of Clugny, Camaldoli, and the Vallambrosians. 2. The Cistercians. 3. New Orders. 4. The Mendicant Orders. h. The Beguins and Beghards. 6. The Knightly Orders. §99. Ecclesiastical Jurisprudence 419 III. TIIEOI/XilCAL SCIENCE AND CONTROVERSIES. I 100. General View of Scholasticism 420 1. Nurseries of Scholasticism. 2. Metaphysical Basis. 3. Ob- ject and Method of Scholastic Theology. \ 101. The Seculum Obscurum (Tenth Century) 424 jj 102. Division among the Dialecticians (Eleventh Century) 426 1. Authors. 2. Eucharistic Controversy. 2. Controversies of Anselm. CONTENTS XX1LI \ 103. Separation and Re-union of Dialectics and Mysticism 430 1. The Separation. 2. Reconciliation. 3. Renewed Con- troversies. g 104. Highest Stage of Scholasticism (Thirteenth Century) 435 1. Celebrated Scholastics. 2. Raimundus Lullus. 3. Biblical and Practical Opposition. 4. A German Mystic. 5. His- torians. IV. THE CHURCH AND THE PEOPLE. \ 105. Public AVorship and the Fine Arts 439 1. The Sacraments. 2. New Festivals. 3. Worship of Images, Relics, and Saints. 4. Hymnology. 5. Ecclesiastical Music. 6. Ecclesiastical Architecture. 7. The Plastic Art and Painting. \ 106. Popular Life and National Literature 445 1. Popular Life. 2. Popular Culture. 3. National Literature. £ 107. Ecclesiastical Discipline and Indulgences 450 V. OPPOSITION TO THE PREVAILING SYSTEM OF ECCLESIASTICISM. \ 108. Active Opposition to Prevailing Ecclesiasticism 451 1. The Cathari. 2. Sect of the Holy Spirit. 3. Revolutionary Reformers. 4. Prophetic and Apocalyptic Opposition. 5. The Waldenses. \ 109. Reaction in the Church 461 1. Crusade against the Albigenses. 2. The Inquisition. THIRD PERIOD OF ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY IN ITS MEDIEVAL AND GERMANIC FORM OF DEVELOPMENT. (Cent. 14 and 15.) I. THE HIERARCHY, THE CLEKGY, AND MONASTICISM. {110. The Papacy 463 1. Boniface VIII. (1294-1303). 2. The Papacy in its Baby- lonish Exile (1309-1377). 3. The Papal Schism and the Reforming Councils (1378-1443). 4. The Last Popes be- fore the Reformation (1443-1517). \ 111. The Clergy.... 471 jj 112. The Monastic Orders 472 1. The Benedictines and Olivetans. 2. The Dominicans. 8. New Orders. 4. Hermits. 5. The Brethren of the Com- mon Life. XXIV CONTENTS. II. THE CHURCH AND THE PEOPLE. § 113. Public Worship and the Fine Arts 478 1. New Festivals in Honour of the Virgin. 2. Preaching. 3. Catechization. 4. Hymnology. 5. Church Music. 6. Architecture, the Plastic Art, and Painting. § 114. Popular Life and National Literature 482 1. Religious Associations. 2. The Friends of God. 3. The Brothers and Sisters of the Free Spirit. 4. National Literature. § 115. Ecclesiastical Discipline 487 1. The Inquisition. 2. Procedure against Witches. III. THEOLOGICAL SCIENCE. §116. Scholasticism and its Opponents 490 § 117. German Mysticism 49- IV. REFORMATORY MOVEMENTS. \ 118. The Reformation in Head and Members 495 1. French Reformers. 2. German Reformers. 3. An Italian Reformer. I 119. Attempts at Evangelical Reformation 499 1. Wycliffe and the Wycliffites. 2. Bohemian Reformers before Hus. 3. Hus and Jerome of Prague. 4. The Husites. 5. The Bohemian and Moravian Brethren. 6. Netherland Reformers. 7. An Italian Reformer. J 120. The so-called Revival of Learning 51C 1. The Italian Humanists. 2. The German Humanists. 3. Erasmus. 4. Humanism in England. Scotland, France, and Spain. 5. The Study of the Scriptures. INTRODUCTION" TO THE HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. I 1. IDEA OF CHURCH HISTORY. The Christian Church is that Divine institution for the sal- vation of man, which Jesus Christ has founded on earth. Its aim is to have the salvation wrought out by Christ communicated to, and freely appropriated by, every nation and every individual. Outwardly, the Church manifests itself in the religious fellowship of those who, having become partakers of this salvation, co- operate in their own places, and according to the measure of their gifts and calling, towards the extension and development of the kingdom of God. Christ the God-man, who is exalted to the right hand of power, is the sole Head of the Church ; the Holy Spirit, who is sent by Christ in order to guide the Church to its goal and perfection, is its Divine Teacher; — the Word and the Sacraments are the ordinary means through which the Holy Spirit works in and by it. As the Church has originated in time, and has passed through a certain development, it has also a History. But its course is not one of continual progress. For, side by side with the holy government of its Divine Head, and the sanctifying influences of the Paraclete, we also descry in its administration a merely human agency. From the 'sinful- ness of our nature, this agency may prove unholy and perverse, and thus resist, instead of co-operating ; obstruct, instead of advancing ; disturb the progress by introducing impure elements, instead of preserving it in, or restoring it to, its purity. But even amidst all this error and perverseness attaching to human agency, the guidance and care of Christ and of His Spirit have 3 ( 25 ) 26 INTRODUCTION. manifested themselves in this, that Divine truth has not heel suffered to perish in human error, Divine power through luunar. weakness and rebelliousness, or the Divine salvation by man's iniquity. Nay, amid all hindrances, the Divine has developed and progressed ; and even these temporary obstructions have been made subservient for preparing, procuring, and manifesting in the Church the complete triumph of Divine power and truth. From these remarks, it will be gathered that it is the task of Church History not only to exl ibit proper developments in the Church, but also all obstructions and aberrations, — at least so long as they have remained in some relation to the Church. £2. DIVISION OF CHURCH HISTORY. The many and extensive ramifications of Church History ren- der it necessary to arrange its subject-matter, both as to length, — i. e., into definite periods, during each of which some tendency, hitherto influential in the general development, reached its ter- mination, and in turn gave place to new influences which com menced to affect the development, or to give it a new direction ; and as to breadth, — i. e., with reference to the various ele- ments of tendency and development, which made their appear- ance at any one stage. In the latter respect two points claim our attention : 1. The arrangement according to national churches, so far as these have followed an independent and distinctive direction ; or according to particular churches, which may partly have owed their origin to some division in the Church universal, occasioned by marked differences, in doctrine, worship, or con- stitution. — 2. The arrangement according to the grand object towards which every movement recorded in ecclesiastical history tends. This common manifestation of ecclesiastical life, which appears in all national and particular churches, has, however 1 , assumed in different churches a peculiar and distinctive shape. The idea of history, and especially that of a universal history of the Church, implies that it must mainly be arranged according to. periods. But the question as to which of the other two classifications is to be prominently brought forward, depends partly on the course of history itself, and partly on the plan on which it has been constructed. In general, the arrangement according to national churches must remain subordinate, at least 80 long as their union and co-operation 1 as not been interrupted, TENDENCIES IN CHURCH HISTORY. 27 either by following entirely different tendencies, or through a sundering of them into particular churches. 1. Different Tendencies apparent in Church History. — The Christian Church is intended to embrace all nations and tongues. Hence, it must always be its aim to enlarge its domain by the conversion of non- Christian nations and individuals. The History of the Extension and Limitation of Christianity, which exhibits either the progress or the various obstructions put in its way, must therefore form an essential part of Church History. Again, though the Church is under the invisible guidance and the unseen care of the Holy Spirit, as a visi- ble and terrestrial institution, it recpaires, for its continuance and pros- perity, a secure outward position, and a stable and consistent internal arrangement, constitution, and order. Hence, Church History has also to chronicle the history of Ecclesiastical Constitution, both in refer- ence to the outward position of the Church towards the State, and to its internal organization, government, discipline, and legislation. The history of those ecclesiastical divisions (schisms) which had their origin only in different views about church government, and especially about the administration of discipline, belongs to this branch of the subject. — Of still greater importance for the prosperous progressof the church, was it to develop and establish the doctrine of salvation. The Holy Scrip- tures are, indeed, the sole source and rule of faith, and a sufficient directory in all that concerns the knowledge of salvation. But the words of Scripture are spirit and life, living seed-corn of knowledge, which, under the superintendence of the Spirit, who sowed it, must unfold into a glorious harvest ; that so the fulness of truth which they contain may be increasingly understood, and become adapted to all stages and forms of culture — to faith, science, and life. It is, there- fore, also the task of Church History to follow the Development of Ecclesiastical Doctrine and Science, in all the ways and by-ways (heresies) over which it has passed. — The Church also requires public worship, as the necessary expression of the feelings and aspirations of the faithful towards their Lord and God, and as a means for edifica- tion, instruction, and strength to the congregation. In the Word and the sacraments, the Church indeed received from its Lord the immov- able ground-work of all worship ; still, it had to seek out and to adopt the most suitable and effective form, under which these Divine powers and gifts might be perfected and applied. Hence the History of Wouship must also form an essential element in Church History. — Lastly, the Church had to introduce the leaven of that new life, of which it is the depositary, into practical life, and into the manners and customs of the people. This, then, implies another element in Church History, — that of Christian life among the people. — It is impossible to determine the historical succession of these varied manifestations of the life of the Church, according to abstract and logical principles, 28 INTRODUCTION. or to arrange them in the same manner at all periods. It will there fore be necessary, in each case, to adopt a division which at everj period will first present those elements which appeared most promi nently, and exercised a decisive influence upon all the others. 2. The several Branches of Church History.— The above branches of Church History are severally of such importance, that they have fre- quently leen treated as independent sciences. This method renders it possible to enter into fuller details, and, what is even more important, to treat each science according to its own peculiar principles, and in the most satisfactory manner. — The history of the spread of, or of the obstructions to Christianity, is then viewed as the History of Missions. That of ecclesiastical government (ecclesiastica politia), of worship and of Christian manners, is called Ecclesiastical Archceology — a name inaptly chosen, since it confines the range of inquiries to ancient times, and groups together heterogeneous elements. Let us hope that writers on this subject will in future separate these different elements, and follow the development of each to the present time, treating of them as of the history of Ecclesiastical Constitution, of Christian "Worship, and of Christian Culture. The history of the development of doctrines may be arranged into — a) the History of Dogmas, in which the genetic development of the doctrines of the Church is traced ; b) Symbolics, in which the established doctrinal views of the Church universal, and of individual churches, as laid down in their confessions (or symbols), are presented in a systematic manner (in " Comparative Symbolics," these confessions are critically examined, and placed side by side with each other) ; c) Patristics, which treats of the subjective development of doctrine, as it appears in the teachings of the most eminent eccle- siastical authorities (the Fathers — limiting that expression chiefly to the first six or eight centuries of the Church) ; lastly, d) the History of Theoloqi/ generally, or of individual branches of theological science, which details the scientific treatment of theology, or of its individual branches, in their historical course of progress. The History of Theo- logical Literature exhibits and criticises the literary activity of the Church generally; Pairology, that of the Fathers. Lastly, the science of Ecclesiastical Statistics presents a general view of the results of universal Church History during a definite period, ami describes t ho state of the Church in all its relations, as it appeared at every period of its history, furnishing, "as it were, a cross-section of history." Literature. 1. History of Missions : Blumhardt, allgemeine Mis> sionsgeschichte (Universal History of Missions). 3 vols, liasle 1828. — W. Brou-ii. Hist, of the Propagation of Christ, among the Heathen since the Reform. 3d Ed. 18">4. — For Protest. Missions, comp. also J". Wiggers, Gesch. d. Evang. Mission, 1847; for Rom. Cath. Miss, the work of Henriori, translat. into German by Wittmann. Schaffh. 1847. 3 vols. 2. History of the Papacy: Bower, Hist, of the Popes. London LITERATURE. 29 1749; transl. into German, and contin. by Eambach. 10 vols. Magd, and Leipz. 1751. — Chr. W. Ft: Walch, Entw. einer vollst. Gesch. d. Papstth. (Sketch of a complete history of the Papacy). Giitt. 1756; Spittler, Gesch. d. Papstth. ; C. J. Weber, Papstth. u. P'apste. Stuttg. 1836 : Artaud de Montor, Hist, des Papes. Augsb. 1848. 3. History of Monastic Orders : //. Helyot, Gesch. aller Kloster u. Ritterorden. Aus d. Franz. (History of all Monastic and Knight Or- ders). Leipz. 1753. 8 vols. — (Mussou), pragm. Gesch. d. vornehmsten MiJnchsorder, im Ausz. von Crome (pragm. Hist, of the Principal Monastic Orders, condensed by Crome). Leipz. 1774. 10 vols. — J. Fehr, Gesch. d. Miinchsorden. Naeh d. Franz, des Baron llenrion (Par. 1835), (Hist, of the Monastic Orders, after the French of Baron Henrion). Tubing. 1845. 2 vols. 4. History of Councils : E. Kicherii, hist, concill. gener. LI. IV. Paris 1680. 3 Voll. 4. — C. J. Hefele, Conciliengesch. nach d Q.uellen (Hist, of Councils, from the original sources). 7 Vols. Freib. 1855. — Chr. W. F. Walch, Entw. einer vollst. Gesch. d. Kirchenversammll (Sketch of a Complete History of Ecclesiastical Councils). Leipz 1759. 5. Ecclesiastical Law: /. W. Bickell, Gesch. d. K.-R. (Hist, of Eccles. Law, continued by liostell), fortgesetzt v. /. W. RSstdl. 2 vols, (incomplete). Giessen 1843. 49.— Ferd. Walter (Rom. Cath.), Lehr- buch d. K.-R. aller christl. Confessionen (Manual of the Eccles. Law of all Christ. Churches). 14th ed. Bonn. 1871.— G. Philipps, K.-R. (Eccl. Law). 5 vols. Regensb. 1845. — Eichhorn, Grunds. d. K.-R. (Principles of Eccl. Law). Gcittg. 1831. 2 vols.— A. L. Fielder, Lehrb. d. K.-R. (Manual of Eccl. Law). 7th ed. Leipz. 1871. 6. Archeology : by Protestant writers : Jos. Bingham, Antiquities of the Church, 10 vols. ; Augusti, Denkwiirdigk. aus. d. chr. Arch. (Memorabilia in Christ. Archseol.). 12 vols. Leipz. 1816; Dessen Hand? d. christl. Arch. (Augusti's Manual of Christ. Arch.). 3 vols. Leip: 1836 ; Rheinivald, die kirchl. Arch. (Eccles. Arch.). Berlin 1830 ; Boh- mer, die chr. kirchl. Alterthumswissch. (Chr. Eccles. Archaeol.). 2 vols. Bresl. 1836. 39 ; Guericke, Lehrb. d. chr. kirchl. Arch. (Manual of Chr. eccl. Arch.). Leipz. 1859 ; Siegel, Haudbuch d. chr. kirchl. Alterthii- mer in alphab. Ordnung (Manual of Christ, and Eccles. Antiq. in the' alphab. order). 4 vols. Leipz. 1836; C. Schbne, Geschichtsforschung: liber d. kirchl. Gebr'auche (Histor. Invest, on Eccles. Usages). 3 vol Berlin, 1819 ; Planck, Gesch. d. chr. kirchl. Gesellschaftsverf. (Hist, oi the Social Constat, of the Chr. Church). 5 vols. Hann. 1803 ; — by Ro- man Catholic writers : Mamachii origines et antiq. chr. 5 voll. 4. Rom. 1749 ; Pdlicia, de chr. eccl. politia. 3 voll. Neap. 1777, newly edited by Rilfer, Col. 1829 ; Binferim, Denkwiirdigk. d. chr. kath. K. (Memora- bilia of the Roman Cath. Ch.). 17 vols. Mayence 1825. 7. History of Dogmas: Petavius (Jesuit), de theologicis dogmatt. c. not. Theoph. Alethani (J. Clerici). 6 Voll. fol. Amst. 1700. — Manuals: 3* 30 INTRODUCTION, by Engelhardt (2 vols. Erlang. 1839) ; Baumgarten-Crusius (Compen- dium 2 vols. Leipz. 1840. 46) ; W. Munscher (3d ed. by Colin and New decker. Cassel 1832) ; A'. F. Meier (2d ed. by G. Baur, Giess sn 1854) ; Fd. Cf.r. Baur (3ded. Leipz. 1867); K. 11. HagenbachZ. A. Leipz. 1867. (the 2d ed. translated by Buch. Edinb. T. and T. Clark) ; J. C. L. Gie- seler (Prelections. Bonn 1855) ; Keander (edited by Jacobi. 2 vols. 1857, transl. by J. E. Ryland).— Chr. W. F. Walch, vollst. Historie d. Ketze- reien, bis zum Bilderstreite incl. (Complete Hist, of Heresies, to the Controversy about Images). 11 vols. Leipz. 1762. 8. Symbolics: Marheineke, chr. Symbolik. Vol. I. Heidelb. 1810; Kbllner, Symb. aller christ. Confess. (Symbolical Books of all Chr. Churches). 2 vols. Leipz. 1846; Winer, comparative Darstellung d. Lehrbegriffe d. vcrschied. chr. Kirchenpart. (Comparat. View of the Dogmas of the various parties in the Chr. Ch.). 2d ed. Leipz. 1837; Gnericke, allg. chr. Symbolik (Universal Chr. Symb.). 3d ed. Leipz. 1861 ; Marheincke's Vorless. liber die Symbolik (Prelections on Symb.). Berlin 1848; A'. Matthes, compar. Symbolik. Leipz. 1854; A. II. Baier, Symb. Vol. I. Greifsw. 1854. — By Roman Catholic writers; /. A. Mohler, Symbolik. 7th ed. Mayence 1864 ; Hilgers, symb. Theol. Bonn 1341 ; — against Mohler: Baur, der Gegens. d. Kath. u. Protestantis- ms (the opposition between Roman, and Protest.). 2d ed. Tub. 1836; Nitzsch, protest. Beantw. (Reply of Protest.). Hamb. 1835. Comp. also: Thiersch, Vorless. liber" Protestantism, u. Kath. (Prelections on Protest, and Roman.). 2 vols. 2d ed. 1848. 9. Patrology and History op Literature: E/lie.i du Pin, nouv. biblioth. des auteurs eccl. 47 voll. Paris 1686 ; II. CeiUier, hist, des au- teurs nacres et eccl. des six prem. sieclcs. Par. 1693. 16 Voll. 4 ; J. A. Mbhley, Patrologie, edited by Rheitmayer. Vol. I. Regensb. 1839; J. Fesslo, Institt, patrol. Oenip. 1850. 2 T. — By Protestant Avriters: W. Cave, Scriptt. eccles. hist, literaria. 2 Voll. fol. London 1688; C. Oudin, Commentarii de scriptoribus ecclesiast. Lips. 1722. 3 Voll. fol. ; J. A. Fabrieii Biblioth. Grajca. Hamb. 1705 ss. 14 XM. 4., nova ed. cur. liar- less. Hamb. 1790. 12 Voll. 4. ; Ejusd. Bibl. media; et infimse latinitatis aucta a /. D. Mansi Pat. 1754. Voll. 4. ; Schonemann, Biblioth. patr. latin, hist, liter. Lips. 1792. 2 vols. ; Oelrichs, Comment, de script eccles. lat. Lips. 1790: /. C. F. Bdhr, Gesfch. d. rom. biter. (Hist, of Roman Liter.), Suppl. I.-III. Karlsr. 1836-40. — Gesch d. theol. Win- senscli. (Hist, of Theol. Science) : von Fl'ugge (3 vols. Halle 1796, to the time of the Reform.); — Stavdlin (from the 15th cent.). 2 vols. Gott. 1810; — J. G. Walch. Biblioth. theol. sel. Jena? 1757. 4 Voll. 10. Lives of the Saints: L. Surivs,Vit& Ss. Col. 1570. 6 Voll. fol, Acta Sanctorum, Ant. 1643 etc. 56 Voll. fol. (begun by the Jesuit Bol- landus, hence known by the name of Holland ists). — Mabillon, Acta Ss. ordinis s. Benedict!. Par. 1666. 9 Voll. fol. — Butler, Lives of 'lie Saints, New ed Dublin 1838. DIVISION IN CHURCH HISTORY. 31 3. Principal Phases in the Historical Development of the Church.-— In the history of civilization we meet with three successive forms of culture : the Oriental, the Graeco-Roman, and the Germanic. The kingdom of God was to penetrate, and unfold itself, in each of these, in a manner peculiar to each, and thus attain its most complete development. The earliest Church (the Israelitish theocracy) represents its development in the Oriental form ; the ancient Christian Church its development in the Graeco-Roman form ; the modern Church its development in the Germanic form. The Middle Ages exhibit the struggle between the O CO superannuated classic form of culture, and the modern ; whilst the later development of the Church received its main impulse from the Germanic-Christian culture, which was matured by the genial influ- ences of the Reformation. This division of the History of the kingdom of God on the earth, according to the different forms of civilization, seems to us so essential, that wo derive from it the principle of our division of Church History, as follows: I. Antecedent History of Christianity : Preparation for it in the He- brew oriental form of culture ; simultaneous adaptation of the univer- sal form, for its manifestation in the Grasco-Roman form. II. Primitive History of Christianity : The perfect exhibition of the plan of salvation by Christ and his Apostles. Conflict between the JeAvish and Greek forms of culture ; victory of the latter. First cen- tury (Apostolic period). III. History of the Development of Christianity, on the basis of its original character. A. In tlie Ancient Classic Form: First Period, from a. 100-323, or to the final victory of Christianity over Grceco-Roman heathenism. Second Period, from 323-692, or to the completion of the doctrinal development of the ancient Church (680) and the alienation between the Oriental and Occidental Churches (692). Third Period, from 692-1453, or to the taking of Constantinonle. Decline of the influence of the ancient classic form of culture on the history of the Church. B. In the Germanic Form. 1. In the Middle Ages: First Period, including the 4th-9th centuries, or from the founding of the Church among the Germans to the end of the Carlovingian period. Second Period, from the 10th-13th centuries, to Boniface VIII., or the age of the papacy, monasticism, and scholasticism. Third- Period, embracing the 14th and 15th centuries, to the Reform- ation ; decline of the factors prominent in the Middle Ages ; frequent reformatory movements. 2. In the Modem Germanic Form : First Period, embracing the 16th century, the period of the Reforma fcion. Second Period, the 17th century, the period of orthodoxy. !>!i INTRODUCTION. Third Period, the 18th century, the age of deism, naturalism, ration- alism. Fourth Period, the 19th century, the age of the revival of a Christian and Church life (unionism, confessionalism) in conflict with commu- nism, pantheism, and materialism. I 3. SOURCES AND AUXILIARIES OF CHURCH HISTORY. 1. The sources of Church History are partly primary (origi- nal), such as monuments and original documents, — partly secondary (derived), among which we reckon traditions, and reported researches of original sources which have since been lost. Monuments, such as ecclesiastical buildings, pictures, and inscriptions, are commonly only of very subordinate use in Church History. But archives, preserved and handed down, are of the very greatest importance. To this class belong also the acts and decrees of ecclesiastical councils; the regesta and official decrees of the Popes (decretals, briefs) and of Bishops {pastoral letters) ; the laws and regesta issuing from imperial chancellories, so far as these refer to ecclesiastical affairs ; the rules of monastic orders, liturgies, confessions of faith, letters of personages influential in church or state ; reports of eye-wit- nesses ; sermons and doctrinal treatises of acknowledged theolo- gians, etc. If the documents in existence are found insufficient, we must have recourse to earlier or later traditions, and to the historical investigations of those who had access to original documents which are now no loii"-er extant. '£>' a. Collections of Councils: /. Harduin, concill. collectio regia maxima. Par. 1715. 12 vols, folio. — J. D. Mansi, concill. nova et am- pliss. coll. 31 vols. fol. Flor. et Venet. 1759 ss. b. Acts of the Popes: Ph. Jaff'e, Regesta pontiff. Rom. (to the year 1198). Berol. 1851. 4.— The decretals of the Popes arc collected and treated of in the Corpus jur. Canon., od. Bbhmer (Hal. 1747. 2 vols. 4.) and RicMer (Lps. 1833 ss. 4). — L. Cherubini, bullarium Hum. Ed. IV. Rom. 1672. 5 vols. fol. — C. Cocqvelines, bullarum, priyileg. ac diplo- tnatum ampliss. collectio Rom. 1739. 28 vols. fol. — Barberi, bullar. Magn. (1758-1830), cont. by R.Segreius (to 1846). Rom. L835-47. 14 vols. fol. c. Rules of Monastic Orders: Luc. Wolsttnii codex regularum monastic, et canonic. I vols. 4to. Rom. 16G1, auct.is a Mar. Brockie. (i rols. fol. Aug. Vind. 17:".'.). d. Liturgies: J. A. Assemanni Cud. liturgicus eccl. univ. 13 vols. 4 Rom. 1749. — II. A. Daniel, cod. lit. eccl. univ. 4 vols. Lps. 1847-53. 8 HISTORY OF CHURCH HISTORY. 33 c. Confessions or Faith: C. W. Fr. Walch, biblioth. symbohca retus. Lemg. 1770 ; A. Halm, Biblioth. der Symb. u. Glaubensrcgeh? der apost. kath. K. (Library of the Confessions and Rules of Faith of the Apostolic Catholic Church). Bresl. 1842. f. Acta Martyroruji: Th. Ruinart, Acta primorum Martyrum. New edition by B. Galium. Aug. Vind. 1802. 3 vols. — Surius and the Bollandists ($ 3, 10) ; St. E. Assemaiud, Acta Sanctorum Mart. Orient, et Occid. Rom. 1748. 2 vols. fol. 2. Auxiliary Sciences of Church History. — Those sciences are auxilia- ries of Church History which are indispensable in order properly to understand, critically to judge of, and to sift, the sources of ecclesias- tical history. Among them we reckon, 1) Diplomatics, which teaches us to judge of the genuineness, the completeness, and the trustworthi- ness of documents ; 2) Philology, which enables us to make use of sources in different languages; 3) Geography, and 4) Chronology, which respectively inform us about the scene, and the succession in time, of the different facts narrated. In a wider sense, we may also reckon among auxiliary sciences, general history, as well as that of jurisprudence, of civilization, of art, of literature, of philosophy, and of religion, all which are indispensable on account of their manifold bearing on the development of the Church. a. Diplomatics: J. Mabillon, de re diplomatica. Ed. II. Par. 1709. fol. b. Philology: C. du Fresne (Dominus du Cange), glossarium ad scriptores mediae et infmiae latinitatis. G vols. Par. 1733 ; edid. Hens- chel. Par. 1840 ss. 7 vols. 4. — Du Frdsne, gloss, ad scriptores med. et infim. graecitatis. 2 vols. fol. Lugd. 1G88 ; J. C. Suiceri thesaurus eccle- siast., e patribus grsecis. Ed. 2. 2 vols. fol. Amst. 1728. c. Geography: Car. a S. Paulo, Geogr. s., cur. /. Clerici, Amst. 1703. fol. ; — Nic. Sansonis, Atlas ant. sacer, emend. J. Ctericus. Amst. 1705. fol. ; — /. E. Th. Wiltsch, Handb. d. kirchl. Geogr. u. Statistik (Manual of Ecclesiastical Geography and Statistics). 2 vols. Berlin 1846 ; the same author's, Atlas sacer s. ecclesiast. Goth. 1843 ; C. F. Stdudlin, kirchl. Geogr. u. Statist. (Ecclesiastical Geography and Sta- tistics), 2 vols. Tub. 1804. — Mich, le Quien, Oriens christianus in qua- tuor patriarchatus digestus. Par. 1740. 3 vols. fol. 4. Chronology: Piper, Kirchenrechnung (Ecclesiastical Chronolcgy). Berlin 1841. 4. \ 4. HISTORY OF CHURCH HISTORY. Comp. C. F. Stdudlin, Gesch. u. Lit. d. K. G. History and Litera- ture of Church History). Hamburgh 1827. F. Chr. Baur, die Epochen der kirchl. Geschichtschreibg. (the Periods of the Literature of Church History). TiU? 1852. 34 INTRODUCTION. The Gospels and the book of Acts furnish us with an account of the commencement of ecclesiastical history. Next in order of time comes the work of ffege&ippus, a native of Asia Minor, who, about the middle of the second century, collected the various tra- ditions of apostolical time. Only fragments of this work have been preserved. Eusebius, Bishop of Csesarea, claims to be the Father of Church history in the proper sense of the term. Lead- ing men in the Greek Church continued his work in the 5th cent. At first the Eastern had, in this branch of study, the advantage of the Western Church, which only furnished translations, or at most re-cast the material furnished by the Greeks, instead of car- rying on independent investigations. During the middle ages the Eastern as well as the Western Church furnished to Church History in its true sense, almost nothing. But considering the close connection between church and state in the Byzantine empire, we must not omit to notice the so-called Scrip/ores histories Byzanlince, and the Latin national histories, biogra- phies, annals, and chronicles, as important for the student of Church History. The Reformation first called forth really critical investigation, and opened the way for a scientific treat- ment of Church History. In carrying on their great work, the Reformers felt the need of reverting to those times when the Church appeared in its purer form. To investigate and to determine such questions, it was necessary to study ecclesiastical history ; while the very attacks of their enemies obliged the Roman Catholic Church to follow them into these investigations. Both the Lutheran and Catholic Churches, however, contented themselves, until the middle of the lltli century, with their two great works of the period of the Reformation. Then, how- ever, the spirit of rivalry was aroused in the pursuit of such studies, and during the 17th century the Catholic Church un- doubtedly bore the palm. The more liberal spirit of the Gal- lican Church fostered this zeal, especially among the Maurines and Oratorians of France. The Reformed Church, especially in France and the Netherlands, did not keep far in the rear of these efforts. In the 18th century the contributions of the Lutheran Church again take the lead, the Reformed following closely after, whilst the zeal and learning of the Roman Catholic Church had decidedly declined. But as rationalism invaded the sphere of theology, so pragmatism invaded that of Church History, and made the ideal of it consist in regarding all events HISTORY OF CHURCH HISTORY. B5 as the result of chance and passions, of arbitrariness and calcu lation. No; until the 19th century was this conceited and dull spirit of pragmatism overcome. 1. To the Reformation. The History of Eusebius extends to the year 324. It was continued in the fifth century by Philostorgius, an Arian, and by Socrates, Sozomenus, and Theodoret, Catholic writers. Early in the sixth century Iheodorus, a lector of Constantinople, wrote an abstract of Theodoret' s work, carried down to his own times ; this abstract is, unhappily, all that remains. These works were followed in the sixth century by Evagrivs. In the Latin Church, Rufinus, a presbyter of Aquileia, translated the Ecclesiastical History of Eusebius, and brought it down to his own days (to 395). About the same time, Sulpicius Sevei'us, a presbyter from Gaul, wrote his " Historia Sacra," in two books, extending from the creation of the world to the year 400. In the sixth century, Cassiodorus, a Roman official under Theodoric, condensed a translation of the Catholic continuators of Eusebius, which was designed to supplement the work of Rufinus. This compilation, well known as the Historia ecclesiastica tripartita, along with Rufinus, continued the common text-book in use up to the time of the Reforma- tion. Of a Syrian Church History by the Monophysite bishop, John of Ephesus, in the sixth century, the second part, containing the history of his own times, has but recently become known. (Cf. J. P. N. Land, John of Eph., the first Syr. Ch. Historian. Leyden 1857.) Concern- ing other contributions of the ancient Church see £ 41, 5, and $ 48, 2; for the mediseval histories of the Latins \ 90, 9, of the Greeks § 68, 4. Gregor ius, Bishop of Tours, furnished a most valuable contribution to the ecclesiastical history of the Franks up to the year 591, and the Venerable Bede, to that of England up to the year 731. The Liber Pon- tificalis, by the Roman librarian Anastasius (ob. 891) furnishes bio- graphies of the Popes. The work of Bishop Adam of Bremen (extend- ing to the yea«r 1076) is of great value for the history of the northern churches. Among writers of universal Church history we name Hayrno of Halberstadt (c. 850), who however only extracted from Rufinus and Casiodorus ; the Abbott Odericus Vitalis, in Normandy (c. 1150) ; the Dominican Bartholomew of Lucca (c. 1300), and Archb. Antoninus of Florence, in the 15th century. Near the close of -the 15th century the spirit of historical criticism was awakened, through the influence of humanism (# 120). Besides the numerous Scriptores hist. Byzant., Nice- phorus Callisti, in the Greek Church, wrote a Church history proper (i.i the 14t i i viiiury). The Melchite Patr. Eutychius of Alexandria wrote, in the 12th century, a Ch. hist, in Arabic, full of fables, and of value only for the condition of the Church under Mohammedan rule. 2. The Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries. As early as the middle of the sixteenth century, the Madgeburg Centuria (1559-74), a splendid work on ecclesiastical history, were compiled by an association of Lu 86 INTRODUCTION theran divines, headed by Matthias Flacius Ittyricus, a clergyman at Magdeburg. It consisted of 13 folio vols., of -which each described a century. The work may lie described as the result of unwearied labor, and as bringing forward a great many documents till then unknown. The Centuria evoked (in L588) the Ecclesiastical Annals of Ccesar Ba- ronius (12 vols, folio, extending to 1108) ; a production specially im- portant from the circumstance that it brings to light many documents, which have since then remained unknown. The author was rewarded with a cardinal's hat, and had almost been elevated to the Chair of St. Peter. Of writers on general Church History of the 17th cent, in Catholic France were Natalis Alexander, a learned, but scholastic and stiff Dominican; Seb. le Nain tie Tillemont, a conscientious Jansenist author; Claude Fleury, the mild, able, but somewhat diffuse confessor of Louis XV.; and the eloquent Bishop Bossuet. To the older Reformed Church we are indebted for many excellent works on ecclesiastical his- tory. Theodore Beza comes first with his History of the French Re- formed Church. Its authors, however, attained the highest reputation in the 17th century, and became particularly distinguished by their learned special investigations (II. $ 40, 4) ; though general Ch. hist, also received creditable attention. J.H. Hottinger combined a history of the Jews, of Heathenism, and of Mohammedanism, with that of Christianity. Of still greater importance were the productions of Fr. Spanheim, in Leyden. In his Histoire de I'Eglisc, J. Basnage has replied to Bossuet, while the Annates of Sam. Busnage were directed against Baronius. 3. The Eighteenth Century. — After the great work of the " Magde- burg Centuria," the study of ecclesiastical history was for a time neglected by the Lutheran Church. A century elapsed before G. C'ah'xt (ob. 1G5G) revived the study of this science. Strange to say, it was again controversy which induced theologians to return to the subject. In 1699, Gottfr. Arnold, a learned Pietist and Mystic, composed his "Impartial History of the Church and of Heretics," — a work which throughout breathes a party spirit, and which describes genuine Chris- tianity only among heretics and fanatics. Still, ii gave a fresh impulse to historical investigation. Since that period, men like Weismann of Tubingen, the two Wizlchs {George Walch, the father, at Jena, and Francis Walch, the son. in Gottingen), J. Lor. r. Mosheim, Chancellor in Gottingen {ob. 1755), and Sigism. J. Baumgarten of Halle, have furnished aide and valuable works on Church History. Among these Mosheim deserves the first place, both on account of his acuteness, of his practical sense, of bis style, and of his pure Latinity. J. Sal. Semler of Halle {ob. 1791), the pupil of Baumgarten, attempted to throw doubt upon almost every conclusion in historical theology at which the Church had arrived. He was answered by J- MattTi w Sckrockh,who e work, in '■"> vols., bears evidence of almost incredible labour and per- Sfivera although it is necessarily diffuse. Chevalier Splitter, $> Win ii ell ire Minister of State, next furnished a clever caricature of HISTORY OF CHURC1E HISTORY. 37 Church History. He was followed in the same spirit by Hencke of Helmst'adt, who, in vigorous language, attempted to sketch the history of the Christian Church in the light of a continuous succession of religious aberrations. 6. J. Planck of Gottingen, a, representative of the unhealthy supranaturalism of his time, wrote a number of eccle- siastical and other monographs, which display considerable research, but are tainted with the spirit of his school. — Theologians of the Re- formed Church also compiled valuable treatises on ecclesiastical his- tory. Among them we mention those of J. Clericus, an Arminian ; of Alph. Turretin, of Geneva; of Herm. Venema, of Franeker ; and of Jablonsky, at Frankfort-on-the-Oder. The reforms introduced by the Emperor Joseph II. were not without effect on the study of ecclesias- tical history among the members of the German branch of the Roman Catholic Church. Accordingly, Casp. Roylco of Prague, and Matthew Vannenmayer of Vienna, wrote in a liberal spirit, — the former in lan- guage almost cynical, the latter in a more scientific and calm tone. 4. The Nineteenth Century. — A new era in the treatment of Church History opened with Chr. Schmidt of Giessen, in the commencement of the nineteenth century. Instead of the superficial or diffuse enu- meration of facts, formerly current, he insisted on a thorough study of the sources and an objective estimate of events. But, unfortunately, in his case, the independent and objective treatment merely consisted in want of sympathy on the part of the historian with the subject of his investigations. His writings were, in consequence, cold, unattrac- tive, and almost mechanical. *[But the fundamental principle to which he called attention was safe, and, if rightly applied, calculated to accomplish the object in view.] He was followed by Gieseler of Gottin- gen (ob. 1854), who elevated and improved this principle; and, in his History of the Church, has left a perfect storehouse of the most varied and comprehensive research. The text itself is terse ; but the notes by which it is accompanied contain an exquisite selection from the sources from which he had drawn. The Manual of Engelhardt of Erlangen is an insipid but valuable arrangement of the subject, as derived from the sources; that of A'. Hase of Jena is distinguished by its vivid sketches, its fresh and tasteful style, and its frequent though often enigmatical allusions to the sources whence his material had been drawn. In the prelections of Schleiermacher, we find, indeed, no more than the information ordinarily conveyed, but the leading outlines in the development of the Church are well traced. The work of Niedncr claims special merit from the industry of the author, who furnishes much more than the common staple of text-books. The book affords evidence of most laborious study of the sources, and of discriminating tact ; but its style is heavy, and somewhat scholastic. The Manual of Fricke (unhappily left incomplete), learned but stiff, is a production of the same school. In Gfrbrer's work on Ecclesiastical History, Chris- 4 * Wanting in tbe German. BS INTRODUCTION. tianity is treated as the natural product of the time in which it origv nated. Clerical selfishness, political calculations and intrigues, appeal the sole principles of ecclesiastical movements which this author can appreciate or discover. Still, the work is of importance; and those volumes especially which detail the history of the Middle Ages give evidence of original study, and contain much fresh information. Occa- sionally the writer is carried away by his ingenuity, which suggests combinations where, in reality, none had existed. In 1853, Gfrorer joined the Roman Catholic Church. Almost at the same time with Gieseler, A. Neander commenced his great work on Church History, which formed a new phase in that branch of study. Sharing in the religious awakening which took place in Germany at the time of the French Wars, and deeply imbued with Schlciermacher's theology of feeling, he assigned to personal piety an important place in his treatment of Church History. In his view, ecclesiastical history furnished a grand commentary on the para- ble of the leaven which was destined to leaven the whole lump. The developments of the inner life are his favourite theme : he delights in tracing the Christian element even in persons and parties which had formerly been overlooked or disowned ; while, on the other hand, the Church and churchliness appear to him generally as a mere ossifica- tion of Christian life, and a crystallisation of Christian dogma. Simi- larly, he overlooks the influence exerted by political causes, nor does he pay attention to the aesthetic and artistic bearings of history. If his treatment of the subject is too minute and monotonous, the reader is compensated by fervour and the continuous evidence of familiarity with the sources. Among the pupils whom this jjreat man has left, Jacobi of Halle, and Hagenbacli of Basle, have generally adopted his course, but avoided his errors. The Manual of Jacobi (which is not yet completed) breathes the same spirit as that of his teacher. Its tone is elevated ; nor is the author content merely to imitate Neander. The prelections of Hagenbacli, originally delivered to an educated audi- ence, are somewhat diffuse, but clear and attractive. They breathe throughout a warm Christian spirit, nor is the judgment of the lec- turer warped by narrow sectarian prejudices. W. Zimmermann, real- izing the necessity, in writing Church History, of going back to the idea of life, wrote a "History of the Life of the Church" for educated persons, which, notwithstanding its new title, pursued the old track. What in the work of Neander had been wanting, from the subjeotive- ness of his " pectoral" piety, Gltericke of Halle has attempted to supply, at least so far as the Lutheran Church, to which he is attached, is con- cerned. But in more respects than one the work is somewhat one- sided. Along with this production we rank the excellent Manual of Bruno Lindner of Leipsic. The author belongs to the same ecclesias- tical party as Guericke ; lie traces more particularly the development of dogmas; and also takes notice of the operation of political influences, HISTORY OF CHURCH HIS TORT. 39 fts from time to time they were brought to bear on the history of the Church. Dr. Kurtz' Manual belongs to the class just named, but aims at furnishing fuller details, and more copious extracts from the sources, than the works of Guericke or Lindner. Students of Ecclesiastical History are also under manifold obligations to the conductors of the " Zeitschrift fur historische Theologie" (Journal of Historical Theo- logy), edited since 1832 by Illgen, and latterly by Niedner. The Roman Catholic Church has latterly displayed fresli activity in prosecuting the study of Church History. A succession of able writers have followed the noble convert (to Popery), Leopold, Count of Stol- berg. The work of Katercamp breathes a conciliatory spirit, and is at the same time distinguished by elegance of composition. A new era in the historical investigations of the Roman Catholic Church com- menced with Ad. Miihler, whose labours were prematurely arrested by death (in 1838). The school which he inaugurated is decidedly ultra- montane, but combines with this tendency the exhaustive diligence which characterises Protestant investigations. Incited by the example of Mohler, Dollinger of Munich, Alzog of Hildesheim, and Rilter of Breslau, have written valuable manuals. a. J. E. Chr. Schmidt, Handb. d. chr. K. G. (Manual of Eccl. Hist.) fortgesetzt v. F. W. Rettberg. 7 vols. Giess. 1800-34.— J. C. L. Gieseler, Lehrb. d. K. G. (Manual of Ch. Hist.) Vols. I.-V. in 8 Parts (the first 2 volumes, forming 5 volumes in " Clark's series," have been trans- lated into English). Bonn 1824-40. Vol. IV. Kirchen Geschich.te d. 18ten Jahrhunderts (Eccl. Hist, of the 18th cent.), Vol. V. Kirchen G. d. neuesten Zeit (Eccl. Hist, from 1814), and Vol. VI. Dogmen-Gesch, (History of Dogmas), have, after the author's death, been edited by Dr. Redepenning (Bonn 1855-57.— J. G.Y.Engclhardt, Handb. d. K. G. 5 vols. Erlangen 1832.— K. Ease, K. G. 9th Ed. Leipz. 1867.— F. Schlei- ermachcr, Vorles. u. d. K. G. (Lectures on Ch. H.) herausg. von Bonell. Berlin 1840.— Chr. W. Niedner, Gesch. d. chr. K. Berlin 1866.— G. A. Fricke, Lehrb. d. K. G. Vol. I. (to the 8th cent.) Leipz. 1850.— A. F. Gfrorer, Gesch. d. chr. K. Stuttg. 1840 etc. 7 vols, (to the year 1000.) b. A. Neander, allg. Gesch. d. chr. K. (General Hist, of the Chr. Ch.). 6 Sections in 11 vols. Hamb. 1854-58 (to the year 1416) ; 3d Ed. in 2 large vols. 8vo. Hamb. 1857. (translated and published by Clark, Edinb.)— Ph. Schaff, History of the Chr. Ch. a. d. 1-311, Scribner, N. York, 1859.— J. L. Jacobi, Lehrb. d. K. G. Vol. I. to the year 590. Ber- lin 1850. — K. R. Hagenbach, Vorles. ii. d. K. G. New collected edition in 7 volumes. Leipz. 1868. — jE?. H. F. Guericke, Handb. d. K. G. 9 Ed. Leipz. 1866 3 vols. — Br. Lindner, Lehrb. d. chr. K. G. 3 vols. Leipz. 1848 etc.— /. H. Kurtz, Handb. d. allgem. K. G. I. 1. 2. 3. II. 1. (to the time of the Carolingians). Mitau 1858 etc.— G. v. Polenz, Gesch. d. franz. Calvin (Hist, of Fr. Calvin). Vol. I. (to 1500). Gotha 1857. c. Leap. v. Stolberg, Gesch. d. Rel. Jesu Chr. (Hist, of the Rel. of Jesus Christ). Vols. 1-15 (to the year 430), fortges. von (continued by) 40 INTRODUCTION. F. v. Kerz, Vols. 16-32 (to the year 1300). Mayence 1824-51, and by Brischar. Vol. 33 etc. 1851 etc.— Th. Katercamp, Gesch. d. Rel. bis zur Sfciftung d. alls;. K. (Hist, of Rel. to the found, of a univers. Ch.) May- ence 1819, — Kirchengesch. 5 vols, (to the year 1153), Mlinster 1823-34. — J. Ign. Hitter, Handb. d. K. G. 0th Ed. Bonn 1802 2 vols.— /. Alzog, Universalgesch. d. chr. K. (Universal Hist, of the Chr. Ch.) Gth Ed. Mayence 1872. THE PREPARATORY HISTORY TO THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH RELIGIOUS, MORAL, AND INTELLECTUAL STATE OF THE WORLD BEFORE THE COMING OF CHRIST. Cojip. 1. /. /. Ign. Bollinger, Heidenth. u. Judenth., Vorhalle zur Gesch. d. Christenth. Regensb. 1857. — J. G. A. Lutterbeck, die neu- test. Lehrbegriffe, Bd. I. d. vorchristl. Entwickelung. Mainz 1853. 2. J. Jac. Hess, Gesch. d. Israel, vor d. Zeiten Jesu (History of the Jews before the time of Christ.) 12 volumes. Zurich 1770-88. — J. H. Kurtz, Geschichte d. alten Bundes (Hist, of the Old Covenant — transl. into Engl, by Eldersheim, Edinb., T. and T. Clark). Vols. I. II. 2d ed. Berlin 1853-58 ; — the same author's Lehrb. d. heil. Gesch. (Manual of Sacred Hist.) 12th ed. Kunigsb. 1871.— {H Ewald. Gesch. d. Volkes Israel bis Christus [Hist, of the Jewish Nation to the Time of Christ]. Gott. 1804 etc. 7 vols.) — Edersheim's History of the Jew- ish Nation. 2d ed. Edinb. 1857. 3. Herder, Ideen zur Philos. d. Gesch. d. Menschh. (Thoughts on the Philos. of the Hist, of Man).— If. Ritter, Gesch. d. Philosophie. 2d ed. Hamb. 1830 etc. — Meiners, allgem. Gesch. d. Religg. (Universal Hist. of Religions). 1800.— Creuzer, Symbolik u. Mythologie. 3 ed. 1837 etc.— OtJ'r. Mutter, Prolegomena zu einer wissenschaft. Mythol. (Pro- leg, to a scientific Myth.). — Stuhr, allg. Gesch. d. Religionsformen d. heidn. Volker (Universal Hist, of the Forms of Relig. among Heathen Nations). Berlin. 1830. — A. Wuttke, Gesch. d. Heidenthums (Hist, of Heathen.). Vols. I. II. Breslau 1852 etc.; — J. Sepp, das Heidenth. u. dess. Bedeutung fur d. Christenth. (Heathen, and its import, for Christian.). 3 vols. Regensb. 1853. — Tholuck, das Wesen u. die sittl. Einnusse des Heidenth. (the Character and Moral Infl. of Heathen.) ; in Neander's Memu-ials. Vol. I. — Gruneisen, d. Sittliche in d. bilder 4 * ( 41 ) 42 PREPARATORY HISTORY. den Kunst boi d. Griechen (the Moral Element in the Fine Arts among the Greeks). Leipz. 1833. I 5. SURVEY OF THE HISTORY OF THE WORLD. The incarnation of God in Christ for the salvation of the human race, which had become subject to sin, death, and eternal misery, forms the central point in the history and development of man- kind. With this event commences, and on it rests, " the fulness of time " (Gal. iv. 4). All former history served only as prepa- ration for this great fact. But this process of preparation dates from earliest times, and appeared under the twofold form of Heathenism and of Judaism. In the former, the development was left to the unaided powers and capacities of man ; in the latter, it was influenced and directed by a continuous course of Divine co-operation. These two series, which differ not only in the means employed, but also in the aim and goal of their respective developments, continued side by side with each other, until in the fulness of time they merged in Christianity, which they were mutually to serve by their appropriate fruits and results, and respectively peculiar developments ; but with which, also, they would enter into a deadly conflict, by their ungodly and wicked fruits and results. And as, on the one hand, Christianity was thus fitted to become the Religion of the world, so by its conflict with evil it would be strengthened for victory, and confirmed in its divine powers. §6. PRIMEVAL PREPARATION OF SALVATION. When man came from the creative hand of God, he was upright and holy. He bore the Divine image, and was destined for, and capable of, a free development by which to attain perfect blessed- ness, glory, and communion with God. But instead of attaining that destiny by an act of free choice, he fell by an abuse of his freedom, and became subject to sin, death, and corruption, However, man was still capable of salvation ; and immediately after his fall the eternal purpose of grace was announced, and henceforth became the great element in his history. This deliverance was to appear in the midst of the human race itself (by the seed of the woman, Gen. iii. 15), and thus to form the culminating point of a development carried on under the operation of God. But soon this development again took a direction so perverse and godless, PURPOSES OF JUDAISM AND HEATHENISM. 43 that unless it had been broken off by a general judgment (that of the flood), it would have terminated, not in salvation, but in absolute destruction. Only one man (Noah) was preserved amidst the general ruin, and now formed the commencement of a- new development by which the great goal was again to be sought. Sin a second time marred this work, — not, indeed, so far as to render a second general judgment necessary in order to preserve the Divine purpose of salvation, yet so as to make it impossible that this development should become the medium for exhibiting the counsel of sovereign love. Salvation might indeed still be prepared in and by it, if not positively, at least negatively. But, in order positively to prepare the way of salvation, for the third time a new commencement required to be made. §7. DIFFERENT PURPOSES WHICH JUDAISM AND HEA- THENISM WERE INTENDED TO SERVE. In Abraham and in his seed God chose and created, called and trained a people, in and by which salvation — in its positive aspect — was to be prepared, until, when fully matured, its benefits might be shared by all the nations of the earth. This new de- velopment commenced on the principle of strictest exclusion, although from the first it offered the prospect of finally embracing all nations. Everything connected with the history of this people bears reference to the coming salvation. Each revelation and dispensation, all discipline and punishment, every promise and threatening; their constitution, laws, and worship ; every political, civil, and religious institution (so far as they were legitimate and proper), — all tended towards this goal. Meantime the Lord allowed the other nations to walk in their own ways (Acts xiv. 16). But, while leaving them to themselves, He did not wholly forsake them, but had a great purpose of His own in view, to which their development also was to be subservient. Their his- tory also was preparatory for salvation, and that not only nega- tively, in so far as they learned to long for, and to become sus- ceptible of, the salvation which was destined to be " of the Jews" (John iv. 22), but positively also, in so far as they were rendered capable of offering a nuptial gift which should prove of greatest importance for the spread of that salvation. In this respect pre-Christian heathenism is not without its Divine sanc- tion. 44 PREPARATORY HIS TO it Y. In its fundamental principles, heathenism denies Jie existence of a living and personal God, despises the salvation which He has prepared, and embodies the idea that man is both able and obliged to deliver himself by his own strength and wisdom. Hence the endeavour, with the means at man's command, to attain a salvation devised by man. From the sinfulness and impotence of human nature, such endeavours could only lead to entire and felt ruin. Despite increasing worldly culture and political power, heathenism increasingly sank from its height of moral and religious strength and dignity, into a state of spiritual decay and moral laxity and helplessness. It became more and more evident that neither nature nor art, neither worldly culture nor wisdom, neither oracles nor mysteries, neither philosophy nor theosophy, neither poli- tical institutions nor industry, neither sensual indulgence nor luxury, could satisfy the cravings of the soul, created for the enjoyment of God, or restore to man that inward peace which he had lost. Experience such as this was calculated to humble the pride of heathenism, and to awaken in nobler spirits a sense of need — a longing and a susceptibility for the salvation to be manifested in Christ. Titus Judaism was to prepare salvation for mankind, andheathenism mankind for salvation. But the latter has also yielded not merely negative, but positive results. In its strug- gles after light, heathenism called every natural power and capacity of man into requisition, in order to attain the highest possible develop- ment of worldly culture and power. In this respect great results were attained, which in turn became the property of Christianity, and, in its hands, the form and the means by which its world-wide mission was to be realised and executed. In one sentence, Judaism litis sup- plied to the Church the. substance, the Divine reality; heathenism, the human form, and. the outward means for developing and carrying out the great work. It must not be imagined, however, that these results of the develop- ment of Judaism and of heathenism were either entirely or generally understood and applied, since human liberty might resist, and shut itself up against these methods which the Lord, in His grace, took for training mankind. A comparatively small portion only of the Jewish and heathen world, elevated above the generality, and feeling their need of salvation, from the first accepted the offer of the Gospel. All the rest shut their minds and hearts to its claims, opposed it with more or less pertinacity, and commenced a determined contest against the Church, as soon as it appeared formally constituted. Judaism opposed Christianity, because it attached exclusive value to the husk in which the fruit had ripened to maturity, while it rejected the fruit itself — and, because Jewish pride and exclnsiveness could not brook the idea that the Gospel should place the Gentile on the same level with the- Jew. Heathenism opposed the Church because it regarded Divine Wis- dom as folly, Divine Power as deceit, and built itself up in the pride of its human wisdom, in the fanaticism of its unbelief or misbelief, HEATHENISM. 45 and in the selfishness of its power and wealth. This decisive contest, in which the Church was to display, and on which it brought to bear, the strength and the resources with which the Lord had endowed it, became the more bloody and desperate, as the Church spread and increased despite all persecutions and oppressions, and as both Juda- ism and heathenism could not but see the certain approach of their final doom. §8. HEATHENISM. Full of native vigor, and surrounded by a nature so lavish in her gifts, mankind soon denied the existence of a living, a per- sonal, and a supra-mundane God. Nature, with her inexhausti- ble fulness of life and of enjoyments, seemed so near, and so much more worthy of devotion and worship than this Personal God, in His supra-mundane elevation. Thus originated heathen- ism — in its general character, a state of absorption in the great life of Nature, a deification, or, in one word, the worship and service of Nature (Rom. i. 21, ff.), which also conditioned the character of its morality. The intellectual culture of heathenism , especially through its philosophy, opened the way for the inte'i- If.ctual labors of the Church. The political state of heathenism, with its struggles after universal dominion, as well as its industrial activity, likewise proved accessory to the progress of Christianity. 1. Tlie Religious Character of Heathenism. — Those hidden powers in the life of Nature, and of the soul, were not viewed abstractly, but regarded as revelations of the eternal spirit of Nature. Such ideas were further developed by speculation and mysticism, by natural magic and by divination, and applied to all the relations of human life. Under the influence of certain prominent individuals, or of geographical and ethnographical peculiarities, the various systems of the worship of nature arose in this manner. The common charac- teristics of all these systems, which, indeed, is connected with the very essence of heathenism, consists in a line of demarcation between the esoteric religion of the priests and the exoteric worship of the multitude. The former may be characterized as a speculative and ideal Pantheism ; the latter, as a Polytheism full of myths and ceremonies. Let it not be supposed that heathenism was entirely devoid of every element of truth. Not to mention these remains of original revela- tion in heathenism which, with various aberrations from pristine purity, lay at the foundation of, or were incorporated in, its systems, thes« 46 PREPARATORY HISTORY. religions of nature have, in their unnaturally early development, anti- cipated some of those religious truths which, in the arrangement of Divine revelation, only unfolded gradually, and at a comparatively late period. At the same time, however, they have perverted and distorted these truths into falsehoods and caricatures. Among them we reckon, for example, the pantheistic theories concerning the Trinity and the Incarnation, the dualistic perversion of the real existence of evil, traced back to an uncreated principle, etc. To the same class also belongs, more especially, the practice of offering human sacrifices, which prevailed under every form of the worship of nature — a dread- ful, in some sense a prophetic, cry for help on the part of man, con- sciously forsaken by God, and which could only on Golgotha be resolved into hymns of praise and of thanksgiving. The almost incredible deeds of self-devotion and renunciation, such as hecatombs, sacrifices of children, emasculation, prostitution, etc., attest the power and energy with which, in its high-day, the worship of nature had kept hold on the hearts of its adherents, and show the enthusiasm which it had called forth. Another evidence in the same direction is the almost irresistible charm which, during the whole course of the earlier history of Israel, heathenism seems to have had for the chosen race. Even this circumstance proves that heathenism was not merely a lie and a piece of imposition. The worship of nature could not have wielded such power if this lie had not concealed some elements of truth ; the charm which it exercised lay in its anticipations of a future salvation, however Satan might have distorted them ; while the mysterious manifestations of natural magic, and of the power of divination, appeared to confirm its Divine claim. But the fate reserved for every unnatural and premature development also befell the worship of nature. The remains of truth were swallowed up in the gigantic lie ; the powers of life and the capacity of development, which had been forced on beyond their real strength, were soon used and con- sumed ; the blossoms fell off without giving place to fruit. Mysteries and oracles, magic and divination, became either empty forms, or the means of gross imposition and low trickery. Ultimately, a haruspex could not meet his fellow without laughing. Among some, unbelief ridiculed everything; among others, misbelief assumed the most disso- lute or extravagant shapes ; while an unthinking religious eclecticism vainly endeavoured to infuse fresh life into decrepid and dying heathen- ism. Most miserable impotence and emptiness — such was the final issuo of a worship of nature, once so vigorous and lively. 2. Moral Condition of the Heathen. — The morals of a people always keep pace with their religion. It was so with the heathen nations also, whose moral life was earnest, vigorous, and genuine, or weak, defeetive, and perverse in measure, as religious earnestness increased or de- creased. The moral defects of heathenism sprang from its religious deficiencies. It was a religion adaptod for time, not for eternity ; and HEATHENISM. 47 the gods shared all those failings which are connected with our piesent state of existence. Thus religion lost all that power by which it ele- vates man above the defilements connected with our present state Myths, which in part were exceedingly immoral in their tendency, sanctified or excused — by the example of the gods — even gross immo- rality. Voluptuousness, which symbolized the generating power in the divine life of nature, was not unfrequently made the centre and the climax of worshi'). Heathenism wholly ignored the great truths con- nected with the general idea of humanity ; it was only conversant with those connected with nationality, and the excellencies it cultivated were merely civic virtues. Eastern despotism, as well as Western conceit and pride of nationality, slighted the common rights and the dignity of man. A foreigner or a slave had neither position nor claims. As the value of an individual entirely depended on his politi- cal position, the place belonging to woman was wholly ignored or mis- understood. Generally speaking, she was regarded only as the hand- maid of man ; while, in the East, polygamy degraded her to the lowest level. Still, notwithstanding these fundamental and great defects, in the high-day of its vigor, heathenism often displayed considerable moral earnestness and energy, at least in those departments of moral life (such as in the state and in civic relations) which the breath of Pantheism or of Polytheism had not laid desolate. But when the ancestral faith had become empty and poAverless, when it ceased to animate and to pervade these departments of life, they also lost the moral dignity formerly attaching to them. The general decadence reached its climax during the degenerate times of the Roman Empe- rors. When the Church entered on its career of spiritual conquest, it found heathenism in a state of indescribable moral degradation. 3. The Intellectual Culture of the Heathen. — The intellectual culture of heathendom exercised a twofold and an opposite influence upon the Church. Partly heathen science and art prepared the way for, and formed a link of connection with, Christianity ; partly, it obstructed its progress, and facilitated a relapse into heathenism. To the mental activity of the Greeks and Romans, mankind and the Church are indebted for general culture and for that preparation of the way to which we have already adverted. In this respect we would specially point to the philosophy, the poetry, and the historical productions of these nations. The ph'losophical investigations carried on in the East were chiefly of a theosophic character, and for the purpose of develop- ing the esoteric worship of nature into the various speculative religious systems. Oriental poetry served the same purpose with reference to the exoteric religion of the people. Historical works — in the proper sense of that term — were not produced in the East. -The mental cul- ture of the Greeks and Romans, as expressed in their philosophical, poetic, and historical writings, prepared, in respect both of form and of substance, the way for the Christian Church. It furnished forms, 48 PREPARATORY HISTORY. which, from their depth, distinctness, and correctness, their ready adaptation and general suitableness, proved most fit for presenting and developing the new truths which were to issue from the Holy Land. It also produced certain ideas and views, derived from a profound con- templation and study both of nature and of mind, of history and of life, which, in many respects, even opened the way and prepared a soil for the great realities of salvation. — On the other hand the East, not less than the classical West, contributed elements of culture which were to prove a hindrance to, and a corruption in, the Church. The hostile and antichristian, the distinctively heathenish substance of their philosophy and theosophy, as well as their study of mysteries, were by and by introduced into Christianity, along with the forms of culture under which these hostile elements had formerly appeared. Had such attempts against the purity of the Church proved successful, it would have become essentially Pagan. The mysterious depths of Christianity attracted, indeed, heathenism; but then, to those highly cultivated Gentiles who boasted in the conceit of their sublime wis- dom, the Gospel appeared too simple, too void of philosophy and specu- lation, to meet the demands of the age. They deemed it necessary to enrich it with the accumulated stores of eastern and western wis- dom, that so it might indeed lay claim to be an absolute and perfect religion. Only classical, i. e., Greek and Roman culture, directhj prepared the way for the Church. The influences of Eastern forms of culture on the history of the kingdom of God were entirely confined to Judaism. The symbols of the East became the form in which the Divine substance, communicated by Old Testament prophets, appeared and developed. On the other hand, the dialectics of classical antiquity furnished an appropriate medium by which to present the truths of Christian ity when the symbolic covering of Judaism had been laid aside, and the truths of salvation were to appear in their pure and spiritual character. 4. Greek Philosophy.— -Our remarks about the form and the substance of heathen culture, and their preparatory or disturbing influences on Christianity when it entered on its world-mission, apply mure particu- larly to Greek Philosophy. However, even where these speculations prepared the way for the truth, we must distinguish between their merely negative tendency, which served to destroy heathenism, and the positive, in so far as both in substance and in form they led the way towards Christianity. From the first this negative tendency appeared in Grecian philosophy. It undermined the popular creed, prepared the downfall of idolatry, and led to the self-despair of heathenism, which pointed to Christianity for deliverance. With Socrates {ob. 399 b.c.) commenced the positive preparation for the truth, accomplished by Greek philosophy. If, in deep humility, he confessed his ignorance, if he based aU wisdom on "Know Thyself," if he traced his deepest HEATHENISM. 49 thoughts and motives to Divine suggestions (his baipovtov), if he -wil- lingly surrendered the enjoyments of this world, and expressed a con- fident hope in that which was spiritual and eternal, — we may be allowed to regard all such expressions as, in a certain sonse, the faint echoes, or, rather, as the prophetic anticipations, of Christian doctrine and life. The speculations of Plato even more closely and fully approximated Christian views. That philosopher (ob. 348) collected the scattered germs of his great predecessor's teaching. In his profound, specula- tive, and poetic mind, they sprung up and unfolded to a new mode of contemplating the world, which came nearer that of Christianity than any other system outside revelatiou. The philosophy of Plato spake of man as claiming kindred to the Deity, and led him beyond what is seen and sensuous to the eternal prototypes of the beautiful, the true, and the good, from which man had fallen ; thus awakening in him a deep longing for the blessings he had lost. If the system of Aristotle [ob. 322) was farther distant from Christianity than that of Plato, he ren- dered even greater service by presenting his views in a form of which Christian science afterwards made so large use in its inquiries and dog- matic statements. These two thinkers represent the climax of philo- sophic speculation among the Greeks, and the farthest limits within which inquiries like theirs could prepare the way for the Gospel. As, consciously or unconsciously, philosophy had formerly contributed to the decay of popular religion, it now entered on a process of self-de- struction, and with increasing clearness disclosed the utter helplessness of heathenism. This phase appears most distinctly in the three forms of philosophy which, at the time when the Church appeared on the stage of the world, claimed the most numerous adherents : we mean, Epicureanism, Stoicism, and Skepticism. In the philosophy of Epicu- rus {ob. 271), pleasure was considered the highest good. The world was left at the mercy of chance, the soul was represented as mortal, and the gods as enjoying their pleasures, entirely careless of this world. In opposition to Epicurean Deism, Stoicism (of which Zeno, ob. 2G0, was the founder) propounded a hylozoistic Pantheism, in which the affairs of the world were made to depend on the unavoidable neces- sities of fate. Meantime the world was hastening towards a great catas- trophe, from the flames of which a new world was to issue, which, in turn, was destined to describe a similar cycle. To despise pleasure and pain, and, in case of necessity, to put an end to an existence which hid missed its aim — such was the climax of wisdom. The sage, who had reached this elevation, from which he could command himself and the world, had become his own god, and found all satisfaction in him- self. Lastly, Scepticism (of which Arcesilaus, ob. 240, and Carneades, ob. 128, were the founders) appeared to controvert the principles of Stoicism. Since it was manifestly impossible to arrive at truth, this system placed the sum and substance of theoretical wisdom in refrain- 5 50 PREPARATORY HISTORY. ing (irto^jj) from every conclusion ; and that of practical wisdom in abstaining from all passion, and from every strong emotion. 5. Political Condition of Heathen Countries. — The leading tendency in heathenism — to procure salvation by the unaided power of man — implied an endeavour to combine every force and capacity into a colossal unity (Gen. xi. 4, G). When heathenism had renounced allegiance to the personal and living God, and rejected His method of salvation and of union, it was impelled, by a kind of inward necessity, to con- centrate the mental and physical powers of mankind, and through them all powers of nature, and the products of the various zones and coun- tries, and to subject them to one person, that so this person might be acknowledged as the personal and visible representative of the Deity. This felt necessity gave rise to, even as its perverseness led to tlie ruin of, one empire after the other, until, in the Roman Empire, the goal was reached, while, at the same time, this tendency was finally arrested and destroyed by the spiritual power of the kingdom of God (Dan. ii. 14; vii. 13,24). This aim after a universal empire has, as all the tendencies of hea- thenism, its twofold aspect ; and we must distinguish between the ways of man and those of God, between the ungodly purposes of man and the happy results to which, in the Divine government, they were made subservient. Although Ave only refer to the Roman Empire, it should be borne in mind that all the great monarchies were only a repetition and a more vigorous continuation of one and the same tendency and endeavour. Hence our remarks about Rome equally apply to other empires. The universal domination of one power prepared the way for the Church, in so far as, by the union of nations into one empire, the various stages and elements of civilization, which otherwise might have remained isolated, weve combined into a more universal civiliza- tion, which rendered it comparatively easy to circulate the fresh blood poured by the Church into the veins of nations. This union, which was first brought about by the conquests of Alexander the Great, was completed when Rome became the mistress of the world. Gradually the Greek language, which, when the Gospel was first preached, was understood and spoken throughout the Roman Empire, obtained uni- versal domination, — as it were a temporary suspension this of the judgment by which languages were confounded, and which attended the rise of heathenism (Gen. xi.), — that thus the return to God, and the reception of His Gospel, might be facilitated. Impelled by a principle similar to that which, in the state, led to attempts after concentration of power, Industry and Commerce sought to grasp all wealth. But while, for very different purposes than those of the Gospel, commerce opened ways through deserts and over seas, and joined the most distant countries and zones, without knowing or willing it, in the arrangement of God it served an important purpose for the diffusion of the glad tidings. JUDAISM 51 I 9. JUDAISM. Israel was jaade tj dwell in a country which, like its people, occupied a central and yet isolated position in the Old World. There, in quiet seclusion, undisturbed by the traffic of the nations, should it, as the bearer and medium of the revelation of God's grace to mankind, abide in security against all the agitations of heathen conquest and oppression. Too often, however, did Israel forget its proper position and calling, too often mix in with affairs of the world which did not concern it; too often backslid from God, and stoop to the religion, worship, and manners of adjacent heathen tribes. Hence its frequent chastisements under the hard yoke of Gentile invaders. But the holy seed which continued faithful, even in times of the most general defection ; and, above all, the patience and faithfulness of God, did not suffer its high vocation to be forfeited, but led the nation to a glorious end, notwithstanding the final rejection of salvation by the irre- ligious masses of the people. 1. Judaism under Speciul Divine Tuition and Discipline. — Abraham was chosen and called alone (Isa. li. 2). As Creator, God called the seed of promise from the dead body of Sarah ; as Saviour, He delivered the chosen race from the oppressive bondage of Egypt. The patri- archal family was constituted in the Holy Land ; while in order that the family might, unimpeded, develop into a great nation, it had to go down into Egypt. From this strange land Moses brought up the people, and gave them a theocratic constitution, laws, and worship, to serve as the means by which they were to fulfil their mission, and to be types of, and a schoolmaster unto, future perfectness (Gal. iii. 24 ; Heb. x. 1). The Exodus from Egypt constituted the birth of the nation ; by the giving of the law on Mount Sinai, Israel was set apart to be a holy nation. When, under the leadership of Joshua, the Israelites took possession of the home of their ancestors — a country adapted for the purposes which the people were to serve — the last condition of their independent existence was fulfilled. Under the fostering care of a devout priesthood, the purely popular institutions of the theocracy should now have borne rich fruit ; but, during the administration of the judges, it soon appeared that these appliances were insufficient, and two other agencies were called into operation. The prophetical office was a special but continuous institution, intended to serve as the mouth-piece of God, and to act as the conscience of the commonwealth ; while the royal office was designed to afford external security, and to bestow internal peace upon the theocracy. Then followed the con- 32 PREPARATORY HISTORY. quests of David, which gave the Jewish commonwealth a becoming political importance, while the temple of Solomon fully developed its typical worship. But, despite prophecy and royalty, the people became increasingly estranged from their peculiar destiny, and hence un- able to maintain their high position. The division of the kingdom, continued internal feuds, improper alliances, growing apostasy, and conformity to idolatry, brought after them Divine judgments, in conse. quencc of which the nation became subject to the heathen. These chastisements remained not altogether unimproved. Cyrus allowed the return of the captives, and their reorganization into a state ; and pro- phets were again commissioned to direct the formation and the develop- ment of the community. — Amid these occurrences, prophecy served not only for present instruction, reproof, and admonition, but kept before the public mind the promise of a coming salvation, thus supply- ing comfort and hope even in the most troublous times. The happy periods, when David had conquered and Solomon exercised his glorious sway of peace, served as basis for depicting the future transcendent glory of Messiah's kingdom ; while the aberrations, the sufferings, and the humiliation of the people, during the period of their decadence, led those who cherished such hopes to look for a Messiah who should suffer for the sins of the people, and take upon Himself all their miser}'. And when prophecy had done the work allotted, it ceased — to resume and complete its message when the fulness of time had come. 2. Judaism after the Cessation of Special Divine Tuition. — The period had now arrived when the immediate guidance of Divine revelation was to be withdrawn. Furnished with the results and experiences of former teaching, followed by the law as schoolmaster, and by prophetic prediction as by a lamp, the chosen race was now to give evidence of its calling. The annihilation with which the fanaticism of Antiochus Epiphanes threatened the Jewish commonwealth was happily averted, and under the Maccabees the nation once more obtained political inde- pendence. But, amid the increasing corruption of the Maccabean rulers, the intrigues of Borne again deprived the country of this boon. The religious persecutions of the Syrians, and, after them, the oppres- sion of the Romans, transformed the national feeling of attachment to their ancestral religion into extreme exclusivencss, fanatical hatred and proud contempt of everything foreign, and changed the former longing for the Messiah to merely political, extravagant, and carnal expectations. True piety decayed into petty legalism and ceremonial- ism, into works and self-righteousness. The priests and scribes were zealous in fostering this tendency, by increasing external ordinances and perverting the sense of Scripture ; thus rendering the mass of the people only more insusceptible to the spirituality of that salvation, which was now so near at hand. THE SAMARITANS. 53 The institution of synagogues proved of great importance for the development of Judaism during the period succeeding the return from Babylon. They owed their origin to the consciousness that, after the cessation of prophecy,. it was a most necessary duty, not only to con- tinue the symbolical services of the temple, but also to seek edification by a careful study of the truths which God had revealed in the law and by the prophets. But in these synagogues the tendency to enlarge the Mosaic law, and to hedge it about by rabbinical enactments, the aim after an external legalism and work-righteousness, national pride and carnal anticipations of Messianic times were nursed, and from them they spread among the body of the people. On the other hand, the synagogues, especially those out of Palestine (among the Diaspora), proved, from their missionary influence, of great use to the Church. These meetings, in which the Holy Scriptures of the Old Testament were, every Sabbath, read in the Greek version of the LXX. and explained, offered to the heathen, who felt their need of salvation, pre- cious opportunities of becoming acquainted with the revelation and the promises of God under the Old Covenant ; while to the first mes- sengers of the Gospel they aflbrded an opportunity of announcing the Gospel to numerous assemblages, composed of Jews and Gentiles. The strict, traditional, legal, and carnal direction of Judaism after the exile developed specially in the sect of the Pharisees. To them the Sadducees were opposed, who, estranged from the peculiar genius of the people and hostile to traditionalism, sympathized with the Romans and the Herodians — in theory Rationalists, in practice Epicureans. A third sect, that of the Essenes, consisted of a close association of men, who retired from the world in order to carry out the original idea of Moses concerning the priesthood (Ex. xix. 5. 6), and whose direction was that of mysticism and ascetism. As each of these three parties (the orthodox, the rationalistic, and the mystical) represented more or less unhealthy aberrations from genuine Judaism, they could not prepare the way for the Church, but either occupied a position of antagonism, or else sought to introduce dangerous corrup- tions (| 27). But with all these perverse and growing tendencies, a holy seed of genuine spirituality remained in obscurity and retirement (John i. 47 ; Luke i. G ; ii. 25, 38) — a soil this, prepared by the Lord for receiving the salvation offered by Christ. I 10. THE SAMARITANS. Comp. Th. Chr. J. Juynbol, Coram, in hist, genti Samarit. Lugd Bat. 1846, 4to. — Jos. Grimm, die Samariter u. ihre Stellung in d. Welt gesch. Munch. 1854. The Samaritans originated upon the fall of the kingdom of Is- rael, from a mixture of Israelitish and heathen elements. After the 5* 54 PREPARATORY HISTORY. return from the Babylonian exile, they wished to amalgamate with the Jews ; but their overtures were rejected on account of the heathen defilements which the Samaritans had contracted. The reformatory labours carried on among them by Uanasse, a Jewish refugee, who sought to purify their religion, and to base it on the Pentateuch (of which the text, however, was in some particulars purposely altered), and who gave them a temple and worship on Mount Gerizim, only served to increase the hatred of the Jews. The Samaritans kept by the Judaism which Manasse had brought among them, and remained equally strangers to the developments and the perversions of Rabbinism. Their Mes- sianic hopes were consequently more pure and their exclusive- ness less violent. These circumstances enabled them more impartially to examine the claims of Christianity ; while the hatred and contempt with which Pharisaical Judaism treated them, disposed them more favourably towards the Gospel, which was likewise disowned and persecuted by the synagogue (John iv. 41; Acts viii. 5 etc.). On the other hand, Chris- tianity also suffered from the attempts at change and reaction made by that party, in the spirit of the heathen principle of syncretism, which was inherent to Samaritanism from its com- mencement (§ 22). § 11. POINTS OP CONTACT BETWEEN JUDAISM AND HEATHENISM. The conquests of Alexander the Great brought the various elements of civilization in the ancient world into contact and connection. The Jews (of the Diaspora) who lived beyond the limits of Palestine, especially those who resided in Egypt, which .vas really the focus of this movement, were necessarily affected by the influences brought to bear upon them. The Jews of Eastern Asia maintained more intimate fellowship with the ex- clusive Rabbinism of Palestine ; and the heathen (Chaldaic-Per- sian) elements which there invaded their religious views and customs, became, mainly through the Talmud, the common pro- perty of Judaism as it existed after Christ. — But the heathen, also, contemptible as the Jews seemed to them, having be- come convinced <>i' the profound truths of the Israelitish sys- tem, and of the emptiness and impotence of their own religion, yielded, in exceptional, but by no means rare, cases, to the better influences of Judaism. JUDAISM AND HEATHENISM. 5J> 1. Influence of Heathenism upon Judaism. — This operated most power- fully in Egypt. Thus the sect of the Essenes, which had found its waj thither, underwent various modifications, and, under the name of Therapeutce, occupied an influential position. The Jewish Hellenism of Alexandria embodied the main principles of this party ; enlarged, however, by elements of Grecian culture, and reared on a broader V>asi3, chiefly of Platonic philosophy. Of this school Arislobulus (i^rjyr t atvc f/ji Mcodue'coj ypai- 'lovba-iuiv. 2. Among genuine non-biblical testimonies about Christ, probably the most ancient is a Syriac letter of Mara, addressed to his son Sera- pion (see Cure/on, Spicil. Syriacum. Lond. 1855), written about the year 73. Mara, a man thoroughly versed in Greek philosophy, but not satis- fied with the consolations it offered, writes from his place of exile a letter of comfort and instruction to his son, in which he ranks Christ along with Socrates and Pythagoras ; he honours Him as a wise kino- ; he charges the Jews with His murder, declares that thereby they had brought upon themselves the destruction of their commonwealth, but that Christ continued to live in the new law which He had given. From the same period dates the testimony of Josephus, the Jewish his- torian. In that portion of the passage of Josephus which is undoubt- tedly genuine, Christ is extolled as having wrought miracles, and been ;i wise teacher of truth; His death on the cross under the administra- tion of Pilate, and the foundation of the Church, are also mentioned. /•'. //. Schoedel, (Vindiciae Flavians, Lps. 1840) has contended for the enuineness of the whole passage in Josephus. The following, how- ,er, are spurious records : 1) the Syriac correspondence between Christ ..ud Abgarus, King of Edessa, in which the hitler entreats the Lord to nine and heal him, while Christ replies by promising, alter His ascen- sion, to send one of His disciples (the genuineness of these documents has, however, of late been again maintained by Rinck in HI gen's Journal for L843, and )>\ Welti, in the Tub. Quarterly for 1842); 2) two letters TENTECOST ACTIVITY OF APOSTLES. 61 dddressed by Pilate to Tiberius; 3) the letter of Lentulus (a friend of Pilate) to the Roman Senate, giving a description of the appearance of Christ. Since the fourth century, legends also circulated about a statue of Christ, which the woman who had been cured of the issue of blood had erected in Paneas, and about certain miraculous portraits of Jesua (such as that in the napkin of Veronica, perhaps originally = vera icon, tixuv). For other legends and fables, see the apocrypha gospels. II. The Apostolic Age. Comp. A. Neander, History of the Planting of the Christian Church (translated by J. E. Ryland, Bonn's Series). 2 vols. 1851. — /. B. Trautmann, die ap. K. (the Ap. Ch.). Leipz. 1848.— M. Baumgarten, transl. by Morrison and Meyer, in Clark's For. Theol. Library. 3 vols. — /. P. Lange, Gesch. d. K. d. ap. Zeit. (Hist, of the Ch. in Ap. Times) 2 vols. Braunschw. 1852. — Ph. Schaff, Hist, of the Apostolic Church. Scribner, New York, 1853. — H. W. J. Thiersch, d. K. im ap. Zeit. Frkf. 1852. — G. W. Lechler, d. ap. u. nachap. Zeitalter (the Apost. and Post-Apost. Age). Stuttg. 1857. 4to. — C. Beuss, Hist, de la theologie au siecle ap. Strassb. 1852. — H. Ewald, Gesch. d. apost. Zeitalt. bis z Zerstor. Jems. Gottg. 1869. — K. Wieseler, Chronol. d. apost. Zeitalt. Gcittg. 1848. "&■ I 15. THE FEAST OF PENTECOST— ACTIVITY OF THE APOS- TLES BEFORE THE CALLING OF PAUL (30-48 a. d.). After the number of apostles had by lot been again made up to twelve, the Holy Ghost was poured out upon the assembled disciples who had waited for His coming. This event, which was accompanied by miraculous signs, took place on the feast of Pentecost (anno 30), ten days after the ascension of the Lord. It became the birth-day of the Church, whose first members were now gathered in large numbers, in consequence of a sermon by Peter. Through the exertions of the apostles (chiefly of Peter and of John), which, however, at first were confined to Jerusa- lem, the Church grew daily. But when a violent persecution, which commenced with the stoning of Stephen, scattered the faithful, the Gospel was carried all over Palestine to Phoenicia and Syria, although the apostles remained in the Jewish capital. The preaching of Philip, a deacon, was specially owned in Samaria (about the year 39 or 40). Soon afterwards Peter visited the churches in Judaea ; and in consequence of a Divine command, received by baptism the first Gentiles (the family of Cornelius) into the Church. At the same time, and indepen- 6 62 THE PRIMITIVE CHURCH (1—100 A. D.). dently of this event, the earnest inquiries of many Gentiles in Antioch led to the formation of a church composed of Jews and Gentiles. Barnabas, a Levite, and a man strong in the faith, was despatched from Jerusalem to Antioch, and undertook the care of this community, conjoining in this work with his own the labours of Paul, a converted Pharisee, whom some years before (about 40 A. D. ) a revelation of Christ, on the way to Damascus, had transformed from a fanatical persecutor into a most devoted Christian and preacher. In consequence of these events, the missionary efforts of the apostles were henceforth divided into purely Jewish, with Jerusalem as the centre of operations, and into mixed, which had chiefly the Gentiles for their object, and issued from Antioch. A conference of the apostles, held at Jerusalem (Gal. ii. 1-9), formally sanctioned this arrangement. $16. LABOURS OF THE APOSTLE PAUL (44-64 a. d.). Comp. /. T. Hemsen, der Ap. Paul. Gtittg. 1830. — C. Schroder, dcr Ap. P. Leipz. 1830. — Pale;/, Horse Paulinas, in his collected works, and since often printed separately. — Conybeare and Hoivson, The Life and Epistles of St. Paul. 2 vols. 2d Ed. 1856.— (J 7 . Chr. Bain; Paul. d. Ap. J. Chr. Ein Beitrag zu einer krit. Gesch. d. Urchristth. — Paul the ap. of J. Chr. A Contrib. to a crit. Hist, of'orig. Chr. Tlibg. 1845.) Having been specially separated by the Holy Ghost for the work, and set apart by the Church by the laying on of hands, Paul and Barnabas left Antioch in the year 45, to make their first missionary tour to Asia Minor. The Lord, by signs and wonders, gave testimony to their preaching; and, notwithstand- ing the contradiction and persecution of hostile Jews, they founded at Antioch (in Pisidia), at Iconium, Lystra, and Derbe, mixed churches, consisting chiefly of Gentile Christians ; preach- ing also in many other places. Not long afterwards, Paul undertook a second missionary journey (50-54). On this occa- sion Barnabas had separated from Paul, because he would take with him John Mark, his nephew, who on the first missionary tour had left the work. In company with his nephew, Barnabas now went to Cyprus, his own country; but no record of the suc- cess of this mission has been left. Accompanied by Silas, by Luke, and afterwards also by Timothy, Paul meantime passed again through Asia Minor, and was about to return to Antioch, when a call from the Lord, in a night-vision, induced him tc LABOURS OF THE APOSTLE PAUL. 63 land on the shores of Europe. Here he founded Christian com- munities at Philippi, at Thessalonica, Berea, Athens, and Co- rinth ; and then returned to Syria through Asia Minor, touch- ing at Ephesus by the way. During his stay at Jerusalem the conference with Peter, James, and John, to which Gal. ii. refers took place (fourteen years after Paul's conversion), and sood afterwards, in Antioch, the conflict with Peter, alluded to in the same passage. In the year 54, he undertook, in company with Luke, Titus, and Timothy, his third missionary expedition (54-58). This time, Ephesus, where a numerous congregation was gathered, became the centre of his operations. An extraor- dinary success attended his labours, and the very existence of heathenism in Asia Minor seemed threatened. Driven from Ephesus in consequence of a tumult, Paul travelled through Macedonia, penetrated as far as Illyricum, then visited the churches in Greece, and returned to Jerusalem to fulfil a vow. In the Jewish capital his life was only preserved through the interference of the Roman tribune, who took him prisoner, and sent him to Caesarea. An appeal to the Emperor, to which as Roman citizen he was entitled, led to his departure to Rome (in the year 60). where for some years he continued a prisoner in his own house, being still allowed to preach. The further course of his life and activity is involved in some uncertainty. Proba- bly his imprisonment became more severe, either in consequence of increasing enmity on the part of the Emperor or of his favour- ites towards Christianity, or on account of the importunities of hostile Jews. In the year 64 he was beheaded, under the reign of Nero. 1. The very common opinion, first mooted by Eusebius, that about the year 64 Paul had been set at liberty, and undertaken a fourth mis- sionary tour, in which he had penetrated as far as Spain, that thence he had a second time been sent prisoner to Rome, and been beheaded in that city about the year 67, owes its origin to manifest chronological mistakes. It has of late been again advocated (by Neander, Guericke. Credner, Gieseler, Huther, AYiesinger, etc.), from the erroneous suppo- sition that some events noticed in the letters of Paul could not have occurred during the period preceding the (supposed first) imprison- ment of Paul at Rome. What is regarded as a testimony of Clement to the journey of the apostle into Spain (irti tb tep^a rrj; Svatio; ij£u,v) is by no means conclusive, even irrespective of the dubious particle fai. The Muvatori Canon refers indeed to a journey into Spain, but only as 64 THE PRIMITIVE CHURCH (l— 100 A. D.). an unsupported legend (Rom. xv. 24), on -which the book of Acts is silent. Comp. especially Wieseler, ut supra, p. 521 etc. I 17. LABOURS OF THE OTHER APOSTLES (AFTER THE YEAR 48). We only possess authentic data about the labours of the most prominent among the apostles. At an early period (about the year 44), James the Elder, the brother of John, suffered martyr- dom at Jerusalem. During that persecution Peter was obliged for a time to leave Jerusalem. By inclination and calling he acted as apostle to the circumcision (Gal. ii. 7-9). In the course of Ids labours, which were shared by Mark, he penetrated, according to 1 Pet. v. 13, as far as Babylon. That he had also labored in Asia Minor and in Greece is doubtful. That he was crucified under the reign of Nero at Rome, A. D. 64, the same year when Paul was beheaded, may well be questioned, and the legend that for 25 years before his death he w T as Bishop of Rome is a certain fable. Indeed it is by no means clear that Peter was ever in Rome — Philip spent the last years of his life at Hierapolis in Phrygia. John betook himself to Ephesus. Ancient legends declare that Thomas preached in Parthia, Bartholomew in India, and that John Mark founded the church at Alexandria. — After the time of the apostolic con- ference, James the Just, the brother of the Lord, seems to have presided over the church at Jerusalem, having been specially commissioned to labour amongst the Jews. In Gal. ii. 9 Paul speaks of him, of Peter and of John, as being regarded "pillars" of the Church. He does not appear ever to have left Jerusa- lem. Soon after the imprisonment of Paul he was killed by fanatical Jews (64). After the martyrdom of Paul, John, who among the twelve disciples approximated most closely the mental direction of Paul, occupied the former field of labour of that apostle in Asia Minor. He took up his abode at Ephesus, a city which, at that period, was the focus and centre of ecclesias- tical movements. Even during the time of Paul, the antagon- isms peculiar to the apostolic age — that of Literalism, Pharisee- ism, and Legal Righteousness, on the one hand, and on the other, that of Antinomianism, Idealism, and Gnosticism — had appeared, and rapidly developed almost into antichristian ten- dencies. Circumstances like these rendered the presence of an LABOURS I 1 THE OTHER APOSTLES. 65 apostle, who was a pillar of the Church, all the more requisite in a city which otherwise also was so important. Of all the apostles none was so eminently adapted and qualified for such a post as John, who combined the most ready charity and mild- ness with the most strict and unbending earnestness, and whose spiritual tendency embodied in their purest and highest aspects the truths lying at the foundation of these antagonisms. Ban- ished by Domitian to Patmos, an island in the iEgean Sea, he returned again to "Ephesus, where he laboured for other thirty years (to his death under Trajan), his ministrations being greatly blessed to the church of Asia Minor. 1. The legend about Peter's bishoprick at Borne (according to Euse- bius, from the year 42-07), is derived from the heretical, pseudo-epi- graphic Clementines and Recognitions,— an authority entirely untrust- worthy (v. § 27, 4). The silence both of the letter to the Romans (58) and of Acts xxviii. prove that Peter could not have labored in Rome he- fore A. D. GO, when Paul arrived ihere as a prisoner. 1 Comp. Wieseler ut supra, p. 522 etc. 2. The question, whether the New Testament refers to two or to three James' — i. e., whether the apostle James the Less, the son of Alpheus and cousin of Jesus, was the same as James the. Just, the bro- ther of the Lord and president of the church of Jerusalem, or not — is one of the most difficult problems in New Test. History. The strongest argument in favour of their identity is derived from Gal. i. 19, where James the brother of the Lord is called an apostle (comp., however, Acts xiv. 14; Ileb. iii. 1). But, on the whole, the balance of evidence is against this supposition. In John vii. the brethren of Jesus are represented as still unbelieving at a time when James the son of Alpheus was already one of the apostles; according to Matt, xxviii. 19, none of the twelve could be permanent Bishop of Jerusalem ; Hege- sippus represents James the Just as fista r^v aTtoatoTi^v the president of the church at Jerusalem, and he speaks of 7tax%ol 'Iaxw3oi (which, at any rate, implies more than two). The older Fathers regarded the " brothers and sisters" of the Lord as the children of Joseph by a former marriage (a view which leaves untouched the delicate question as to the interpretation of Matt. i. 25). Jerome and Chrysostom are the first of the Fathers to identify James the son of Alpheus with. James the Just. — Regarding the death of James the Just ancient testi- monies do not fully agree. According to Hegesippus the Jews asked him, at the feast of the Passover, to bear witness against Christ, from the pinnacle of the temple. But James earnestly testified in favour of Christ, and for this was cast down, stoned, and whilst praying for his enemies, was killed by a blow from the club of a tanner. Clem. Alex- ander corroborates this account. Josephus simply reports that after 6* 66 THE PRIMITIVE CHURCH (l_100 A. D.) . the removal of Festus, and before the arrival of Albinus (anno 64), the cruel high-priest Ananus procured a hasty condemnation of James, and of others to whom he bore enmity, and had caused the apostle — rov iSffopoi' 'I^aov tov Xtyofievov Xpwroi) — to be stoned. 3. Irenseus, Eusebius, and Jerome speak of the banishment of John as having taken place under the reign of Donation; only obscure or later evidence (the superscription in the Syr. Book of Revel, and Theophylact) is in favour of placing it in the time of Nero. Tertullian records a legend, according to which he had, at the time of Nero, been put into a cask of boiling oil ; and Augustin relates that he had drained a poisoned cup without deriving harm from it. These are manifestly apocryphal stories ; but the narrative of Clement Alex, about the tender care with which the aged apostle had watched over a youth who had fearfully gone astray, appears to be authentic. The same remark applies to the account of Jerome, according to whom, when too old to walk, John had caused himself to be carried to the meetings of the Christians, and ever repeated to them only this admonition, " Little children, love one another;" and to the statement of Irenams, that when, on one occasion, he happened to meet with Cerinthus, the heretic, in a bath, the apostle immediately left the place so as to avoid even outward communion with him. i 18. CONSTITUTION, LIFE, DISCIPLINE, AND WORSHIP OF THE CHURCH. Cf. K. Lechler, die N. T. Lehre von h. Amte Stuttg. 1857. The institution of a special human priesthood, characteristic of Old Testament times, had now merged in the One only and Eternal Mediatorship of the God-man ; at the same time, the Gospel distinctly laid down the principle, that all Christians formed part of the Universal Priesthood (Heb. iv. 16; 1 Pet. ii. 9 ; Rev. i. 6). Connected together into an organism under Christ, as its only Head, the Church was to edify itself and to grow by the co-operation of all its members, according to their respective calling, gifts, and position (Eph. i. 22 etc. ; 1 Cor. xii. 12 etc.). The natural talents and the inward calling in apostolic times were in special cases quickened and enlarged by the extraordinary gifts of the Holy Spirit (the Cha- rismata). Willi the natural exception of females (1 Cor. xiv. 34; 1 Tim. ii. 12), every Christian was allowed to teach and to exhort in the Church. But from the commencement regularly appointed officials were set apart, in order that this nrocess of contributing to the edification of the Church, on the CHURCH CONSTITUTION, LIFE, ETC. 67 part of all its members, might not degenerate into arbitrariness, presumption, and anarchy, and that, amidst the changes of time, the government and edification of the Church might continue uninterrupted. On them the preservation of order, the pre- vention of abuses, the direction of public worship, the preaching of the word, the dispensation of the sacraments, the cure of souls, the exercise of discipline, and the outward representation of the Church, devolved as their peculiar and fixed calling. The need of such an order of men must have been all the more felt, when the extraordinary qualifications of charismata gradually ceased. It became now more than ever necessary, by means of a regular outward call, to assign proper limits, and to give a settled character to the inward call. So long as the apostles laboured in the churches which they had founded, the duty of teaching and of governing devolved upon them. 1. Tlie Charismata. — According to 1 Cor. xii. 8 etc., 28 etc., the special and extraordinary gifts of the Holy Spirit in the Apostolic Church were of twofold character, as they manifested themselves either in word or in deed. The first were in part temporary, such as the gifts of speaking in tongues and of prophecy; and again, supplementary to these, the gift of interpreting tongues and trying the spirits. And in part they were lasting, such as the gift of teaching — i. e., either the speculative gift of wisdom and of knowledge (Gnosis), or the practical and didactic gift of faith (Pistis). Of the second class of charismata strictly practical were the gift of directing and administering the affairs of a church, and the gifts of performing miracles and of healing the sick. 2. Bishops and Presbyters. — To aid them in their work, or to supply their places in their absence (Acts 14 : 23), the apostles ordained rulers in every church, who bore the common name of Elders (rtpfaj3urspot) from their dignity, and of Bishops ((7tCaxortot) from the nature of their office. That originally the Ttptofivrtpoi were the same as the tnCaxortot,, we gather with absolute certainty from the statements of the New Testa- ment and of Clement, of Rome, a disciple of the apostles (see his First Epistle to the Corinthians, chaps, xlii. xliv. lvii.). 1) The presbyters are expressly called irtloxortoL — comp. Acts xx. 17 with ver. 28, and Tit. i. 5 with ver. 7. — 2) The office of presbyter is described as next to and highest after that of apostle (Acts xv. 6, 22). Similarly, the elders are represented as those to whom alone the rule, the teachine. and the care of the Church is entrusted (1 Tim. v. 17 ; 1 Pet. v. 1 etc.) : on account of whi.h the apostles designate themselves also as cv/utpe* 68 THE PRIMITIVE CHURCH (l — 100 A. D.) Svrfpoi (1 Pet. v. 1, 2, and 3 John 1). — 3) The various offices of the Church are summed up under the expression ittCaxortot xal Stdxoiot (Phil. i. 1; Clem. Rom. 1. c. ch. xlii. comp. 1 Tim. iii. 1, 8). — 4) In the above quoted passages of the N. T. and of Clement we read of many bishops in one and the same church. In the face .of such indu- bitable evidence, it is difficult to account for the pertinacity with which Romish and Anglican theologians insist that these two offices had from the first been different in name and functions; while the allegation of some, that although, originally, the two designations had been identical, the offices themselves were distinct, seems little better than arbitrary and absurd. Even Jerome, Augustin, Urban II. (a. 1091), and Petrus Lombardus admit that originally the two had been identical. It was reserved for the Council of Trent to convert this truth into a heresy. 3. Other Church Offices.— (Comp. R. Iiothe, die Anfange d. christl. Kirche und ihrer Verfass. (Commenc. of the Chr. Ch. and of its Consti- tut,). Wittemb. 1837. Vol. I.— J. W. Bickell, Gesch. d. Kirch enrechtes (Hist, of Eccl. Law). Frankf. 1849. I. 2, p. 62 etc.)— Conjoined with, but subordinate to, the office of presbyter or bishop, of which the apostles themselves for so considerable time discharged the duties at Jerusalem, was the office of Beacon. It was first instituted by the apostles, with con- sent of the people, for the purpose of caring for the poor and the sick at Jerusalem (Acts vi.). Thence it spread to most other Christian communi- ties; the number of deacons being always seven, until the original func- tions of the office were enlarged, and the deacons called to assist in the cure of souls and in preaching the word. Functions corresponding to those of the deacons — but only so far as the original design of the diaconate was concerned (according to 1 Cor. xiv. 34, and 1 Tim. ii. 12)— devolved on the Deaconesses (Rom. xvi. 1), who took charge of Christian females. From 1 Tim. v. 9 we gather that, commonly, only widows above the age of sixty were admitted to this office. The presbyters and deacons were set apart by the laying on of the hands of the apostles, or of their delegates (Acts vi. 6; 1 Tim. iv. 14 etc.). Individual churches were also in the habit of employing special evangelists, whose duty it was to travel about in order to preach to the heathen (Eph. iv. 11 ; Acts xxi. 8). When, one after another, the apostles, who even when absent, were regarded as concentrating in themselves the supreme guidance of the churches, were called to their rest, gradually and almost necessarily one of the elders obtained prominence over the rest, though at first only as the primus inter pares, and with it the distinctive title of Bishop, in contradistinction to the other presbyters. The rela- tion of James to the church at Jerusalem (Acts xv. 13; xxi. 18), and the full powers which Paul claimed for his assistants (Timothy, Titus, and others) in individual churches, may have served as a commence nient and a type of the later Episcopate (Cf. \ 30). CHURCH CONSTITUTION, LIFE, ETC. 69 4. Christian Life, and Ecclesiastical Discipline. — (Comp. G. Arnold, erste Liebe, d. i. wahre Abbildung d. ersten Christen. (First Love, i. e., Faithful Portraiture of the first Christians) Frkft, 169(3.— In accordance with the command of the Lord (John xiii. 34, 35), brotherly love, in opposition to the selfishness of the natural heart, became the principle of the new Christian life. In the church at Jerusalem, the power of first love, stimulated by the expectation of a speedy return of the Lord, manifested itself in a voluntary community of goods — an experiment this, which, without denying its internal value, was soon found to be impracticable, and hence neither repeated nor even pro- longed. But the more wealthy Gentile Christian churches continued to show their brotherly affection by making collections for the poor saints at Jerusalem, whom providential dispensations (such as famine) rendered still more dependent. — According to the direction of the apostle in Gal. iii. 28, the threefold evil under which the old world laboured — contempt of foreign nationalities, degradation of woman, and slavery — was removed by a gradual and internal renovation of the world, carried on without any violent infringement of existing rights. At the same time, a deep consciousness of the fellowship subsisting between the members of the Church in their subordination to the One Head in heaven, pervaded and sanctified all the relationships of life. — However, even in apostolic times pristine Christian purity and sim- plicity occasionally gave place to other feelings. In the Mother Church, hypocrisy (Acts v.) and dissension (Acts vi.) appeared at a very early period. But the former was visited by a dreadful judgment ; the latter removed by charity and mutual forbearance. Among the more wealthy Gentile Christian churches (such as in Corinth and Thessalonica) the spirit of the world manifested its presence by luxuriousness, selfish- ness, pride, etc. ; but it was broken or removed, partly in consequence of the admonitions and the discipline of the apostles, and partly in consequence of the early persecutions which sifted and purified the churches. Any member who had caused public scandal by a gross violation of pure doctrine or of Christian duty, and who persisted in his sin despite the admonitions of pastors and elders, was expelled from the Church. But if sufficient proof of genuine repentance had been given, the offending brother was gladly welcomed back. The account about the incestuous person at Corinth affords an example of the apostolic arrangements in this respect (1 Cor. v. 1 etc. ; 2 Cor. ii. 5 etc. ; comp. also 1 Tim. i. 19, 20 ; Gal. i. 8, 9 ; 1 John ii. 19 etc.). Cf. I 36. 5. Christian Worship. — (Comp. Hi. Harnach, der chr. Gemeinde- Ejottesd. im apost. u. altkath. Zeitalter (Chr. Congregat. Worship in the Apost. and Anc. Cath. Ch.).Erl. 1854.— Th. Kliefoth, Liturg. Abhandl. IV. A. u. d. T. : Die urspr. Gottesdienstordn. &c, I. p. 175, &c, 2 A.ufl. Schwerin. ] Q 58). — Even in Jerusalem, where Christians con 70 THE PRIMITIVE CHURCH (l— 100 A. T).). tinued their attendance on the temple, the religious wants of the Church rendered distinctively Christian and common worship necessary. But as Jewish worship was twofold in its character, consisting of instruc tion and edification by the word in the synagogues, and of the typical and sacramental service of symbols in the temple, so, in the Church also, Christian worship was, from the first, either homiletico-didaciic, or else eucharistico-sacramental. (Cf. I 33.) The former, like the service of the synagogue, was not only intended for the edification of the congregation, but for missionary purposes, on which ground non- Christians also were allowed and invited to attend. At first the church at Jerusalem held these [morning] services in the halls of the temple, where the people were wont to assemble for prayer (Acts iii. 11) ; afterwards, in private houses. They consisted of reading certain passages and sections from the Old Testament — at a later period, also apostolic letters and portions from the Gospels — of addresses for the purposes of instruction and exhortation, of prayer and of singing of psalms. The sacramental portion of public worship took place within the circle of the Church alone. The main part and object of these (evening) services was to celebrate the Lord's Supper, which, after the model of the institution, was accompanied by prayer and the singing of hymns, and taken along with a common meal, called the ayun*], to denote that its purpose was the expression of brotherly love. The ele- ments were set apart for sacramental purposes by prayer, in which thanks and praise were offered up (tixapCotia, 1 Cor. xi. 24; or sv%oyCa, 1 Cor. x. 16). This prayer was probably followed by the "holy kiss" [ty&qpn Syiov, Rom. xvi. 16 ; 1 Cor. xvi. 20). In public worship, besides the psalms, distinctly Christian hymns and doxologies were probably in use even in apostolic times (Eph. v. 19 ; Col. iii. 16), of which Eph. ii. 14, 1 Tim. iii. 16, 2 Tim. ii. 11-13, possibly contain specimens and fragments. See also 1 Tim. iii. 1, 16 ; James i. 17 ; Rev. i. 4 etc. ; iv. 11 ; v. 9 etc. ; xi. 15 etc. ; xv. 3 etc. ; xxi. 1 etc. ; xxii. 10 etc. At first, both the homiletic and eucharistic services took place daily (Acts ii. 4, 6). But even in apostolic times, besides the Sabbath — among Gentile Christians instead of it — the Lord's Day was observed as a day of special solemnity, being that of Christ's resurrection (John xx. 26 ; Acts xx. 7 ; 1 Cor. xvi. 2 ; Rev. i. 10). But we cannot discover that any other feast days had been observed at that period. Equally im- possible is it strictly to demonstrate that infant baptism had been practised by the apostles, although this is probable (Acts ii. 39; xvi 33 ; 1 Cor. vii. 14). Baptism was administered by complete immersion, in the name of Christ, or else of the Triune God (Matt, xxviii. 19). The charisma of healing the sick was applied along with prayer and anointing with oil (James v. 14, 15). The practice of confessing sins one to another, and praying for each other, was recommended without having, however, any necessary connection with public worship (James v. 16). The Holy Ghost (as a charisma), and ordination (Acts vi. 6; xiii. 3 ; 1 Tim. iv. 14), were imparted by prayer and laying on of hands. APOSTOLIC OPPOSITION TO SECTARIANS, ETC. 71 I 19. APOSTOLIC OPPOSITION TO SECTARIANS AND HERETICS. Comp. Thiersch, Versuch zur Herstell. d. Hist. Standp. fur. d. Kri tik d. Nel. Schriften. Erlg. 1845.— W. Mangold, d. Irrlehre d. Pastoral briefe. Marb. 1856. From the first, when, by the preaching of the apostles, Chris- tianity entered on its mission of conquering the world, the intel- lectual powers of the old world occupied one of three relations with reference to the Gospel. Either their representatives en- tirely gave themselves up to the truth, or they prepared as enemies to resist it, or they admitted certain of the elements of Christianity, retaining, however, along with these, their old and unchristian views. This combination and commingling of hete- rogeneous elements gave rise to many heresies. — The first enemy which appeared, even in the midst of the Christian camp itself, was the well-known pharisaical Judaism, with its tradi- tionary ossification of doctrine, its righteousness of dead works, its narrow-minded pride of nationality, and its carnal and per- verted views about the Messiah. It was the shibboleth of that party, that the Gentiles should be constrained to observe the ceremonial law (of the Sabbath, of meats, of circumcision), as being the necessary condition of salvatiou. This tendency had first appeared in the Church at Jerusalem, where, however, the resolutions agreed to at the conference of the apostles con- demned the peculiarities of the party. Still it continued to follow Paul in his missionary labours, attacking him with the weapons of malice, enmity and calumny. To his contest with these sectaries we owe the most precious of his Epistles (espe. cially those addressed to the Romans, the Galatians, and the Corinthians). Traces of Sadducean and sceptical opposition may perhaps be discovered in the objections to the doctrine of the resurrection to which Paul replies in 1 Cor. xv. On the other haiid, Grecian Philosophy also, at an early period, mingled itself with Christianity. Apollos, a Jew from Alexandria, who had received a philosophical training, viewed Christianity mainly in its speculative aspect and in this manner eloquently and suc- cessfully expounded its doctrines at Corinth'. Paul did not oppose this method of presenting the Gospel. He rather left it to the judgment of history (1 Cor. iii. 11-14) ; but he warned 72 THE PRIMITIVE CHURCH (l— 100 A. D.). against laying excessive value on human wisdom (1 Cor. ii. 1-10). Still, among some of the lovers of philosophy at Corinth, the simple and positive preaching of Paul in consequence declined in authority, although this result had not been intended by A])ollos. This circumstance was perhaps the first occasion of the split in the church at Corinth, where four parties appeared under different names (1 Cor. i.). The Judaising Christians appealed to the authority of the Apostle Peter (ol rov Kj^a), while the Gentile Christians called themselves either the fol- lowers of Apollos or of Paul, or refusing to own the authority of any apostle, assumed the boastful designation of ol rov Xptatov. This split was effectually opposed by Paul in his two Epistles to the Corinthians. — Much more dangerous than the heretical ten- dencies to which we have above adverted was a kind of Jewish- Gentile Gnosis, which began to intrude into Christianity during the latter years of Paul's labours, being probably imported by the Essenes and Therapeutic, who had formed a connecting medium between the synagogue and the heathen. Asia Minor was the principal focus of this ^euSgWioj y^rn?. To it Paul first directed attention in his farewell address at Miletus (Acts xx. 29, 30). Afterwards he expressly opposed it in the Epistles to the Ephe- sians and to the Colossians, and especially in his pastoral letters, even as Peter combated it in his First Epistle. Still it assumed many and varied forms. It appeared in the shape of Oriental Theosophy, Magic and Theurgy, in voluntary ascetism with reference to meats and marriage, in fancied mysteries about the nature and subordination of heavenly powers and spirits, and in the transformation of certain doctrines of Christianity (such as that of the resurrection, 2 Tim. ii. 18) into a mere idealism. These seeds of evil had already borne abundant fruit, when John came to take up his residence in Asia Minor. Accordingly, in his First Epistle the apostle opposed the growing heresy, and more especially that form of Gnosis in which, under the garb of docetic views, the incarnation of God in Christ was denied. The Second Epistle of Peter and the Epistle of Jude are more particularly directed against the antinomian excesses of Gnosti- cism — its unbounded immorality, and its infamous licentiousness under guise of magical and theurgic services. — According to the statement of the* Fathers, the Nicolaitans of the Book of Reve- lation (Rev. ii. 6, 15; were a distinct sect, which originated with Nicoln.ua the deacon (Acts vi. 5), who taught that it was lawful APOSTOLIC OPPOSITION TO SECTARIANS, ETC. 73 to yield to the lusts of the flesh, since this could not affect the spirit. Traces of an antinotnian and Gnostic sect of Nicolaitans are found so late as the second century. 1. The Apostolic. Conference. — The Lord had commanded His dis- ciples to preach the Gospel to all nations (Matt, xxviii. 19). They could not, therefore, doubt that the whole Gentile world was destined to become the inheritance of the Church. But, apparently following the Old Testament statements about the eternal obligation of the law of Moses, and as yet unable fully to understand the utterance of the Lord (Matt. v. 17 etc.), they deemed it necessary by circumcision to make the Gentiles Jews before admitting them into the kingdom of Christ. The views of Stephen, who was a Hellenist, seem, however, to have been more liberal (Acts vi. 14). Philip, also a Grecian, preached among the Samaritans, and the apostles owned and completed his labours through Peter and John (Acts viii. 14 etc). Still, a direct revelation was necessary before Peter could feel convinced that a Gentile who felt his need of salvation could as such enter the kingdom of God (Acts x.). Even this revelation, however, exercised no deci- sive influence on the common mode of carrying on missionary op- erations. Grecian Jews in Antioch were again the first to take the bold step of addressing themselves directly to the work among the Gentiles (Acts xi. 19). To watch the movement in that city, the apostles commissioned Barnabas, who at once entered into it with all his soul, and conjoined with himself Paul, who was to prove a still more eminent labourer. After the success of their first missionary tour had proved their calling as apostles of the Gentiles, and the Divine sanction to their work, Jewish-Christian zealots raised discussions at Antioch, which issued in a journey of Paul and Barnabas to Jerusalem, for the purpose of having the disputed questions settled (about the year 50). At a meeting of the apostles in that city, Peter and James the Just carried the resolution, that converted Gentiles should, from a legard to relations then existing (Acts xv. 20), submit to certain legal restric- tions, analogous to those to which proselytes of the gate had hitherto been subject. A private conference between the two apostles of Antioch, and Peter, James, and John, led to their mutual recognition of one another as respectively the apostles of the Gentiles and of the Jews (Gal. ii. 1-10). Still, during his stay at Antioch, Peter was guilty of a practical inconsistency in weakly yielding to the fanaticism of some Jewish Christians, for which he was sharply reproved by Paul (Gal. ii. 11-14.) But the conclusions at which the meeting of apostles had arrived did not put a stop to this controversy, and the understand- ing that mutual toleration should be extended was sadly traversed, at least by one of the parties. During the whole course of his labours, Paid had continually to contend with sectarian Jewish converts, who tried their utmost to undermine his apostolic authority, and to introduce 7 74 THE PRIMITIVE CHURCH (1— 100 A. D.). elements of discord into the churches which he planted. — James ill*. Just remained till his death the representative of the sound Judseo- Christian direction, whose adherents, from hahit and personal liking, continued to observe the ceremonial law, but in nowise made salvation dependent on such conformity. — The destruction of the temple, and with it the cessation of Jewish Avorship, prepared the way for a gradual termination of the Jewish Christian, which henceforth merged in the Gentile Christian Church. To this result contributed also the laboura of the Apostle John in Asia Minor, — a man whose every action seemed influenced by the love of Christ, and breathed the spirit of conciliation. The remainder of the party, who, despite the change to which we have adverted, continued their former principles and practices, assumed more and more the character of a sect, and in part became decidedly heretical. (cf§27.) 2. The Basis of Apostolic Teaching, — (Comp. Luttcrbeck, Lechler, Reuss ut supra, and the Sketches of the Teaching of Paul by Usteri (5th ed. Zurich 1834) and by Ddhne (Halle 1835),— of that of John, by From- mann (Leipz. 1839), Kostlin (Berl. 1843), and Hilgenfeld (Halle 1849 —and of that of Peter, by B. Weiss (Berl. 1855). See also II. Messner, die Lehre d. Apostel. (the Teaching of the Ap.) Leipz. 185G.) — It was soon felt necessary to write down the apostolic and authentic accounts of the life of the Saviour, in order to give them a stable form. If in this manner the Gospels were compiled, the continuous intercourse between the missionary apostles and the churches which they had founded, or else the exercise of their general authority, led to the com- position of the Apostolic Epistles. At an early period the mutual exchange of apostolic communications (Col. iv. 16) formed the commence- ment of a collection and diffusion of the New Testament writings ; and, accordingly, Peter could assume (2 Pet. iii. 15, 1G) that the contents of the epistles of Paul were commonly known. There was not at the time any creed to serve as a generally authentic test of orthodoxy, although a commencement had already been made in the profession of faith exacted from converts at their baptism (on the basis of Matt. xxviii. 19). In the age succeeding that of the apostles, this profession was enlarged into what is known as the Apostolic Creed. Already Paul had intimated that justification by faith alone (Gal. i. 8, 9) was one of the indispensable tests of a genuine Christian profession, while John had asserted the same with reference to the incarnation of God in Christ (1 John iv. 3). In the three principal apostles appeared the threefold fundamental tendency of Christian doctrine in apostolic times. Paul represented the pneumatico-theological direction; John, the religious and idealistic; and Peter (as also, in the main, James the Just), the practical and ethical. The views of John brought out pro- minently and most emphatically the Divine aspect of the appearance of Christ (John i. 14) ; those of Peter, its human aspect, as the ideal of holy walk and conversation (1 Pet. ii. 21) ; and those of Paul, being APOSTOLIC OPPOSITION TO SECTARIANS, ETC. 75 more comprehensive than the others, the fulness in the God-Man (Col. ii. 9 ; 2 Cor. v. 19). Faith was the central and moving point in the teaching of Paul, love in that of John, and hope in that of Peter. But •while we admit this diversity, springing from the natural bias of dif- ferent minds, and sanctified by the Spirit of God, it were quite erro- neous to regard it either as implying an exclusive and one-sided pecu- liarity, or diversity. On the contrary, each of these directions admits of and presupposes the others as complementary to it. More especially do the teaching of John and of Peter fit into that of Paul, which waa the most fully developed and comprehensive of all. FIRST SECTION HISTORY OF THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE CHURCH IN ITS ANCIENT CLASSICAL CULTURE. 77 SOUECES. Sources: 1. Church Fathers : Maxima BibliotJieca Patrum et ant. Scriptt. ecclest. Lugd. 1677. 27 voll. fol. — A. Gallandi, Biblioth. vett. Patr. et ant. Scriptt. ecclest. Yenet. 1765. 14 voll. fol. — /. P. Migne, Patrologia? cursus completus, s. Biblioth. universalis ss. Pp. et Scr. ecclest. Series II. : Eccl. Lat. Par. 1844, etc. 217 vols. (Of the Greek series 104 vols, have appeared.) — J. E. GraLc, Spicilegium ss. P. et Ilasrett. Sec. I. II. Oxon. 1698. 2 voll. — M. J. Routh, Reliquia? ss. 1814. 4 voll. 2. Byzantine Writers (from 500 — 1500): Hist. Byzantinse Scr. Par. 1645. 42 voll. fol. (Ven. 1729. 22 voll. fol.) — Niebuhr, corpus Scr. hist. Byz. Bonn. 1828, 48 vols. 3. On Eastern Antiquity: Jos. Sim. Assemanus, Bibl. Orientalis Clementino-Vaticana. Rom. 1719. 3 voll. fol. 4. Treatises on these Subjects : TiUemont, memoires pour servir a 1'hist. ecclest. des six prem. siecles. Par. 1693. 16 voll. 4to. — J. F. Damberger, synchr. Gesch. d. K. u. d. W. im Mittelalt. (Synchron. Hist, of the Ch. and the World in the Middle Ages). Regensb. 1850. £20. CHARACTER AND LIMITS OF THIS PHASE OF DEVELOPMENT. The universalistic spirit of Christianity had, even at the com- mencement of the Apostolic Age, broken through the narrow boundaries of Judaism ; while towards the close of that period, what at first had been a natural antagonism between Jewish and Gentile Christianity had been wholly removed. The Divine truths of salvation had been stripped of the Jewish envelope in which the kernel had attained its full maturity. These truths were now committed to the Roman and Grecian world for their reception, that by means of those elements of culture which had there sprung up, they might be fully unfolded and applied. Hence the leading characteristics of this period in Church History are both negative : in so far as the spirit of Christianity was to over- come the ungodly heathenism of the old world — and positive : in so (79) 80 CHARACTER, ETC., OF THIS fHASE. far as Christianity was now to develop under the form of Grveco- Roman culture. This development issued in a transition from apostolicity to that genuine and pure catholicity, which was to serve as the common basis for all later Christian churches. Such, then, was the task performed by the old Church of the Graeco- Byzantine world ; not, however, without exhibiting in the result a mixture of false ingredients, derived from the substitution of unevangelical for genuine evangelical catholicity. Thenceforth the Germanic-Sclavonic races became the centre of gravitation for the movements of the Church. The Roman Church preserved and increased her authority by making common cause with those races whose training she had undertaken, while the Byzantine Church, left to internal decay, and exposed to Mohammedan oppression, rapidly declined. The history of this phase in the development of the Church may be arranged under three periods. The first of these reaches to the time of Constantine the Great, under whom Christianity and the Church obtained final victory over heathenism (323) ; the second extends to the close of the grand development of doctrine which the Church was to attain under the ancient classical form of culture, i. e., to the close of the Monotheletic controversy by the 6th oecumenical Council of Con- stantinople (680). But as the concilium quinisextum (692) was in reality only a completion of the former two oecumenical Councils — so far as the constitution and worship of the Church were concerned — and as there the great split between the East and the West may be said to have commenced, we prefer closing our second period with the year 692. The difference obtaining between these two periods appears most dis- tinctly in the outward position of the Church. Before the time of Constantine, the Church lived and grew in strength, despite the oppres- sion of a heathen government. If its outward existence was continually threatened by an almost unbroken succession of bloody persecutions, the Divine power which sustained and gave it the prospect of ultimate victory, only appealed the more gloriously under these difficulties. Under the reign of Constantine the state became Christian, and the Church enjoyed all those advantages and that fostering care which earthly protection can afford. But with worldly glory came a worldly spirit; the state also speedily transformed its protection of, into auto- cratic domination over, the Church. In respect of the internal, and especially of the dogmatic development of the Church, also, these two periods materially differ. So long as the Church was engaged in the process of appropriating the forms of ancient heathenism, while setting aside its atheism and falsehoods, the latter too frequently made them- selves felt by the introduction of dangerous admixtures of error with Christian truth. Judaism also, whose narrow bonds had so lately been CHARACTER, ETC., OF THIS PHASE. 81 cast off, threatened similar dangers. Hence, during the first period, the Church -was chiefly engaged in eliminating antichristian elements, whether Jewish or heathen. But during the second period, when the power of heathenism was broken, the Church was free to devote its entire energies to the development of distinctively Christian dogmas, and to the establishment of catholic doctrine in its fullest and most com- prehensive aspects, in opposition to the limitations and mistakes of heretics. — This great work exhausted the capabilities of the ancient Greek and Roman world. The measure of development which it was capable of giving to the Church was full : henceforth the future of the Church lay with the Saxon and Sclavonic races. While the Byzantine empire, and with it the glory of the ancient Eastern Church, was exposed to Mohammedanism, a new empire, gifted with the full vigour of youth, sprang up in the West, and became the medium of a new phase of development in the history of the Church. While thus in the West the Church reached another height of development, in the East it sunk under outward pressure and internal decay. The split between the East and the West, which had commenced in a former period, became complete, and effectually prevented an accession of fresh political or ecclesiastical influences which might, perhaps, have been derived from the West. The fall of the Eastern empire removed the last prop of its splendour and activity. With this event closed the outward history of the Church under the ancient classical form of culture (1453). What of the Eastern Church still remained, was, under the pressure of Turkish djmination, incapable of real history. FIRST PERIOD OF ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY UNDER THE ANCIENT CLASSICAL FORM OF CULTURE. TO THE YEAR 323. Comp. L. Moshemius, Commentarii de reb. Christianorum ante Con- stant. M. Hclmst. 1753. 4. — A. Sckwegler, d. nachapost. Zeitalt. (the Post-Apost. Age). 2 vols. Tub. 1846.— ' F. Chr. Baur, d. Christth. u. d. chr. K. d. 3 erst, Jahrh. (Christ, and the Chr. Ch. of the first 3 Cent,) Tub. 1832. — .4. Riischl, die Entsteh. d. altkath. K. (the Rise of the Anc. Cath. Ch.) Bonn 1870. Cave, Primit. Christ, and Lives of the Fathers ; Burton's Lect. upon the Eccl. Hist, of the First Three Cent. ; Kaye, Eccl. Hist, of the Second and Third Cent.; Jeremie, Hist, of the Chr. Ch. ; Maurice, Lect. on Eccl. Hist. ; Ph. Schaff, Hist, of the Chr. Ch. I. RELATIONS OF JUDAISM AND HEATHENISM TO THE CHURCH. I 21. HOSTILITY AND PERSECUTIONS BY THE JEWS. Even in apostolic times the Synagogue was violently opposed to Christianity. To the Pharisees and to the mass of the people, who cherished expectations of a political Messiah, a Saviour who had been crucified by the Gentiles could only prove a rock of offence (1 Cor. i. 23). The position of equality assigned to the Samaritans, and ultimately even to the heathen, most deeply wounded their national pride, while at the same time the Gospel tried and rejected their work- righteousness and hypocrisy. On the other hand, the emphasis which Christianity laid on the doctrine of the resurrection excited the bitterest opposition of the Sadducees (Acts iv. 2 ; xxiii. 6). The same spirit prevailed generally among the Jews "of the dispersion." The men of Berea are expressly mentioned as forming an exception to this state of feeling (Acts xvii. 11). — At last, the fearful judgment of God burst over the covenant-people and the Holy City (82) RESTORATION AND REACTION. 83 (70 A. D.)- In obedience to the prophetic warning of the Lord (Matt. xxiv. 16), the Christians withdrew, and found a secure retreat in the little town of Pella, on the other side Jordan. But when Bar Cochba (the Son of a Star, called so in allusion to Num. xxiv. 17), the false Messiah, incited the Jews of Palestine to a general rebellion against the Romans (132), the Christians, who refused to take part in this rising, or to acknowledge the claims of the impostor, underwent a bloody persecution. In 135 Bar Cochba fell; and Hadrian founded, on the ruins of Jerusalem, JSlia Capitolina, a Roman colony, to which the Jews were forbidden all access on pain of death. From that time they were deprived of the power and opportunities of directly perse- cuting Christians. However, they shared in, and even excited the heathen to, persecutions of the Church. — In their schools — . of which that of Tiberias was the principal — abominable calum- nies about Christ and Christians circulated, and thence spread among the heathen (Celsus, see § 24, 4). §22. ATTEMPTS AT RESTORATION AND REACTION ON THE PART OF THE SYNAGOGUE AND OF THE SAMA- RITANS. In proportion as the fall of their commonwealth had rendered the Jews impotent, their opposition to the Gospel increased. They now sought safety against the advances of Christianity in fettering all inquiry by traditionary interpretations and human ordinances. This mental direction was fostered by the schools of Tiberias and Babylon. The Talmud, of which the first por- tion was compiled at that period, represents the antichristian tendency of Judaism, after it had fallen from its highest stage of development and become ossified as Traditionalism. — Some of the followers of John (Acts xviii. 24, etc.) also opposed Christianity, and, under the name of Semerobaptists, formed a separate sect. The so-called Sabseans or Mandeans in Persia to-day, or disciples of John (compare § 27, 3) are probably the successors of that sect, which in course of time had admitted Gnostic elements. — While the first labours of the apostles were crowned with such eminent success, the Samaritans endeavoured to outstrip Christianity by introducing new forms of religion. Dositheus, Simon Magus, and Menander, whom the Fathers designate as Heresiarchs, disguised their Samaritan Judaism 84 SECTION I. — FIRST PERIOD (100— 323 A. Ii.). under heathen and theosophic Gnosticism and goetic impostures, while each of them claimed to be the Messiah. 1. Dositheus pretended to be the Messiah promised in Deut. xviii. 18. He insisted on most rigorous Sabbath-observance, and is said to have at last miserably perished in a cave, in consequence of boastful achievements in fasting. 2. Simon Magus came from Gitton, in Samaria. He gave himself out to be the SiW,uts ?ov £aou jy KaXovpevri jwya'juf,— was baptized by Philip, and solemnly warned and reproved by Peter, from whom he wished to purchase the power of giving the Holy Ghost. Afterwards he purchased, in a brothel at Tyre, Helena, a slave, to whom he assigned the part of the 'Ewoia. who had created the world. In order to deliver her (who was held captive by the lower angels), and with her the world, held in bondage by these angels, he, the Supreme God, had come into the world in the form of a man, but without being really a man. He had, in appearance, suffered in Judea, and manifested himself to the Jews as the Son, to the Samaritans as the Father, and to the Gentiles as the Holy Ghost. According to his teaching, salvation only depended on acknowledging him and his Helena as supreme gods: only his mercy, not good works, could save a man. The law had originated with the fallen angels, and was introduced for the sole purpose of reducing men to bondage. The followers of Simon developed the Gnostic system of their master, and gave themselves up to the utmost licentiousness. Irenaeus speaks of Simon as the "magister ac progeni- tor omnium hicreticorum," — and, in point of fact, his views embody the fundamental ideas of every later form of Gnosticism. Justin Mar- tyr even imagined that he had seen at Rome a statue, bearing the inscription : " Simoni sancto deo" — a mistake this, explained by the excavation of a statue dedicated to the Sabinian god Semo Sancus. Of his discussion with Peter at Rome, we read only in the Clemen- tines ; of his projected ascension to heaven, in which he perished in the sea, in the Apostolic Constitutions. 3. Menander was at first a disciple of Simon, but afterwards pre- ferred himself also to play the part of a Messiah. However, he remained sufficiently modest not to claim the honours of supreme deity, and only pretended that he was the Saviour whom God had sent. He taught that whosoever received his baptism should neither grow old nor die. §23. PERSECUTION OF CHRISTIANS IN THE ROMAN EMPIRE. Comp. An. Schmidt, Geshichte d. Penk- und Glaubensfreih. in den ersten Jahrh. der Kaiserherrschaft (Hist, of Intell and Relig. Liberty during the First Cent, of the Emp.). Berl. 1847. — Fr. M'dnter, die Chris- PERSECUTION OP CHRISTIANS. 85 tin im heidnischen Hause vor den Zeiten Konst. (The Chr. Female in the Heath. Family before the time of Const.) Copenh. 1828. — II. G. Tzschirner, der Fall des Heidenthums (The Fall of Heathenism), edit, by Niedner. Vol. I. Leipz. 1829. — H. Kritzler, die Heldenzeiten dea Ohristenth. I. Der Kampf mit d. Heidenth. (The Heroic Ages of Christ. I. The Struggle with Heathen.) Leipz. 185G. A law of twelve tables had already interdicted throughout the Roman empire, the exercise of foreign rites of worship (religiones peregrinse, collegia illicita). As religion was en- tirely an institution of the state, and most intimately per- vaded all public and civic relations, to endan-ger the religion of the state was to endanger the state itself. Bat from political considerations, vanquished nations were allowed to retain their ancient peculiar rites. This concession extended not to the Church, as distinct from the Synagogue. Christianity had openly avowed its mission to set aside all other religions, and its rapid march of progress sufficiently showed that this was not an empty boast. The intimate connection subsisting between Chris- tians, their closed meetings, which during times of persecution were held in secret, awakened and strengthened the suspicion that they were dangerous to the state. Their aversion to public and military service, mixed up as it was with heathen ceremo- nies ; their refusal to offer incense to the statues of the empe- rors ; the constancy of their faith, which equally resisted violence and persuasions ; their retirement from the world, etc., were regarded by the state as indifference or hostility to the common weal, as hopeless stubbornness, as disobedience, rebellion, and high treason. The heathen, moreover, saw in the Christians dar- ing enemies and despisers of their gods ; and a religion which wanted temples, altars, and sacrifices, seemed to them no better than sheer atheism. The most shameful calumnies — such as that, in their assemblies, they practised abominable vices (concu- bitus Oedipodei), slaughtered infants and ate human flesh (epuloe Thyestese) — were industriously spread and readily believed. Besides, the most absurd stories, such as that they worshipped the head of an ass (Deus Onochoetes), circulated about them. Every public calamity was imputed to the Christians, as being a manifestation of the displeasure of the gods whom they despised : " Non pluit Deus, due ad Christianos ! " The heathen priests, conjurers, and traffickers in idols, were also ever ready, for the sake of their own sordid interests, to excite the passions of the 8 86 SECTION I. FIRST PERIOD (100—323 A. D.). populace. Even Tacitus speaks of the Christians as "odium generis humani," and "per flagitia invisos;" and Pliny the Younger, who knew so much that reflected credit on them, de- cries their religion as a " pertinacia et iuflexibilis obstinatio," and as a " superstitio prava et immodica, " Under such circum- stances, we can scarcely wonder that for three centuries popular fury spent itself in a series of almost continual persecutions. 1. There may have been some historical foundation for the legend (however absurd at first sight it may appear), that Tiberius (14-37 a. d.), moved by the report of Pilate, had made a proposal to the senate to elevate Christ among the Roman deities, and when baffled in this, had threatened with punishment those who accused the Chris- tians. At least, there is nothing in the character of Tiberius to render such a circumstance incredible. — At first the Christians were simply regarded as Jews; and therefore a number of them (Acts xviii. 2) were expelled from Rome when, in consequence of a tumult, the Empe- ror Claudius (41-54) banished the JeAvs from the capital. Much more serious were the persecutions of Christians (a. d. 64) which took place under Nero (54-G8), on the occasion of a great fire which lasted for nine days, and which was commonly imputed to incendiarism on the part of the Emperor himself. Nero threw the whole blame on the hated Christians, and visited them with exquisite tortures. They were sewn into skins of wild beasts, and thrown to the dogs to be torn in pieces ; they were covered with wax and pitch, nailed to sharp j>oles, and set on fire to illuminate the imperial gardens at night. The per- secution was not confined to Rome, and lasted to the end of Nero's reign. Peter and Paul obtained at that time the martyr's crown. Among the Christians the legend spread that Nero had retired to the banks of the Euphrates, whence he would return as Antichrist. In consequence of the suspiciousness and avarice of Domitian (81-9G), individual Christians had their property confiscated or were exiled. That monarch put a political interpretation on the kingdom of Christ, and accordingly summoned before him two relatives of Jesus from Palestine ; but the marks of hard labour on their hands soon con- vinced him that there was no cause for his apprehensions. The humane Emperor Nerva (9G-98) recalled the exiles, and refused to listen to accusations against Christians as such. Still Christianity remained a " religio illicita." 2. Under the reign of Trajan (98-117) commenced a new stage in the persecution of Christians. He renewed the former interdict against secret associations (the " Heteriaj"), which was soon applied to those [>f Christians. In accordance with this laAA', Pliny the Younger, when Governor of Bithynia, punished with death those who were accused as Christians and persisted in their profession. But, partly staggfred by PERSECUTION OF CHRISTIANS. 87 the great number of persons accused, who belonged to every rank and age, and to both sexes — partly convinced by strict judicial investiga- tion that the tendency of Christianity was morally pure and politically harmless, and that, as it appeared to him, Christians could only be charged with unyielding superstitiousness, the Governor applied for fresh instructions to the Emperor. Trajan approved both of his con- duct and his proposals ; and accordingly commanded that Christians should not be sought out, that no notice should be taken of anonymous accusations, but that if parties were formally accused and found guilty, they should be put to death if they obstinately refused to sacri- fice to the gods. This persecution extended as far as Syria and Pales- tine. There Si/meon, Bishop of Jerusalem, the successor of James and a relative of the Lord, after cruel scourging, died a martyr's death on the cross, at the advanced age of 120 years (107). Ignatius also, the excellent Bishop of Antioch, after an audience with the Emperor, was by his command sent in chains to Rome, and there torn by wild beasts (115). — Under the reign of Hadrian (117-198), the people were wont, on occasions of heathen festivals, loudly to call for the execution of Christians. On the representation of Serenius Granianus, Hadrian addressed a rescript to Minucius Fundanus (the successor in office of Serenius), forbidding such irregular proceedings. But the legal pro- secution for the profession of the Gospel continued as before. The legend — dating from the fourth century— that Hadrian had intended to build a temple to Christ, is destitute of all historical foundation. His dislike to Christianity and Christians appears even from the cir- cumstance that he erected a temple to Venus on the spot where Christ had been crucified, and a statue of Jupiter over the rock where He had been buried, for the purpose of desecrating these localities. — Under the reign of Antoninus Pius (138-161), the populace, excited in con- sequence of a number of public calamities, renewed its tumults against the Christians, from which, however, that mild Emperor sought to protect them. But the rescript " ad commune Asia;," which bears the name of Antoninus, is in all probability spurious and of Christian authorship. 3. Under the reign of Marcus Aurelius (161-180) the persecutions took a fresh turn. That Emperor, who otherwise was one of the noblest among the heathen, in the pride of his Stoic philosophy, looked with contempt on the enthusiasm of Christians. On this ground he gave full scope to the outbursts of popular fury, and introduced a system of espionage and of tortures in order to oblige Christians to recant. The result proved a great triumph to Christian heroism. We possess de- tailed accounts about the persecution at Smyrna (167), and those at Lugdunum and Vienna in Gaul (177). At Smyrna, the aged bishop Polycarp died on the stake, because he would not consent to curse that Lord whom for eighty-six years he had served. "With his latest breath he offered thanks for having been deemed worthy of the martyr's crown. 88 SECTION I. — FIRST PERIOD (100— 323 A. D.). More general and bloody than that of Smyrna were the persecutions at Lugdunum and at Vienna. Bishop Pothinus, a man ninety years of age, died in a loathsome prison in consequence of the sufferings to which he had been subjected. Blandina, a delicate female slave, was scourged in the most dreadful manner, roasted on a red-hot iron chair, thrown to the wild beasts, and then executed. But under all sufferings she continued her confession : " I am a Christian, and there are no evil practices among us." Ponticus, a lad fifteen years of age, showed similar constancy under like tortures. The dead bodies of the martyrs lay in heaps on the streets, till they were cast into the flames, and their ashes thrown into the Rhone. The legend about the legio fulminatrix — to the effect that, in the war with the Marcomanni (174), rain and lightning had been sent in answer to the prayers of the Christian soldiers of that legion, whereby Marcus Aurelius had been delivered from imminent danger, and that in consequence the Emperor had issued an edict to punish all who accused the Christians — rests on some historical foundation, at least so far as the first part of it is concerned. However, the heathen traced this miracle to their prayers, addressed to Jupiter Pluvius. — Several of the succeeding emperors were favourable to the Christians ; more especially did Commodus, the son of Marcus Aurelius, show considera- ble favour for them, being influenced by the representations of Marcia, his concubine. 4. Septimius Severus (193-211), whom Proculus, a Christian slave, had healed from dangerous illness by anointing him with oil (James v. 14), was at first friendly to Christians. But political suspicions or the extravagances of Montanism changed this disposition. He forbade conversion to Christianity (203) ; and in Egypt and North Africa per- secution again raged. In Alexandria, Leonidas, the father of Origen, was beheaded. Potamicena, a virgin equally distinguished for moral purity and for beauty, suffered the most exquisite tortures, and was then to be given up to the gladiators for the vilest purposes. The latter indignity she knew to avert; but she and her mother Marcella were slowly immersed into boiling pitch. Basilides, the soldier who had been commissioned to lead her to martyrdom, himself became a Christian, and was beheaded on the day following. Not less searching and cruel was the persecution at Carthage. Perpetua, a lady of noble descent, and only twenty-two years old, with a babe in her arms, re- mained steadfast, despite the entreaties of her father, imprisonment, and tortures. She was gored by a wild cow, and finally despatched by the dagger of a gladiator. Felicitas, a slave, who in prison had become a mother, displayed equal constancy in suffering. In his mad attempts at combining all creeds, IIeliogabalus (218-222) desired to amalgamate Christianity also with the others — a piece of folly which, however, secured a season of quietness and toleration. The eclecticism of Alexander Severus (222-235) was of a much more elevated character. PERSECUTION OF CHRISTIANS. 89 He placed in his lararium a bust of Christ, by the side of those of Abraham, of Orpheus, and of Apollonius of Tyana, and displayed kindly feelings towards the Christians. His noble mother, Julia Mammcea, at the same time, protected and encouraged the investiga- tions of Origen. Severus caused the saying of Christ recorded in Luke vi. 31 to be engraven on the walls of his palace. Maximinus, the Thracian, (235-238), the murderer of that Emperor, showed himself hostile to Christians, if only to oppose the conduct of his predecessor, and accordingly gave full scope to popular fury, which had again been excited by earthquakes. Under the reign of Gordianus the Christians enjoyed peace ; and Philip the Arabian (244-249) favoured them in so open and prominent a manner, that he has even been regarded as a Christian. 5. But with the accession of Decius (249-251) commenced a fresh, and indeed the first general persecution, surpassing in extent, com- bination, continuance, and severity, all that had preceded it. In other respects Decius was an able monarch, who combined the ancient Roman earnestness with firmness and energy of purpose. But this very circumstance induced him to resolve on wholly exterminating Christianity, as a religion equally hostile to the commonwealth and to the gods. Every conceivable means — confiscation, banishment, ex- quisite tortures, and death — were employed to induce Christians to apostatise. In too many cases these measures proved successful, the more so as the long period of peace had led to a false security. On the other hand, a longing after the martyr's crown led many of their own accord to rush into prison or to the scaffold. Those who recanted [lapsi) were either, 1. tlmrificati or sacrificati, who, in order to pre- serve their lives, had sacrificed to the gods ; or, 2. libellatici, who, with- out having actually sacrificed, had bribed the magistrates to give them a certificate of having done so ; or, 3. acta facientes, who made false depositions in reference to their Christianity. Again, those who openly confessed Christ, even amidst tortures, but escaped with their lives, were called confessors (confessores) ; while the name of martyrs was given to those who for their profession had suffered death. — The per- secution continued under the reign of Gallus (251—253), being stimulated by famine and pestilences, although often arrested by political troubles. Valerianus (253-260) had originally been friendly to the Christians, but the influence of Marcianus, his favourite, changed him into a persecutor (from the year 257). At first the clergy were banished, and meetings interdicted. When these measures failed, Christianity was made a capital crime. At that time Cyprian of Car- thage, and Sixtus II, Bishop of Rome, obtained the martyr's crown The latter was soon followed by Laurentius, a deacon, who proved a hero even among Christian martyrs. When the Governor demanded from him the treasures of the church, he brought forward the sick, the poor, and the orphans of the congregation. He was roasted alive on a 8* 90 SECTION I. — FIRST PERIOD (100— 323 A. D.) . red-hot brander. But Gallienus (200-268), the son of Valerian, on his accession, put an end to the persecution, and at last accorded to the Church a legal standing and free exercise of religion. Still, Aurei.ian, shortly before his assassination, (270-275) issued a fresh edict of per- secution, -which, however, was not carried into execution. After that the Christians enjoyed more than forty years of repose. 0. In 284 Diocletian and Maxiniianus Herculius became joint Em- perors. In 292 the two Cajsars, Galerius and Constant his Chlorvs (in the West), were associated -with them. Diocletian was an excellent monarch ; but being zealously attached to the old faith, he hated Christianity as introducing an element of disturbance. Still the edict of toleration issued by Gallienus, political considerations in regard to the large number of Christians throughout the empire, and a certain amount of natural kindness, for some time retarded decisive measures. At last the continued urgency of his son-in-law and colleague, Galerius, led to the most terrible of all persecutions. As early as the year 298, Galerius commanded that all soldiers in his army should take part in the sacrifices, — a measure by which he obliged all Christians to leave the ranks. At a meeting between the two monarchs, at Nicomedia in Bithynia (303), he prevailed on the Emperor to disregard what had formerly been the causes of his toleration. An imperial ordinance to pull down the splendid church at Nicomedia was the signal for the persecution. Soon afterwards an edict was affixed which forbade all Christian meetings, and ordered that the churches should be pulled down, the sacred writings destroyed, and all Christians deprived of their offices and civil rights. A Christian who tore down this edict was executed. A fire broke out in the imperial palace, when Galerius immediately accused the Christians of incendiarism. The persecution which now commenced extended over the whole empire, with the exception of Gaul, Spain, and Britain, where the protection of Con- stantius Chlorns shielded the Church. Whatever tortures or modes of death ingenuity could devise were put in requisition. When, in 305, Diocletian and Maximianus abdicated, Maximinvs, the colleague of Galerius, proved quite as bitter an enemy as his predecessors, and raised anew the storm of persecution. In the year 308 Galerius even caused all articles of food or drink, sold in the market, to be moistened or mixed with sacrificial water or wine. At last, when a fearful disease brought Galerius to a different state of mind, he ordered in 311 a cessation of this persecution, and in return demanded the prayers of the Church for the Emperor and the empire. During those eight years of unceasing and unprecedented persecution, Christians had given the brightest proofs of moral heroism, and of enthusiastic readiness to suffer as martyrs. In proportion, the number of lapsi was much smaller than it had been during the Decian persecution. But the command to give up the sacred writings had originated a neAV kind of recantation. Those who had complied with this demand were PERSECUTION OF CHRISTIANS. 91 called traditores. Some, instead of delivering the sacred, handed in heretical writings, on pretence that they were the sacred books. But the spiritual earnestness of that period was such, that these parties were ranked with the ordinary traditores, and, like them, were excom- municated. 2 7. The fanaticism of Maximums, who ruled in Asia, was not checked by the edict of toleration which Galerius had granted. He gladly acceded to the request of certain cities to be allowed to expel the Christians, and on memorial tablets of brass recorded his praise of those measures. He interdicted the building of churches, and punished confessors by the loss of property and by defamation — occasionally also with chastisement or death ; and officially circulated the most abominable calumnies about Christians. In innumerable copies, he diffused the " acta Pilati," a malicious libel, of spurious heathen authorship, introducing it even in schools as an exercise in reading. But fear of his colleague obliged him to adopt more moderate measures. In Britain, Gaul, and Spain ruled, from 306, Constantine, the son and successor of Constantius Chlorus, who, with the Neo-Platonic eclecti- cism of his father, had also inherited his mild disposition towards Christians. In Italy, Maxentius, a savage and bigoted heathen, of obscure origin, had in 30G seized the reins of government. He also, from political motives, for some time extended toleration to the Chris- tians ; but antagonism to Constantine, who was friendly to them, ulti- mately induced him to make common cause with the heathen party. The usurper was utterly defeated in a campaign in 312, during which Constantine, as he maintained, was vouchsafed a heavenly vision. In the same year, this monarch, and his brother-in-law Licinius, who ruled over the east of Europe (Illyricum), issued an edict which gave liberty to all forms of worship. In a second edict, dated from Milan in 313, Constantine expressly allowed conversion to Christianity. Maximums was under the necessity of giving his assent to these measures, and died in the same year. But gradually the friendly relations between Licinius and Constantine gave jdace, first to coolness, and then to hostility. The former threw himself into the arms of the heathen party ; the latter adopted the cause of Christianity. Thus the war between these two monarchs, which broke out in 323, became also a struggle for life or death between heathenism and Christianity. Licinius was vanquished, and Constantine became master of the whole empire.— The incident in the campaign against Maxentius, to which we have above referred, is differently related even by cotemporary writers. According to Eusebius, whose account is derived from depo- sition on oath by the Emperor, Constantine having sought the aid of a higher power, had at mid-day seen in the heavens a luminous cross, with the superscription : Tout" vixa. Afterwards, in a dream, Christ had commanded him to make the cross his banner. In remembrance of this miraculous vision, he caused the splendid banner of the cross — the Labdrum — to be made. (Cf $42.) 92 SECTION I. — FIRST PERIOD (100-323 A. D.). g 24. INTELLECTUAL REACTION OF HEATHENISM. Comp. K. Vogt, Neoplatonismus und Christenthum (Neo-Plat. and Christ,). I- Berlin 1836. TzscJiimer, d. Fall d. Heidenth. Lpz. 1829.— G. H. von Senden, Gesch. d. Apolog. 2 Bde. Stuttg. 1846. For a long time the more intelligent adherents of heathenism had felt that if their system was to continue, it must undergo thorough reform and reconstruction. This was attempted during the Augustan age by introducing a Neo-Pythagoreanism, propped up by Theurgy and Magic. The principal representative of this direction was Apollonius of Tyana (ob. 96). In the second century an attempt was made to revive the secret rites of the ancient mysteries of the Dea Syra, and of Mythras. But all this proved insufficient. It was felt necessary to produce a form of heathenism which should meet the great religious wants as fully as Christianity had done, by its supranaturalism, its mono- theism, and its universalism, and which, at the same time, should be free from the absurdities and incongruities that hitherto had attached to the popular creeds. This task was, in the com- mencement of the third century, undertaken by the Neo-Pla- tonists. But they had as little power as heathen polemics, to stay the triumphant progress of Christianity. When heathen authors (Tacitus, Pliny, Marcus Aurelius, comp. § 23) make passing mention of Christians or of Christianity, they employ the most opprobrious or contemptuous terms; Lucian of Samosata simply ridicules it as a piece of absurdity (de vita Peregrini). The first heathen who expressly wrote against Christianity was Celsus, in the second century. With consider- able ingenuity, and still greater hostility, he attempted to show- that the religion of Christians was the climax of absurdity. The controversial writings of Porphyry, the Neo-Platonist (ob. 304), are more elevated and becoming in their tone. A much inferior position to that of either of these writers must be assigned to Hierocles, Governor of Bithynia, who, in his official capacity, took part in the persecution under Galerius. — These attacks were either expressly or incidentally met in the writings of the most prominent Christian teachers. They rebutted the calumnies and charges of the heathen; demanded that Christians should be treated in accordance with the spirit of the laws; they defended Christianity by proving its internal truth, by showing how it was confirmed by the walk and conversation of Christians. INTELLECTUAL REACTION OF HEATHENISM. 93 authenticated by miracles and prophecies, and by its accordance with the statements and anticipations of the greatest philoso- phers, the sources of whose wisdom they in part even traced, directly or indirectly, to the Old Testament; and they endea- voured to demonstrate that the heathen deities had no claim upon worship, and that heathenism was a moral and religious perversion. (Comp. § 41, 1.) 1. Even Lucian and Apuleius speak of Apollonius of Tyana as only a renowned Goet and Magician. But, at the commencement of the third century, Philoslrahts, senior, excogitated a biography of Apellonius, in which he appears as a religious reformer and worker of miracles, — in short, as a heathen imitation of Christ. (Comp. F. Chr. Baur, Apoll. von Tyana und Christus. Tub. 1832.) 2. It was the purpose of Neo-Platonism, by combining what waa most elevated and best in exoteric and esoteric religion, in the philosophy and theosophy of ancient and modern times, of the East and of the West, to exhibit a universal religion, in which faith and knowledge, philosophy and theology, theory and practice, should be perfectly reconciled and combined, and in which all religious wants should be met with so much fulness, that, in comparison, Christianity itself should appear but one-sided, poor, and defective. The noblest spirits in the heathen world, which was fast sinking into decay, took part in this movement. The devout and thoughtful Plutarch of Chseronea (ob. 120) may be regarded as the precursor of this party. But, properly speaking, Ammonius Saccas (ob. 243) was the founder of the Neo- Platonic school, which was further developed especially by Plotinus (ob. 270), by Porphyrins (ob. 304), and by Jamblichus (ob. 333). 3. According to Lucian, Peregrinus, a Cynic, who had first been guilty of the lowest crimes, afterwards became one of the most promi- nent men among Christians ; having been again excluded by them be- cause he had partaken of some forbidden meat, he had ended his days by throwing himself into the flames during the Olympic games. In the person of this Cynic, Lucian ridicules the foolish hope of immor- tality of Christians, their readiness to become martyrs, their silly ex- pectation of retribution in another world, the simplicity of their bro- therly love, in which only impostors could rejoice as most useful to them, their credulity, their love of miracles, and their sombre antagon- ism to the world and its pleasures. From the life of the Apostle Paul, and from the martyrdom of Polycarp and of Ignatius, he borrowed the traits of the caricature which he drew. (Comp. A. Planck in the "theol. Studien u. Krit." fw 1851. IV.) 4. The fcoyoj aXr^trn of Celsus is in great part preserved in the reply by Origen. That writer introduces first a Jew, who disputes the accounts furnished in the Gospels ; then a heathen philosopher, who 94 SECTION I. — FIRST PERIOD (100—323 A. D.). shows the absurdity both of Judaism and of Christianity. Origen identifies the writer as Celsus the Epicurean, about the year 150 ; but from his own remarks, he appears rather to have been an eclectic phi- losopher. His polemics are acute but superficial, sarcastic but disho- nest. According to him, Christ was a common Goet. — Porphyry wrote fifteen books xata Xptof taruJi'. He was desirous of proving that there were contradictions in the Bible, ransacked the dispute between Paul and Peter in Gal. ii., declared that the prophecy of Daniel was a "vaticinium post eventum," and challenged the allegorical interpreta- tions of Christians. He was also the author of a system of heathen (Neo-Platon.) theology (ex -tiiv Xoyiuv $c.a.oaoi<'a). Of both works only fragments have been preserved. — Hierocles (2 books of Xoyot (j>aax?j- ^t is) only reproduced shameless falsehoods about Christ and Christians, and placed Jesus far below Apollonius of Tyana. §25. SPREAD OF CHRISTIANITY. Amid the many persecutions through which the Church had to pass during this period, the Gospel rapidly spread through- out the whole Roman empire, and even beyond its limits. So early as 170, Abgar Bar Manu, a Christian prince, reigned at Edessa, the capital of the kingdom of Osrhoene, in Mesopota- mia. At the same period Christianity had found a lodgment in Persia, Media, Bactria, and Parlhia. In the third century it had spread to Armenia. The Apostle Thomas is said to have carried the Gospel to India. In Arabia, Paul had laboured (Gal. i. 17). In the third century Origen was called to that country by a syyoi^wvos -rrj 'Apa^toj, who wished to be in- structed in Christianity. On another occasion he went thither in order to settle an ecclesiastical dispute (§ 40, 5). From Alexandria (§ 17) the Gospel also spread to other countries of Africa — to Cyrene, and among the Copts (the aboriginal Egyp- tians). The Church of Proconsular Africa, especially that of Carthage, its capital, was in a vigorous, thriving state, and kept up close communication with Rome. In the third century Mau- ritania and Numidia numbered so many Christian communities that Cyprian could collect at Carthage a synod of eighty-seven bishops. Rome remained the central point for the Church in Europe. Colonies and teachers from Asia Minor formed in Gaul a number of flourishing churches (such as those of Lugdu- nura, Vienna, etc.). At a later period seven missionaries from Italy arrived in Gaul. Among them, St. Dionysius founded the Church at Paris, Among the Roman colonies in the countries SURVEY. 95 of the Rhine and of the Danube, flourishing churches existed so early as in the third century. The insufficiency and the decay of heathenism were the negative, the Divine power of the Gospel the positive, means by which the Gos pel spread with such astonishing rapidity. This Divine power mani fested itself in the zeal and self-denial of Christian teachers and mis- sionaries, in the saintly walk and conversation of Christians, in the depth of their brotherly love, in the unshaken steadfastness and confi- dence of their faith, — above all, in the joyousness with which they met martyrdom under the most exquisite tortures. The blood of martyrs was the seed of the Church ; and not unfrequently did it happen that the executioners of Christian martyrs immediately followed them in similarly suffering for the Gospel.* [In special instances, miracles and signs — the echoes of the apostolic age — may have led to analogous results. This is borne out by the evidence of men such as Justin Martyr, Tertullian, and Origen, who in confirmation appeal to heathen eye-witnesses.] II. DANGERS ACCRUING FROM A LEAVEN OF JUDAISM AND HEATHENISM REMAINING IN THE CHURCH. ?26. SURVEY. Of almost greater danger to the Church than even the direct hostility and persecution of Jews and pagans, were certain Jewish and heathen elements imported into the Christian com- munity. The unspiritual, unbending, and narrow formalism of the one, and the ungodly, antichristian tendency of the other, not only reappeared, but claimed equal standing with what really and distinctively was Christian. The attempt to force Christianity into the narrow-minded particularism of the Syna- gogue produced Ebionism ; the desire to amalgamate Grecian and Oriental theosophy with Christianity introduced Gnosti- cism. These two directions were also combined into a Gnostic Ebionism,— a system for which the doctrines of the Essenes served as point of transition and connecting link. — The Church had to put forth all its energies in order to defend itself against this dangerous admixture of other creeds, and to clear its soil from weeds which spread so rapidly. What of antichristian Judaism had intruded was speedily overcome and cast out. * Omitted in the 7th Ed. 96 SECTION I. — FIRST PERIOD (100—323 A. D.). But much more difficult was the contest with Gnosticism ; and although the Church ultimately succeeded in uprooting on its own soil these weeds, many of their seeds were for centuries secretly preserved, and sometimes of a sudden sprung up into fresh crops. However, these contests also brought blessings to the Church ; from them it issued with views more enlarged and liberal, with the deep conviction that scientific culture was necessary for its theology, and prepared by victory for new struggles. Gnosticism must ultimately be traced to a peculiar and powerful tendency inherent in many minds during the first centuries. A deep conviction that the old world had run its course, and was no longer able to resist the dissolution which threatened it, pervaded the age. It also impelled many, by a syncretism the boldest and grandest that history has recorded — we mean, by the amalgamation of the various elements of culture, which hitherto had been isolated and heteroge- neous — to make a last attempt at renovating what had become anti- quated. While under one aspect this tendency was intended to oppose Christianity (by Neo-Platonism), under another the Church itself was drawn into the vortex, and by an amalgamation of Oriental theosophy, of Grecian theosophy, and of Christian ideas, a widely ramified system of most extravagant religious philosophy came forth from the crucible of this peculiar kind of speculation. This system bore the general name of Gnosticism. Various sects of Gnostics viewed the Scriptures in a different manner. Some, by means of allegorical interpretations, sought to base their system on the Bible. Others preferred to decry the apostles as having falsified the original Gnostic teaching of Christ, to attempt recasting the apostolic writings in accordance with their own views, or by Gnostic spurious writings to make up a Bible after their own fashion. The teaching of primitive sages, handed down by tradition as secret doctrine, they placed above Sacred Writ. — Gnostic specnlation busied itself with such questions as the origin of the world and of evil, or the purpose, means, and goal of the development of the world. To solve these problems the Gnostics borrowed from heathen- ism its theory about the origin of the world, and from Christianity the idea of redemption. All Gnostic systems are based on a kind of Dual- ism of God and of matter (vlr/). But with the Platonists, some regarded matter as unreal (having no real existence) and without form (= jujj ov), hence as not directly hostile and opposed to the Deity; while others, in accordance with the views of the Parsees, supposed it to be animated and ruled by an evil principle, and hence to be directly opposed and hostile to the Good Deity. The theogonic and cosmogonic process was explained on the principle of an emanation [rtpofio'Kr,), by which from the hidden God a long series of Divine formations (aiuvt$) EBIONISM AND EBIONITE GNOSIS. 97 had emanated, whose indwelling Divine potency diminished in mea- sure as they removed from the original Divine Source. These iEons are represented as being the media of the creation, development, and redemption of the world. The original matter from which the world was created consisted of a mixture of elements, derived partly from the kingdom of light (the ffltjjpw/*a), and partly from the Hyle (varipTjfia, ^ii-w/to). This mixture was differently represented as brought about by nature, chance or contest. The world was created by one of the lowest and weakest ^Eons, called the dq/iwvpyoc. Creation is the preparation and the commencement of redemption. But as the Demiurgos cannot and will not accomplish the latter, one of the highest JEans appears in the fulness of time as Redeemer, in order to accomplish the deliverance of the captive elements of light by the imparting of yrwffty. As matter is in itself evil, the {pneumatic) Saviour had only an apparent body, or else at baptism descended into the psychical Messiah, whom the Demiurgos had sent. The death on the cross was either only an optical delusion, or the heavenly Christ had left the man Jesus and returned to the Pleroma, or else He had given His form to another person (Simon of Cyrene), so that the latter was crucified instead of Jesus (Docetism). According as the pleromaticor the hylic element prevails, the souls of men are naturally either pneu- matic, and in that case capable of yvZ>ai<;; psychic, when they cannot attain beyond matii ; or hylic, — the latter class comprising the great mass of men who, left in hopeless subjection to the powers of Satan, only follow their own lusts. Redemption consists in overcoming and eliminating matter, and is accomplished through knowledge (yvtimc) and asceticism. It is not an ethical but a chemical process. As it was believed that matter was the seat of evil, sanetifieation was sought physically rather than ethically, and thought to consist in resisting matter and abstaining from material enjoyments. Hence originally the system implied an exceedingly strict code of morals, but, in point of fact, frequently became the very opposite, and degenerated into Antinomianism and Libertinism. This is partly explained from the low views entertained by some about the law of the Demiurgos, and partly by the ease of passing from one extreme to another. §27. EBIONISM AND EBIONITE GNOSIS. Comp. Gieseler, Nazaraer und Ebioniten, in the kirchl. hist. Arch IV. 2 : Credner, Essaer und Ebioniten, in Winer's Zeitschr. I. 2. — A. Schlie- maim, die Clementinen u. der Ebionitismus. Hamb. 1841 ; A. Hilgenfeld, d. clement. Recognita u. Homilien. Jen. 1848 ; G. Dhlhorn, d. Homilien u. Recogn. d. Clemens Rom. Gottg. 1854; — also, Hilgenfeld, das Ur- christenthum (Orig. Christian.). Jena 1855 ; and the same author's Jlidische Apokalyptik. Jena 1857. — D. Chwolsohn, die Ssabier u. d. Ssabismus. St. Petersb. 1856, 2 Bde. 9 98 SECTION I. — FIRST PERIOD (100 — 023 A. D.). Those Jewish Christians who, after the destruction of Jerusa- lem, continued in ecclesiastical separation from the Gentile brethren, either formed a separate sect or fell into open heresy. Both parties, though the distinction between them was not unobserved, were called by Origen and Eusebius by the common name of Ebionites. Jerome, on the contrary, distinguishes them by the different names, Nazarenes and Ebionites. In the sect of the Elkesaites or Sampseans we perceive that Gnostic elements had found their way among the Ebionites also, probably from their connection with the Essenes In the system embodied in the Pseudo-Clementines, this Ebionite Gnosis was extended and developed. It now assumed an attitude of direct antag- onism to Gentile Gnosticism and to Gentile Catholicism, laying claim to represent genuine ancient Judaism, which was said to be quite the same as genuine Christianity. 1. The Nazarenes — a name by which the Jews had originally desig- nated all Christians (Acts xxiv. 5) — held themselves bound still to observe the ceremonial law, without, however, disputing the salvation of Gentile-Christians who abstained from its injunctions. They believed in the Divinity of Christ's nature, acknowledged Paul as being a true apostle, and rejected the ordinances of the Rabbins, but cherished a carnal kind of Chiliasm (i. e., they expected a thousand years' reign of Christ on earth, after a fashion similar to that which formed the main features of Jewish ideas of the Messiah). The so-called Gospel of the Hebrews, an Aramaic recension of the Gospel of Matthew, served as the basis of their views. 2. The Ebionites deemed observance of the ceremonial law indis- pensably necessary for salvation. They regarded, indeed, Christ as the Messiah, but held Him to have been only a man (the son of Joseph) whom, at His baptism, God had endowed with divine powers. His messianic activity they limited to His teaching, by which He had enlarged and perfected the law, adding to it new and more strict com- mandments. The death of Christ was an offence to them, under which they consoled themselves with the promise of His return, when they expected that a terrestrial kingdom should be set up. — - The Apostlo Paul, in their opinion, was a heretic, and deserved obloquy. They also had a gospel of their own. 3. The Fathers derived the designation Elkesaites from Elxai, the founder of that sect, — a name which, according to their interpretation, meant ivra/xi^ xixa^v^^iivr; ('DD /'fl)- EBIONISM AND EBIONITE GNOSIS. 99 Their doctrines were a mixture of Essene, Jewish, heathen-naturalis- tic, and especially astrologico-magical, and Christian elements. The law — especially that of the Sabbath and of circumcision — was held to be binding ; but they rejected sacrifices. They practised fre- quent ablutions, both for the forgiveness of sins and for the cure of dis- eases. In the Lord's Supper bread and salt were used. The use of flesh was forbidden ; but marriage was allowed. Christ was regarded as being the Son of God by the Virgin. Next to Him they placed the Uitvua, aytov, in the form of a female figure. The Elkesaites inhabited the eastern shores of the Dead Sea. According to Epiphanius, they were the same as the Sampseans = 'HuaxoL — More recent investiga- tions (Chwolsohn, I.e.) render it probable that they are identical with the Zabians or Mandceans of the present day. Mediaeval Arabic wri- ters call these Zabians (from tf2)S = .TDD< 0««st§eM», to wash) Mogtasilah, i. e., those who wash themselves. They mention Elchasaich as their founder, who taught two principles (the male and female). The earlier view of the original identity of the Zabians with the ancient Hemerobaptists and Disciples of John, may still be retained (§22) ; for the latter may easily have laid the basis for the formation of the sect of Elkesaites, and have perpetuated their Gnostic dualistic elements through Elkesai. 4. The Pseudo-Clementine System originated in the latter half of the second century. It was derived from a didactic work of fiction which, however, claims to be regarded as a true story. Clemens Ro- manus, a noble Roman, philosophically educated, had, from a desire after information, travelled to the East, where he met with Peter, and became the companion of his missionary journeys. The peculiar doc- trinal views of the work are gathered from the sermons and the discus- sions of Peter; the historical romance is elaborated in the scenes of recognition and conversion of the father, the mother, and the brothers of Clement. Peter is brought forward as the representative of what is alleged to have been genuine and original Christianity ; Simon Magus, his antagonist, represents every form of supposed spurious Christianity, from his own teaching and that of his adherents (§ 22, 2) to that of the Apostle Paul, according to whom the law was abolished in Christ, and that of Marcion, according to whom the Creator of the world was not the Supreme God (§28,10). The alleged motive for the composition of the book is this, that Peter, the founder and first bishop of the Church at Rome, had, shortly before his death, appointed Clement his successor, and enjoined him to intimate this to James in Jerusalem, as the head of the Church, so as to obtain his acknowledgment. — The Pseudo- Clementine romance is preserved in various modifications. The two oldest forms of it are — 1) the Homilia? XX. dementis (the first com- plete ed. by M. Dressel. Gottg. 1853), in Greek ; and 2) the Recogni- tiones Clementis, in a Latin translation by Rufinus, in which the histo- rical and romantic element is further carried out, while the doctrinal 100 SECTION I. — FIRST PERIOD (100-323^.1).). part is Jess full and somewhat expurgated. Schliemann regarded the llecognitiones as a later revisal of the Homilies; Hilgenfeld supposes the relations exactly reversed ; XJlhorn modifies the statement of Schlie- mann, and supposes that the Homilies themselves were recast after some original work, and that both the latter and the Homilies had been used in the composition of the Recognitiones. — The System of the Cle- mentine Hum Hies is based on Stoic Pantheism combined with Jewish Theism, and proceeds on the supposition that genuine Christianity was exactly identical with genuine Judaism. The author discovers some elements of truth and others of error in all the principal modifications of Christian, of Jewish, and of heretical religion. He controverts the popular belief and the philosophy of the heathen, the sacrificial worship of the Jews, the Chilia-sm of the Ebionites, the ecstatic prophetism of the Montanists, the hypostatic Trinitarianism of the Catholics, the Demiurgos, the Docetisin, and the Antinomianism of the Gnostics. From the Ebionite system he adopts his idea of the identity of Judaism with Christianity ; with the Essenes, he agrees in insisting on absti- nence from meats, frequent fasts, ablutions, and voluntary poverty (but he recommends early marriages) ; with the Catholics, as to the r-m — a combination of Parseeism, of Buddhism, and of Christianity (§21)) — made its appearance during the third century. 1. CERiNTiirs was a junior coteraporary of the Apostle John in Asia Minor. lie was the first to propound the peculiar Gnostic dogma of the Dcmiurr/os, who, as Creator of the world, is represented as sub- servient to the Supreme God, without, however, knowing Him. Jesus also, who Avas the son of Joseph and of Mary, knew Him not, until at baptism the uvu> Xpmroj descended upon him. Before the crucifixion, •which is regarded as merely a human calamity, without any bearing upon salvation, he again left the man Jesus. Cains of Home, who ascribed to Cerinthus the authorship of the book of Revelation, charges him also with carnally chiliastic views. 2. The Gnosticism of Basilidcs. — Basilides (BarnwdSrjg) was a teacher at Alexandria about the year 130. It is the characteristic and funda- mental idea of his system, that every development of God and of the world was brought about by an influence from beneath upwards — not, as in the theory of emanation, from above downwards. His system commences with pure non-existence. 'Hv on %v oihiv. Hence, the principle from which everything originates is 6 ova ijv de6s, — which from out of itself (ff ovk ovtcjv) brings Chaos into being. This Chaos, though itself ovx w, is yet the rfarirtspiu'a rov xovnov. Thence two son- ships {vvotrjtti), of which the one was already weaker than the other, ascended to the blessed place of not-being (non-existence — rot t>rt{pxo5,uia) ; while a third, which still required purification, had to remain behind in the rtaiartfp.uia. The latter, then, is the object of redemption. Next, the great Archon ascended from Chaos to the very boundary of the blessed place, of which he knew nothing, and founded there the Ogdoas; after him came a second Archon, who founded the GENTILE GNOSTICISM. 103 HeMomas (the planet-sky). He reigned over the terrestrial world until Moses revealed the name of the great Archon. Only Jesus, the first-born of the third sonship, that had remained behind, obtained and spread the knowledge of the highest God and His kingdom. The sufferings of Christ were necessary for His own salvation, t. e., that He might be purified from the elements of the Psyche and of the Hyle. Then He ascended to the highest God, whither, gradually, all other pneumatic natures are to follow Him. Ultimately, God pours out (jreat ignorance over all stages of existence, that their blessedness may 11 :* be disturbed by their knowledge of still higher bliss. Such, accord- ing to Clemens Alexandrinus and Hippolytus, are the fundamental ideas of the system of Basilides. IrencBUS and Epiphanius attach that name, however, to a totally different system — doubtless describing the later sect of the so-called Pseudo-Basilidiaxs. In their system, the great Archon alone is represented as the highest God, the " pater innatus." But between the great Archon and the Archon of the Heb- domas not less than 3G5 spiritual spheres (= 'A8pa|as, 'Aj5paffa£) inter- vene. Since the oiix uv ^soj and the itavortipplo. had been discarded, it became necessary to adopt certain dualistic, emanatistic, and docetic views, such as that beneath the Pleroma lay an eternal Hyle, which attracted some particles of light and fixed them down in matter, etc. The Pseudo-Basilidians fell into Antinomianism and Libertinism. Basilides himself left twenty-four books iZijyytixd, and his son Isidore a work entitled r^ixa. — (Comp. G. Ulilhovn, das basilid. System. Gb'ttg. 1855. Also, A. Hilgenfeld, Die Jl'id. Apokalyptik. App. pp. 289, etc. Jena 1857). 3. The Gnosticism of Valentine. — Vahntinus, a teacher in Alex- andria and at Rorne about the middle of the second century, was of all Gnostics the most deep, ingenious, and imaginative, and his system is equally remarkable for its speculation and its poetry. Its fundamental idea is, that, according to a law inherent in the Divine Being, the iEons emanated in pairs, and with the difference of sexes. Every such holy marriage of iEons he designates a Syzxjgia. Connected with this is another peculiar view, according to which the three catastrophes of terrestrial history (creation, the fall, and redemption) had already occurred in archetype in the history of the development of the Pleroma. On this basis he reared a grand and most poetic Epos, consisting of a partly Christian and partly mythological theogony and cosmogony. From the Bu^oj (or AitoTtdtup) and his 'Kvvola. (or 2ty/j) emanated fifteen pairs of ^Eons, which, with the Father of all, formed the Pleroma. 2 :>(,a, the last and lowest of these iEons, impelled by a burning desire, forsakes her husband in order to throw herself into the Bythos, for the purpose of embracing the Great Father himself. She is indeed pre- vented from carrying this into execution — but a rupture has taken place in the Pleroma. Disorder and passion (her irti^u^uij) is eliminated and driven forth from the Pleroma. This, then, is an 104 SECTION I. — FIRST PERIOD (100—325 /v. D.). abortion, an tx-(pu>fta, which still possesses, however, an iEonic nature (xcirto 2o<|)ttt). To redeem and to living her back into the Pleroma — such is the object of the development of the world. For the purpose of providing a Saviour and future husband for her, all the iEons com- bine in emanating a new iEonic Being, glorious above all measure — - the 2trrp, or heavenly Jems. Meantime, the xd?u> So^Ja, which is ahc called 'A^ou^ii^, gives birth to the various grades of life in the Cosmos. All hylic natures are under the government of Satan, all psychical under that of the Demiurgos, while she herself directs those that are pneumatic. To his chosen people, the Jews, the Demiurgos sends a Messiah, the xutu> zpintos, on whom at baptism the cu/co 2wr r t p descends. The Demiurgos is astonished, but submits to the will of the higher deities. The Pneumatics are led to perfectness by yvw$i<;, J*'n,3)> either as T T being the evil principle, or else as the Agathodaemon. This is explained from the circumstance that, both in Egyptian worship, in the Grecian mysteries, and in biblical history, the serpent was prominently brought forward. Ilippolytus describes, under the name of Naassexes, one of the earliest forms of Ophite Gnosticism, of which the system is com- paratively simple. In it the serpent was the Agathodaemon. More fully developed than this was the system of the Gnostic Jtjstinus, who adopted the whole Grecian mythology. He regarded the Nachash as an evil demon. The Peratics, a, party of which Euphrates and Cheibes were the founders, taught that it was necessary to leave Egypt (which was a representation of the body), to pass (rtfpur) through the Red Sea (the things that pass away) into the wilderness, where, indeed, the gods of destruction (represented by the fiery serpents which destroyed the Jews) awaited us, but where also Christ the Saviour (represented by tlio serpent which Moses had lifted up) brought Balvation and deliverance. The Sethians maintained that originally there had been two races of men — one psychical, at the head of which stood Abel, the other hylic, at the head of which was Cain. But with Sct/i commenced a third race, that of the Pneumatics or Gnostics. The Hylics had DCrishcd in tlm Flood, but returned in the descendants of Hani. At GENTILE GNOSTICISM. 105 last Seth appeared a second time in Christ. In direct opposition to this sect, the Cainites declared that all those persons who in the Old Testament had heen described as ungodly, were genuine Pneumatics and martyrs of truth. The first who distinguished himself in the contest with the God of the Jews, was Cain; the last, who brought this contest to a victorious termination, by bringing, in his deeper wisdom, the psychical Messiah to the cross, and thus destroying the kingdom of the God of the JeAvs, was Judas Iscariot. Their Antino- mianism led to the most shameless excesses. — The Ophites, whom Irenaeus and Epiphanius describe, seem to have indulged in abstruse transformations of the biblical history in Gen. i. — iii., and to have derived their views originally from the system of Valentine. Accord- ing to them, the Sophia-Achamoth precipitated herself into Chaos, where she gave birth to Juldabaoth, the Creator of the world, who in turn renounced allegiance to his mother. But the star-spirits which he had created, and Orphiomorpho.i, or Satan, overcame him in turn. From a feeling of jealousy, Juldabaoth had interdicted man from the tree of knowledge ; but the serpent Achamoth persuaded him to disobey, and thus procured him liberty and knowledge. Jaldabaoth selected the Jews as his favourite people, sent prophets to them, and at last a Messiah, who was to obtain for them dominion over the Gentiles. On him the Ano-Christ descended, but the wicked Jalda- baoth now caused his own Messiah to be crucified. Before that, how- ever, the heavenly Christ had already forsaken that Messiah, and, invisible to Jaldabaoth, sat down at the right hand of the latter ; thus withdrawing from him any elements of light which he still retained, etc. — The book Pistis Sophia (ed. Schwartze et Petermann, coptice et hit. Berol. 1851) is one of the latest and best productions of Ophite Gnosticism, strongly tinged, however, with the views of Valentine. 5. The Gnosticism of Carpocrates. — The opposition to Judaism, which had so distinctly appeared among the Cainites and the Ophites, developed, in the system of Carpocraies and his adherents, into open and pantheistic heathenism. They regarded Christ in exactly the same light as they did Pythagoras, Plato, and Aristotle. Genuine Christianity they held to be equivalent with philosophical heathenism; all popular creeds, especially that of the Jews, had originated with demons (the dyy&oi xoa/xorcoioi). True religion consisted in return to the lost unity with the " one and all," attained theoretically by Gnosis, and practically by transgressing the law of the Demiurgos. In this respect Christ had distinguished Himself before all others. In their temples they paid divine homage to pictures of Christ and of heathen philosophers, which they placed by the side of each other. The Car- pocratians built in Cephalonia a temple to Epiphanes, the son of Car- pocrates, a youth of great talent, but wholly steeped in vice, who died in the 17th year of his age. — At the close of their agapes they had " concubitus promiscuos." 106 SECTION I. — FIRST PERIOD (100—323 A. D.). G. The Antitoctes. — Almost all the Alexandrian Gnostics ulti mately landed in Antinomianism and gross immorality, on the prin- ciple that he who was perfect must he able to bid defiance to the law, (di-nraoofo^at), and that in order to break the power of Ilyle, it was necessary to weaken and to mortify the flesh (napa^a^at rf oapxt) by carnal indulgences. Among them we reckon, besides the Nicolaituus (§19, 1) and the Simonians (§22, 2), the Pseudo-Basilidians, the Carpocratians, the Cainites, and also the Prodicians, who, as the sons of the king, deemed themselves above the law, which had been given to servants. 7. The first in the series of Syrian Gnostics was Saturninus, whe lived at the time of Hadrian. According to him, the spiritual world of the kingdom of light had gradually emanated from the £s 6j d'yriou-roj. The lowest stage was occupied by the seven planet-spirits (dyyt^ot xoa^oxpa'Topff), presided over by the God of the Jews. But from all eternity Satan, the ruler of Ilyle, had been most violently opposed to the kingdom of light. The seven planet-spirits intended to found an empire independent of the Pleroma, and for that purpose made an in- cursion into the kingdom of Ilyle, and partly gained possession of it. This they fashioned into the sensuous world, and created man, its guardian, after a luminous image sent by the good God, of which they had perceived the reflection. But they were unable to give man an upright posture. On this the supreme God took pity on the wretched creation of their hands. He imparted to man a spark of light (arcu^p), by which he was filled with pneumatic life and enabled to stand up- right. But by means of a hylic race, which Satan created, he opposed the pneumatic race, and continually persecuted it by his demons. The God of the Jews therefore resolved to redeem the persecuted by a Mes- siah, and He raised up prophets to announce His coining. But Satan also sent prophets. At last the good God sent the JEon Not>s to this earth, arrayed not in a real, but in what seemed a body, that as our^p he might teach the Pneumatics, not only to protect themselves by means of Gnosis and asceticism (abstinence from marriage and meats) from the attacks of Satan, but thereby also to withdraw themselves from the dominion of the God of the Jews and of His star-spirits, and to purify themselves from all communion with matter, in order to rise to the kingdom of light. '&'- 8. Tatian [oh. about 174) came from Assyria, and was a rhetori- cian at Rome, where, through the influence of Justin Martyr, he be- came a convert to Christianity. But at a later period he adopted Gnostic views, which he zealously spread both in his writings and his teaching. He interdicted marriage as a service of Satan, and also the use of intoxicating liquors. On account of their rigid abstinence his adherents were called 'Eyxpatitan, and also 'T8portapaj xapSJa— Hernias : ascendunt vita? assignati ; Justin regards the water of baptism as a i'Swp tiji ^i, i% ol avaytwr^pi* ; according to Ire mens it effects a 'ivu>oi$ rtpo? a^^apSKw ; Terlullian says: supervenit spiritus de coelis, — caro spiritualiter mundatur ; Cyprian speaks of an unda genitalis, a nativitas secunda in novum hominem; Firmilian says: nativitas, quae est in baptismo, filios Dei genera t ; Origen calls baptism ^apf-a^drcoi* $elua> apxyv xal 7iriyr { v.— Of the baptism of blood in martyrdom, Terlullian says: lavacrum non acceptum repra> eentat et perditum reddit. Hernias and Clemens Alex, suppose that oious heathens and Jews had preaching and baptism in Hades. ADMINISTRATION OF THE LORD'S SUPPER. 121 \ 33. THE ADMINISTRATION OF THE LORD'S SUPPER. Comp. F. Brenner (Rom. Cath.), Verricht. u. Ausspend. d. Euchar von Christus bis auf unsere Zeit. (Adniinistr. of the Euchar. from the Time of Chr. to our Days). Bamb. 1824.-7%, Harnack n. Kliefoth, 11. cc. in | 18, 5. — R. Rothe, de disciplina arcani. Heidelb. 1831. — /. TV. F. Hojling, d. Lehre d. alt. K. vom Opfer (The Teach, of the Old Ch. abt. the Sacr.). Erlg. 1851.— Ph. Marheineke, ss. Pp. de praesentia Chr. in Coena Dom. sententia triplex. Heidelb. 1811. 4. In answer to this, /. Do/linger (Rom. Cath.) die Lehre v. d. Euch. in d. 3 ersten Jahrh (The Doctr. of the Euch. in the Three First Cent.) May. 1826. — Rinck, Lehrbegr. vom h. Abdm. in d. erst. Jahrh. (Doctr. of the L. Supper in the First Cent.), in the "hist, theol. Zeitschr." for 1853. III.— Ebrard, d. Dogma v. h. Abdm. 2 vols. Frkf. 1845.— Ka/mfs, d. Lehre v. Abdm. Lpz. 1851.— L. J. Riiekerf, d. Abcndm. Lpz. 1856. At first the Lord's Supper was always connected with an agape (§ 18, 5). But when Trajan published a stringent edict against Hetasria (§ 23, 2), the Christians intermitted the agapes, of which the prohibition was implied in the above edict, and connected the observance of the Lord's Supper with the ordinary homiletie public worship on the Lord's day. This continued the practice even after the celebration of the agape was again resumed. In connection with the arrangement about the cate- chumens, public worship was divided into a missa catechumen- orum and a missa fidelium. From the latter, all who had not been baptized, who were under discipline, or were possessed by an unclean spirit, were excluded. This gave rise to the view, that a mystery attached to the celebration of the Lord's Supper {disciplina arcani). The circumstance that originally the agape and the Lord's Supper were celebrated together, led to°the custom of making voluntary offerings (oblationes) for the pur- pose of procuring the provisions requisite for the agape— The bread used in the sacrament was the same as that in common use, hence leavened (>o^6 s dEproj) ; the wine also was, as in com- mon use, mixed with water (* P a>a), which Cyprian regarded as symbolical of the union of Christ with the Church. In the African and Eastern Churches, John vi. 53 was interpreted as applying to the communion of children, who (of course, after baptism) were admitted to this ordinance. As early as the third century simple forms expanded into an elaborate sacra- mental liturgy, which has remained the basis of all later oro- 11 l 1^2 SECTION I. — FIRST PERIOD (100— 323 A. D.J. ductions of this kind. At the close of public worship thf deacons carried the consecrated elements to the sick and to the prisoners of the congregation. In same places, part of the con- secrated bread was carried home and partaken in the family at morning prayers, in order thus to set apai't for God a new day. Confession, in the proper sense of the term, did not precede the communion. The discipline exercised by the Church, and the liturgical arrangements in use at the time, were such, that special confession seemed not requisite. — (§ 58, 4.) 1. At the time of Justin Martyr, the Sacramental Liturgy was still very simple. The common prayer -which closed the public worship was followed by a fraternal kiss ; after that the elements were brought to the bishop, who set them apart in a prayer of thanksgiving and praise (ivxapia-tU). The people responded by an Amen, and the presbyters or deacons carried to all present the consecrated elements. From the above prayer the whole service obtained the name of the Eucharist, evidently because it was held that, by the consecration prayer, the common became sacramental bread — the body and blood of the Lord. The liturgy in the eighth book of the Apostolic Constitu- tions, -which may be regarded as the type of public worship at the close of the third century, is much more complete. There the missa cate- cJiumenorum included prayer, praise, reading of the Bible, and the sermon ($ 34). At the close of the sermon, catechumens, penitents, and those who were possessed, were successively dismissed. The missa fidelhim then commenced with a general intercessory prayer. After this followed various collects and responses, then the fraternal kiss, a warning against unworthy communicating, the preparation of the elements, the sign of the cross, the consecration prayer, the words of the institution, the elevation of the consecrated elements — all being accompanied by suitable prayers, hymns, doxologies, and responses. The bishop or presbyter gave the bread witli the words, "EH/xa "Xptatol; the deacon the cup, with the words, Al,ua Xpicrrov, itot^piov ^(ojjf. At the close, the congregation, on their knees, received the benediction of the bishop, and the deacon dismissed them with the words, 'Arto^via^t iv siprvvj.— (Cf. | 59, 4.) 2. The Diciplina Arcani.— Neither in Justin Martyr nor in Irenasus do we find any trace of the view that the sacramental portions of public worship (among which the rites of the Lord's Supper with their prayers and hymns, the Lord's Prayer, the administration of baptism, the symbolum, the chrisma, and the ordination of priests, were in- cluded) were regarded as mysteries [iivatx^ XcwptJa, ttXtt^), to be carefully kept from all unbaptized persons, and only made known to members of the Church (ovpfivo-tati) . Justin, in his apology, addressed specially to the heathen, even described in detail the rites observed in READING, SERMON, PRAYER AND PRAISE. 123 the Lord's Supper. The view to which we referred originated at the time of Terfc'illian (170-180), and was specially due to the institution of the catechumenate, and the division of public worship to which it led, from the second part of which all unbaptized persons were excluded. 3. The Dogma of the Lord's Supper. — This doctrine was not clearly developed, although it was generally realized that the Lord's Supper was a most holy mystery, and indispensable food of eternal life, that the body and blood of the Lord were mystically connected with the bread and wine, and that thus those who in faith partook of this meat enjoyed essential communion with Christ. On this supposition alone can we account for the reproach of the heathen, who spoke of the sacrament as feasts of Thyestes. ($ 23). Ignatius calls the Lord's Supper a q>df,/j.axov d^aracaaj,* and admits fv^uptaruxi' adpxa iliai, tov otor^poj ; Justin says: odpxa xai alpa iSi&d%$vpiev that. According to Irenceus, it is not " communis panis, sed eucharistia ex duabus rebus constans, terrena et coelesti ;" and in consequence of partaking it, our bodies are "jam non corruptibilia, spem resurrectionis habentia." Tertullian and Cyprian also adopt similar views, while at the same time they represent, in some passages, the Lord's Supper rather as a symbol. The spiritualistic Alexandrians, Clement and Origen, consider that it is the object of the Lord's Supper that the soul should be fed by the Divine Word. — (Cf. § 58, 2.) 4. T7ie Sacrificial Theory. — When once the idea of a priesthood {I 30) had gained a footing, the cognate notion of sacrifice could not for any time be kept out. The Lord's Supper offered several points of connection for this view. First, the consecrating prayer, which was regarded of such importance as to give its name to the whole service (tv^apuma), might be regarded as a spiritual sacrifice; next, names derived from terms applied to sacrificial worship were given to those offerings which the congregation made for the Lord's Supper (irpoctyopai, oblationes.) And as the congregation offered its gifts for the Lord's Supper, so the priest offered them again in the Lord's Supper ; and to this act also the terms rtpoerfps w, dvaqspuv, were applied. Ultimately, as the prayer, so the Lord's Supper itself, was designated as $vola, sacrificium, although at first only in a figura- tive sense.— (Cf. §58, 2.) § 34. READING, SERMON, PRAYER AND SINGING. Comp. Chr. W. F. Walch, krit. Unters. vom Gebrauch d. h. Schr. in d. 4 erst. Jahrh. (Crit. Inq. into the Use of the Script, during the First Four Cent.). Lpz. 1779. — T. G. Hegelmaier, Gesch. d. Bibelverbots (Hist, of the Prohibition of the Bible). Ulm. 1783. — E. Leopold, d. Predigtamt im Urchristenth. (The office of Preach, in the First Ages.) * The CUp a vorfifjiov d$ 'ivtaoiv tov a'luaro; XP. 124 SECTION I. — FIRST PERIOD (100—323 A. D.). Lttneb. 1846. — M. Gerbert, de cantu et musica a prima eccl. fetate Bamb. 1774. 2 Voll. 4. — L. Bachegger, de Orig. s. Poeseos. Frib. 1827 • — A*. Bvhl, der Kirchenges. in der griech. .K. bis auf Chrysost. (Ch Music in the Gr. Ch. to the Time of Chrys.), in the "hist, theol. Zeitschr." for 1848. II. Following the arrangement in the Jewish synagogue, the reading of the Scriptvres (avdyvuats, lectio), formed the funda- mental part on every occasion of public worship. The person officiating was left free to select any portions of the Bible. In general, this duty was assigned to special readers, although, by way of distinction, the gospels were frequently read by the deacons, the congregation standing as a mark of their respect. — Besides the canonical writings of the Old and New Testaments, other edifying works, such as the productions of the apostolic Fathers (especially the Shepherd of Hennas and the Letter of Clement), the Acts of Martyrs, and certain apocryphal works, were also read in some congregations. After reading, the bishop, or by his order the presbyter, the deacon, and occasion- ally the catechist (Origen), delivered an expository and practical discourse (o^iju'a, xo'yoj, sermo, tractatus). In the Greek Church this speedily assumed the form of an artificial and rhetorical composition. The Word of God having thus been read and explained, the congregation responded in prayers, which either the bishop or the deacon conducted, at first ex tempore, but at a comparatively early period according to a fixed liturgy. At short intervals the congregation responded to each prayer by Ki5pt* iJu'j7j, served as an anagram {'Irja. Xp. ©soij Tioj Sut'sjp), and which at the same time reminded of the water of life and of the water of baptism. Besides, we also meet with the representation of a ship, of a dove, of an anchor (Heb. vi. 19), of a fisherman (Matt. iv. 19), of a crown (Rev. ii. 10), of a vine (John xv.), of a palm-tree (Rev. vii. 9), of a cock (John xviii. 27), of a phoenix (as symbol of the resurrection), of a hart (Ps. xlii. 1), of a lamb (John i. 29), of a shepherd who carries on his shoulder the lost sheep that had been found (Luke xv.), etc. — Ry and by these symbols led to the use of types. Old Testament histories were now depicted : from that it re- quired only another step to delineate New Testament events. — So late as the year 305, the Synod of Illiberis (Elvira) interdicted the use of pictures in churches. — During this period, only Gnostics (the Carpo- cratians) and heathens (as in the. Lararium of Alexander Severus, § 23, 4) made use of images of Christ. From Isaiah liii. 2, 3, the Catholics inferred that the outward appearance of the Saviour had been the opposite of attractive. — (Cf. §57, 4; 60, 4.) §36. LIFE, MANNERS, AND DISCIPLINE. Co.mp. G. Arnold, erste Liebe, d. i. wahre Abbild. d. ersten Christen (First Love, i. e., Faithful Portrait, of the First Chr.). Frkf. 1696. — C. Schmidt, essai hist, sur la societe dans le monde Rom. et sur sa trans- form, par le christianisme. Strassb. 1853. — J. A. and Aug. Theiner, die Einfuhrung der erzwungenen Ehelosigkeit bei d. chr. Geistl. (In- trod. of the Oblig. to Celibacy among the Chr. Clergy). 2 vols. Altenb. 1828. Where, as in the persecutions of that period, the chaff is so thoroughly separated from the wheat, the Divine power of the Gospel and the rules laid down by strict ecclesiastical discipline would of necessity produce a degree of purity, of moral earnest- ness, and of self-denial, such as never before had been seen in the world. But what attracted most admiration among the heathen, who were so much accustomed to mere selfishness, was the brotherly love practised (§ 60, 2), the care taken of the poor and tick, the ready and large-hearted hospitality, the sanctity of the marriage relation, and the joy with which martyrdom was borne. Marriages with Jews, heathens, and heretics, were disapproved of; commonly also second marriage after the death of a first husband. Christians avoided taking part in public amusements, dances, and spectacles, as being "pompa diaboli." According to 128 SECTION I. — FIRrfT PERIOD (100—323 A. D.J. Eph. vi. 10 etc., they regarded the Christian life as a militia Christi. But since the middle of the second century, as in out- ward constitution and worship, so in the ethical views concerning the Christian life, the depth, liberty, and simplicity of apostolic times gave place to a pseudo-catholic externalism and bondage. Ecclesiastical teachers still insisted, indeed, on the necessity of a state of mind corresponding to the outward works done. But already this outward conformity was over-estimated, and thus gradually the way was prepared for xvork-holiness and the opus operalum (i. e., attaching merit to a work in and by itself). This tendency appears very prominently so early as in the case of Cyprian (de opere et eleemosynis). 4 With this the Alexandrian theologians also combined a theoretical distinction between a higher and lower morality, of which the former was to be sought by the Christian sage (o yvioo*ix6$), while an ordinary Christian might rest satisfied with the latter. This laid the foundation for all the later aberrations of asceticism. — (Cf. § 61.) 1. The Christian Life. — The spirit of Christianity also pervaded domestic and civil life. It manifested itself in family worship, in the celebration of the Lord's Supper in the family ($33), in making the sign of the cross before undertaking or doing anything, and in adorning the dwellings and furniture with certain symbols (§ 35, note). The rites of marriage were consecrated by the Church, but, as yet, the validity of a union was not considered as depending on this. The wearing of garlands and of veils by brides was disapproved, as being heathen sym- bols ; but the custom of using a marriage ring was early in use, and was viewed as a Christian symbol. The practice of the heathen to burn the dead bodies reminded of hell-fire ; the Christians, therefore, preferred the Jewish practice of burial, appealing to 1 Cor. xv. Chris- tian families observed the anniversaries of the death of their departed members with prayer and oblations, in token of their continued com- munion with them ($ 61, 3). 2. Ecclesiastical Discipline. — (For the literature see % 61, 1.) Here- ties, apostates, and pertinacious transgressors, were, according to apos- tolic injunction, excluded from the communion of the Church {excom- •municatio), and only restored after having given sufficient proof of their penitence. From the great number of those who, during the Decian persecution, made recantation, it became necessary to fix a certain rule of procedure in such cases, which remained in force till the fifth century. Penitents had to pass through four stages of discipline, of which each lasted, according to circumstances, one or more years. In the first (the rtpoWavtnj), the penitents, arrayed in the garb of mourn- ing, stood by the church-door, entreating the clergy and congregation LIFE, MANNERS, AND DISCIPLINE. 129 to receive them again ; in the second (the dxpoowi?), penitents were allowed to be present, although in a separate place, during the reading of the Scriptures and the sermon. In the third (vrtd;tTv intw (1 Cor. iii. 21; vi. 12). At the same time it also admitted, that from the disposition, the requirements, or circumstances of an individual, a sober asceticism was warrantable, and might even prove relatively useful (Matt. xix. 12; 1 Cor. vii. 5, 7). But the Gospel neither insisted on it, nor ascribed to it any merit. Views such as these prevailed so late as the second century (they occur, for example, in Ignatius). But after the middle of that century, a much greater value was attached to asceticism. It was regarded as a higher stage of morality, and as assuring superior merit. — The exercise of the spiritual life in prayer and meditation was its positive manifestation. Negatively, asceticism appeared in frequent and protracted fasts and in celibacy, or at least abstinence from conjugal intercourse (after 1 Cor. vii. ; Matt. xix. 12). Most of them, also, voluntarily relinquished their worldly possessions, in application of Luke xviii. 24. After the middle of the second century their num- ber rapidly increased, till they formed a distinct class in the commu- nity. But as yet they were not bound by irrevocable vows tc continue this manner of life. — The idea that the call to asceticism devolved more especially on the clergy, resulted from their desig- nation as the KTifjpoc Qeov. So early as the second century, a second marriage on the part of clergymen was held to be unlawful (on the ground of 1 Tim. iii. 2) ; while in the 130 SECTION I. — FIRST PERIOD (100— 323 A. D.). third, it was considered their duty, after ordination, to abstain from conjugal intercourse. The attempt to make this obligatory was first made in the year 305, at the Council of Elvira, but proved unsuccess- ful. — The shameful practice, on the part of certain ascetics and clerics, of taking to themselves (perhaps in misinterpretation of 1 Cor. ix. 5) religious females as sorores (aSB%v rtpo^^yjxotuf ^vr^Tqv xai Twv jUfXXoj- rwv oiaxrjaiv *s xai itoipae<.av might there be performed. — The relics were not yet thought to possess miraculous virtues, nor do we find any trace of praying to saints. But it was confidently believed, that at the throne of God they effectually interceded for the Church militant on earth, as they had been often asked to do before their departure. The living, also, felt it to be their duty constantly to pray for departed saints. High respect was likewise paid to confessors (§ 23, 5) during their life, and they were allowed to exercise great influence in the affairs of the church, as in the choice of bishops, the restoration of the fallen, etc THE MONTANISTIC REFORMATION. 131 2 37. THE MONTANISTIC REFORMATION (about 150 a. d.). Comp. G. Wernsdorf, de Montanistis. Gedan. 1751. — ^4. Neander, Antignosticus (Transl. by J. E. Ryland, Lond. Bohn.).— K. Hessdberg, Tertullian's Lehre (The Doct. of Tert.). Dorp. 1848.— [A. Schweghr, d! Montan. u. d. chr. K. d. 2 Jahrh. — Montan. and the Chr. Ch.'of the Second Cent.— Tlibg. 1841.— .P. Chr. Baur, das Wesen d. Montanism in the Tubg. Jahrb. for 1841. IV.] However rigorous the moral demands which the Church of the second and third century made upon its members, and however strict the exercise of its discipline, parties were not wanting who deemed the common practice and views insufficient. Anion"- these the Montanists were the most notable. The movement originated in Phrygia, about the middle of the second century. Its leading characteristics were : a new order of ecstatic pro- phets, with somnambulistic visions and new revelations ; a grossly literal interpretation of scriptural predictions ; a fanati- cal millenarianism ; a self-confident asceticism ; and an exces- sive rigour in ecclesiastical discipline. Thus, without dissenting from the doctrinal statements of the Church, Montanism sought to reform its practice. In opposition to the false universalism of the Gnostics, the Montanists insisted that Christianity alone, and not heathenism, contained the truth. In opposition to Catholicism, they maintained that their own spiritual church was really a step in advance of apostolical Christianity. If Mon- tanism had universally prevailed, Christianity would speedily have degenerated into mere enthusiasm, and as such run it's course. This the Church recognized at an early period, and hence protested against these views as a heretical aberration. It could not but be seen that their much-vaunted purity of doc- trine was always, more or less, at the mercy of the disordered imagination of some Montanist prophet. Still, their moral ear- nestness and zeal against worldliness, hierarchism, and false spiritualism, rendered important service to the Church, both in the way of admonition and of warning. 1. Phrygian Montanism.— About the middle of the second century, Montanus, a native of Ardaban, appeared at Pepuza, in Phrygia, as a prophet and reformer of Christianity, to which he had only lately be- come a convert. He had visions, and while in a state of unconscious- Doss and ecstasy, prophesied of the near advent of Christ, and inveighed 132 SECTION I.- FIRST P ERI D (100— 323 A. D.) . against the corruption in the Church. Maximilla and Priscilla, twe females, were infected with his enthusiasm, became likewise somnam- bulistic, and prophesied. Part of the congregation recognized him as a divine prophet, and believed his predictions and teaching (Montanis- tte, Ka-ra'^pvyfj, Pepuziani). Others regarded him and these two females as possessed, and would have called in the aid of exorcism. Meantime opposition only served to feed the delusion. Montaims felt convinced that in him was fulfilled the promise of Christ concerning the Paraclete, who was to guide the Church into all truth. His adhe- rents declared that they alone had received the Holy Ghost. They called themselves livtvpatixol, and designated the unbelieving Catho- lics as ^woi. The movement spread, growing in error as it pro- ceeded. The principal ecclesiastical teachers of Asia Minor (Claudius Apollinarius, Miltiades, Rhodon, etc.) rose against it as one man, and by word and writing contended against Montanism. Several synods also solemnly pronounced against it (about 150). They suc- ceeded in arresting the spread of this delusion. 2. Montanism in the West. — The sentence of condemnation pro- nounced in Asia Minor was approved of at Rome. But the Christians of Gaul, who had always kept up close intercourse with the Mother Church in Asia Minor, and who, under the pressure of the Aurelian persecution, cherished at that time more lively expectations of a coming millennium, refused entirely to condemn the Montanistic movement. Accordingly, they addressed conciliatory letters, both to Asia Minor and to Rome. Irenasus, at the time only a presbyter, went to Rome, and persuaded Bishop Eleutherus to adopt mild and conciliatory mea- sures. But soon afterwards, when Praxcas, a confessor from Asia Minor (§ 40, 3), arrived in Rome, he and Cajus, a presbyter and a fanatical enemy of rnillenariauism, so wrought upon Bishop Victor by a description of the proceedings of the Montanists, that he withdrew the epistles of peace which he had already written. From that time the Roman Church remained strenuously opposed to Montanism. Still, the movement met with considerable sympathy in the West, especially in Proconsular Africa. This translocation, however, proved otherwise useful, by removing much of the fanaticism and sectarianism which had originally attached to the party. Tertuttian, a presbyter of Carth- age (about the year 201), and the most eminent teacher in the West, of his time, was by far the ablest champion of Montanism. He devoted all his energy and talents to gain adherents to his principles. But the stigma of sectarianism and the reproach of heresy attached to them. Still the sect of Tertullianists continued in Africa for a long time.* 3. Doctrine and Practice.— It is the fundamental idea of Montanism that Divine revelation gradually and increasingly developed. This progression had not reached its climax in Christ and His apostles, but was destined to do so during the era of the Paraclete, which had coin- * Cf. Lit. § 39, 5, on Tcrtullian. ECCLESIASTICAL SCHISMS. 133 meneed with Monianus. The patriarchal period was the period of infancy in the kingdom of God ; the period of the law and of prophecy, under the Old Covenant, its childhood ; in the Gospel it entered upon the period of youth ; while in the Montanistic effusion of the Spirit, it finally attained the full maturity of manhood. Its absolute completion may be expected to take place in the millennium, which was regarded as at hand. The following were the principal reformatory ordinances of the Paraclete : Second marriage was to be considered fornication ; — much greater importance was to b* attached to fasting : on the "dies stationum" it was absolutely unlawful to partake of anything, and two weeks before Easter only water and bread or dry food {^po^ayiai, ) were allowed ; — those who had been excommunicated were to con- tinue in the " status poenitentiaj" during the remainder of their lives ; — martyrdom was to be sought after ; to withdraw iu any way from persecution was no less than apostacy — virgins were to appear only veiled, and, generally, women to renounce all luxury and orna- ments ; — worldly science and art, and all worldly enjoyments, even those which appear to be innocent, were treated as a snare laid by the enemy,, etc. ?38. ECCLESIASTICAL SCHISMS. It so happened that sometimes in one and the same congrega- tion there were those who advocated the administration of lax and of rigorous discipline. Each of these parties, of course, wished to enforce its peculiar views, to the exclusion of all others. From such controversies, accompanied as they fre- quently were by disputes between presbyters and bishops, and by doctrinal divergences, various schisms arose which continued for a period, even although outward circumstances seemed at the time to render ecclesiastical union more than ever desirable. We read of four such schisms during the period under review. 1. The Schism of IJippnlylus at Rome {about 220-235). — (Comp. /. Bollinger, Hipp. u. Callistus. Regensb. .1853.— Wordsworth, S. Hippol. and his Age. Lond. 1853.— W. E. Taylor, Hippol. and the Chr. Ch. of the Third Cent, Lond. 1853.— Art. " Hippol." in Herzog's Encycl., in the translat., publ. by Lindsay and Blakiston, II. 570, I860.)— After a life full of curious adventures, Callistus (Calixtus), a liberated slave, was in 217 raised to the see of Rome, not without strenuous opposition from the more strict party in the Church. They charged him with a c muivance at every kind of transgression, equally inconsistent with Christian earnestness and destructive of all discipline. Besides, they also accused him of holding the Noetian heresy (jp ?bv Tioi). True, even Origen is not quite free from the DEVELOPMENT OF DOCTRINE, ETC. 145 errors of Subordinatianism, but in his case they are confined within the narrowest limits. He rejects indeed the expression, that the Son was ix trfi oucrtoj tov rtarpdj, but only in opposition to the Gnostic theories of emanation. Similarly, he speaks of a htpo-tqs tr t e, otoiaj, but only in opposition to the opoovaios, taken in the sense of the Patri- passians. He held that the Son was begotten ix tov ^eXy^ato? $tov, but only because he regarded Him as the Divine will become objective ; he calls Him a xtinfxa, but only in so far as He is ^eorcoiov/xsvo^, and not aurd^fof ; but the Son is avroso<|><,'a, avtoaX^tia, oivrspo; £sdj. He held a subordination, not of essence, but of being or of origin. 6. Sabellius and the two Dionysii. — Sabellius, from Ptolemais, in Egypt, had during his stay at Rome devised a peculiar, speculative, and monarchian system, which met with considerable support from the bishops of his country. It was favourably distinguished from other systems of the kind, in that it assigned a distinct and necessary place to the Holy Ghost. According to him, God is a simple unity {povds), who, as £sds oiuntwv, rested in Himself, and when about to create the world came forth out of Himself as £*6s iazZ>v or xoyoj. During the course of the development of the world, the Monas (or the Logos) pre- sented Himself, for the purpose of salvation, successively under three different forms of existence (6v6fxata, rtpdjwrta), of which each contained the entire Monas. They are not vrtoataous, but npo^rta (masks), as it were parts which God, when manifesting Himself in the world, suc- cessively undertook. Having finished His peculiar part by the giving of the law, the "Prosopon" of the Father returned again into His absolute state. Next He appears in the incarnation as the Son, when, at His ascension, He again returns into the Monas ; and lastly mani- fests Himself as the Holy Ghost, that when the Church shall have been wholly sanctified, He may again, and for all eternity, become a monas, without distinction in itself. Sabellius designated this process as an expansion («cra fo r*}s /t£pKj>fpEia? azrjtm, to tyutiotLxov xai to ^u%ftov. — At the Synod of Alexandria, in 261, Dionysius the Great (g 39, 4) contended against the Sabellianism of the Egyptian bishops, but in his zeal made use of terms which implied subordinatian errors of the grossest kind (|fW xat ovoiav avtov sivcu tov Ylatpb^ wsrffp iatw o ystopyoj rtpo? trjv dfiTifXov xai o vavTttjybi rtpoj to axufo^, — uj rfot^a uv ovx $v itpivyivvrpaj.). When Dionysius, Bishop of Rome, obtained tidings of this, he rejected, in a Synod at Rome in 2G2, the expressions used by his colleague at Alex- andria, and published a tractate ('AvatpoTtr;), in which, with ecpual aeuteness, clearness, and depth, he defended against Sabellius the doctrine of the hypostastic existence, and against the Alexandrians the iuoovaia and the eternal generation of the Son. Dionysius of Alex- 13 146 SECTION I. FIRST PERIOD (100—323 A. D.). andria retracted, with praiseworthy modesty, the ill-chosen illustra- tions he had employed, and declared himself substantially at one with the views of the Bishop at Rome. 7. Paul of Samosata. — For half a century dynamistic Monarchianism had not been represented by any man of note, when, about the year 2G0, it was again propounded in a (comparatively) more profound manner by Paul of Samosata, an arrogant, vain, luxurious, and withal covetous and immoral prelate. While, with the former advocates of this theory, he maintained that the Godhead, in the strictest sense of the term, con- sisted only of one person, he at the same time admitted in the Deity a relationship between the xdyoj ir&tu&?os and 7tpo$opi,x6s. Again, while in the opinion of his predecessors the humanity of Christ chiefly consti- tuted his distinctive personality, Paul (like the Socinians of modern times) held that, by His inimitable excellency, the man Jesus had gra- dually risen to Divine dignity, and to deserve the name of God. The Syrian bishops held three synods to discuss his errors. At the third of these (2f>9), they condemned him, and rejected the expression ofioov- eto?, which he had misapplied. But, by the protection of Queen Zenobia, Paul retained his see. When Zenobia was vanquished by Aurelian, in the year 272, the Synod accused him before the (heathen) emperor, who, after taking the opinion of the bishops " in Italy and Rome," expelled Paul. 8. Tlie Millenarian Controversy. — Since the time of Papias, the expec- tation of a millenial reign of glory, at the close of the present dispen- sation, had been fondly cherished by the Christians, who. under their continued persecutions, looked for the speedy return of the Lord. Only the spiritualists of Alexandria ( Clement, Origen, etc) opposed these views, and, by allegorical interpretations, explained away the Biblical argu- ments in favour of them. Cuius, a Roman presbyter (about 210), asserted, in his controversy with Procuhi.t, a Montanist, that both Mil- lenarianism and the Book of Revelation, on which it was founded, were a fabrication of Cerinthns, the heretic. Fifty years later, the Millena- rians of Egypt were headed by Nepos, the learned Bishop of Arsinoe. lie wrote a treatise against Clement and Origen, entitled "Exsy^oj tZ>v dM^yopwrw. After the death of Nepos, his adherents, under the leader- ship of Coracion, a presbyter, seceded from the Church of Alexandria. To arrest the mischief, Dionysius immediately hastened to Arsinoe. A discussion ensued, which lasted for three days, at the close of which, the leaders of the Millenarian party sincerely thanked the Bishop for his instruction. Coracion himself made formal recantation. To confirm his converts, Dionysius wrote a book entitled IT? pi irtayyt%iwv. Aversion to the spiritualism of the school of Origen soon afterwards induced Methodius, Bishop of Olympus, to advocate a moderate Millenarianism, which Lactantius also enthusiastically defended. But as the aspect .)f outward affairs changed under the reign of Constantino the Great, THEOLOGICAL LITERATURE. 147 these views lost their hold on men's minds. The Church now prepared for a long-continued period of temporal prosperity, and the State-Church of that time forgot the millennial glory of the future. §41. THEOLOGICAL LITERATURE. 1. Attention was chiefly paid to Apologetics. — The apology of Quadrutus, Bishop of Athens, has been lost. In this tractate, which he handed to the Emperor Hadrian, he appealed to the fact that he had been acquainted with some of the persons whom Jesus healed or raised from the dead. — The same fate overtook the apologies of Ari sli- des, a converted philosopher of Athens, — of Ariston of Fella, who wrote a Dialogue between Papiscus, a Jew of Alexandria, and Jason, a Jewish Christian, — of Melito, Bishop of Sardes, of Claudius Appolinaris from Hierapolis, and of Miltiades, a rhetorician, who handed their apologies to Marcus Aurelius. (The "Oration of Melito to Antonius Cgesar," edited by W. Cureton in his Spicilegium Syriac. Lond. 1855, is probably not the celebrated apology of that Father, but his tractate nspi dji^iaj). With Justin Martyr commences the series of apologies which have been preserved. That Father wrote a large and a smaller apology — both addressed to Marcus Aurelius — a Dialogue " cum Tryphone Judaeo," and a tractate rtspi ^oiap^'as. The authenticity of the Xoyoj napaivEtixos rtpoj "Ettijraj (cohortatio), and of the Xoyoj (oratio) *p6j "Exxrjvas, is doubtful. Tatian, a pupil of Justin (1 28, 8), wrote a juSyoj rtpo? "Ex%r;va; ; Athenagoras handed to Marcus Aurelius his TtpcofcCa, rtfpi ^piana^r ; Tlieophilus of Antioch wrote rtpo? AvtoXvxov ntpi r^j fuv Xpi/jnavuv rttcTTfios ; Hermias, a satire, 8iaavp t ubs rCj> tl-u> tyiiooofuv. — From the pen of Clemois Alex, we possess an apology consisting of three portions : The \6yos rtp&tpirttixb; rtpoj "EM-^ra? shows the falsehood of heathenism, the rtcudaywyoj shows the way to Christ, and the atpuifiata introduce the reader to the deeper truths of Christianity. Origen wrote an excellent apology "contra Celsum" (§ 24, 2). From the able pen of Tertullian we have the " Apologeticus adv. gentes," — the "ad nationes," — "ad Scapulam" (the Proconsul of Africa), — " de testimonio animas": — from Minucius Felix, an advocate at Rome, an excellent Dialogue enti- tled "Octavius"; — from Cyprian the " de idolorum vanitate" and "testimonia adv. Judaeos." Commodian wrote, in barbarous Latin and in bad hexameters, his " instructiones adv. gentium Deos," — Arnobivs, even before his baptism, the " disputationes adv. gentes," containino- traces of Gnostic leanings, — Lactantius, in elegant Latin, his "institu- tiones divinse' — " de mortibus persecutorum," " de opificio Dei," " de iraDei." — Among the pseudo epigraphic and apocryphal works, written for apologetic purposes, we reckon the " Testamenta XII. patriarch- arum," being the instructions and prophecies addressed by Jacob to his twelve sons, — and the Christian Sibylline books, being oracles (in 148 SECTION I. — FIRST PERIOD (100—323 A. D.) . hexameters) by the daughters-in-law of Noah, referring to the history of the various empires, the life of Jesus, the fate of Rome, Antichrist, etc. The Christians, who frequently appealed to them as very ancient testimonies in favour of the truth, were, by way of derision, designated by the heathen as Sibyllists. — (Cf. \ 48, 3.) 2. Polemics. — No polemical works of very ancient date (against the Ebionites, the Gnostics, the Montanists, etc.) have been preserved. This species of literature seems to have been assiduously cultivated by the theologians of Asia Minor. Hippolytus wrote his ^iXoao^ov/xeva »} xo.ro. nan^v tupsaftoi- ?"Keyx"S against every kind of heresy. The following authors wrote against the Gnostics: Irenmis, the t/Uy^oj xai aiarportr; rvjs ^evbu>vvfnov yi/watcoj (adv. hau-eses), — Tcrtullian, " de praescriptione hsereticorum," "adv. Hermogenem," "adv. Valentinianos," "adv. Marcionem," " de anima," " de carne Christi," " de resurrectione carnis," " Scorpiace" (antidote); — against the Monarchians: Hippoly- tus, "contra Noetum," "contra Artemonem," — Terlullian, "adv. Praxeam," — Novation, " de trinitate," — Dionysius of Alex, and Dio- nysius of Home; — against the Allegorists (the disciples of Origen): Nepos of Arsinoe ($ 40, 8) and Methodius of Olympus, rtc pi avaa?doeu>s and rtfpi tu>v ytwrjrdv, — while, on the other hand, Dionysius of Alex. (3 44, 8), Gregorius Thaumaturgus («s 'Slpiyiviqv rtawpyvpixoj %6yo$), and Pampkilus of Coesarea (' ArfoJwyio.) defended Origen and his tendencies. — (Cf. | 48, 3.) 3. Dogmatics. — In the tractate rtipl dp^wv (de principiis), which has only been handed down in the Latin revision of Rufinus, Origen gave a systematic exposition of Christian doctrines generally. The work is full of ingenious speculations; it also contains many traces of Platonic, Gnostic, and spiritualizing views, and a good many heterodox state- ments (such as: the eternity of creation, the fall of human souls before the creation of the world, their incarceration in the body, a denial of the doctrine of the resurrection, Apocatastasis, etc.). Occasionally, dogmatical statements on special points occur in some of the apologetic and polemic writings of that period. On the doctrine concerning the Church, the work of Cyprian, " de unitate ecclesiae," may be said to form an era.— (Cf. \ 48, 5.) 4. Criticism and Exegesis. —To correct the text of the LXX., Origen undertook his gigantic work entitled the Ilexapla, which consists of collation of the different texts in six columns. Similar labours engaged Lncian of Antioch (§ 39, 6). — The exegesis commonly in use was that known as allegorical, the Fathers following in this respect the Rabbins and the Hellenists. The Kxst's of Melito ($ 39, 3), in which the mystical sense of Biblical names and words is indicated, furnishes directions for THEOLOGICAL LITERATURE. 149 the allegorical interpretation of Scripture. It is preserved in a latei Latin elaboration (Clavis Melitonis in Pitra Spicil. Solesmense T. II. III.). Origen reduced the prevailing mode of interpretation to definite canons. He distinguished in every passage of Scripture a threefold sense — first the literal, then the higher or mystical, i. e., the tropical or moral, and lastly, the pneumatic sense, — as it were the ou>pa, $vz*i, and rtvtvuo.. Without undervaluing the literal meaning of a passage, he deemed it of much greater importance to ascertain its mystical sense. Every history in the Bible was a representation of what had occurred in the higher world. Most events had occurred just as they were re- lated ; but some, which, if literally taken, appeared to him unworthy or unreasonable, were merely typical, and had not really taken place. The founders of the school of Antioch ($ 39, 6), and probably also Nepos the Millenarian (g 40, 8), opposed this allegorical treatment of the Bible, and advocated an exclusively historical and grammatical interpretation. The exegetical writings previous to Origen have not been preserved. Of his own works, the ot/ueiuoeic or brief scholia, the rofioi, or detailed commentaries on entire Biblical books, and the fyiTa'cu, being explanatory lectures on the Scriptures, have been pre- served, partly in the original, and partly in the Latin translations of Hieronymus and of Rufinus. Hippolytus was, next to Origen, proba- bly the ablest exegetical writer ; but only small fragments from his exegetical works have been handed down. — (Cf. \ 48, 1.) 5. In Historical Theology we possess Acts of Martyrs, Apocryphal Gospels, and Acts of Apostles (Ev. Jacobi Minoris, Ev. de nativitate Maria?, Hist, de Joachim et Anna, Hist. Josephi fabri lignarii, Ev. infantias Salvat., Ev. Nicodemi, Acta Pilati, etc.). Eusebius has pre- served some fragments of the v7to/xy^uata. tuiv exx%r;uiaritt,x^v rtpa|stoj> of Jlegesippus, a Jewish Christian from Asia Minor. Of greater import- ance than this work was the Chronography (Xpovoypa^ia) of Julius Africanus, which showed the connection between Biblical and profane history. But this tractate has also been lost. Among writings of the same class we may also reckon the work of Lactantius, de morte perse- cutt,— (Cf. I 48, 2.) 6. Practical Theology. — Li Ilomuetics, the first rank must, be assigned to Origen. The most interesting writings of an ascetic character are those of Clement of Alexandria, Tt'$ 6 iu>%6fj8i'os rtkoucrtoj ; of Origen, Hfpi fv^;, and Etj fxaprvpiov rtporpfrfrtxoj Xoyoj ; of Methodius of Olym- pus, HvfjLTtoaiov tuiv hixa rtap^f'i'wf r(i pi tr t <; ayyi'A.ofit^.r t tov rtap^fi'taj. Among the Latins, we have by Tertullian (before he became a Montanist), "de oratione," "ad martyres," "de spectaculis," "de idolatria," "de cultu feminarum," " de patientia," " ad uxorem ;" (after he became a Mon- tanist:) "de virginibus velandis," " de corona militis," " de fuga in 13* 150 SECTION I. — FIRST PERIOD (100—323 A. D.). perseeutione," " de exhortatione castitatis," " de monogamia," "de pudicitia," "de jejuniis," "de pallio ;" — by Cyprian, "de gratia Dei," "de lapsis," " de opere et eleemosynis," " de bono patientijje," " de zelo et livore," etc. — On the subject of Ecclesiastical Law (constitu- tion, worship, discipline), the pseudo-Clementine hvatayaX tuv artoardxcov (constitutiones apostolorum) are of very great importance. These originated in the Syrian Church, partly at the close of the third and partly at the commencement of the fourth century. The first six books also bear the name of SiSowxcaux, xa£o?.<.x>j. At the end of Book VIII. eighty-five pseudo-epigraphic "Canones apostolorum" are appended. — (Cf. i 48, 7.) SECOND PERIOD OF ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY UNDER THE ANCIENT CLASSICAL FORM OF CULTURE. FROM THE TEAR 323-692. I. STATE AND CHURCH. Comp. A. Beugnot, hist, de la destruction du Paganisme en Occident. Par. 1835. 2 VolL— E. Chaslel, hist, de la destr. du Pag. dans Fempiro de l'Orient. Par. 1850. — E. von Lasaulx, der Untergang des Hellenis- mus (The Fall of Hellen.). Mun. 1854.— F. Lubber, d. Fall. d. Heidenth. Schwerin 1856. §42. FALL OF HEATHENISM IN THE ROMAN EMPIRE. After the defeat, of Licinius (323), Constantine openly pro- fessed himself a Christian, although he still remained Pontifex Maximus, and was baptized by Eusebius of Nicomedia but shortly before his death (337 . He showed himself tolerant towards heathenism, whilst he encouraged conversion to Christianity by bestowing special favours upon those professing it. His sons, however, used violence in suppressing heathenism. Julian's reign was merely a historical anomaly, which proved that hea- thenism perished because its effete powers were exhausted, rather than by violence. His labours all perished with his death. Ju- lian's successors resumed the work of restricting, persecuting, and exterminating it. But Justinian inflicted the most fatal blow. — In spite of Julian's imperial protection, and the splendid renown of learned advocates ( Jamblicus, ob. 333 ; Libanius, ob. 395 ; Himerius, ob. 390 ; Themistius, ob. 390 ; Proclus, ob. 485) Neo-Platonism (§ 24, 2) was wholly unable to accomplish its purpose. Still more signal was the failure of the Hypsistarians, (151) 152 SECTION I. — SECOND PERIOD (323—692 A.D.). Euphemites, and Ccelicoli, in their attempts to rejuvenate hea- thenism by means of a rigid Jewish monotheism, or an anti- quated Sabaeism. In the literary controversy between Chris- tianity and heathenism, the character of the contest had been reversed. 1. Constantine M. and his Sous. 6 (Cf. /. C. F. Mango, Leb. Fonst. Bresl. 1817. — /. Burckhardt, Konst. u. s. zeit. Bas. 1853.) — Constan- tine's conversion cannot be set down to the account of mere political calculation. However, outbursts of passionate violence (among them the execution of Crispus, his son), and not a few actions which cannot be justified, occurred after bis profession of Christianity. He died in 337, soon after having received baptism, -without having ever taken part in all the rites of public worship. His dislike of heathenism, which, through the influence of some powerful families, was still preva- lent at Rome, formed one of the elements in his resolution to transfer his residence to Byzantium (Constantinople). His three sons com- menced their reign by assassinating all the relatives of the Emperor (only two nephews, Gallus and Julianus, escaped), and by dividing among themselves the empire. Consiantius (337-361) ruled first over the East. After the death of Constantine II. (ob. 340), and of Con- stans (ob. 350), he became sole lord of the empire. All the sons of Constantine endeavoured to suppress heathenism by force. Constan- tius caused all heathen temples to be shut, and interdicted sacrifices on pain of death. Great numbers of pagans made profession of Chris- tianity, few of them from real conviction. These measures only deep- ened the dislike of the more noble-minded heathen against Christianity. In their opinion, patriotism and intellectual culture were identical with attachment to the old faith. 2. Julian the Apostate (361-363). — (Comp. A. Neander, Kaiser Julian und sein Zeitalter (The Emp. Jul. and his Age). Leipz. 1812. — V. S. Teuffel, de Jul. Christianismi contemi. etosore. Tub. 1844. — 1). Strauss, d. Romantiker auf d. Thron d. Caes.iren. Mannh. 1847. — J. E. Aver, Julian d. Abtr. im Kampfe mit den Kirchenvatern s. Zeit. (Cont. betw. Jul. the Apost. and the Fathers of his Age). Vienna 1855.) — Julian*, the heir to the throne, who was at any rate incensed at the murder of his relatives, long chafed under the monkish and ascetic training to which he was subjected. But he could conceal under the garb of feigned bigotry his heart-hatred of Christianity. When at last he obtained permission to study at Nicomedia and Athens, the represent- atives of heathenism in these places filled him with the conviction that he was called by the gods to restore the ancient faith. Lulled into security by his hypocrisy, Constantius intrusted Julian with the com- mand of an army against the Germans. His courage and talents sained him the heart of the soldiers. He now threw off the mask, and FALL OF HEATHENISM 153 openly raised the standard of rebellion. Constantius died on his expe- dition against him, and Julian became Emperor (361-363). He imme- diately addressed himself with zeal and energy to the execution of his long-cherished plans, and sought to renew and restore the glories of ancient Paganism. To weaken and oppress Christianity, he employed ingenious rather than violent measures, although he deprived the clergy of their possessions, reminding them in derision of the duty of evan- gelical poverty. He encouraged, so far as he could, schisms in the Church, favoured all heretics and sects, sought by artifices to induce the soldiers to take part in sacrifices, interdicted Christians from having literary schools, removed them from the higher offices of state, and heaped on them all manner of indignity, etc. In order to defeat the prediction of Christ (Matt, xxiii. 38; xxiv. 2), he attempted to restore the temple at Jerusalem. But earthquakes and flames bursting from the ground, scattered the workmen. By all means in his power, and in every manner, he sought to restore and to elevate Paganism. From Christianity he borrowed certain charitable institutions, its ecclesiasti- cal discipline, preaching, singing at public worship, etc. He also bestowed a number of distinctions on the heathen priesthood ; but, on the other hand, insisted on strict discipline among them. In his capa- city of Pontifex Maxim us, he himself sacrificed and preached, and led a strictly ascetic and almost cynically simple life. But the want of success attending his endeavours increasingly exasperated him. Al- ready fears were entertained of new persecutions, when, after a reign of only twenty months, he died in an expedition against the Persians, — as Christians related it, with the words, "Tandem vicisti, Galilaee!" on his lips. — On the throne of the Caesars, Julian had displayed talents and virtues such as had not adorned it since the time of Marcus Aurelius. 3. Final Destruction of Heathenism. — With Julian perished also his futile attempts. His successors, Jovian (ob. 364), and then in the West, Valentinian I. {ob. 375), Gratiau (ob. 383), and Valentinian IF. (ob. 392), — in the East, Valens (ob. 378) and Theodosias I. (ob. 395), tolerated heathenism for some time, but only to prepare for its more certain destruction. Scarcely had Tlicodosius in some measure allayed political troubles, when, in 382, he made conversion to heathenism a criminal offence. The populace and the monks destroyed the temples. On this account Libanitis addressed to the Emperor his celebrated oration, ntpi rw ifpwv ; still, the latter caused the remaining temples to be shut, and interdicted all attendance on them. Bloody contests raged in the streets of Alexandria during the episcopate of TheopJiilus, in conse- quence of which the Christians destroyed the splendid Serapeion (391). In vain the heathen expected that this sin would cause the heavens to fall or the earth to perish; even the Nile refused to avenge the out- rage through drought. — Gratian followed in the West the example which Theodosius had set in the East. He was the first to decline 154 SECTION I. — SECOND PERIOD (323— 692 A. D.). the dignity of Pontifex Maximus ; he deprived the heathen priests of their immunities, confiscated the landed property belonging to the temples, and ordered the altar of victory, which stood in the Curia of the Senate at Rome, to be removed. It was in vain that Symmachus, the prrefectus urbi, endeavoured to get it restored. By the advice of Ambrosius, Yalentinian II., on four different occasions, refused to see deputations which had come to him on this subject. As soon as Thee dosius became sole ruler (392), edicts even more stringent appeared. On his entrance into Rome (394), he addressed the Roman Senate in language of reproof, and adnfonished them to adopt Christianity. Ilia sons Honorius (ob. 423) in the West, and Arcadius in the East (ob. 408), continued the policy of Theodosius. Under Theodosius II. [ob. 450), monks armed with imperial power travelled through the provinces for the purpose of suppressing heathenism. This was not accomplished without deeds of violence. The most horrible of these was the as- sassination at Alexandria of Hypatia, a woman of noble birth and a heathen philosopher (415). In official language, heathenism was regarded as defunct. For a long time it had been branded as the religion of rustics (Paganismus), and could only be practised secretly and in distant localities. Its last, and indeed its only prop, was the Academy at Athens, which attained its highest celebrity when Proclus (ob. 485) taught in its halls. Justinian I. (527-565) closed this insti- tution. Its teachers fled into Persia. With their departure heathen- ism in the Roman and Grecian empire may be said to have deceased. Still, in the mountains of the Peloponnesus, the Mainats maintained their political independence and ancestral religion so late as the ninth century ; while in Sardinia, Corsica, and Sicily, individual heathens were found even at the time of Gregory the Great (ob. 604). 4. Resistance and Apologies of the Heathen. — Julian alone could still polemise after the ancient fashion. Of his work xara Xpi7riai'v, in seven books, the principal portions have been preserved in the reply of Ci/rill of Alexandria. He pronounced Christianity a degenerate form of Judaism, and declared that the adoration of Christ, and martyr- worship, were later perversions of the doctrine of Christ. The other representatives of heathenism were content to sue for religious liberty and toleration. Again, while among Christian writers Lactantius had still plead for mutual forbearance, Firmicus Mater mis already plied the sons of Constantine the Great with fanatical admonitions to suppress idolatry by force, pressing upon them the command of God to Joshua to exterminate the Canaanites. But when, from the fifth century, the incursions of the barbarians gave indications of the speedy downfall of the Roman empire, heathen writers felt encouraged to ascribe the disasters of the commonwealth to a judgment of the gods, on account of the suppression of the ancient religion, under which the State had so lon7? ixx^rjio-q, and all his successors exercised the "jus circa sacra," nor were their claims in this respect ever called in question. The Donatists (§ 63, 2) alone held that the State had no control whatever over the Church. As yet, the limits within which the State might claim certain rights in reference to the Church were not clearly defined. But thus much was asserted, at least in theory, that the Emperor had no power of his own accord to decide on internal questions concerning the Church (worship, discipline, and doctrine). To decide on such questions, General Synods were convened, of which the decrees obtained imperial sanction, and thereby became public enactments. But, in measure as the court of Byzantium degenerated and became the centre of intrigues, the interference of the court in eccle- siastical matters became increasingly pernicious. More than once, heresy for a time prevailed through personal feeling, unworthy artifices, and even by open force. But in the end, generally, truth again obtained the victory. The usurper Basil- icus was the first, in the year 416, to determine, by imperial edicts, what should be taught and what should be believed 156 SECTION I. — SECOND PERIOD (323— 692 A. D.). throughout the empire (§ 52, 5 s ). Later emperors followed his example; among- them, especially Justinian I. (527 to 565 s ); and court theologians even attempted to justify such interferences by investing the imperial office with a priestly character, of which, according to them, Melchisedec had been a type. — The emperors exercised great influence on the election of bishops in the principal cities ; at a later period, they appointed or deposed them as they chose. On the other hand, the protectorate of the emperors conferred on the Church a number of outward advan- tages and privileges. Among them we reckon the fact, that the State undertook the maintenance of the Church, partly by bestowing rich presents and foundations from the public ex- chequer, partly by making over to the Church the heathen temples and the possessions attaching to them. Even Con- stantine had authorized the Church to receive legacies of every kind. Besides, churches and ecclesiastical officials were free from all public burdens. The ancient practice of bishops to act as arbiters (1 Cor. vi. 1-6) was formally recognized ; the clergy were exempted from secular jurisdiction, and placed under Ihe authority of their superiors. The right of asylum which had belonged to the heathen temples was transferred to Christian churches. Connected with this was the right of episcopal inter- cession in favour of those who had been condemned by the tribunals, — a practice by which the latter became subject to a certain spiritual control, and unjust, arbitrary, or harsh measures were not unfrequcntly prevented. 1. According to the jus circa sacra, the emperors had power to arrange all things which bore on the relation between Church and State. At the same time, it was also their duty to preserve or restore peace and unity in the Church, to protect orthodoxy, to take charge of the interests of the Church and of the clergy, and to uphold the eccle- siastical canons. Constantine the Great already excluded all heretics from the privileges which he had accorded to the Church, and deemed it his duty to oppose the progress of heresy to the best of his power. For that purpose, the State did not hesitate to take away or to close such churches, to interdict their worship, to exile their leaders, and afterwards also to confiscate their property. The usurper Maximus ('i 54, 2j was the first, so early as the year 385, to execute sentence of death against heretics. But during this period his example was not followed by his successors. In 654, Const ans II. caused a determined opponent of his ecclesiastical schemes (§52,8) to be scourged and barbarously mutilated. — The Fathers of the fourth century disapproved ol all constraint in matters of faith (comp. however §63, 2). CHRISTIAN STATE AND STATE CHURCH. 157 2. The institution of General Synods (ovvohoi olxov/xevixau, concilia universalia s. generalia) originated with Constantine the Great. They were convoked by the Emperor, and presic'sd over either by the monarch in person, or by a prelate chosen by the Council. An imperial commissary opened the Syuod by reading the imperial edict convening it; and also attended the meetings, for the purpose of guarding the rights of the State. The travelling expenses and maintenance of members of Synod were paid from the treasury. The decrees were designated by the common name of opot, definition.es ; — if they de- termined on matters of faith, they were called 66-y/A.ata, or if couched in the form of a confession, ovfifiojm. ; — if they bore on the government, worship, or discipline of the Church, they were called xavovi^. Dogmas and symbols required to be unanimously passed ; for canons a majority of votes was sufficient. From the first, only bishops were held entitled to vote in synods. But the prelates might be represented by some of their inferior clergy. — Instead of oecumenic councils, which could not be rapidly convened, avvobot evStj/xovoai, as they were called, were some- times held at Constantinople. These were composed of all the bishops present at the time in the capital. Such endemic synods were also occasionally held at Alexandria. — Twice a year Provincial Synods assembled under the presidency of their respective metropolitans. By and bye Patriarchal or Diocesan Synods were instituted, to serve as a court of appeal. 3. Among the sources of general Ecclesiastical Law at that period, we may mention, 1. The canons of the general councils, — 2. The decrees of the principal provincial synods, — 3. The Apostolic Canons (I 41, 6), — 4. The epistola; canonical of the principal bishops (especially of those in the sedes apostolicae, \ 30 ; above all, those from Rome and Alexandria), in reply to inquiries about the ecclesiastical practice pre- valent in their dioceses (those from Rome were called epistoloz decre- tales), — 5. The imperial laws on the subject, vofiot (the Codex Theodo- sianus about 440, the Codex Justiniangeus 534, the Novelise Justiniani). So far as we know, the first collection of those was made in the Greek Church, by Johannes Scholasticus, Patriarch of Constantinople. It obtained the name of Nomo-canon (about 560), because the ecclesiastical v6ixoi of Justinian were added to it. A later Greek nomo-canon bears the name of Theodorus Balsamon. In the West, all former collections gave place to the Codex canonum, compiled by the Roman abbot Dionysius the Small, to which also all the decretal letters then extant were appended (about 500). 14 158 SECTION I. — SECOND PERIOD (.323— 692 A. D.). II. MONASTICISM, THE CLERGY AND HIERARCHY. ?44. MONASTICISM. Comp. A. Mdhler, Gesch. d. Monchth. in d. Zeit sein. Entsteh. (Hist Df Mon. at the time of its Orig.) in his coll. Works, I. 1G5, etc. I. Mangold, de monachatus orig. et causis. Marb. 1852. — Comp. also the works cited in \ 2, 2. Satiated of the ways of the world, and following the inclina- tion for a contemplative life, which is characteristic of Orientals, many persons retired into solitude. Here, amidst prayer and labour, amidst want and self-denial which not unfrequently de- generated into self-torture, these Anachorets sought after that sauctification which they deemed impossible to attain in the midst of a corrupt world. The first example of this mode of life was given by Paul of Thebes, whose end became only accidentally known (§36, 3). But Monasticism properly originated with St Antonius, ob. 356. His shining example was soon followed, and the deserts of Egypt became peopled with swarms of hermits, who gained from the wilderness a scanty subsistence. On the Nitrian mountains Amonius, and in the Scetian Desert Macarius the elder, founded celebrated institutions of anachorets. The largest of these communities was that founded by raeliomius (ob. 348) in Tabennre, an island in the Nile. By the rules which he gave to his followers, the institutions of anachorets were transformed into regular monastic establishments (xou'65 j3i'os). The monks with their president, called Abbot (abbas = father) or Archimandrite, were to live in a cloister (coenobium, monas- terinm, claustrum, mandra, dairo, i.e., dwelling), and to spend their time in prayer and labour (agriculture, making of baskets, carpets, etc.). Several other monasteries were founded in con- nection with the great cloister at Tabennaa, and soon the number of these monks amounted to 50,000. Ililarion founded in Palestine, near Gaza, a monastery on the some principles, the affiliated cloisters of which extended over all Syria. — In the East, the number of cloisters and monks increased immensely. The monastic life was vaunted as a fiios dyymxos and a ^pixoao^ia v\r t w /.Y, and regarded as a substitute for the martyrdom which was not any longer attainable. Already its institution was traced MON ASTICISM. 159 Dack to Elijah and John the Baptist, and the Therapeutce were represented as having been the first Christian monks. The cloisters became an asylum for those that were oppressed or persecuted, institutions of charity for the poor and sick, and soon afterwards also seminaries for training those who were to fill the clerical or episcopal office. But here also corruption made sad navoc. Not spiritual motives only, but ambition, vanity, idle- ness, and especially a desire to withdraw from the obligation to serve in the army, etc., or to pay taxes, helped to fill the cloisters. Hence in 365, the Emperor Valens ordered that such persons should be taken by force out of the monasteries. In order to arrest religious delusions (such as self-tortures, work-righteous- ness, enthusiasm and fanaticism, spiritual pride, etc.), and to make these institutions available for the real good of the Church, by "converting them into seminaries for scientific studies and for education, some eminent bishops, among them Basil the Great, took the monasteries under their special superintendence and care. Other prelates, however, frequently employed the monks as a ready soldiery to carry out their ambitious or party views. — At first, the Western Church was opposed to these monastic tendencies. The authority of Athanasius, who on several occa- sions was obliged to seek a refuge in the West, led to a more favourable opinion of them. After that, the most celebrated of the Fathers, headed by such men as Ambrose, Jerome, and Augustine, exerted all their influence to spread monastic institu- tions. Martin of Tours introduced them into Northern Gaul about the year 380. In Southern Gaul, Honoratus founded the celebrated monastery of Lerinum, and Johannes Cassianus, (ob. 432) the still more celebrated institution at Massilia. But Monasticism in the West almost perished during the migration of nations ; it was reserved for Benedict of Nur'sia, in the year 52 ( J, to reorganize the monasteries, and to introduce unity and order in them (§ 85). 1. St. Antonius sprung from a Coptic family at Coma, in Egypt. Left in his 18th year an orphan, the passage in the Gospel about the rich young man (Matt, xix.) affected him in such a manner, that he gave all his goods to the poor and retired to the desert. Amidst agonizing internal conflicts and temptations, his Christian experience ripened. Persons of all ranks went to consult him in search of comfort and peace. Even Conslantine the Great intimated in a letter his veneration for this Christian Diogenes. Through his prayers bodily 1G0 SECTION I. — SECOND PERIOD (323— 692 A. D.). diseases, through his counsel spiritual ailments, were removed. Twice — in the year 311, during the Diocletian persecution, and in the year 351, during the height of the Arian controversy — he suddenly appeared in Alexandria. By Christians and Pagans regarded as a sign from God, he succeeded in converting, -within a few days, thousands of heathens. Like-minded persons gathered around him in order to enjoy his ministrations. In his last days he retired from "them, and died at the age of 105 years (in 356). 2. Nunneries. — As early as the second century, some pious virgins renounced marriage in order to devote themselves wholly to God. As their sex prevented them from leading the life of anachorets, they were the more ready to fall in with the idea of a monastic life. St.Antonius himself had given the first example of a nunnery, when, on retiring to the wilderness, he founded for his sister, at Coma in Egypt, an institu- tion destined to receive such virgins. The first regular nunnery was instituted hy Pachomius, and presided over by his sister. After that time their number rapidly increased. Their president was called Ammas (mother), and the members /*oro^at, Sanctimoniales, Koniue (in Coptic = castce). St. Paula of Rome, the pupil and friend of St. Jerome, became the patroness of female Monasticism in the West. She and her daughter Eustochium followed Jerome to Palestine, and founded in his vicinity, near Bethlehem, three nunneries. 3. St. Basil gave to the monks in the East new and improved rules, which soon came into general and almost exclusive use. Since the fifth century the synods gave laws to monasteries and their inmates. In 451 the Council of Chalcedon subjected cloisters to the jurisdiction of bishops. — At first it was held lawful for monks to return into the world, although this step was regarded as blameworthy, and requiring penance. But from the fifth and sixth centuries, monastic vows were regarded as absolutely binding. Hence entrants required to be of a certain (canonical) age, and to have passed a noviciate, or period of probation and for consideration. Since the sixth century, not only a "propria professio," but even a "paterna devotio" was held to be bind- ing. —According to the rule of St. Basilius, every monastery had one or more presbyters attached to it, who conducted worship and admin- istered the sacraments. Up to the tenth century, the monks themselves were regarded as laymen, but were distinguished as " Religiosi" from the " Seculares." Monasticism was, however, considered a preparation for the clerical office, and the majority of bishops were taken directly from monasteries. — (Cf. \ 70, 3.) 4. The Acoimetes were a particular class of monks, whose origin dates from the fifth century. Studius, a Roman, founded for them at Constantinople the celebrated monastery of Sludion. They derived their peculiar name from the circumstance that, in their cloisters MONASTICISM. 161 Ph'ine worship was continuously celebrated night and day. — The Stvlites were a peculiar class of hermits. The best known among them was Symeon Stylites, Avho at the commencement of the fifth cen- tury lived for thirty years, in the neighbourhood of Antioch, on a pillar thirty-six yards high, and thence preached repentance to the multitudes who from all parts crowded to see and hear him. Vanquished by the power of his addresses, thousands of Saracens who wandered about in that neighbourhood were baptized. The best-known Stylites, next to him, are a certain Daniel (near Constant, ob. 489) and a youngei Simeon (near Antioch, ob. 596). 5. Even after Pachomius, Hilarion, and Basilivs had given fixed rules to the various monasteries, individual associations of hermits refused to submit to any regulation. Among them we may mention the Sarabaites in Egypt, and the Remobotii in Syria. Irregular asso- ciations of monks wandered about through Mesopotamia, under the name of Bocrxot, pdbulatores, from the circumstance that they lived on herbs or roots. Since the fifth century we read of the Gyrovagi (as they were called), in Italy and Africa, who, under the designation of monks, led a dissolute and vagrant life. — The Euchites and Eusta- thians, who appeared in the second half of the fourth century, were heretical and schismatic monks. The former — who are not to be con- founded with the heathen Euchetai ($ 42, 5) — bore also the names of Messalians and Choreutai (from their mystical dances). They claimed to have attained the highest point of spirituality, and on that ground to be above the law. Pretending to be absorbed in silent prayer, and honoured with heavenly visions, they went about begging, since labour was unbecoming perfect saints. They taught that, in virtue of his descent from Adam, every man brought an evil spirit with him into the world, who could only be overcome by prayer. Thus alone would the root of all evil be removed. After that was done, man required no longer either the law, the Scriptures, or the sacraments. He might give reins to his passions, and even do what would be sinful in one who was still under the law. They employed the lascivious imagery of sensual love to describe their mystical communion with God. The Gospel history they regarded as only an allegory, and considered fire to be the creative principle of the universe. Flavian, Bishop of An- tioch, by artifices and accommodation, obtained knowledge of their secret principles and practices (381). But, despite the persecution to which they were subjected, they continued till the sixth century. — The Eustathians derived their name from Eusiathius, Bishop of Sebaste, the founder of Monasticism in the Eastern provinces of the empire. In their fanatical contempt of marriage, they went so far as to regard communion with married persons as impure, and to institute religious services of their own. They rejected the feasts of the Church, enjoined fasting on Sundays and feast-days (g 31), and entire abstinence from animal food. Their women went about dressed as men. They also 14* 1G2 SECTION I. — SECOND PERIOD (323— 692 A. D.). insisted that persons of property should give up all their possessions. Servants left their masters, wives their husbands, to join the commu- nion of these saints. But the vigorous measures taken by the Synod of Gangra in Paphlagonia (between a.d. 360 and 370) arrested the spread of the sect. \ 45. THE CLERGY. Gradually the separation between the clergy and laity became more and more marked, while the superior ecclesiastical function- aries formed a spiritual corresponding- to the secular aristocracy. It was maintained that tlie priesthood occupied the same relation to the laity as the soul to the body. Withal, the number of aspirants to the clerical office increased to a degree to render it necessary for the State to regulate their admission by certain laws. The clergy were appointed by the bishops, but with the formal concurrence of the people. In the East, bishops were chosen by all the prelates of a province, under the presidency of the metropolitan, on whom also devolved the ordination of the person elected. But in the West the old practice continued, and bishops, clergy, and people combined in making the choice. The Council of Nice interdicted the translation of bishops, characterizing it as spiritual adultery (Eph. v. 23, etc.); still the practice was by no means uncommon. The monarchical power of the bishop over his clergy was admitted by all parties. According to the practice in Home, one-fourth of the total revenues of a congregation went to the bishop, another fourth to the rest of the clergy, a third portion to the poor, and the remainder was employed for ecclesiastical buildings and furni- ture. In the course of time the episcopal functions and privi- leges of the chorejriscojjoi were more and more limited ; they were subordinated to the city bishops, and ultimately (about 360) the office was wholly suppressed. After the reaction against episcopal claims had ceased, the presbyters — especially those who ministered in affiliated or rural congregations — obtained a posi- tion of greater independence than before as regarded the admin- istration of worship and of the sacraments. By and by the extension of congregational relationships gave rise to a variety of new ecclesiastical offices. 1. Training of the Clergy. — The few theological schools which existed in Alexandria, in Caesarea, in Antioch, in Edessa, and in Nisibis, were manifestly quite insufficient for the requirements of the Church. THE CLERGY. 163 Besides, irnst of them went down during the political and ecclesiastical turmoils of the fifth and sixth centuries. In the West there were not any such institutions. So long as the heathen seminaries of learning flourished at Athens, Alexandria, Nicomedia, etc., many Christian youths obtained in them their preparatory literary training, and after- wards supplemented Avhat was wanting in a religious aspect by retiring into solitude or into monasteries, and there devoting them- selves to asceticism and theological study. Others, despising classical training, contented themselves with a monastic education. Others, again, commenced their clerical career, when still boys, as lectores or episcopal clerks, and were trained under the superintendence and direction of bishops or experienced clergymen. Augustine constituted his clergy into a kind of monastic community [monaster ium clericorum), and transformed it into a clerical seminary. This arrangement met with general approbation ; and, when the North African bishops were expelled by the Vandals from their country, was imported into Sicily and Sardinia. 2. Ultimately the Canonical Age of priests was fixed at 30 years, that of deacons at 25. Neophites, those who had been baptized when sick (clinici), penitents and energumenoi, bigami, mutilated persons, eunuchs, slaves, actors, dancers, soldiers, curials, etc., were not to be admitted to the clerical office. At so early a period as the fourth century the African Church insisted that candidates for the ministry should undergo a strict examination as to their attainments and orthodoxy; Justinian I. required that the bishops should at least inquire into the orthodoxy of candidates. 3. Ordination (^ftpotow'a) was regarded as analogous to the chrisma of baptism, and hence as a sacrament. If the latter admitted into the general priesthood, the former made a person a priest in a special sense ; both imparted a l< character indelebilis." Its eifect was regarded as almost magical. To impart ordination was the privilege of bishops only ; but presbyters were wont to assist in the ordination of their colleagues. The principle, " ne quis vage ordinetur," was universally acted upon — the only exception being in the case of missionaries. According to the Canons, a person was not to be ordained to any superior ecclesiastical office till he had passed through all the inferior grades, commencing with the sub-diaconate. At first, ordination con- sisted only in imposition of the hands ; but at a later period the person set apart was, after the analogy of baptism, also anointed (with chrism, i. e., oil mixed with balsam). This ceremony was preceded by the Lord's Supper, taken fasting. Since the sixth century candidates had also to submit to Tonsure. This practice was first introduced in the case of penitents ; it was imitated by the monks, as being a symbol of humility, and from them it passed to the regular clergy. According to the Grecian mode of tonsure (tonsura Paulil, the hair of the whole 1G4 SECTION I. — SECOND PERIOD (323— 692 A D.). b".ad was clipped quite short; according to the Roman mode (tonsura Fetri), a narrow rim of hair was left all round the head (either id r smembrance of Christ's crown of thorns, or as a symbol of the royal j-riesthood, corona sacerdotalis). The anniversaries of episcopal ordi- nations (natales Episcoporlim) were frequently celebrated as festivals. Gradually, Investiture, or the solemn putting on of the insignia of office, was introduced. It formed the only real mark of distinction in ordination between the different grades of the clerical office. — The practice among the clergy of wearing a peculiar dress on all ordinary occasions, and official robes when administering the ordinances, had its origin in the circumstance that the clergy still retained a style of dress after fashion had abolished its use among the laity. The desire to attach a symbolical meaning to everything, and to imitate the dresses worn by the priests under the Old Testament dispensation, gave rise to various other modifications and additions. 4. Injunction of Celibacy. —Following the precedent of the Spanish Provincial Synod of Elvira (a.d. 305), the first Council of Nice (325) felt inclined to enjoin clerical celibacy throughout the whole Church, at least so far as the "ordines majores" were concerned. But this measure was opposed by Paphnutius, a confessor and Egyptian bishop, who from his youth had been an ascetic. He maintained that not only abstinence, but marriage also, was chastity ; and his influence decided the question. The former practice was therefore maintained, which ruled that bishops, presbyters, and deacons, were not to have been twice married, nor to contract a marriage after their ordination, but were allowed to use their own discretion in reference to marriages contracted before their ordination. These comparatively liberal views continued for a considerable period to be entertained in the East; and in opposi- tion to the Eustathians ($44, 5), the Synod of Gangra defended the sanctity of wedlock, and the rights of married priests. In the fourth and fifth centuries frequent instances of married bishops occurred (for example, the father of Gregory of Nazianzus, Gregory of Nyssa, Syne- sius of Ptolemais, and many others). Justinian J. prohibited married persons to be elected bishops. The second Trvllan Council (a.d. 092) confirmed this mandate, prohibited all clergymen from marrying a second time; but allowed presbyters and deacons, before their ordina- tion, to contract a first marriage, only enjoining a temporary separation during the period of their service at the altar. To this a special pre- test against the unnatural severity of the Roman Church was added. — In the West the principles promulgated in Spain were generally enter- tained, and Leo the Great applied them also to snb-deacons. But there also the frequent instances of contravention rendered a degree of indul- gence necessary. 5. The number of Ecclesiastical Functionaries was largely increased by the employment of clerical attendants on the sick, or parabolanoi PATRIARCHAL OFFICE AND PRIMACY. 165 (from itapaf3d%%ca$at -tr[v Cor-v), and grave-diggers (xoniatai, fossarii), whose number increased to a very great extent in the larger cities. Where a bishop -was arrogant, imperious, or prone to violent measures, he had in these officials a kind of standing army and body-guard. In a.d. 418, Theodosius II. limited the number of parabolanoi in Alexan- dria to GOO, and that of the copiatai in Constantinople to 950. The property of the churches was administered by oi.xovo/.ioi ; their causes were carried through the courts of law by special advocates [Xxbixoi, ovvbixoi, defensores) ; the proceedings at ecclesiastical assemblies were taken down by notarii, taxvyparpoc Besides these officials, record-keepers (xaptofyvhaxis), librarians, thesaurarii (axtvofv7Mxs$), etc., wers employed. All these were unordained persons. Among the online* majores, also, new grades were introduced. In* the fourth century an archdeacon was placed over the deacons. He was the right-hand man, the substitute and plenipotentiary of the bishop, and frequently succeeded to that office. The College of Priests also was presided over by an arch- presbyter. The superintendence of several congregations was en- trusted to a city presbyter, who was called the periodeutes, or visita- tor. — The seniores plebis of the African churches were lay elders, and not ordained in the same manner as the clergy. The office of deacon- esses gradually lost in importance, and ultimately ceased entirely. §46. THE PATRIARCHAL OFFICE AND THE PRIMACY. Comp. Le Quien, Oriens Christianus. Par. 1740. 3 Vill. fol. — Janus, de origg. Patr. chr. Vit. 1718. — Wilisch, kirchl. Geogr. u. Statistik. (Eccl. Geogr. and Statist.). I. 56 etc. The institution of Metropolitan Sees (§ 30) had, during the period preceding that which we describe, prepared the way for introducing hierarchical distinctions among bishops. This move- ment was greatly furthered by the political division of the empire under Gonstantine the Greai. The bishops of capital cities now claimed a spiritual sway analogous to that which the imperial governors exercised in secular matters. But former privileges and later claims prevented anything like a complete correspond- ence between the secular and the hierarchical arrangements. The first Council of Nice (325) expressly confirmed the prepon- derance of the Bishops of Borne, Alexandria, and Antioch, which these prelates had long enjoyed. The second general Council of Constantinople (in 381 ) exempted the Bishop of Constanti- nople (bia to iliau avt7]v viav 'Pa/t^v) from the jurisdiction of the Metropolitan Heraclea, in Thracia, and assigned to him the first 'auk after the Bishop of Rome. The bishops thus distinguished 166 SECTION I. — SECOND PERIOD (323— 692 A. D.). core the title of Patriarchs — a designation which the Roman bishops refused, in order not to be on the same level with other prelates, choosing in preference the title of Papa, lianas. The fourth general Council of Chalcedon (a.d. 451) placed the Pa- triarch of the metropolis of the East on a footing of perfect equality with his colleague of Rome ; put the three dioceses of Thracia, Pontus, and Asia under his jurisdiction ; and invested him with the power of receiving complaints against the metro- politans of any diocese. The same council also raised the Bishop of Jerusalem, whom the Council of Nice had in 325 already declared as entitled to special honours, to the dignity of Patri- arch, and invested him with supremacy over the whole of Palestine, while formerly that prelate had been under the jurisdiction of the Metropolitan of Ceesarea. Still, some metropolitans — and among them especially those of Salamis in Cyprus, of Milan, of Aquileia, and of Ravenna, in Italy — refused to acknowledge that their sees were, in any sense, subject to their respective patriarchs. — The district under the jurisdiction of the bishop was called paroehia, rto^wixia, that of the metropolitan 2^'ovincia, Erfap^'a, that of the patriarch dicecesis, SioJx^.c: ; but these terms were often inter- changed. — The patriarchs were entitled to have at the Imperial Court resident legates, who were called Apocrisiarians. The ovyxi-k-koL acted as clerical councillors and assistants of the patriarchs. — From the sixth centnry the popes began to confirm the election of oriental metropolitans, by sending them the pal- lium, as the archiepiscopal insignium. — From this period it was considered to be necessary for the validity of a general council, that all the five patriarchs should be represented in them. But when in 637 Jerusalem, in 638 Antioch, and in 640 Alexandria, became subject to the Saracens, the Patriarch of Constantinople remained the sole representative of that dignity in the eastern portion of the Roman Empire. His Roman colleague was his only rival, and he was no way able to compete with him. On the contrary, the pretensions of Rome to the primacy rapidly secured universal assent. 1. The Rivalry between Rome and Byzantium. — (Comp. besides'the works referred to in g 30, 4 : ArcJiinard, les origines de l'egl. Rom. 2 Voll Par. 1851. — //. G. ffasse, iiber d. Vereinio;. d. geistl. u. weltl. Ober^e- walt im rom. Kirchenstaate (On the Combinat. of Spir. and Secul. Su- premacy in the States of the Ch.). Ilaarl. 1852. 4to. — F. Muassen (Rom. Cath.), der Primat d. Bi» di. zu Rom u. d. altesten Patriarchal- PATRIARCHAL OFFICE AND PRIMACY. 167 kirchen (The Primacy of the Bish. of Rome and of the oldest Patr. Ch.). Bonn 1853.) — Since the Council of Chalcedon (a.d. 451) the Patriarch of Constantinople alone claimed equal power and honours with the Bishop of Rome. Justinian I. gave indeed to the Bishop of Constanti- nople the designation of (Ecumenical Patriarch ; hut this remained an empty title, while the Bishop of Rome took every opportunity to declare, by word and deed, that, according to Divine appointment, he exercised supremacy over the whole Church, and over all prelates, including the Patriarch of Constantinople. Even in so far as the principles were concerned on which each of these two prelates rested his claims, those of Rome were much more full and intelligible. In the East the epis- copal sees ranked according to the political importance attaching to the cities in which they were placed. As Constantinople was the resi- dence of the ruler of the whole olxov/xtiv;, its bishop was likewise held to be oecumenical. But, in the opinion of the world, the position of ancient Rome was higher than that of her modern rival. All the proud reminiscences of history clustered around the capital of the West. On the other hand, the visible decline and the threatening decay of the empire were associated with Byzantium. But neither did the West admit the principle on which the pretensions of the see of Constanti- nople were founded. Not the will of the Emperor, it was argued, nor the growing decrepitude of the empire, could decide the spiritual rank of a bishop ; the history of the Church and the will of its Divine Founder and Lord must determine the question. Measured by this standard, the see of Constantinople was not only inferior to those of Alexandria, Antioch, and Jerusalem, but even to those in many cities whose bishops indeed were not metropolitans, but whose churches had been founded by apostles ; while, on the other hand, Rome undoubtedly occupied the first rank. There the two princes of the apostles had lived, taught, witnessed, and suffered ; their graves and bones were there. More than that, Peter, whom the Lord Himself had made pri- mate among the apostles, had been the first occupant of the see of Rome, and the Roman bishops were his successors and the heirs of his privileges. The Patriarch of Constantinople depended for the sup- port of his claims only on the influence of the court. But frequently that very court, which had seconded and fostered his claims, deserted him, in order, through the wide influence of the Bishop of Rome, to strengthen its tottering power in Italy. Again, he was selected and deposed by the court ; too often he fell a sacrifice to its intrigues, or became the tool of its policy and the advocate of its heretical views. How favourable, in comparison with this, was the position of the Bishop of Rome ! In his selection the court could but rarely exercise any influence, much more rarely could it bring about his deposition. While the East was torn by a number of ecclesiastical disputes, in which truth and error (if only for a time) alternately prevailed, the West, ranged under the leadership of Rome, presented almost always a close and 1G8 SECTION I. — SECOND PERIOD (323— 692 A. D.). united phalanx. To Rome disputants appealed for ultimate decision, oppressed parties for advocacy and protection ; and since the Bishops of Rome always lent their authority to truth and right, the party whose case was supported by them always ultimately carried off the victory. Even at that period, " Roma locuta est" was in itself a power. Thus, in the opinion of Christendom, Rome gradually rose in authority, and soon it claimed, as of right, what at first personal confidence or the urgency of circumstances had accorded in special and individual instances. Besides, during the lapse of ages, Rome always learned, but never forgot. The consciousness of common interests, supported by a deep hierarchical spirit, had sprung up and gathered around the chair of Peter, — influences hy which even worthless or weak popes were upheld. Thus, despite all opposition and resistance, Rome steadily advanced towards the mark which all along it had kept in view. At last the East was only able to preserve and assert its ecclesiastical independence by an act of complete and final separation. 2. History of the Pretensions of Rome to the Primacy. — The Council of Nice (325) assigned to the Bishop of Rome spiritual supremacy over the (ten) suburbicarian provinces, i.e., over Middle and Lower Italy, and the islands of Sardinia, Corsica, and Sicily. This arrangement had been made in conformity with the political position of Rome at the time. But long before that, Rome enjoyed a much more extensive authority (§30, 4), from the circumstance that it was the only sedes apostolica in the West. Indeed, when any difficulty occurred, it was the practice in all parts of the West to apply to Rome for guidance. As early as the fourth century, the official answers to these appeals assumed a tone of command rather than of advice (epistol^e decre- tai.es). But until the year 343, no attempt was made to assert any claim of authority over the East. But in that year, the pressure of circumstances obliged the Council of Sardica (g 50, 2) to decree that Julius, Bishop of Rome, had, as the consistent and trustworthy advocate of orthodoxy, the right of hearing appeals from bishops in any part of the empire; and, if he found the complaints just, of appointing judges and instituting a fresh trial, the verdict in that case to be final. But this decree applied only to Julius as an individual, and must be regarded as only a temporary expedient adopted by a minority which was hardly beset. Hence it scarcely excited attention, and was soon forgotten. But Rome did not forget it ; and in 402-417, Innocent I. made it the basis of a claim to the effect that all causa; majores should be submitted to the Apostolic See for decision. Still, even then the claim to primacy was based only upon human authority. Leo the Great (440-4G1) was the first, in his instruction to his legates at the Council of Ephesus (449), to rest it on Divine authority, by appealing to Matt.'xvi. 18 (§30, 3). Formerly, Western authorities, such as Hilary, Ambrose, Jerome, and Augustine, and Innocent I. himself, had adopted the interpretation of the passage by Cyprian, who applied it PATRIARCHAL OFFICE AND PRIMACY. 169 to all the apostles, and hence to all bishops ; while they understood the word rft'-rpa as applying either to the confession of Peter, or to the person of Christ. Leo L, however, applied it to Peter exclusively, and to the Pope as his sole successor. Of course, the Fathers of Ephesus, and afterwards also those of Chalcedon (a.d. 451, comp. I 52, 4), refused to receive this interpretation. The claims of Leo received fuller acknowledgments in the West. On the occasion of a resistance to them by Hilary, Bishop of Aries, the Pope procured from the youth- ful Emperor Valentinian III. a rescript (a.d. 445), which ordained that in future none should venture to resist or to doubt the primacy of the Pope, which the Lord Himself had instituted. The suburbicarian bishops of Italy readily submitted. The Synodus palmaris of Rome (a.d. 503), which Theodoric, King of the East Goths, had summoned to inquire into the charges brought against Pope Si/mmachns, absolved the latter without an investigation ; and Ennodius of Pavia openly proclaimed the principle that, since the Pope was judge over all, he could not be subject to the jurisdiction of any. Still, the metropolitans of Northern Italy (of Aquihia, Milan, and Ravenna) steadily opposed these views, and for centuries maintained the independence of their sees. However great their reverence for the " cathedra Petri," the bishops of North Africa ascribed to the Pope only a " principatus honoris ; " at all periods they firmly resisted the aggressions of Rome ; and when Apiarius, a presbyter who had been deposed, sought pro- tection in Rome (a.d. 418), they interdicted, on pain of excommunica- tion, every appeal "ad transmarina judicia." They also refused to acknowledge the validity of the decree of the Council of Sardica, even when Pope Zosimus pretended it had come from the Council of Nice. — In a. d. 590-604, Gregory the Great still admitted that the Patriarchs of Alexandria and Antioch occupied the same rank with himself, and that even the other bishops were subject to his jurisdiction only iu ca.se of an accusation preferred, but that in other respects their office was the same as his. That prelate also refused the proud title of " episcopus universalis," which Johannes Jejnnator, Patriarch of Constantinople, had shortly before assumed (a. d. 587), and in token of humility called himself " servus servorum Dei." But the protest of Rome against the assumption of the see of Constantinople remained unheeded, till the usurper and murderer Phocas interdicted the use of this appellation to his patriarch, and acknowledged the see of Peter as the "caput omnium ecch'siarum" (a. d. GOG). — The firm and energetic heaving of Rome during tne Monothelete controversy (§ 52, 8) secured for it, another brilliant triumph. The sixth cecum. Council of Con- stantinople condescended, in 680, to make to the Pope a humble report of its proceedings, and to request his confirmation of them. However, the SEroxD Trullan Council, a. d. 692 ($ 63, 3), amply made up for this by a sweeping condemnation of the decrees of Rome, thereby lay- ing i.hc foundation for the later schism between the East and the West. 15 170 SECTION I. — SECOND PERIOD (323-692 A. D.) . III. THEOLOGICAL SCIENCE AND LITERATURE. § 47. THEOLOGICAL SCHOOLS AND TENDENCIES. The ancient Church attained its highest stage of literary emi. nence during the fourth and fifth centuries. As the number of seminaries of theological learning was very small (§ 45, 1), most of the great theologians of that period were self-taught. But the fewer the outward means, opportunities, and stimuli for call- ing forth and developing the mental activity, the greater must have been the intellectual resources of that period, and the stronger its general impetus towards such culture. These schools still, however few, served as points whence a more scientific theo- logy issued, and where it found a rallying-place. Their extinc- tion marks the general decadence of scientific studies and of original investigation. Probably the middle of the fifth century — the Council of Chalcedon, a. d. 451 — formed the turning- point. After that period, science, and in general every ecclesi- astical movement, stagnated or declined. — The theological direc- tions prevalent at the time may be distinguished as those of traditionalism and of free scientific inquiry. The collisions between them gave rise to the various dogmatic discussions of that period. The former of these parties defended the results of the development of doctrine already achieved, as being esta- blished and sanctioned by tradition, and even sought conclusively to settle, in the same manner, the doctrinal questions which arose in the progress of subjective development. The latter of these schools represented the cause of the freedom of Christian intellect, and resisted every attempt at narrowing the province of free inquiry. The first had its most numerous adherents among the Latins of Italy and North Africa; the second, among the Grecians of the East and of Egypt. But this division was not by any means complete, nor was the distinction perfectly marked and established. From the lively intercourse subsisting between different parts of the empire, the germs of traditionalism were carried to the East (and especially to Egypt), while those of scientific and philosophical inquiry were also brought to the West ; and this interchange and admixture gave rise to various intermediate views. — Bu+ after the middle of the fifth century the THEOLOGICAL SCHOOLS AND TENDENCIES. 171 spirit of free scientific inquiry gradually disappeared in the East- ern as in the Western Church, and a traditionalism, which became more and more ossified, attained supreme and unlimited sway. Political troubles, hierarchical aggressions, a narrow-minded monasticism, and the spread of barbarism, arrested every liberal or scientific movement. In place of the youthful vigour of inde- pendent inquiry, we find the industry of mere compilers, or labo- rious but vain attempts to appropriate the intellectual products of centuries gone by. Such was now the authority of the older Fathers, and so binding, in common esteem, were their dicta, that the discussions in councils were almost entirely carried on by citations from those Fathers whose orthodoxy was ac- knowledged. 'o v 1. The School of Anlioch may be regarded as representing liberal and scientific investigations ($ 39, 6). At first, following in the wake of the inquiries and general principles of Origen, it became, in the course of its development, independent of, and indeed frequently di- verged from, that great teacher. More especially did it substitute a method of grammatical and historical exegesis for the allegorical inter- pretations of the Origenists, and calm, sober reflection in place of their extravagant speculations. It endeavoured to ascertain the plain mean- ing of the Scriptures, and to derive from them a purely Biblical theo- logy. Thoroughly opposed to all mysticism, these divines viewed Christianity in its intellectual and rational aspect ; and, by a process of clear and logical thinking, sought to deduce its dogmas. Hence they attempted carefully to distinguish between the Divine and the human in Christ and in Christianity, to view each of these elements separately, and to secure its right place especially for the human ele- ment. But in this they frequently strayed into rationalistic sentiments. Still the school impressed its stamp on the East properly so called. Its most celebrated representatives were Diodorus of Tarsus, and his pupils, the three great Antiochians (as they are called) : Theodorus, JonN Chrysostom, and Theodoret. — Diodorus was first a monk and presbyter at Antioch, afterwards Bishop of Tarsus in Cilicia (ob. 394). In consequence of a later condemnation of the Church (g 52, 6), his numerous writings were suppressed. He gave to the school its peculiar dogmatic character. — Theodorus, Bishop of Mopsuestia in Cilicia (ob. 429), was a friend and fellow-student of Chrysostom. The ban of the fifth oecumenical Council of Constantinople attached also to his writings and teaching. At a later period, the Syrian Church honoured him with the designation of "Inferpres." He was considered one of the deepest thinkers of the age. — John of Antioch, whose name was after- wards almost forgotten in the title of Chrysostom, by which he was designated. His pious mother Anthusa, who had early become a widow, 172 SECTION I. — SECOND PERIOD (323— 692 A. D.). Destowed groat care on his education. lie attended the rhetorical school of Lilian tun, and practised at Antioch with great success as at advocate. But after his baptism he gave up this profession, becan,<» the pupil of Diodorus, and a monk and presbyter iu his native city. Ultimately, his brilliant eloquence procured for him the patriarchal see of Constantinople (a. d. 397). On his activity there, comp. g 51, 3. He died in exile, a. d. 407. Along with Athanasius and the three Cappadocians ($ 75), he may be ranked as the most eminent of the Greek Fathers (Ed. of his works by M. Montfaucon. Par. 1713. 13 Voll. fob). — Theodoret, Bishop of Cyros in Syria, was a pupil of The- odoras (ob. 457). He was the most learned and fertile writer of his age — a profound thinker, and a diligent pastor, a man of straightfor- ward and noble character, and one who could avoid the extreme views of his cotemporaries (g 52, 3, 4). Still, during the imperial attempts at bringing about a union, he was branded as a heretic (£ 52, 6). Best ed. of his works by J. Sirmond et J. Gamier. Par. 1G42 ; and by J. L. Schulze. Halle 17G9. 2. The theology of the national, East Syrian Church, which had for its seminary the theological school of Edessa ($ 39, 6), was still more bound by tradition, than that of the Antioch (Greek) Syrian Church. There the oriental spirit reigned still more absolutely, showing itself in a play of fancy with excessive pathos and exuberant imagery, a leaning to theosophy, mysticism and asceticism, fertility in hymnology, addi- tions to the liturgy, the service of the Church, and constitution, com- bined with doctrinal stability. In exegesis it adopted, like that of Antioch, the opposite of Origen's allegorical arbitrariness, but was not scientific and critical, but rather purely practical and mystical ; hence the errors of Origen's school were rationalizing, those of the school of Edessa anthropomorphistic, as in the case of the Audians ($ 62). But their local proximity, and the active intercourse between the teachers and pupils of both schools, resulted in a greater agreement between them. In the christological controversies, especially, the school at Edessa, and its daughter at Nisibis, attached themselves closely to the interests and doctrines of the school at Antioch ($ 52, 3). The most renowned teachers of the East Syrian Church were : (1.) Jambs of Nisibis (ob. circa 350), founder of the school there, champion against the Arian heresy, distinguished by zeal in performing his duties as a bishop, and one of the most revered fathers of tho Syrian Church. (2.) Epiiraem Syrus, deacon, and second founder of the theological school at Edessa (350), the most celebrated poet, exegete, and preacher of the national Syrian Church (propheia Syrorum), was a zealous adherent of Nicene orthodoxy, and in old age made (372) a journey to Cappadocia, to become acquainted with Basil. (3.) Ibas of Edessa (ob. circa 470) teacher, then bishop at Edessa, translator of the writings of Diodorus and Theodoras. Like them he THEOLOGICAL SCHOOLS AND TENDENCIES. 173 i was accused of Nestorianism, and acquitted at Chalcedon (451), but pronounced a heretic at Constantinople (553). — (Cf. \ 52, 4, 6.) 3. After the discussion between Dionysius of Alexandria and his namesake of Rome (§ 40, 5), the theolotjy of Alexandria had assumed a twofold type. The Old School remained faithful to the views of Origen, and generally assumed a position antagonistic to the theology and tradition of the West, asserting the right of free and unrestricted investigation. While revering the memory of Origen, the representa- tives of that school discarded most of his extravagant speculations. The best known theologian of that party was Ewtebius of Cozsarea (ob. 338) the historian. He was on terms of intimate friendship with Famphilus the confessor, whom he called father, and whose admiration of Origen he shared. He also enjoyed the fullest confidence of C<>n- stantine the Great, who furthered his historical studies by giving him access to all the archives of the empire. His learning was extensive, and his diligence untiring ; but he was not profound, and lacked specu- lative talent and doctrinal consistency. All the more credit is, there- fore, due to his comprehensive and laborious historical investigations. He and most of his friends were semi-Arians. The school became extinct during the latter half of the fourth century. Since that time, enthusiastic admirers of Origen have not, indeed, been wanting; but their influence on the development of the Church has been small, and the suspicion of heterodoxy has always attached to them (comp. I 52, 6). 7 4. It was otherwise with the New Alexandrian School, whose influ- ence became, after the fourth century, co-extensive with that of Alex- andrian culture generally. This party also (at least the earlier repre- sentatives) sincerely respected the memory of Origen. and in their speculative treatment of Christian doctrine followed in his footsteps. But they disowned his unbiblical errors, and consistently carried out what was sound in his teaching. More especially did this school, by firm adherence to the doctrine of the eternal generation of the Son, keep clear of all svbordinatianism., and thus draw more closely to the divines of the Western Church (? 40, f>). A predilection for what in Christianity was mysterious, and a dislike of the intellectual tendency in theology, were the characteristics of the school of Alexandria as contrasted with that of Antioch. It regarded the union of the Divine and the human in Christ and in Christianity as a glorious mystery, which it was impossible to analyze or explain. But it lost sight of the human aspect of these realities, or rather merged the human in the Divine. While energetically maintaining the intimate connection of these two elements, it lost sight of their diversity, and fell into an error the opposite from that towards which the school of Antioch verged. Its leading and most orthodox representatives were Athanasius, the three great Cappadocians (Basilius and the two Gregorys) and 15* 174 SECTION I. — SECOND PERIOD (.'S23— 692 A. D.) . Didymus the Blind. The leaven of error in the New Alexandrian School appeared for the first time in Cyril of Alexandria, although that Father was still regarded as orthodox. After that period the school rapidly declined. The tendency of the teaching of Synesius was philosophical rather than theological. Almost his counterpart was Epiphanius, whose glowing zeal for traditionary orthodoxy inclined him towards the New Alexandrian School, although he had not the least sympathy with its speculative tendencies. (1.) Probably the most prominent ecclesiastical personage in the fourth century was Athanasius, whom his successors, in acknowledgment of his merits, have called " Pater orthodoxies." He was every inch a Church-Father, and his history is at the same time that of the Church of his day (comp. $ 50). His was a life of heroism in the midst of contests, of faithfulness, of power and wisdom in construction ; nor was he less great when defeated than when successful; rich and varied talents, energy, determination, earnestness and gentleness, extensive learning and humble faith, were beautifully blended in him. In 319 he became a deacon in Alexandria. Alexander, the bishop of that see, perceiving his talents, took him to the Council of Nice (325), where he first engaged in that great contest to which his life was devoted. Soon afterwards, when Alexander died, Athanasius was chosen his suc- cessor (328). He held the episcopal office for forty-five years: during that period he was ten times banished, and passed twenty years in exile, chiefly in the West [ob. 373). His writings are mainly directed against Arianism. (His works edited by Monlfaucon. Par. 1698, 3 vols.) (2.) Basil the Great, Bishop of Cassarea in Cappadocia — his native city — was truly a " royal" personage in history (ob. 379). His mother Emmelia, and his grandmother Macrina, early planted the seeds of piety in his breast. When studying at Athens he entered into close friendship with his like-minded countryman, Gregory of Nazianzus. This connection, based upon attachment to the Church and to science — which afterwards also embraced Gregory, Bishop of Nyssa, the brother of Basil — lasted through life. Having spent a considerable period in ascetic retirement, and distributed his property among the poor, Basil first became presbyter and then bishop. His life was that of a faith which overcomes the world, of self-denying love, of high aims, and of royal dignity. By the power of his spirit he kept together the Catholic Church of the East during the frightful persecutions inflicted by Valens, the Arian. Perhaps his best monument was the foundation of a great hospital at Cresarca, to which ho devoted the rich revenues of his see, living himself in poverty. His writings also entitle Basil to a distinguished place among the Fathers. His 305 letters are a faithful reflex both of his own mind and of those stormy times. — (Comp. W. Close, Bas. d. Gr. nach Leben u. Lehre (Basil the Gr., his Life and Teaching). Strals. 1835. — Bohringer, Kirchengesch. in Biogr., vol. I. 2 (his writings, edited by J. Gamier and P. Maranus. Par. 1721. 3 Voll. fol.) THEOLOGICAL SCHOOLS AND TENDENCIES. 175 (3). Gregory of Nazianzus was born at Arianzus about the year 328. Gregory, his father, who had been a Hypsistarian, was converted through his pious wife Norma, and became Bishop of Nazianzus. Gregory the Younger became the assistant and, though against his will, the successor of his father. From his see he first retired into the wilderness, then became bishop of the small community at Constanti- nople which had remained faithful to the Nicene creed (the church of Anastasia, where he delivered the celebrated orations which procured for him the designation of o ^fo^oyoj), and was nominated Patriarch by Theodosius the Great in 380. Driven the year following from that post through the envy of his enemies, he returned to Nazianzus, where he died in 391. — (Comp. C. Ullmann, Greg, of Naz. the Theol. Darmst. 1825, and Bohringer ut supra I. 2 (best ed. of his writings by D. Clemencet. Par. 1788. 2 Voll. fob). (4.) Gregory of Nyssa, the younger brother of Basil. He excelled his two friends in philosophic acumen and scientific acquirements. His theological views were more closely connected with those of Origen than theirs, but he was equally zealous in opposing Arianism. Both among his cotemporaries and with posterity his fame has scarcely been less than that of his friends.— (J. Rupp, Greg. v. Nyssa, Leben u. Mein- ungen (Greg, of Nyssa, his Life and Opinions). — Leipz. 1834 (best ed. of his writings by Fronton le Due. — Par. 1615. — 2 Voll. fob). (5.) Though Didymus the Blind had lost his sight when only four years old, he acquired very extensive learning. He acted as catechist in Alexandria, where he died about the year 395. He wrote many works, of which, however, only few have been preserved. An enthusi- astical admirer of Origen, he shared some of the extravagant views of that Father ; but in consequence of the discussions of that period his theology gradually came to be more in accordance with that of the Catholic Church. (6.) Synesius, Bishop of Ptolemais in Egypt, was a pupil of the celebrated Hypaiia (comp |42, 3), and an enthusiastic disciple of Plato (ob. about 430). Happy as husband and father, wealthy, and devoted to the study of philosophy, he felt considerable difficulty in accepting a see. He openly confessed his heterodoxy in respect of the doctrine of the resurrection, and slated his determination to continue in the married relation even after his consecration. In the discharge of his office he was equally distinguished by zeal and by undaunted courage. He composed several hymns and philosophical tractates. (His works edited by Petavius.— Par. 1612. fob). (7.) Epipl ANius, Bishop of Salamis in Cyprus, was born in Palestine of Jewish parents, and trained by S. Hilarion and his monks (ob. 403). As bishop he was a pattern of faithfulness and devotedness, being specially distinguished for his self-denying care of the poor. But the main characteristic, both of his inner and outer life, was zeal for eccle- siastical orthodox^. He was honest, truthful, and kindly, but some- 176 SECTION I. — SECOND PERIOD (323— 692 A. D.). what narrow-minded, without much breadth of culture or knowledge of the world, incapable of taking a comprehensive view of matters, stubborn and very credulous, though at the same time learned, diligent, and not without talent or acuteness. His monkish teachers had filled his mind with a perfect horror of heretics, and he firmly believed that Origenism was the source of the Arian, and indeed of all other heresies. Comp. I 51. (His works edited by D. Peiavius. Par. 1622. 2 Voll. fol.). (8.) Cyrillus, Patriarch of Alexandria, the nephew, pupil, and suc- cessor of Theopliilus. The bigoted and violent measures adopted by Theophilus were not without their influence in forming the character of this Father. As to his life and labours comp. \ 52, 3. (His works edited by J. Aubertus. Par. 1638. 6 Voll. fob). 5. The Western Church insisted on the necessity of carrying Chris- tianity into every relationship of life, of fully developing its dogmas, and of distinctly expressing and guarding them against all innovations. Hence it became the great focus of traditionalism. But as yet the connection between the East and the West was so close, that many of the views broached in the East found at least partial reception in the West also, and led to many discussions. We have, therefore, to dis- tinguish four directions, which, however, frequently coalesced. The genuine Latin School, following in the wake of Tertullian and Cyprian, embodied the theology of the West in its most distinctive features. Among the representatives of that party we reckon Ambrose, Augustine, and Leo I. At first it joined the New Alexandrian School in its oppo- sition to the semi-Arian followers of Origen, and the Nestorian lean- ings of the theologians of Antioch. But when, by their one-sided views, the Alexandrians themselves verged towards heresy, the Western School declared, with equal decision, in favour of that aspect of the truth which the School of Antioch represented. Another party in the West owned to a certain extent the influence of Origen, without, how- ever, giving up the distinctive theological characteristics of the West. Among these divines we name Hilary, Jerome, and Rnjinus. The practical and merely intellectual tendency of the West, which was wanting in spiritual depth, gave rise to Pelagianisin, a heresy first broached by Pelagius, a British monk (comp. \ 53, 3). Lastly, a fourth party, the Massilian (or semi-Pelagian) theologians, sought to leaven the theology of the West with ideas derived from the School of Antioch. This school was founded by John Cassianus (comp. § 85, 5). (1.) Ambrose, Bishop of Milan (ob. 397), was Governor of the pro- vince of Milan, and had not been baptized when the voice of a child designated him as bishop. In vain he resisted the offer. He was baptized, distributed his property among the poor, and eight days afterwards occupied the episcopal see. The duties of his nou office he discharged with a zeal truly apostolic. He proved a father of the poor, the protector of those who were oppressed, an unwearied pastor, and a p iwerful opponent both of heresy and of heathenism. The eloquence THEOLOGICAL SCHOOLS AND TENDENCIES. 177 which formerly he had displayed in the forum, became more brilliant when employed in the service of Christ, To redeem captives he would even part with the sacred vessels of his church. To affability and gentleness he joined a firmness which neither the fear of men nor threats and dangers could shake. Theodosius the Great venerated him as a father, and openly declared that he was the only bishop who deserved that title. His claim to such an acknowledgment he proved in a conflict with this emperor, in which it were difficult to say whether bishop or emperor deserved greater admiration. When, in a fit of passion, Theodosius had committed great cruelties among the rebellious Thessalonians, the bishop publicly refused to admit him to the altar till he had done public penance. Ambrose was a zealous advocate of Monasticism, and in his sermons extolled the merits of virginity so much that many mothers prohibited their daughters from attending his church. — (Com p. Bohringer, I. Z.—Rudelbach, chr. Biogr. I. 2 (best ed. of his works by N. le Notary and J. du Frische. Par. 1G8G. 2 vols, fol.) (2.) Aurelius Augustine was born at Tagaste in Numidia. Hie pious mother, Monica, had early led him to Christ, but during the time he studied at Carthage he lapsed into sensuality and worldliness. The Hortensius of Cicero again awakened in him a longing for something higher and better than pleasure. We next find him professing rhetoric at Carthage, at Rome, and at Milan, when ambition, worldliness, doubts, and higher aspirations led him in turn to oscillate between the world and religion. During the next nine years he held Manichsean views. Finding himself grievously deceived in that sect, he would have wholly given himself up to the world, if he had not for a time been kept back through the influence of Platonism. But philosophy could not give peace to his soul. At last, the sermons of Ambrose (who had comforted Monica with the assurance that a son of so many prayers and tears could not be lost) became the means of directing him to the truth, which the Spirit of God applied to his heart and con- science. Ambrose administered baptism to him in 387. Immediately afterwards Augustine gave up his employment as rhetorician, returned to Africa, became first a presbyter, and in 39G Bishop of Hippo Regius in Numidia, where he died in 430. Augustine was the greatest and most influential among the Fathers. He combined in a rare degree acuteness with breadth of mind, clearness and depth with dialectic versatility, Christian experience with simplicity of faith, and strength of mind with energy of will. His writings bear upon almost all the departments of theology, and may be characterized as forming an era in theological literature. This remark applies especially to his eluci- dation of the doctrines of the Trinity (comp. § 50, 6), and of those of sin and grace (comp. \ 53). In his " Confesuiones" he lays before the Lord the whole of his past life, indicating in a spirit cf deepest humility, and of holy, prayerful solemnity, both its errors and His gracious 178 SECTION I. — SECOND PERIOD (323— 692 A. D.). leadings: in his " Retractiones " he displayed the same conscientious- ness in regard to his writings. — (Comp. Bohringer, I. 3. — C. Bindemann, S. Augustine, 3 vols. Berl. 1844. 69. — K. Braune, Monica and Augus- tine. Grim. 1846 (his works ed. by Th. Bamplin et P. Constant. Par. 1G79. 11 Voll. fol., and frequently since). (3.) Leo I., the Great, Bishop of Rome. 440-461. Even -when a deacon he was the most prominent person in Rome. Elevated to the see of the capital, he found a fitting sphere for the exercise of talents of a peculiarly high order. From the energy and consistency with which he advocated the idea of the primacy of Rome, he may be re- garded as really the founder of its spiritual supremacy (comp. g 46, 3). With vigorous hand he guided the Church ; he introduced reforms or a better organization, restored discipline and order, advocated orthodox views, refuted heretics, and even conciliated the barbarians (Attila452, Genseric 455). His sermons and letters have been preserved (best ed. by the brothers Ballerinii. Venet, 1753. 3 Voll. fol.).— (Comp. Bohr- inger I. 4; E. Perthel, Leo's I. Leben u. Lehre. Vol. I. Jen. 1843.) (4.) Hilary, Bishop of Poitiers {oh. 368), was the Athanasius of the West. His zealous opposition to Arianism was punished with four years of exile. After his return he undertook a journey to Italy, in order, if possible, to convert Auxentius, Bishop of Milan, the leader of the Arians in Italy. But this prelate avoided the encounter through means of an imperial ordinance, which enjoined Auxentius to leave Italy. He was specially distinguished for the philosophical acumen with which he defended this doctrine. (Best ed. of his writings by P. Constant. Paris, 1693. fol. ; and by Sc. Maffei. Veron. 1730. 2 Voll. fol.) (5.) Jerome, a native of Stridon in Dalmatia (ob. 420). His life and labours were devoted partly to the East and partly to the West. He was the most learned among the Fathers of his time, a zealous advocate of monasticism, of asceticism, and work-righteousness. His character was not without its blemishes, among which we reckon vanity, ambi- tion, jealousy, passionateness, bigotry, and a peculiarly acrimonious mode of polemics. He resided successively in Gaul, Italy, Syria, Egypt, Constantinople, Rome, and Palestine. Damasvs, Bishop of Rome, honoured him with his implicit confidence, and commissioned him to revise the "Itala" (comp. § 34, 3). His many and successful efforts to recruit the number of monks and virgins from among the youthful nobility of Rome raised so many enemies that he was at last obliged to leave the city. He returned to the East in 385, and settled at Bethlehem, where he founded a monastery, over which he presided till his death, with only an interruption of two years, during which he had to withdraw from the persecution of his enemies. At one time he had been an enthusiastic admirer of Origen ; but fear of being stig- matized as a heretic afterwards led him to take a position directly anta- gonistic to that school (comp. \ 51, 2). His contributions to exegesis, especially hii translation of the Bible — the Vulgate, as it is called — THEOLOGICAL SCHOOLS AND TENDENCIES. 179 proved of greatest service to the Church. (Best edition of his works by D. Vallarsi. Veron. 1734. 11 Voll. 4.)— (Comp. F. Lauchert and A. Knoll, Hist, of S. Jerome. Rottw. 1840.) (6.) Rufinus of Aquileia (ob. 410) had from his youth been the inti- mate friend of Jerome, in whose vicinity he settled (on the Mount of Olives, by Jerusalem). But the controversy about Origen and his writings changed this friendship into the bitterest hostility (comp. | 51, 2). Rufinus considered it the mission of his life to translate the wri- tings of Origen, and of others of the Greek Fathers, in order to make them accessible to readers in the West. 6. The Theology of the Sixth and Seventh Centuries. — The brightest period of theological literature had gone by. Study was indeed still carried on, and the writings of the Fathers were assiduously perused and adapted to the wants of the times ; but we miss every trace of genius or life, of creative power or originality. About the year 550 John Philoponus, a Monophysite at Alexandria, wrote a commentary on Aristotle, and applied to theology the categories of that philosophy. After that Platonism, which, from its idealism, had hitherto been chiefly in vogue with those Fathers who cultivated philosophical studies, gra- dually gave place to the fuller and more developed forms of the Aristo- telian philosophy. Already the theology of the Greeks assumed the type of scholasticism. But along with this tendency a theosojMc mys- ticism also appeared, founded chiefly on spurious writings of Dionysius, which embodied the neo-Platonic ideas that had lately been broached. The writings of Maximus, the confessor, exhibit a mixture of areopogite mysticism with the dialectics of Aristotle. In the West, the troubles connected with the breaking up of the Roman Empire contributed to and hastened on the decay of theological literature. Still, at the com- mencement of the sixth century, flourished some theologians who recalled better times ; among them, in Africa, Fulgent ius of Ruspe ; in Gaul, Ccesarius of Aries. In Italy, Boethius and Cassiodorus gained immortal fame by cultivating and preserving classical and patristic lore at a time when it seemed threatened with complete extinction. Gregory the Great closed the series of Latin Fathers in the strict sense of that term. (1.) The spurious writings of Dionysius the Areopagite (Acts xvii. 34) first made their appearance about the year 532, and among the monophysite sect of the Severians. Most probably the real author of these compositions belonged to that party, and lived about that time (comp. \ 48, 5). They met with little opposition, and soon passed as genuine. (Best ed. by B. Corderius. Antv. 1634. 2 Voll. fob; transl. into German, and with dissertations, by Engelhardt. Sulzb. 1823. 2 vols.) (2.) Maximus Confessor was the most acute and profound thinker of his time, and favo '.rably distinguished by firmness, adherence to 180 SECTION I. — SECOND PERIOD (323— 692 A. D.). his convictions, and courage, at a time when such qualities -were rare. At first private secretary to the Emperor Heraclius, he afterwards be* came monk and abbot of a monastery near Constantinople, where ha contended and suffered for duothelete orthodoxy (comp. \ 52, 8). He died in exile in 662. (Best ed. of his writings by Fr. Combefisius. Par. 1675. 2 Voll. fol.) (3.) Fulgentius, Bishop of Ruspe, was exiled by Thrasimund, King of the Vandals, on account of his zeal for Catholic doctrine (ob. 533). He was one of the ablest defenders of the views of Augustine. (Opp. ed. J. Sirmond. Par. 1G12.) His life was written by Fulgentius Fer- randus, his excellent pupil, who took a prominent part in the contro- versy about "the Three Chapters" (comp. £ 52, 6). (4.) CjEsarius, Bishop of Aries (ob. 542), was one of the most pro- minent and deserving men of his time, and specially distinguished for practical usefulness in the Church, and for able advocacy of Augus- tinian views. (5.) Boethius occupied high offices under Theoderic, King of the Ostrogoths. His enemies charged him with treason, in consequence of which he was thrown into prison and executed in 524. While in con- finement, he wrote his work, " de consolatione philosophic," — a book very popular in the middle ages, but which of late has given rise to doubts whether the writer had been a Christian, although legend has even transformed him into a Christian martyr. The theological wri- tings attributed to him are spurious. In point of form, his philosophy agrees with that of Aristotle ; in point of substance, with that of Plato. (6.) Aurelius Cassiodorus retired, after fifty years' public service under Odoacer and Theodoric, into the monastery of Vivarium in Lower Italy, which he had founded, and where he died in 565, at the advanced age of nearly one hundred years. To his conduct in office, Italy was indebted for the blessings of an excellent administration ; to his learned researches and retirement from the world the literary history of Europe owes the preservation of what of classical and patristic lore still re- mained at the time. (7.) Gregory I., the Great, Bishop of Rome, 590-614. The Roman Catholic Church numbers him (with Ambrose, Jerome, and Augustine) among the four great Fathers ("doctores ecclesiae"). Although his theological writings were not distinguished by great depth or origin- ality, he deserves the appellation of Great on account of his successful labours. With a remarkable strength of purpose he combined mildness and gentleness, and with humility and unfeigned piety a full conscious- ness of what became his position as the supposed successor of Peter. But with all his knowledge, circumspectness, and liberality, he was full of monkish prejudices, and clung tenaciously to the traditionalism of the Roman Church in respect of forms and dogmas. He lived in the most retired and simple manner, as a strict ascotic, spending all THEOLOGICAL LITERATURE. 181 his property and income in deeds of charity. His lot -was cast in trou- bled times, when the throes of a new historical period were felt over Europe. All the more precious, therefore, was it that Providence had called such a man to act as spiritual father and guide of the Western Church. He was a strenuous advocate of monasticism and of all simi- lar institutions ; nor can posterity feel otherwise than grateful for it, since, at that troubled period of transition, monasticism was almost the sole depositary and centre of intellectual culture and of spiritual aspirations.— (Comp. Th. Lau, Gregor d. Gr., nach s. Leben u. s. Lehre. Leipz. 1845 ; G. Pfahler, Greg. d. Gr. u. s. Zeit, Vol. I. Frkf. 1852. (Opp. ed. Sammarthanus. Par. 1705. 4 Voll. fol.) §48. THEOLOGICAL LITERATURE. 1. Exegefical Theology. — As yet the critical study of the text of Scripture had not been commenced. Jerome himself was only a trans- lator. In regard to the Old Testament, the LXX. was considered a satisfactory version, and its divergences from the Hebrew text were set down to Jewish interpolations. With the exception of Jerome, the Fathers were entirely ignorant of Hebrew. The allegorical mode of inter- tation was that most in favour. The school of Antioch, however, adopted, both in theory and practice, the historical and grammatical mode of interpretation. Diodonis of Tarsus disputed the propriety of the method of Origen in a tractate (Ti{ biwpopa ^tupiaj xai dja^yoptaj), which has not been handed down. In the same strain wrote his pupil, Theodoras of Mops, (de allegoria et historia) ; while Gregory of Nyssa defended the opposite view in his Procem. in Cant. Cant. The first attempt at a work on IIermeneutics was made by Tychonius, aDonatist (Regulae VII. ad investigandam intelligentiam ss. Scr.), which, how- ever, is far inferior to the tractate of Augustine on the same subject, entitled, " de doctrina Christiana." In Book I. Augustine gives a sum- mary of the " analogia fidei," as the ultimate standard for the interpre- tation of special points; the two following books detail the canons of interpretation ; while Book IV. explains how the truth thus ascertained was to be communicated to the people. The " liber formularum spiri- tualis intelligentiae," by Eucherius, a Gaul (ob. 450), is a practical manual for allegorical interpretation. The Eijayuyjj tr^ ^ttaj ypa^s, by Adrianus, a Greek, is a kind of hermeneutical manual. — For the study of the Introduction to the Scriptures, the Procemia of Jerome were of some service. Theodorus of Mops, denied the genuineness of the superscriptions to the Psalms, and the canonicity of Chronicles, Esther, and the General Epistles. Junilius, an African, was the first (about 560) to attempt a scientific Introduction to the study of the Bible, in a work entitled, Libri II. de partibus div. legis ; the " Institutio div. lite- rarum," by Cassiodorus, was mainly designed for popular use. — The TWixa, or Bibl. Geography, of Eusebius, preserved in Latin, as recast 16 182 SECTION I. — SECOND PERIOD (323— 092 A. D.). by Jerome (de situ et nominibus loc. Hebr.), and the tractate of Epipha- tints, rtepL /xctpoiv xai sra^uw (on measures and weights), may be re- garded as contributions towards the study of Biblical Antiquities. — The most celebrated and fertile among the allegorical Commentators of the East was Cyril of Alexandria. The school of Antioch, on the other hand, furnished a succession of able interpreters of the historical meaning of the Scriptures. Among them we mention Eustathivs of Antioch, ob. 3G0 (whose writings have been lost), Eusebius of Emisa, ob. 3G0 (writ, lost), Diodorus (writ, lost), Thcodorus of Mops, (consider- able fragm. preserved), Chrysostom (Homilies and Comment.), and Tkeodoret. Theodorus referred most of the Messianic predictions to cotemporaries of the prophets— to Ilezekiah, Zerubabel, etc.— and pro- nounced the Song of Songs " libidinose pro sua mente et lingua niere- tricia." The exegesis of Theodoret was much more trustworthy ; the Song of Songs he regarded as an allegory. Chrysostom combined with grammatical commentation a deep practical tendency. The same remark applies to the commentaries of Ephrosm, written in Syriac. All the Western divines — Hilary, Ambrosz, the Ambrosiasler (a com- mentary on the Epistles of Paul by Hilarius, an unknown writer, which is found among the works of Ambrose), Jerome, and Augustine — more or less adopted the allegorical mode of interpretation ; although Jerome, on principle, applied himself also to grammatical commentation. Pela- gius was the only writer who busied himself exclusively with the literal meaning (of the Epistles of Paul). After the sixth century, independent exegetical investigations were almost entirely given up, and theologians contented themselves with making compilations from the commentaries and homilies of the Fathers (Catence). This species of composition originated in the East with Procojrius of Gaza (in the sixth cent.), and with Anastasius Sinaita (in the seventh cent.) ; in the West, with Primasius of Adrumetum, about 5G0. Only Gregory the Great possessed sufficient originality and confidence in himself to write an original commentary (Expositio in 1. Jobum s. Moralium libri 24). 2. Historical Theology. — The study of General Church History was especially cultivated during the fourth and fifth centuries (comp. §4, 1). The history of the rise and of the various forms of heresy was traced by Epiphanius (nwdpior or Ki^ion-ov — i.e., medicine-chest — xo.ro. aipe- oswi' 80), by Theodoret (Alpinxyjf xaxouv^ias irtito^, s. hseretic. fabulae), by Leontius of Byzance (about the year GOO: L. de sectis) ; — among Latin writers, by Augustine (de haeresibus), by Philastrius, ob. 397 (de han-esibus), and by the author of the " Pradestinatus" (comp. g 53, 5). — Many biographies of eminent Fathers, dating from that period, have also been preserved. Jerome was the first to compose something like a theological literary history in the form of biographies (Catalogus, s. de viris illustr.). This work was continued by Gcnnadius of Massilia, Palladius (Hist. Lausiaca, i, e., dedicated to Lausus), Theodoret (<}>ao- THEOLOGICAL LITERATURE. 183 >foj latopCa, s. hist, religiosa), and Rvfinua (Hist, erernitica s. Vitas Pp.), collected the accounts circulating about the great monastic saints. But even the writings of Gregory the Great (Dialogorum Libri IV. de vita et miraculis Pp. Italicorum), and of Gregory of Tours (Libri VII. de miraculis), are couched in the tone of later legends, and exhibit immense credulity and love of the miraculous. The correspondence of the Fathers, which in many instances has been preserved and handed down, is of great importance as an authority on all subjects connected with the history of their times. The Cyclus paschalis of Dionysius Exiguus (comp. $ 43, 3), which gave rise to the TEra Dionysiaca, still in use, forms an important contribution to the science of Ecclesiastical Chronology. In Ecclesiastical Statistics the Tortoypa^ia %pioti.o,vixr] of Cosmas Indicoplevstes, a Nestorian, who as a merchant had travelled a good deal in the East (about the year 550), deserves attention. — The rtavtoha.TCri laropla. s. Chronicon, by Eusebius, in two books — of which the second was recast in Latin by Jerome — was designed to illustrate the connection between Biblical and profane history. The original of this tractate has been lost, but a complete Armenian translation of it has lately been discovered. At the suggestion of Augustine, Orosius, a, Spaniard, wrote a secular history for the purpose of proving that the decline of the Roman Empire was not attributable to Christianity (Hist, adv. Paganos, Libri "VII.). 3. Apologetics. — The controversial tractate of Julian (comp. § 42, 4) was answered by Cyril of Alexandria (rfpoj tct rov iv a£«'oij 'lovXiuvov), by Gregory of Nazianzus ('Koyot- otrfKittvtixoi, s. Invectivos in Jul.), and by Chrysostom (in his oration on S. Baby las). Ambrose and Prudentiua the poet (see below, Note 8) wrote against the design of Symmachus (comp. § 42, 3). The insinuations of Zosimus, Eunapius, and others were met by the history of Orosius, and by Augustine in his dogmatical and apologetical work, " de civitate Dei," — by far the ablest apology put forth by the ancient Church. For the same purpose, Salvianus, a Gaul, composed eight books, " de gubernatione Dei." John Philoponvs replied to the objections of Proclus against the Christian doctrine of creation. The controversy with the Jews was carried on by Chrysostom, Augustine, and Gregentius, Bishop of Taphar in Arabia, who. in pre- sence of a vast concourse, for four days carried on a discussion with Herban, a Jew. Apologetic works of a more general character were composed by Eusebius of Csesarea (the " Prosparatio evangelica," in fifteen books, and the " Demonstratio evangelica," in twenty books), by Athanasius (two books, xa,ta 'Ex^r-vuv — Book II. bearing also the title, rtfpi trfi evav$pu>7tr t Gtu>s tov ®ioi> Aoyov), by Gregorij of Nyssa (rtpoj "Exxrjvai ix tHiv xoivuiv ivvoiuv), by Theodoret (de curandis Grsecor. afi'ec- tionibus), and by Eirmicus Maternus (de errore profanarum religg. ad Constantium et Constantinum. Comp. \ 42, 4). 4. But by far the greatest energy, talent, acuteness, and research 184 SECTION I. — SECOND PERIOD (.323—692 A. D.). was displayed in the Polemical writings of that period, which wa? directed partly against old and partly against recent heresies. — (Comp. below, the history of Theol. Controv.) 5. Dogmatics. — The precedent of Origen in constructing a general theological system was not followed. But theologians addressed them- selves to the elucidation of Christian doctrines for practical purposes, especially for the instruction of catechumens. Among such works we reckon those of Cyril of Jerusalem, ob. 386 (twenty-three addresses to catechumens, of which the last five treat of the Christian mysteries) ; of Gregory of Nyssa (Oratio catech. magna) ; of Epiphanius (to defend Catholic truth against Arianism) ; of Augustine (in the last books of the "civitas Dei," in Book I. de doctrina Christ., and in the " enchi- ridium ad Laurentium ") ; of Fulgentius of Ritspe (de regula versa fidei) ; and of two semi-Pelagian writers, Gennadius (de fide sua), and Vincentius Lirinensis, ob. 450 (Commonitorium pro cath. fidei antiqui- tate et universitate, comp. $ 53, 5). The tractates written on special topics, more particularly for controversial purposes, greatly contributed to the elucidation of certain dogmatical questions. The works of the Pseudo-Dionysins ($ 47, 6), in which the main elements of Christianity were represented as a theosophic and gnostic mysticism, understood only by the initiated, acquired a place of very great importance. Their author distinguished between a ^toXoyCa xara>patixr j , in which truth was presented under the garb of a symbol, of history, or of the tra- ditionary teaching of the Church, and a ^tsoXoyta, artofyatixr;, which dispensed with such media, and in which the initiated rises by con- templation or the ecstatic state to an immediate view of things divine. The writer also discussed at considerable length the different grades among heavenly beings, of which he supposed the earthly hierarchy was a type. His system was based on Neo-Platonism, and derived only its terminology and forms from the theology of the Church. This mysticism assumed a higher and decidedly Christian cast in the hands of Max i 'inn s Confessor, who in numerous writings attempted to combine these speculations with orthodox views. 0. Ethics and Asceticism. — The tractate of Ambrose, "de officiis ministrorum," was specially designed for the clergy, while that of Gregory the Great (expositiones in 1. Jobum s. Moralium LI. 24) dis- cussed moral questions generally. Special tractates were frequently devoted to particular topics, especially to those connected with asceti- cism. Among them we instance Chrysostom's four books, "de Sacer- dotio," and John Cassian's tractate, "de institutis coenobiorum, LI. 12," and the " Collationes Patrum, 25" (comp. £ 53, 5). 7. Practical Theology. — The most distinguished preachers of that age were Macarius the Great, an hermit, ob. 390 (distingui&hed for fervour and a profound mysticism, in which he approximated the views THEOLOGICAL LITERATURE. 185 of Augustine), Basil the Great, Gregory of Nazianzus, Ephrcem (the Ohrysostom of the Syrians), above all, John Chrysostom (the twenty- one orations, "de statuis," delivered when the Antiochians had thrown down the statue of Theodosius I., are specially noteworthy),— Ambrose, Augustine, Leo the Great, Ccesarius of Aries, and Gregory the Great. The fourth book of Augustine's "doctr. christ." may be considered as a kind of Jtomiletics. On the catechetical writings, cornp. g 59, 4; on eccles. law, $ 43, 3. 8. Christian Poetry.— When first Christianity made its appearance, the poetic inspiration of antiquity had already vanished from among the people. But the Gospel possessed energy sufficient to revive the ancient spirit. Despite the decay of taste and language at the time, it evoked a new school of poetry, which will bear comparison with classical poetry in point of depth and ardour, if not in purity and elegance of form. The Latins, to whom Christianity was chiefly matter of experience, of the heart and inner life, were more distinguished in this branch than the Grecians, who regarded the Gospel rather as an object of knowledge and of speculation. For further information about Hymns comp. § 59, 2; about the controversial poetry of Arius, I 50, 1, 6. The most celebrated among Greek Christian poets were Gregory of Nazianzus (especially the satirical "Carmen de vita sua"), Nonnus of Panopolis, Eudocia, the wife of Theodosius II. (author of a canto on the History of Jesus, consisting of Homeric verses, and of poetic paraphrases of portions of Scripture), and Paulus Silentiarius (author of a poetical description of the Church of Sophia, built bv Justinian I., and of the Ambon of that church— chiefly of archaeological interest). Among Latin Christian poets we mention Juvencus, a Spaniard, who flourished about 330 ("Hist, evangelica," in four books, the first Chris- tian epos, which is distinguished for elevation of sentiment, simplicity and the absence of oratorical turgidity); Prudentius, likewise a Spa- niard (ob. 413), perhaps the ablest among ancient Christian poets (L penstephanon, or fourteen hymns in honour of the martyrs ; Apotheosis' a poem in honour of Christ's Divine nature; Hamartigenia ; Psycho- niachia, contra Symmachum, comp. g 47); Pauliuus, Bishop of Nola in Campania, ob. 431 (thirty poems, of which fifteen are in honour of Felix the Martyr) ; Sedulius (Mirabilia divina, being a poetical version ol Old and Jvew Testament history, a "hymnus acrostichus" on the Life of Jesus) ; Prosper Aquiianicns (de libero arbitrio c. ingratos an indignant expostulation addressed to those who despised grace, comp. §53, 5); Antus, Bishop of Vienne, ob. 523 (de mundi principio) • and Venantius Fortunatus, Bishop of Poitiers, who flourished 'n the sixth century (LI IV. de vita Martini, a description of a journey on the Moselle, etc.). J 16* 186 SECTION I. — SECOND P ERI O D (323— 692 A. D.) IV. DOCTRINAL CONTROVERSIES AND HERESIES. §49- GENERAL DEVELOPMENT OF DOCTRINES. During the preceding period, Christian truth had chiefly developed subjectively, and hence assumed various directions. But now the altered state of outward affairs pointed out the necessity, increasingly felt, of arranging the doctrines which had already been formulated, of combining and giving them solemn ecclesiastical sanction. The tendency to scientific development also, which was inherent in Christianity, increasingly asserted its power and influence. Accordingly the different types of doctrine were no longer confined to particular countries ; through the Intercourse between the various branches of the Church, opposing views were marshalled in hostile array ; the court, the people, and the monks took part in these controversies, and the Church became the scene of violent contests which endangered its unity and purity. These dangers called for a combined defence of the truth, by which all error should be eliminated as heresy — a result which, through the presence of the Spirit with the Church, was ultimately always accomplished, though not without con- siderable struggles. 'oe>' 1. The Dogmatic Controversies of that period had their bright and their dark side. Occasionally, indeed, truth was made subservient to personal ambition and to self-seeking ; instead of contending only with .spiritual weapons, state interference, court intrigues, and popular pas- sions were not unfreauently called into requisition ; in the ardour for pure doctrine, holiness of life was sometimes lost sight of; differences, which might have been adjusted if the passions of controversialists had not been at play, became grounds of separation ; subordinate points acquired an undue importance, etc. But, on the other hand, it must be admitted that the destiny of Christianity, to become the religion of the whole world, rendered it necessary that its dogmas should receive the most close, scientific, and consistent examination ; that, accordingly, the Church had to engage in certain contests in order to put aside all errors ; that Christianity would not have been able so firmly to meet the shock of barbarism, which it had soon to encounter in its contact with those nations which subverted the Roman Empire, if the unity of the Catholic Church had not been so well guarded by strict defini- tions of doctrine; and, lastly, that if Christian truth had not been so fully 'ind strictly formulated, the admission of heathen nations into the THE TRINITARIAN CONTROVERSY. 187 Church, and the partial importation of their pagan modes of thinking, would have become the source of much greater dangers than those which were actually encountered. 2. The Heresies of the preceding period were, in great measure, syncretistic ($ 26) ; those of the period under review, evolutionary, — i. e., in the development of Christian doctrine, they sprung from an exclusive advocacy and from exaggerated views of one particular aspect of the truth, which, by this process, became changed into error; while, on the other hand, orthodoxy sought to view truth under all its aspects, and to harmonize its different bearings. Only echoes of the syncre- istic heresies of a former period were still heard ($ 54). The revolu- tionary form of heresy had as yet appeared only in isolated instances (§ G2). Catholic doctrine might be represented as an unhealthy excrescence — either unjustly, in which case the Church would be interrupted or disturbed in the exercise of its proper and necessary life-functions ; or justly, but in such a manner that, in the general charge, truth was not properly distinguished from error, and that, in reality, the attempt was made to remove the one along with the other. I 50. THE TRINITARIAN CONTROVERSY (318—381). Comp. /. A. Stark, Versuch e. Gesch. d. Arianism. (Hist, of Arian.). Berl. 1783. — Ad. Mulder, Athanas. d. Gr. u. seine Zeit. 2d edition. Mayence 1844. 2 vols. — F. Chr. Baur, d. chr. Lehre von d. Dreieinigk. (The Chr. Doctr. of the Trinity). 3 vols. Tiibg. 1844. — J. A. Dorner, d. Lehre von d. Person Christi (The Dogma about the Person of Christ). 2 vols. 2d ed. Stuttg. 1845, etc.— //. Eider, Gesch. d. chr. Philos. Vol. II. The doctrine of the Trinity formed the subject of the first — o? Arian — controversy. In it the discussion chiefly turned upon the nature and essence of the Logos, who in Christ had become incar- nate, and about his relation to the Father. Since the contro- versy between Dionysius f Alexandria and his namesake of Rome (§ 40, 6), the view that the Son was of the same essence and equal with the Father, had gained adherents in Alexandria also, and given rise to a new school (§ 47, 4). But an appre- hension — excited by the teaching of Snbellius and Paul of Samo- sata (§ 40, 7) — lest this doctrine should lead to M on arc hi an ism, influenced many to retain the views known as Subordinatianism. The School of Lucian, the Antiochian (§ 39, 6 ; 47, 1), especi- ally furnished able opponents to homoousian principles. Origen had held these two apparently antagonistic views (subordination 188 SECTION I. — SECOND PERIOD (323— 692 A. D.) and eternal generation from the substance of the Father), comp. § 40, 5. But now they were no longer combined. One party rejected subordination, maintained the doctrine of eternal gene- ration, and completed their system by admitting the homoousia of Christ ; another held subordinatian views, and carried them as far as heteroousianism. A third party — chiefly followers of Origen — attempted to reconcile these antagonisms, by a sort of intermediate view, known under the term of u/xoiovoia. During the course of these controversies, which for almost a whole cen- tury agitated the Christian world, the Divine Personality of the Holy Ghost was established as a logical and theological deduction from orthodox principles. After many contests, the homoousia of the Son and that of the Holy Ghost were ultimately acknow- ledged as the orthodox view of the Church. 1. First Victory of Homoonsian Principles (318 — 325). — Arius, a pupil of Lucian, and from 313 a presbyter at Alexandria, an acute but not a profound thinker, was, in 318, charged by two presbyters — adherents of Western views — with having promulgated opinions incom- patible with the Divinity of the Saviour. Arius had publicly taught that the Son had, before the commencement of time, but not from all eternity (ije oti ovx fy), been created out of nothing (xria/xa, i% ovx ovtav) by the Will of the Father (^a^wi &ov), in order that the world might be called into existence through Him; He also maintained that, as Christ was the most perfect created image of the Father, and had car- ried into execution the Divine purpose of creation, He might be called £e6j and Xoyos, though not in the .proper sense of these terms. Alex- ander, who at that time filled the see of Alexandria, was devotedly attached to the doctrines of the eternal generation of the Son, and of His equality with the Father. He convoked a synod (321), which con- demned the views of Arius, and deposed him from his office. But the populace, which looked upon him as an ascetic, and many of the bishops, who shared his opinions, took his part. He also implored the protec- tion of foreign prelates, — among them, that of Eusebius of Nicomedia, a former fellow-pupil, and of the influential Eusebius of Ccesarea. The former of these prelates pronounced in his favour, while the latter declared his views at least harmless. Arius spread his opinions among the people by means of hymns adapted to various conditions of life (tc millers, sailors, travellers, etc.). The controversy led to a schism which extended wellnigh over the whole East. In Alexandria passions rar so high, that the heathens made it the subject of ridicule on the stage. Constant! nc the Great received, with much displeasure, tidings of these disputes. He issued an order — of course without success — that such " useless discussions" should be discontinued. But Hosius, Bishop oi THE TRINITARIAN CONTROVERSY. 189 Cordova, who came to Alexandria as bearer of this imperial ordinance, iearned, during his stay in that city, the real state of matters, and the importance of the controversy. On his return, he convinced the Em- peror that this was not a trivial dispute. Constantine now summoned 'a General Council at Nice (325), which was attended by himself and by 318 bishops. The majority of members, headed by Eusebius of Ccesarea, were followers of Origen, and occupied a kind of intermediate position; nor was the party of Arius, which was led by Eusebius of Nicomedia, inconsiderable. The Homoousians were in a decided mino- rity ; but the enthusiastic eloquence of the youthful Deacon Aihanasius, whom Alexander had brought with him, and the influence of the Em- peror, procured them the victory. The Homoousian formulas (ix t^i ovcitas tov rtarpoj, ytn^uj oi) rtot^nj, ^oovortaj *v). The Homoiousiaus, who were now designated as Semi-Arians, prepared to contest this point. They were led by Basilius, Bishop of Ancyra, and countenanced by the Emperor Constantius. Ultimately, however, the intrigues of Ursacius and Valens, the two court bishops, who at heart were Arians, proved successful. With consent of the Emperor, they held a second council at Sirmium (357), where it was resolved wholly to discard the unbiblical term oWa, which had been the cause of all these dissensions, not to enter upon any definitions about the nature of God, which was incomprehensible, and to unite in simply asserting that the Son was similar to the Father (cytoioj — hence their name Homoiites). Two of the exiled bishops — Hosius of Cordova and Liberius of Rome — purchased permission to return to their sees by subscription to this formula. But the other Latin bishops, in a synod at Agennum, again declared their adherence to the Nicene Creed ; while the Semi-Arians met at Ancyra under the presidency of Basilius, and reaffirmed the Confession of Antioch. The latter, also, found access to the Emperor, who had their confession ratified by a third synod at Sirmivm (358), and compelled the bishops of the court to subscribe it. Even Jjiberius of Rome, softened by an exile of two years' duration, gave his signature, and was allowed to return to Rome. Thereupon, the bishops of the court compromised with the Semi-Arians upon the following formula: — tbv Tlov o/xoiov tilt riarpc tlvtu xata rtuvta u>$ ai ayiai ypa$ou Xtyovacv . The Emperor was so much pleased with this formula, that he resolved to have it sanctioned by a general council. To prevent a combination between the Homoiousians and the Homoousians of the West, Ursacius and Valens persuaded the Emperor to summon two councils instead of one, of which that of Seleucia was destined for the East, and that of Rimini (359) for the West. Both councils rejected the rew formula; the one in favour of 192 SECTION I SECOND PERIOD (323— 692 A. D.). the creed of Antioch, the other in favour of that of Nice. But Ursacius managed by intrigues to bring the bishops to submission. For two years the prelates were detained at Seleucia and at Rimini, a* it were in exile ; while their delegates, after travelling about for half a year, were unable to obtain an audience of the Emperor. Thus coerced, they at last subscribed the new formula. Those who refused to submit (Aetius and Eunomius) were persecuted as disturbing the peace of tho Church. Eomoiism now became the acknowledged creed of the empire. But the death of Constantius (3G1) speedily put an end to this temporary prevalence of error. 4. Final Ascendency of the Nicene Creed (361-381). — Julian gave equal rights to all parties, and recalled the exiled bishops, so that in some churches there were two or even three bishops at one and the same time. Athanasius also returned to his see. He convoked a synod at Alexandria (3G2) for the purpose of restoring ecclesiastical order, and, despite the protest of the narrow-minded Lucifer of Calaris, with equal moderation and prudence, received into church-fellowship those bishops who had been misled into Arian views, but repented of their error. The success which attended the endeavours of Athanasius, determined the Emperor once more to send him into exile, on pretence that he was the occasion of disturbances. Jovian, the successor of Julian, favoured the Nicene party, and allowed Athanasius to return to his see (304) ; while, at the same time, he also extended toleration to the Arians. But Valens, to whom Valentinian I., his brother, com- mitted the government of the East, was a zealous Arian (364-378). He persecuted with equal cruelty both Athanasians and Semi-Arians, a proceeding which led to an approximation between these two parties. Athanasius was obliged to flee ; but after the lapse of four months was allowed to return, and to spend the remainder of his life without fur- ther molestation. He filled the episcopal see for forty-five years, of which twenty were spent in exile (ob. 373). The persecutions of Valens were, however, kept in check by the urgent representations of Valen- tinian, his brother, and by the dignified and energetic resistance of eminent prelates, especially of the three great Cappadocians. The intrigues of the Empress Justina in the West, during the minority of her son, Valentinian II., were frustrated through the watchfulness of Ambrose of Milan. The soldiers who were to take possession of his church, and to hand it over to the Arians, met with passive but success- ful resistance, in finding the edifice occupied by a congregation engaged in prayer and the singing of psalms. — Tlieodoshis I. the Great, a Spa- niard (379-395), who for a short period ruled over the East and West, banished Arianism from the empire. He appointed Gregory of Nazi- anzus, Patriarch of Constantinople. It was intended that this prelate should preside over the Second General Council of Constantinople (381). But as his authority was impugned on the ground that he had changed his see (comp. \ 4*5), he laid down his office, and Gregory of THE TRINITARIAN CONTROVERSY. 193 Nyssa presided in his stead. The Nicene Creed was enlarged by the addition of a formula affirming the equality of the Holy Spirit with the Father and the Son. From that time the Arians were only allowed to hold their worship outside the city. Somewhat later all their churches in the empire were taken from them. 5. The Pneumatomachoi (302-381). — According to Arius and his adherents, the Holy Ghost was the first being created by the Son. But even zealous advocates of the homoousia of the Son were undecided on this doctrine. In the Nicene Creed nothing beyond a xai d$ nvsv/xa iyioi' was inserted ; and Hilary of Poitiers hesitated to enter upon fuller particulars, from fear of going beyond the teaching of Scripture. But Athanasius (at the Synod of Alex, in 302), Didymus the Blind, and the three Cappadocians, consistently carried out their theological princi- ples, and by their authority succeeded in bringing their party to admit also the homoousia of the Holy Spirit. The Semi-Arians who had adopted the Nicene Creed — and among them especially Macedonius, formerly Bishop of Constantinople, whom the Homoiists had deposed — felt extremely reluctant to adopt this view {Macedonians, Pneumatoma- choi). The second cecum. Council (381) sanctioned the homoousia of the Holy Spirit by adding to the expression sij Tlv. aytoi/, the words to xvpiov, to ^ioojiovov, to ix tov Ilarpoj ix7topiv6(j.eioii, to avv Ilatpi xai Tiw evfnpoixvvovfie vov xai ovvbo^a^ofii i>ov . 0. Literature of the Controversy. — Arius himself explained his views in a semi-poetical tractate ©casta (of which Athanasius has preserved fragments). His principles were zealously defended by Asterius, a sophist (whose writings have been lost). Philostorgius, the historian, attempted to show from history that they were conformable to the views of the apostles and of the early Church. Eusebius of Cces. wrote two tractates in defence of Semi-Arianism, against Marcellus (xata Mapxixy.ov and rtspi, trfi ixxtyataatixrjs $ioXoyias). The drtoa.oy^T'txdj by En nom ius has been lost. Foremost among the opponents of Ariauism stands Athanasius — Oratt. IV. c. Arianos ; hist. Arianorum ad mona- chos ; Epist. de decretis Nicsenis ; Epist. de Synodis Arimini et Seleucise habitis ; 'Artokoy^tixdj rtpdj roiij 'ApsiaVovj, etc. Basil the Great, wrote four books against Eunomius; the Ilepi tov ayiov Ili>sv/j.ato; ; and the Ad Amphilochium (against the Pneumatomachoi) ; — Gregory of Naz., five Xoyoi ^foxoyixot (\ 47, 4) ; Gregory of Nyssa, twelve a.dyoi avtvp^tixoi xata Evvbfuov, — Didymus the Blind, three books de Trinitate; — Epi- phanius the 'Ayxvpordj (§ 78, 5) ; — Cyril of Alex., a $r>aavp6s rfspt tvjt ayi'a? xai o^toovrrJaj TptciSoj ; — Chrysoslom delivered twelve orations against the Anomoites ; Theodoret wrote Dialogi VII. de s. Trinit. Ephrcem Syriis, also, frequently controverted in his sermons the views of the Arians. Among Latin writers the most distinguished contro- versialists were: Lucifer of Calaris ("Ad Constantium Imp. LI. II. pro Athan.," in which he denounces the Emperor aa an apostate, as 17 194 SECTION I. SECOND PERIOD (323— 692 A. D.). Antichrist and Satan; the " moricmlum pro filio Dei;" the "De non conveniendis cum hoereticis) ; Hilary of Pidavinm ("De Trinitate, LI. XII.;" " de Synodis s. de fide Orientalium ;" "Contra Constantium Aug. ;" "Contra Auxentium," § 47, 5) ; Phcebadius, Bishop of Agen- nuin about 359 (" c. Arianos") ; Ambrose (" de fide ad Gratianum Aug. LI. V.") ; Augustine (" c. sermonem Arianorum ;" " Collatio cum Max- imino Arianorum Episc. ;" " c. Maximinum"); Fulgent ius of Ru.^je ("c. Arianos," and three books addressed to Trasimund, the Arian King of the Yandals). 7. Later Development of Nicene Views. — Even the formula adopted by the second Council of Constantinople was not entirely free from all traces of Subordinatianism. At least the expression, rlj ^foj, as applied to the Father exclusively, might give rise to misunderstanding. Augus- tine completely removed any uncertainty still hanging over this doctrine ("de trinitate LI. XV."). But as yet the personality of the Holy Ghost, and His relation to the Son, had not been defined with sufficient accuracy. Tins afterwards gave rise to the schism between the Eastern and the Western Church. In this respect also Augustine correctly taught that the Holy Spirit proceeded both from the Father and the Son. Among those who advocated these truths, Fulgentius of Ruspe ("de s. trinit.") deserves special mention. The so-called (pseudo-) Athanasian Creed, or Symbolum Quicitnque (from the word with Avhich it commences), dates probably from the beginning of the sixth cen- tury. It originated in Spain, and simply inserted the words, " qui procedit a Patre Filioque." I 51. OMGENISTIC CONTROVERSIES (394-438). The controversies about the Trinity were, in due course, fol- lowed by discussions about the person of Christ (§ 52). Before these took place, another question, however, engaged the atten- tion of the Church. Although the Origenistic controversy was a personal dispute rather than a discussion of importance to the Church generally, it served to confirm the impression that Origen had really been a heresiarch. 1. The Monks of the Scetian and of the Nitrian Desert. — The most strenuous advocates of Nicene views (Afhanasius, the three great Cap- padocians, Didymus, Hilary, etc.) had held Origen in great repute. But as the Arians continually appealed to his authority, the more narrow-minded opponents of Arianism, especially those in the West, and the monks of the Scetian Desert in Egypt, headed by Pachomius, gradually began to suspect the orthodoxy of Origen. By and by they denounced the speculations of that Father as the source of every heresy, and came to entertain grossly anthropomorph*c views of God ORIGENISTIC CONTROVERSIES. 195 and of Divine things. Epiphanius, Bishop of Salamis (£ 47, 4), was trained in their school. In direct opposition to these monks, others, who inhabited the mountains of Nitria, were enthusiastic admirers of Origen, and adopted a lofty spiritualism, coupled with a devout and contemplative mysticism. 2. Controversy in Palestine and Italy (394-399). — In Palestine, John, Bishop of Jerusalem, and the two Latins, Jerome and Rufinus, were ardent admirers of Origen (§ 47, 5). But when, in the year 394, two strangers from the West expressed their astonishment about this, Je- rome, anxious to retain his reputation for orthodoxy, immediately pre- pared to denounce the errors of Origen. Meantime, the Scetian monks had also called the attention of the aged and over-zealous Epiphanius to the existence of a nursery of heresy in Palestine. He immediately took ship, and employed the pulpit which John had kindly opened to him for delivering a vehement denunciation of Origenistic views. Upon this, John preached against anthropomorphism. Epiphanius anathe- matized these views, but insisted that John should pronounce similar sentence against Origenistic principles. On the refusal of the latter, Epiphanius indignantly left Jerusalem, renounced, with Jerome and the monks at Bethlehem, church-communion with John and Rufinus, and even interfered with the episcopal functions of John, by ordaining a presbyter for the monks at Bethlehem. All this gave rise to an angry controversy, which was with difficulty settled through the inter- ference of Theophilus of Alexandria, who for that purpose deputed Isidore, one of his presbyters. Jerome and Rufinus became reconciled at the steps of the altar (39G). The latter soon afterwards returned to the AVest. He translated the work of Origen nipt dp^wv, leaving out a few of the most objectionable passages ; but was so indiscreet as to hint in the preface that even the orthodox Jerome was an admirer of Origen. When informed of this by friends at Rome, Jerome wrote in unmeasured terms against Origenistic views and against the friend of his youth. — At the same time he made a literal translation of the rtfpt dp^wf. Rufinus rejoined, and the dispute became the more bitter the longer it continued. Siricius, Bishop of Rome, extended his pro- tection to Rufinus; but his successor, Atiastasius, summoned him to answer for his errors. Instead of appearing in person, Rufinus sent a written defence ; but was formally condemned for Origenistic heresy (399). He retired to Aquileia, where he continued to translate the writings of Origen and of other Greek Fathers. 3. Controversy in Alexandria and Constantinople (399-438). — Theo- philus, Patriarch of Alexandria, a luxurious, imperious, and violent prelate, had till the year 399 favoured the cause of the Nitrian monks, and even, during the Easter of that year, spoken in a harsh and con- temptuous manner of the heresy of the Anthropomorphists. Indignant at this, a number of monks armed themselves with rods, attacked the 19G SECTION I. — SECOND PERIOD (323—692 A. D.). Bishop, and obliged him to pronounce an anathema against Origen. Soon afterwards he lost the support of others, formerly his friends. Isidore, an aged and venerable presbyter, and the so-called "Jour full brethren," of whom two acted as treasurers to his church, iefused to entrust him with the moneys of orphans and other trust funds, and escaped from his vengeance to their colleagues in the mountains of Nitria. Accordingly, so early as the year 399, Theophilus anathema- tized Origen at an endemic synod held in Alexandria; and in 401 published a furious manifesto against Origenistic views. The honest but narrow-minded Epiphanius hastened to express his approbation, and Jerome translated the document into Latin. Military force was employed to break up the establishments in Nitria, and to expel the monks. Followed by the accusing letters of their bishop, the latter sought protection with John Chrysostom at Constantinople ; but Theo- philus rejected with disdain the intercession of that prelate. For the sake of peace, Chrysostom was now anxious to withdraw from the contest. But the monks had meantime found access to the Empress Evdoxia, at whose intercession Arcadius, the Emperor, summoned Theophilus to appear before a synod to be held at Constantinople, over which Chrysostom was to preside. Theophilus was almost beside him- self with rage. By a misrepresentation of the facts of the case, he succeeded in enlisting the aid of Epiphanivs. Filled with zeal and prejudices, the honest old man hastened to Constantinople, when, on learning the real state of matters, he immediately withdrew with the remark: "I leave to you the court, and dissimulation." But Theo- philus knew how to get on with the court and with dissimulation. During the interval Chrysostom had, by his faithfulness, incurred the displeasure of the Empress. Calculating upon this, Theophilus arrived at Constantinople, accompanied by a large suite ; and at the imperial country-seat of Drys (Oak), near Chalcedon, organized a council (Synodn.t ad Qiteraini) — in 403 — which declared Chrysostom guilty of immorality, of heterodox views, and of treason. The Emperor banished the obnoxious preacher, who, after appeasing the popular fury excited by this measure, quietly allowed himself to be carried away. But an earthquake, which took place the following night, and the increasing popular excitement, induced the Empress to send messengers and recall the exile. After an absence of only three days, he was brought back to the capital in triumph. Theophilus fled to Alexandria. Soon afterwards, however, when Chrysostom had again incurred the anger of the Empress for denouncing in a sermon the noisy inauguration of her statue, he expressed himself, on the anni- versary of St. John, in the following unguarded language: nduv Hpco&c'as paivrtM, ndxiv tapdaairai, rtaXiv irti jilvaxi tr\v xtfyoXrp tov 'luawov lr}iii toiQeiv. Theophilus was now certain of success; his party knew how to fan the flame at court. During Easter 404, armed men burst into the rhuish of Chrysostom, and dragged him to Cucusua THE PERSON OF CHRIST. 197 jo Armenia, into exile. He bore undauntedly the fatigues of the journey, the rigour of the climate, and the vicinity of robbers. He kept up continuous pastoral intercourse with his flock, and addressed to them a consolatory tractate : "On -ebv lavrbv fir[ abixovvta. ov5?i.$ rtapa- J3xa4eu bvvarao. Nor did his zeal for the mission among the Goths flag. In vain Innocent I., Bishop of Rome, and Bonorius, the Emperor of the West, interceded for him. In 407 he was sent to a still more dreary place of exile — at Pityus, on the shores of the Black Sea. But he succumbed to the fatigues of that journey, and died by the way, utter- ing his favourite motto : Ao?a *£ £fw ndve^v tvexev. A large portion of his flock at Constantinople refused to acknowledge the authority of Arsacius, his successor; and, despite persecutions, continued as a separate body (by the name of Johniies) until Theodosius II., in 438, caused the bones of their loved pastor to be brought to the capital, and solemnly deposited in the imperial burying vaults. Among these per- sonal disputes, the Origenistic controversy had for a time been lost sight of, but was soon afterwards renewed (§ 52, 6). §52. DISCUSSIONS ABOUT THE PERSON OF CHRIST. Comp. Walch, Ketzerhist, (Hist, of Heres.). Vols. V.-IX. — Domer, Person Christi. Vol. I. — Raur, Dreieiriigk. (on the Trinity). I. II. If, in the discussions about the Trinity, the question of the eternal existence and of the Divine nature of Christ had been agitated, His historical manifestation as the incarnate Son of God, the connection between the Divine nature of the Logos and the human nature of the Son of Mary, and the mutual relation of these two became now the leading subjects of inquiry. These questions had in part been raised during the Arian con- troversy. For while the Church had, against Anus, defended the absolute Divinity of Christ, it also maintained, in opposition to Apollinaris, His perfect humanity. The discussion now assumed three new phases. In the Nestorian controversy, the Church defended the unity of the person of Christ against the views of the Antiochians, whose distinction between the two natures of the Saviour almost amounted to separation into two persons. In the Monophyaite controversy, the opposite or neo- Alexandrian error, which, in view of the unity of Christ's person, lost sight of the distinctness of His natures, was set aside. Lastly, in the Mortothelele controversy, an erroneous mode of viewing the union of the two natures — when their distinctness was admitted in words, but denied in fact, by assuming tho 108 SECTION I. — SECOND PERIOD (323— 692 A. D.) . existence of only one will — was disavowed. Thus the contro- versies about the Trinity and the person of Christ — both of which sprung up in the East — were closely connected. 1. The Apollinaristic Con/rovers;/ (362-381). — Older Modalists, aa Beryllus and Sabellius, had already taught that, at the incarnation, the Logos had assumed only a human body. Marcellus held the same tenet (§ 50, 2) ; Arius also, though opposed to him in other respects, had maintained this view, in order to avoid the inference, that in Christ two creatures were combined. Athanasius, on the other hand, held, with Origen, that the human soul of Christ had been the neces- sary bond of connection between the Logos and the body, and the medium through which the Logos acted upon the body. Hence, at the Synod (if Alexandria, in 362, the perfect humanity of the Lord was declared the orthodox dogma on the subject. Apollinaris, Bishop of Laodicsea, a very talented and highly educated man, who had sent a deputy to this Council, although disapproving of the idea of a aafia. 'j.-\vxov, denied the perfect humanity of Christ. Starting from the view that man was composed of three parts, he maintained that Christ had only assumed a aCj/xa and a ^vxv a>.oyo;, and that the Divine Logos Himself occupied the place of the ^v^rj *.oyixr t (<5 voi>$). He imagined that a contrary opinion would render it necessary to assume two per- sonalities in Christ, and that Christ would thus be represented as merely an av§pu7to$ tv$so{ ; he also believed that only on his principles would it be possible to maintain the perfect sinlessness of Jesus. But Athanasius and the two Gregories regarded these views as incom- patible with the full idea of the incarnation and of the atonement. The second (Ecum. Council (381) rejected the vIcavs of Apollinaris, who some time before had, along with some adherents, left the communion of the Church. 2. Antagonism between the different Theological Schools (381-428). — The Arian controversy had issued in the general recognition of the perfect Divinity, the Apollinaristic in that of the perfect humanity, of the Saviour. But the relation between these two natures, implied in their union, had not yet been accurately defined. According to Apolli- naris, the Divinity was so closely united with the (partial) humanity of the Saviour, that in reality there ceased to be two natures. By a "communicatio idiomatum," what was predicated of one nature was transferred to the other, so that the body of Christ was deified, and hence adored ; but the predicates of being born, suffering, and dying, were also applied to His Divinity. Although the Alexandrian School rejected the peculiar tenets of Apollinaris about the imperfect humanity of Christ, predilection for what was mystical, inconceivable, and trans- cendental, led it into kindred views. In opposition to Arianism, these divines laid special emphasis on the Divinity of Christ, and maintained sn i'woais tyvaixr of the two natures. According to them, it was only THE PERSON OF CHRIST. 199 lawful to speak of two natures, before the union of these two natures, and in absiracto, — after the incarnation, and in concrete, we could only speak of one nature, that of the God-man. Hence Mary was generally designated as " the Mother of God," ^sotozoj. Athanasius expressly States : ov 8vo u.oj, but cbao xal a7.Xo, since, at the incarnation, His human nature had lost its personality and independence. Each of these schools presented one aspect of the truth; satisfactorily to exhibit the truth in its entireuess, it was necessary to combine them. But instead of uniting them, these views were carried out in the most one-sided manner, till they issued in positive error. Thus two heresies sprung up, against which the Church had first to protest, in order afterwards to combine the truths which they had embodied, though in a distorted form. This office was performed by the Theology of the West. In opposition to Antiochian views, it ranged itself on the side of the Alexandrians, at one time even to the full extent of its one-sided representations. Thus Julius of Rome expressly maintained /xiav fyvaiv rov Aoyov aiaapx^uii-av. But gradually this error was removed. Augustine, for example, still uses the expression mixture: but, in point of fact, he correctly indicated the relation between the two natures, quite in accordance with what the Church at a later period declared the orthodox view. Again, when the errors of the Alexandrians were under discussion. Western divine? 200 SECTION I. — SECOND PERIOD (323— 692 A. D.). took the opposite side, and combined what was true in the two antagonistic schools {Leo the Great). — It is remarkable that this dis- cussion originated in the West. But it was so speedily suppressed as to leave no trace behind. Leporius, a monk in the south of Gaul, had expressed himself about the union of the two natures in the same manner as the theologians of Antioch. In 426 he went to Africa, was opposed by Augustine, and at once recanted. 3. The Nestorian Controversy (428-444).— In 428 Nestorius, a monk of Antioch, and a most eloquent man, was appointed Patriarch of Con- stantinople. He was honest and pious, but rash, destitute of experi- ence, and harsh towards heretics. The position of the inexperienced monk was sufficiently difficult. He had to contend against the hatred of an unsuccessful rival for his see, with the jealousy of the Patriarch of Alexandria, who besides regarded him as a representative of the School of Antioch, and with the suspicions of Ctflestine, Bishop of Home, whom lie had provoked by extending protection to fugitive Pela- gians ($ 53, 4). Anastasius, a presbyter whom Nestorius had brought with him, objected to the frequent use of the term S-sorozoj, and preached against it. Nestorius took his part both against the people and the monks ; and when some of the latter offered the Patriarch personal insults, he caused bodily chastisement to be administered to them, and at a National Synod condemned the views of his opponents (429). Cyril, Patriarch of Alexandria, now entered the lists in defence of the teaching of his school. He gained for his views Calestine, Bishop of Borne, Memnon, Bishop of Ephesus, and Jiivenalis, Bishop of Jerusa- lem, and at court Pulcheria, sister of the Emperor (Theodosius II., 408-450); while the Empress Eudocia and the Syrian bishops took the part of Nestorius. All attempts at reconciliation were frustrated by the unyielding disposition of the two patriarchs. Coelestine of Rome called upon Nestorius to recant within ten days (430) ; and at a synod held in Alexandria (430), Cyril issued twelve Anafiiematismoi, to which Nestorius replied by a similar edict. These measures served to em- bitter both parties. To settle the question, the Emperor convoked a third cecumenical Council at EpnESUs in 431. The Emperor himself was decidedly in favour of Nestorius ; the imperial representative at the Council was a personal friend of the Patriarch, and part of the Imperial Guard attended Nestorius to Ephesus. But Cyril appeared witli a large suite of bishops, and a strong body-guard of servants and sailors, prepared, if necessary, to demonstrate with their fists the soundness of his arguments. At the same time, Memnon of Ephesus had excited the clergy, the monks, and the people of Asia Minor on the subject. As the deputies from Rome and the Syrian bishops (the former probably of set purpose) did not appear at the proper time, Cyril, without waiting for their arrival, opened the Council, which consisted of 200 bishops. Nestorianism was condemned, Nestorius excommunicated and deposed, and the Anathematismoi of Cyril recog- THE PEBSON OF CHRIST. 201 nized as a test of ecclesiastical orthodoxy. The deputies from Rome acknowledged the authority of the Council ; not so the imperial repre- sentative and the Syrians, who immediately, on their arrival, held a counter-council, over which John of Antioch presided, and which ex- communicated Cyril and Memnon. Nestorius voluntarily retired into a monastery. Meantime, the populace of Constantinople, instigated by Pulcheria, rose in favour of Cyril. The Emperor deposed the three leaders in the dispute — Nestorius, Cyril, and Memnon, — and gave his authority to a sort of intermediate formula, drawn up by Theodoret, which admitted the correctness of the term §eotoxos, but also main- tained an dfjuy^uroj swoffty. But Cyril and Memnon continued in their sees. While they signed the formula of Theodoret, John subscribed the condemnation of Nestorius (433). The latter remained deposed and a prey to his enemies. Torn from his asylum and maltreated, he died (440) in misery. But the compromise of the two leaders was rejected by their followers. The Syrian Church was indignant about the manner in which their patriarch had betrayed the cause in the person of Nestorius. Jo/ui proceeded to depose all his opponents — a fate which had almost befallen even the noble-minded Theodoret. But in his case the Patriarch agreed to dispense with a formal condemna- tion of the person of Nestorius in consideration of an ample rejection of his teaching. — The Egyptians also accused their patriarch of having surrendered orthodox views. But this prelate endeavoured, by in- creased zeal, to make up for his former compliance. He laboured — not without success— to bring the anathema of the Church upon the leaders of the School of Antioch. Rabulas, Bishop of Edessa, one of his adhe- rents, dispersed the theological school at Edessa, which at the time was presided over by the celebrated presbyter Ibas. After the death of Rabulas (430) this school again attained its former celebrity. Mean- time, Theodoret and Cyril hurled violent tractates against each other, till, in 444, th* death of the Patriarch of Alexandria put an end to the controvei ay. Ibas translated the writings of Theodoret into Syriac, and addressed — in favour of these views — a tractate to Maris, Bishop of Hardashir in Syria, which the Nestorians afterwards regarded as a kind of confession of faith. Thomas Barsumas, Bishop of Nisibis, spread Nestorianism in the Persian Church. In 489, the School of Edessa was again broken up, by command of the Emperor Zeno. Teachers and students migrated into Persia, where they founded a school in Nisibis, which for a long time enjoyed considerable celebrity. At last, at a synod held in Seleucia in 498, the Persian Church wholly separated from the orthodox Church in the Roman Empire, and adopted the name of Chaldean Christians. Their Patriarch bore the title of Yazelich (xa^o? ixo$) . From Persia the Nestorian Church spread tc India, where i."s adherents were called Thomas-Christians. 4. The Monophysite Controversy. A. Eutychianitm (444-451). — Cyril was succeeded by Dioscurus, a man of much inferior talent, but 202 SECTION I. — SECOND PERIOD (323— 692 A. D.). of much greater violence and tyranny than even the opponent of Nes- tonus. In Constantinople, an aged Archimandrite, called Eutyches, openly taught that, after His incarnation, Christ had only had one nature, and that, since the body of Christ was that of the Deity, it could not have been of the same substance with ours. Theodoret wrote against him a tractate, entitled 'Epanarjjs rjtoi, noXv,uop$o$, in which be characterized the teaching of Eutyches as a combination of various heresies. Dioscurus now interfered, and prevailed on the Emperor Theodosius II., whose Minister of State and wife (Eudocia) he had gained, to adopt strict measures against the Syrians, and especially against Theodoret, who was forbidden to travel beyond the bounds of his diocese. The Antiochians, on the other hand, laid an accusation against Eutyches before the Patriarch Flavian, at a synod held in Con- stantinople (448). Eutyches appeared, attended by an imperial guard; but, on his refusal to recant, was excommunicated and deposed. Eu- tyches appealed to an oecumenical council, and at the same time to Leo the Great of Rome. Flavian also appealed to Rome. Leo took the same view as Flavian ; and in a letter to that prelate, with equal acute- ness and precision, defined the doctrine about the two natures in Christ. But the Emperor summoned an oecumenical council to Ephesus (449), over which Dioscurus was to preside, at which Flavian and his party, however, were not to vote, and from which Theodoret was wholly ex- cluded. The Council proceeded in the most arbitrary and violent manner. The deputies from Rome were not allowed to speak ; the doctrine of two natures was condemned ; Flavian and' Theodoret were deposed. The former met even with bodily violence, and died after the lapse of only three days. Leo the Great energetically protested against the decrees of this " Robber-Synod" (latrocinium Ephesiuum). But meantime Theodosius had quarrelled with Eudocia, dismissed his ministers, and made his peace with Pulcheria. Accordingly, the body of Flavian was carried in state to Constantinople, and buried with all honours. Further measures were arrested by the death of Theodosius in 450. He was succeeded by Pulcheria, and her husband Marcian. Another cecumenical council (the fourth) was now convened at Chal- cedon in 451, which deposed Dioscurus and Eutyches, and condemned both Nestorianism and Eutychianism. The Synodical Epistle of Cyril and the Letter of Leo were made the basis of the decrees enacted at Chalcedon, which affirmed, " that Christ was true God and true man ; that, according to His divinity, lie was begotten from all eternity, and equal to the Father ; that, according to His humanity, He was born of Mary the Virgin, and mother of God ; and was like us in all things, yet without sin ; and that, after His incarnation, the unity of His person consisted of two natures, which were unmixed (aovyxvrus) and unchanged latpF7ttu>s), but also undivided (d§tatpirwj) and not separated (a*<.>:,.-rw$)." 5. B. Imperial Attempts to bring aboid a Union (451-519). — The THE PERSON OF CHRIST. 2(8 Alexandrian theologians left the Council full of indignation about the defeat which they had sustained. They were now called Monophysites, Indeed, the whole Church was violently agitated by these questions. In Palestine, Theodosius, a monk, secretly aided by Eudocia, the widow of the Emperor, incited the populace to rebellion. In Egypt the com- motion was still greater. Timotheus Aelurus took possession of the see of Alexandria, and expelled Proferins, the orthodox patriarch. Simi- larly, Petrus Fiillo intruded himself into the bishopric of Antioch. These tumults were only suppressed after much blood had been shed. But the usurper Basiliscus published an edict (Encyclion) in which both the Creed of Chalcedon and the Epistle of Leo were condemned ; Monophysitism was declared the religion of the State (476) ; and Fullo and Aelurus were reinstated in their sees. Soon afterwards Acacias, the Patriarch of Constant., organized a counter-revolution in the inte- rest of the Dyophysite party ; Basiliscus was deposed ; and the Empe- ror Zcno, who had formerly been expelled, again mounted the throne (477). About that time Aelurus died; his party chose Petrus Mongus [bloesus) his successor ; but the Court appointed John Talaja, a Dyo- physite, to the see. But when the latter quarrelled with Acacius, that patriarch took the part of Mongus, the rival of Talaja. The two pre- lates now agreed as to a project for union, which, being approved by the Emperor Zeno, obtained in 482 legal sanction by an edict, called the IIen'oticon. Nestorianism and Eutychiauism were still con- demned; the Anathematismoi of Cyril were confirmed; the " Chalce- donese" was abrogated; the NicEeno-Constantinopolitanum alone en- joined as the orthodox creed ; and all controverted points were to be carefully avoided. Of course both parties objected to such a union. The strict Monophysites in Egypt separated from Mongus, and were now designated 'Axtfa'koc. On the other hand, Felix II. of Rome, as leader of the Dj'ophysites, renounced all church-communion with Aca- cius. This Schism between the East and the West lasted for thirty- five years (484—519). The Acoimetai ($ 44, 4) were the only party in Constantinople who continued in communion with Rome. The Heno- ticon was only abolished when Justin I. meditated the reconquest of Italy, since the schism to which it had given rise was prejudicial to his interests. Its adherents were now deposed, and ecclesiastical com- munion with the West was restored (519). — (Comp. also the third part of the Eccl. History of John, Bishop of Ephesus, by Cureton. Oxf. 1853.) 6. C. The Decrees of Justinian I. (527-553). — Amid these tumults, Justinian I. began his long and — so far as political matters are con- cerned — glorious reign (527-565). He considered it his great mission to establish orthodoxy, and to bring back the heretics, especially the numerous Monophysites, to the bosom of the Church. But the good intentions of the Emperor, who was but partially conversant with these intricate questions, were often frustrated by the intrigues of the court 204 SECTION I. — SECOND PERIOD (323-C92 A. D.). theologians aid the machinations of the Empress Theodora, -who wai at heart a Monophysite. Justinian first interposed in the Theopas- ciiite Controversy. Petnis Fitllo had added to the doxology (the Trisagion or Ter-Sanctus) the expression: ^soj o oravp^tij St ^iaj, which.had been inserted into the Liturgy of Constantinople. This ex- pression the Acoimetce declared to be heretical; Hormisdas of Rome pronounced it, at any rate, liable to misunderstanding, and needless. It obtained, however, the sanction of Justinian (533). Encouraged by this first success, Theodora managed to procure the appointment of Anthimus, a Monophysite, to the see of Constantinople. But when Agapetus, Bishop of "Rome, brought out the real views of the new patriarch, he was again deposed from his office, to which Mennas, a friend of Agapetus, succeeded (536). All Monophysite writings were to be burned, and any one who ventured to make copies of them was to have his hands cut off. Still, Domitian and Theodoras Ascidas, two abbots from Palestine, secret Monophysites and devoted followers of Oiigen, lived at court in great favour. In order to put an end to their influence, Mennas again condemned — at a National Synod held at Constantinople in 541 — the arch-heretic and his writings. But the court theologians subscribed this sentence without hesitation, and only concocted the more zealously with Theodora measures of reprisal. For some time past Justinian had been concerned about the state of public feeling in Egypt, which was the granary of the empire. He deemed it necessary to do something to allay the excitement among its Mono- physite population. Theodora persuaded him that the Monophysites would easily be appeased if, along with the writings of Diodorus, the father of Nestorianism, the controversial tractates of Theodoret against Cyril, and the letter of Ibas to Maris (the so-called "tria capitula"), were also condemned. Accordingly, the Emperor issued in 544 an edict to that effect, and insisted that all bishops should subscribe it. Only those in the East complied. But in the West resistance was offered on all sides, and the so-called Controversy of the Three Chapters commenced. Vigilius of Rome, a creature of Theodora, who had secretly promised his co-operation, was afraid to face the storm in the West, and broke his word. Justinian had him brought to Con- stantinople (547), and there obliged him to make a written declaration the so-called Judicatum — in which he approved the condemnation of the three chapters. The Africans, led by Eeparatus of Carthage, now excommunicated the successor of Peter, and courageously defended the Fathers whose writings had been attacked [Fuhjentius of Ruspe wrote "Pro tribus capitt. ; Facundus of Hermiana, " Defensio III. capitt. ;" and Liberates, a deacon of Carthage, a " Brcviarium causa) Nestorian. et Eutychianorum," which is a leading authority in the history of these controversies). At length Justinian summoned a fifth (ECUMENICAL Council to Constantinople (553), which confirmed all the edicts of the Imperor.. Vigilius wrote a " constitutum ad Imp.," THE PERSON OF CHRIST. 205 in whi.-h he rejected the teaching of the three capitula, but refused to condemn their writers. A period of imprisonment, however, induced him to yield in 554. He died on his return to his see in 555. Pelagius, his successor, formally acknowledged the decrees of Constantinople ; and North Africa, North Italy, and Illyria separated from the see of Peter, which had so basely succumbed. Only Gregory the Great suc- ceeded — not without much trouble — in gradually healing this schism. 7. D. The Monophysite Churches. — Justinian had not attained his object. The Monophysites refused to return to the Church so long as the decrees of Chalcedon remained in force. But they suffered even more from endless internal divisions than from the persecutions of the orthodox State Church. First of all, Julianus and Sevei'us, the two leaders of the party in Alexandria, disputed. The Severians ((j^apro- Xarpat) held that the body of Christ had been subject to decay (<}>^opa), while the Julianists (a^apooxr;tai) denied it. This discussion was followed by many others. — The Monophysites numbered most adherents in Egypt. From dislike to the Greek Catholics, they excluded th'e Greek language from their ecclesiastical forms, and chose a Coptic patriarch of their own. They even favoured the conquest of Egypt by the Saracens (640), who, in gratitude for such services, expelled the Catholic patriarch. From Egypt their views spread into Abyssinia. Armenia had in 536 surrendered to the Persians, when the Monophy- sites in that country, hitherto ojipressed under Byzantine domination, obtained full liberty. In Syria and Mesopotamia the indefatigable activity of Jacobus Zanzalus, a monk (commonly termed el Baradai, from the circumstance of his going about in the disguise of a beggar) preserved the existence of the Monophysite Church during the perse- cutions of Justinian. From this their leader the Syrian Monophysites were called Jacobites; while they designated the Catholics as Melchites (Royalists). The patriarch of the party resided at Guba in Mesopo- tamia; his suffragan at Tagrit had the title of Maphrian — i. e., fruit- bearing. The Armenian Monophysites were ruled by the Patriarch of Ashtarag, who took the title of Catholicos. The Abyssinian Church was under the direction of a metropolitan, designated as Abbuna. 8. The Monothelele Controversy (633-680). — Increasing difficulties in the State made union with the Monophysites more and more desi- rable. Accordingly, the Emperor Heraclius (611-641) was advised to attempt a reconciliation of the two parties by means of an intermediate formula, which bore that Christ had accomplished His work of redemp- tion by one manifestation of His will as the God-man {/iiq, ^fa^pixJJ ti'tpytia). Several Catholic bishops sanctioned this formula, which had already been propounded by the Pseudo-Dionysius (g 47, 6). On this basis, the Patriarchs Sergius of Constantinople and Cyrus of Alexandria, in 633, agreed to unite, when most of the Severians returned to the State Church. Honorius of Rome was also in favour of this movement. But 13 206 SECTION I. SECOND PERIOD (."23 — 092 A. D.). the monk Sophronius, who soon afterwards became Patriarch of Jeru- salem (634), was decidedly opposed to a union which, in his opinion, necessarily led back to Monophysite views. Soon afterwards the capture of Jerusalem by the Saracens (in G37) deprived him, how- ever, of the means of making opposition. In 638 the Emperor issued an edict — the Ecthesis — designed to put an end to all discussion, and which gave the sanction of law to the Monothelete view. Maximus, a monk (# 47, G), now entered the lists in defence of discarded orthodoxy. He betook himself to Africa, where, since the time of Justinian, the Confession of Chalcedon had been most zealously upheld. Thence he, along with some African divines, launched controversial tractates. In Rome also a reaction in favour of the old sentiments had, after the death of Honorius (638), taken place. The real aim of these attempts at union — to retain Syria and Egypt — was not attained. In 638 the Saracens took Syria, and in 640 Egypt. Still, for the sake of consist- ency, the court persevered. But difficulties daily increased. Already Africa and Italy were in open rebellion, both politically and ecclesias- tically. At last the Emperor Constans II. (642-668) resolved to abolish the Ecthesis. In room of it he published, in 648, another law — the Tvpos — by which the status quo previous to the Monothelete movement was to be restored ; and divines were enjoined neither to propound the dogma of one nor that of two wills. But at thejtrst Lateran Synod, held at Rome in 649, Martin I. condemned, in the strongest terms, both the Ecthesis, the Typos, and those who had issued them. These acts of the Synod were transmitted to the Emperor. The Emperor replied by ordering Olympius, the Exarch of Ravenna, to make the bold pre- late a prisoner. He did not obey ; but his successor sent the Pope in chains to Constantinople, where he was declared guilty of treason, and banished to Cherson. Martin I., who in his exile literally suffered from hunger, died after six months (655). Even more dreadful was the punishment awarded to Maximus, who was cruelly scourged, had his tongue torn out, his hand cut off, and was in that state banished into the country of the barbarous Lacians, where he died in 662, at the advanced age of eighty. These barbarous measures seemed for a time successful, and every opposition ceased. But under the reign of Con- stantinus Pogonnalus (668-685) the two parties prepared for another contest. The Emperor resolved to put an end to it by convoking a uni- versal council. Pope Agatho held a splendid council at Rome in 679; where it was resolved not to abate one iota from the decrees of the Lateran Synod. Armed with these resolutions, and an autograph lettei of the Pope's, the legates from Rome appeared at the Sixth (Ecume- nical Council at Constantinople in 680 (called also the Coucil. Trulla- mint I., from the peculiar shell-like shape of the hall Trullus, in the imperial palace, where it met). As in Chalcedon the Epistle of Leo, 60 .now the definitions of Agatho [Svb tyvaixa ^stoj/ttara dStaipf'rwj. atfirt- fwj, afAtpLOT^s, dai-yaju-rws, ovx vritvavti.a. uXhu iriuy-iiov to di^pwrtn'oi xcu THE DOCTRINE OF REDEMPTION. 207 \)Ttotaaa6jxivov tu} £««) were made the basis of the decrees. Nay, the Synod went so far as to transmit to the Pope an account of its trans- actions, and to request him to ratify its decrees. Still the Greeks managed to put some wormwood into the Pope's cup, by prevailing upon the Council to anathematize Pope Honorius along with the other representatives of the Monothelete heresy. — After that, Dyotheletism was universally received as orthodox doctrine. Monotheletism continued only in that portion of Asia which the arm of the State Church was unable to reach. The scattered adherents of these views gathered around the monastery of S. Maro on Mount Lebanon, and made its abbot their ecclesiastical chief. They took the name of Maronites, and preserved their ecclesiastical and political independence both against the Byzantines and against the Saracens. I 53. CONTROVERSIES CONNECTED WITH THE DOCTRINE OF REDEMPTION (412—529). Comp. Walch, Hist. d. Ketz. IV. V. — Fr. Wiggers, prag. Darstell. des Augustinism. u. Pelagianism. (Pragm. Sketch of Aug. and Pelag.). Berlin 1821, 1833. 2 Volls. Although the controversies about the Trinity and the Person of Christ had originated and were most zealously carried on in the East, they also exercised considerable influence in the West ; and when, ultimately, they issued in favour of orthodoxy, this result was mainly due to the influential advocacy of the see of Rome. But even before the commencement of the controversy about the Person of Christ, a discussion had sprung up in the West, which continued for upwards of a century, but failed to enlist more than a merely passing and indirect interest in the East. This discussion concerned the fundamental doctrines of Sin and of Grace. While Pelagians maintained the efficacy of unaided human liberty, and semi- Pelagians the co-operation of Divine grace with human freedom, Augustine and his party insisted on the operation of Divine grace as a one efficacious in the work of salvation. Victory ultimately remained with the party of Augustine. 1. Preliminary History. — The entire corruption of human nature, and the need of Divine grace in Christ in order to redemption, had from the first been generally admitted in the Church. But a considerable period elapsed before it was authoritatively and finally settled whether, and in how far, the moral freedom of man had been weakened or lost through sin, and what was the relation between human activity and Divine grace. In their controversies with the Gnostics and Manicha^anj the Fathers were led to lay the greatest possible emphasis on the doc- 208 SECTION I. — SECOND PERIOD (.'523—692 A. D.) . trine of human freedom. Some of them went so far even as to deny innate sinfulness — an error which was not a little encouraged hy the views concerning "Creationism" then prevailing. This tendency ap- peared most prominently among the older Alexandrian writers. — The Nco- Alexandrian School, on the other hand, sought to trace the universal prevalence of sin to the fall of Adam, but failed to carry out this view so far as the principle of hereditary or innate sinfulness. Accordingly, this school afterwards kept by the statements formerly made by Alex- andrian writers, who traced salvation to a Synergism, or the co-opera tion of human freedom with Divine grace. The theologians of Aniioch, in their anxiety to assign a place to the operation of the human will, while admitting the necessity of Divine grace, reduced the doctrine of original sin to that of hereditary evil. Thus Chrysostom allowed that the children which Adam begat after ho had become mortal must also have been subject to death ; but he failed to perceive that after his sin his descendants must also have been sinful. The first man, he held, had brought into the world sin and misery, which Ave confirmed and continued by our sins. If, in the exercise of his free will, man only did his part, grace would certainly not be withheld. In short, the East was unanimous in decidedly rejecting anything like Predestina- rianisin. — It was otherwise in the West, where the " Traducianisin" or " Generationism" of Tertullian (tradux animte tradux peccati) prepared the way for the doctrine of original sin, and for the views of Augustine concerning grace. Even Tertvllian, proceeding on the fact that from his birth a man had an unconquerable inclination towards sin, spoke very distinctly about a " vitium originis." Cyprian, Ambrose, and Hi- lary, held the same views. Still, even these Fathers were not quite free from Synergistic views. By the side of passages which savour of extreme Predestinarianism, Ave find others in which great stress is laid on the co-operation of man in conversion. Augustine Avas the first to carry these principles to their fullest consequences, and taught that the operation of God was alone efficacious in salvation (Divine Moner- gism) ; Avhile Pelagius perverted the Synergism propounded by former authorities into a Monergism on the part of man, which had not been mooted before him. 2. Doctrinal Views of Augustine. — During the first period of his Christian experience, and Avhile antagonism to the Manichaian system occupied so prominent a place in his thinking, Augustine also regarded faith as a free act of the human will. He deemed it requisite that, to a certain extent, the human will should co-operate in conversion, and hence denied that man was entirely helpless and undeserving of any good. But a deeper experience ($ 47, 5) obliged him to acknowledge the natural inability of man to contribute in any way towards the acquisition of salvation, and to trace both faith and conversion entirely to tin' grace of God. These views became thoroughly formed, and Avere completely developed, during the controversy with the Pelagians. The THE DOCTRINE OF REDEMPTION. 209 following are the leading outlines of the doctrinal system of Augustine. Originally man had been a free agent, created in the image of God, capable of, and destined for, immortality, holiness, and blessedness ; but also free to sin and to die. In the exercise of his freedom, he had to make a choice. If he had chosen to obey the Lord, the possibility that he might not sin, and hence not die, would have become an impos- sibility to sin or to die (the " posse non peccare et mori" a " non posse peccare et mori"). But by the wiles of the enemy he fell, and it became impossible for him not to sin and not to die ("non posse non peccare" and "non mori"). All the distinguishing features of the Divine image were now lost, and man was only capable of an external, civil righteousness (justitia civilis) and of being redeemed. But in Adam all mankind have sinned, since he constituted all mankind. By generation the nature of Adam, as it was after the fall, with its sin and guilt, with its death and condemnation — but also with its capability of redemption — has passed upon all his posterity. Divine grace avails itself of what remains of the image of God in man, which appears in his need and capability of redemption. But grace alone can save man, or give him eternal blessedness. Hence grace is absolutely necessary — it constitutes the commencement, the middle, and the close of the Christian life. It is imparted to man not because he believes, but in order that he may believe ; for faith also is the work of God's grace Grace, having first aivakened a man through the latv to a sense of his sin and desire after salvation, next leads him by the Gospel to believe in the Saviour ("gratia prasveniens"). Grace then procures pardon of sin by the appropriation of the merits of Christ through faith, and imparts to man the powers of a divine life by bringing him into living communion with Christ (in baptism). Our free-will towards that which is good being thus restored ("gratia operans"), henceforth manifests itself in a devoted life of holy love. But the old man with his inclina- tion towards sin, is not wholly destroyed even in those who are rea-ene- rated. In the contest between the new and the old man, believers are continuously aided by Divine grace ("gratia cooperans"). The last act of grace, which, however, is not accomplished in this life, consists in the entire removal of all sinful inclinations (" concupiscentia"), and in transformation into perfect likeness to Christ by the resurrection and eternal life ("non posse peccare" and "mori"). — But this thoroughly evangelical view of nature and of grace Augustine developed into the unevangelical doctrine of an absolute predestination. Expe- rience, he argued, showed that all men were not converted and saved. But as man could not in any way contribute to his conversion, this must ultimately be traced back, not to the conduct of man, but to an eternal and unconditional decree of God (decretum absolutum), accord- ing to which He had resolved, to the praise of His grace, to deliver some of the human family, which lay entirely under sentence of con- demnation (the "massa perditionis"), and, to the nraise of His justice 18* 210 SECTION I. — SECOND PERIOD (323— 692 A. D.). to leave the rest to the condemnation which they had deserved. Thia choice depended alone on the all-wise hut secret good pleasure of the Divine will, and not upon our faith, which indeed was also a gift of < rod. It is indeed written : " God wills that all men should be saved," but this only means — " all who are predestinated." As the reprobate (" reprobati") are unable in any way to obtain grace, so the elect can- not resist it (" gratia irresistibilis"). Hence continuous perseverance in grace ("donum perseverance") was the only sure evidence of elec- tion. Augustine held that even the best among the heathen could not be saved (although he thought that there were various degrees in their punishment), and that children who died unbaptizcd could not go to heaven. The apparent contradiction between this statement and his other assertion, "contemtus, non defectus sacramenti damnat," was removed by an appeal to the eternal decree of God, who suffered not the elect to die without having received this sacrament. 3. Pelagivs and his System. — Far different from the Inner history of Augustine was that of Morgan or Pelagius, a British monk of respectable acquirements and of moral earnestness, but without depth of mind or capacity for speculation. At a distance from the struggles and trials of life, having no experience of inward temptations, nor strong tendency to outward and manifest sins, destitute, moreover, of deeper Christian experience, his ideal of religion consisted in a kind of monastic asceticism. His dislike to the views of Augustine about the total corruption of human nature, and its entire inability to con- tribute in any way towards conversion or sanctiiication, was increased by the knowledge that some careless persons had made them an excuse for carnal security and moral indolence. This circumstance confirmed him in the idea that it was much better to preach a moral law, the demands of which, as he thought, men were able to fulfil, provided they were in earnest about it. During his stay at Home, about the year 410, he commenced to diifuse these views. The following are the leading outlines if his system. Man had originally been created liable to physical death ; eternal, not physical dcatii, was the consequence and the punishment of sin. The fall of Adam had not caused any change in the moral nature of man, nor did its influence extend to the posterity of Adam. Every man came into the world exactly as God had created our first father, ?'. c, without either sin or virtue. In the exercise of his yet undiminished freedom, he was left to choose the one or the other. The universal prevalence of sin depended on the power of seduction, of evil example, and of custom; but perfectly sinless per- sons may, and indeed actually have existed. The grace of God made it more east/ for man to attain his destiny. Hence grace was not abso- lutely hut relatively necessary, on account of the actual prevalence of sin. Grace consisted in spiritual enlightenment through revelation, in the forgiveness of sins as the manifestation of Divine indulgence, and in the strengthening of our moral powers by bringing the incentives THE DOCTRINE OP REDEMPTION. 211 of th ) law and the promise of eternal life to bear upon them. The grace of God was designed for all men ; but man must deserve it by making sincere endeavours after virtue. Christ had become incarnate m order, by His perfect doctrine and example, to give us the most powerful incentive to amend our ways, and thus to redeem us. As by sin we imitate Adam, so ought we by virtue to imitate Christ. Baptism he held to be necessary (the baptism of infants " in remissionem fdurorum peccatorum "). Infants who had died without this sacra- ment enjoyed an inferior degree of- blessedness. The same inconsistent adherence to Church views appears in hio admission of the received doctrines concerning revelation, miracles, prophecy, the Trinity, and the divinity of Christ. If Pelagius had carried his principles to all their legitimate consequences, he would no doubt have discarded from his system all that is supernatural. 4. The Pelagian Controversy (412-431). — From the year 409 Pelagius resided at Pome, where he made a convert of Ccelestius, a man of much greater talent and learning than himself. By their zeal for morality and asceticism the two gained high repute at Rome ; and continued to diffuse their principles without let or hindrance. In 411 they went to Cartilage, whence Pelagius passed into Palestine. Coelestius remained at Carthage, and became a candidate for the office of presbyter. His errors were now for the first time discussed. Paulinus, a deacon from Milan, who happened to be at Carthage, laid a formal accusation against him ; and when he refused to recant, a provincial synod, held at Carthage in 412, excommunicated him. In the same year Augustine published his first c ntroversial tractate: "De peccatorum meritis et remissione et de baptiamo parvulorum. LI. III. ad Marcellinum." — In Palestine, Pelagius joined the followers of Origen. Jerome, whom he had at any rate offended by a disparaging opinion of his literary labours, opposed his views, and declared them a logical sequence of the Origenistic heresy (Ep. ad Ctesiphontem — Dialog, e. Pelag. LI. III.) ; and Paulus Orosius, a young presbyter from Spain, denounced him at a synod held at Jerusalem (415), under the presidency of John, the bishop of that see. But the Synergistic orientals could not be con- vinced of the dangerous character of these views, which, besides, were somewhat disguised by their author. Another accusation laid by two Gallican bishops before the Synod of Diospolis (415), held under the presidency of Eulogius, Bishop of Cassarea, ended in the same manner. Upon this, Augustine ("de gestis Pelagii") showed to the divines of Palestine that they had been deceived by Pelagius. Orosius also published a controversial tractate ("Apologeticus c. Pel.'') ; while, on the other side, Theodorus of Mops, wrote five (now lost) letters (probably directed against Jerome). The Africans now took part in the contro- versy. Two synods — held at Mileve and at Carthage (41G) — renewed the former condemnation of these doctrines, and laid their chara-es before Innocent I. of Rome, who approved of the conduct of the African 212 SECTION I. — SECOND PERIOD (323— 692 A. D.). Church. Pelagius now transmitted a confession, in -which his views were carefully disguised, while Ccelestius appeared personally at Rome. But Innocent had died before his arrival (417). Zosimus, his successor — perhaps a Greek divine, at any rate an indifferent theologian — having been gained by Coelestius, addressed bitter reproaches to the African Church, against which the latter energetically protested. Soon afterwards, however, the Emperor Honorius issued (in 418) a "sacrum scriptum ',' against the Pelagians, while a General Synod, held at Car- thage in 418, condemned their views in even stronger terms than before. These circumstances induced Zosimus also to condemn them ("epistolatraetatoria"). Eighteen Italian bishops — among them Julianas of Eclanum, the ablest defender of Pelagianism — refused to sign this document, and were banished. They requested and obtained an asylum from Nestorius, Bishop of Constantinople. But this connection was fatal both to the bishop and his proteges. Coelestine, Bishop of Borne, took the part of the opponents of Nestorius in the controversy about the person of Christ (§ 52, 3) ; while the Eastern Church, at the (Ecu- menical Council of Ephesus in 431, condemned, along with Nestorius, also Pelagius and Ccelestius, without, however, entering upon a defini- tion of the doctrine in question. To this result the efforts of Marius Mercator, a learned layman from the West, who resided at Constanti- nople, had greatly contributed. He had composed two " Commoni- toria" against Pelagius and Ccelestius, and a controversial tractate against Julianus of Eclanum. Nor had Augustine been idle during the interval. In 413 he wrote " De spiritu et litera ad Marcellinum ;" in 415, "De natura et gratia" against Pelagius. and " De perfectiono justitiae hominis " against Coelestius ; in 410, " De gestis Pelagii :" in 418, "De gratia Dei et de peccato originali LI. II. c. Pelag. et Ccel. :" in 419, " De nuptiis et concupiscentia LI. II." (in answer to the objection that his system cast contempt upon the Divine institution of marriage) ; in 420, " C. duas epistolas Pelagianorum ad Bonifaeium I." against the apologies of Julianus and his friends) ; in 421, " LI. VI. c. Julianum ;" and somewhat later an " Opus imperfectum c. secun- dam Juliani responsionem." 5. The Semi- Pelagian Controversy (427-529). — Gross Pelagianism had been refuted, but extreme inferences from the principles of Augus- tine in reference to the doctrine of Predestination excited fresh discus- sions. The monks at Hadrumetum, in North Africa, had gone on evolving sequences from this doctrine, until some had fallen into per- plexity and despair, some into security and unconcern, Avhile others deemed it requisite to avoid these and other consequences by ascribing to human activity a certain amount of merit in the acquisition of sal- vation, ruder these difficulties, the abbot of that monastery addressed himself to Avgustine, who endeavoured to remove the scruples and mistakes of the monks in two tractates (a. 427) : " De gratia et libero arbitrio" and "De correptione et gratia." But about the same time THE DOCTRINE OF REDEMPTION. 213 an entire school of divines in Southern Gaul protested against the doc- trine of Predestination, and maintained the necessity of asserting that human freedom to a certain degree co-operated with Divine grace, so that sometimes the one, sometimes the other, initiated conversion. This school was headed hy Johannes Cassianns (ob. 432), a pupil and friend of Chrysostom, and the founder and president of the monastery at Massilia. His adherents were called Massilians or Semi-Pelagians. Cassianus himself had, in the 13th of his " Collationes Patrum" (§ 48, 6), controverted the views of Augustine, without, however, naming that Father. The ablest of his pupils was Vmcentius Lirinensis (from the monastery of Lirinium), who, in his " Commonitorium pro catho- lics) tide antiquitate et universitate," laid down the principle, that Catholic doctrine consisted of all " quod semper, ubique et ab omnibus creditum sit." Tried by this test, of course the teaching of Augustine was not Catholic. The second book of his tractate — which has been lost — controverted Augustinianism, and was, probably on that account, suppressed. Hilary and Prosper Aquitanicus — two laymen in Gaul ($ 48, 8) — devoted adherents of Augustine, wrote to inform him of these proceedings. The Bishop of Hippo now composed two tractates against the Massilians ("De praedestinatione Sanctorum" and " De dono perseverantias"). Death put an end to further controversy on his part (430). But Hilary and Prosper took up the cause. When Cozles- tine, Bishop of Rome, to whom they applied for redress (in 431). gave a reply in terms which might mean anything or nothing, Prosper him- self entered the lists by an able tractate, " De gratia dei et libero arbi- trio contra Collatorem," in which, however, he involuntarily smoothed off the extreme points in the system of Augustine. This remark ap- plies even in higher degree to the able work " De vocatione gentium," which perhaps was composed by Leo the Great, afterwards a pope, but at that time only a deacon. The other party (Arnobius the younger?) published a remarkable tractate, entitled " Praedestinatus," in which a supposed follower of Augustine expresses his views about predesti- nation, carrying them to a most absurd length, of course in a manner never intended by the Bishop of Hippo. (Book I. gives a description of ninety heresies, of which Predestinarianism is the last ; Book II. furnishes, by way of proof, this pretended tractate by a Predestinarian; and Book III. contains a refutation of it.) A Semi-Pelag. synod, which met at Aries in 475, obliged Lucidus, a presbyter and a zealous advo- cate of the doctrine of Predestination, to recant ; and Fanstus, Bishop of Rhegium, transmitted to him, in name of that Council, a contro- versial tractate, " De gratia Dei et humanas mentis libero arbitrio." In the same year a synod held at Lugdunum (in 475) sanctioned Semi- Pelagianism. Although the tractate of Faustus was moderate, and, so to speak, intermediate between extreme views on both sides, it caused very great commotion among a community of Scythian monks \i Constantinople (520). Through Possessor, Bishop of Carthage, they 214 SECTION I. — SECOND PE.UOD (323— 692 A. D.). complained to Hbrmisdas, who, however, replied in general and indefb nite terms. The African divines in Sardinia, whom the Vandals had banished from their sees, now took up the cause. They held a council in 523 ; and, in their name, Fulgentius of Rvspe composed a very able defence of Augustinian views (" De veritate pranlestinationis et gratiae Dei LI. III."), which made an impression even in Gaul. At the same time, Avitus of Vienne and Ccesarius of Aries, two excellent Gallican bishops, undertook the advocacy of moderate Augustinianism. At the Synod of Arausio (Oranges), in 529, these views were generally ac- knowledged as orthodox truth. Augustine's principles about original sin, the entire worthlessness of all human works, and the absoluto necessity of grace, were admitted to the fullest extent ; faith was de- clared to be the eifect of grace alone, while the predestination of the " reprobate" was defined as merely foreknowledge, and predestination to sin entirely rejected as blasphemous. A synod held at Valencia (529) in the same year confirmed the decrees of Oranges, which also received the approbation of Boniface II. of Home in 530. ? 54. REVIVAL OF FORMER SECTS. The Montanists (Tertnlliauists) and Novatians continued to exist till the fifth or sixth century. During the fifth century Manichcei&m still counted numerous adherents both in Italy and in North Africa. Gnostic and Maniclmean tendencies reappeared in Spain under the name of Priscillianism, and (towards the close of this period) in Armenia under that of Paulicianism (§ 71, 1). 1. Manichceism. — The most prominent representative of this heresy in the West was Faustus of Mileve, an African, who composed a num- ber of controversial tractates against Catholic doctrine. Augustine, who had at first been misled by him, wrote against him the thirty-three books " c. Faustum," the most comprehensive of his numerous works against the Manichaeans. — Since the reignof Valentinianl., the emperors frequently issued strict edicts, decreeing punishment upon the members of that sect. In Africa also they were persecuted by the Vandals. Huneric (since 477) transported whole shiploads of them to the conti- nent of Europe. At the time of Leo the Great (ob. 4G1) the party numbered many adherents in Rome. On inquiry, it turned out that they held antinomian principles, and secretly indulged their lusts. But, notwithstanding the rigour employed against them, the sect had many secret adherents even during the middle ages. 2. Priscillianism (380-563). — (Comp. Sal. van Fries, diss. crit.de Pris- cillianistis eorumque fatis doctr. moribus. Illtraj. 1745. — /. H li. Lab' 'REVIVAL OF FORMER SECTS. 215 Jcert, de haeresi Priscill. Han. 1840. — /. M. Mandernach, Gesch. des Priscillianism. Trier 1851.) — Marcus, an Egyptian, is said, in the fourth century, to have brought the germs of Gnostico-Manichsean views to Spain. Priscillian, a wealthy and educated layman, adopted these principles, and elaborated them into a dualistic system, in which the " emanation theory" occupied a prominent place. Marriage and the use of flesh were interdicted ; but it is said that, under the guise of a strict asceticism, the sect secretly cherished antinomian views, and indulged in licentious orgies. At any rate, it sanctioned both lying and perjury, hypocrisy and dissimulation, for the purpose of spreading and protecting its principles. — Gradually Priscillianism extended over the whole of Spain, where even some of the bishops became converts to it. The glimmering fire was fanned into a flame by the intemperate zeal of Idacius, Bishop of Emerida. A Synod held at Saragossa in 380 excommunicated the sect, and commissioned Ithacius, Bishop of Sos- suba, a very violent and also an immoral man, to carry its decrees into execution. In connection with Idacius, he procured from the Empe- ror an edict threatening all Priscillians with exile. But Priscillian's bribe brought about a repeal of this edict, and an order for the arrest of Ith., which the latter escaped by flight into Gaul. Here he gained over Maximus, the usurper (the murderer of Gratian), who, to obtain their possessions, applied the torture to some of the sect, and caused Priscillian and some of his adherents to be beheaded at Treves (385). This was the first instance in which heretics were punished with death. Martin, the noble-minded Bishop of Tours, to whom the Em- peror had promised to employ mild measures, hastened to Treves, and renounced communion with Ithacius and all those bishops who had consented to the sentence of death. Ambrose also, and other bishops, expressed their disapprobation. Maximinius was thus induced to institute the military inquisition against them. But the glory of martyrdom heightened the enthusiasm of the sect, and their principles rapidly spread among the barbarians who, in 409, invaded Spain. In a " Commonitorium de errore Priscillianist," addressed to Augustine (in 415), Paulus Orosius (§ 53,4) earnestly implored the assistance of that Father ; but other cares and controversies prevented him from energetically taking part in this discussion. Greater success attended the endeavors of Leo the Great, whose aid was invoked thirty years later by Turmbius, Bishop of Astorga. In accordance with the instruction of that Pontiff, a "Concilium HLspanicum " in 447, and at a subse- quent period, the Council of Braga in 563, adopted efficient measures for the suppression of this heresy. After that professed Priscillianism seems to have disappeared, but the principles of the sect continued in secret tradition for many centuries. 216 SECTION I. — SECOND PERIOD (323— 692 A. D.). V. WORSHIP, LIFE, DISCIPLINE, AND MANNERS. I 55. WORSHIP IN GENERAL. When Christian worship was secured by Constantine against persecution, it developed extraordinary wealth of forms and material, an indescribable fulness of ceremonial beauty and glory. But as yet doctrinal controversies absorbed public attention too much, to leave time or space for submitting ritual questions to the ordeal of discussion and examination. Hence the special manner of conducting public worship was in each case very much left to be regulated by the spirit of the times, and by national peculiarities. Still, the common spirit of the Church gave to this ecclesiastical development a great uniform direction, and the differences which at first obtained gradually disappeared. Only, such were the national differences between the East and the West, that even the continual efforts made after catholic unity could not efface these characteristics from public worship. The right relation between doctrine and worship doubtless is, that the latter should be regulated and determined by the former. Such was the case at the commencement of this period. But afterwards the relationship was reversed; and the unevangelical views so generally entertained may, in no small measure, be traced to this aberration. The change took place principally during the time of Cyril of Alex. It is quite natural that, when the principles of that school about the close interconnection between the Divine and the human prevailed, they should also have been embodied in public worship. But as yet these views were one-sided, and liable to be perverted into error. The labours of Leo and Theodoret were indeed so far successful as to exclude from Church doctrines the monophysiie element. But already it had struck its roots so deeply in public worship, that its presence was not even recognized, far less removed. During the following periods it gradually increased (in the worship of saints, of images, of relics — in pilgrimages, the sacrifice of the mass, etc.), and exercised the most pernicious influeuce on the development of the doctrines which, as yet, had not been accurately defined (for example, those about the Church, the priesthood, the sacraments, especially that of the Lord's Supper, etc.) TIMES OF WORSHIP AND FESTIVALS. 217 §56. TIMES OF PUBLIC WORSHIP AND FESTIVALS. Cnifr. G. B. Eisenschmidt, Gesch. d. Sonn- and Festtage (Hist, of the Lord's Day and of Feast Days). Leipz. 1793. — J. G. Muller, Gesch. d. christ. Feste. Berl. 1843. — Fr. Strauss, d. evang. Kirchenjahr (The Eccles. Year of Evang. Ch.). Berl. 1850. — E. Eanke, d. kirchl. Peri- kopensystem. Berl. 1847.— M. A. Nickel (Rom. Cath.), d. heil. Zeiten u. Feste in d. kath. K. (Sacred Seasons and Fest. in the Cath. Church). Mayeiice 1836. 6 vols. — H. Alt, d. chr. Cultus. Abth. II., Das Kir- chenjahr mit s. Festen. Berl. 1858. The idea of a weekly and au annual cycle in commemoration of the great facts of salvation, had been entertained even during the previous period (§ 31). But gradually the idea of this weekly cycle gave way before a richer and fuller development of that of the Christian year. From the first essential differences prevailed in this respect between the East and the West ; the former embodied rather the Jewish-Christian, the latter the Gen- tile-Christian tendency. But during the fourth century many of these divergences were removed, and the three great cycles of Christian festivals were celebrated in the same manner by both Churches. During the fifth and sixth centuries, however, the former differences again reappeared. The Eastern Church in- creasingly yielded to its early inclination for Jewish-Christian forms of worship ; while the Western Church, in conformity with its Gentile-Christian tendency, adopted the natural year as a basis for the ecclesiastical. Hence the ecclesiastical year of the West obtained fuller organization, and became more closely intertwined with popular life. But even in the West, the in- creasing tendency towards the worship of saints prevented the full carrying out of the idea of the Christian ecclesiastical year. ^ 1. The Weekly Cycle. — So early as the year 321 Constantine the Great enacted a law, that neither public business nor work of any kind should be done on the Lord's Day. Somewhat later he interdicted military exercises on that day. His successors extended this inhibition to public spectacles. Besides Sunday, the Jewish Sabbath also was, for a long time, observed in the East by meeting for worship, by the intermission of fasts, and by prayer in the standing posture ; fasting was only allowed on the Sabbath of the Great AVeek. Wednesday and Friday, the " dies stationum," were kept in the East as fast days. In the West, the fast on Wednesdays was abrogated, and in its room that on the Jewish Sabbath introduced. 19 218 SECTION I. — SECOND PERIOD (323— 692 A. D.) . 2. Horce and Ember-Days.^ During the fifth century the number of fixed hours for prayer (the 3d, 6th, and 9th during the day, comp. Dan. vi. 10, 13; Acts ii. 15, iii. 1, x. 9) increased to eight {harm canonical; Matutina at 3 o'clock in the morning, Prima at 6, Tertia at 9, Sexta at 12, Nona at 3, Vespers at 6, Completoria at 9, and Mesonyction or Vigils at 12). But in order to obtain the sacred number 7 (after Ps. cxix. 164), the two horce of the night were generally combined into one. The horae were, in all their strictness, observed only by monks and the clergy. — In accordance with this arrangement of prayer, onco every three hours, the year was divided in the West into terms of three months (qvaluor tempora, quarterly), each marked by a fast. Theso periods were (according to Joel ii.) to be signalized by repentance, fasting, and almsgiving. The arrangement in question was completed by Leo the Great (ob. 461). The Ember-days fell at the commencement of Quadragesima, during the week after Pentecost, and in the middle of the seventh and of the tenth month (September and December). They were observed by a strict fast on the "Wednesday, the Friday, and the Saturday, and by a Sabbath vigil. 3. The Calculation of Easter. — The Council of Nice (325) decided in favour of the Roman mode of Easter observance, as opposed to that of Asia Minor (§31, 1). The adherents of the latter formed a separate sect (Quartodecimani). The Council decided that the first day of full moon after the vernal equinox should he regarded as the 14th of Nisan, and that the Feast of the Resurrection should be celebrated on the Sunday following, yet so as to avoid its coincidence with the Jewish Passover. The annual astronomical calculation of the feast was en- trusted to the Bishop of Alexandria, in which city astronomical study was extensively cultivated. This prelate issued an annual circular (liber paschal 'is) — commonly at Epiphany — in which he intimated to the other churches the result of his calculations, and generally also took occasion to discuss some question that was mooted at the time. The Roman mode of calculation differed in some respects from that common in Alexandria. At Rome they calculated according to a cycle of 84, and not of 19 years ; the 18th, and not the 21st of March, was regarded as the day of the spring equinox ; and if the full moon hap- pened on a Saturday, Easter was celebrated, not the day afterwards, but eighl days after it. At last, in 525, Dionysius Exiguus brought about a permanent agreement between Rome and Alexandria in the celebra- tion of Easter. !. The Easter Cycle of Festivals. — With the commencement of Qua< dragesima the whole appearance of public life underwent a change, Public amusements were prohibited, criminal investigations arrested, and the noise of traffic in streets and markets ceased as far as possible. In the East, fasting was intermitted on Sundays and Saturdays; in the West, only on Sundays. On this account, Gregory the Great fixed the TIMES OF WORSHIP AND FESTIVALS. 219 Wednesday of the seventh week before Easter as the commencement of Quadragesima. This day was called " Caput jejunii," and "Dies cinerum" — -Ash Wednesday — from the practice of sprinkling ashes on the heads of the faithful, in remembrance of Gen. iii. 19. On the Tuesday before that fast, the people were wont, by extravagant festivi- ties {Carnival, Carni vale.), to make up for the coming fasts. About the same time the Easter cycle was enlarged in the West, so as to embrace two additional weeks, and commenced on the ninth Sunday before Easter (Septuagesima). The Hallelujah of the mass then ceased, marriages were no more consecrated (tempus clausum), and monks and priests already commenced to fast. Quadragesima attained, as it were, its climax during the last or the so-called Great Week, which commenced on Palm Sunday (toprr; run (3atwv), and closed with the Great Sabbath, the favourite time for administering baptism. The Thursday when the Lord's Supper had been instituted, and the Friday on which the Sa- viour had been crucified, were more particularly observed. Public worship celebrated during the night {Easter vigil) formed a transition from these fasts to the rejoicings at Easter. This solemnity was deep- ened by the prevalence of an old tradition, that Christ would again return during that night. The morning of Easter was ushered in with the joyful salutation, "The Lord is risen;" to which response was made, "Yea, truly He is risen." The festivities of Easter closed only on the following Sunday (pascha clausum, dm'rtaa^a). On that day those who had been baptized on the Great Sabbath wore for the last time their white garments. Hence this Sunday was called " Dominica in albis," also " Quasimodogeniti," from the first words in 1 Pet. ii. 2 — among the Greeks, xaivrj xvpiax-q. The rejoicings of Easter extended over the whole term of Quinquagesima, or the period between Easter and Pentecost. A solemn vigil preceded both Ascension-day and Pen- tecost, and the latter closed with a Pentecost-octava (celebrated by the Greeks as the xvpiaxr t «w dyuor naptvpr^navtuv, and by the Latins — at a much later period — as the Feast of the Holy Trinity). — These festive "Octavo;" were kept in imitation of the "solemn assembly" at the Feast of Tabernacles, Lev. xxiii. 36. 5. The Christmas Cycle of Festivals. — The first mention of Christmas observance (natalis Christi, yn-t^xta) occurs in the Western Church about 3G0. Twenty or thirty years afterwards, it was also introduced in the East. We account for the late introduction of this festival by the circumstance that the ancient Church failed to set value on the day of Christ's birth, and placed it rather in the background as compared with the day of His death (| 31). But Chrysostom already designates it as the /xrjtpoTtoXii naa^v *w soprwv. From the first, the 25th Decem- ber was commonly regarded as the day on which Christ was born. The Christmas festival was fixed for that day, not on account of, but iespite, the heathen Saturnalia (in remembrance of the Golden A"-e, fro>n the 17th-24th December), the Sigillaria (on the 24th December, 220 SECTION I. — SECOND PERIOD (323— 692 A. D.). when children received presents of dolls and figures made of earthen- ware or wax — sigilla), and the Brumalia (on the 25th December, dies natalis invicti solis, the Feast of the Winter Solstice). At the same time it was regarded as far from an accidental occurrence that Christ, the Eternal Sun, had appeared on that day. Christmas commenced also with a Vigil, and terminated with an Octava, which during the sixth century became the " festum circumcisionis." In contrast with the excesses of the heathen at the New Year, the ancient Church set this day apart for humiliation and fasting. The Feast of Epiphany was introduced in the West in the fourth century, when it obtained its peculiar Gentile-Christian import as a commemoration of the admis- sion of Gentiles into the Church (Luke ii. 21). (Referring to Ps. lxxii. 10, Tertullian had represented the Magi as kings; the number three indicated threefold gifts. In GOO a. d. Bede gave their names : Casper, Melchior, and Balthasar.) In other places this feast was also supposed to commemorate the first miracle of Christ at the marriage in Cana. — Since the sixth century, the period preceding Christmas was observed as " the Advent." In the Latin Church this season commenced on the fourth Sunday before Christmas ; in the Greek, on the 14th November, and comprehended six Sundays and a fast of forty days — a practice which was also introduced in some of the Western churches. 6. The last festival of our Lord — introduced late in the East — was that of the Transfiguration (Aug. 6th), which the Latin Church only adopted in the fifteenth century. — For Saints' dags, and feasts in honor of the Virgin, comp. \ 57. 7. The Ecclesiastical Year. — In the East, the symbolical relation between the natural and the ecclesiastical year was ignored, except so far as implied in the attempt to give to the Jewish feasts a Christian adaptation. To some extent, indeed, Western ideas had been imported in reference to the great festivals, such as Christmas, Easter, and Pentecost, but not in connection with the ordinary Sun and feast-days. At first the ecclesiastical year in the East commenced with Easter, afterwards with Quadragesima or with Epiphany, and ultimately in September, as under the Old Dispensation. The year was divided into four parts, according to the "lectio continua" of the Gospels, and the Sundays obtained corresponding names. The xvpiaxr; H^tiq rol Mai"- £a<,'oi> took place immediately after Pentecost. — The Latin Ecclesias- tical Year commenced in Advent, and was divided into a " Semestre Domini" and a " Semestre ecclesiae." But the idea underlying this arrangement was only carried out in reference to the " Semestre Domini" (Christmas, Easter, and Pentecost, with the Sundays which they included, indicating the commencement, the development, and the completion of the history of redemption). In reference to the " Semestre ecclesiae," only the commencement of a symbolical arrangement was made. Thus the " Feast of Peter and Paul," on the 29th June, repre- WORSHIP OF SAINTS, RELICS, AND IMAGES. 221 sented the foundation of the Church by the apostles; the feast of Lanreiifiiis (g 23, 5) the martyr, on the 10th August, the contest await- ing the "Church militant;" and the Feast of Michael the archangel, on the 29th September, the complete success of the "Church triumph- ant." That these feasts were intended to form the basis of three cycles of festivals, we gather from the circumstance that the Sundays after Pentecost had been arranged as Dominicae post Apostolos, post Lau- rentii, post Angelos. But the idea was not developed ; the frequency of saints' days not only made this arrangement impossible, but rendered it even necessary to encroach on the " Semestre Domini." The prin- ciple of attempting to Christianize the worship of the heathen was authoritatively sanctioned by Gregory the Great, who in 601 instructed the Anglo-Saxon missionaries to transform the heathen tern pes into churches, and the pagan into saints' festivals or martyr-days, "ut durse mentes gradibus vel passibus non autem saltibus eleventur." Saints now took the places of the old gods, and the ecclesiastical was made in every respect to correspond with the natural year, only in a Chris- tianized form. §57. THE WORSHIP OF SAINTS, OF RELICS, AND OF IMAGES. Since persecutions, and with them martyrdom, had ceased, an extraordinary asceticism could alone entitle to the honours of canonization. In awarding this distinction, popular opinion carried the day. Tims the number of saints increased every year ; saints who had long been forgotten were discovered by means of visions, while, in the absence of historical reminiscences, tradition supplied names and facts in rich abundance. The more men felt the lukewarmness and worldliness of their own religious experience, as compared with the strength of faith displayed by the first witnesses for the truth, the higher did the mariyrs rise in popular veneration. Altars and churches were erected over their graves (memories /.laptvpiat), or else their bones deposited in the churches (travslaliones). Newly erected churches were consecrated by their names, and persons called after them in baptism. The days of their martyrdom were observed as festi- vals, introduced by vigils, and celebrated by agapes and obla- tions at their graves. Ecclesiastical orators extolled them in enthusiastic language, and poets sung of them in their hymns. Nothing could equal the zeal with which their bones were searched out, or the enthusiasm with which men gazed on them, or pressed forward to touch them. Every province, nay, every 19* 222 SECTION I. — SECOND PERIOD (323— 692 A. D.) town, had its tutelary saint (Patronus). In the East, the Invo cation of Saints originated with the three great Gappadocians ; in the West, with Ambrose. These Fathers maintained that the saints participated in the omnipotence and omniscience of the Peity. Augustine alone held that the angels were the medium through which the saints learned the invocations of the devout. In the various liturgies, the former practice of praying for the saints was now converted into entreaty for their intercession. The common people regarded this worship as taking the place of that of heroes and of the Manes. But theological writers earnestly insisted on the distinction between " adoratio " and "invocatio," Jiarpfia and SouXk'o,, of which the former was due to God alone. The worship of l\Iarij arose at a period subsequent to that of the martyrs, and chiefly in connection with the Nestoriau controversy. Soon, however, it acquired much greater importance than that of the saints. Faint traces of a ivorslnp of angels occur even in Justin and Origen ; but this species of service was neglected for that of the saints. The zeal for pil- grimages was greatly quickened after the visit of the Empress- mother Helena (in 326) to the holy places in Palestine, where she erected splendid churches. Some of the most eminent Fathers, however, disapproved of these tendencies. The worship of images commenced during the time of Cyril of Alexandria. It was specially cultivated in the East. Western divines — and even Gregory the Great — admitted pictures only for decoration, for popular instruction, and for quickening the devotional feel- ings. The worship of relics, on the other hand, spread more extensively in the West than in the East. 1. Saints' Days. — So early as the fourth century, the octave of Pentecost was celebrated in the East as " the Festival of all (he Martyrs" (§ 56, 4). In the West, Pope Boniface IV. instituted, in 610, a "festum omnium Sanctorum" for the Pantheon, which the Emperor Pliocas had presented to the Holy See, and which was transformed into a church of (he most blessed Virgin and of all the martyrs. T>ut this festival (on November 1st), was not generally observed till the ninth century. The large number of canonized saints rendered it possible to dedicate every day in the calendar to one or more saints. Generally, the anniversary of their death was selected for that purpose; in the case of John Hie Baptist alone an exception was made in favour of his birth- day (natalia S. Joannis). From its relation to Christmas (Luke i. 26), this festival was fixed lor the 24th June ; and the contrast of the season in which these two feasts occurred, reminded the Church even in this WORSHIP OF SAINTS, RELICS, AND IMAGES. 223 respect of John iii. 30. So early as the fifth century, the 29th August was also observed as afestirm decollationis S. Joannis. The second day of Christmas was the Feast of St. Stephen, the proto-rnartyr (the first- gathered fruit of the Incarnation) ; the third day was devoted to the memory of the disciple whom Jesus loved ; the fourth, to that of the infants at Bethlehem (festum iunocentum), as the " flores" or " primitiae martyrum." The Feast of the Maccabees — in commemoration of the woman and her seven sons who suffered under Antiochus Epiphanes — ■ was already celebrated in the fourth, and only discontinued in the thirteenth century. Among the festivals in honour of the apostles, that " of Peter and Paul" — in memory of their martyrdom at Rome (29th June) — was generally observed. Besides this, two other "festa cathedra; Petri" were observed at Rome — one on the 18th January, in commemoration of Peter's accession to the "Cathedra Romana," the other on the 22d February, iu remembrance of his occupation of the " Cathedra Antiochena." For some time the saints' days were sc arranged that those devoted to the patriarchs were fixed before Christmas, those of later saints of the Old Testament dispensation during Quadragesima, those of the apostles and first preachers after Pentecost ; then followed the martyrs, after them the later confessors, and, lastly, the " Virgines," as the type of the Church in a state of perfection. 2. The Worship of Mary. — The Virgin, "blessed among women," and who by the Holy Spirit had predicted : " From henceforth all generations shall call me blessed," was from the first regarded as the highest ideal of maidenhood. Hence the veneration which the ea/ly Church paid to virginity, centred in that of her person. Side by side with the contrast between Adam and Christ, Tertullian placed that between Eve and Mary. In the fourth century, the " perpetua virginitas b. Marise" was already an article of faith. Ambrose applied Ezek. xliv. 2 to her, and spoke of her having given birth " utero clauso ; " while the second Trullan Council (692) declared aXoxwtov tbv ix Trj<; HapSivov $eiov toxov dvat. If Iremeus, Tertullian, Origen, Basil, and Chrysostom had still acknowledged her sinful. Aiiffustine no longer numbered her among sinners : " Unde enim scimus, quid ei plus gratite collatum fuerit ad vincenduni omni ex parte peccatuni ! " But for a considerable period no further progress was made towards actual worship of the Virgin. This was partly due to the circumstance, that she had not shai'ed the glory of martyrdom, and partly to the idolatrous and heathenish worship paid her by the Cotti/ridians — a female sect in Arabia dating from the fourth century — who offered to her bread- cakes (in imitation of the heathen worship of Ceres). Epijihanms, who opposed that sect, maintained: r-qv 6s Mapi'a;' ovSelj rci^xwua^Ku, ovre ayys?.ot, ^wpouffc 5o|o? oyiav roiavrr t v. On the Antidicoinarianites, comp. g 02. But through the victory of the doctrine that Mary was the mother of God, in the Nestorian controversy, Mariolatry became 224 SECTION I. — SECOND PERIOD (.323— 692 A. D.). again more general in the Church. In the fifth century, the 25th March was celebrated as the Feast of the Annunciation, (incarnat onis, soprjj toD ivayyiXispoi, rov aortaspov). In the West, the- Feast of Purifica- tion (according to Luke ii. 22) was observed on the 2d February. It was also called Feast of Candlemas, from the solemn offering of candles then mad". When, in 542, the empire was visited with earth- quakes and pestilence, Justinian instituted the " festum occursus," (loptij tr ti vrtartdvtTji), with special reference to the meeting with Simeon and Anna (Luke ii. 25). Both these might still be regarded as festivals of our Lord. From a desire to have a series of feasts in honour of the Virgin corresponding to those in commemoration of Christ, the Feast "of the Ascension of Mary" (rtar^yvpi? xojuajascoj, f. assumptions, dormitionis M.) was introduced at the close of the sixth, and during the seventh century that of the Birth of Mary. These festivals were celebrated on the 15th August and the 3th September. The former was founded on a legend — first broached by Gregory of Tours, (ob. 595)— to the effect that, immediately on her decease, angels had raised the " Mother of God," and carried her to heaven.— (Cf. §105,2; 113, 1). 3. The Worship of Angels. — So early as the second century, the idea of tutelary angels for nations, towns, and individuals occurs, based on Deut. xxxii. 8 (according to the version of the LXX.) ; Dan. x. 13, 20, 21, xii. 1 ; Matt, xviii. 10 ; Acts xii. 15. Ambrose already insisted on the invocation of angels. But when the Phrygian sect of "Angelici" carried this practice to idolatrous adoration of angels, the Council of Laodicea (in the fourth century) condemned their views, and Epipha- nius numbered the sect among heretics. Pretended apparitions of Michael the archangel led, in the fifth century, to the institution of the " Feast of St. Michael"— on the 20th September— which was celebrated in honour of all the angels, and designed to express the idea of the Church triumphant. 4. The Worship of Images (comp. \ 35).— The dislike and the jealousy ot art which characterized the early Church had not wholly disappeared even in the fourth century. Eusebius of Gasmen speaks of a statue at Paneas (? 14, 2), and other representations of Christ and of the apos- tles, as an I^ixjj murW. He seriously reproved Constaniia, the Em- peror's sister, for expressing a desire to possess a likeness of Christ, and called her attention to the second commandment. Asterius, Bishop of Amasa in Pont us [ob. 410), censured the custom of rich persons wearing on their dresses embroidered representations of events in Gos- pel history, and recommended such persons rather to bear Christ in their hearts. Epiphanius, in his zeal, tore in pieces a painted curtain that hung in a village church in Palestine, and suggested that the body of a poor person should he wrapped in it. But gradually the Grecian love of art and the popular feeling carried the victory over legal rigor- WORSHIP OF SAINTS. RELICS, AND IMAGES. 225 ism and abstract spiritualism. In this respect also the age of Cyril became the period of transition. Already in the fifth century, miracles were said to be performed by certain pictures of Christ, of the apos- tles, and of " the Mother of God." This gave rise to a real worship of images, by lighting before them tapers, kissing them, bowing, pros- tration, burning incense before them, etc. Soon every church and church-book, every palace and cottage, was filled with pictures of Christ and of saints, commonly drawn by monks. Countless miracles occurred in connection with them. This delusion, however, spread not so rapidly in the West as in the East. Thus Augustine complained of the worship of images, and insisted that Christ should be sought in the Bible, and not in images ; and although Gregorij the Great reproved the iconoclastic zeal of Seremts, Bishop of Massilia, himself would tolerate pictures in churches "ad instruendas solummodo mentes nesci- entium." The Nestorians, who were entirely opposed to the use of pictures, denounced Cyril as the originator of this new idolatry. — (Cf. §60,4; 66.) 5. The Worship of Relics (Cf. g 36, 4).— The worship of relics (tetyuu) originated partly in a pious impulse common to mankind, partly in the honours which the early Church was wont to pay the martyrs. The religious services celebrated on the graves of martyrs, the erection of memorials to them, and the depositing of their bones in churches, may be regarded as the commencement of this practice. By and by no altar or church was reared that possessed not its own relic. Gradually, as the small number of known martyrs no longer sufficed to supply the increasing number of churches with relics, their bones were distributed. Places where relics hitherto unknown lay, were miraculously pointed out in dreams and visions. The catacombs now became mines of relics, of which the genuineness was proved by signs and wonders. So early as 386, Theodosius I. was obliged to interdict the traffic in relics. Among them were reckoned not only bones, but garments, utensils, and especially the instruments with which the martyrs had been tor- tured. Their application restored the sick, exorcised demons, raised the dead, averted the plague, detected crimes, etc. The persons thus benefited were in the habit of expressing their gratitude by setting up commemorative tablets, or offering silver and gold casts of the diseased member which had been miraculously healed. In defence of this species of veneration, some appealed to 2 Kings xiii. 21 ; Sir. xlvi. 14; Acts xix. 12. — According to a legend — which was generally credited in the fifth century— Helena had, in 32G, discovered the true cross of Chris/, as well as those of the two malefactors. This story was first attested by Ambrose, Rufinus, and Chrysostom ; Eusebius and the Bordeaux pilgrim of the year 333 know nothing of it. The true cross was recognized from the others through a miraculous cure (raising of the dead) performed by means of it. The devout Empress presented one half of the cross to the Church of the Holy Sepulchre, and sent 226 SECTION I. — SECOND PERIOD (323— 692 A. D.). the other half along -with the nails to her son, who inserted the wood in a statue of his own, and set the nails in his diadem and in the reins of his horse. Pious pilgrims were allowed to carry with them splinters of that portion of the wood which was left at Jerusalem, and thus par- ticles of the true cross were carried into and worshipped in all lands. At a comparatively late period, it was said that, in honour of the dis- covery of the cross, a cffavpuxjt^oj jy^ipa had been celebrated (on the 14th September) in the East so early as the fourth century. From the time of Gregory the Great, a festuin inventionis S. Crucis was kept throughout the West on the 3d May. The Feast of the Elevation of the Cross was instituted by the Emperor Seraclius (14th Sept.) to com- memorate the defeat of the Persians, who were obliged to restore the holy cross (629), which they had taken away. This festival was also introduced in the West. 6. Pilgrimages (Cf. /. Marx, d. Wallf. in cl. kath. K. Trier 1842).— Pilgrimages to sacred places likewise spring from a prevalent human want. Many'were eager to follow the example set them by Helena in 326. Even the conquest of Palestine by the Saracens in the seventh century could not arrest the zeal of pilgrims. Not only the sacred localities in Palestine, but Mount Sinai, the tombs of Peter and Paul at Rome (limina Apostolorum), the grave of St. Martin of Tours (ob. 400), and even the place where Job, the type of Christ, had suffered (in Arabia), were favourite places of pilgrimage. — This zeal for pil- grimages, especially on the part of monks and of women, was most strenuously opposed by Gregory of Nyssa, who, in a letter on the sub- ject, in the strongest language indicated the danger accruing both to genuine religion and to morality from this practice. Even Jerome moralized: " Et de Hierosobymis et de Britannia a?qualiter patet aula coelestis." Chrysostom and Augustine also objected to the excessive merit attached to such acts of devotion. — (Cf. g 89, 4 ; 105, 3.) \ 58. ADMINISTRATION OF THE SACRAMENTS. The Church, had not at this period definitely settled either the number or the import of the Sacraments (jxvarnpia). The term was indiscriminately applied both to the doctrines of salvation in so far as they transcended the intellect of man, and to those rites of worship through which, in a manner incomprehensible, be- lievers received and appropriated redemption. From the first, it was admitted that Baptism and the Lord's Supper were the principal sacramental means of grace. But so early as the third century, anointing and laving on of hands was distinguished froir baptism, regarded as a special sacrament — that of Con- ADMINISTRATION OF THE SACRAMENTS. 227 firmation (xp'-oh-*) — and in the West administered separately from the initiatory Christian rite (§ 32). The idea of a special order of Christian priesthood as of Divine institution (§ 30), led theologians to regard Ordination as a sacrament (§ 45, 3). When the Pelagians charged Augustine that his views of origi- nal sin and of concupiscence implied that the Divine ordinance of marriage was in itself sinful, he rejoined by characterizing the ecclesiastical solemnization of marriage (§ 61, 2) as a sacra- ment, appealing in proof to Eph. v. 32. Thus marriage was represented as nature sanctified by grace. The Pseudo-Diony- sius enumerated (in the sixth cent.) six sacraments, viz. : Bap- tism, Confirmation, the Lord's Supper, the Anointing of priests, that of monks, and that of the dead (t^v xsxoLfiyjfih^v). As to extreme unction, comp. § 61, 3. 1. The Administration of Baptism (Cf. \ 32). — During this period it was still common to delay baptism, either from indifference, from superstition, or from doctrinal prejudices. These motives also operated against the practice of infant-baptism, which had long been recognized, not only as lawful, but as necessary. Gregory of Nyssa wrote : "npoj •fouj |3paSi>*orraj ft? to Bcirtf to^ta ; " — the other Fathers equally opposed this abuse. In accordance with the view of Terhdlian, baptized lay- men, but not women, were allowed to administer baptism in case of extreme necessity (in periculo mortis). The practice of having God- parents became general ; and the Code of Justinian treated this rela- tionship as a spiritual affinity, and an impediment to marriage. The following were the ceremonies common at baptism. The catechumens, who had kept their heads veiled, unveiled them on the day of baptism — the former to shut out any object that might distract, and also to sym- bolize spiritual self-retirement. Exorcism, was pronounced over the candidates for baptism ; next, the officiating priest breathed on them (John xx. 22), touched their ears, saying: Ephpliata! (Mark vii. 34), and made the sign of the cross on their forehead and breast. In Africa salt (Mark ix. 50) was given them ; in Italy a piece of money, as sym- bol of the talent of baptismal grace (Luke xix. 12, etc.). The assump- tion in baptism of a new name indicated entrance into a new life. The person baptized renounced the devil, turning at the same time toward the west, and saying : 'Artoracso^ou aov Sarara xa.1 rtaay tvj' Xarpsia aov, and again to the east, with the words: HvvtaaaofiaC oot, Xpiurs. The practice of sprinkling was confined to the " baptismus Clinicorum." The person baptized was three times immersed; in the Spanish Church only once, to mark even in this their antagonism to Arian views. 2. Hitherto the Doctrine of the Lord's Supper (comp. \ 33) had not been discussed in Synods, and the views of individual Fathers on the 228 SECTION I. SECOND PERIOD (323—692 A. D.). subject wore exceedingly vague and undetermined. All of them spoke of it as of a very sacred and awful mystery, and felt convinced that the elements of bread and wine became, in a supernatural manner, connected with the body and blood of Christ. Some regarded this con- nection as spiritual, and in the light of a dynamic influence ; others viewed it in a realistic manner, and as an actual communication of these substances to the elements ; but most theologians had not fully decided either for one or other of these views. Almost all described the miracle which took place in this sacrament as a ^tTaj3oX»j, trans- figuratio — an expression, however, which they also employed in con- nection with the baptismal water and the anointing oil. The school of Origen — especially Eusebivs of Caesarea and the Pseudo-Dionysivs, also Athauasivs and Gregory Nazianzen, though in a less decided manner — adopted the spiritualistic view. In the West, it was advo- cated by Augustine and his school, and even by Leo the Great. The principles of Augustine on Predestination led almost of necessity to this, since only believers, i.e., the elect, could partake of this heavenly food. Not unfrequently, however, that Father also made use of language which savours of the opposite view. Among the advocates of the realistic interpretation, some took the dyophysite (consubstantia- tion), others the monophysite (tran substantiation) view of the sacra- ment. A decided tendency to transubstantiation is exhibited in the writings of Cyril of Jems., of Chrysostom, of Hilary of Pict., and of Ambrose. The view of Gregory of Nyssa was somewhat peculiar. He held, that as during the terrestrial life of Christ food and drink, by assimilation, became the substance of His body, so the bread and wine were, by an act of Divine Omnipotence, in the consecration, changed into the glorified corporeity of Christ, which became assimilated with our body when we partook of the Lord's Supper. The divergences on this question appeared more distinctly after the Nestorian Controversy, although Theodoret and Pope Gelasius (ob. 496) were the only theolo- gians who fully applied their general dyophysite views in reference to this sacrament. The former saj r s : ftivn yap inl tr^ rtpottpaj ovoJas, and the latter: Esse non desinit substantia vel natura panis et vini Hoc nobis in ipso Christo Domino scntiendum (in regard to the Person of Christ), quod in ejus imagine (as to the Lord's Supper) profitemur. But, in all probability, the mass of the people had long before learned to regard this uira^o^y- as a genuine change of substance. The popular view next passed into the prayer-books. We find it in the Gallican and Syrian liturgies of the fifth century, in language which cannot be mis- understood. Even after the Council of Chalccdon had sanctioned dyophysite views as orthodox, the tendency to resolve the human in Christ into the Divine still continued ; and towards the close of this period the doctrine of transubstantiation was generally entertained. 3. The Sacrifice of the Mass. (Comp. | 33, 4). — Even during the fourth century tho body of Christ presented by consecration in the ADMINISTRATION OF THE SACRAMENTS. 229 Lord's Supper, had been designated a sacrifice, though only in the sense of being a representation of the one sacrifice of Christ. But gradually this view of a sacramental feast in remembrance of the sacrifice of Christ gave place to Chat which made the Eucharist an un- bloody, but real repetition of this sacrifice. The change in question was much promoted by the ancient custom of connecting with this sacrament intercession for the living and the dead, and more especially by that of celebrating the memory of the latter by oblations and par- taking of the Lord's Supper, in order thus to express that communion in the Lord lasted beyond death and the grave (§ 35). Such interces- sions would naturally appear much more powerful, if the sacrifice of Christ, which alone could give them efficacy, was on every such occa- sion really repeated and re-enacted. Other causes also contributed to this result. Among them we reckon the rhetorical figures and the language of preachers, who applied to the representation terms which really characterized the one sacrifice of Christ alone ; the notion about a regular priesthood, which soon led to that of sacrifices; the spread of the doctrine of transubstantiation, and the tendency to regard the sacrament as of magical efficacy. The idea that the Lord's Supper was a sacrifice became completely established after the introduction of the doctrine of Purgatory as a place of punishment — before the resurrec- tion — where venial sins, which had not been atoned for during life, might be expiated. This doctrine, which was not received in the East, was first propounded by Augustine, although not without some mis- givings, and without any reference to the sacrifice of the Eucharist. But Ccesarius of Aries and Gregory the Great carried it to all its con- sequences. The " oblationes pro defunctis," which had long been in use, now assumed the character of " masses for their souls ; " the object being no longer that the living should partake of the body and blood of Christ, and thereby indicate their communion with the departed, but that the atoning sacrifice should be repeated for the spiritual benefit of the deceased — i.e., in order that the sufferings of purgatory might thereby be alleviated and abridged. Similarly, men had also recourse to the atoning efficacy of the eucharistic sacrifice for the removal of earthly ills, sufferings, and accidents, in so far as these were regarded as punishments of sin. For these purposes, it was deemed sufficient if the sacrificing priest alone partook of the Eucharist (missce solitaries, private masses). At last the flock ceased to partake of the commu- nion at ordinary seasons of worship, and only joined in it at certain festivals. 4. The Dispensation of the Supper. — After the general introduction of infant-baptism, the strict distinction between the " missa catechu- menorum" and the "missa fidelium" ($ 33, 1) ceased. In the Eastern and North African branches of the Church, Infant- Communion remained in use; in the "West it was interdicted, in accordance with 1 Cor. xi. 28, 29. The " communio sub una" (scil. specie) was regarded aa 20 230 SECTION I. — SECOND PERIOD (.323— 692 A. D.) . Manichasan heresy. In Northern Africa it was in exceptional case* allowed in the case of children, because a little girl had, from dislike to wine, on one occasion spit it out. So early as the sixth century, the communion was taken only once a year in the East ; but in the West the Councils insisted, even in the fifth century, that it should be taken every Lord's day, and that those who failed to partake of it at least on the three great festivals should be excommunicated. The elements were still furnished by the members of the Church, — the bread being that in common use, hence generally leavened. This practice continued in the East; it was otherwise in the West, where unleavened bread was used in the Eucharist. The colour of ihe wine was regarded as matter of indifference; at a later period white wine was preferred, because the red left some colouring matter in the cup. It was, how- ever, deemed necessary to mix the wine with Water, either in allusion to John xix. 34, or to the two natures in Christ. Only the Armenian Monophysites used undiluted wine. The bread was broken. It was a common practice in the East to carry to the sick bread dipped in wine, instead of bringing the elements separately. At a later period, in churches also both elements were given together in a spoon. The con- secrated elements were called Eulogia, in allusion to 1 Cor. x. 16. What of the elements remained unused (7tfp«T%r\, atrium, area, which was not roofed till a later period of history) a basin was placed for washing the hands. The vestibule and side-naves rose only to the height of the columns ; they were shut in by ceiled woodwork, and covered with a simple, sloping roof. But the central and the cross naves were carried up by walls which rested upon the columns, and rose far above the side-roofs. They were covered with a bilateral obtuse-angled roof, sloping down towards the side-naves. The columns were joined together by arches, to render them sufficiently strong to support the wall resting on them. The walls of the central and of the vertical nave, which rose above the side-roofs, were pierced by windows. — The ground-plan of the basilica still remained the same as before ; but above the central nave of the church, upon immense pillars connected together by arches, the principal cupola rose like a firmament, often to a stupendous height, — a number of smaller or semi- cupolas being generally connected with it. The great Church of St. Sophia at Constantinople presented the most magnificent specimen of this style of architecture. It was so magnificent that, when it was completed (537), Justinian I. exclaimed: Nevixrjxd as laXofiJiv. 2. Several Side-Buildings (i^eSpai.) stood within the wall that enclosed the principal ecclesiastical edifice, and were connected with it. Of these the baptistries {tfaTftiorripia, ^narr^ia, xoXv/x3y^pa, piscine, John v. 2; ix. 7) were the most important. After the model of the Roman baths, they were built in the shape of a rotunda ; the baptismal basin stood in the middle, and was surrounded by a colonnade. Frequently a large antechamber was provided, in which the catechumens were wont to receive religious instruction. When infant-baptism became general, separate baptistries were no longer necessary, and instead of them stone fonts were placed in the cl urches (towards the north, at the principal entrance). In large churches, the treasures, vessels, robes, books, archives, etc., were kept in separate buildings. The rtTuxotpotyHa, optyavorpotytla, yrjpoxofj.ua, Qptfyorpotyua (foundling hospitals), voaoxofiua,, ^vobozua, were buildings used for charitable purposes. The 238 SECTION I. — SECOND PERIOD (323— 692 A. D.). burying-place (xoi/.i*]tr l pt,oi>, cimeterium, dormitorium, area) was also commonly within the wall enclosing the church. When bells came into use, towers were reared beside (not on) the churches, frequently even apart from them. 3. Ecclesiastical Furniture. — The principal object in the church was the altar, which, since the fifth century, was generally constructed of stone, plated with silver or gold. Behind the altar, which was open on all sides, stood the officiating priest facing the congregation. In the West, the introduction of " missas solitarise" rendered it necessary to have more than one altar in a church ; in the Greek Church this was prohibited. Portable altars (for missionaries, during war, etc.) came in use, when it began to be deemed necessary to have the altar consecrated. For this purpose the Latins used a consecrated stone slab, the Greeks a consecrated altar-cloth (avn^voiov). This altar-cloth (palla) was regarded as essential, and the " denudatio altaris" as a sinful desecration. On liturgical grounds the "palla" was removed on the Friday and Saturday of the High Week. Different from this cloth was the corporate used for covering the oblations. Upon the altar stood the ciborium, a canopy resting on four pillars, to which, by golden chainlets, a dove-shaped vessel was attached, which contained the con- secrated elements used in administering the communion to the sick. At a later period the "ciborium" was replaced by the tower-shaped tabernaculum. The thuribulum was used for burning incense, the cru- cifixes (cruces, stationarii) and banners (vexilla) in processions. Seats for the people were ranged in the nave, but not in the narthex or vesti- bule. The reading-desk (pulpitum, kfi^v from di-ajSouVco) stood in the central nave near the chancel. Tradition designates Faulinus, Bishop of Nola in Campania (ob. 431), or else Pope Sabinianus (ob. 605), as the inventor of bells (Noise, campanse, campanulas — so called because made of Campanian brass, which was considered the best). Bells were introduced in the West in the seventh, and in the East in the ninth century. Before that the hours of worship were announced first by cursores ( dw'Spo^ex. ), then by the sound of trumpets, or by loud knocking on boards, etc. 4. The Fine Arts. — According to the rules of the Greek Church, only the face, the hands, and the feet were allowed to be represented naked ; but this restriction applied not to the West. An attempt was made to compensate by bright colouring, precious materials, and gor- geous costumes for the manifest want of artistic taste. From the tixovis a%t (porto^roi artists copied the stereotyped features in their repre- sentations <>!' Christ, of the A'irgin, and of the Saints. The nimbus or halo (in the form of rays, of a diadem, or of a circle) was first intro- duced in the pictures of the Saviour. Fresco painting was principally used for adorning the catacombs (fourth to sixth cent.), Mosaic painting (Musivum, yn^oatpdtta) for decorating the flat walls of the basilicas, LIFE, DISCIPLINE, AND MANNERS. 239 the cupolas and niches. Liturgical books were illustrated by miniature paintings. These different styles of painting were stiff and unnatural, although elevated, majestic, and unimpassioned in their character. — The ancient Church regarded statuary as too heathenish and sensuous for religious purposes ; and the Greek Church ultimately prohibited its use in churches, excluding even crucifixes. But in the West this objection was not entertained, although even there Christian statues were of rare occurrence. Less scruple seems to have been felt in regard to bas-reliefs and haut-reliefs (avayXv^ai.) , especially in sarcophagi and in ecclesiastical vessels. I 61. LIFE, DISCIPLINE, AND MANNERS. Comp. C. Schmidt (g 36). When Christianity became the religion of the State, a large number of unconverted and worldly persons made a profession of Christianity for the sake of the temporal advantages which it entailed. This influx of the world into the Church necessarily exercised a most detrimental influence ; and the earnestness, power, devotedness, and purity, by which the ancient heathen world had been conquered, greatly declined in consequence. The world and the Church became more assimilated and conformed to one another ; discipline became lax and powerless ; and the general decline of public morals made rapid progress. The hot discussions, the dissensions, and divisions among the bishops and the clergy, led to corresponding effects among the people. Party spirit and bitterness characterized the adherents of different views ; the demoralization of the court exercised its pernicious influence on the capital and the provinces ; while the inroads of the barbarians increased the general decay. Even in the case of those who sought other than merely earthly things, work- righteousness and bigotry too often took the place of genuine piety ; while the great mass consoled themselves with the idea that everybody could not be a monk. But, despite all this, the Gospel still acted as a leaven on the community. Already had its spirit penetrated not only public life, the administration of justice and legislation, but also family life and popular customs. The claims of humanity and the rights of men were acknowledged ; slavery became more and more restricted ; gladiatorial games or immoral spectacles ceased ; the contracting influences of national selfishness gave way to higher motives and views. Polygamy was interdicted ; the sanctity of marriage was preserved ; woman 240 SECTION I. — SECOND PERIOD (323—692 A.D.). came to occupy her proper place ; and the vices of ancient hea- thenism were at least no longer regarded as the healthy and natural conditions of public life. Even those who, with the out- ward profession of Christianity, remained heathen in mind and heart, were obliged to conform to the practices and demands of the Church, and to submit to its discipline and customs. If the more gloom; aspects of this age are sufficiently appalling, brighter sides were not wanting, nor elevated souls, who with genuine piety combined deep moral earnestness and self-denial. 1. Ecclesiastical Discipline. — (Comp. J. Morinvs (Rom. Cath.), Comm. hist, de disc, in Admin. Sacr. Pcenit. Paris 1G51. — H. Klee (Rom. Cath.), d. Beichte. Hist. krit. Unters. (Confession, a Hist, and Crit. Inq.). Frkf. 1828. — J. Stdudlin, Beleucht. d. Buches von Klee (Crit. of the Works of Klee). Leipz. 1830. — G. E. Steitz, d. rom. Busssacram. (The Rom. Sacr. of Pen.). Frkf. 1854.) — Ecclesiastical discipline, or excommunication with its four stages through which penitents had to pass (| 36, 2), was only exercised towards those who were guilty of open sins which had occasioned general scandal. To remedy this defect, it was, even in the third century, the custom to appoint a special priest for penance (rtpfo^ilrfpoj txL trjs fittavoias, presb. poeniten- tiarius), whose duty it was to direct the exercises of penitents guilty of secret sins, which they voluntarily confessed to him under the seal of secrecy. But when (391) a female penitent of this class was seduced by a deacon of the Church of Constantinople, the Patriarch Nectarius abolished the office. The practice continued, however, in the "West, till Leo the Great introduced such changes in the mode of dealing with penitents, that in the Western Church also the office of penance-priest ceased to be of importance. He prohibited bishops from demanding public confession for secret sins, and, in place of it, introduced private confession, which every priest was entitled to hear. Even Jerome still denounced as a piece of pharisaical arrogance the assumption, that the power of the keys (Matt. xvi. 19) implied any judicial authority; and although Leo the Great already regarded it as of Divine arrange- ment, " ut indulgentia Dei nisi supp/icu/ionibus sacerdotvm nequeat obtincri," and guaranteed their efficacy, he does not venture to claim any judicial power for the Church. Besides, the private confession which he introduced was merely designed for those mortal sins which, having been publicly committed, would, according to former canons, have required public penance. — But the practice of private confession, as a regular and necessary preparation for the communion, was wholly unknown at that period. — The so-called "libelli poenitentiales " indi- cated the manner of dealing with penitents, and the taxes payable in each case. The oldest of these compositions, so far as the Greek Church is concerned, was compiled by Johannes Jejunator, Patriarch of LIFE, DISCIPLINE, AND MANNERS. /41 Constantinople (ob. 595), and bore the title, 'AxoXov&a xai ■tu^n; ini twt i%otxo%oyovjxtvu>v. 2. Christian Marriage. — The excessive value attached to virginity led to low views of marriage. These were in some measure counter- balanced by the notion that, by priestly consecration, marriage became a sacrament ($ 58) — an idea which was fully developed and obtained ecclesiastical sanction during the middle ages. The State regarded marriage between a free person and a slave as merely concubinage ; but the Church acknowledged the validity of such unions. Not only consanguinity and affinity (through marriage), but adoption into a family, and even the spiritual relationship with god-parents through baptism or confirmation (§ 58, 1), were considered valid impediments to marriage. Augustine sanctioned the marriage of cousins; Gregory the Great interdicted it on physiological grounds, and only allowed marriage in the third or fourth degree of consanguinity. Gradually this prohibition was extended even to the seventh degree, till, in 1216, Innocent III. again limited it to relationship in the fourth degree. Mixed marriages (with heathens, Jews, heretics) were held sufficient ground for penance; the second Trullan Council (692) entirely pro- hibited them. Second marriages were not prohibited, though they were visited with penance for one or two years ; but many canonists regarded a third or a fourth marriage as entirely invalid. Adultery was universally admitted as forming a sufficient ground for divorce; many divines ranked unnatural lusts, murder, and apostasy in the same category. In 416 the Council of Mileve (in Africa) interdicted persons who had been divorced — even the innocent party — from again marrying ; and Pope Innocent I. gave to this prohibition the character of a general law. Former scruples about heathenish customs at mar- riages (I 36, 1) — such as the use of a marriage-ring, the veiling of brides, the wearing of garlands, carrying of torches, having bridesmen or rtapa»w?>ot — were no longer entertained. 3. Sickness, Death, and Burial. — The practice of anointing the sick (Mark vi. 13 ; James v. 14), as a means of miraculous bodily cure, prevailed so late as the fifth century. In a decretal dating from the year 416, Innocent I. first represented this custom as a sacrament intended for the spiritual benefit of the sick. But centuries intervened before it was generally introduced as the sacrament oj extreme unction (unctio infirmorum, unctio extrema, evxi^-aiov). It occurred later by anointing the eyes, ears, nose, mouth, hands, feet and right side. On the other hand, the Areopagite numbers the anointing of the dead among the sacraments ($ 58). The practice of closing the eyes of the dead, was intended to convey the idea of sleep in the hope of a blessed awakening. The fraternal kiss betokened that Christian communion lasted beyond the grave ; but the practice of decorating the corpse with a garland, in token of victory, was not in general use 21 242 SECTION I. SECOND PERIOD (323— C92 A. D.). Synods had repeatedly to prohibit the custom of pouring the conse- crated elements into the mouth of dead persons, or of laving them in the coffin; violent outbursts of grief, the rending of garments, putting on of sackcloth and ashes, the employment of mourning women, the carrying of cypress branches, etc., were considered as heathen customs, implying that those left behind had not learned to cherish the hope of immortality. Similarly, burial feasts celebrated at night were dis- approved, although it was customary, by daylight, to carry torches, lamps, and palm or olive branches in the funeral procession. Julian and the Vandals interdicted this practice. During the fourth and fifth centuries the catacombs were the favourite place of burial; where these were wanting, special cemeteries were set apart, generally in the vicinity of churches (? 60, 2). Emperors and bishops alone enjoyed the privilege of being buried in churches. In the fourth century agaves and the Eucharist were still celebrated at the grave. After- wards mourning feasts were substituted for these solemnities, which were gradually discontinued on account of the abuses to which they led. The rite'3 of burial closed with the Lord's Prayer and the priestly benediction. I 62. HERETICAL REFORMERS. Comp. (Valch, Ketzerhist. Vol. III. ; Dr. Gill;/, Vigilantius and his Times. London 1844. In the fourth century a spirit of opposition to prevailing ecclesiastical views and tendencies sprang up. This opposition was neither general, sustained, lasting in its consequences, nor even healthy. While contending against the worldly spirit that had intruded into the Church, some fell into the opposite extreme of fanatical severity ; while others, in their protest against real or supposed superstition and work-righteousness, occasionally ended in cold rationalism. The former remark applies more especially to theDonatists(§ 63), and to the sect of the Audians, founded in 340 by Udo or Audius, a layman from Syria, who, on the ground that the Church and its ministers should return to apos- tolic poverty and humility, abstained from all fellowship with the members of the degenerate Church. Audius entertained also grossly anthropomorphistic views, and shared the opinions of the Quartodecimani. Another sect of the same class, the Apos- tolici, in Asia Minor, declared marriage and property to be sinful. In the opposite class of more rationalistic opponents to ecclesiastical notions, we reckon the ANTinicoMARTANiTrs in Arabia, Helvidius of Rome (380), and Bonosus, Bishop of Sardica (390), who all opposed the " perpetua virginitas" o< schisms. 243 Mary f§ 57, 2). Aerius, a presbyter of Sebaste in Armenia, was the first, in 360, to protest against the false estimate placed on good works. He disapproved of prayers and oblations for the dead, controverted the obligation and the meritoriousness of fasts, and denied that bishops were of superior rank to presbyters. For these opinions he incurred the displeasure of Eustathius, his bishop (§ 44, 5). Persecuted from place to place, his adherents sought refuge in caves and woods. Substantially similar were the views of Jovinian, a monk of Rome, who in 389 opposed, in a systematic manner and on dogmatic grounds, the eccle- siastical system of his time, especially monasticism, asceticism, celibacy, and fasts. Sarmaiio and Barbatianus, two monks of Milan (about 396) — perhaps pupils of Jovinian — shared his views. The opposition of Vigilantius (400) to the worship of relics, the invocation of saints, miracle-mongering, vigils, the celibacy of priests, and the prevailing externalism in religion generally, was so violent as to pass all bounds of prudence and moderation. The Church resisted with equal violence and passion. Epiphanius wrote against the Audians, the Apos- tolici, the Antidicomarianites, and the Aerians ; Ambrose refuted Bonosus and the followers of Jovinian ; Jerome poured a torrent of the bitterest invective upon Helvidius, Jovinian, Vigilantius ; Augustine alone showed a more becoming spirit in opposing the tendencies of Jovinian, which in their ultimate conclusions pointed in the same direction as his own views about the doctrine of grace 5 63. SCHISMS. The Novation and the Meletian (Egyptian) schisms (§ 38, 3, 4) continued even at this period. In connection with the Arian controversy three other schisms occurred in the orthodox Church, among which the Meletian schism in Antioch was the most im- portant. But by far the most extensive and dangerous was the Donatist schism in Northern Africa. On the Johnite schism in Constantinople, comp. § 51, 3. During this period the frequent divergences in doctrine (§ 50, 7), government (§ 46), worship (§ 55), and discipline between the Eastern and the Western Church, proved fuel for the subsequent conflagration (§ 67). Thus the imperial device for bringing about a union between those who took different sides in the Monophysite controversy led to a schism between the East and the West, which lasted for 244 SECTION I. — SECOND PERIOD (:!23— 692 A. D .) . thirty-five years (§ 52, 5) ; while want of firmness on the part ot Pope Vigilius divided the West for fifty years into two parties (§52, 6). The schism between the East and the West, occa- sioned by the Monothelete union (§ 52, 8), was not of long con- tinuance. But soon afterwards the great schism between the Eastern and Western Churches commenced. The fifth and the sixth (Ecumenical Councils had not entered on questions con- nected with church government, worship, or discipline. This omission was supplied by the Second Trullan Council, held at Constantinople in 692, which on that account was called the Con- cilium quinise.xtum. Some of the canons of this Synod laid the foundation of the later incurable and pernicious disruption in the Catholic Church. 1. Schisms in Consequence of the Avian Controversy. I. The Meletian Schism at Antioch (361-413). — In 360 the Arians of Antioch chose Mehlius of Sebaste, formerly an Eusebian, but afterwards an adherent of the Nicene Confession, their bishop. But his inaugural discourse convinced them of their mistake about his views, and they deposed him after the lapse of only a few days. Meletius was next chosen bishop of the homoousian congregation at Antioch. The appointment of one who had been an Arian was, however, resisted by a part of the people, headed by Paulinus, a presbyter. Athanasius and the Synod of Alexandria, a. d. 362 (§ 50, 4), used every influence to heal this schism. But Lucifer of Calaris, whom the Synod for this purpose deputed to Antioch, took the part of the opposition, and ordained Paulinus counter- bishop. The schism was only healed when, in 413, Alexander, the Meletian bishop, an excellent man, resigned of his own accord, in order to restore harmony. — II. On his return to Alexandria, Lucifer pro- tested against any recognition of those Arians and semi-Arians who had renounced their errors. He founded a sect called the Luciferites, which entertained the views about ecclesiastical purity formerly ad- vocated by Novatian. The party continued till the fifth century. (Comp. Hieronym. dial. adv. Luciferit. — III.). The schism of Dama- sus and Ursinus at Rome was occasioned by the unfaithfulness of Liberals, Bishop of Rome (§ 50, 2, 3), in consequence of whose conduct a small number .of steady adherents of the Nicene Creed at Rome separated from the Church. At the death of Liberius (306), they chose Ursinus as his successor; while the other party elected Damasus. The latter laid siege to the church of Ursinus, and 137 dead bodies covered its precincts before it could be taken. Valentinian 1. banished Ursinus; and Gratian even published an edict which constituted Damasus both a party and a judge, in adjudicating upon all the bishops implicated in this schism. schisms. 245 2. The Donatist Schism (311-415).— (Comp. F. RibbecJc, Donatus u. Aug. Elberf. 1858). — Montanist views were still widely entertained in North Africa. Accordingly, when the Diocletian persecution broke out, many came forward, needlessly and of their own accord, to seek the honour of martyrdom. Mensurius, Bishop of Carthage, and Ccecili- ann.s, his archdeacon, were opposed to this species of fanaticism. When asked to deliver up the sacred writings, they had in their stead handed to the magistrates some heretical tractates. This sufficed for their opponents to denounce them as traditores. When Mensurius died in 311, his party chose Caecilian his successor, and, to foil the intrigues of their opponents, had him hurriedly consecrated by Felix, Bishop of Aptunga. Nothing daunted, the other party, which was headed by Lucilla, a wealthy and bigoted widow, denounced Felix as a traditor, and on that ground declared the consecration invalid, and elected Majorinus, a lector, counter-bishop. Soon afterwards (in 313) this office devolved on Donatus, whom his adherents have called the Great, — a man of undoubted energy. From Carthage the schism gradually spread over North Africa. The peasants, who were burdened with excessive taxation and heavy socage, took the part of the Donatists. From the first, Constantine the Great declared against the Donatists. To their complaints the Emperor replied by committing the investiga- tion of this controversy both to a clerical commission at Rome (313), under the presidency of Melchiades, Bishop of that see, and to the Synod of Aries (314). The decision of these two bodies was equally unfavourable to the Donatists, who appealed from them to the Emperor personally. The case was heard at Milan, after which Constantine confirmed the finding f the Synod (310). These decisions were followed by severe measures (such as depriving them of churches), which, however, only served to increase their fanaticism. Milder means proved equally ineffectual. Under the reign of Constans affairs took a more serious turn. Fanatical ascetics, belonging to the dregs of the population, took the name of " milites Christi," "Agonistici," and went begging about the country [circumcettiones), exciting the peasants to revolt, preaching liberty and fraternity, and committing pillage, murder, and incendiarism. The religious movement had now assumed the appearance of a political rising. While an imperial army sup- pressed this rebellion, pecuniary relief from the imperial treasury was offered to those Donatists who were suffering from extreme want. But Donatus rejected the money with scorn, and the rebellion broke out anew. Very severe measures were then adopted against the rebels, and every Donatist church was closed or taken away. Under the reiple (1024— 10G1). Michael Pal^eologus, who drove the Latins from Con- stantinople, sought, from political motives, to put an end to the schism. But in these efforts he was opposed by Joseph, the Patriarch of Con- stantinople, and by his librarian, the learned John Beccus. While languishing in prison, Beccus became, however, convinced that the differences between the two churches were unimportant, and that a reconciliation would be possible. This change of views procured his elevation to the patriarchate. Meantime, the negotiations had so far advanced, that a General Council (called by the Latins the fourteenth) was summoned to meet at Lyons in 1274. The imperial legates ac- knowledged the primacy of the Pope, and subscribed to a Romish Con- fession of Faith. In return, the Eastern Church was allowed to con- tinue its use of the Nicene Creed without any addition thereto, and the peculiar ecclesiastical forms which it had hitherto observed. Beccus wrote several tractates in defence of this union. But the accession of another Emperor led to his removal ; Joseph was restored, and the anion of Lyons entirely forgotten. 5. The continual advances of the Turks naturally impressed the Eastern Emperors with the necessity of securing the sympathy and assistance of the West, through reconciliation and union Avith the papacy. But these efforts were frustrated by the powerful opposition of the monks, supported as it was by the popular clamour. The Patri- archs of Alexandria, Jerusalem, and Antioch, were also hostile to such measures, not only from ancient jealousy of the pretensions of the see of Rome, but because the political schemes of their Saracen masters obliged them to oppose the wishes of the Greek Emperors. At last the Emperor Andronicus III. Pal^eologus gained over the Abbot Bar- laam, who had hitherto been the leader of the Anti-Romish party. At the head of an Imperial Embassy, Barlaam went to Avignon, where at that time Pope Benedict XII. resided (1339). But the negotiations led to no result, as the Pope insisted on absolute submission, both in respect of doctrine and government, and would not even consent to order a new inquiry, though it were only for the sake of appearances. Barlaam joined the Latin Church (comp. \ 69, 1), and died as Bishop of Giertece in 1348. — But as the difficulties of the Byzantine Emperors continually increased, John V. Pal/eologus made fresh advances. He joined the Latin Church in 1369, but neither did he prevail on his subjects to follow his example, nor the Pope on the Western rulers t^ send assist- ance against the Turks. v e>" 6. Apparently greater success attended the attempt to bring abcut a union made by the Emperor John VII. Pal.koi.ogis. He had gained for his views Metrophanes, Patriarch of Constantinople, and Bessarion, Archishop of Nice, a man of great adroitness and learning, but a tbo- THEOLOGICAL SCIENCE. 261 rough infidel. Accompanied by this prelate and by muiy other bishops, the Emperor appeared in person at the papal Council of Ferfara in 1438. Pope Eugen IV., afraid lest the Greeks might join the reform- atory Council at Bash, seemed willing to make concessions. When the pestilence broke out at Ferrara, the Council was transferred to Flo- rence, where in 1439 the union of the two churches was really accom- plished. The supremacy of the Pope was acknowledged ; existing differences in the rites of the two churches were to be mutually tole- rated ; dogmatic divergences were accounted for on the ground of mis- understanding ; and both churches solemnly declared to be orthodox. But another doctrinal difficulty, besides that about the procession of the Holy Ghost, had meantime sprung up. While the Greeks admitted that there was a purgatory in which venial sins were expiated, and from which souls might be delivered by masses, intercessions, alms, and good works ($ 58, 3), they objected to the idea of material flames in purgatory. Besides, while the Latins held that those who died unbaptized, or under mortal sin, were immediately consigned to eternal perdition, and that the pious (after the expiation of venial sins) imme- diately entered paradise, the Greeks maintained that both eternal pun- ishment and eternal bliss only commenced after the final judgment. On this point the Greeks now yielded, and the reunion was concluded amid embraces and hymns of joy. In reality, matters, however, con- tinued as they had been. A powerful party, headed by Eugenicus, Archbishop of Ephesus, had been merely outvoted at Florence ; it now commenced an agitation throughout the East against a union which existed only on paper. Melrophanes was nicknamed M^rpocfw-o? ; and in 1443 the other three patriarchs of the East held a Synod at Jerusa- lem, in which they anathematized all who adhered to this union. Bes- sarion joined the Church of Rome, became Cardinal and Bishop of Tuscoli, and was twice on the point of being made Pope. He died in 1472. — But the period had arrived when the Christian Empire of the East should fall. On the 29th May 1453, Constantinople was taken by the Turks. The last Emperor, Constantine XL, fell while vainly de- fending his throne against tremendous odds. 8 II. INDEPENDENT DEVELOPMENT IN THE EASTERN CHURCH. § 68. THEOLOGICAL SCIENCE AND LITERATURE. Comp. Heeren, Gesch. d. class. Liter, im M. A. 2 vols. Gott. 1822. — W. Gass, Beitrage zur kirchl. Literatur u. Dogmengesch. d. griech. M. A. (Contrib. to the Eccles. Liter, and to the Hist, of Dogm. in the Gr. Ch. during the Middle Ages). 2 vols. Bresl. 1844, 1849. Comp. also 262 SECTION I. — THIRD PERIOD (692— 1453 A. D.) . History of the Byzantine and Greek Empires, by G. Finla;/, LL D. 4 Edinb. and London. — Smith's Biographical Diet., and Wharton's Ap« pend. to Cave. Iconoclasm (726-842) was combined with hostility to science and art generally. Hence, during that part of the middle ages, the Greek Church numbered fewer learned men and writers than at any other period. But, about the middle of the ninth century, the Byzantine Church seemed suddenly to rouse itself to new activity, and attained a stage which at one time it had appeared incapable of again reaching. It is even more remarka- ble that it not only maintained this high position uninterruptedly during six centuries, but that the ardour for theological study seemed to increase in proportion as political prospects became moie dark and threatening. A special characteristic of the literary activity of that period is the revival of classical studies, which had been wellnigh wholly neglected since the fifth century. All at once those Greeks, who were at the eve of intellectual as well as of political decay, seem to have remembered the rich heirloom which their heathen ancestors had left them. These treasures were now brought forth from musty libraries where they had lain concealed, and studied with a diligence, enthu- siasm, and consciousness of their value, which commands admira- tion. The Greeks had, however, long before, lost the capacity of producing original works ; their energy was therefore expended on reproducing, annotating, or explaining. But even thus the revival of classical lore exercised comparatively little influence on a theology, which had become ossified amid traditionalism and Aristotelian formulas. Where these bonds were broken, classical studies only reintroduced the ancient heathen views of men and matters. 1. It appears that the patronage which the Khalifs, since the close of the eighth century, bestowed on the study of the ancient literature of Greece, fired the zeal of the Eastern literati, and led to the revival of classical studies. Of course, if a trace of national feeling were left in the Byzantine rulers, they could not lag behind their Moslem rivals. This circumstance, however, does not entirely account for the altered state of matters. No doubt Providence itself designed it, that these, tin- noblest fruits of ancient heathenism, which had already served such good purpose in training and preparing the Christian Fathers for their task, should now become the basis of modern literature and science. — To Bardas, the guardian and colleague of Michael III. THEOLOGICAL SCIENCE. 26H > [l 67, 1), however infamous his conduct had been in othe.* respects, belongs the merit of founding schools, and employing teachers for the prosecution of classical studies. Basil the Macedonian, although him- self destitute of learning, respected and promoted scientific culture. Photius was chosen tutor to the children of that Emperor, and imbued them with a zeal for study, which in turn was transmitted to their de- scendants. Leo the Philosopher, the son, and Constantinus Porphy- rogenneta, the grandson of Basil, were both distinguished for their attainments. When the dynasty of the Macedonians was succeeded by that of the Comnenes (since 1057), scientific pursuits were prosecuted with even greater ardour. Even the princesses of that race (such as Eudocia arid Anna Comnena) distinguished themselves in literature. Psellus proved to this family what Photius had been to that of the Macedonians. Thessalonica became a second Athens, and rivalled Constantinople in the pursuit of classical study. During the sixty years when Byzantium was the seat of a Latin Empire, the barbarism and ignorance of the Crusaders threatened to destroy the civilization fostered by the Comnenes ; but when, in 1261, the Palceologi again as- cended the throne of the East, the learned studies were resumed with renewed ardour. In 1453, Constantinople was taken by the Turks, when a large number of Greek literati sought refuge in Italy, trans- ferring to the West the treasures they had guarded with such care. 2. Aristotle and Plato. — With the revival of classical studies, the treatises of Plato, which were regarded as more classical, or at least as more purely Grecian than those of Aristotle, came again into high repute. But as Aristotle was still considered the great authority in the church (§47, 6) — a position assigned to him chiefly through the efforts of John Damascenus — Platonism continued an object of some distrust to theologians, a feeling increased by the circumstance that so many admirers of classical literature had lapsed into practical heathen- ism. The controversy which now ensued attained its highest pitch during the fifteenth century, when Gemistas Pletho used every effort to dethrone Aristotle from the place which till then he had occupied in the esteem of the learned. He insisted that all should acknowledge the supremacy of "the divine Plato," and confidently predicted that speedily the time would come when both Christianity and Mahom- medanism would give place to the universal sway of a " religion of pure humanity." These views were shared by his numerous pupils, among whom Bessarion ($ 67, 6) was the most distinguished. On the other hand, George of Trebizond and his pupils were equally enthu- siastic in their admiration of Aristotle. Numerous representatives of these two schools settled in Italy, where they continued their con- troversies with increased bitterness ($ 120, 1). 3. Scholasticism and Mysticism. — The application of the Aristotelian method to the study of dogmatics, which John Philoponus first in- troduced, and John Damascenus brought into general vogue, gave rise 2G4 SECTION I. — THIRD PERIOD (692— 1453 A. D.) . to a peculiar mode of treating this science, which, though wanting in the depth, variety, and acuteness that characterized the scholasticism of the middle ages, resembled it in many respects. But at the same time another and very different tendency made its appearance. Mysti- cism, of Avhich the traces are already found in the writings of the pseudo-Areopagite (§48, 5), was peculiarly adapted to the discipline and retirement of the monasteries. Among its numerous representa- tives, Nicholas Cabasilas was the most distinguished. Those mystics opposed neither the teaching nor the rites of the Church. On the con- trary, they delighted in dwelling on all that had a symbolical bearing, and connecting it with the idea of a sacrament. No ground, therefore, existed for collision between the Dialecticians and the Mystics. 4. Theological Sciences. — John Damascenus had, at the commence- ment of this period, grouped into a system according to the dialectic forms of Aristotle, the conclusions of former doctrinal disquisitions. His " Ecdosis" is the first and only complete work on Dogmatics that emanated from the ancient Greek Church. Despite the failure of attempts at union with the Latin Church, which indeed only issued in wider estrangement on controverted points, the frequent contact with the Latin was not without its beneficial influence on the Greek Church. The Eastern divines profited by the scholasticism of their brethren in the West so far as to apply this more full and scientific method to the treatment of doctrines on which the two churches were agreed. Con- troversy was still kept up with the Nestorians, the Monophysites, and the Monothelites, while the pen of polemics found fresh employment against the Gnostic and Manichean sects, which at this period again made their appearance, as also against the schismatics of the West, and those who advocated a reunion with them. The altered circum- stances of the times also led to a revival of the study of Apologetics. Not only was Islamism making rapid strides, but the protection accorded by the Saracens to the synagogue rendered it necessary to defend Christianity against the attacks of the Jews. But the prevailing scholastic and traditional theology proved incapable of coping with tbe> storms which the judicial providence of God had allowed to rise. Lastly, the revival of classical study, and the reappearance in its train of heathen ideas, obliged theologians to be again on their guard against ancient superstitions (Nicholas of Methone). Independent exe- getical researches were now no longer prosecuted ; but the " Catenas" of (Ecnmenivs, of Theophylact, and Euthymius Zygadenus, are valuable. The study of Ecclesiastical History was entirely neglected. Nice- phorus Callisli was the only writer who devoted his attention to this study (in the fourteenth century). But his Eccl. Hist., written without taste or ability, adds nothing to our knowledge of the subject. Of much greater value, even in regard of Eccl. Hist., are the numerous " Scriptores historian Byzantinoe." To this list we add the name of Simeuii Metraphrastes, celebrated in his day as a writer of legends. THEOLOGICAL SCIENCE. 265 5. John Damascenus was by far the ablest theologian of the eighth century. For a considerable time he was employed in the service of the Saracens, and died in 760 as Abbot of the Monastery of S. Sabas at Jerusalem. His admirers gave him the title of Chnjsorrhoas; the Iconoclasts, who at the Council of Constantinople in 754 pronounced a threefold anathema upon him, the Saracen by-name of Mansur. His principal work, the rirjyr; yvJjanof, procured him an imperishable fame, and has been regarded as an authority in the Greek Church. Section I. (xitydxia. fyChotsofyixu) forms a dialectic, and Section II. (rfspt aiptatutv) a historical introduction to Part III. ( "ExSoais axpifirj tijs dp$obo%ov itLate<&s)', in which the various dogmas as propounded by the Councils and the Fathers — especially the three great Cappadocians — are systematically arranged and presented. The itpa 7iapd%%Y[Ka, by the same author, consist of a collection of " loci classici," taken from the writings of the Fathers on doctrinal and ethical subjects, and arranged in alphabetical order. He also wrote controversial tractates against various heretics, and composed a number of hymns (best cd. by le Quien. Par. 1712. 2 vols. fob). — Among the numerous works of Photius (§ 67, 1), the " Bibliotheca" (MvpioQifaiov) is the most valuable. It contains notices of, and extracts from, 279 Christian and heathen works, of which the greater part have not otherwise been preserved (best ed. by Im. Becker. Berol. 1824. 2 vols. 4). Besides his controversial tractates against the Latins and the Paulicians, the Amphilochia (or replies to above 300 theological questions submitted to him by Bishop Amphilochius) also deserve notice, and his Komoeanon ($ 43, 3), which has ever since formed the basis of the canon law of the Greek Church. The series of distinguished writers who nourished under the Comnene dynasty commenced with Michael Constantius Psellus, teacher of philoso phy at Constantinople (ob. 1106), a man whose acquirements were equally varied and deep. Some of his numerous tractates were devoted to theological subjects, though he acquired not fame in that depart- ment. His cotemporary, T/ieophylact, Archbishop of Achrida, in Bul- garia, has left us very able commentaries, or rather " Catenas." Euthymius Zygadenus, a monk of Constantinople, at the commence ment of the twelfth century, composed, by request of the Emperor Alexius Comnenus, a work intended to refute all heresies ("Dogmatic Panoply of the Orthodox Faith," in twenty-four books). Although highly praised at the time, it is a mere compilation, whose sole merit lies in its refutation of the heretics of that particular period. The exegetical compilations by the same author are more valuable. Eifsta- thius, Archbishop of Thessalonica (ob. 1194), was the most prominent divine of the twelfth century. He has long been famed as the com- mentator of Homer and Pindar ; but the recent edition of his theological OpuDcula (ed. Tafel. Frcf. 1839, 4), proves that he deserves even higher acknowledgment as a Christian, a divine, a prelate, and a reformer of the ecclesiastical and monkish abuses of his time ($ 70. 4). At the same 23 2G6 SECTION I. — THIRD PERIOD (692- .453 A. D J. period flourished Nicholas, Bishop of Methone in Messenia, who replied to the attacks of Proclus the Neo-Platonist, in a tractate which forms one of the ablest theological works of that age. His views on the doctrine of redemption deserve special mention as resembling those of Anselm of Canterbury. Nicetas Acominatus or Chouiates, a states- man (ob. 1204), was another distinguished writer of that period. His " Treasury of Orthodoxy," in twenty-seven books, contains a vindica- tion of orthodox doctrine, and a refutation of heretics, much more able and original than the work of Euthymius on the same subject. (Comp. DUmann, " Nic. of Methone, Euthym. Zygabenus and Nicetas Cho- niates," in the " Studien u. Krit." for 1833, P. III.) — During the reign of the Palceologi (1250-1450), theologians were chiefly engaged in advocating or opposing the attempts made at reunion with the Latin Church. Nicholas Cabasilas, Archbishop of Thessalonica, in the fourteenth century, one of the most eminent mystics in the Church, deserves special mention. His principal work, lit pt tr t i iv Xp«jr £u>;s, has only lately been rescued from oblivion by W. Gass ut supra, vol. II. His mysticism, which is remarkable for its depth and fervour, breathes a spirit of antagonism to the prevailing tendency towards work- rio-hteousness. Still, his " Expositio Missse" proves that he shared the predilection of Greek Mystics for the Liturgy. At a somewhat later period (about 1400) flourished Simeon, Archbishop of Thessalonica, a prelate equally famed for classical and patristic lore, and for the manner in which he administered the affairs of the Church. His great work, " Do fide, ritibus et mysteriis ecclesiasticis," is of great import- ance for the study of Greek Mediacvalism. Lastly, we may mention Giegorius Scholurius, who as monk bore the name of Gennadius, the first Patriarch of Constantinople after the capture of that city by the Turks. At the Council of Florence he objected to the proposed union; in the philosophical controversy then raging, he advocated the tradi- tional claims of Aristotle against Plato. At the request of Sultan Mohammed II, he composed and handed to that monarch a " Professio Fidei.'' (Coup. Gass ut supra, vol. I.) 9 I G9. DOGMATIC CONTROVERSIES DURING THE TWELFTH AND FOURTEENTH CENTURIES. With the taste for intellectual pursuits, that for theological speculations and discussions also revived. During the reign of Manuel Comnenus, 1143-1180, the question was raised, whether Christ had offered Himself a sacrifice for the sins of the world to the Father and to t he Holy Ghost only, or also to the Logos, l. e., to Himself. At a synod held at Constantinople in 1156, the latter view was declared to be the orthodox. Ten years later, a controversy arose as to whether the saying of Christ, DOGMATIC CONTROVERSIES. 267 '■ My Father is greater than I," referred to His Divine nature, to His human, or to the union of these two natures. The ques- tion was discussed by persons of all classes, and that with an earnestness and ardour which recalls the kindred controversies ia the fourth century (§ 50, 2). At last the view of the Emperor, that the expression referred to the God-man, carried at the Synod of Constantinople in 1166. Those who refused to sub- mit, had their property confiscated or were exiled. A third controversy sprung up when the Emperor Manuel objected to the formula of solemn abjuration, "of the God of Mohammed,' 1 which was exacted from Moslem converts. In vain the bishops proved that the God of Mohammed was not the true God ; the formula had to be altered. — Two centuries later, the Hesychastic eontroversy broke out, which bore on the existence and reality of an uncreated Divine Light. The Hesychastic Controversy (1341-1351). — The monks who inhabited the cloisters on Mount Athos in Thessalia were deeply imbued with the Areopagite mysticism. Following the directions given three cen- turies before by Simeon, Abbot of the Mamas monastery at Constanti- nople, these monks used artificial means to bring themselves into a state of ecstatic vision, which the Areopagite had recommended as the highest stage of genuine mysticism. For this purpose, each cowered alone in a corner of his cell, his chin pressed against his chest, his eyes immovably fixed on the pit of his stomach, and restraining his breath as much as possible. By and by they fell into a state of melan- choly, and their sight became dim ; but by persisting, these sensations gave place to ineffable delight, till at last each saw himself wrapped in a bright halo of glory. They called themselves "Quietists" [qsvzdZw- ti;), and maintained that the halo which shone around them was the same uncreated Divine Light that on Mount Tabor had surrounded the person of the Saviour. Barlaam (§ 67, 5), who had just returned from his unsuccessful attempt at bringing about a union with the Latin Church, designated these monks as "navel-souls" (o^cad-^oi,), and charged them and their defender Gregory Palamas, afterwards Arch- bishop of Thessalonica, with Ditheism. But at a Council held at Con- stantinople (in 1341), the members of which were hostile to the efforts made by Barlaam for a union with the West, the doctrine of an uncre- ated Divine Light was approved, and a distinction made betweon this Divine evipytt,a and the Divine ovffta. To escape being anathematized, Barlaam made recantation; soon afterwards he fled to Italy and joined the Latin Church. But Gregory Acindynos, a pupil of Barlaam, and Nicephorus Gregoras, the historian, continued the controversy with the Hfjsychasts. Three other synods (up to a. d. 1351) pronounced iu favour of these monks. 2G8 SECTION I. — THIRD PERIOD (692— 1453 A. D.). I 70. GOVERNMENT, WORSHIP, AND LIFE. The Byzantine emperors had always insisted on imposing their own views or desires as the law according to which even the in- ternal affairs of the Church were to be settled. Being anointed with the holy Myron, they bore the character of priests and the title of ayvoi. Besides, since the time of Leo the Philosopher (§ 68, 1), most of the emperors had been more or less versed in theology. Still, the office of Patriarch, when held by a man of character, was, despite frequent and arbitrary depositions of those who occupied the See of Constantinople, a power which even the despots of the East were obliged to respect. The nume- rous monks — and through them the people — formed a mighty bulwark around the Episcopal Chair. In consequence of tho iconoclastic controversies, Theodorus Studita (§ 66, 4) had or ganized the strict churchmen into a party, which strenuously resisted, on principle, every interference of the State in ecclesi- astical affairs, and, among others, the filling up of ecclesiastical offices by the secular power. But these efforts were only at- tended with partial success. The monastic institutions had been almost entirely annihilated under the reign of the Isaurian dynasty. When again restored, they developed, indeed, and spread in proportion to their former decline, but rapidly degene- rated in every sense of the word. The Eastern monks, who had not the great mission, devolving on their brethren in the West, of Christianizing and civilizing barbarous nations, wanted the opportunities of revival, of strength, and of purification, which this great work afforded to the monks of the Latin Church. Still, if in those degenerate times we were to look for instances of stedfast conviction, of firmness, of boldness, and of moral earnestness, we should in all likelihood find them, if anywhere, among these recluses. The modifications which, during that period, took place in public worship were unimportant, although both in theory and practice slight alterations, or rather amplifi- cations, were introduced. 1. The Arsenian Schism (1262-1312).— After the death of the Em- peror Theodore Lascaris in 1259, Michael Palceologus usurped the guardianship of John, the imperial Prince, a child only six years old, had himself crowned co-Emperor, and, to render the Prince incapable of reigning, caused his eyes to be put out. For these crimes, the GOVERNMENT, WORSHIP, AND MANNERS 269 Patriarch Arsenius exommunicated the Regent ; but was in turn de- posed and banished (12G2). The numerous adherents of Arsenius refused to acknowledge Joseph (g 07, 4) as his successor in the See of Constantinople. They separated from the State Church, and gradually their admiration of the exiled patriarch changed into violent hatred of the prelate who occupied his place. When Joseph died (in 1283), it was agreed to submit the question in dispute to the test of a solemn ordeal. Each of the two parties threw a document, which embodied a defence of their views, into the fire. Of course, both documents were consumed by the flames. At the sight of this, the Arsenians, who had expected a miracle, seemed taken aback, and proposed to fall in with the opposite party. But on the day following, they revoked their con- cessions ; and the schism continued until in 1312, when the Patriarch Niphon solemnly buried the bones of Arsenius in the Church of St. Sophia, and suspended for forty days all those clerics who formerly had declared themselves opposed to him. 2. Public Worship. — In the Greek Church the sermon still formed the principal part in the public services; but the homiletic productions of that period are not of a character to deserve special notice. In the service of song, a revulsion of feeling took place ; and gradually unin- spired hymns, especially those in honour of the Virgin and of the saints, were introduced into the Church services. The best specimens of this kind of composition date from the eighth century. John Damas- ceiins, Cosmas of Jerusalem, and Theophanes of Nice, were regarded as the three great dyiot, fiifa^oi. The number of the sacraments and their import had not yet been accurately defined. An enumeration of seven sacraments — the same as that adopted by the Latin Church during the middle ages — occurs first in the anti-protestant " Confessio Orthodoxa" of Petrus Mogilas, dating from a. d. 1643. In contradistinction to the Western Church, the Greeks insisted on the necessity of submersion in baptism, of the chrisma in baptism, of the use of leavened bread in the Eucharist, and of giving both elements to the laity. John Damas- cenus still defended the doctrine of consubstantiation in the Eucharist, but later divines adopted that of transubstantiation. Extreme unction was administered in the Greek Church ; but, unlike the practice in the Church of Rome, not merely to those who were in articulo mortis, but even to persons who were not dangerously ill, while, in case of a re- lapse, the rite was repeated. 3. Monasticism. — The most renowned monasteries were those on Mount Athos in Thessalia, which was literally covered with cloisters and cells of hermits, and which to this day is venerated by the Greek Church as a holy mountain and place of pilgrimage. The monastery of Studion was also ($ 44, 4) still in high repute. — But the Eastern monks were not free from extravagances. There were innumerable fitylites who spent their lives on the top of trees (Siidpltai,) in close 23* 270 SECTION I. — THIRD PERIOD (692— 1453 A. D.J. cages built upon high scaffoldings, or in subterranean caves. Some took a vow of perpetual silence, while many wore constantly a coat of iron (aitypovptvot.), etc. A curious species of religious exercises was that in which the Ecetes (ixirai) of the twelfth century indulged. These monks engaged, along with nuns who held similar views, in solemn dances, and singing of hymns to the praise of God, in imitation of Ex. xv. 20, 21. They were sound in doctrine, nor do they appear to have been charged with immorality ; still, Nicetas Acominatus combatted them as heretics. 4. Reformatory Efforts. — At the commencement of the twelfth cent., Constantinus Chrysomahis, a pious monk of Constantinople, and ten years afterwards another monk called Niphon, combated the prevail- in"- tendency towards externalism and work-righteousness. Both be- came the leaders of wide-spread associations of clerics and laymen, who, under their spiritual direction, cultivated, as mystics, the inner reli- gious life, but set lightly by outward ecclesiastical forms. The two monks were excommunicated. The Patriarch Cosmas, who would not admit that Niphon was a heretic, and indeed asked him to share his palace and table, was likewise deposed (in 1150). The reformatory efforts made by Eustathius, the distinguished Archbishop of Thessalo- nica (§ 08, 5), were entirely free from direct opposition to the prevail- ing ecclesiastical system, and hence offered no ground of attack to his enemies. He inveighed unsparingly against the moral and religious decay prevalent among the people, and especially against the hypo- crisy, the vulgarity, coarseness, spiritual pride, and ascetic extrava- gances of the monks, and that although himself was enthusiastically devoted to Monasticism. Two centuries after him, Nicholas Cabasilas (§ 68, 5), a man of like spirit, insisted even more energetically that the state of the heart and mind was the test, and love the root, of all virtue. §71. GNOSTIC AND MANICHJEAN HERETICS. Comp. Giesekr, Unters. ii. d. Gesch. d. Paulicianer (Inquiry into the Hist, of the Paulic), in the " Stud. u. Krit." for 1827, P. l. — Engd- hardt, d. Bogomilen, in that author's " Kirchengesch. Abhandl." Er- lang. 1832. So late as the seventh century traces of the Gnostic and Mani- chsean heresies seem to have lingered in Armenia and Syria, where such views were fostered by contiguity to the Parsees. These embers were in G57 fanned afresh by Constantinus of Ma~ nanalis near Samosata, whose doctrinal views were almost iden- tical with those of Marcion (§ 28, 10). The Catholics, whom this sect called " Romans," gave them the name of Paulicians, GNOSTIC AND MANICH^EAN HERETICS. 271 because they only acknowledged the apostolic authority of Paul. But they designated themselves " Christians," and gave their leaders and congregations the titles of the companions of Paul, and of the places where he had laboured. Their system was a mixture of Mysticism, which aimed after the cultivation of the "inner life," with Dualism, Demiurgism, and Docetism. They insisted on strict, though not on excessive asceticism, opposed fasts, and allowed marriage. Their form of worship was very simple, and their church government modelled after that of apostolic times. They specially protested against the many ceremonies of the Catholic Church, and against the religious honour paid to images, relics, and saiuts. They also enjoined diligent study of the Scriptures, but rejected what they called the Judseo-Christian Gospels and Epistles of the N. T. — Even before the Paulicians, another sect, called the "Children of the Sun," had appeared in Armenia, which sought to combine the worship of Ormuzd with certain Christian elements. Reorganized during the ninth and tenth cents., this sect acquired fresh influence. Like the Paulicians, they protested against the abuses in the Catholic Church. — The same remark applies also to the Eu- chites, a sect in Thracia (during the eleventh cent.), which, like their older namesakes (§ 44, 5), derived their name from engaging continuously in prayer, a practice which they extolled as the indication of highest perfection. Their Dualistic and Gnostic views were adopted and further developed by the Bogomiles (lovers of God, friends of God), a sect in Bulgaria (in the twelfth cent. ). The latter maintained that two principles — Satanael, the elder, and Christ, the younger Son of God — had emanated from the Supreme God. Originally, Satanael had also been a good Mow ; but having revolted, he had created the terrestrial world and man. In mercy the Supreme God had breathed into man the breath of his own Divine life, and sent Christ, the younger JEon, for the purpose of completely redeeming him. The sect prohibited marriage, rejected the use of images aud the sign of the cross, but attached great importance to fasting. The only portions of the Old Test, which they received, were the writings of the Prophets and the Book of Psalms. The Gospel of John they regarded as the highest revelation. In room of the water-baptism they substituted that of the Spirit, and also rejected the celebration of Eucharist ; and in place of these rites, laid great stress on prayer, especially on the Lord's Prayer. — 272 SECTION I. — THIRD rEIlIOD (692— 1453 A. D.). All these sects were charged by their Catholic opponents with holding Antinomian principles, and with indulging in orgiea and unnatural vices. 1. The Pauticians (G57-1115). — The Catholic controversial writers of the ninth cent, traced the sect of the Paulicians, and even their name (:=IIav?ioiwaw'oi,), to aManichoean family of the fourth cent., — Callinicu a widow, and her two sons, Paul and John. But later investigations have failed to discover any traces of Manichaean tenets in their system ; and the only historical fact established is, that the sect was founded by Consianlinus of Mananalis, who took the name of Sylvanus (the com- panion of Paul). Their first community, which he called " Macedonia," was established at Cibossa in Armenia. From that place Constantinua undertook missionary journeys in all directions. The Emperor Constan- tinus Pogonnatus (6G8-685) commenced a bloody persecution of the Paulicians. But the enthusiasm with which Sylvanus met death by stoning made so deep an impression on Symeon, the imperial represen- tative, that he also joined the sect, and taking the name of Titv.i, be- came its leader. In 690 he mounted the stake with the same enthusi- asm as Sylvanus. Gegnesius, his successor (surnamed Timothevs), waa summoned to Constantinople under the reign of Leo the Isavrian. Subjected to an examination by the Patriarch, he succeeded in obtain- ing from him a certificate of orthodoxy, and was also furnished by the Emperor (who sympathized in his hostility to images) with a letter of protection. The sect, however, became divided. Baaiies, one of their leaders, was, on account of his Antinomian practices, styled "the filthy" (5 j'urtapos). But about 801 a new reformer arose in the person of Ser~ givs Tychicus, who late in life was converted by the instrumentality of a pious Paulician female, who directed his attention to the Bible. Leo the Armenian (813-820) organized an expedition for their so-called con- version. Those who recanted, were again received into the Church, those who resisted were executed. A number of Paulicians noAV com- bined against their persecutors, killed them, and sought refuge in Sa- racen territory, where they founded a military colony at Argaun (Co- losse). Thence they made continual incursions into the Byzantine territory, for the double purpose of pillage and of avenging their wrongs. The sect was most numerous in Asia Minor. Under the reign of the Empress Theodora (? 66, 4), another fearful persecution broke out. Thousands of Paulicians were executed ; among others, an officer high in command. TTis son Carbeas, who had also been an officer, now col- lected about ' r >000 Paulicians, by whose aid he hoped to avenge the dentil of his parent, retired with them to Argaun, and acted as the military chief of the pai-ty. Their number daily increased by the accession of other fugitives, and the Khalifs assigned to them some for- tified towns on the frontier. At the head of a well-organized army, Carboas carried fire and sword into the Byzantine territory, and GNOSTIC AND MANICH^EAN HERETICS. 273 repeatedly put imperial armies to flight. At last, after two campaigns, Basil the Macedonian annihilated the Paulician army in a narrow defile (871). The political power of the sect was indeed broken, but it continued to spread both in Syria and Asia Minor. A century later (in 970), the Emperor John Tzimisces transported a large number of them to Thraeia to guard its boundaries, where Philippopolis became their Zion. Their tenets rapidly spread through that country. Alexius Comnenus again addressed himself to the task of converting them to Catholic views. He went in person to Philippopolis, disputed for days with their leaders, and by promises, threats, rewards, or punishments, as each case required, carried his purpose (1115). After that, the sect- seems to have become extinct. Those who continued to entertain their views probably joined the Euchites or the Bogomiles. — The principal authority for the history of the Paulicians is the " Hist. Manichasorurn" of Petrus Ciculus, who, as imperial ambassador, had lived for some time among the Paulicians of Armenia. 2. The so-called "Children of the Sun," or Arevurdi's, an Armenian sect, originated in the ninth cent, with Sembaf, a Paulician. They also bore ^he name of Thontrakians, from the village of Thontrake, where their church was formed. In 1002 no less a personage than the Metro- politan, Jacob of Harkh, joined them. He gave a more distinctively Christian cast to their tenets, journeyed through the country preaching repentance and inveighing against work-righteousness, and made nu- merous converts both among the clergy and laity. The Catholics of the Armenian Church had him branded and imprisoned. He escaped, but was ultimately killed by his opponents. 3. At the commencement of the eleventh cent, the Euchites (Messa- lians, Enthusiasts) attracted the attention of the Government, their opinions having widely spread in Thraeia. Their tenets about two Sons of God, Satanael and Christ, are in some respects akin to that form of Parsee Dualism which represents the two antagonistic princi- ples, Ormuzd and Ahriman, as proceeding from Zeruane Akerene, the one Supreme and Eternal Source. The seeds of this heresy may have been brought to Thraeia when the Emperor Tzimisces transported the Paulicians to that province. The Byzantine Government sent a deputy to arrest the progress of this heresy (perhaps Michael Psellus ($ 68, 5), whose 6id\oyos rtipi ivepysias ha.ijx6vu>v — Ed. N'-.remberg 1838 — is our only authority about this sect). But a century afterwards, the same tenets were again broached in Bulgaria by the Bogomiles (^td^aoi), only more fully developed, and assuming the form of more direct oppo- sition to the Catholic Church. The Emperor Alexius Comnenus had Basil, the chief of the party, brought to Constantinople, and, under pretest of intending to join the sect, induced him to communicate its tenets. But while Basil unreservedly opened his mind to the monarch, as he thought in strict confidence, a conclave of inquisitors sat cor- 274 SECTION I. — THIRD PERIOD (692—1453 A. D.). coaled behind a curtain, and noted down his every statement. This first scene of the comedy was followed by another. All the adherents of Basil, on whom the Government could lay hands, were condemned to death. Two stakes were lighted, to one of which a cross was affixed. The Emperor now entreated them at least to die as Christians, and in sign of it to choose the stake at which the cross had been erected. Those who complied were pardoned, the others condemned to imprison- ment for life. Basil alone was burnt (1119). Still the sect was not annihilated. Many of the Bogomiles sought refuge in monasteries, where they propagated their views in secret. — Indeed, long after that, adherents of Manichcean views were found in Bulgaria, whence they spread their views in the West. Our principal source of information about the Bogomiles is the Panoplia of Euthymius (§ G8, 5). I 72. THE ORTHODOX SCLAVONIC-GREEK CHURCHES. Comp. /. Ph. FaJhncraycr, Gesch. d. Halbinsel Morea im M. A. (Hist, of the Penins. of Morea during the M. A.). Stuttg. 1830. Vol. I.— P.J. Schqfarik, slav. Alterthumer (Slav. Antiq.). Vol. II. Leipz. 1844; that author's kurze Uebers. d. attest, kirchenslav. Liter. (Brief Survey of the Old Slav. Eccl. Liter.). Leipz. 1848. — Nestor's Annalen, transl. by Scldozer. Gb'tt. 1802. 5 vols. — Karamsin's russ. Gesch., transl. by Hauenschild. Riga 1820. 11 vols.— Ph. S/rahf, Gesch. d. russ. K. Halle 1830. Vol. I. (incompl.). — H. J. Sehmitt (Rom. Cath.), krit, Gesch. d. neugriech. u. russ. K. Mayence 1840. — Hefele, d. russ. K., in the Tu- bing. Quarterly, 1853. P. III. — Monravije, in Hist, of the Ch. of Russia, transl. by Jilachm ore. Oxford 1842. — J. Dobrowsky, Cyrill u. Methodius. Prague 1823.— Philaret, Cyrill u. Methodius. Mitau 1847.— J. A. Ginzel, Gesch. d. Slavenap. Cyrill u. Method, u. d. slav. Liturgie. Leitm. 1857. Among the various races set in motion when the Western Empire was broken up, the Germans and Slavonians were des- tined to become the principal actors in the history of the world. The Germanic tribes joined the Roman Catholic Church ; and at first it seemed as if the Slavonic race generally would equally connect itself with the orthodox Byzantine Church. Ultimately, however, only the Eastern Slavonic countries continued in their adherence to this communion. Most of them were, about the same period as the Byzantine Church, brought under the yoke of Turkish dominion. This remark applies especially to the Church of Bulgaria, which at one time enjoyed so bright pros- pects. In proportion to these losses, was the accession made to the Greek Church by the conversion of the Russian nation. The political importance attaching to that empire, which, after having for two centuries (1223-1481) groaned under the yoke of the ORTHODOX SLAVONIC-GREEK CHURCHES. 270 Mongols, rapidly grew both in extent and power, proved of great advantage to the Greek Church. It is due to the Russians that at this moment the orthodox Greek almost equals in numbers and influence the Romish Church. 1. Not long after the time of Justinian, Slavonic tribes made irrup- tions into Macedonia, Tkessalia, Hellas, and the Peloponnesus. The ancient Hellenic population of those countries was almost entirely exterminated; and Greek nationality and the profession of Christianity continued to exist only in the fortified towns, especially in those along the sea-coast and on the islands. The Empress Irene was the first suc- cessfully to attempt making those new inhabitants of Greece subject both to Christianity and to the Byzantine Empire. Basil the Mace- donian (867-886) completed this effort, and that so effectually, that even the ancient heathen Mainols ($ 42, 3) in the Peloponnesus sub mitted. Mount Athos, with its hermits and monasteries (§ 70, 3), became the Zion of the new Church. 2. About 850 the Chazars in the Crimea sent to Constantinople for Christian missionaries. The Court readily complied ; and dispatched on this errand Constantinus, surnamed the philosopher, but better known by the name of Cyrillus, which he bore as a monk. He was a native of Thessalonica, and perhaps himself of Slavonic descent ; at any rate, he knew the Slavonic language. In the course of a few years he succeeded in converting the great majority of the people. In 1016 the empire of the Chazars was swept away by the Russians. 3. The Bulgarians of Thracia and Moesia had obtained their first knowledge of Christianity through some Greek captives ; but the first germs of a Christian Church were suppressed in a bloody persecution. Not long afterwards, however, a sister of Bogoris, King of Bulgaria, was baptized at Constantinople during her captivity in that city. After her liberation, she sought, with the assistance of the Byzantine monk Methodius, a brother of Cyrill, to convert her brother to the Christian faith. The providential occurrence of a famine, and a representation of the Last Judgment painted by Methodius, made a deep impression on the mind of Bogoris. He was baptized, and obliged his subjects to follow his example (861). Soon after this, both Methodius and Cyrill were called to another field of labour (to Moravia, £ 79), and in 866 the Czar of Bulgaria joined from political motives the Western Church. At his request, Pope Nicholas I. sent bishops and priests to Bulgaria, to organize the Church of that country in conformity with Romish usages. However, Byzantine diplomacy recalled the Bulgarians to their first allegiance ; and at the Council of Constantinople (869) their representatives were readily convinced that, both according to the law of God and of man, the Church of Bulgaria was subject to the ecclesi- 270 SECTION I. — THIRD PERIOD (692— 1453 A. P.) . astical jurisdiction of the Patriarch of Constantinople (# 67, 1). Since that time the Bulgarians remained attached to the Greek Church Meantime Cyritt and Methodius, the two apostles of the Slavonians, had invented a Slavonian alphabet, and translated both the Bible and the Liturgy into the vernacular ; thus laying the foundation for an ecclesiastical literature in that tongue, which rapidly sprung up, espe- cially in Bulgaria, under the fostering care of the noble Czar Symeon (888-927). The tenth century formed the golden age of the Bulgarian Church ; though at that period the Bogomile heresy (§ 71, 3) made sad havoc. In 1018 Basil II. conquered Bulgaria. 4. The conversion of the Russians to Christianity is mentioned even by Photius. Under the reign of the Grand Duke Igor, Kiev seems to have had a cathedral. Olga, the widow of Igor, undertook a journey to Constantinople, where she was baptized in 955, and took the name of Helena. But Svcetoslav, her son, refused to follow her example. According to the statement of German chroniclers, the aged princess ultimately requested the Emperor Otto I. to send German missionaries to Russia. Adalbert of Treves, afterwards Archbishop of Magdeburg, followed this call ; but returned without having achieved any result, his companions having been murdered by the way. ..It was reserved for Vladimir the Apostolic, the grandson of Olga, to eradicate the hea- thenism still rampant among his people. According to a somewhat romantic legend, that monarch had dispatched ten Boiars in order to examine the rites of the various churches. The envoj T s seem to have been captivated with the splendid rites which they witnessed in the Church of St. Sophia at Constantinople. In 988 Vladimir was baptized in the ancient Christian commercial city of Cherson, which the Russians had lately taken. He took in baptism the name of Basil, and was at the same time married to the imperial Princess Anna. In every place the idols were now broken in pieces and burnt ; the great image of Peroon was tied to the tail of a horse, dragged through the streets, broken with clubs, and thrown into the Dnieper. Soon afterwards the inhabitants of Kiev were ordered to assemble on the bank of the Dnieper in order to be baptized. Vladimir was on his knees by the river-side praying and thanking God, while the clergy, standing on floats, administered the sacred rite to the people. Anna proved very useful in encouraging and directing the organization of the Russian Church. Vladimir died in 1015. His son Jaroslav proved in Russia another Justinian. He erected many churches, monasteries, and schools throughout the country; introduced improvements in the mode of ccle- brating public worship, especially in church music ; awakened a taste fur art, and zealously promoted scientific pursuits. Russian national literature was first cultivated in the monastery of Kiev, where a native •]er-'\ was also trained. There, at the close of the eleventh century, Nestor composed his "Annals" in the Russian language. The spiritual THE HERETICAL CHURCHES OF THE EAST. 277 superintendence of the Church was committed to the Metropolitan of Kiev, who in turn was under the jurisdiction of the Patriarch of Con- stantinople. In 1328 both the metropolitan see and the seat of govern- ment were transferred to Moscow. But when Kiev became subject to Lithuanian princes, and the latter joined the Latin Church (Jagello 1386), Kiev was elevated to the rank of a metropolitan see for the pro- vinces of Southern Russia, independent of the See of Moscow (1415). By dint of Polish and Jesuit intrigues, a union was brought about between that Church and the Papal See at the Synod of Brzesc in 1594. — Isidore, the Metropolitan of Moscow, also attended the Synod held at Florence in 1439, where a union with Piome was agreed upon (comp. § 07, 6), and acceded to the resolutions of that assembly. He returned as Cardinal and Papal Legate. But at a council held in Mos- cow the union was disavowed ; Isidore was imprisoned, but escaped and died at Rome in 14G3. After that, the Metropolitan of Moscow continued subject to the jurisdiction of the See of Constantinople till 1589, when, during a visit to Moscow, the Patriarch Jeremiah II. was induced to declare the Russian Church independent, and to set apart Job, at that time Metropolitan of Moscow, to be its first Patriarch. I 73. THE HERETICAL CHURCHES OF THE EAST. The Nestorian and Monophysite churches of the East main- tained their independence chiefly through the protection and favour accorded them by the Moslem rulers. At the period of which we write, the Persian and Syrian Nestorians, but especially the Armenian Monophysites, displayed considerable literary acti- vity and zeal in the prosecution of theological and other studies. They initiated the Saracens in classical, philosophical, and medi- cal lore, and made many contributions to theological literature. For a long time the Nestorians continued also their missionary efforts. The decay of these churches, however, commenced when the rule of the Khalifs, who had encouraged intellectual pursuits, gave place to Mongol and Turkish barbarism. The period of learning and brilliancy was followed by that dulness and deadness which has ever since prevailed. To complete the reunion with the East, inaugurated at the Synod of Florence, Rome soon afterwards proclaimed that all the heterodox churches of the East had likewise returned to their allegiance to the Chair of St. Peter. But this union proved in the end either a delusion or a deception. Pretended delegates from these churches so- lemnly applied for readmission into the bosom of the Church — a request which was accorded with due pomp and formality. 24 278 SECTION I. — THIRD PERIOD (692— 145.3 A. D.). 1. The Persian Nestorians (g 64, 2) always continued on excellent terms with their Khalif rulers — a circumstance chiefly due to their opposition to the notion of a " mother of God," and to their rejection of the worship of saints, images and relics, and of priestly celibacy. Accordingly, the Khalifs regarded theirs as a kind of rational Chris- tianity which approximated the Moslem ideal. The Nestorian schools of Edessa, Nisibis, Seleucia, etc., were in a very flourishing state. But the extensive literature which issued from these seats of learning has not been handed down, and only fragments of it have been preserved in the work of Assemanus (Bibl. Orientalis). Of later Nestorian authors the best known is Ebcd-Jesu, the Metropolitan of Nisibis (ob. 1318). His writings treat of every department in theology. The missionary labours of the Nestorians continued unabated till the thir- teenth century. China and India were the fields to which their ener- gies were principally directed. In the eleventh century they induced the Chief of the Kerait, a Tartar tribe, and most of his subjects to embrace Christianity. As vassal of the great Chinese Empire, that prince bore the title of Ovang-Khan. Tidings of this conversion, adorned with the most romantic details, reached the West, where won- derful stories about the power and glory of the supposed "Priest-King John" were circulated. The mistake may have arisen from confound- ing the title Khan with the Chaldee Kahanah (a priest), and the name Ovang with Johannes. — When Chinghis-Khan, the Mongol, put an end to the rule of the Khalifs (1202), the Nestorian Church also declined. For a time, indeed, the Nestorians were allowed to carry on missionary labours among the Mongols, and not without success. But Tamerlane, that scourge of Asia (1309-1405), confined them within the inaccessi- ble mountains and glens of the province of Kurdistan. 2. The most influential and important among the Monophysite churches was that of Armenia (§ 64, 3). This country enjoyed, at least for a period, political independence, under the rule of native monarchs. Since the twelfth century, the Armenian Patriarch resided in the monastery of Edgemiadzin, at the foot of Mount Ararat. That church attained its highest stage of literary eminence — both in the way of furnishing translations of the classics and the Fathers, and of producing original works — during the eighth, and again during the twelfth centuries. The former of these periods was adorned by writers such as the Patriarch John Ozniensis and the Metropolitan Stephen of Svnin. In the twelfth century flourished men of even greater distinction, such as the Patriarch Kerses Clajensis (whose epos, "Jesus the Son," was celebrated as the finest specimen of Armenian poetry), and his nephew the Metropolitan Nerses' of Lampron. The two latter would have readily acceded to a union with the Byzantine Church ; but the pro- posal could not be carried out on account of the political troubles of the time. Advances towards a union with the Latin Church were frequently made since the thirteenth century, but failed, from tho THE HERETICAL CHURCHES OF THE EAST. 279 aversion towards the Romish ritual entertained by the Armenians.^ At one time the Jacobite-Syrian Church (g 52, 7) also was zealously engaged in prosecuting theological studies. The most distinguished ornament of that Church was Gregory Abulfaradsch, the son of a Jewish convert — hence commonly called Barhebrceus— who first occu- pied the See of Guba, and afterwards became Maphrian of Mosul (ob. 1286). His generous philanthropy, his high mental endowments, his extraordinary learning, and his medical skill, made him equally respected by Christians, Mohammedans, and Jews. The most im- portant and the best known of his writings is the "Chronicon Syria- cvm." — The Jacobite Church of Egypt stood probably lowest among Christian communities. The treason of the Copts, by which the Saracens were put in possession of that flourishing country, met with a terrible retribution. Even the Fatimide Khalifa (since 1254) oppressed them, and their position was considerably aggravated under Mameluke domination. The Copts wholly disappeared from the towns, and even in villages the sect dragged on a miserable existence. Ecclesiastically, they sunk into a state of entire deadness.— Though Abyssinia Proper continued to be ruled by native princes, the Church in that country gradually declined to a very low level (g 64, 1). 3. During the Crusades, the Maronites (g 52, 8) joined, in 1182, the Church of Rome. They abjured their monothelete errors, acknowledged the supremacy of the Pope, but were allowed to retain their ancient rites. This union was confirmed in 1445 (in consequence of the move- ment in connection with the Council of Florence). At a later period, they also adopted the decrees of the Council of Trent. The united Ar- menians recognized the primacy of the Pope and the Catholic dogma, but reserved their own constitution and liturgy. SECOND SECTION. HISTORY OF THE CHURCH IN ITS MEDIAEVAL AND GERMANIC FORM OF DEVELOPMENT. 24 * (281) SOURCES, Sources (comp. § 4) : Maxima Biblioth. Patrum. Lugd. 1677. 27 Voll. fol. — /. P. Migne, Patrologice cursus completus. Par. 1844. Series II. Eccl. Lat. 220 Voll. — W.Wattenbach, deutsche Geschichtschreihor in M. A. Berl. 1873. Lahhe. Nova Biblioth. manuscr. Par. 1057. 2 Voll. fol. — H. Canisii Lectiones ant., ed. J. Rasnage. Ant. 1725. 5 Voll. fol. — L. d'Achery Spicilegium. Par. 1G55. 13 Voll. fol. — St. Baluzii Miscellanea. Par. 1678. 7 Voll. fol. — E. Mariene et Durandi, Vett. Scriptt. ampliss. col- lectio. Frcf. 1720. 12 Voll. /. Pistorii Scr. rer. German., ed. B. G. Stmve. Ratisb. 1726. 3 Voll. fol. — M. Freheri, Scr. rer. German., ed. B. G. Siruve. Argent. 1717. 3 Voll. f. — Melch. Goldast, Rer. Alemann. scriptt. ed. H. C. Senckenberg. Frcf. 1730. 3 Voll. f. — H. J. G. Eccard, Corpus Historic, medii oevi. Lps. 1723. 2 Voll. f. — J. B. Mencken, Scr. rer. German. Lips. 1728. 3 Voll. fol.— G. H. Perfz, Monumental Germanise hist, Hann. 1826 sq. 22 Voll. fol. — /. Fr. Bohmer, Regesta chronol. Diplom. Frcf. 1831 sq. — M. G. Haimingsfeld, Coll. Const. Imperialium. Frcf. 1713 f. — A. du Chesne, Hist,' Franc. Scr. Par. 1633. 5 Voll. fol. — M. Bouquet, Rer. Gallic. Script. Par. 1736. 17 Voll. fol. — L. A. Muratori, Rer. Italic. Script. Mediol. 1723. 28 Voll. fol. — Florez, Espagna sagrada. Madr 1743. 46 Voll. 4.-37. Parka-, Rer. Brit. Scr. vetust. Lugd. 1587 fol.— Th. Gale, Hist, Brit. Saxon. Anglodan. Scr. Oxon. 1691. 2 Voll. fol. — H. Wharton, Anglia sacra. Lond. 1691. 2 Voll. f. J. Hartzheim, Concilia Germaniaj. Colon. 1759. 11 Voll. f. — A.J. Binterim, pragm. Gesch. d. deutsch. National-, Prov.- u. Dib'c- Con- cilien. May. 1835. 6 Vols. — /. Sirmond, Concilia ant. Gallia?, Par. 1629. 5 Voll. f. — D.Wilkins, cone. Britanise et Hibernian. Lond. 1737. 4 Voll. — /. Saenz de Augirre, Coll. max. Concill. Hisp. Rom. 1693. 4 Voll. fol. Auxiliaries: Fr. Rehm, Gesch. d. M. A. (Hist, of the Middle Ag.). Marb. 1821. 3 Vols, in 7 Parts. — H. Leo, Gesch. d. M. A. Halle 1830. — Heeren u. Ukert, europ. Staatengesch. Hamb. 1828. — II.Luden, Gesch. d. deutsch. Volkes (Hist, of the Germ. Nat.). Gotha 1825. 12 Vols.— J. Chr. v. Pfister, Gesch. d. Deutsch. Hamb. 1829. 5 Vols.— W. Giese- brechf, Gesch. d. deutsch. Kaiserzeit. Vols. I. and III.Braunschw. 1855, etc. — Hallam, Middle Ages. 11 ed. London 1855. F. C. v. Saviguy, Gesch. d. rom. Rechts im M. A. (Hist, of Rom. Law in the M. A.). 2d ed. Heidelb. 1834. 6 Vols. — K. F. Eichhom, (283) 284 CHARACTER, ETC., OF THIS PHASE. deutsche Staats- u. Rechtsgesch. 5th ed. Gottg. 1844. 4 Vols. — F. Walter, deutsche Rechtsgesch. Bonn 1857. — /. Grimm, deutsche Rechtsalter- thlimer (Jurid. Antiq. of Germ.). 3d ed. Gott. 1854. 2 Vols. — A". Sim- rock, Handb. d. deutsch. Mythol. mit Einschluss d. nord. (Handb. of Germ. Mythol., including that of the North). Bonn 1855. — J. Grimm, deutsche Mythol. 3. A. Gottg. 1854. 2 Bde. §74. CHARACTER AND EXTENT OF THIS PHASE OF DEVELOPMENT. A new stage in the development both of the Church and the world commenced with the appearance of the Germanic nations on the scene of history. In its influence on the character and direction of general history, and on the agencies brought to bear upon its course, the migration of nations is a unique event. Without ignoring the special influence exerted by the various Slavonic races, which made their appearance at a somewhat later period, it cannot be denied that they were soon drawn in the same or in an analogous direction with that of the Germanic tribes. This event must therefore be regarded as forming the boundary line between the ancient and the modern world. But the separation between the past and the coming development was not at once complete ; tendencies at work in the old world continued for centuries to make themselves felt along with, and by the side of, those which characterized the commencement of a new era. Hence, though in part beyond the sphere of the history which now commenced, they cannot be left unnoticed, since — for good or for evil — they exercised an important influence. As the general history of the Church and world, so that of the Germanic nations, may be divided into ancient and modern, bounded and separated by the great Reformation of the six- teenth century. The former of these periods may not inaptly be likened to the figure of Janus — one face being directed towards the ancient, the other towards the modern world. We account for this from the circumstance, that the mental develop- ment of Germanic and Slavonic nations was not the slow and painful result of personal and unaided labour. They inherited what had been acquired by the ancient world, and were thus enabled more rapidly and surely to attain their own peculiar and independent position and culture. As the ancieut Roman Chun h (^and, so far as one important branch of the Slavonic CHARACTER, ETC., OF THIS PHASE. 285 tribes was concerned, the ancient Byzantine also) was the medium through which this inheritance was conveyed, it became the teacher and schoolmaster of the world. But this tutelage could not be permanent. Having attained and being conscious of his maturity, the pupil broke these leading-strings. At the Reforma- tion the Germanic spirit attained its majority and became eman- cipated.- — Thus, taking a general and broad view of it, this first stage in German ecclesiastical and secular history occupies a sort of intermediate position, and is therefore rightly designated as that of the Middle Ages. 1. The ecclesiastical history of the Middle Ages forms, as even ita name indicates, a period of transition from the old to the new. Chris- tianity had fully passed through the stages of culture peculiar to the ancient Greek and Roman world, and made them its own. It was now destined to pervade the forms of life and culture characteristic of those modern nations whom the migration of nations had brought to the foreground of history. But in order to attain the stage of culture for which they were fitted and designed, these peoples had first to be brought under the influence of the ancient culture. Thus a period intervened which, while forming a link of connection between the ancient and modern world, brought the stages of culture characteristic of each into conflict. Throughout the Middle Ages this conflict led to continual action and reaction, or rather to incessant formation, deforma- tion, and reformation, which, however, in every instance appeared not separately and distinctly, but mixed together and confused. Some of the most important events and movements (such as the Papacy, Monasticism, Scholasticism, Mysticism, etc.) took their rise in the Middle Ages. But as in each and all these movements the three phases to which we have alluded continued to struggle for the mastery, neither of them attained full maturity, and each in turn degenerated. It was only in the sixteenth century that the reformatory element attained sufficient maturity and force to appear pure and unmixed with other tendencies. Its victory marks the close of the Middle Ages and the commencement of modern history. 2. The ecclesiastical history of Germany previous to the Reforma- tion embraces twelve centuries, and details very varied movements. The first period closes with the extinction of the German Carlovingian dynasty (911). Up to that time the general movement in ecclesiastical matters progressed uninterruptedly, rising before the time of Charle- magne, attaining its climax during his reign, and then declining. This may be designated the distinctively Germanic period of history. All the princes of the Carlovingian dynasty, even to its weakest repre- sentatives, were inspired by the great idea of uniting the various Germanic and k : ndred (Romanic or Slavonic) tribes into one Germanic 286 CHARACTER ETC., OF THIS PHASE. Empire. This idea only died with the last of the Carlovingians. AfrrT that the tendency towards separation into independent and distinct German, Romanic, and Slavonic States, which had already appeared in the ninth century, gradually gained ground. The Carlovingian period, to which we have referred, had a civilization of its own, which decayed with it. Even the Papacy, to whose intrigues that dynasty succumbed, felt the consequences of its treachery, and sank into impo- tence and ruin. To whatever point we direct our attention, we descry at the commencement of the tenth century a fearful decay, both in Church and State, in science, in culture, and in art. The glorious achievements of Charlemagne gave place to a secuhun obscurum. Still, even in the confusion and the troubles of that century we can discern the conditions and the germs of a new and better age. — The time of Pope Boniface V11L, or the commencement of the fourteenth century, marks another and not less important period. Before that time Germany led and gave the tone both in secular and ecclesiastical matters. But the unsuccessful contest between Boniface and Philip the Fair of France gave an immense preponderance to France, which henceforth led the way in all ecclesiastical movements. During this period the internal development of the Church progressed very rapidly. The Papacy, Monasticism, and Scholasticism — the most important elements in the history of the mediaeval Church — attained their highest point before, and declined after, the time of Boniface. Again, the desire for reforms, which manifested itself throughout the Middle Ages, was quite different in these two periods. Before the time of Boniface, the representatives of the Church (Popes, Monastic Orders, and Schoolmen) seemed gene- rally desirous for a certain measure of reform, though perhaps not of a comprehensive or entirely spiritual character. On the other hand, the instances in which a genuine and evangelical desire after reform was associated with opposition to the prevailing ecclesiasticism, were few and isolated, while frequently it appeared in combination with errors and heresies almost unparalleled in history. Towards the close of this period, however, this state of matters was completely reversed. Not only had the Papacy, the Monastic Orders, and the Schoolmen degene- rated themselves — they had become the main abettors of ecclesiastical degeneracy. Opposition to the Church, as then constituted, no longer appeared in the wake of heretical tendencies. The reformatory move- ment, though not entirely free from admixture of errors, became evangelical in its spirit, and rapidly grew in strength and influence. This phase of development, then, embraces three periods: that between the fourth and the ninth centuries, that between the tenth and the thirteenth centuries, and that which compiised the fourteenth and Bftcenth centuries. FIRST PERIOD OP ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY IN ITS MEDIEVAL AND GERMANIC FORM OF DEVELOPMENT. FROM THE FOURTH TO THE NINTH CENT. Comp. F. W. Rettberg, K.-G. Deutschlands (bis zum Tode Karls d. Gr.). Leipz. 1853. 2 Vols.— W. Kraft, die K.-G. der german. Volker. Berlin 1854. Vol. I. — H. Ruckert, Culturgesch. d. deutsch. Volkes in d. Zeit d. Ueberganges aus d. Heidenth. in das Christenth. (Hist of Germ. Civiliz. during the time of Trans, from Heathen, to Christian.). Leipz. 1853. 2 Vols. — W. C. Perry, The Franks. London 1857. — Also generally : Hardwick, Hist, of the Chr. Ch., Middle Age. Cambridge* 1853. — Robertson, Hist, of the Chr. Ch. (590-1122). London 1856. I. ESTABLISHMENT, SPREAD, AND LIMITATIONS OF THE GERMAN CHURCH. I 75. CHRISTIANITY AND THE GERMANS. Before the Germans appeared on the stage of history, Europe was chiefly peopled by Celtic races. In Britain, Spain, and Gaul, these tribes were conquered by the Romans, and became amalgamated with them ; while in the north, the east, and the centre of Europe they were expelled, exterminated, or absorbed by the Germans. When Christianity extended over the face of Europe, the Celtic race existed as a distinct nationality only in Ireland and Scotland, as even among the neighbouring Britons it had already become mixed with Roman elements. Hence but a very narrow territory was left on which Christianity might assume the peculiar Celtic form of development. Our knowledge (281) 288 SECTION II. — FIRST PERIOD (CENT. 4—9 A. D.). of this phase of ecclesiastical life is derived from the few notices left us of Irish monasteries, and of the resistance offered to the introduction of the Romish Confession (§71). But even before the time of Christ, the Germanic races had followed the Celts, and migrated from the East into Europe. They were in turn succeeded by the Huns, by the Slavonic and Magyar, and other tribes. So early as the latter half of the third century, the Germans were brought into contact with Christianity. Only one century elapsed when a number of powerful peoples of Germanic descent professed the Gospel. Since that period each century, till late in the Middle Ages, witnessed fresh national additions to the Church from among that race. These great results have sometimes, though erro- neously, been traced to a peculiar natural and national predis- position for Christianity. But while we gladly admit its exist- ence — at least in some measure, we deny that the Germans were in consequence of it attracted to Christianity, as at that time it was preached. In our opinion, it manifested itself chiefly after Christianity had by other instrumentality gained an entrance, and only appeared fully at the time of the Reformation. For this predisposition had reference to the profoundest bearings of Christianity, which were neglected and ignored in the ecclesiasti- cal externalism of earlier days. It was the task of the Germanic Church to develop and to bring prominently forward these aspects of the Gospel. 1. Much of what has been vaunted about the special predisposition of the Germans towards Christianity, is either exaggeration or mis- apprehension. Admitting that in German Mythology many deep thoughts, concealed under the garb of poetic legends, bear evidence of the high religious aspirations, the intellectual endowments, and the remarkable spiritual anticipations of the Germanic race, and as such may have formed a preparation for Christian truth, it will scarcely be maintained that these characteristics apply to it in greater measure than to the myths, speculations, or mysteries of ancient Greece. To our mind, the predisposition should rather be traced to the peculiar character of German national life. There we notice the devotedness and attachment of vassals towards their lord, which formed so marked a peculiarity of the German mind, and which, when applied to Christ as the Heavenly King, constitutes the very essence of Christianity — even personal surrender to the Saviour, a close and affectionate relation- ship towards Him, and dependence on Him for justification by faith alone, which even Augustine, that Paul among the Fathers, was CHRISTIANITY AND THE GERMANS. 289 unable to comprehend in all its breadth and fulness. In connection with this sentiment, we also note the native readiness to combat and to persevere in their struggles for their rightful lord, which, when directed towards the Gospel, constitutes the main characteristic of practical Christianity — the pressing forward through contests to victory. Again, the German love of freedom offered, when sanctified by Christianity, a fitting form and expression for the glorious liberty of the children of God; while even Tacitus speaks of the spirituality of those religious rites which predisposed them to the worship of God " in spirit and in truth (nee cohibere parietibus Deos, neque in ullam humani oris speciem adsimulare, ex magnitudine coelestium arbi- trantur)." 2. The circumstance, that so many Germanic tribes adopted Chris- tianity without offering almost any resistance, is most readily explained by the untenable character of the Pagan superstitions prevailing at the time. In general, heathenism can only thrive on its own native soil. Transplanted to Europe, the superstitions of those tribes did not strike root during the turmoil and the movements of the period which followed their importation. But if centuries were allowed to elapse, before the Gospel was introduced — as in the case of the Frisians, the Saxons, the Danes, etc. — the opposition to its doctrines was much stronger. An- other element which either materially aided or else impeded the spread of Christianity, was the presence or the want of Christian institutions dating from the times of Roman domination. In districts where hea- thenism had reigned wholly undisturbed, the superstitions imported by the Germans soon found a firm lodgment. But where Christianity had once gained admittance, the elevated culture, and superior intellectual power associated with it, rendered the full and free development of heathenism impossible, even though the Gospel was for a time sup- pressed in the district. Besides, in many instances the alliances of heathen rulers with Christian princesses led to the conversion of the former, and with them of all their subjects. No doubt the same causes must also frequently have operated in the more narrow circle of the family or the clan. Such influences were peculiarly characteristic of the Saxon tribes, who alone assigned so high a place to woman : Inesse quin etiam (says Tacitus) sanctum aliquid et providum putant, nee aut consilia earum adspernantur, aut responsa negligunt. 3. Judging from the ordinary practice of the Church (and not U speak of the wholesale conversions accomplished by Christian princes through fire and sword), both baptism and conversion must have been generally regarded as an opus operatum ; and whole heathen tribes were baptized without having previously obtained a proper knowledge of salvation, or undergone a change of heart or mind. This can, of course, be neither approved nor commended. At the same time, it must be admitted that only in this manner considerable and rapid 25 290 SECTION II. FIRRT PERIOD (CENT.4--9A.D.). results could have been obtained ; nay, that in the infant state of the German races, something may be said in favour of this practice. A survey of the past would direct the Church, in its contest with German Paganism, to use other weapons than those which had been employed in the conflict with the heathenism of Greece and of Rome. In the latter case, Christianity was brought to bear on society in its highest stat'' of cultivation, — on a world which, so to speak, had grown old, and come to despair of its powers and capabilities, and where the expe- rience and history of the preceding ten centuries served as a "school- master to Christ." It was far otherwise with the Germanic races. If, therefore, Roman society might be compared to a proselyte who in riper years, and after having passed through many experiences, is ad- mitted into the Church, the conversion of the Germans may be likened to a baptism administered during infancy. I 76. VICTORY OF CATHOLICISM OYER ARIANISM. Coup. W. Kraft, K. G. d. germ. Yolke. Vol. I. — Cli. Waifz, u. d. Leben u. d. Lehre d. Ulfila (The Life and Teaching of Ulf.). Ilann. 1840. 4to. — J. Aschbach, Gesch. d. Westgothen. Frcf. 1X21.— F. W. Lembke, Gesch. v. Spanien (Hist, of Spain). Vol. I. Ilamb. 1831.— F. Papencordt, Gesch. d. vand. Herrsch. in Afr. (Hist, of Vandal Domin. in Afr.). Berl. 1837. — J. C. F. Manso, Gesch. d. ostgoth. Reiches in Ital. Bresl. 1824.— J. E. v. Koch- Sfernf 'eld, d. Reich d. Langob. in Ital. Mun. 1830.—//. Leo, Gesch. d. italien. Staaten. Vol. I. Hamb, 1829 — /. W. Loebell, Gregor v. Tours u. seine Zeit. Leipz. 1839. — A. Thierry, Recit des temps Merovingiens. Par. 1842. 2 Vols. When Christianity made its first great conquests in Germany.. Arianism was at the height of its power in the Roman Empire. Internal dissensions and external dangers obliged a portion of the Goths, during the latter half of the fourth century, to seek alli- ances with the Eastern Empire, and to purchase its protection by making a profession of Arianism. Within a short time, the missionary labours of a number of native priests, directed by Bishop Ulfilas, led to the spread of Arianism among numerous other Germanic races, though we are unable to trace its exact pro- gress. About the end of the fifth century, more than half the German race — the Ostrogoths and Yisigoths, the Vandals, Suevi, Burgundians, Lombards, Herulians, Rugians, Gepidae, and others —professed that creed. But as the friendly relations subsisting between these tribes and the Roman Empire had prepared the way for the spread of Arianism, so the hostilities which ensued alter Rome had again adopted the Catholic faith, were partly VICTORY OF CATHOLICISM OVER ARIANISM. 291 the cause of their tenacious and even fanatical adherence to that heresy. Arianism had, indeed, become wellnigh the national creed of Germany ; and it almost seemed destined to obtain pos- session of all Germany, and with it of future history. But these prospects were speedily annihilated by the conversion of one of the most powerful Germanic tribes to Catholicism. From the first the policy of the Franks had been directed against their strong kindred around them, rather than against the Roman domination, which was rapidly nearing its end. The same policy also dictated their adoption of Catholicism. Relying on the protection of Him whom Catholic Christendom worshipped, and on the sympathies of the Western Catholics, the Frankish rulers undertook the double mission of suppressing heresy and of con- quering heretical countries. It was, therefore, their policy to renounce the former, in order to find occasion for the attainment of the latter object. 1. The Goths in the Countries along the Danube. — Christianity had been introduced among the Goths about the middle of the third century by Roman captives. TheopMhis, a Gothic bishop, is mentioned as one of the members of the Council of Nice in 325. The zeal and success of Bishop Ulfilas, a descendant of a captive Christian family from Cappadocia, who since 348 preached to the Visigoths (or Thervingians), and was even then an adherent to the Arian confession, excited the enmity of the heathen, which broke out in a bloody persecution (355). Accompanied by a large number of his Gothic converts, Ulfilas fled across the Danube, where the Emperor Constantius, who regarded the Bishop as a second Moses, gave them a residence in Mt. Haemus, Ulfilas continued his successful labours for thirty-three years. To give his people access to the sacred oracles, he translated the Bible into the Gothic language, for which he had constructed an alphabet {ob. 388). Full details of his life and teaching are given by Auxentius, Bishop of Dorostorus (Silistria), a pupil of Ulfilas, in a short biography of the Apostle of the Goths, which Waitz has lately discovered (see above). — But all the Gothic converts had not left their country with Ulfilas. Those who remained behind proved a leaven to the heathen around. Accordingly, about 370, Athanarieh, King of the Thervingians, raised another persecution. Soon afterwards, a rebellion broke out among the Thervingians. Frithigern, the leader of the discontented, was indeed worsted, but obtained assistance from the Emperor Valens, and, in gratitude for this aid, along with his adherents, adopted Arianism. This was the first instance in which the Goths embraced Christianity in considerable numbers. Soon afterwards (in 375), the victories of the Huns swept away the empire of the Ostrogoths. A portion of that 294 SECTION II. — FIRST PERIOD (CENT. 4-9 A.D.). of Clotilda, continued a Catholic. Gundobald, his brother, having murdered his kindred, possessed himself of their dominions. But the zeal and labours of Avilus, Bishop of Vienne, prevented the spread of Arianism, and both Sigismond, the son of Gundobald, and his subjects returned into the Catholic Church at the Diet of Epaon in 517. But in the eyes of Clotilda, the wife of Cluvis, King of the Franks, even this conversion could not atone for the guilt of Sigismond's father. Her sons avenged their maternal grandfather, and put an end to the Burgundian monarchy in 534. — {Principal Source: Gregorii Turon. hist. Francorum.) G. In conjunction with the Ileruli, the Schyri, and the Turcelingi, the Rugians had founded an independent state (in what now consti- tutes Lower Austria), and called it Rugiland. Their religion consisted of a mixture of heathen practices with Arianism, which had spread among them from their Gothic neighbours. The Catholic Romans whom they found in the country were much oppressed by them. But since 454 St. Severinus (ob. 482) laboured in that district, a messenger truly sent from on high to cheer and uphold these persecuted people. Even the barbarians were constrained to pay him reverence ; and his influence over both heathen and Arians was almost unlimited. He is said to have announced the future greatness of Odoacer. That prince put an end to the "Western Empire, and for seventeen years ruled over Italy with equal firmness and wisdom. Odoacer abolished (in 487) Rugian rule, and with it Arian persecution, in Rugiland. But soon afterwards Thcoderic, the Ostrogoth, invaded Italy, took Ravenna after a siege of three years, made Odoacer prisoner, and treacherously killed him at a banquet (493). 7. The Ostrogoths had become converts to Arianism long before they conquered Italy, but they were free from the fanaticism which charac- terized that religious party in almost every part of Germany. Thco- deric afibrded protection to the Catholic < Jhurch : he valued and fostered Roman culture — acts of which the credit is certainly due in part to Cassiodorus, the excellent counsellor of the Ostrogoth monarch (£ 47, C). This large-spirited toleration was the more readily accorded, since, from the protracted schism (lasting for 35 years, I 52, 5), no dangerous political combination between the Catholics of the East and the West was to be apprehended. Accordingly, when this schism ceased in 519, Thcoderic began to take a more lively interest in the progress of the Arian Church, and to view the Catholics with some measure of suspicion. He died in 52fi. The Emperor Justinian availed himself of the confusion consequent on the death of Theodoric to regain Italy. At the close of a war which lasted for twenty years, Nurses, the Byzantine general, had swept away the last traces of Ostrogoth domi- nation. On its ruins the Byzantine rule was again raised, under the name of an Exarchate, and with Ravenna as its capital. During that VICTORY OF CATHOLICISM OVER ARIANISM. 295 period the rule of Arianism in Italy was of course at an end. — (Prin- cipal Sources: Procopius, de bello Goth. — Jumandes, de reb. Geticis. — ■ Cassiodori Varia et Chronic.) 8. The Lombards in Italy. — In 568 the Lombards left their homes by the banks of the Danube, under the leadership of Alboin invaded Italy, and conquered that portion called, after them, Lombardy, with Ticinum (Pavia) its capital. The successors of Alboin extended their conquests till only the southern extremity of Italy, the districts along the sea-shore, and a number of fortified towns in the interior, remained under Byzantine rule. Incited by love of plunder and suspiciousness, the Lombards, who professed Arianism, for twenty years waged equal warfare against Roman civilization and Roman Catholicism. But after the first storm of persecution had passed, religious indifferentism again prevailed, and the spiritual impotence of the Arian clergy proved unequal in the contest with Catholicism. Pope Gregory the Great (590-604) — a prelate equally wise and energetic — gave himself with untiring zeal to missionary labours. He found a powerful auxiliary in Queen Theodelinda, a Bavarian princess, and a devoted Catholic. So enthusiastic were the Lombards in their admiration of their beau- tiful and amiable queen, that when Avthari, her husband, was killed the first year after her marriage, they allowed her to select among the Lombard dukes one to whom she would give her hand, and whom they would acknowledge their king. Her choice fell on Agihilf, who indeed continued an Arian, but did not oppose the spread of Catho- licism among the people. Under the reign of Grimoald (ob. 071) the work of converting the Lombards to the Catholic Church was com- pleted, and soon afterwards they adopted the language and manners of Rome. (Comp. \ 82, 1.) — (Principal Source: Paidi Diac, de gestis Langk Lb. VI.) 9. The Franks in Gaul. — Roman domination continued for a time in Gaul, even after Odoacer had in 476 put an end to the Western Empire. But the victory of Soissons, which in 480 Childeric, the Merovingian, gained over Syagrius, the Roman Governor, terminated that rule. In 493 Clovis (481 -511) espoused Clotilda, a Burgundian princess (see above, note 5). The young queen, who was devotedly attached to the Catholic faith, used every effort to convert her heathen husband. For a long time the national pride of the Frankish ruler resisted her endeavours, though he consented to have their first-born son baptized. The death of this infant appeared to Clovis an indication of the displeasure of his gods. Still he could not resist the entreaties of his wife, and their second son was likewise admitted into the Church. This infant also was taken dangerously ill ; but the earnest prayers of his mother were followed by his unexpected recovery, and Clovis learned that the God of the Christians was able to disarm the vengeance of Wuotan. The circumstance recurred to the mind of the king when, 296 SECTION II. — FIRST PERIOD (C E N T . 4— 9 A. D.). in the battle of Tolbiac (in 49G) against the Alemanni, he was threatened with defeat, with the loss of his empire and of his life. The prayers offered to his gods had remained unanswered: he now addressed him- self to the God of the Christians, vowing to adopt that faith if he were delivered from his imminent danger. Immediately the aspect of the battle changed. The army and the empire of the Alemanni were de- stroyed. True to his promise, Clovis was baptized in Rheims, at Christmas 496, by Remigius, the Archbishop, who addressed him in the words: " Bend thy neck, proud Sicamher; adore what thou didst burn ; burn what thou didst adore." (Legend afterwards adorned the event with miraculous details. It seems, that when the attendant who carried the phial with the oil destined for anointing Clovis was unable to make bis way through the crowd, in answer to the prayer of Remi- "•ius a white dove brought from heaven another phial, ever since used in the coronation of the French kings). According to the measure of his knowledge, Clovis was sincere and earnest in his profession of Christianity. Most of the nobles and of the people soon followed his example. Not that he had undergone any change of heart: he had made a compact with the God of the Christians, and he was prepared faithfully to observe its terms. It affords sad proof of the low state of religion at the time, that the grossest faithlessness, treason, and assassination stained the life of Clovis after his baptism. And yet the Catholic clergy of the West extolled him as another Constantine, and as divinely appointed to root up heathenism and Arianism. Regarding this as the mission entrusted to him, they neither asked nor expected more at his hands. However, the conversion of Clovis proved an event of the greatest importance, since it sealed the doom of the barbarous and fanatical Arianism of the German tribes. Along with its creed, the Catholic Church introduced the civilization and literature of the ancient world. Thus trained, the Germans founded an empire destined for many centuries to continue the centre around which the history of the world was to revolve. — [Principal Source: Gregorii Turon. hist. Francorum eccles. (Comp. also for the hist, of the Franks, Dr. Perry, The Franks. London, Longman, 1857). I'l. VICTORY OF THE ROMISH OYER THE BRITISH CONFESSION. Comp. Jac. Usserii, Britann. ecclosiae antiquitt. Lond. 1C87 fol. — Fr. Milliter, die altbrit. Kirche (in the theol. Stud. u. Krit. for 1833). — C. Fr. Slaudlin, K. G. v. Grossbrit. Gottg. is!!). 2 Vols.— Th. Moore, History of Ireland. — J. Lanigan, Eccl. Hist, of Ireland. 2d ed. 4 Vols. — ./. M. Lappenberg, Gesch. von England. Vol. I. Ilamb 1834. — /. TAngard (U. Cath.), Antiquities of the Anglo-Saxon Ch. — K. Schrod't (R. Cath.), d. L Jahrh. d. engl. Kirche (the First Cent, of the Engl Ch.).— C. G. Sehoell, de Ecc. Britt. Scotu-umque hist, fontibus. Bei VICTORY OF THE ROMISH CONFESSION. 297 )851.— Wilkins, Concilia Brit, et Hibernica. London 1737. 4 Vols fol. — Spelmanni Cone. Deer. Const, in re Eccl. orbis Brit, (to the yeai 1531 _ m ore complete than Wilkins). 2 Vols. fol. 1639-64 — Jiedoe Venerabilis Hist. Eccl. gentis Anglor. — Wharton's Anglia Sacra ; and the authorities quoted in Robertson, Hist, of the M. Ages, pp. 15 et seq. An old legend has it, that a British king, Lucius by name, had so early as the middle of the second century requested Eleu- therus, Bishop of Home, to send him Christian missionaries, and that both he and his people had been converted by their preaching. Without attaching importance to this tradition, it ia certain that since the close of the second century Christianity had struck root in that part of Britain which was under Roman domination. Up to the time of the Anglo-Saxon invasion (in 449) the British Church entertained close and continual commu- nication with the sister-churches on the Continent, especially with those of Gaul and Rome. But after that, Christianity ceased to be professed except along the west coast, and the rela- tions between the British and foreign churches were interrupted. When, after an interval of 150 years, a Romish mission arrived (in 597) to renew the former intercourse, it appeared that the British ecclesiastical system differed from that of Rome (which during that period had developed) on many points connected with worship, government, and discipline. Rome insisted ou conformity — a demand which the Britons strenuously resisted. The chief objection of the British Church lay against the claims of the Romish hierarchy. These divergences have sometimes been traced to the supposed circumstance that the British Church had originally been founded by missionaries from Asia Minor — a statement which rests on no historical grounds. Nor is it neces- sary to refute the assertions of some, who vaunt that apostolica'i Christianity had been preserved in its purity among the ancient Britons, and speak of their evangelical opposition to the erro- neous teaching and ordinances of the Church of Rome. In point of fact, the religion of Britain and of Rome was essen- tially the same : in both, the same tendency to superstition ap- pears ; in both churches we have the worship of saints and of relics, the sacrifice of the mass, asceticism, and work-righteous- ness Very true the clergy of Britain had not the same hie- rarchical pretensions as that of Rome ; and too, in consequence of the struggle which now ensued, more broad and liberal views were broached than had at first been entertained. At first, in- 298 SECTION II. — FIRST PERIOD (CENT. 4-9 A.D.). deed, victory seemed to incline towards the National Church •, but ultimately the contest ended in the complete suppression of the British Confession. In Germany, where the conflict was renewed, it terminated in the same manner, notwithstanding the exertions made by the British missionaries (§ 18). A very deep interest attaches to this contest. If the British Confession had prevailed, as at one time seemed probable, not England only, but also Germany, would from the first have stood in direct antago- nism to the Papacy, — a circumstance which would have given an entirely different turn both to the Ecclesiastical and the Political History of the Middle Ages. 1. Chief Peculiarities of the British Confession. — The Easter cycle of nineteen years, which Dionysius Exiguus had introduced (| 56, 3), was nut adopted in Britain. Further, instead of the Romish "tonsura Petri" (| 45, 3), the native clergy had a peculiar form of tonsure, the whole forepart of the head being shaved. They also refused to submit to the injunction of clerical celibacy, and to acknowledge the primacy of Rome; they rejected auricular confession, the doctrine of purgatory, the tenet which made marriage a sacrament, the stringent ordinances of Rome in regard to degrees of fictitious affinity, etc. But all these differences arose not from any doctrinal divergence; at least, if such existed, it was never mentioned. Indications, however, are not want- ing that Pelagianism found more favour among the Britons (perhaps from the nationality of its author, \ 53, 3) than in the Western Church generally. The ancient British clergy bore the name of Cahlees (Kele- De, colidei — servi Dei). — (Comp. Smith, Life of S. Col. Edinb. 1798. — /. Jamieson, Hist. Account of the Ancient Culdees of Iona. Edinb. 1811.—/. G.J. Braun, de Culdeis. Bonn. 1840, 4.— Russell, Hist, of the Ch. in Scotland.) 2. So early as the commencement of the fifth century, Christianity had been introduced among the Celtic inhabitants of Ireland (Erin, Hibernia). The missionary labours of Palladivs, a deacon from Rome (in 431), were indeed unsuccessful ; but in 432 St. Patrick, the Apos- tle of Ireland, accompanied by twenty-four fellow-labourers, arrived on its shores. Tradition fixes on Kilpatrick, Scotland, as his native place ; he mentions Bonave (in Gaul) as the residence of his father. His proper name is said to have been Saccat. In his sixteenth year, pirates had carried him to Ireland, and sold him to an Irish chief, whose flocks lie tended for six years. After his liberation, the constraining power of the love of Christ made him choose active Christian service ; his thoughts and feelings took the form of night-visions ; and he resolved to proclaim the glorious liberty of the children of God to those who had so long held him in abject slavery. Well acquainted with the lan- guage and customs of the country, h« assembled the people by beat of VICTORY OF THE ROMISH CONFESSION. 299 drum in the open air, and related to them the sufferings of Christ foi the salvation of men. Although the Druids opposed all their influence to his efforts, his amiable and commanding character disarmed hos- tility. Not one martyr fell ; and after a few years, all Ireland was converted to Christ, and the country covered with churches and monas- teries. Patrick himself resided in the district of Maeha. Around his dwelling the town of Armagh (afterwards the metropolitan see of Ire- land) sprung up. He died in 4G5, leaving the Church of Ireland in the most flourishing state. The numerous monasteries, whose inmates combined deep piety with ardent study of the Scriptures, and of whom so many went forth to teach and to preach in all countries, gained for Ireland the title of Insula Sanctorum. The Irish monasteries only declined after the incursions of the Danes in the ninth century. Under the title of " Confessiones," St. Patrick himself has left us an autobio- graphy, which is still extant. 3. Ninian or Nynias, a Briton, who had been educated at Rome, commenced, about the year 430, his labours among the Celtic Picts and Scots of Caledonia. But after his death, those whom he had converted again relapsed into heathenism. The work thus begun was more effectually resumed by Crimthan, an Irishman, whose name was changed by his friends to Columba, to designate his dove-like character. Accompanied by twelve of his pupils, he embarked in 5G3 for the island of Hy, the present Iona (i.e., Insula Sanctorum) or IcolumbkiU, where he founded a monastery and a church, and whence he converted all Caledonia. Although to his death he continued a simple presbyter, and abbot of the monastery of Iona, he exercised, in virtue of his apostolic authority, superintendence over the whole Caledonian Church, and ordained its bishops — a privilege which his successors in the abbacy of Iona retained. He died in 597. The numerous monasteries which he founded, emulated those of Ireland in the learning, piety, and missionary zeal of their inmates. This remark applies especially to the monastery of Iona. 4. Romish Mission among the Anglo-Saxons. — Vortigern, King of Britain, called in the aid of the Germans who inhabited the opposite coast, for the purpose of warding off the predatory invasions of the Picts and Scots. Hengist and Horsa, two exile chiefs from Jutland, obeyed the summons, at the head of a large number of Angles and Saxons (in 449). These arrivals were followed by others, till, at the end of a century, only the west coast of their country was left to the Britons. The Angles and Saxons formed seven monarchies, one of these rulers, the Bretwalda, — or leader of their armies, — exercising su- preme sway. The Anglo-Saxons were heathens; and the hostility be- tween them and the ancient Britons rendered missionary activity on the part of the latter impossible. But Rome supplied what they had omitted to do. The sight of some Anglo-Saxon youths, exposed for sale in the 300 SECTION II. FIRST PERIOD (CENT. 4—9 A. D.). slave-market at Rome, inspired a pious monk — afterwards Pope Gr& gory I. — -with the desire of seeing a people of such commanding ap- pearance adorned with the beauty of the Gospel. His elevation to the Papal See prevented his commencing the work himself, as at first he dad purposed. But he purchased some of these Anglo-Saxon youths, m id had them educated for missionary work among their countrymen. Soon afterwards, when the Bretwalda, Etlielbert of Kent, espoused BeHha, a Frankish princess, Gregory sent Augustine, a Roman abbot, to England, accompanied by forty monks (59G). Eihelbert provided them with a residence and support at Dorovernum (Canterbury), his own capital. At Pentecost of the year succeeding that of their arrival, the kin;;- was baptized, and 10,000 of his subjects followed his example. Augustine wrote to Gregory for further instructions, for relics, books, etc. The Pope complied with his request, and at the same time sent lii in the Pallium, assigning to him the dignity of Archbishop of the Sax:ni and British Church. Augustine now called upon the Britons to submit to his authority, and to join him in labouring for the conversion f the Saxons. But the Britons rejected these overtures. A personal interview with their leaders, held under the oak of Augustine, led to no better result. A second conference terminated in the same manner, chiefly owing to the prelatical arrogance of Augustine, who would not rise when the Britons made their appearance. The latter were at that time disposed to yield; but, at the suggestion of a hermit, they had fixed on this mark of respect as an omen. Its absence now decided them. On the death of Augustine, in 605, the Pope appointed Lauren- tins, the assistant of the British prelate, his successor. But Eadbald, the heathen son and successor of Ethelbert, persecuted the missionaries so much, that they even resolved to quit the field (016). Laurentius alone delayed his departure, to make a last attempt to convert Eadbald himself. He was successful: the king was baptized, and the fugitive priests returned to their former duties. — Augustine had introduced Christianity in Essex ; but a change of government was followed by a restoration of heathenism. Soon afterwards, Christianity was esta- blished in Northvmbria, the most poAverful state in the Heptarchy. King Edwin (or Eadwine), the founder of Edinburgh, espoused Ethel- berga, the daughter of Bertha, Queen of Kent. According to agree- ment, the young princess was accompanied to her new residence by Paulinas, a monk (625). By their combined influence the king, and through him the nobility and priesthood, were induced to adopt Chris- tianity. At a popular assembly, Paulinus demonstrated the truth of Christianity; while Coifi, their high-priest, defied the national gods by hurling a spear into the nearest temple. The people regarded his daring as madness, and momentarily expected to see a manifestation of Wodan's vengeance. But when the heavens remained mute, the people, in obedience to the order of Coifi, set fire to their principal temple (627) Paulinus became Bishop of Eboraeeum (York), and the VICTORY OP THE ROMISH CONFESSION. 301 t'ope sent him the Pallium. But in 633 Edwin fell in battle against Penda, the li3athen King of Mercia; Paulinus had to flee, and the Church of Northumbria was almost annihilated. 5. British Mission among the Anglo-Saxons. — Oswald, the son of a former king of Northumbria whom Edwin had expelled, restored to that country its independence. This youth had, when a fugitive, found an asylum in Iona, where he was educated a Christian. In order again to raise the Church of his country, the monks of Iona sent one of their own number, the excellent and amiable Aidan, to the court of North- umbria. Oswald himself acted as his interpreter, till he had acquired the Saxon tongue. The success of his labours was truly unparalleled. Oswald founded an episcopal see in the island of Lindisfarne ; and, aided by other missionaries from Iona, Bishop Aidan converted, in a few years, the whole north of England to Christianity. Oswald, fell in battle against Penda (642). He was succeeded in his own government, and as Bretwalda, by Oswy, his brother. Irish missionaries now joined the labourers from Iona, emulating their services ; and in G60 all parts of the Heptarchy had adopted Christianity, and — with the exception of Kent, which remained faithful to Rome — adhered to the ancient British Confession. 6. Victory of the Romish over the British Confession. — Oswy pei - - ceived the danger accruing to the State from religious division and ecclesiastical estrangements among the people. He succeeded in con- vincing the other kings of the necessity of an ecclesiastical union. The only question now was, which of the confessions should give way. At last the decision fell in favour of Romish supremacy — a result to which, no doubt, Oswy himself mainly contributed. Eanjieda, his wife, a daughter of Edwin, was a zealous partisan of Rome. She was seconded in her efforts by Wilfrid, a man of great energy, prudence, and perseverence. By birth a Northumbrian, and educated in the monastery of Lindisfarne, he had visited Rome; on his return he em- ployed the whole force of hit eloquence, and every artifice which intrigue could suggest, to subject all England to the Papacy. These two influenced the Bretwalda, and the latter again the other kings. Added to this were other and more general reasons for the decision of the monarch — such as a preference for what was foreign, the splendour and the power of the Romish Church, and, above all, the old national dislike of the Saxons towards everything British. When the secret negotiations had issued in the result desired, Oswy convened a General Synod in the nunnery of Streaneshalch or Whitby (Synodus Pharensis) in 664. There all the civil and ecclesiastical leaders of the Heptarchy assembled. The Romish party was represented by Wilfrid; the British, by Oilman, Bishop of Lindisfarne. The paschal question was the first topic )f discussion. Wilfrid appealed to the authority of Peter, 2<> iO'l SECTION II. FIRST PERIOD (CENT. 4-9 A,D.). to whom the Lord had said: "Thou art Peter," etc. Upon this, OswJ turned to Colman -with the inquiry, whether the Lord had really addressed these Avords to Peter. Colman, of course, admitted it; when Oswy declared that he would own the authority of him who had the power of opening and shutting the gates of heaven. This finished the discussion. In his capacity of Bretwalda, Oswy carried out the decrees of the Synod with energy and resolution. Within a few weeks the razor completed the conversion of the whole Heptarchy to the Romish Confession. — Matters having proceeded thus far, the British Confes- sion had soon to be abandoned, even in the districts whence it had originally spread. Political reasons obliged the Irish and Scotch kings to adopt the confession of their dangerous neighbours, in order both to deprive them of a specious pretext for making invasions, and to procure the assistance of the Pope and the sympathies of continental Christen- dom. Ireland submitted in 701, and Scotland followed nine years afterwards. The monks of Iona alone held out till 716, when this their last stronghold also fell. — (The Principal Sources for the British and Anglo-Saxon Eccles. Hist, of that period are: Gildas, liber querulus de excidio Brittanniae. Nennius, hist. Britonum, and especially Beda venerab. hist, eccles. Angl.) §78. CONVERSION OF GERMANY. Comp. F. W. Rettberg, K.-G. Peutschland's. Vols. I. and II.— C. J. Ifcfele, Gesch. d. Einfiihr. d. Christ, im sudwestl. Deutschl. (Hist, of the Introd. of Christian, in South-West. Germ.). Tiib. 1837. — K. Hiemer, d. Einfiihr. d. Christenth. in d. Deutsch. Landen. Schaffh. 1858. — Ph. Heber, die vorkaroling. Glaubenshelden. an Rhein u. deren. Zeit. Erkf. 1858. — G. T. Rudhari, altest. Gesch. Baierns (Old Hist, of Bavar.). Hamb. 1841. — ^1. F. Ozanam, Begriind. d. Christ, in Peutsch. (Introd. of Christ, into Germ.). From the French, Manic. 1845. — A. Setters, Bonifacius, d. Ap. der Deutschen. Mayence 1845. — E. F. Gelpke, K.-G. d. Schweiz. Bd. I. Bern. 185G. — Bonifacii Epistohe (op. 3d. J. A. Giles, Oxford 1846), Vita in Pertz (T. II.) and in the Acta SS. — Serrarius, Moguntiac. rerum 1. v. — Sagittarius, Antiq. Gentil. et Christ. Thuring. During the domination of the Romans, the countries along the Rhine and Danube had been fully evangelized ; but of this scarcely a trace was left, in the succeeding period. The bar- barians who invaded these districts, destroyed the monasteries ami churches, and instead of Christian rites, introduced their own forms of heathenism. By the end of the sixth century the greater part of Germany was subject to the rule of the Franks, and bore the name of Western Franconia (Neustria), in contra- CONVERSION OF GERMANY. 303 distinction to Austrasia or Eastern Franconia. South-Western and South-Eastern Germany (Alemannia, Bavaria, Thuringia) were governed by native princes under Frankish suzerainty , while North-Western Germany (the Frisians and Saxons) stil 1 maintained its national independence. The first successful endeavours to restore Christianity in Austrasia were made about the middle of the sixth century. The missionaries engaged in this work were partly of Frankish, partly of Scotch (either Irish or British), and partly of Anglo-Saxon descent. At that time the monasteries of Scotland and Ireland were crowded with men whose natural love of travel was sanctified by an ardent desire to preach the Gospel, and to extend the kingdom of Christ. These feelings derived an additional stimulus from the circumstance, that the distinctive confession to which they clung with so deep attachment had just been suppressed (§ 77, 6). Their own country seemed now dreary, while on the Continent they saw a prospect of regaining what had been lost at home. Under such impulses, a large number of the inmates of the Irish and Scotch monasteries went forth as missionaries to pagan Germany. But thither also the Anglo-Saxons, who had the same love for travel, the same missionary zeal, and the same attachment to their own distinctive confession (the Romish), followed them. Thus the former contest was renewed on German soil : there also to end in the suppression of the British Confession. Almost everywhere do we discover traces of these Scotch missionaries ; but, unfortunately, the particulars left us, as to the mode in which they carried on their labours, as to their contests with the representatives of the Romish Church, are exceedingly scanty. The practical turn, so characteristic of the Anglo-Saxon race, and the connection of these missionaries with the imposing spiritual power wielded by the See of Rome, no doubt con- tributed not a little towards securing them the victory over their Scotch brethren. For the Frankish missionaries also laboured quite independently of Rome, so that the connection between Germany and the Church of Rome was mainly due to the exer- tions of the Anglo-Saxon preachers. — These missions succeeded most rapidly in the districts where the Gospel had been preached at a former period, chiefly along the banks of the Rhine and of the Danube. Much more formidable were the difficulties en- countered in districts where heathenism resembled an impenetra- ble primitive forest— as in Frisia, Saxony, Hesse, and Thuringia. 304 SECTION II. FIRST PERIOD (C E N T. 4— 9 A. D.). The protection which the Frankish monarchs extended to missionary labours in Germany, sprung; chiefly from interested motives — an interference which operated rather against than in favour of the work. It appeared as if, on the one hand, heathen- ism and national independence, and on the other, Christianity and Frankish domination, were inseparably connected. If the sword of the Franks opened the way for the Gospel, the labours of the missionaries were, in return, to be made subservient for the political subjugation of these countries. However unwilling the missionaries vvei'e to become parties to this mixing up of religious and political objects, it was frequently beyond their power to resist it. 1. The Alemanni were a powerful race, inhabiting the south-western part of Germany. Only scanty traces of former Christian institutions remained in those districts. The victory of Tolpiac (490), which decided Clovis in favour of Christianity, at the same time opened the country of the vanquished Alemanni to the Gospel. But as the Franks adopted no violent measures for its propagation, its progress was very slow. The civil code of the Alemanni, as settled by Dagobert I. in 080, proceeds, indeed, on the supposition that the country had become entirely christianized; but at the time this must have only been by way of anticipation. St. Fridolin, who founded the monastery of Seckingen upon an island on the Rhine above Basle, is commonly represented as the Apostle of Alemannia (about 510). He was a native of Ireland ; but the accounts of his activity are quite legendary and unreliable. More accurate and satisfactory are the details given about St. Columban, who arrived in the year 589, accompanied by twelve zealous missionaries, from the celebrated monastery of Bangor in Ireland. He founded the well-known Luxovium (Luxeuil). The missionaries reclaimed the wastes all around, and endeavoured to restore Christian discipline and order among a population which had been fearfully neglected. But their rigid adherence to the British practice of calculating Easter (g 77, 1) raised prejudices against them; the clergy of Burgundy felt their strict discipline a most unpleasant innovation ; while Bnineliilda, incensed that their influence over the youthful Theodoric II., her grandchild, endangered her ambitious schemes, vowed their destruction. All these causes led to their expul- sion, after they had laboured for twenty years in the country. The exiles betook themselves to Switzerland, and settled at Tvggen, on the Lake of Zurich. But the fanatical zeal with which they attacked heathenism excited the hostility of the natives, who ill-used and drove them away. Their next field was Bregenz. Here they laboured for three years very successfully — a result principally achieved through th preaching of St. Gallus, who had acquired the language of the CONVERSION OF GERMANY. 305 country. But fresh persecutions induced Columban to pass h. to Italy, where, under the protection of Agilulf (§ 76, 8), he founded the cele- brated monastery of Bobbin, and took an active part in the Arian con- troversy. Gallus, who at the time his colleagues left was ill, remained in Switzerland, resolved to continue the work despite the unfavourable circumstances which had arisen. In a sequestered and wild valley, and on a spot where a bush had caught hold of his garment while engaged in prayer, he built a cell which afterwards became the abbacy of St. Gull. His labours were richly blessed. He died in 04:6, at the advanced age of 95. Gallus does not appear to have been so tenacious as Columban in contending for the British Confession. Magnoald, the pupil of St. Gallus, carried on his work, and founded the monastery of Furssen in Suabia. About the same time Trudpert, an hermit (said to have been of Irish descent), laboured in the Breisgau. He laid the foundation of what afterwards became the abbacy of St. Trudpert, at the foot of the Black Forest, but was ultimately murdered by a servant of his own (643). Half a century later, Pirminius, a Frankish ecclesiastic, carried the Gospel along the shores of the Lake of Constance. Protected in his labours by Charles Martel, he founded the monastery of Reichenau ; but only three years afters ards he was expelled in consequence of a national rising of the Alemanni against the Frankish rule. He now descended the Rhine, and founded a number of monasteries, — among them Hornbach, in the diocese of Metz, Avhere he died in 753. When about that time St. Boniface visited Alemannia, he found the whole country nominally Christian and the Church regularly organized. 2. South- Eastern Germany. — No notices have been left of the religious history of the countries along the Danube during the period succeeding the labours of St. Severinus (§ 76, 6). A century later these districts were peopled by the Bavarians (the Boii), whose native rulers were subject to the suzerainty of the Frankish monarchs. At that time only scanty traces of the former profession of Christianity remained in the country. In 615 the Frankish abbot, Eustasius of Luxeuil, the successor of Columban, went as missionary among the Bavarians. He had to contend with Bonosian and Photinian errors — probably in con- sequence of the Arianism which the Goths had spread in that neigh- bourhood. St. Emmeran, Bishop of Poitiers, laboured about the middle of the seventh century in Regensburg, at the court of Theodo I., Duke of Bavaria. He continued only three years, when he suddenly loft for Italy. By the way he was killed (652) by the brother of the Princess Ota, on a charge of having seduced her; that princess having, at his own suggestion, named him as her seducer, in order to shield the guilty person from vengeance. After that the Church declined, owing to the weakness of the Merovingian monarchs. But when, in conse- quence of the victory of Testry in 687, Pepin of Heristal became the 26* 306 SECTION II. FIRST PERIOD (c E N T. 4— 9 A. D.). hereditary administrator of the realm, both the Prankish po"wer and the Church were restored. For the latter purpose, Duke Theodo II. invited in 696 Bishop Ruodpert (Rupert), who proved indeed the Apostle of Bavaria. He baptized the duke and his court, founded numerous churches and monasteries, and made Christianity the religion of almost the whole country. The see of Salzburg, which he had founded, served as a centre for his operations. In 716 he returned to his former see of Worms, where he died. He was succeeded by Corbinian, a Frankish bishop (without a fixed see — or "regionary bishop"), who in 717 founded the episcopal see of Freisimjcn. This prelate is described as proud, unyielding, and severe in the exercise of discipline. He swept away every remaining trace of heathen super- stition, founded churches and monasteries, and, according to legend, per- formed many miracles. (06.730.) — Among the Thuringians, heathen- ism continued unopposed till the middle of the seventh century, when Ki/llena or Kilian, an Irish missionary, commenced his evangelistic labours in the neighbourhood of Wiirzburg. His zeal was rewarded with the martyr's crown, and his work brought to a successful issue under the ministry of St. Boniface. 3. North- Western Germany. — In the country around the Middle Rhine the ancient Christian sees had survived, although, from the prevalence of heathenism in their immediate vicinity, the character and influence of the clergy had greatly declined. Despite their oppo- sition, the labours of Goar, a hermit, about the middle of the sixth century, proved to a large extent successful. The pretty little town of St. Goar rose where his cell had stood. About the same time a Langobard Stylite, Wulflaich, braved the severity of the climate, and preached to the heathen from the top of his column ; but the neigh- bouring bishops disapproved of his mad asceticism, and had the column demolished. — Frankish missionaries — especially St. Amandus (the Apostle of Belgium) — laboured among the Frisians, south of the Scheld, since the commencement of the seventh century. In 647 Amandus became Bishop of Malines, and died in 679 in the monastery of Elnon near Tournay (afterwards called St. Arnand). Simultaneously, St. Eligius, formerly a goldsmith, and from 641 Bishop of Noyon, engaged in the same work. — An Anglo-Saxon, Wilfrid (# 77, 6), was the first to carry the Gospel to the Frisians north of the Scheld. He had been elected Archbishop of York, but was expelled from his see (I 83, 1), and started for Rome to seek protection. Happily a storm drove him to the coast of Frisia, instead of allowing him to land in France, where hired assassins lay in wait for him. He spent the winter in Frisia (677-678), preached daily, and baptized Aldgild, the reigning duke, and thousands of his subjects. But Radbod [ob. 719), the successor of Aldgild, who was continually engaged in contests with Pepin and Charles Martel. hated and persecuted Christianity, as being the religion of the Franks. The seed sown by Wilfrid s:emed in CONVERSION OF GERMANY. 307 danger of being destroyed, when the victory of Pepin at Dorstedt (in 689) obliged the persecutor to relent, at least for a time. Wulfram of Sens immediately recommenced missionary operations among the people. Legend has it, that Radbod himself had expressed his readi- ness to be baptized : but that when entering the water he drew back, declaring that he preferred being consigned to hell in company with his glorious ancestors, to going to heaven along with a crowd of wretched people. The story, however, does not bear the test of historical criticism. — But the evangelization of all Frisia was to be accomplished by another Anglo-Saxon. Willibrord, assisted by twelve other missionaries, devoted himself in 690 to this enterprise. Twice he journeyed to Rome to submit his work to the direction of the Pope, who changed his name to that of Clement, and ordained him Bishop of the Frisians. Pepin assigned to him the castle of Utrecht as his episcopal see. Thence his labours extended not only over the domains of Radbod, but even beyond the Danish frontier. When on a visit on the island of Heligoland, he ventured to baptize three persons in a well which was regarded as sacred. Radbod was about to immolate the bishop and his converts to the gods. Thrice he consulted the sacred lot, but each time the decision was in favour of the Christians. Willibrord continued his labours among the Frisians with varying success for fifty years, and died in 739, in the 81st year of his life. He was succeeded in the administration of the See of Utrecht by Gregory, a noble Frank of Merovingian descent, who was the favourite pupil of St. Boniface. But Gregory was not consecrated a bishop, as the See of Cologne laid claim to jurisdiction over the Frisian Church. When in 734 Charles Martel completely subjugated the Frisians, the work of evangelization proceeded more rapidly. Among the mission- aries who laboured in Frisia, Willehad, an Anglo-Saxon, whom Charle- magne afterwards invested with the bishopric of Bremen, seems to have been the most successful. St. IAudger, a native of Frisia, and afterwards Bishop of Munster, completed what his predecessors had so worthily begun. 4. Labours of St. Boniface, the Apostle of Germany. — Winfrid, a native of Kirton in Wessex (about 680), had, by piety, devo^edness, and ability, risen to distinction in his own church and country. But his sympathies were wider than his sphere. Impelled by a sense of the love of Christ, he resolved to devote himself to missionary work among the heathen of Germany. He arrived in Frisia (in 716) at a moment most unfavourable for his enterprise. Radbod was just en- gaged in war with Charles Martel, and had wreaked his enmity on Christian churches and monasteries. Winfrid was obliged to return without having accomplished anything. But such discouragements could not cool his missionary ardour. In the spring of 718 he again crossed the Channel. He went first to Rome, where Gregory II. form- ally set him apart for missionary work in Germany. In Thuringia and .308 SECTION II. — FIRST PERIOD (c E N T. 4— 9 A. 1).). Franconia, the field for which he had been designated, he found little encouragement. Accordingly, on hearing of the death of Radbod, he returned to Frisia, where for three years he shared the labours of Willibrord. This prelate, anxious to secure so efficient a missionary, offered him the succession to the See of Utrecht. But such prospects only served to remind Winfrid of the work for which he had been set apart. Accordingly, in 722 he went to Upper Hesse, where he founded the monastery of Amonaberg, and within a short period baptized thou- sands of heathens. Summoned by the Pope to Rome (in 723), he was consecrated "Regionary" Bishop of Germany by the name of Boni- facius (episcopus regionarius, i.e., without a definite diocese), and, after having taken an oath of allegiance to the See of Rome, returned to his post armed with a letter of recommendation to Charles Martel. Thus furnished with spiritual armory from Rome, and enjoying the more doubtful advantage of Frankish protection, he resumed his labours in Hesse. The fall of the ancient sacred oak at Geismar, near Fritzlar, also marked that of heathenism in Central Germany. Surrounded by a vast concourse of heathens, who gazed in breathless expectation, Boniface himself had laid the axe to that sacred tree ; its wood now furnished material for a Christian chapel. After that event his preach- ing was attended with unparalleled success; and within the space of a year, Christianity had become the religion of almost all Hesse. In 725 he went to Thuringia, where British missionaries, who were unwil- ling to submit to Papal supremacy, greatly perplexed him. He then sent for additional labourers to England, and founded the monastery of Ordorp, near Arnstadt, on the Ohra, for the education of a native min- istry. Gregory II. died in 731 ; but Gregory III., whom Boniface kept informed of the progress of the work, sent him the Pallium, and en- trusted him with the task of founding episcopal sees in Germany and ordaining bishops. Having erected the abbacy of Fritzlar, he pro- ceeded to Bavaria, where he was engaged in hot controversy with some representatives of the ancient British Confession. Boniface returned to Hesse, accompanied by Sturm, a zealous Bavarian youth, whom he educated at Fritzlar for the clerical profession. In 738 he went a third time to Rome, probably to consult the Pope about the final organization of the German Church. There he met with the most respectful recep- tion, and remained a whole year. On his return, he again visited Bavaria, expelled his former British opponents, deposed some refractory Frankish bishops, and divided the Church of Bavaria into four dioceses. He next returned to Thuringia, whence also he drove the British mis- sionaries, and where he instituted four dioceses. During the lifetime of Charles Martel. Boniface had been prevented from exercising any authority over the churches on the other side of the Rhine. But after the death of that monarch (in 741), his sons, Carloman in Austrasia, and Pepin the Short in Neustria, requested his aid in reorganizing the Church in their dominions, which had sadly d< jlined. The work of CONVERSION 1' GERMANY. 809 reform commenced in Austrasia. In 742 Boniface presided over the first Austrasian Synod (Concilium Germanicum) which passed strin- gent measures for the restoration of discipline, and the removal of the heretical, the married and the foreign (British) clergy. At another synod held at Lipt'uue (Lestines, near Cambray) in 743, the bishops present promised unconditional obedience to the See of Rome. Carlo man, who was present at both these synods, gave legal sanction to their decrees. In 742 Boniface founded the celebrated monastery of Fulda, of which Sturm was the first abbot — an institution destined to become the watch-tower and training-school of German monasticism. About the same period he engaged in keen controversy with two noted here- tics — Adalbert, a Frank, and Clement, a Scot; as also with Virgilius, an Irishman. In 744, in his capacity of Papal Vicar, he entered into negotiations for reorganizing the Church of Neustria. The authority of the metropolitans, and the exercise of discipline, were restored at the Synod of Soissons (in 744). At another synod, held the following year (at Mayence?), Geivilih, the unworthy occupant of the See of Mayence, who was convicted of having hired assassins, was deposed, aii'! his see assigned to Boniface as Metropolitan of Germany (though he would rather have chosen that of Cologne). Carloman, tormented by a guilty conscience, retired in 747 into a monastery, leaving his brother Pepin sole ruler. Only a few years later, Pepin, with the ex- press sanction of the Pope ({j 82, 1), put an end to the figment of Merovingian rule (in 751). The supposition that Boniface acted as negotiator between the Pontiff and the Major-Domus in this transac- tion, is entirely unfounded. On the contrary, we have reason to believe that the prelate had to the utmost of his power opposed the scheme, under the influence of certain notions about the Divine right of the Merovingians. Amidst many cares and troubles, the Apostle of Ger- many untiringly prosecuted the great mission of his life. But as he grew in years, he longed to devolve some of his onerous duties on younger shoulders. Gregory III. had, indeed, promised to allow him to name his own successor ; but Pope Zacharias contemplated with apprehension the appointment of a German primate who might prove less submissive than Boniface. At last, however, he yielded to the ir.gent entreaties of the aged Apostle. In the spring of 754 Boniface conferred the archiepiscopal office on LuJlus, his favourite pupil, and then sailed down the Rhine to spend his last days in evangelizing those heathen Frisians to whom his youthful energies had been devoted. In anticipation of his approaching end, he took along his shroud (755). His tent was pitched in the neighbourhood of the modern Doccum, whence he itinerated through Frisia, baptizing thousands of heathens. On the 5th June 755, he had appointed a number of his converts to meet him in order to receive confirmation. But early on the morning of that day he was attacked by a band of heathen. Holding over his head a copy of the Gospels, Boniface received the mortal blow. His 310 SECTION II. — FIRST PERIOD (CENT. 4—9 A. D.). fifty-two co-labourers shared the same fate. The bones of the martyr bishop were deposited in Fulda. 5. Conversion of the Saxon.s-. — Two Anglo-Saxon monks, both of the name of Ewald (Black and White Ewald), were the first missionaries among the Saxons, who, from the north-western coasts of Germany, had migrated to the neighbourhood of the Rhine. These preachers were hospitably received by a Saxon peasant ; but no sooner had he learned their object, than he and his servants fell upon them and cru- elly murdered them (about 601). Boniface had never lost sight of the Saxons ; and the choice of Fulda, close by the Saxon boundary, as the site of a monastery, was no doubt determined partly with the view of making it the basis of spiritual operations among the neighbouring heathen. Still, for thirty years this mission remained only an object of hope, till the work was done by the sword of the greatest of Frank- ish monarchs. Charlemagne considered the subjugation of the hostile and powerful Saxon nation as a political necessity. But their perma- nent political subjection could not be secured without their conversion to Christianity, nor the latter be accomplished without the former, as the Saxons hated the religion of the Franks not less than the Franks themselves. Alcuin, indeed, plead nobly and boldly with his royal friend against recourse to violent measures for the purpose of securing the conversion of the Saxons ; but political considerations proved more powerful than the arguments of one whose counsels otherwise fre- quently prevailed. The wars against the Saxons lasted for thirty-three years (772-804). Even in the first campaign Eresbvrg, the great strong- hold of the Saxons, was taken, and their most sacred idol, the Irmin- colnmn (on which the universe was supposed to rest), destroyed. Frankish priests followed in the train of the Frankish army, and im- mediately Christianized the conquered districts. But scarcely had the armies of Charles withdrawn, when the Saxons again swept away every trace of the hated religion. At last, however, they were obliged, at the Diet of Paderbom in 777, to take an oath of fealty to the Frank- ish monarch, on pain of losing life and property. But Widvkind (Wit- tekind), the most powerful of their leaders, had not attended this diet, and again raised the standard of revolt. The Frankish army was completely defeated, every Christian minister killed, and every church destroyed. Charles took fearful vengeance. At Verden he ordered 4500 Saxons to be beheaded in one day. Still, another rebellion broke out; and at a second diet, held at Paderborn in 785, most stringent laws were enacted, which punished with death the slightest opposition to the ordinances of the Church. Widvkind and Albion, the two prin- cipal Saxon chiefs, saw the uselessness of further resistance. They were baptized in 785, after which they continued faithful both to the king and to the Church. But the people in general were far from quiet. In 804 Charles expelled 10,000 Saxon families from their homes, and gave their lands to his allies, the Obotrites. This measure at last THE SLAVONIANS IN GERMANY. 311 p/icured pea^e. Charles had founded eight sees in Saxony. Under their fostering care, Christianity now spread among the Saxons, who by and by learned to hold its truths -with the same warmth and devout- ness as the other German races. Of this the popular Epos, entitled "The Saviour" (§ 88, 2), affords sufficient evidence. § 79. THE SLAVONIANS WITHIN THE BOUNDARIES OF GERMANY. Comp. Schafarik, Dobrowsky, Philaret and Ginzel (§ 72). — J.Palacky, Gesch. v. Bohmen. Vol. I. Prague 1836. In their progress, the Huns had driven the Slavonians south- wards as far as the banks of the Danube, and westwards to those of the Vistula. When, in the sixth century, the Avari, a Mon- gol race, took possession of Dacia, Pannonia, and Dalmatia, the Slavonians were obliged to retreat still further westward. Dur- ing this period no attempts seem to have been made to carry the Gospel to the Slavonians in the north-eastern parts of Germany, although the See of Salzburg made great efforts to convert both the Slavonians in the south and the Avari. But these labours were not attended with great success till the middle of the eighth century. In 748 Boruth, the prince of the Garantani (in our modern Cariuthia), invoked the assistance of Thassilo II., Duke of Bavaria, against the oppression of the Avari. His nephew Ceitumar was educated in Bavaria in the Christian religion. When in 753 he assumed the reins of government, he introduced Christianity into his dominions. After the fall of Thassilo, Carinthia became also subject to Frankish rule (in 788), and Charlemagne extended his conquests likewise to the countries of the Avari and the Moravians. Commissioned by that mon- arch, Arno was zealously engaged in Christianizing these tribes; and with this object in view, his diocese of Salzburg was ele- vated to the rank of a metropolitan see. In 798 Tudun, prince of the Avari, was baptized at Aix-la-chapelle amid a large con- course of people ; and in 797 the ^yhole nation pledged itself to become Christianized, and desired Christian teachers. In the ninth century the name Avari disappears from history. In 855 the Grand Duke JRastuslav freed Moravia from Frankish domina- tion, when the jurisdiction of the German bishops entirely ceased. The new ruler of Moravia applied to the Byzantine Emperor for Slavonic missionaries. The brothers Cyrill and Methodius, 612 SECTION II FIRST PERIOD (CENT. 4—9 A.D.). who had already distinguished themselves in a kindred depart- ment of missionary labour (§ 72, 2, 3), were dispatched on this errand (863). They immediately introduced Slavonian worship and liturgy ; and by preaching in the vernacular, readily gained access to the hearts of the people. But political considerations obliged the missionaries to join the Romish Church. The only remnant of former independence left, was the permission to continue the use of the Slavonic liturgy. Through the friendly intercourse subsisting between the Moravians and the Czechs in Bohemia, the way was also opened for the evangelization of that country. 1. The Moravian Church. — Although great success attended the preaching of Cyrill and Methodius in Moravia, the political compli- cations of that period rendered their position one of great difficulty. Indeed, only under the protection of the Papacy could they hope to maintain their ground. Accordingly, they gladly accepted an invita- tion from Pope Nicholas I. (807) to visit Rome. On their arrival, they found the Chair of Peter occupied by Hadrian II. Gyrillus remained at Rome, where he soon afterwards died. Methodius made formal sub- mission to the Papacy, and was consecrated Archbishop of Moravia. But the German Bishops, in their envy of the honours bestowed on a hated rival, impugned the fealty of Methodius, charged him with heresy, and inveighed against the Slavonic liturgy which he had in- troduced. It was not difficult to arouse the suspicion of Pope John VIII., and Methodius was summoned to Rome in no gentle terms (879). The evangelist obeyed ; he completely refuted these calumnies, and returned to his diocese not only with his former title, but also with the express permission to continue the Slavonic liturgy — only that, by way of special distinction, the Gospel was to be read first in Latin and then in Slavonic. Nothing daunted, the German bishops continued b} r their intrigues to embitter the last days of the devoted missionary (ol>. 885.) After his death the Moravian priests were the objects of a general persecution, and the archiepiscopal See of Moravia remained vacant for fourteen years, till John IX. restored it in 899. But in 908 the independence of Moravia ceased, and the country was divided be- tween the Bohemians and the Magyars. 2. Introduction of Christianity. into Bohemia. — On New Year's day 845 fourteen Czech nobles appeared at the court of Louis the Ger- manic in Regensburg, and along with their suite requested baptism. The motives and consequences of this step have not been recorded. When Ratislav elevated Moravia to the rank and power of an inde- pendent realm, the Bohemians entered into close alliance with the Moravians. Svatopluk, the successor of Ratislav, married a daughter af Borzivoi, the ruler of Bohemia (871). After that, the labours of THE SCANDINAVIAN NATIONS. 313 Methodius were extended to Bohemia also, and their success was marked. Borzivoi himself, and his wife St. Ludmilla, were baptized by him so early as in 871. The sons of Borzivoi, Spitihnev (ob. 912) and Vratislav (ob. 92G), equally promoted the spread and establishment of the Church in Bohemia, a work in which they were zealouslv aided by their pious mother. (Comp. \ 93, 2.) I 80 THE SCANDINAVIAN NATIONS. Comp. jP. E. Dahlmann, Gesch, v. D'anem. Vol. I. Hamb. 1840. — E. G. Geijer, Gesch. v. Schweden. Vol. I. Hamb. 1833.— i>ste. Regensb. 1839. — Scuddamore, Rome and England. London 1855. The conversion of the Germanic races had been in great measure accomplished without direct aid from Rome. Hence •even the Catholic Germanic churches paid at first little homage to the See of Peter. This remark applies especially 1o the Gothic Church in Spain. Estranged from Rome even in peace- ful times, the Saracen invasion of 111 necessarily cut it off from all intercourse with the Papacy. But the independent Christian provinces of Spain also remained, up to the eleventh century, unconnected with Rome. The growth or decay of the Prankish churches, both in Gaul and in Austrasia, under the reign of the Merovingians, depended likewise solely on internal causes. It was otherwise in England, where the intercourse with the mother- church in Rome was close and continuous. Prom the first, the principle of papal supremacy had been admitted, nor was it contravened except in rare instances. Innumerable pilgrimages of Anglo-Saxons, of all ranks, to the graves of the Prin-ccs of THE PAPACY AND THE CAROLINGIANS. 319 the Apostles, both indicated and fostered the national attach- ment to the See of Peter. In the eighth century, the concourse of so many English pilgrims in the Eternal City led to the establishment of a great home or inn for them at Rome, called the Schola Saxonica. The "Peter's pence," which afterwards became a regular tribute paid by the English nation to the Papal See, was first levied for the maintenance of this institu- tion. The Anglo-Saxons — especially St. Bouifacius — not only handed to Rome the fruits of their missionary labours gathered in heathen lauds, but reorganized after the Romisli fashion the national churches already existing in the various Frankish pro- vinces, and reduced them to submission to the Papal See. At a somewhat later period the intercourse between the popes and the Carolingian rulers became so close, as to constitute almost the entire diplomatic correspondence of the Curia. 1. Origin of the States of the Church. — By legacies and donations the Roman See had gradually acquired very extensive landed property (Patrimonium S. Petri), which supplied the means of relieving the inhabitants of Italy during the troubles connected with the irruption of the barbarians. This, however, did not imply any exercise of sovereign rights, which, indeed, were never claimed. After the restora- tion of Byzantine rule, which was represented in Italy by an exarch (£ 70, 7), the political power of the popes rapidly increased. Indeed, the continuance of the Exarchate often depended on the good-will of the pontiffs, to whom the prospect of becoming the court-patriarchs of a new Longobard-Roman dynasty would, of course, appear far from attractive. Still, they were not able to prevent the Longobards from conquering district after district, belonging to the Exarchate. At last Gregory III. applied to Charles Martel for help against Luitprand (in 738). The Frankish ruler despatched two clerics to Italy for the purpose of negotiating a peace. Pope Zacharias, in virtue of his apostolic authority, sanctioned the removal of Childeric III. (the Mero- vingian puppet-king), when Pepin the Short added the royal title to the royal power, which he had long possessed (752). Meantime, the Lombards, under Aishilf had taken Ravenna, and demanded the sub- mission of Rome. Pope Stephen II. now earnestly appealed to the Franks for help. At the invitation of Pepin he even went to France, and anointed that monarch and his sons ; in return for which Pepin made formal promise of taking the Exarchate from the Lombards, and handing it to the Pope (754). The Frankish ruler redeemed his pledge ; and in two campaigns cleared the Exarchate from its occu- pants, and formally gave it to St. Peter. The grateful Pontiff bestowed upon Pepin, as patron of the Romish Church, the insignia of Patrician 320 SECTION II. FIRST PERIOD (c EN T. 4— 9 A. D.). of Rome. When ambassadors from Byzantium claimed for their Emperor these provinces, Pepin only replied that the Franks had shed their blood for St. Peter, and not for the Greeks (755). But the Lombards continued to molest the Papal See, till, at the request of Pope Hadrian L, Charlemagne again interfered (768-814), took Pavia, put King Desiderivs into the convent of Corvey, and annexed Lom- bard)- to the Prankish Empire. On this occasion Charles confirmed and increased what his father had given to the Papal See, and depo- sited a formal document to that eifect at the grave of the Prince of the Apostles (774). Unfortunately, this and the other documents in this transaction have gone amissing — probably intentionally ; but there is sufficient evidence that the donation of Charlemagne did not by any means imply that the popes were to exercise absolute and independent sway. The Frankish monarch himself retained the rights of supreme lordship, and the Pope with all the citizens had to take an oath of fealty to him. In fact, the Pope was a Frankish vassal, and the States of the Church only formed the largest "immunity" of that period The Pope had all inferior jurisdiction, and nominated the Government officials ; but the latter were superintended and controlled by Frankish Deputies (missi dominici), who were charged to hear appeals, to receive complaints, and to adjudicate on them. These rights of suzerainty were claimed even by the successors of Charlemagne, however well the popes knew to avail themselves of the weakness of these sovereigns. The popes, indeed, resisted as opportunity ofl'ered ; and the fable about a Donatio Constantini, according to which the Franks had only restored to St. Peter what he had possessed since the reign of Constantine, dates even from the time of Charlemagne. (The story was that Con- stantine had removed his residence to Byzantium for the express purpose of securing to the Pope the undisturbed sovereignty over Italy.) In the forged Decretals of Isidore (§ 87, 2), a copy of the pretended authentic document, in which the donation had been con- veved, was inserted. Lanr. Valla (de falso credita et ementita Con- stantini donatione, — edited by Ulric von Hutten in 1518, after the author's forced retractation) was the first, on critical grounds, to prove the spuriousness of this document, although it had previously been questioned by individuals. — (Comp. E. Munch, lib. d. Schenk. Konst. (on the Donation of Const.), in his " Miscell. Works." Ludw. 1828. Vol. II.— .7. A. Theiner, de P. Isid. cann. Col. Vrat. 1827.— F. . I. Kunsl, do font, et cons, pseudois. Col. Goelt. 1832. For the genuineness: Mar chetti, Saggio crit. sopra la storia di Fleuri. Rom. 1781 ; comp. also Wasserschleben, Beitr. z. Geseh. d. fal. Deer. (Contrib. to the Hist, of the False Deer.). Breslau 1844.) 2. The Carolingian Dynasty. — Pope Hadrian I. was succeeded by Leo III. (794-816), whose election gave great offence to a powerful party. A tumuli was raised (799), but the Pope escaped to the court of Charlemagne, whom he assured that his enemies had deprived him THE PAPACY AND THE C A R L I N G I A NS . 321 rf liis eyes and tongue, which, however, St. Peter had restored the following night. His opponents, on the other hand, charged him before the king with perjury and adultery. 1 The inquiry instituted must have brought ugly matters to light ; at any rate, Alcuin immediately burned the report which had been handed to him. The Pope was sent back with all honours to Rome, and supported by a Frankish guard. The following year Charles himself crossed the Alps with his army. He convoked a synod at Rome ; but the assembled bishops declined to act as judges, on the plea that the successor of St. Peter, who was the head of all, could not be tried by his inferiors. The Pope proved his inno- cence by an oath, and afterwards interceded for his accusers. At Christmas Charles attended service in the church of St. Peter. Mass being ended, the Pope unexpectedly placed, amidst the shouts of the people, a splendid gold crown upon his head (800). The coronation was represented as the result of a sudden Divine inspiration ; in reality it had been the subject of protracted negotiations, and the price at which the Pope purchased the protection of the king. The empire which Charlemagne founded was meant to be a vast theocratic mon- archy, whose sway should extend over all the globe. The Greek mon- arch* had proved unworthy of this distinction, and God had now trans- ferred it to the Frankish ruler. In his capacity as Emperor, Charles was placed over all Christendom, and subject only to God and to His law. He was indeed the most obedient son, the most devoted servant of the Church, in so far as it was the medium and the channel of salva- tion ; but its supreme lord and ruler, in so far as its organization was earthly and it required earthly direction. The provinces of State and Church, though distinct and separate, were closely connected, and, so to speak, combined in the person of the Emperor as their highest repre- sentative. Hence many of the legislative ordinances of Charles bore directly upon ecclesiastical affairs. When making statutes about the government, worship, and teaching of the Church, the Emperor was indeed wont to consult bishops and synods; but he ratified, supple- mented, or modified their decrees according to his own views of duty, as he thought that the responsibilit}- ultimately devolved upon himself. The Pope he regarded as the successor of St. Peter and the visible head of the Church, but as subject to the Emperor, who was placed above both State and Church. In setting him apart to this exalted station, the Pope had acted by immediate Divine direction and commission, and not in the exercise of his own power or of that inherent in the Papacy. Hence coronation by the Pope was a ceremony only once enacted, and not to be repeated ; the office was hereditary in the family of Charles, and the Emperor alone could beget or nominate another emperor. Contrary to the Frankish law of succession, the empire was to continue unbroken and undivided, and younger sons were only to occupy the subordinate posts of viceroys. Charles died in 814. His 1 Dean Milrnan thinks the latter charge refers to spiritual adultery or Simony. 322 SECTION II. — FIRST PERIOD (CENT. 4—9 A. D.). son, Louis the Pious (814-840), was far too weak to complete what his father had begun. Foolish affection for Charles the Bald, his son by a second marriage, induced him to revoke the order of succession which himself had formerly proclaimed (829). With the approval and aid of some of the most influential Frankish bishops, and of Pope Gregory IV, the other sons of the Emperor now rose in rebellion. Louis was obliged to do public penance at Compiegne in 833, and kept in humiliating captivity by Lothair, his eldest son. But this circumstance aroused public sympathy, and Louis (the Germanic), the Emperor's younger son, restored his parent to liberty. Against the prelates who had taken part in the conspiracy, severe sentences were now pronounced at the Synod of Thionville in 835. Still the sons of Louis were continually in arm's against each other. Louis lived not to see the end of these hostilities (ob. 848). The treaty of Verdun in 843 partitioned the West- ern Empire into three separate and independent realms. Lothair, who with the imperial title obtained Italy and a narrow territory between Neustria and Austrasia, died in 855. Of his three sons, Louis II. in- herited Italy and the imperial title ; Lothair, the district called after him, Lotharingia ; and Charles Burgundy and the Provence. When soon afterwards the two latter died without leaving issue (8G9), their uncles seized their possessions before Louis II. had time to interpose. By the treaty of Mersen in 870 Charles the Bald obtained the Romanic, and Louis ihe Germanic the German portions of their father's empire. Thus was the great Carolingian monarchy divided into three states, each of distinct language and nationality, viz., Germany, France, and Italy. 3. The Papacy till the Time of Nicholas I. — However weak and de- vout, Louis the Pious was not prepared, any more than his immediate successors, to surrender the supremacy which as Emperor he claimed over the See and city of St. Peter. What the popes felt most galling was, that before being consecrated their appointment required to be ratified by the Emperor. As this had been eluded on more than one occasion, Louis sent Lothair, his son, to Italy, in order to arrange the matter once for all with Pope Eugen II. The so-called Constitutio Po- mana now agreed upon enacted that in future the Romans should have no voice in the election of the Pope, and that before the Pontiff was consecrated his appointment should be ratified by the Emperor, to whom the successor of St. Peter was to take an oath of fealty (*24). But although the emperors jealously watched over the rights thus accorded them, pretexts were never awanting to evade the terms of this agreement.— Between the pontificate of Leo IV. (oft. 855) and that of Benedict III., the predecessor of Nicholas I., the Papal See was, according to an old legend, occupied by a female called Joan. The story runs, that a girl from May. Mice had in male disguise accompanied her paramour to Athens, where she acquired great learning; that she THE PAPACY AND THE CAROLINGIANS. 323 I. ad next appeared under the name of Johannes Angelicus at Rome, and been elected Pope. During a solemn procession she had given birth to a child, and soon afterwards died, having officiated for two years, five months, and four days, under the name of John VIII. The oldest testimony in favour of this legend is that of Anastasius, the Roman librarian, whose "liber pontificalis" dates almost from that period ; but according to the statements of Roman Catholic editors, what passes as his biography of Joan is awanting in most MSS. of this work, and must therefore be regarded as a spurious interpolation. Marianus Scotus, ob. 1086), is the next witness in favour of the story. It is furher related, with all its details, in the Chronicles of Martinus Polonus (Grand Penitentiary of Rome, and afterwards Archbishop of Gnesen, ob. 1278), and after him unhesitatingly reiterated by all sub- sequent chroniclers of the Middle Ages. Pope John XX. (ob. 1277) acknowledged Joan as one of his predecessors, and accordingly styled himself John XXI. In popular opinion, the seat of the marble chair used in the Lateran Church at the consecration of the popes (the sen called sella stcrcorariu), was supposed to be arranged with a view to render in future the mistake of electing a female pontiff impossible ; and a statue which, in the sixteenth century, was destroyed by order of the Pope, was regarded as having been a monument of Joan. But the silence of Photius, who would undoubtedly have made his own use of such a piece of scandal, and contemporary evidence (such as the Annals of Prudentius of Troyes, a letter by Hincmas of Rheims, a diploma of Benedict, and a coin of Lothair), which proves that Bene- dict III. immediately succeeded Leo IV., render it impossible to regard this story as other than a legend. No clue, however, has } T et been found to its origin, unless, indeed, it was meant as a satire on the dis- soluteness of such infamous pontiffs as John X., XI., or XII. — only that in that case we should have expected a female Pope to have been introduced in the tenth and not in the ninth century. — A Calvinistic divine, David Blondel, was the first to show that the story could not stand the test of sound criticism, and was utterly unworthy of credence (Amst. 1G49). Since then, however, its authenticity has again been defended by Spanheim (Opp. II. 577), and latterly by N. Chr. Kist ("Hist.theol.Zeitschr." for 1844. II.). Hase (Ch.Hist., 8th ed.,p.204) regards it as at least conceivable that a church which has represented as matter of history what has never taken place, may similarly have blotted out what really took place, at least so long as the knowledge of it seemed dangerous to the interests of the Papacy. 4. Nicholas I. and Hadrian II. (858-07-72). — Of the pontiffs who occupied the papal chair between the time of Gregory I. and that of Gregory VII., Nicholas I. was by far the ablest. A man of unbend- ing will, of keen penetration, and of a bold spirit, he knew how to avail himself of the political troubles of his time, of public opinion, which proclaimed him another Elijah, and ultimately also of the pseudo- 324 SECTION II. FIRST PERIOD (CENT. 4-9 A.D.). Isidorian Decretals, which emerged at that very time (see \ 87, 2), tc invest his claims for absolute papal supremacy with the appearance of a contest on behalf of truth, right, and purity. Among the various disputes in which he was involved (§ 07, 1 ; § 83, 1), that with Lothair J I. of Lotharingia proved the most important. That prince, desirous of marrying WaldraJa, with whom he had formed an improper connec- tion, accused Thietberga, his spouse, of incest with her brother. Two of his prelates, Gunther of Cologne and Thiclgunt of Treves, proved sufficiently venal to gratify the adulterous monarch by dissolving his legitimate marriage at a synod held in Aix (859). Lothair now form- ally espoused Waldrada : but Thietberga escaped from the nunnery to which she had been confined, to do penance for the crime with which she was charged, and appealed to the Pope. The two uncles of Lothair, Louis the Germanic and Charles the Bald, desirous of possessing them- selves of their nephew's country, took her part. By appointment of Charles, Hincmar of Rheims undertook the public defence of the queen. Nicholas sent Rodoald of Porto (? comp. \ G7, 1) and another Italian bishop to Lotharingia to investigate the matter. These legates, how- ever, were bribed, and a synod held at Meiz (8G3) decided in favour of the king. But the Pontiff excommunicated his own legates, and de- posed the two metropolitans who had travelled to Rome in order there to try what Lotharingian gold could effect for their master. To avenge their wrongs, these prelates now incited the Emperor Louis II., the brother of Lothair, against the Pope. Imperial troops occupied Home ; but Louis soon came to an understanding with the Pontiff. Deserted by his own subjects, and threatened in his possessions by his uncles, Lothair was glad to make submission, and humbly implored the pro- tection of the Pope against the covetousness of his relatives. Arsenius, the legate whom Nicholas sent across the Alps to arrange matters, acted as if he had been absolute lord of the three Frankish empires. Lothair was obliged to take back Thietberga; her rival was to have accompanied the legate to Rome, but escaped by the way. In the arms of Waldrada, Lothair soon forgot his former promises and oaths. At the same time he succeeded in making his peace with his relatives, whom the overbearing conduct of the legate had offended. Thietberga herself now applied to the Pope for a divorce — a request which the Pontiff absolutely refused. Nicholas I. died in 867. His successor, Hadrian II., a man seventy-five years of age, was elected through the influence of the imperial party. Accordingly, he proved at first more tractable. He accepted the submission of the two metropolitans, al- though without restoring them to their offices, and absolved Waldrada from church censure, but refused the petition which Thietberga again addressed for a divorce. Lothair himself now went to see the Pope, lie took a solemn oath that he had not cohabited with Waldrada since the return of his wife, and received the sacrament from the hands of the Pontiff. In the full hope of at last attaining his object, he returned THE PAPACY AND THE CAROLINGIANS. 325 homewards, but on his journey was cut off at Piacenza by a fever (869). After his death the uncles of Lothair seized his dominions. Hadrian in vain interposed his authority on behalf of the Emperor as the right- ful heir, and even threatened to excommunicate those who refused to obey. In the name of Charles the Bald, Hincmar of Rheims addressed a remarkable epistle to Hadrian, in which he expressed it as the con viction of the Frankish nobility, that the Pope had no right to interfere with political questions. Hadrian was obliged to allow this act of defi ance to pass unpunished. In another affair also (g 83, 1) Hincmar had the better of the Pope. 5. John VIII. and his Successors. — The measures adopted by Jon x VIII. (872-882) for subjecting the Carolingian princes to papal supre- macy were more successful than those of his predecessor. But then he was also a greater adept in the art of intriguing, a more accomplished hypocrite, and less troubled with conscientious scruples. By his efforts the Papacy was made entirely independent of the Emperor, although, on the other hand, it became an object of furious contention to rival parties in Rome. Hence the almost incredible debasement of the Papal See during the tenth century must be mainly imputed to this Pontiff. On the decease of the Emperor Louis II, in the year 875, this dignity should have devolved on Louis the Germanic, as being both the elder and the full brother of Louis's father. But John was anxious to show the world that the imperial crown was in the gift of the successor of the apostles. Accordingly, he invited Charles the Bald to Rome, and crowned him at Christmas 875. In return for this act of grace, the Emperor formally renounced his claims as superior of the States of the Church, all control in future elections to the Papacy, and consented to receive a papal vicar and primate for all Germany. But even this was not all. At Pavia, Charles had to submit to become the elective mon- arch of Lombardy, and then to concede to his own nobles the same right of election, as also that of hereditary succession to their fiefs, in order to obtain their consent to these transactions. But Hincmar and the clergy of Neustria offered strenuous resistance, and stormy discus- sions ensued at the Synod of Pontion in 876. — From this shameful compromise neither the Pope nor the Emperor derived advantage. The reign of faction increased at Rome beyond the control of John, and the Saracens ravaged Italy. The Emperor, unable to keep his own against the Northmen, could afford no help. At last, having purchased a dis- graceful peace, he crossed the Alps. But fresh domestic troubles speedily obliged him to retrace his steps. Charles died in a miserable hut at the foot of Mount Cenis, in consequence of poison administered to him by his physician (877). Meantime the troubles of the Pope increased, and his intrigues only served to make his situation more dangerous. John VIII. died by the hand of an assassin in 882. The year before his death he had been obliged to crown Charles the Fat, the youngest son of Louis the Germanic. This prince was also elected 28 326 SECTION II. FIRST PERIOD (CENT. 4-9 A.L.). monarch of Neustria by the nobles of that malm ; go that the weakest of Charlemagne's successors once more combined all the dominions of his great ancestor under his sway. But in 887 the Estates of Germany deposed him, and elected in his stead Arnulph of Carinthia, a natural son of his brother Carlomau. Pope Formosus (894) called in the aid of that monarch, and crowned him Emperor. But Arnulph was not able to maintain himself in Italy against his Langobard rival Lambert. Formosus- died soon after the departure of Arnulph (89G). His suc- cessor, Stephen VI., in the true spirit of Italian revenge, ordered the body of Formosus to be exhumed, maltreated, and thrown into the Tiber, because he had favoured the Germans. The three following popes reigned only a few weeks or months, and were either killed or expelled. In order to appease the German party, John IX. (898-900) rescinded the sentence passed by Stephen against Formosus. Although the reign of Arnulph in Germany had fallen in troubled times, it proved vigorous and honourable. He died in 899, when the German Estates chose his infant son, Louis the Child, his successor, — Arch- bishop Jffatto of Mayence acting as regent during the minority. But Louis died in 911. With him the German branch of the Carolingians became extinct ; in France the dynasty continued to exist till the death of Louis the Indolent in 987. \ 83. THE PAPACY AND THE METROPOLITAN OFFICE. Comp. Guss, Merkwiirdigkk. aus dem Leben u. d. Schriften Ilink- mar's (Memorabilia in the Life and from the Writ, of Hincm.). Gottin- gen 1806. The office of Metropolitan was one of great importance and influence in Germany. Among the many various races and tribes which inhabited the Frankish Empire, the metropolitans repre- sented the unity of the National, jast as the Pope that of the Universal Church ; while, as influential members of the Estates, they took an important part both in the internal administration of the country, and in the direction of its foreign policy. The concentration of spiritual power in one individual afforded to the secular rulers a fresh guarantee for the political integrity of their country. On that account they were opposed to the multi- plication of metropolitan sees; and where the extent of the country rendered it necessary to have more than one arehiepis- copal see, they were anxious to see the most influential of these prelates invested with the authority and jurisdiction of Primate. On the other hand, it was the policy of the popes to appoint in every large country at least two or three metropolitans, and to re- sist the appointment of primates, since it was quite possible that if PAPACY AND THE METROPOLITAN OFFICE. 327 the supreme direction of a national church were confided to one- person, that prelate might, some time or other, conceive the wish of emancipating his see from the authority of Rome, and con- stituting himself an independent patriarch. — Since the time of Charlemagne, the Frankish monarchs were also wont to esta- blish episcopal and arch-episcopal sees along the borders of their dominions, for the twofold purpose of sending the Gospel into the neighbouring heathen countries, and of preparing for theii conquest, or, where this had already been accomplished, strength- ening their government. The former of these objects alone could command the approbation of the pontiffs ; the latter they re- sisted to the utmost of their power. It is but justice to say, that the occupants of the See of St. Peter, remembering that they represented the Church universal, always recognized, respected, and watched over the rights of nationality. It was intended that every country in which Christianity was established, should preserve its nationality and political independence, and thus be- come a member of that great family of which the Pontiff was the spiritual father. In this grand organism, every people was to stand in the same relation, since all were equally to be subject to the Apostolic See. "While this policy was in accordance with the rules of humanity and of the Gospel, it promoted at the same time the selfish objects of the Papacy. Hence, whenever a national church had been founded, it was the aim of Rome to set it free from the superintendence of the German clergy, and to render it independent, by giving it a hierarchy of its own. — Lastly, the interests of the metropolitan, as the representative and supreme ruler of a national church, were in great measure identical with those of the sovereign country. Hence these pre- lates were the strongest supporters of the throne ; while, on the other hand, their authority also was most carefully guarded by the secular princes. But this coalition between the metropoli- tans and secular princes was fraught with manifest danger to the liberties of the inferior clergy, who accordingly sought the pro- tection of the See of Rome, by espousing its separate interests. Towards the close of the reign of Louis the Pious, under the pressure of circumstances, a wide-spread conspiracy of bishops and abbots was formed for the twofold purpose of emancipating the clergy, especially the bishops, from the control of the State and of their metropolitans, and of placing them under the im- mediate jurisdiction of the Papacy. The forged Decretals 328 SECTION II. FIRST PERIOD (CENT. 4-9 A.D.). which bear the name of Isidore (§ 87, 2) represent these prin- ciples as in force and acted upon since oldest times. Although these tendencies met with the most strenuous opposition, the principles of the forged Decretals ultimately became the esta- blished law of the Church. 1. For a long time the English monarchs resisted the papal attempts to establish another metropolitan see besides that of Canterbury, as such a measure endangered the political unity of the Heptarchy. The contest raged most fiercely at the time of Wilfrid (| 77, G; 78, 3), whom the Romish party had appointed Archbishop of York. Wilfrid was obliged to retire; and, after a troubled career, died without having ob- tained actual possession of the see to which he had been nominated (709). But the Pope ultimately succeeded in his object. In 735 a Northumbrian prince received the pall, and the archbishopric of York has continued ever since. — In the north of Italy there were three metropolitan sees — those of Ravenna, Milan, and Aquileja — each claiming to be independent of Rome (§46). Indeed, Sergiits, Arch- bishop of Ravenna (about 760), would fain have followed the example of the See of Rome, and transformed the Exarchate of Ravenna into an independent state in connection with his own see. Of course, in- stances of opposition to papal supremacy were of frequent occurrence. But Pope Nicholas I. succeeded in finally checking these pretensions (in 8G1), at a time when the See of Ravenna was occupied by John, a prelate guilty of sacrilege and violence of every kind. The force of public opinion obliged the Emperor to withdraw his protection from a bishop justly excommunicated for his crimes. But during the ponti- ficate of John VIII. , Ansbert, Archbishop of Milan and a partisan of Germany, was strong enough to set both papal bans and sentences of deposition at defiance (ob. 882). His successor, however, again acknow- ledged the primacy of Rome. — The Metropolitan of Rheims occupied the first place in the hierarchy of France. From 845 to 882 that see was occupied by Hincmar, the most eminent, vigorous, and influential prelate whom France has ever had. His life presents a series of different contests. The first controversy in which he engaged was on the subject of Predestination (<5 91, 4). But ecclesiastical law and politics, not dogmatic intricacies, were his chosen field. In opposition to the claims of the Papacy, and the attempts of the bishops to emanci- pate themselves, he firmly and successfully contended for the inde- pendence of secular princes from papal control, for the liberties of his national Church, and for the rights of metropolitans. His controversy with Rothad, Bishop of Soissons, deserves special notice. This prelate had been deposed by Hincmar on account of insubordination (8G1), from which sentence he appealed to Pope Nicholas I., on the ground of the Sardican Canon (g 4G, 2), which hitherto had not been acknow- ledged in the Prankish Empire; while at the same time he supplied STATE OF THE CLERGY. 329 the Pope with the pretended Decretals of Isidore. On this forged collection Nicholas took his stand, and, after considerable resistance, carried the restoration of Rothad (8G5). Another collision arose out of the contumacious conduct of his own nephew, Hincmar, Bishop of Laon. In this instance also, both parties appealed to the forged Decretals. Although Hadrian II. took the part of young Hincmar (869), the Metropolitan carried the day ; and the Bishop of Laon, who, besides defying his king and his ecclesiastical superior, had entered into treacherous communications with the German Court, was punished with the loss of his eyes. Till the year 875, Hincmar stood by his "monarch, and formed the strongest prop both of his policy and of his throne. But when Charles the Bald, in exchange for the imperial dignity, bartered away the supremacy of the crown, the liberties of the French Church, and the rights of its hierarchy, the prelate firmly op- posed his monarch. Hincmar died during his flight from the North- men (882). With him the glory of the French hierarchy departed. The authors of the forged Decretals prevailed. But if bishops were emancipated from the rule of their own metropolitans, they were, on the other hand, left unprotected, and hence frequently exposed to the lawless violence of secular grandees. — In Germany, metropolitan sees had been founded at Salzburg, Cologne, Passau, Treves, and Hamburg. Over these, and all other sees in the country, the Archbishop of May- enre continued to exercise supremacy. Strange to say, in Germany the pretended Decretals of Isidore, although originating in that country under peculiar circumstances, did not affect an organized opposition against the metropolitan office, as was the case in France. Indeed, they recognized the primacy of the See of Mayence. Happily for the Empire, the power of the Metropolitan of Germany continued un- diminished for several centuries. I 84. STATE OF THE CLERGY. Comp. S. Sugenheim, Staatsleben d. Klerus im M. A. (Polit. State of the Clergy in the Middle Ages). Berl. 1839. — K. D. Hullmann, Gesch. d. Urspr. d. Standc in Deutschl. (Hist, of the Orig. of the Difl'. Est. in Germ.). 2d Ed. Berl. 1830. Vol. I. Those prelates who bore a rank subordinate to the Metropo- litan were called Diocesans, or also Suffragan bishops, from their right to vote in provincial synods. In Germany, instead of the former or canonical mode of episcopal election by the peo- ple and clergy, the kings now claimed the right of appointing to vacant sees. At the Synod of Aix-la-Chapelle (817), Louis the Pious restored, indeed, to the people and clergy their former privilege, reserving for the Crown only the right of confirming the election ; but his successors on the throne paid no regard to 28* B30 SECTION II. — FIRST rERIOD (CENT. 4-9 A.D.). this enactment. — Sentence of deposition was commonly pro- nounced by a provincial or national synod. The Investiture of bishops with ring and staff (the shepherd's crook and the marriage-rin g) appears to have been practised — at least in isolated cases — during the time of the Merovingians, and came in general use in the ninth century. The so-called Chorepiscopi of the eighth and ninth centuries — who, however, had nothing but the designation in common with their namesakes of a pre- ceding period (§30, 45) — seem to have been intended as suc- cessors of the former "bishops without diocese," or episcopi regionarii, who were originally set apart for missionary service. They acted as subordinate assistants of diocesan bishops, in cases where love of ease, want of zeal, or frequent absence on public business rendered such aid necessary. But their arbitrary and high-handed proceedings occasioned serious inconvenience to those bishops who devolved not their work on delegates. The office was virtually abrogated by the Synod of Paris in 849, after which it seems gradually to have ceased. The lower clergy were in part drawn from the serfs ; generally speaking, they were held in absolute subjection by their bishops. Very frequently these clerks were deficient in the first elements of education. Paro- chial appointments rested with the bishop ; but in many cases the founders of churches reserved to themselves and their successors the right of patronage. Towards the close of the Merovingian and at the commencement of the Carolingian period, both the higher and the lower clergy had sunk into a fearful state of moral degeneracy. Boniface succeeded in restoring discipline, at least to some extent (§ 78, 4) ; while the vigorous measures taken by Charlemagne greatly tended to improve and elevate the state of the clergy. But all this did not suffice to stem the almost general corruption. Accordingly, in 816 Louis the Pious in- troduced throughout his dominions the rule which Chrodegang of Metz had half a century before instituted, with a view to the reformation of the clergy of his own diocese. The remedy proved efficacious — at least for a short period; but during the weak and disturbed reigns of the last Carolinians, ordinances like these were easily set aside. —During this period the clergy ob- tained the privilege of exemption from secular tribunals ; but only thus far, that the civil magistrate could not proceed against a clergyman without the concurrence of the bishop, and that a bishop was amenable only to the king or to a provincial synod. STATE OF THE CLERGY 331 1. In Germany the higher clergy -were from the first regarded as a kind of spiritual arist cracy, whose superior education ensured them an influence in the State greater even than that of the secular nobility. In all affairs of importance the bishops acted as advisers of the monarch ; in almost every instance they were selected as ambassadors ; clerical members sat on every commission ; and one half of the " Missi dominici" were always selected from the same privileged order. From their proximity to the person of the king, and their influence in public affairs, the bishops became one of the estates of the realm. Another element which contributed to the power of the hierarchy was, that, ac- cording to Frankish law, the immunity which accompanied grants of land made by the king, conferred on the proprietor the power of taxa- tion and of jurisdiction. Thus the bishops wielded not only spiritual, but also temporal sway, over a great part of the country. — As the resi- dence of the Frankish king was not stationary, a special court chapel, to which a numerous body of clergy was attached, was requisite. Commonly the most prominent and influential prelate of the realm acted as arch-chaplain of the court, and from the clergy attached to this chapel the future bishops of the country were generally chosen. 2. The gradual extension of episcopal dioceses rendered it necessary to make some new arrangements in regard to the inferior clergy. Formerly the affiliated or country churches had been served by the clergy attached to the cathedrals ; but now priests were appointed specially to these charges. Such churches were called tituli, from the circumstance that they were always dedicated to some saint, and their priests iuiitulati, incardinati, cardinales. Such was the origin of the institution of the Parochia (rtapoixui) and of the Parochus or parson, who was also designated Curate because the cura animarum devolved on him. An archipresbyter rural is was entrusted with the superintend- ence of about ten parishes, from which circumstance he was called Decanus (Dean). As at first he retained the exclusive right of ad- ministering baptism, his church bore the name of Ecclesia baptismalis, his district of Christianitas or Plebs, and he himself the title Plebanus. In the eighth century, Heddo, Bishop of Strasburg, formed his diocese into seven archdeaconries for the purpose of efficiently superintending the labours of the deans. Besides parochial churches, a number of chapels or oratories existed, in which the nearest parish priest at stated seasons celebrated divine service. In the same category we also in- clude the pricate chapels in episcopal palaces and on the properties of the nobility, which were supplied by domestic chaplains. Occasionally the latter were degraded to do menial work, such as taking charge of the dogs, waiting at table, or leading the horse of the lady of the manor. Although the ancient canon, " ne quis vage ordinetur," was fre- quently re-enacted, there were a large number of so-called Clerici var/i, commonly lazy vagabonds, who wandered about the country in quest of some livelihood, ordained by careless bishops for money. 332 SECTION II. FIRST PERIOD (C E N T . 4—9 A. D.). 3. The German clergy were very reluctant to submit to the injunction of celibacy. Many instances of married bishops, presbyters, and deacons occur. By far the greater part of the inferior clergy were married. At their ordination they pledged themselves indeed to separate from their wives, and to abstain from intercourse with them ; but this promise was rarely observed. The unmarried clergy were frequently chargeable with uncleanness, adultery, and even with unnatural vices. Accordingly TJlric, Bishop of Augsburg, scrupled not to expostulate with Pope Nicholas I. on the subject of clerical celibacy, and in the spirit of Paphnutius of old (§ 45, 4), unsparingly exposed the evils connected with it. — In general, the moral state of the clergy was very low. Attempts to get hold of the property of devotees, forgery of documents, simony, and other abuses, were openly and shamelessly carried on. The bishops imitated in their hunting and drinking bouts the vices of the nobility, and were more expert with dogs and falcons than in their own peculiar duties. In the seventh century, it Avas the liking for the profession of arms which induced Frankish bishops to take part in wars; at a later period, the obligation of furnishing a military contingent from the lands belonging to the Church, furnished an additional pretext. Pepin, Charlemagne, and Louis the Pious, issued strict edicts against this practice ; but the later Carolingians not only tolerated, but even encouraged the abuse. 4. Though Augustine's institution of a monasterivm Clericorvm (# 45, 1) had been adopted by several pious bishops of later times, it was Chrodegang, Bishop of Metz, who first introduced it generally, and laid down certain fixed rules for it. His scheme (canon) consisted of an adaptation of the monastic Rule of St. Benedict ($ 85), from which it only differed in dispensing with the vow of poverty. He erected a spacious dwelling (called domus or monasterium, whence the term Munster), where, under the strict and continuous supervision of the bishop or archdeacon, all the clergy of his cathedral lived, prayed, and wrought together, ate at a common table, and slept in a common dormitory [vita, canonica, hence canons). After morning service all the members assembled in the common hall, when the bishop or archdeacon read a chapter of the Bible (frequently in the book of Levit.) or a portion of the " Pule," taking occasion at the same time to administer any admonition or reproof that might be called for. Hence this hall was called the cliapler-hovsc, and the designation of Chapter was also given to the community as a whole. In towns which were not the seats of bishoprics, the clergy were formed into colleges of canons under an abbot or dean, in imitation of the cathedral chapters. Louis the Pious commissioned Amalarius, a deacon of Metz, to revise the Pule of Chrodegang, so as to make it generally applicable; and at a national assembly held in Aix-la-Chapelle in 816, it was sanctioned for general use throughout the realm (Regula Aquisgranensis). But the canons soon showed a desire to get rid of this troublesome super- MONASTICISM. 333 vision of their bishops. When Gunther of Cologne (§ 82, 4) was deposed by the Pope, he sought to retain his office, among other things, by ingratiating himself with his cathedral chapter. Accordingly he agi'eed to leave a great part of the property of the Church to their uncontrolled disposal {prtebenda, prebends). What this chapter bad extorted, others also gradually obtained. £85. MONASTICISM. Co.up. L. d'Achenj, Acta Ss. Ord. s. Benedicti. Sec. I.-VI. (500-1100). ed. /. Mabillon. Par. 1688. 9 Yoll. fol.— J. Mabillon, Annales Ord. S. Benedicti ed. Martene. Par. 1703. 6 Voll. fol. — Gesch. d. Bened. Ord. aus Splitters Vorles. v. Gurliit (Hist, of the Bened. Ord. from the Lect. of Spittler, by Gurlitt). Hamb. 1823.— C. Brandes, d. Ben. O. in the Tubingen Quarterly for 1851. — Helyot, Ilistoire des Ordres Relig. The disasters which accompanied the irruption of barbarous nations in the fifth century, extended also to the monastic insti- tution. Indeed, it could scarcely have survived that period, at least it could not have proved a source of so great and manifold blessing to Western Christendom, if at the right moment unity, order, and law, had not been introduced among the various monasteries by the adoption of a fixed rule, suited to the times and circumstances. For this the Church was indebted to Bene- dict of Nursia (ob. 543), who may be styled the Patriarch of Western Monasticism. The rule which he presci'ibed to the inmates of the monastery of Monte- Casaino in Campania, which he founded, was free from all ascetic extravagance. It secured strict discipline and order, but breathed a mild and even indulgent spirit, while at the same time it took account of the requirements of human nature and of the times-; withal, it was simple, plastic, and eminently practical. Besides, the disciples of Benedict derived from the Rule of Cassiodorus (§ 47, 6) their impulse toward literary employments, and from Gregory the Great their ardour in missionary enterprises. Thus the Bene- dictine order became thoroughly prepared for the grand mission which it accomplished throughout the West (St. 3Iaurus trans- planted it to France in 543), in reclaiming both soil and mind, in clearing forests and cultivating waste land, in zealous and faithful preaching, in exterminating superstition and heathenism, and in cultivating and preserving literature, science, and art. But during the troublous period at the close of the Merovingian rule, the Benedictine monasteries also suffered severely. The 334 SECTION II. FIRST PERIOD (CENT. 4-9 A. D.). court appointed its favourites to the office of abbot ; rich abbacies were given to the higher secular clergy in commendam, i. e., simply to enjoy its revenues, or else to counts and military chiefs (lay-abbots, Abbacomites) in reward for their services. These lay-abbots occupied the monasteries with their families, or with their friends and retainers, sometimes for months, con- verting them into banqueting-halls, or using them for hunting expeditions or for military exercises. The wealthiest abbacies the kings either retained for themselves, or bestowed on their sons and daughters, their wives and mistresses. Charlemagne corrected this abuse also ; he insisted on strict discipline, and made it a rule that schools should be planted in connection with the various monasteries, and that literary labours were to lie prosecuted within their walls. At the Diet of Aix-la-Chapelle in 817, Louis the Pious appointed Benedict of Aniane (ob. 821) to reorganize, and to introduce the needed reforms in, the various monasteries throughout the empire. Along with com- missioners specially appointed for the purpose, he visited every monastery in the country, and obliged their inmates to adopt an improved rule. — As yet the monks were not regarded as neces- sarily belonging to the clerical order; but gradually the two professions became more identified. Clerical celibacy and the introduction of the canonical rule (§ 84, 4) assimilated the regular priests to the inmates of cloisters ; while the latter fre- quently took ordination either with a view to missionary service, or to enable them to conduct worship in their monasteries. Withal, the monks would sometimes interfere with the rights and duties of curates, giving rise to mutual jealousies and distrust, — All monasteries were subject to the jurisdiction of the bishop in whose diocese they lay. The exemptions granted at this period only secured permission of freely choosing their own abbots, or the power of administering without control their own property, or else the right of receiving ordination without payment of fees. 1. Our knowledge of the life of Benedict of Nursia is solely derived from the account given by credulous Pope Gregory the Great in the second book of his Dialogues, which, unfortunately, is full of legendary stories. The Rule of Benedict comprised seventy-three chapters. It was laid down as the first duty of the inmates of a monastery, to pay implicit obedience to the abbot as the vicar of Christ. The brethren had the right of choosing their own abbot, and the "Rule" did not MONASTICISM. 335 recognize any order of " serving brothers." Agriculture was to form the principal employment; all idleness was most strictly prohibited. The monks were by turns (each for a week) to take charge of the kitchen, and to read aloud in the refectory. Divine service was to commence at two o'clock in the morning, and the seven " horse " to the completorium were to be regularly celebrated ($ 56, 2). The monks had two meals a day, and each a pint of wine ; only the sick or delicate were allowed animal food. At table, and after the completorium, unbroken silence was to be observed. The brothers slept in a common dormitory — each, however, in a bed of his own — with their dress and girdle on, to be ready for prayers at the first signal. The discipline was careful and strict. Offenders were to be first privately, then publicly reproved ; and if this was insufficient, punished with fasts, with bodily chastisement, and finally with excommunication. Every monastery was bound to entertain strangers, and to provide for the poor in the district. The novitiate of candidates extended ever one year; the vows prescribed were those of sidbilitas loci, of conversio morum (implying also poverty and chastity), and of obsdieniia. The so-called oblati, or children whom, during their minority, the parents had offered to a monastery, were regarded as a kind of novices. They were educated in the cloister, and not allowed to return to the world. 2. Benedict of Aniane was the son of a Visigoth count, and his real name was Witiza. In early life he served in the army of Charlemagne. But during a moment of imminent danger, while attempting to rescue his brother from drowning, his mind received a new turn, and dis- tinction in ascetic exercises became now the object of his ambition. He founded the monastery of Aniane, by the river Anianus in Lan- guedoc, and became the trusted and all-powerful adviser of Louis the Plans, who built the monastery of Inda near Aix-la-Chapelle in order to have his friend always beside him. Benedict composed, for the reform of monasteries, a Codex regularum, which consisted of a col- lection of the various monastic rules then known (best ed. by L. Hol- stein; and next to it that by Brockie. Augsb. 1759. 6 Vols.), and a Concordia regularum (ed. H. Menard. Par. 1638. 4to). 3. The rule of the first Benedict made no arrangements about Nun- neries. Scholnstica, the sister of that saint, is, however, generally regarded as having originated the female order of Benedictines. The institution of Canonesses, in imitation of the " canonical life " of the secular clergy, was another form of female asceticism. The Rule drawn up for them in 816, by order of Louis the Pious, was much less strin- gent than that which applied to ordinary nuns. By and by these institutions became a provision for the unmarried daughters of the nobility. — The canonical age for entrants before taking the vow was twenty-five years; their novitiate lasted three years. Besides the " propria professio," the " paterna devotio " was also regarded as 336 SECTION II. — FIRST PERIOD (CENT. 4-9 A.D.). binding. The taking of the veil formed the main part of the ceremony of admission : the garland worn was intended to be the symbol of virginity ; the ring, that of their spiritual marriage. At this period the practice of cutting off the hair was only resorted to as punishment of nuns who had broken their vow of chastity. From the respect which the Germans were wont to pay to woman, the abbess occu- pied a place of special distinction ; and in later times the principal nunneries enjoyed even such privileges as exemption, a vote among the estates of the realm, and the exercise of sovereign rights. It was a peculiarity of German monasteries, that frequently they were con- structed both for monks and nuns, who — of course in separate houses — lived under the common rule of an abbess (as often in England) or of an abbot. 4. To the Larger Monasteries a number of buildings were attached, in which every conceivable spiritual or temporal occupation was carried on. Some of these buildings were designed for agricultural purposes, others for trades and arts of every description, or for public instruction, for private studies, for showing hospitality or taking charge of the sick. They often formed of themselves a small town, around which, in many instances, considerable cities sprung up. The monasterv of Vivarium in Calabria, founded by Cassiodorus, claims the merit of having awakened in the monks of Germany the desire of de- voting themselves to literary avocations ; the arrangements of Monte Cassiuo were adopted all over Western Europe. Through the exer- tions of the inmates of Bobbio, founded by Columbanus, both heathen- ism and Arianism were uprooted in Northern Italy ; the monks of lona and Bangor, in Scotland and Ireland, sustained the important conflict with Rome on behalf of the British Confession ; while the monastery of Wearmouth, in England, was famed as a seminary of learning. St. Denys near Paris, and Corbey in Picardy, were the most celebrated abbacies in France. The most famous institutions of this kind in Southern Germany were those of St. Gall, Reiehenatt, Lorsch, and Hirsehau ; in Central Germany, those of Fulda, Hers/eld, and Fritzlar ; and in Northern Germany, that of New Corbey (an offshoot of Corbey in France). 5. The severity of the climate prevented Western ascetics from imitating the example of former Stylites (g 78, 3). Instead of this, however, the so-called Reclusi or Reclusce adopted the practice of shut- ting themselves up in their cells, without ever quitting them. A peculiar class of anchorites, who lived in the woods, were found in many parts of Germany. This kind of asceticism was peculiarly in accord- ance with some national characteristics, such as the tendency to dreamy melancholy, the passionate love of nature, and the delight in roaming over mountain and forest. The practice of thus retiring into solitude seems to have been chiefly in vogue during the sixth century ;. ECCLESIASTICAL PROPERTY. 337 and the lonely valleys, glens, and mountains of Auvergne were peopled with these saints. But the concourse of admiring followers soon con- verted the cell of the saint into a monastery, and the practice gradually ceased. 11 I 86. ECCLESIASTICAL PROPERTY. Comp. Paul Roth, Gesch. d. Beneficialwesens bis zum lOten Jahrh. (Hist, of Eccles. Benefices to the Tenth Cent.). Erlg. 1850 By donations and legacies both churches and monasteries gradually acquired immense wealth. If princes knew no bounds in making pious grants, private individuals not unfrequently even surpassed them in this species of liberality. Nor could occasions for its display be ever wanting. Restoration from dangerous illness, deliverance from danger, the birth of a child, or any extraordinary occurrence, swelled the treasury of the church whose patron saint had been of use to the donor. This kind of piety was of course greatly encouraged by the clergy, who, be- sides, hesitated not to impose on the ignorance of the age by unscrupulous forgeries. Gifts or grants of land, of which the donor retained the use during his lifetime, were called Precarice. Commonly, the private property of priests at their death, and that of monks at their " conversio," went to the institutions with which they were connected. Besides this revenue from property, every church claimed tithes from all its parishioners. According to the precedent of the Mosaic law, tithes were regarded as "juris di vini," and Charlemagne gave to this arrangement the sanction of public law. On the other hand, the clergy were prohibited from demanding payment for the discharge of their spiritual functions. — It was the first fundamental principle in the administration of ecclesiastical property, that no part of it might be sold or alienated. Hence it increased every year. Thus, in the seventh century, fully one-third of all the landed property in Gaul belonged to the Church, while the fiscal and crown lands had all been alienated. Under these circumstances, Charles Martel had no choice left but to reward his adherents and servants by bestowing on them lay-abbacies. His sons, Car- loman and Pepin, went even further; they claimed the right of absolutely disposing of all ecclesiastical property, and at once proceeded to secularize and divide the coveted possessions. Charlemagne and Louis the Pious were anxious to atone for these acts of injustice by making such restitution as was possible, 29 338 SECTION II. — FIRST PERIOD (C E N T. 4— 9 A. D.). considering the reduced state of the fisc. By these restitutions, and by new donations from wealthy individuals, the property of the Church again accumulated as before. Thus, at the com- mencement of the ninth century, the monastery of Luxeuil pos- sessed not less than 15,000 manors ( Man si). — The manage- ment of Church property was entrusted to the bishops, that of monasteries to their abbots. Special advocates or defensors (advocati ecelesise) were appointed to watch over the temporal rights of churches, and to exercise their secular jurisdiction. But after a time these officials came greatly to abuse their position; they committed every kind of extortion, oppression, and dishonesty ; claimed a great part of the ecclesiastical reve- nues as their dues; and generally disposed both of the property and income of churches as if it were their own. 1. When Charles Martel undertook the government of the country, he found that, by excessive liberality towards the Church, and towards their own immediate attendants, the Merovingians bad completely exhausted all available resources, so far as crown lands were concerned. But in the peculiar circumstances of the country, threatened by the Saracens on the one hand, and surrounded on the other by a number of petty tyrants, who would have broken up and so destroyed the realm, Charles Martel was in more urgent want of pecuniary means than any of his predecessors. These difficulties gave rise to the bestowal of what were called benefices. The warriors, whose services gave them claims upon the State or the monarch, were still rewarded by grants of land, which conferred on the possessor the obligation of furnishing a mili- tary contingent; but these grants of land were no longer hereditary, but valid only during the lifetime of the possessor (for his usufruct, (beneficium). As the crown lands were almost entirely disposed of, Charles Martel confiscated for this purpose the property of the Church. Thus, without absolutely appropriating these lands, lie tilled the vacant sees with creatures of his own, and induced them to grant benefices to such of his followers as deserved rewards, while he himself similarly bestowed abbacies in commendam (? 85). But while this half measure did not suffice for the wants of the case, it proved also the occasion of more serious inconvenience to the Church than complete confiscation would have been. Accordingly, the successors of Martel secularized a large portion of the property of the Church. These measures were initiated at the Synod of Lestines in 743 ($ 78, 4). St. Bonifacius, and the clergy generally, felt that submission was absolutely requisite, and that any hope of seeing ecclesiastical discipline restored, depended on their willingness to yield. Accordingly, they gave their consent, in the hope of obtaining in better times a restitution. The rights of the ecclesiastical inundation were preserved, at least in point of form; tl a ECCLESIASTICAL LEGISLATION. 339 lay im proprietors granted letters precarice, and agreed to pay for every manor a yearly duty of one solidus. Under the reign of Charlemagne this tribute was converted into second tithes called Nonce. But when Charlemagne and Louis made partial restitution of the Church pro- perty formerly secularized, the obligations formerly imposed on bene- ficiarj' possessors (especially that of furnishing contingents) were not remitted, and, indeed, were gradually extended to all ecclesiastical property. — This system of beneficiary grants, though originating under the pressure of circumstances, gradually spread, and became the basis of social arrangements, and " one of the most important points in the policy of the Middle Ages." — (Coup, also Hallam, Middle Ages, Vol. I., pp. 159, etc J i 87. ECCLESIASTICAL LEGISLATION. The duty of enacting ecclesiastical ordinances for the German Empire devolved in the first place on the various synods. The Papacy exercised scarcely any influence in this respect. It was otherwise with the secular rulers. They convoked synods, sub- mitted to them questions for deliberation, and confirmed their decrees as they saw fit. But when the Frankish sees were filled exclusively with natives, synods gradually ceased to be held, and ecclesiastical affairs, if discussed at all, were settled at the Im- perial Diets, in which the bishops took part, as belonging to the estates of the realm. Even those great national synods which St. Bonifacius held for the purpose of remodelling and restoring ecclesiastical arrangements, which had fallen into sad confusion, were Concilia mixta; and this continued to be the constitution of such assemblies under the reign of Charlemagne and of Louis the Pious. The former monarch, however, introduced better order into these deliberations, by separating the assembled estates into three distinct curias — viz., that of bishops, of abbots, and of counts. Under the rule of the Carolingians, royal ordinances or Capitularies settled those ecclesiastical questions on which formerly synods had published their decrees. But at that period, purely ecclesiastical synods also were again held, — a practice which came chiefly in vogue during the time of Hincmar. 1. Collections of Ecclesiastical Laws. — Gregory II. furnished St. Boni- facius, among other things, with a codex canonum (no doubt that of Dionysius, g 43, 3) ; and Hadrian I. sent one to Charlemagne, which, at the Diet of Aix-la-Chapelle in 802, received public sanction. — An- other collection of canons was that made in Spain, of which the author- ship was err/ ueously ascribed to Isidore, Bishop of Seville, and which 3-10 SECTION II. FIRST PERIOD (CENT. 4—9 A.D.). accordingly is designated as the Hispana, or as the genuine Decretals- of Isidore, in opposition to the forged or Frankish collection which bears that title. In point of form, it resembles the collection of Dionysius. In the ninth century it was introduced into the Frankish Empire, and there gave its name to and became the occasion of the forged Decretal* of Isidore. Closely connected with this piece of imposture was the collection made by Benedictus, "a Levite" of Mayence (about 840). Although professing to be a collection of capitularies, it is chiefly com- posed of ecclesiastical canons ; some genuine, others forged. The ear- liest collection of capitularies was that made by Ansegis, Abbot of Fontenelles, in 827, to which the work of Benedict formed a kind of supplement (best ed. in I'crtz, Monumenta Germ. III. IV.). Besides these large and general collections, some bishops published abstracts of ecclesiastical canons for the use of their own dioceses, several of which have been preserved under the name of Capitida Episcoporvm. Of these, the Capitida Angilramni, which were spuriously attributed to Angilramnus, Bishop of Metz (ob. 701), are evidently composed in the same spirit and for the same purpose as the Pseudo-Isidorian De- cretals. What are the true relations of these three collections, so much alike, is still disputed. Though the earlier opinion was that Benedict had made use of the Decretals, Hinschius supposes that the author of the Capitida wrote the Decretals, and then also the Capitu- laries. In the above class of works we also include the Penitential books and the Instructions for clerical visitations (\ 88, 5). 2. The Forged Decretals of Isidore. — About the middle of the ninth century a collection of canons and decretals appeared in the Frankish Empire, which bore the venerable name of Isidore, and embodied the so-called Mdoriana, but contained, besides, also a number of spurious decretals. This work was composed of the fifty Canones Apostt., which were followed by fifty-nine forged decretal letters, professedly written by the first thirty popes from Clem-ens Romanus to Melchiades (ob. 314). Part Second contained genuine canons of synods, and Part Third another series of papal decretals, dating from the time of Syl- vester, the successor of Melchiades, and extending to that of Gregory II. (ob. 731), of which thirty-five are spurious. 12 From their Frankish Latinity, from the numberless anachronisms of the grossest kind which occur in them, and from the evident purpose throughout the work, we cannot but conclude that all the spurious portions were the production of the same person, probably of the editor of this collection. The fol- lowing are the leading characteristics of the si/stem of l'seado- Isidore : —The Sacerdolium which the Lord has instituted to govern and judge the world, is infinitely superior to the secular Imperivm. The See of St. Peter represents the unity and the climax of this Sacerdotium. Tlio bishops stand in the same relation towards the Pope as the other apos- tles occupied towards P Her ; metropolitans are only primi inter par**. ECCLESIASTICAL LEGISLATION. 341 Between Pope and bishop was the patriarch, belonging to those metro- politan sees set apart by the apostles and their immediate followers, and to such as were necessarily elevated because of a multitude of bish- ops in lands converted in later times. Provincial Synods cannot be held without leave of the Pope, and their decrees only become valid by his confirmation. All causae majores, among them especially, all charges against bishops, can only be decided by the Pope himself. Priests are the "familiares Dei" and " spiritual e"s ;" while the laity are "carnales." Even a clerk may not be summoned before a secular tribunal, far less a bishop ; nay, a layman cannot even accuse a priest, while synods are enjoined to render it as difficult as possible to bring any charge against a bishop. A bishop who has already been deprived of his see must be completely reinstated before an accusation can be received against him. If the party accused thinks that the judges are inimici or suspecti, he may appeal to- the Pope, even before any inves- tigation had actually commenced. At least seventy-two trustworthy witnesses are required to substantiate a charge, etc. — The forged De- cretals originated doubtless in the Frankish Empire, where they were circulated for years before they were heard of in Rome. Blondel and Knu.it ascribe them to Benedict the Lovite, because they first became known in his Capitularies. PJiiUippn charges them to Rothad of Sois- sons, who first brought them to Rome, in 864. Wasserschleben says they were written by Otgar, Archbishop of Mayence, because 0., as a lender in the clerical conspiracy against Louis the Pious, might seek thus to avert punishment. But Louis pardoned Otgar, without trial, as soon as he regained his throne. Besides, there was in Germany no ground for the hostile attitude of the Isidoriana toward the Chorepis- copoi, and they appeared first not in Germany but France. Then the claims put forth by the Decretals for the primacy could avail for Rheims no less than Mayence. Weizsaeker and Von Noorden have, therefore, thought Rheims was the home, and Archbishop Ebo the author (§ 83 ,1 ) ; and Ebo was a leading conspirator. Louis had to humble himself be- fore him ; and when fortunes changed he deposed ami imprisoned Ebo. He was restored by Lothair, only to flee from Charles the Bald in the same year; and from then until Hincmar's elevation, Rheims was in the hands of the local bishops. Before and during Ebo's restoration, says Von N., the Decretals may have been written. Hinschius, too, thinks they sprang from Rheims, but not from the hand of Ebo, be- cause, according to H's arguing, the Decretals were the source of Bene- dict's collection, which was not completed until 847, when Ebo had given up all hope of another restoration. And Ebo never used these Decretals in his own defence. Had he meant to do so, he would not have undertaken, when his time was so short such a gigantic work, containing so much apart from his immediate need. The work seems far more likely to be the so-called pia fraus of some high churchman of the time, who had no specially personal interest in 29 * 342 SECTION IT. — FIRST PERIOD (c E N T. 4— 9 A. D.). view; and whose name we cannot determine. The Decretals must have appeared about 851 or 852. At the time, the genuineness of the Decretals was nut called in question, even by Hincmar, who only denied their validity so far as the Frankish court was concerned, and who, besides, was so inconsistent as to appeal to their authority, in his controversy with Charles the Bald, at the Council of Kiersy in 857, though at a later period he designated them an " opus a quoquam cum- pilatum et confictum." — The Magdeburg Centuriones were the first to show that these documents were a forgery. Notwithstanding their ex- posure, Turrianus, a Jesuit (Flor. 1572), again entered the lists in de- fence of their authenticity; but was so completely silenced by Dav. Blondel (Ps. Isidorus et Turrianus vapulantes. Genev. 1628) as to deter any subsequent writer from taking up so forlorn a cause. (Of. Knust, de fontibus et consilio Ps. Isid. Gottg 1832 — //. Wassersclileben, Beitr. zur Gesch. d. falsch. Decretalien." Breslau 1844.— J. Wcizsucker. llinc- mar, u. Ps. Isidor.— In the Hist. Theol. Zeitschrift, 1858. III.— C. V. Noovdea, Ebo, Hincmar, u. Ps. Isidor. — In V. SybeVs last Zeitschrift, Vol VII. 1862. — Hinschius, in the Prolog, to his edition of Ps. Isid. Lps. 180:5.) §88. STATE OF INTEELIGENCE, ECCLESIASTICAL USAGES AND DISCIPLINE. Cf. H. B. Scftindler, dcr Aberglaube d. M. A. Bresl. 1858. To convince ourselves how thoroughly the German mind could enter into the spirit of genuine Christianity, we only require to peruse the scanty specimens of religious poetry preserved from that period. At first, indeed, the mass of the people had oidy made outward profession of the new faith. Considerable time lapsed before it reached the heart and leavened the life of the nation. Accordingly, a number of tenets and superstitions foreign to Christianity — the remnants of former heathen views — were mixed up and almost formed part of the religious life. This tendency was fostered by some adventitious circumstances. Gre- gory the Great had recommended his missionaries not so much to wage a war of extermination against heathenism, and to sweep away its every trace, as rather to Christianize pagan rites, and to assign a deeper Christian meaning to heathen tenets for- merly cherished. In practice the Church continued to follow this suggestion, thereby keeping alive not only the memory, but also the forms, of ancient misbelief. Besides, the representatives of the Church taught that the heathen deities formerly worshipped were real demons, and, as such, had actual existence. Hence, STATE OF INTELLIGENCE, ETC. 343 m popular belief, they were regarded as a kind of dethroned powers who still exercised an uncontrolled sway in certain do- mains of nature, and whom it would therefore be dangerous to offend. Withal, the highly imaginative and poetic turn so pecu- liarly characteristic of Germans, their liking for the mysterious and supernatural, their delight in speculation, exercised its own influence in the same direction. The honours paid by the Church to saints, and even its statements about the devil, opened to a highly imaginative race, as it were, a new range, and popular belief soon peopled it with fantastic shapes and strange occur- rences. The faithful were always exposed to the vexatious enmity of demons, yet never so as to place them beyond the miraculous protection of angels and saints. The agency of the Prince of Darkness himself was frequently brought into requisi- tion. At this period, however, the relation which the devil and his angels occupied towards man, was regarded as far too serious and solemn to favour the introduction of those stories which cir- culated during the latter part of the Middle Aires, in which Satan was uniformly duped, and represented as an object of ridicule and contempt, whose impotent rage, as he disappeared, could only find vent in leaving a horrid sulphurous smell. — It must be admitted that the moral date of the Germanic races, after their adoption of Christianity, sank very low. Indeed, a more glaring contrast can scarcely be conceived than, for exam- ple, between the picture which Tacitus draws of ancient German manners and morality, and the dreadful degeneracy and brutal barbarism which Gregory of Tours describes during the Mero- vingian period. But in no instance, also, were it more fallacious than in this to reason : "Post hoc ergo propter hoc." The moral decay of the German races which took place at the time when they made their outward profession of Christianity, depended on circumstances wholly distinct from their change of faith. It was, in fact, the consequence of that entire transformation of views and manners caused by the migration of nations. Having left home — that mightiest bulwark of ancestral manners — occupying the fer- tile and opulent countries which they had recently conquered, and there exposed to most demoralizing influences around, the Germans threw themselves into enjoyments new to them with all the avidity characteristic of a people which had hitherto been unacquainted with luxury and its attendant vices ; their passions, once let loose, soon swept away all the landmarks of decency and 344 SECTION II. — FIRST PERIOD (CENT. 4—9 A. 1).). propriety. In proof of the correctness of this explanation, we appeal to the fact that this moral decay took place chiefly among those races which settled in countries where the degenerate Ro- mans held sway (as was the case with the Franks in Gaul, and the Langobards in Italy) ; while, on the other hand, the moral development of other tribes, such as the Anglo-Saxons and the inhabitants of Germany Proper, was entirely different and much more regular. 1. Religious Education of the People. — Charlemagne was the first to conceive the idea of popular education, and of the elevation of the masses. It will readily be understood that only a small beginning of this could be made during his time. Great merit attaches in this respect to Theodulf, Bishop of Orleans, who planted schools in every village throughout his diocese. The religious instruction of youth com- monly consisted of learning by heart the Lord's Prayer and Apostles' Creed. Charlemagne directed that adults — male or female — who were deficient in this modicum of popular theology, should be induced by fasts or stripes to acquire it. A number of formulas still extant, dating from the eighth and ninth centuries, employed in making abjuration, confession of faith or of sins, or in orisons, indicate the kind of religious knowledge common among the people. As further means of popular religious instruction, we may mention the frequent attempts to render patristic or Biblical books generally accessible by translating them into the vernacular. Among German monasteries, the inmates of St. Gall distinguished themselves by their zeal in promoting the growth of a national literature. Alfred the Great prosecuted the same object among the Anglo-Saxons, especially by his own contributions The latest mention of Ultilas's translation of the Bible occurs in the ninth cent., after which it seems for many centuries to have remained unknown. 2. Popular Christian Poetry. — This species of composition first appeared at the close of the seventh, and continued to be cultivated till late in the ninth cent., especially in England and Germany. A considerable number of Biblical poems of great merit, on subjects connected with the Old and New Testaments, have been preserved, which are ascribed to the pen of Ccedmon, a Northumbrian [ob. 680). Even more interest- ing is the German-Saxon epos, entitled the Heliaud, dating from the time of Louis the Pious, — the first, and only Christian poem on the Messiah, worthy its glorious subject, popular yet perfect in construction, simple and elevated in its conception — in short, deep and genuine Christianity presented in a Teutonic form. The "Krist" of Oi fried (a monk at Weissenburg, about 8G0) is a comparatively inferior production. It was, indeed, the great aim of tiiis author, as it had been that of the Saxon poet — to useOtfried's expression — "thaz wirKriste sungen in unsere Zungen" (to raise Christ's song in our own tongue) ; but the poetry of the Saxon bears the same relation to that of the monk, " aa STATE OF INTELLIGENCE, ETC. 345 the Rong of the lark under the broad sunlit canopy of heaven to the artificial melody of the bird confined to its cage." To the same class of compositions belong two other pieces, the so-called Wcssobrvnn Prayer, of which the first and poetic portion is probably a fragment of a larger poem intended to celebrate creation, and what is known by the name of Muspilli, a poem in high German, treating of the end of the world and the last judgment, of which, unfortunately, only a fragment, unrivalled in depth and pathos, has been preserved. 3. Social State. — The high position which woman had always occu- pied among the ancient Germans (# 75, 2) prevented the spread of those degrading views, both of her sex and of the married relationship, which in great measure were the necessary consequence of the spurious asceticism of churchmen. The Church attached special merit to com- plete abstinence from conjugal intercourse, which, indeed, was entirely prohibited during the three seasons of Quadragesima, on feast-days, and on the "dies stationis" (Wednesday, Friday, Saturday, and Sun- day). Second marriages were stigmatized as incontinence, and had to be expiated by temporary penance. The laws regulating divorce were, however, still somewhat lax, and only in exceptional cases were persons divorced prevented from again marrying. Intermarriage with Heathen, Jews, and Arians was strictly prohibited. But the stringent regula- tions about impediments to marriage arising from affinity [\ Gl) were more distasteful to the Germans than probably any other ordinance of the Church. Such unions, especially that with a brother's widow, had formerly been regarded in popular estimation as a kind of duty. — The national customs and laws connected with property rendered it impossible for the Church to interfere with the institution of serfdom; indeed, monasteries and churches, in virtue of their large territorial possessions, owned a considerable number of serfs. But the Church always insisted on the fact, that masters and servants occupied exactly the same place in a moral and religious point of view ; it extolled the manumission of slaves as occupying the first rank in the scale of good woi'ks, and ever threw the shield of its protection around those who were oppressed by harsh masters. — The care of (lie poor was considered one of the great concerns of the Church, from which even avaricious and unfeeling bishops could not withdraw themselves. If circumstances at all allowed it, every church had its own special buildings, in which the poor, the sick, widows and orphans, were supported or entertained. 4. Administration of Justice. — The practice of taking private vengeance wis common among the German races. Some bounds, however, were set to this abuse, by fixing by law the composition or atonement to be paid for every injury (the Weregild). From aversion to inflicting capital punishment, the Church readily fell in with this custom. A solemn oath, and the so-called judgment of God, were the means adopted for leading judicial proof. Only a freeman who had not 346 SECTION II. FIRST PERIOD (CENT. 4—9 A. D.). previously been convicted of ciimc was allowed to take the oath of pur gation ; a husband might take it for his wife, a father for his children, or a master for his slave. Along with the person accused, his relatives, friends, and neighbours appeared as compurgators (conjuratorcs) to take the oath. Although they repeated the same formula as the party impeached, their oath was only intended as a personal guarantee foi the truthfulness and honour of the accused. If, from any circum- stance, this oath of purgation could not be taken, if there were nc compurgators, or if other means of probation were awanting, resort was had to the judgment of God (Ordale). This was ascertained — 1. By judicial combat, which owed its origin to the old popular belief: "Deum adesse bellantibus." Only a freeman could demand this mode 3f trial. Old persons, women, children, and clerks might be repre- sented by a proper substitute. 2. By various experiments with fire, such as holding the hand for some time in the fire, walking over a burning pile with no other dress on than a shirt, carrying a red-hot iron with the naked hand for nine paces, or walking barefoot over nino or twelve burning ploughshares. 3. By one of two experiments with water. The accused person had to fetch, with his naked arm, a ring or a stone out of a cauldron filled with boiling water ; or he was thrown into the water with a rope round his body. If he sank, he was de- clared to have proved his innocence. 4. By the experiment of the cross. Each party stood before the cross with arms expanded ; and the person who first became weary, and allowed his hands to droop, lost" the cause. 5. By the experiment with the Encliarist, specially in disputes among ecclesiastics. It was thought that the guilty party would soon after- wards be struck by some manifestation of the Divine displeasure. The laity underwent the experiment with the consecrated morsel (judicium offse), which the party impeached had to swallow at mass. 0. By the so-called "judicium feretri." The accused touched the wounds of the person murdered; if blood flowed from them, or foam from his mouth, it was held to establish guilt. — The implicit credence which the Church attached to so many legendary miracles, sprung from the same tendency which gave rise to these ordeals. It was, therefore, mani- festly impossible for churchmen to combat such superstitions ; at most, they could object to the pagan rites so frequently connected with them. But by sanctioning and regulating these trials, the Church no doubt contributed not a little to diminish the evils attendant upon them. Agobard of Lyons (ob. 840) was the first to denounce these practices as damnable superstitions. After that, the See of Rome also (since the pontificate of Nicholas I.) uniformly condemned every kind of appeal to the "judgment of God." — Among the different kinds of peace (i. e., immunity of person, property, office, and duly), next to the peace ../' the King, that of the Church was most respected. For injuries to ecclesiastical personages and property, or offences committed in conse- crated places, a threefold compensation was exacted. A bishop was STATE OF INTELLIGENCE, ETC 347 regarded as equal to a duke, and a common priest to a count. — (Comp. also Robertson, Charles V., First Section, and Notes 21, 22.) 5. Ecclesiastical Discipline and Penances. — In Germany, the State fully recognized the jurisdiction of the Church and its right to inflict punishment, so that an offence was considered expiated only when, besides the requirements of the secular, those of the ecclesiastical tri- bunal also had been satisfied. This gave rise to a system of regular episcopal visitations, called Sends (Synodus, from send?), which came into use during the reign of Charlemagne. The bishop was every year to visit the whole of his diocese, accompanied by a royal Missus, and, with the aid of bailiffs specially selected (from every congregation) and sworn, to institute a searching inquiry into the moral and religious state of every parish, and to punish the sins or misdemeanors brought to light. Both Regino of PiUnn and Hinemar of Rheims composed instructions for conducting these visitations. — The State also lent its sanction and force to the sentences of ecclesiastical excommunication, Pepin enjoined that those who had been excommunicated should not enter a church, and prohibited Christians from eating and drinking with, or even saluting such persons. The public exercise of discipline was repugnant to German notions of propriety, and the Church generally yielded in this matter to popular feeling. The numerous Penitential books which date from this period, gave ample direction about the administration of discipline, and adopting the custom of judicial compensations, prescribed certain fines for every conceivable kind of offence. Wasserschleben has collected and edited all the docu- ments of this character still extant ("The Penitential Books of the Western Church, with Hist. Introd." Halle 1851). They appear to have been generally constructed after the penitential order of Theodore, Archbishop of Canterbury. Manifestly, the fundamental idea of these arrangements implied an entire misunderstanding of Christian disci- pline ; and their frequent contradictions, their confusedness and arbi- trary regulations, led to very sad consequences. Even the rendering of the term posnitentia by "penance," i.e., compensation, shows how superficial were the views entertained by the Church on this important subject. Thus in the Penitential books, "pcenitere" is represented as entirely identical with "jejunare." But if the idea of poenitentia once resolved itself into merely external acts, the penance of fasting might readily give place to other spiritual exercises. Again, if it was only requisite by seme penance to make compensation for sins committed, the services of another might fairly be employed as a substitute for those of the guilty person. Accordingly, a system of redemption was gradually introduced, which involved utter disregard of all moral earnestness on the part of penitents. Thus, for example, the peniten- tial books indicate how a rich man might, by hiring a sufficient number of persons to fast in his stead, in three days go through a course of seven years' penance, without incurring any personal trouble. This moral 346 SECTION II. FIRST PERIOD (CENT. 4-9 A. D.). previously been convicted of ci ime was allowed to take the oath of pur- gation ; a husband might take it for his wife, a father for his children, or a master for his slave. Along with the person accused, his relatives, friends, and neighbours appeared as compurgators (conjuratorcs) to take the oath. Although they repeated the same formula as the party impeached, their oath was only intended as a personal guarantee foi the truthfulness and honour of the accused. If, from any circum- stance, this oath of purgation could not be taken, if there were nc compurgators, or if other means of probation were awanting, resort was had to the judgment of God (Ordale). This was ascertained — 1. By judicial combat, which owed its origin to the old popular belief: "Deura adesse bellantibus." Only a freeman could demand this mode }f trial. Old persons, women, children, and clerks might be repre- sented by a proper substitute. 2. By various experiment* with fire, such as holding the hand for some time in the fire, walking over a burning pile with no other dress on than a shirt, carrying a red-hot iron with the naked hand for nine paces, or walking barefoot over nino or twelve burning ploughshares. 3. By one of two experiment* with water. The accused person had to fetch, with his naked arm, a ring or a stone out of a cauldron filled with boiling water ; or he was thrown into the water with a rope round his body. If he sank, he was de- clared to have proved his innocence. 4. By the experiment of the cross. Each party stood before the cross with arms expanded ; and the person who first became weary, and allowed his hands to droop, lost the cause. 5. By the experiment with the Eucharist, specially in disputes among ecclesiastics. It was thought that the guilty party would soon after- wards be struck by some manifestation of the Divine displeasure. The laity underwent the experiment with the consecrated morsel (judicium offaj), which the party impeached had to swallow at mass. C. By the so-called "judicium feretri." The accused touched the wounds of the person murdered ; if blood flowed from them, or foam from his mouth, it was held to establish guilt. — The implicit credence which the Church attached to so many legendary miracles, sprung from the same tendency which gave rise to ihese ordeals. It was, therefore, mani- festly impossible for churchmen to combat such superstitions; at most, they could object to the pagan rites so frecpicntly connected with them. But by sanctioning and regulating these trials, the Church no doubt contributed not a little to diminish the evils attendant upon them. Agohard of Lyons (cf>. 840) was the first to denounce these practices as damnable superstitions. After that, the See of Rome also (since the pontificate of Nicholas I.) uniformly condemned every kind of appeal to the "judgment of God." — Among the different kinds rf peace (i. c, immunity of person, property, office, and duty), next to the peace of the King, that of the Church was most respected. For injuries to ecclesiastical personages and property, or offences committed in conse- crated places, a threefold compensation was exacted. A bishop was STATE OF INTELLIGENCE, ETC. 347 regarded as equal to a duke, and a common priest to a count. — (Comp. also Robertson, Charles V., First Section, and Notes 21, 22.) 5. Ecclesiasticul Discipline and Penances. — In Germany, the State fully recognized the jurisdiction of the Church and its right to inflict punishment, so that an offence was considered expiated only when, besides the requirements of the secular, those of the ecclesiastical tri- bunal also had been satisfied. This gave rise to a system of regular episcopal visitations, called Sends (Synodus, from send?), which came isit) use during the reign of Charlemagne. The bishop was every year to visit the whole of his diocese, accompanied by a royal Missus, and, with the aid of bailiffs specially selected (from every congregation) and sworn, to institute a searching inquiry into the moral and religious state of every parish, and to punish the sins or misdemeanors brought to light. Both Eegirto of Piiim and Hincmar of Rheims composed instructions for conducting these visitations. — The State also lent its sanction and force to the sentences of ecclesiastical excommunication. Pepin enjoined that those who had been excommunicated should not enter a church, and prohibited Christians from eating and drinking with, or even saluting such persons. The public exercise of discipline was repugnant to German notions of propriety, and the Church generally yielded in this matter to popular feeling. The numerous Penitential books which date from this period, gave ample direction about the administration of discipline, and adopting the custom of judicial compensations, prescribed certain fines for every conceivable kind of offence. Wasserschleben has collected and edited all the docu- ments of this character still extant ("The Penitential Books of the Western Church, with Hist. Introd." Halle 1851). They appear to have been generally constructed after the penitential order of Theodore, Archbishop of Canterbury. Manifestly, the fundamental idea of these arrangements implied an entire misunderstanding of Christian disci- pline ; and their frequent contradictions, their confusedness and arbi- trary regulations, led to very sad consequences. Even the rendering of the term pomitentia by "penance," i.e., compensation, shows how superficial were the views entertained by the Church on this important subject. Thus in the Penitential books, "pcenitere" is represented as entirely identical with "jejunare." But if the idea of posnitentia once resolved itself into merely external acts, the penance of fasting might readily give place to other spiritual exercises. Again, if it was only requisite by some penance to make compensation for sins committed, the services of another might fairly be employed as a substitute for those of the guilty person. Accordingly, a system of redemption was gradually introduced, which involved utter disregard of all moral earnestness on the part of penitents. Thus, for example, the peniten- tial books indicate how a rich man might, by hiring a sufficient number of persons to fast in his stead, in three clays go through a course of seven years' penance, without incurring any personal trouble. This moral 348 SECTION II. FIRST PERIOD (c E N T. 4— 9 A. I).). decay led in the eighth and ninth centuries to determined opposition against penitential books, and the dangerous principles involved in their arrangement. The reaction commenced in Britain at the Council of Cloveshove in 747, and soon spread to the Continent, where it found vent at the Synods of Chalons in 813, of Paris in 829, and of Mayeuce in 847. The council of Paris ordered all penitential books to be de- livered up and burnt. But their use was still retained. — At this period, confession was not yet regarded as incumbent on the faithful generally. In theory at least, it was still held that it sufficed to confess to God alone. But already the custom of confessing once a year — during Easter Quadragesima — seems to have been so general, that its omis- sison was severely reprimanded at episcopal visitations. The formula of absolution adopted was only of a deprecatory, not of a judicial character. I 89. PUBLIC WORSHIP AND THE FINE ARTS. Wherever Arianisrn remained the creed in Germany, the ser- vices of the Church were no doubt conducted in the vernacu- lar. But when these races joined the Catholic Chinch, Latin became the ecclesiastical language. Among the tribes which were converted to Christianity by Catholic missionaries, the use of Latin in the public services had from the first been intro- duced. The Slavonians alone were allowed to worship in their own language (§ 79, 1). — As the language, so also the liturgy of Rome was everywhere enforced, except within the diocese of Milan and in the Spanish Church. When Pepin entered into negotiations with the Papacy, he consented to have the forma of worship common among the Franks altered to suit the Romish model (745). For the same purpose Hadrian I. furnished Charlemagne with a Romish Sacramentarium, and that monarch insisted on having the desired uniformity carried out. At first sight, it may appear strange that the peculiar characteristics of the German mind should not have expressed themselves in corre- sponding modifications in the services of the Church. But it must be remembered that the Romish ritual, when imported into Germany, was not only in itself complete, but so constituted as scarcely to admit improvements of a fundamental character; and that, besides, the vernacular was excluded from the Liturgy, and the people really took no active part in the services. Where, as in this case, so much depends on the choice of expressions, the national mind could not find full or free utterance so long as Khe use of a foreign idiom was enforced. PUBLIC WORSHIP AND THE FINE ARTS. 349 1. Liturgy and Preaching. — Besides the Roman or Gregorian, other liturgies were in use ; differing from it in some respects. Such was the attachment both of the people and clergy of Milan to their old Ambrosian Liturgy, that even Charlemagne was not strong enough to displace it; and to this day has Milan preserved its possession of this relic. Not less tenacious were the Spaniards in their adherence to their national or so-called Mozarabic Liturgy ($ 81, 1). In several points it resembled the Eastern litm-gies ; after having been recast and enlarged by Leander and Isidore of Seville, it was adopted throughout the Spanish Church by the national Synod of Toledo in 633. This similarity to Eastern liturgies is also noticeable in some of the older Gallican liturgies, before the time of the Carolingians. — Throughout the West, the Sermon always occupied a comparatively subordinate place in public worship. The intellectual decay subsequent on the migration of nations, almost banished it entirely from the services of the Church. But when, in the seventh century, the Latin Church addressed itself to missionary work, the great importance of sermons in diffusing the truth was deeply felt. Few, however, of the clergy were capable of composing sermons. Charlemagne therefore com- missioned Paulus Biaconus ($90, 3), in 782, to collect from the writings of the Fathers a (Latin) Ilomiliarium for Sundays and feast- days, to serve as a model for similar compositions, or, where this could not be expected, to be read to the people either in the original or in translation. Of course the missionaries preached in the vernacular; in established congregations the sermon was mostly delivered in Latin. But ('harlemagne and the synods of his time enjoined preaching, either in German or in the Romanic. (Comp. also Johnson, English Canons; Maskell, Ancient Liturgy.) 2. (Cf. Hoffmann v. Fallersleb. Gesch. d. deutsch. Kh'chenlieds bis auf Luther. 3 Aufl. Hann. 1854. — A. Schnbiger, d. Sangerschule St. Gallons. Einfied. 1831.) — According to the rule laid down by Gregory, the cJianting in churches was performed by the clergy. The ordinance of Charlemagne, that the people should at least take part in singing the "Gloria" and the Sanctus," was not obeyed. Between the seventh and the ninth centuries flourished a number of Latin hymn- writers, among whom we specially mention Beda Yenerabilis, Paid Warnefried, Theodulf of Orleans, Alcuin, and Pabanus Maurus. The beautiful hymn for Pentecost, " Veni creator Spiritus," is commonly ascribed to Charlemagne himself. Instead of following, as formerly the tone and style of the classics, the religious compositions of that age became gradually more German and Christian in their spirit, being characterized by deep simplicity and genuine feeling. Towards the close of this period a considerable impulse was given to this species of compositions by the adoption of what were called sequences (sequentire) into the service of the Mass. Instead of the long series cf notes without words — intended to indicate that the feelings were 30 350 SECTION II. — FIRST PERIOD (c E X T. 4—9 A D.). too strong for expression (hence the term Jubili) — which formerly had followed upon the Hallelujah of the Mass. suitable rhythmical language in Latin prose was .adopted, which by and by was cast into metre, rhyme, and stanzas. Notker Balbulvs, a monk of St. Gall (ob. 912), was the first distinguished writer of sequences. — The only part which the people were allowed to take in the services of the Church was to sing, or rather to shout, the " Kyrie Eleison" in the Litany, and that only at extraordinary seasons, such as processions, pilgrimages, the transportation of relics, funerals, the consecration of churches, and other similar occasions. In Germany, during the second half of the ninth century, short verses in the vernacular were introduced at such times — the Kyrie Eleison forming the refrain of every stanza. This was the humble commencement of German hymnology. The only monument of this kind of poetry still extant from that period is a hymn in honour of St. Peter, composed in the old high German dialect. — The Ambrosian chant (g 59, 3) had entirely given place to the Gregorian (the so-called Cantus firmus or choralis). When Stephen II. visited France in 754, Pepin ordered that the Romish chant should he universally adopted. To this injunction Charlemagne gave general effect throughout the West, by entirely abolishing the Ambrosian chant, by instituting excellent singing-schools at Metz, Soissons, Orleans, Paris, Lyons, and in other places, over which he placed musicians sent from Rome for the special purpose, and by introducing music as a branch of education in all the higher schools throughout the Empire. The first organ brought to Franco was that which the Byzantine Emperor Copronymus presented to Pepin in 757. A second organ was given to Charlemagne by the Emperor Michael I. and placed in the church at Aix-la-Chapellc. After that it was gradually introduced throughout the Church. But these instruments were still very imper- fect ; they had only from nine to twelve notes, and the keys were so ill constructed that they required to be struck with the fist. 3. The Sacrifice of the Mass. — The idea of a sacrifice attaching to the Eucharist, which led to the celebration of masses for the benefit of the dead ($ 58, 3), i. e., for alleviating and shortening the torments of purgatory, was gradually developed and applied to other purposes. Thus private masses were celebrated for the success of any under- taking, as for the restoration of a sick person, for favourable weather, etc. This increase of masses was somewhat limited by the enactment, that only one ma*s might be celebrated at the same altar and by the same priest in one day. The desire to secure as many masses as possible after death, gave rise to associations of churches and monas- teries on the covenant that a certain number of masses should be said in all these churches and monasteries for every member of the asso- ciation that died. The idea of such fraternities — into which, by special favour, kings, princes, and lords were sometimes received — seems to have originated with St. Boniface. PUBLIC WORSHIP AND THE FINE ARTS. 351 4. Among the Germans the worship of saints was in great repute, especially as they served as substitutes for the displaced deities of former days. Far above the other saints towered in popular esteem the Mother of God, the fair and gracious Queen of Heaven — the full ideal of woman, that object of ancient veneration among the Ger- mans. Partly from the want of images, and partly from national dislike, the worship paid to images was little in vogue in the German Church. Indeed, during the time of the Carolingians, the Frankish Church formally protested against such services ($ 92, 1). But all the greater was the zeal displayed in the worship of relics, in which the saint reappeared, as it were, in concrete and bodily form. Innumerable relics existed in the "West, supplied partly from the inex- haustible treasury at Rome, and partly from the band of zealous mis- sionary martyrs, from the solitudes of hermits, or even from monasteries and episcopal sees. The bones of these saints were the objects of en- thusiastic veneration. When a church or a monastery acquired a new relic, the whole country rejoiced in the accession ; the concourse of multitudes, and an abundant harvest in the shape of donations by the pious, attended the deposition of the prized memorial in the crypt of the sanctuaiw. In the ninth century the Frankish monastery of Cen- fcula boasted of a large quantity of such relics; among them, memorials from the grave of the Innocents at Bethlehem, part of the milk of the Virgin, of the beard of St. Peter, of his casula, of the Orarium of St. Paul, nay, even of the wood with which Peter was about to construct the three tabernacles on Mount Tabor. — Among the Germans, and especially the Anglo-Saxons, who were so fond of travelling, the prac- tice of making pilgrimages was very general. The favourite places fur such devotions were the tombs of the princes of the apostles at Rome, the grave of St. Martin at Tours, and, towards the close of this period, that of St. Jago de Compostella (Jacobus Apostolus the Elder, the supposed founder of the Spanish Church, whose bones were disco- vered by Alphonse the Chaste). But the demoralizing influences attendant on these pilgrimages, which formed subject of complaint even in older times, were painfully felt. Accordingly, St. Boniface insisted that his countrywomen should be prohibited joining them, since they only served to provide loose women for the towns of Gaul and Italy. — The idea of patron angels proved specially attractive to the Germans. More particularly did they accord their sympathies to Michael, the knightly Archangel, who had defeated the great dragon. 5. Ecclesiastical Seasons and Places. — Besides the Easter Quadra- gesima, another was introduced after Pentecost, and a third before Christmas. The ecclesiastical year now commenced at Christmas, instead of Easter. In the ninth century, the Feast of All-Saints (£ 57, 1), which at first had been only celebrated at Rome, was observed throughout the Church. — In consequence of the number of relics and the increase of masses, additional altars were erected in the churches. 852 SECTION II. FIRST PERIOD (C E N T . 4— 9 A. D.) Charlemagne enjoined them to be limited to the number actually re- quired. The high altar stood unsupported in the centre of the nicha in the choir. The other altars were cither placed in juxtaposition or supported by pillars. Pulpits and confessionals had not yet been in- troduced into churches. Special baptistries adjoined those churches in which the sacred rite was administered (§ 84, 2). But when this privi- lege was extended to all churches, a baptismal font was placed at the left side of the principal entrance, or at the point where the nave was crossed by the transept. This change contributed to the general intro- duction of the practice of sprinkling instead of immersion in baptism. Bells and towers were common ; the latter stood at first by themselves, but since the time of Charlemagne they were connected with the main building. Charlemagne prohibited the christening of bells, but the practice still continued. G. During the domination of the Ostrogoths, the Fine Arts were chiefly cultivated on the other side, during that of the Carolingians on this side, the Alps. On the British Isle also, considerable attention was paid to their cultivation. The German monasteries of St. Gall and Fulda bore, in the ninth century, the palm in artistic taste. Thus Tut iio, a monk of St. Gall (ob. 912), was greatly distinguished as an architect, painter, sculptor, poet, and general savant. The old Roman Basilica still formed the model for ecclesiastical architecture. At Ra- venna — the Byzantium of Italy — some splendid churches were built in the Byzantine style during the domination of the Goths. Einliard was the favourite architect of Charlemagne. Among the various churches built by that monarch, the Mlinster of Aix-la-Chapelle, constructed after the model of these Ravenna churches, is the most beautiful. Being intended to serve as royal chapel, it was connected with the palace by a colonnade. For the same reason, it was originally of mode- rate size ; but being also used for coronations, it was enlarged in 1355 by the addition of the grand principal choir, in the Gothic style. The ceremonies of the Church tended to the promotion of the plastic arts. as costly shrines were required for relics; and the crucifixes, candle- sticks, ciboria, censers, and other vessels, called forth the skill of artists. The liturgical books were covered with boards elaborately carved, and the doors of churches, the stalls of bishops, reading-desks, and bap- tismal fonts adorned with decorations in relief. Among the various kinds of pictorial representations, miniature painting was employed in adorning copies of ecclesiastical books. — (Comp. G. Kinkel, Gesch. d bildenden Kunste. I. Bonn 1845.—^. Fbrster, Gesch. d. deutsch. Kunst Leips. 1851-55. 3 Vols.) SCIENCE AND THEOLOGICAL LITERATURE. 353 | 90. STATE OF SCIENCE AND OF THEOLOGICAL LITE- RATURE. Comp. J. C. F. Balir, Gesch. d. rom. Liter, iin karoling. Zeitalter. Karlsr. 1840. So long as Arianism continued the creed of the German races, independent scientific pursuits seem not to have been followed, with the exception of those of Ulfilas. But Theodoric, the generous monarch of the Ostrogoths, patronized and distin- guished the representatives of ancient Roman literature. Among them Boethius and Cassiodofus have the merit of preserving the remnants of classical and patristic learning in Italy. A similar service Isidore of Seville [ob. 636) performed for Spain, and his works were for centuries used also on the other side of the Pyrenees as text-books and guides for students. The numerous monasteries of Scotland and Ireland were, till late in the ninth century, equally famed for the extensive learning and the deep piety of their inmates. The learned Greek monk, Theodore of Tarsus, whom the Pope elevated to the archiepiscopal See of Canterbury (oh. 690), and his companion Hadrian, awakened among the Anglo-Saxons an ardent zeal for the prosecution of learned investigations, while Beda Venerabilis, though he never left his monastery, was regarded, throughout the Western Church, as a leading authority. For a time the Northmen pirates swept away the traces of this high civilization, till Alfred the Great (871 to 901) again restored it. This monarch, equally great in peace and in war, distinguished as a general, a statesman, and a legislator, and renowned both as a poet and prose writer, raised the literature of his country to a height never before attained — though, unfortunately, only for a time. In Gaul, Gregory of Tours (ob. 595) was the last representative of Roman ecclesi- astical lore. After him came that chaos which only under the reign of Charlemagne (168 to 814) gave place to a new day, of which the light shone throughout the West. The encourage- ment which that monarch gave to literature dates from the period of his first visit to Italy, in 774. There he made the acquaint- ance of such men as Petrus of Pisa, Paul Warnefried, Paulinus of Aquileja, and Theodulf of Orleans, whom he attached to his court, From the year 782, Alcuin, an Anglo-Saxon " Levite," was the leading spirit at the Frankish court. Charlemagne had 30* B54 SECTION II. FIRST PERIOD (c E N T. 4— 9 A. D.;. made his acquaintance the year before in Italy. Study now became one of the main pursuits, which even the royal family, the court, and all connected with it, encouraged or followed; but among these noble scholars, Charlemagne himself was the most zealous and docile pupil of Alcuin. At the court school (schola palatina), which, like the court itself, was migratory, the sons and daughters of the king received, along with the children of the noblest families in the empire, a liberal education. From England, Ireland, and Italy, continual additions were made to the staff of teachers employed in it. At last Charlemagne issued, in 78*1, a circular letter addressed to all the bishops and abbots of his empire, in which, under pain of his royal displea- sure, he commanded that schools should be attached to all mon- asteries and cathedral churches. And, in truth, the result of these measures was most encouraging, although as yet the course of study was limited to the acquisition of classical or patristic lore, to the neglect of anything like national literature. The great, the liberal, and patriotic mind of Charlemagne perceived, indeed, the importance of encouraging the growth of a national literature; but, with the exception of Paul Warnefried, his other learned advisers had lost every sympathy with the spirit, the language, and the nationality of Germany. They even regarded such studies as endangering Christianity and encouraging the spread of former heathen notions; hence their influence was rather in the way of discouraging these views of their monarch. — The weak administration of Louis the Pious (_814 to 840), disturbed as it was by party fights and civil wars, was far from favourable to the promotion of science ; but as yet the fruits of his father's labours had not disappeared. Lothair, his son, issued an edict by which the scholastic arrangements of Italy were entirely reorganized, and indeed completely remodelled. But that country, with its factions and tumults, was not the place where such institutions could for any length of time prosper. It was otherwise in France, where, under the reign of Charles the Bald (840-877), a new period was inaugurated. At his court, as at that of his grandfather, the choice spirits of the West gathered ; under the guidance of Joliannex Erigena, a Scotch- man, the court-school rose rapidly; the cathedral and monastic schools of France emulated the most celebrated institutions of Germany (such as St. Gall, Fulda, Reichenau, etc.); and the French sees were occupied by men of the most extensive learn- SCIENCE AND THEOLOGICAL LITERATURE. 355 ins:. But after the death of Charles this high state of cultiva- tion rapidly disappeared, and, amidst the troubles of that period, gave place to deep ignorance, confusion, and barbarism. 1. It was the primary object of these monastic and cathedral schools, to train persons for the Church. The writings of Cassiodorus, of Isi- dore, Beda, and Alcuin, were the manuals and text-books chiefly in use. The inmates of monasteries were in the habit of making careful copies of books, for the purpose of founding libraries and of multiply- ing celebrated works. Alcuin arranged all knowledge under three branches, viz., Ethics, Physics, and Theology. His Ethics included what was afterwards designated as Trivium (Grammar, Rhetoric, and Dialectics) ; Physics corresponded to the later Quadrivium (Arithmetic, Geometry, Music, and Astronomy) ; both together constituting what were called the Liberal Arts. Conversation and instruction were to be carried on in Latin. In the higher schools Greek, of which Theo- dore of Tarsus and his pupils had promoted the study, was also taught. Acquaintance with Hebrew was a more rare accomplishment; some scholars obtained a knowledge of it by intercourse with learned Jews. The writings of Boethius were the principal source for the study of philosophy; Plato and Aristotle were known, however, to some extent, and in the ninth century the Byzantine Emperor Michael presented Louis the Pious {I 92, 1) with a copy of the so-called writings of Dio- nysiu3 the Areopagite. He was regarded as the same Dionysius who had founded the Church of Paris, and on this ground his writings, even when not understood, were vaunted. Hilduin, Abbot of St. Denis, and afterwards Johannes Erigena, translated them into Latin. — Isidore of Seville and Eabanvs Mounts- composed encyclopaedias which embo- died a summary of the lore of their times. The work of Isidore, which bears the title of Originum s. Etymologiarum LI. XX., is a remarkable monument of industry and comprehensive learning. Almost the same meed of praise is due to the LI. XXII. de Universo, by Rabaaus. Both writers group theology along with the other sciences. 2. The following were the most celebrated Theologians before the lime of the Caroling ians : (1.) Gregory of Tours, the scion of a noble Roman famil}^. While on a pilgrimage to the grave of St. Martin, to implore the removal of a disease (in 573), he was elevated to the See of Tours, which he occu- pied to his death (oft. 595). His family connections, his office, his character, learning, and piety, contributed to make him one of the most celebrated men of his time. Posterity is indebted to his writings for its knowledge of public and private affairs at the time of the Merovin- gians. (Best edition by Th. Ruinart. Par. 1C99 f. Comp. also /. W. Loebell, Gregor von Tours u. s. Zeit. Leipz. 1869.) (2.) Isidore of Seville (Hispalensis), the scion of a distinguished Gothic family, who succeeded Leander, his brother, in the archiepisco- 356 SECTION II. — FIRST PERIOD (CENT. 4—9 A. D.). pal See of Hispalis (ob. 636). He composed excellent and careful com Dilations, in which information and fragments not otherwise known are preserved. For his cotemporaries he did a more important service, by making the German Church acquainted with classical and patristic lore. (Best cd. by F. Areoalo. Rom. 1797. 7 Voll. 4.) (3.) Beda Veneeabilis, an Anglo-Saxon, educated in the monastery of Wearmouth, which he afterwards left for that of Jarrow, where ha died in 735. His fame for learning, in all branches of science known at the time, was very great. These acquirements were combined with great modesty, piety, and amiability. While his numerous disciples attained the highest posts in the Church, Beda himself 30ntinued in quiet retirement, a simple monk, satisfied with this his chosen lot. Even on his death-bed he was engaged in teaching and writing; and immediately before he expired, he dictated the last chapter of an Anglo- Saxon version of the Gospel according to John. (Best ed. of his wri- tings by /. A. Giles. London 1843.) 3. The most eminent theologian during the reign of Charlemagne (7G8-814) was an anglo-Saxon, Alcuin (Albinus), surnamed Flaccus. lie was trained in the celebrated academy of York, under Egbert and Elbert. When the latter was elevated to the archiepiscopal see, Alcuin became president of this academy. On a journey to Rome (781), he was introduced to the notice of Charlemagne, who invited him to his court, where he became the teacher, friend, and most intimate advisei of the monarch. To the period of his death (in 804), he continued the king's great authority in all religious, ecclesiastical, and scholastic ques- tions. In 790 he went as ambassador to his own country, whence he re- turned in 792, no more to leave France. In 790 Charlemagne bestowed on him the Abbacy of Tours; and the school connected with it became henceforth the most celebrated in the empire. — (Best ed. of his writings by Frobenius. 2 Voll. f. 1777. — Comp. Fr. Lorentz, Life of Alcuin, transl. by ./. M. Slee, London 1839. — F. Mounier, Alcuin. Par. 1853.) After Alcuin, the most learned man of that age was Paulus Diacc- nus (son of J Waeneebid, a Langobard of noble family, and chancellor of King Desiderius. From grief over the decay of his own country, he retired to the monastery of Monte Cassino, whence Charlemagne drew him to his court in 774. His attainments were vaunted as those of a Homer in Greek, of a Virgil, Horace, and Tibullus in Latin, and of a Philo in Hebrew. But love to his country induced him to return to his monastery (in 787), where he died at a very advanced age. The Btory of his having conspired against Charlemagne, and being sent into exile, is devoid of historical foundation. It deserves special notice that this learned and amiable man was also distinguished for qualities rare in his time, such as openness, enthusiastic admiration of the language, the national legends, the poetry, ami the ancient laws and customs of his own people. Besides these two divines, the names of Paulinus, Patriarch of Aquileia, a native of Friaul (ob. 804), of Leidrad of SCIENCE AND THEOLOGICAL LITERATURE. 357 Lyons (ob. 813), and of Theodulf of Orleans, deserve particular notice. The latter acquired fame, not only as a poet and a man of learning, but from his zeal in establishing elementary schools. Under the reign of Louis the Pious, he was accused of traitorous communications with Bernard of Italy, deposed and exiled (in 817), but afterwards pardoned. He died before again reaching his own diocese (in 821). 4. The following were the most celebrated theologians under the reign of Louis the Pious (814-840). (1.) Agobard of Lyons, by birth a Spaniard, ob. as Bishop of Lyons in 840. His anxiety for preserving the unity of the empire, and his position as chief of the national party among the Frankish clergy, implicated him in the conspiracy against Louis the Pious, in con- sequence of which he was deposed and exiled (835). Two years after- wards he obtained the royal pardon. Agobard was a man of rare mental endowments and learning; withal a keen opponent of eccle- siastical and other superstitions ($ 92, 2). (2.) Claudius, Bishop of Turin (ob. 840), also a Spaniard, and a pupil of Felix of Urgellis ($ 91, 1) ; whose heretical views, however, he did not share ; well known as a bold reformer. — (Comp. \ 92, 2). (3.) Jonas of Orleans, the successor of Theodulf (ob. 844), one of the most renowned prelates of his age, who completely succeeded in restoring discipline and order in his own diocese. (4.) Asialarius, a priest of Metz (comp. $ 84, 4). (5.) Christian Druthmar, a monk of Corbey, and celebrated as at the time the only advocate of a grammatical and historical exegesis. (G.) Walafrid Strabo, teacher and Abbot of Reichenau (ob. 849). (7.) Fredegis, an Anglo-Saxon, who came with Alcuin from England, and succeeded him both in the school and Abbacy of Tours, — a man whose philosophical investigations constitute him in a certain sense the precursor of mediseval scholasticism. 5. The following Avere the most celebrated theologians during the reign of Charles the Bald (840-877). (1.) Rabanus Magnentius Maurus. the descendant of an ancient Roman family which had early settled in Germany, and a pupil of Alcuin, who designated him St. Maurus (# 85). He was first a teacher, then became Abbot of Fulda, and finally Archbishop of Mayence (ob. 856). Maurus was the most learned man of his age, and under his tuition the academy of Fulda rose to highest distinction. — (Comp. N. Bach, Arab. Maur., der Schopfer d. deutsch. Schulwesens (Rab. Maur., the Originator of the Schol. System in Germ.). Fulda 1835. — Fr. Kunstmann, Arab. Magn. Maur. Mayence 1841). (2.) Hincmar of Rheims, (comp. I 83, 1). (Best ed. of his writings by /. Sirmond. Par. 1645. 2 Voll. f.). (3.) Pasohasius Radbertus, from 844 Abbot of Corbey, an office which he resigned in 851, when he dedicated himself exclusively tc 358 SECTION II. — FIRST TERIOD (C E N T . 4— 9 A. D.). studies and. writing (ob. 865). Despite occasional ultraisms, he was deservedly celebrated ($ 91, 3). (4.) Ratramnus, a monk of Corbey, the opponent of Radbertus; a clear and acute thinker, but somewhat rationalistic in his views. (5.) Florus Magister, a clerk at Lyons, celebrated both for his learning and for the share he took along with Agobard in certain con- troversies. (6.) Hayjio. Bishop of Ilalberstadt, a friend and class-mate of Rabanus. (7.) Servatus Lupus, Abbot of Ferriexes, a deep and independent thinker, distinguished alike for his interest in science and in public instruction. (8.) Prudentius of Troves. (9.) Anastasius, papal librarian at Rome. (10.) Regino, Abbot of Prlim (ob. 915) ; and lastly, that enigma and wonder of his time, Johannes Scotus Erigena. He was born in England. Like a brilliant meteor, he appears at the court of Charles the Bald; like a meteor he disappeared; and no one knew whence he came, or whither he went. He was undoubtedly the most learned man, and the deepest, boldest, and most independent thinker of his time. His speculations have not been surpassed for centuries before or after him. Had he lived three centuries later, he might have occasioned a complete revolution in the learned world; but in his own time he was neither understood nor appreciated, and scarcely deemed even worthy of being declared a heretic. The latter omission, however, was rectified by the Church after the lapse of three and a half centuries ($ 108, 2). For further details see below, Note 7. — (Comp. F. A. Staudenmaier, J. Sc. Erig. u. d. Wiss. sr. Zeit. Frankf. 1834. — M. Taillandier, Sc. Erigene et la philos. scholast. Strassb. 1843.— N. Holler, J. Sc. Erig. u. d. Wissensch. s. Z. Frankft. 1834. — A. Torstrick, Phil. Erigena?. Gott. 1844; and Hitter, Gesch. d. chr. Phil. Voll. III. — JV. Mbller, J. Sc. Erig. u. s. Irrthumer. May- ence 1844). 6. The theological investigations of the German Church at that time wore specially directed to the immediate wants of the Church, and hence chiefly of a practical character. Withal, such was the reverence paid to the Fathers, that, whenever practicable, their words and thoughts were employed in teaching, writing, preaching, demonstrating, and refuting. But the reformatory movement initiated under Charlemagne led. in the domain of theological science, also to greater freedom; while the controversies of the ninth century necessitated independent thinking, and gradually inspired theological writers with greater con- fidence. — Among the various branches of theology, mosl attention was paid to exegesis, although commentators still confined themselves to making notes on the Vulgate. Charlemagne commissioned Alcuin to make a ci t : cal revision of its text, which had been greatly corrupted. SCIENCE AND THEOLOGICAL LITERATURE 359 The first to oppose the theory of a mechanical inspiration was Agobard of Lyons. He started from the principle, that the prophets had not been merely passive instruments like Balaam's ass, and that only the sensus jjrcedicationis and modi vel argumenta dictionum, but not the corporalia verba, had been inspired by the Holy Ghost. One only among the numerous exegetical writers of that age, Christian Druth- mar, perceived that it was the first and most important work of an interpreter to ascertain the grammatical and historical meaning of the text. All other interpreters set lightly by the literal meaning of tho text, while they sought to discover the treasures of Divine wisdom by an allegorical, tropical, and anagogic interpretation. After Druthmar, it was probably Paschasius Radbertus who devoted greatest attention to a calm investigation of the literal meaning of Scripture. Besides these, the most celebrated exegetical authors at that time were Beda Venerdbilis, Alcuin, Rabanus Maurus, and Walafrid Sirabo, whose " Glossas ordinarios" formed, on account of their convenient size (next to the more full commentaries of Rabanus), the exegetical manual in c immon use during the Middle Ages. The work, however, contains little that is original, by far the greater part being derived from the Latin Fathers. 7. In the stud_y of Systematic Theology, proportionally least attention was bestowed upon apologetics. Though the illiterate character of the heathen around called not for any elaborate refutation of their super- stitions, this remark applies not either to Mohammedanism or to Juda- ism. In Spain, a large number of Jews were obliged to submit to baptism, or else expelled ; but in the Frankish Empire, especially under the reign of Louis the Pious, wealth and briberies ensured them ample protection. Thus encouraged, they not only prohibited their Jewish and heathen slaves from being baptized, but obliged their Christian servants to observe the Sabbath, to work on the Lord's day, and to eat meat during Lent. Occasionally they even openly blasphemed the name of Christ, derided the Church, and sold Christian slaves to the Saracens. Agobard of Lyons was very active in opposing them, by his preaching, writings, and measures ; but they enjoyed the protection of the court. Isidore of Seville and Rabanus Maurus also refuted their distinctive tenets. — The department of polemical theology was more fully cultivated than that of apologetics, especially since the time of Charlemagne (comp. $? 91, 92). — In his LI. III. Sententiarum, Isidore of Seville collected from the writings of the Fathers a system of dog- matics and ethics, which for several centuries continued the text-book in use. Another manual of dogmatics, chiefly derived from the writ- ings of Augustine, was Alcum's LI. III. de fide sanctae et individual trinitatis — Philosophical mysticism, which was first introduced by the writings of the so-called Areopagite, was represented by'Johannes Scotus Erigena, a mind far in advance of his age. Following up the gnosticism of ti e school of Origen, the theosophic mysticism of tha 360 SECTION II. — FIRST PERIOD (CENT. 4-9 A.D.). Ar3opagite, and the dialectics of Maximus Confessor, his work " De Divisione Naturae" embodied a system of speculative theology of Aast dimensions. Though Erigena felt anxiously desirous to retain the fundamental doctrines of the Church, his system, from first to last, was one great heterodoxy. He started from the principle, that true theology and true philosophy were essentially the same, and diifered only in point of form. Faith had to do with the truth as "thcologia affirmativa" ( x o.ta$atLxq), revealed in the Bible, and handed down by the Chur<5h in a metaphorical and figurative garb, and in a manner adapted to the limited capacity of the multitude. It was the task of reason to strip off this envelope (theologia negativa, ato^atixr^), and, by means of speculation, to convert faith into knowledge. The peculiar title of the work was intended to express its fundamental idea, viz., that nature — i. c, the sum of everything existent and non-existent (as the necessary opposite of what existed)— manifested itself in a fourfold manner, as natura creatrix non creata (/. e., God as the potential sum of all existence and non-existence), natura creatrix creata (('. e., the eternal thoughts of God as the grand eternal types of everything created, the source and medium of which is the Logos), natura creata non creans (the eternal, invisible, and ideal world), and natura nee creata nee creans (de., God as the final end of everything created, to which, after all antagonisms have been overcome, everything created returns in the artaxatdotaais tw rtavtuv). It is evident that this system must speedily have merged into Pantheism ; but in the case of Erigena himself genuine Christian feeling seems to have prevented these con- sequences, and he was anxiously desirous of preserving at least the fundamental truths of Christian Theism. 8. The Homiletic literature of that period was comparatively very scanty. Besides the Homiliarius of Paul Wamefrid (? 89, 1), only Bede, Walafrid, Rdbanus, and Haymo appear to have been known aa writers of original sermons. But the Theory of Worship (its descrip- tion and mystical interpretation) attracted considerable attention. The first work of this kind was that of Isidore, " de officiis ecelesiasticis." Charlemagne invited his theologians to discuss the import of the rites connected with baptism. During the reign of Louis the Pious, Agohurd of Lyons proposed to reform the Liturgy, and defended himself with considerable vehemence in several tractates against the attacks of Amalarius of Metz, whose liturgical work (de officiis ecclesiasticis) he sharply criticised. Florus Magist&r (de actione Missarum) also entered the lists against Amalarius. Of other important works on this subject, we mention those of Eabanus (de institutioneClericorum), of Walafrid (de exordiis et incrementis rerum ecclesiasticarum), and of Remigius of Auxerre (expositio Missae). The great authority on questions con- nected with ecclesiastical law and church-politics was Hincmar of Rheims, and ncxl to him Agobard and Regino of Priim (§ 88, 5). DOCTRINE AND DOGMATIC CONTROVRES.ES. 361 9. The scanty knowledge of ancient Church History which theolo gians possessed, was solely derived from the works of Rufinus and Cas- niodorus. The ecclesiastical history of Ilaymo consists only of a com- pilation from Rufinus. All the more diligent were writers throughout the Middle Ages in chronicling the current political and ecclesiastical events, and in recording those which had taken place within the memory of man. To these labours we owe a threefold kind of litera- ture: — -1. That of national historians. Thus the Visigoths had an Isidore (Hist. Gothorum, Hist. Vandal, et Suevorum) ; the Ostrogoths a Caxsiodorus (LI. XII. de reb. gestis Gothorum — a work which unfor- tunately has been lost ; or at least only preserved in extracts, in the tractate of Jomandes, in 550, de Getarum orig. et reb. gestis) ; the Lan- gobards a Paul Warnefrid (LI. VI. de gestis Langobardorum) ; the Franks a Gregory of Tours (Hist, eccles. Francorum) ; the Britons a Gildas (about 560) : Liber querulus de excidio Britannia 1 ) and a Nen- nius (Eulogium Brittannige s. hist. Britonum, about 850) ; and the Anglo-Saxons a Bede (Hist, eccles. gentis Anglorum). 2. Annals or Chronicles, chiefly composed in monasteries, and continued from year to year. 3. Biographies of prominent political or ecclesiastical per- sonages. Among the former, the most important are the Vita Caroli M., by Einhard, and the Vitas Ludovici Pii, by Theganus, by Nithard, and by an anonymous writer commonly designated as Astronomus. The number of Vitce Sanctorum, compiled in a most credulous spirit, chiefly in honour of local saints, was very great. In the same class we also reckon the numerous martyrologies, generally arranged according to the calendar. The best known of these compositions were compiled by Bedc, Ado of Vienne, Usuardus, Babanus, Nbtker Balbulus, and Wandelbert. The Miraculorum hist., by Gregory of Tours, deserves special mention. Books III. to VI. give an account of the miracles of St. Martin; while Book VII. (de vitis patrum) describes the lives of other twenty-three Frankish saints. — The Biographies of the Popes in the Liber pontificalis of Anastasius the Librarian, the Historia Metten- sium Episcoporum by Pautus Warnefrid, and the continuation of Je- rome's Catalogus s. de ecclesiast. scriptoribus by Isidore, deserve to be ranked among more solid historical contributions. §91. DEVELOPMENT OF DOCTRINE AND DOGMATIC CON- TROVERSIES. Comp. C. G. Fr. Walch, hist. Adoptianorum, Gottg. 1755. and his " Ketzerhist." (Hist, of Heret.) ; against him: Frobenius, Diss, in his ed. of Alcuin. — J. G. Watch, Hist, controversies Grrecorum et Latin, de process. Spir. s. Jenas 1751 . — G. Mauguin (a Jansenist), Vett. auc- torum, qui in Sec. IX. de prsedest. scripserunt opera et fragmenta. Par. 1G50. 2 Voll. 4to ; with hist, dissert. Against him: L. CelZot (a Jesuit), Hist. Gotteschalci. Par. 1G55. Jac. Usserii, Go'teschalci et controversise ab eo mota? hist. Dubl. 1631. 4to. 31 362 SECTION II. — FIRST PERIOD (CENT. 4-9 A.D.). The first important heresy of Germanic origin (at the time of Charlemagne) was that to which the name of Adoptionism Las been given, and which originated in Spain. Following up the doctrine about the person of Christ, as it had been defined by the sixth (Ecumenical Council of Constantinople in 680 (§ 52, 8), it was argued that the idea of a twofold nature and of a twofold will implied also that of a twofold Sonship. But the Frankish divines regarded this innovation not as a further development of the doctrine in question, but apostacy into Nestorianism, and accordingly carried its condemnation. — About the same time the doctrine of the procession of the Hoi// Spirit became the subject of discussion, when the Frankish Church defended orthodox truth against the objections of Eastern theologians. — Several controversies took place during the reign of Charles the Bald. In the Eucharistic Controversy, the principal Frankish divines opposed the views of Radbertus about transu.bstantiation. Connected with this was another discussion about the parturition of the Virgin. On neither of these questions did the Church give any formal or synodical deliverance. It was otherwise in reference to the controversy about predestination, which soon afterwards broke out. Although discussed in councils, the question was not finally settled. Of less importance was the controversy about the appropriateness of the expression "irina Deltas. " 1. The Adoptionist Controversy (785-818).— Of all the doctrines of Christianity, none was so repugnant to Moslem feelings, or excited their ridicule more than that of the Divine Sonship of Christ. It was probably with the view of meeting these Moslem objections that a num- ber of Spanish bishops, headed by Elipandus, Archbishop of Toledo, and Felix, Bishop of Urgellis, addressed themselves anew to the eluci- dation of the doctrine concerning the person of Christ. These divines held that Christ was properly the Son of God (flivs Dei naturd or genere) only in reference to His divinity ; in reference to His humanity He was properly a servant of God, as all of us, and only adopted as Son (flius Dei adoptivus) by the determination of God, just as all of us are by Him, and after His similitude to be transformed from servants to children of God. Hence, according to His Divine nature, He was the osin-hegoften, according to His human nature the FittST-begotten Son of God. Tins adoption of His human nature into Sonship had commenced at His conception by the Holy Ghost, appeared more fully at His bap- tism, and had been completed at the resurrection. The controversy occasioned by these views first broke out in Spain. Two representatives of the Esturian clergy (? 81), Beatns, a presbyter of Libana, and Ethe- DOCTRINE AND DOGMATIC CONTROVERSIES. 363 >"ius, Bishop of Osraa, attacked the views of Elipandus both by word and writing (785). The doctrinal divergence between these divines probably received a keener edge by the desire of emancipating the Esturian Church from the See of Toledo, which was still subject to Saracen rule. The Esturians appealed to Pope Hadrian I., who, in an encyclical addressed to the bishops of Spain, condemned Adoptionisni as essentially akin to the Nestorian heresy (786). Another stage of this controversy commenced with the interference of Charlemagne, occasioned by the circumstance that Adoptionism was rapidly spread- ing in the portion of Spain subject to his sceptre. Most probably he gladly seized this opportunity of coming before the West in the char- acter of Protector of Orthodoxy, and hence as Emperor in spe. At the Synod of Ratisbon in 792, Felix was obliged to abjure his heresy, and was sent to Pope Hadrian I. In Rome he was made to repeat his recantation ; but escaped from captivity and gained Saracen territory. Meantime Alcuin had returned from his journey to England, and im- mediately took part in the controversy by addressing to Felix a kind, monitory letter. To this the Spaniards replied in strong language, when Charlemagne convoked the celebrated Synod of Frankfort (794), at which Adoptionism was again fully discussed and condemned. The judgment of the Synod was accompanied by four detailed memorials (to represent the different national churches and authorities — in order to give it an oecumenical character). Although dispatched with such formalities to Spain, it produced little impression. No greater was the success of a learned controversial work by Alcuin, to which Felix replied in a clever tractate. Meantime Charlemagne had sent a com- mission, with Leidrad of Lyons and Benedict of Aniane at its head, into Spain, in order to put an end to the spread of this heresy. The commissioners persuaded Felix to submit to a second investigation. At the great council held at Aix-la-Chapclle in 799 he disputed for six days with Alcuin, and at the close declared himself perfectly convinced. Alcuin and Paulinus of Aquileja now published controversial tractates on the subject; and Leidrad went a second time into Spain, where he succeeded in almost extirpating the heresy from the Frankish provinces. But the bishops who were subject to Saracen rule continued to defend these opinions; and when Alcuin addressed a flattering and conciliatory letter to Elipandus, the latter replied in the most violent and coarse language. Felix was, till his death in 818, committed to the charge of the Bishop of Lyons. Agobard, the successor of Leidrad, found among his papers clear evidence that Felix had to the end continued in heart, an adoptionist. Agobard now published another controversial tractate, which happily proved the last written on the subject. In Spain Pro- per, also, Adoptionism became extinct, with the death of its leading repiesentatives. 2. Controversy about the Procession of the Holy Ghost. — At the Synod of Gentilhj in 767, held for the purpose of meeting a Byzantine em- 364 SECTION II. FIRST PERIOD (CENT. 4—9 A. D.). bassy in connection with the iconoclastic controversy, the question ot the enlargement of the Creed by the addition of the expression "./?/&• oque" (I 50, G; 07, 1) was also discussed. The result of this conference is not known. At the time of Charlemagne, Alcuia and Theodulf wrote special tractates in defence of the Latin view. At the Synod held in Friaul in 791, Paulinus of Aquileia vindicated the insertion of the expression in the Creed — a view also defended by the Caroline books (§ 92). The question was discussed anew, when the Latin monks on Mount Olivet appealed to the practice of the Frankish Church in reply to the attacks of the Greeks. Pope Leo III. communicated on the subject with Charlemagne, and a Council held at Aix-la-Chapelle, in 809, gave its solemn sanction to the addition. But although the Pope did not question the correctness of this tenet, he disapproved of the alteration of the Creed. Accordingly, he erected in the Church of St. Peter two silver tablets, on which the Creed was engraved without the addition — manifestly as a kind of protest against the ecclesiastical interferences of the Emperor. 3. Controversies of Paschasius Radbertus. — I. Eucharistic Contro- versy (844). — (Cf. Ebrard u. Kahnis, § 33.-^1. W. Diechhoff die Abendmahlsl. im Reformationszeit. Giittg. 1854. Bd. \.—L.J.R'uckert, d. Abendmahlstreit im M. A., in Ililgenfeld's Ztsclir. fiir wschl. Theol. 1858, I., II.) — So late as the ninth century the vieAvs of theologians concerning the Eucharist were expressed in ambiguous terms (? 58, 2). But in 831. Paschasius Radbertus, a monk of Corbey, wrote a treatise, " De sanguine et corpore Domini," for the purpose of proving that the cements were completely changed — an opinion which, even before his t \ had been current in ecclesiastical practice and in popular belief. The work of Radbertus breathes a spirit of genuine piety ; manifestly, it was his chief aim to present the deep import of this sacrament in all its fulness, power, and depth. Withal, the treatise was popularly written. Already the author could, in the course of his argumentation, appeal to a number of supposed facts in the "Vitis Sanctorum," in which this internal Veritas had also become outwardly manifest. For the circumstance that such was not always the case, he accounted on the ground that the Eucharist was intended to be umi/sterium for faith, and not a miraeulum for unbelief; as also, on that of the Divine con- descension, which had regard to the infirmity of man and his shrinking from flesh and blood, and which, besides, would cut off all occasion for tlio heathen to blaspheme. The treatise at first remained unnoticed. lint when Radbertus became Abbot of Corbey, he recast and handed it to Charles the Bald in 844. This monarch commissioned Ratramnus, a learned monk of Corbey, to express his opinion on the question ; and the latter gladly seized the opportunity of controverting the statements of liis abbot. Jin his tractate "De corp. et sang. Domini ad Carolum Calvum," Ratramnus submitted the views of bis abbot (without naming him) to a searching criticism, and then explained his own opinions, DOCTRINE AND DOGMATIC CONTROVERSIES. 365 according to which the body and blood of Christ was present in the Eucharist only " spiritualiter et secundum potentiam." In the same souse, Rabanus Maurus, Scotus Erigena, and Florus of Lyons wrote against Radbertus' view of a magic transformation. Hincmar and Haymo took the side of Radbertus ; Avhile Walafrid Strabo, and that able interpreter of Scripture Christian Drvthmar, sought to avoid either extreme, and propounded the doctrine of impanationor consubstantial- ity, as adequately expressing the import of this mystery. But Rad- bertus had only given publicity to what really were the tendencies of the Church generally ; and the opposition of so many great divines could only retard, but not prevent, the spread and prevalence of these views. — II. Controversy about the Parturition* of the Virgin (845). In entire accordance with his fundamental views about the marvellous influences of the Divine power and presence, Radbertus soon afterwards composed a tractate. "De partu virginali," for the purpose of defending tiie view that the Virgin had given birth " utero ciauso," and without pain — an opinion which Ambrose and Jerome had already broached. Ratramnus opposed this tenet as savouring of Docetism (De eo, quod Christus ex Virgine natus est). — In the controversy about predestina- tion, Ratramnus took the side of Gottschalk, and Radbertus that of his opponents. 4. Controversy about Predestination (847-8G8). — (Cf. G. Maugitin (Jansenist), Vett. auctorum, qui in seculo IX. de prasdest. scripserunt opera et fragmenta. Par. 1650, 2 volls. with a hist. diss. Against him: L. Cdlot (Jesuit), hist. Gottschalkii. Par. 1G55. — Jar. Usserii Gotteb- chalkii et controv. ab eo motae hist. Dubl. 1631, 4to.) — The former dis- cussions on this subject (| 53, 5) had not issued in the final settlement of the question. Indeed, the views of theologians varied from the extreme of semi-Pelagianism to that of a predestination to condemna- tion, which went even beyond the statements of Augustine. In the ninth century the controversy broke out afresh. Gottschalk, the son of Berno, a Saxon count, had as a child been devoted by his parents to the monastic profession, and trained at Fulda. At a synod held in Mayence (829), he obtained permission to leave that monastery; but Rabanus Maurus, at the time Abbot of Fulda, prevailed on Louis the Pious to annul this dispensation. Translated to the monastery of Orbais in the diocese of Soissons, Gottschalk sought consolation in ardent study of the writings of Augustine, from which he rose an en- thusiastic advocate of the doctrine of absolute predestination. In one point he went even beyond his great teacher, since he held a twofold predestination (gemina prsedestinatio) — one to salvation, and the other to condemnation ; whilst Augustine generally spoke of the latter only as God leaving sinners to deserved condemnation. While travelling in Italy in 847, he sought to gain adherents to his views. Among others, he addressed himself to Noting, Bishop of Verona. This prelate gave information to Rabanus, who in the meantime had been elevated to the 31* 366 SECTION II. FIRST PERIOD (CENT. 4—9 A.D.). See of Mayence. Rabanus immediately issued two thundering epistle^ in which the views of Gottschalk were in some particulars misrepre- sented, and certain unjust inferences drawn from them, more especially in the way of transforming the " praedestinatio ad damnationem" into a " praadestinatio ad peccatum." Rabanus himself distinguished be- tween foreknowledge and predestination, ranging under the former head the condemnation of the reprobate. But other weapons than those of discussion were employed. A synod was convoked at Mayence (848), before which Gottschalk appeared, strong in the conviction of the orthodoxy of his statements. But the council took a different view Gottschalk was excommunicated, and handed over to his metropolitan, Hincmar of Rheims, for punishment. This prelate, not content with the spiritual sentence which the Synod of Chiersy pronounced against him (840), condemned him to the most severe bodily chastisement, since he refused to recant, and consigned him to a prison in the mon- astery of Hunt Villiers. In vain Gottschalk proposed to submit the justice of his cause to a solemn ordeal. Hincmar, though otherwise favourable to these trials, retorted by characterizing this offer as the boast of a Simon Magus. — The inhuman treatment of which the poor monk had been the victim, and the rejection of the doctrine of Augus- tine by two influential prelates, excited an angry controversy in the Frankish Church, of which the weight was chiefly directed against Hincmar. Prudentius, Bishop of Troycs, was the first to publish a tractate in favour of Gottschalk. Upon this Charles the Bald requested Ratramnus of Corbcy, and Servatus Lupus, Abbot of Ferrieres, to express their judgment on the question, which in both cases was in favour of Gottschalk. The position of Hincmar was becoming very difficult, when at last he. succeeded in enlisting the advocacy of Floras, a deacon of Lyons, of Amalarius, a priest of Metz. and of John Scotus Erigena. But the aid of Erigena was fraught with almost greater danger to Hincmar than the attacks of his opponents. The Scotch metaphysician founded his opposition to the doctrine of predestination on the principle, hitherto unheard of in the West, that evil was only a pjj oi/. Accordingly, he argued that condemnation was not a positive punishment on the part of God. and only consisted in the tormenting consciousness of having missed one's destiny. The cause of Hincmar was fast getting into disrepute, as his opponents made him responsible for the heresies of his Scottish friend. Not Prudentius of Troyes only, who had long been his literary antagonist, but even Wenilo, Archbishop of Sens, and Floras of Lyons, who hitherto had espoused his cause, now turned their weapons against him. But Charles the Bald came to the aid of his metropolitan. A national synod was convoked at Chiersy in 853, when four articles (Capiiula Carisiaca), embodying a moderate form of Augustinianism, were adopted, and the doctrine of a twofold predestination formally rejected. Thus the opponents of Hincmar in Neustria were silenced. But Rcmigius, Archbishop of Lyons, convoked REFORMATORY MOVEMENTS. 367 a LotJiaritigian Synod at Valence in 855, in which both the decrees of Chiersy and the "Scottish mess" (pultes Scotorum) were stigmatized, and six articles of a very different tone adopted, as the test of ortho- doxy. At last the secular rulers interposed, and convoked a general synod at Savonnferes, a suburb of Toul, in 859. But here also the dis- putants could not arrive at an agreement. Already the members were about to separate in mutual estrangement, when Remigius proposed to leave the settlement of the controversy to a future council in less trou- bled times, and till then to continue in harmony. The Synod unani- mously adopted this suggestion ; and as the proposed council never took'place, the controversy completely terminated. Abandoned by his former friends, Gottschalk now appealed to Pope Nicholas I., who ordered Hincmar to defend himself for his conduct towards the monk before Papal legates at the Synod of Metz in 863 (g 82, 4). Hincmar deemed it prudent not to obey the citation. Happily for him, the Pope himself afterwards annulled the decrees of this synod on account of the venality of his legates, and the metropolitan soon afterwards suc- ceeded in appeasing the Pope by intercessions and letters. Thus Gottschalk was deprived of his last hope. Twenty years had he lin- gered in prison, but to his latest breath he rejected with indignation every proposal of recantation. He died in 868, and by order of Hinc- mar was interred in unconsecrated earth. — From his prison he had charged his metropolitan with another heresy. In the hymn. " Te Trina Deitas Unaque," Hincmar had substituted the expression " Sancta Deitas" for "Trina Deitas." On this ground his opponents accused him of Sabellianism, a charge which Ratramnus embodied in a contro- versial tractate. But the reply of Hincmar put an end to this agita- tion (857). £ 92. REFORMATORY MOVEMENTS. The independence which Charlemagne restored to the German Church seems to have awakened in the divines of Germany a feeling that they were destined to become the reformers of pre- vailing abuses. This tendency, though limited, one-sided, and frequently liable to aberrations, manifested itself more or less throughout the Middle Ages, until it reached its maturity and perfection in the sixteenth century. The series of reformers commenced with Charlemagne himself, who vigorously opposed the image-worship of that time. Louis the Pious continued in the path of his father, and allowed Agobard of Lyons and Clau- dius of Turin to combat kindred forms of ecclesiastical super- stition — in the case of the latter divine, perhaps, even beyond the bounds of evangelical prudence. 3G8 SECTION II. FIRST PERIOD (CENT. 4—9 A.D.). 1. Opposition oj the Carlovingians to Image- Worship (790-825).— On occasion of an embassy from the Emperor Constantin us Copronymus (? 66, 2), Pepin the Short had convoked in 707 a synod at Gentilly (? 91, 2), where the question of image-worship was also discussed. But we are left in ignorance of all beyoud this fact, as the acts of the synod have been lost. Twenty years later Pope Hadrian I. sent to Charlemagne the acts of the Seventh (Ecumenical Council of Nice (§ 6G, 3). In his character of emperor-expectant, Charlemagne felt deeply aggrieved at the presumption of the Greeks, who, without consulting the German Church, had ventured to enact laws which were in direct opposition to the practice of the Frankish Church. He replied by issuing in his own name the so-called Libri Carolini (best ed. by Heumann, Han. 1731). In this work the attempts of the Eastern prelates are sharply met, and flic acts of the Synod refuted seriatim. Although Charlemagne dis- avowed the views- of the iconoclasts, and admitted the utility of religious images for exciting devotional feelings, for instructing the people, or as suitable decorations in churches — with special reference to the views of Gregory the Great (? 59, 3)— he reprobated every species of image- worship as a kind of idolatry. On the other hand, the Libri Carolini expressed approbation of the reverence paid to saints, to relics, and to the crucifix. Charlemagne sent this significant treatise, which in all probability was composed bjAlcuin, to the Pope, who rejoined, although in the most guarded language. But this reply made no impression on the Frankish monarch. Nay, the authority of a great general council of all the Germanic churches was to be opposed to that of the Council of the Byzantine Court. During his sojourn in England (790-792), Alcui'n secured for this purpose the co-operation of the Anglo-Saxon Church. The Synod met at Frankfort in 794, and solemnly confirmed the principles of the "Libri Carolini." The Pope deemed it prudent to leave this controversy to the operation of time and popular feeling. — Under the reign of Louis the Pious the question was again discussed, on occasion of an embassy from the iconoclastic emperor, Michael Bal- bus. At a national synod held at Paris (825), the conduct of Hadrian I. was reprehended, the practice of image-worship reprobated, and the principles of the " Libri Carolini" once more confirmed. Pope Eu- gene IT. made no reply. This rejection of the Second Nicene Council and opposition to image-worship continued in the Frankish Empire Till the tenth century. 2. Soon after the Council of Paris, Agobard of Lyons (§ 90, 4) pub- lished a tractate: Contra superstitioncm eorum, qui picturis et imagi- Dibus Sanctorum adorationis obsequium deferendum putant. But the prelate went much further than the Libri Carolini. lie proposed entirely to remove all images from churches, as the practice would inevitably lead to abuses. Besides, he also rejected the idea of paying homage to saints, relics, or angels. Our confidence was to be placed only in Almighty God, whom alone we were to worship through Jesus REFORMATORY MOVEMENTS. 369 Christ, the sole Mediator. At the same time, he wished to int- oduce certain reforms in the Liturgy (g 90. 8). He also opposed those por- tions of the public services which were merely designed to affect the senses, and would have banished the use of all non-inspired hymns. On the other hand, he insisted on the necessity of diligent study of the Bible, and condemned all appeals to ordeals (g 88, 4), and all the popu- lar superstitions about witchcraft, and supernatural means for securing favourable weather (Contra insulsam vulgi opinionem de grandine et tonitruis) ; as also the belief, that diseases and other plagues might be averted by donations to churches. On the subject of inspiration his views were somewhat loose (g 90, G). Still nobody thought of charging him with heresy. — Claudius, Bishop of Turin (g 90, 4), went even beyond Agobard. From the writings of Augustine that prelate had derived views, more deep and full than any of his cotemporaries, of the blessed truth, that man is justified without any works of his own, only through the mercy of God in Christ. Louis the Pious had elevated him to the See of Turin for the express purpose of opposing image-worship in Italy, the great stronghold of this superstition. In his diocese the veneration paid to images, relics, and crucifixes had been carried to fearful excess. These abuses seemed to call for stringent measures. Accordingly, Claudius ordered all images and crucifixes to be flung out of the churches. Popular tumults ensued in consequence, and only fear of the Frankish arms could have preserved the life or protected the office of the bold prelate. When Pope Paschal expostulated with him on the subject, he replied, that he would only recognize his apos- tolic dignity so long as he did the works of an apostle; if otherwise, Matt, xxiii. 2, 3, applied to him. Claudius expounded his views in some exegetical tractates. In answer to Theodimir. Abbot of Psalmody, the Bishop of Turin wrote, in 825, a work entitled " Apologeticus," which is only known from the rejoinder of Theodimir. A Scotchman, Dungal, teacher at Pavia, also wrote against him, and accused him before the Emperor. Upon this Jonas, Bishop of Orleans, was com- missioned to refute the Apologeticus. The work (de Cultu Imaginum LI. III.), which appeared only after the death of Claudius, em] odies the principles of the Frankish Church on the subject of image- wo: ship. SECOND PERIOD ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY IN ITS MEDIEVAL AND GERMANIC FORM OF DEVELOPMENT. FROM THE TENTH TO THE THIRTEENTH CENT. I. SPREAD OF CHRISTIANITY. I 93. MISSIONARY OPERATIONS DURING THAT PERIOD. The christianization of the continent of Europe was almost completed during this period, that of Lapland and Lithuania alone being reserved for the following. Both the mode and results of missionary operations continued as before. The labours of the heralds of the Cross were supported by armed force ; monasteries and fortresses became the bases for the spread of Christianity; political motives and marriages with Christian princesses generally effected the conversion of heathen rulers; and the peoples were either obliged to follow the example of their sovereigns, or submitted in silent resignation ; while, under the cover of Christianity, many heathen superstitions continued to exist. It was the policy of the German emperors to place the newly-converted races under the spiritual supremacy of the Metropolitan of Germang. Thus Hamburg and Bremen was made the see for Scandinavia and the Baltic Provinces, Magde- burg that for Poland and the adjoining countries, Mayence for Bohemia, Paxsau and Salsburg for Hungary. But the Papacy uniformly opposed such attempts of the German clergy and rulers. Each of these countries was to have its independent metropolitan, and thus to occupy a place of equality in the great family of Christian states, of which the See of Rome was (370) MISSIONARY OPERATION ». 371 to be the spiritual head (§ 83"). — The Western Church repeatedly commenced missionary operations among the Mongols of Asia and the Saracens of Africa, but without leading to any lasting results. 1. The Scandinavian Mission. — (Comp. Ft. Minder, K. G. v. Dane- mark u. Norweg., I. Lpz. 1823. — K. Maurer, d. Bekehr. d. Norweg. Stammes. 2 Bde. Munch. 1856. — F. C. Ddhlmann, Gesch. v. D'anem. I. Hamb. 1840.— C. G. Geijer, Gesch. Schwed. I. Hamb. 1832. — Main Source: Adam v. Bremen, Gesta Hamb. eccl. Pontiff.) — The labours of Ansgar and Rimbert (<§ 80) extended only to the border provinces of Jut- land and some places of traffic in Sweden ; and the churches even there established had virtually died out. A revival of the mission was not to be thought of, in the face of the predatory incursions of the Normans, or Vikinger (Wikingar = warrior), who were the terror of the entire European coast, during the ninth and tenth centuries. But their incursions opened the way, in other respects, for the new intro- duction of Christianity in those countries. Many of the returning Vikinger had embraced Christianity abroad, and thus carried the knowledge of it back to their homes. In France Norwegian Normans founded (912) Normandy, under Rollo's guidance ; in England, in the tenth century, the northern half of the country fell into the hands of the Danish Normans, and ultimately King Sven of Denmark con- quered (1013) the whole country. In both countries the invaders embraced Christianity 7 , and in virtue of the intimacy kept up with their native countries, participated in the work of their conversion. — In Denmark Gorm ihc Aged, the founder of the Danish monarchy, showed violent hostility to Christianity. He destroyed all the Christian institutions of the country, drove away all the priests, and devastated the neighbouring German coasts. Finally the German king Henry I. went on an expedition against the Danes, made them tributary, and exacted toleration of the Christian faith (934). At once Archbishop Unni of Bremen resumed the work of missions. With a large part of his clergy he went into the Danish territory, restored the churches of Jutland, and died in Sweden (936). Gorm's son, Harold Blaatand (Blue-tooth), was baptized after having concluded a peace with Otho I. in 972. But his son, Sven Gabelbart, although likewise baptized, became leader of a heathen reactionary party. Harold fell in battle against him (986), and Sven madly persecuted the Christians. In 988, however, Erich of Sweden, also a heathen and foe of Christianity, drove out Sven, and by the advice of a German embassy, tolerated Christianity. After Erich's death Sven returned (998). Converted during his exile, he now furthered Christianity as zealously as he had opposed it. In 1013 he conquered all England and died there in 1014. His son, Canute the Mighty (ob. 1036), united the two kingdoms undei his sceptre, and made great efforts to reconcile both nations in a com- 372 SECTION II. — SECOND PERIOD (C E N T. 10— 13 A. D ). mon Christian faith, an of Pennajbrti (ob. 1273), devoted himself to this 382 SECTION II. SECOND PERIOD (c E N T. 10— 13 A. D.). work with great zeal. For the purpose of preparing the brethren of his order for this work, he founded institutions at Tunis and Murcia, for the study of Oriental languages. Most important were the labours of Raymund Lullus of Majorca, who after his conversion, thoroughly studied the requisite languages, and thrice visited North Africa, and there engaged in disputations with Saracen scholars, to convince them of the truth of Christianity. But his " great art " (§ 104, 2), which he had devised for this purpose with extraordinary efforts, failed to secure appreciation either there or in Europe. Imprisonment and abuse were his usual reward. He died of maltreatment in 1315. | 94. THE CRUSADES. Sources: J. Bongars, Gesta Dei per Francos. Ilann. 1611. 2 Voll.— F. 'J. MicJiavd, Biblioth. des Croisades. Par. 1830. 4 T. — Coup. William of Tyre, Hist, of the Crus. and of the Kingd. of Jems. — Chronicles of the Crusaders (in Bonn's Antiquar. Libr.) — J. Michaud, Hist, des Croisades, transl. by W. Robson. London 1852, 3 Vols. — F. Wilken, Gesch. d. Kreuzzlige (Hist, of the Crus.). Leips. 1807. 7 Vols. — H. v. Si/bel, Gesch. d. ersen Kreuzzlige. Diisseld. 1841 — the same author: Aus d. Gesch. d. Kreuzz. and Braunschw. 1858. — A. H. L. Eeeren, Versuch u. Entw. d. Folgen d. Kreuzziige fur Europa (essay on the results of the Crus. for Europe). Gb'ttg. 1808. During the rule of the Arabs, Christian pilgrims to the Holy Sepulchre had enjoyed ample protection. But under the reign of the Fatimites, at the coinineneement of the tenth century, persecutions commenced, especially during the Caliphate of Hakim, who equally oppressed native Christians and pilgrims, and interdicted their worship under severe penalty, probably in order by such severities to wipe out the disgrace of having sprung from a Christian mother. Under the dominion of the Seljookian Turks, from 1070, these measures of oppression greatly increased. The feeling evoked throughout the West by these persecutions was all the more deep, since the expectation of the approaching end of the world, which was general in the tenth century (§ 106, 1), induced many to undertake pilgrimages to the Holy Land. So early as the year 999 Sylvester II. had — ex persona devastate Hierosolymao — made an appeal to Christendom to rescue the Holy Land from the infidel. Gregory VII. entered warmly into this project, and had indeed resolved to head a crusade in person ; but his dissensions with Henry IV preven ed the execution of the plan. Twenty years later Peter of Aniens, a hermit, returned from his pilgrimage. In burning THE CRUSADES. 383 language he portrayed to the Sovereign Pontiff (Urbar. II.) the sufferings of the Christian?, ; he recounted a vision in which Christ Himself had charged him with the commission to rouse Christendom for the delivery of the Holy Sepulchre. By direc- tion of Urban, Peter travelled through Italy and France, every- where exciting the feelings of the people. A council was sum- moned at Pi'/cenza in 1095, where this cause was pleaded. Still greater success attended the address of Urban at the Council of CJaremont in the same year. In response to his enthusiastic appeal for a holy war under the standard of the Cross, the universal exclamation was heard : "It is the will of God !" and on the same day thousands enlisted in the cause, and had the red cross affixed to their right shoulder — among them Adhemar, Bishop of Le Puy, who was named Papal legate for the war. On their return to their dioceses, the bishops everywhere preached the Crusade, and before many weeks had elapsed Western Christendom was stirred to its inmost depths. Thus commenced a movement which lasted for two centuries, and which in its character can only be compared with the migration of nations. By these expeditions Europe lost nearly 5,000,000 of men in bootless attempts. In the end every hope and purpose cherished by the crusaders was frustrated. Still, the consequences of these expeditions proved of deepest importance, and their influence extended to all departments of life, both ecclesiastical and political, spiritual and intellectual, civil and industrial. New views, requirements, tendencies, and forces were introduced, by the operation of which mediaeval history entered on the last stage of its development, and which prepared the way for the modern phases of society. 1. The First Crusade (1096).— In the spring; of 1096 vast multitudes of people, impatient of the tardy preparations of the princes, started on their journey under the leadership of Walter the Penniless. He was fol- lowed by Peter, with 40,000 men. But the excesses committed by them, and the utter absence of all discipline, aroused the hostility of the popu- lations: half the army was destroyed in Bulgaria, the rest perished by the sword of the Saracens at Nicaea. Several fresh gatherings, finally a disorderly host of 200,000 men, perished in Hungary, or on its confines. At length, in the month of August, the regular army of the crusaders set out under the command of Godfrey of Bouillon. Originallv it con- sisted of 30,000 men. but by the way it increased to not less than 600,000. The reception which the Byzantine Government accorded the crusadera was by no means favourable. Iu 1097 they crossed to Asia. Nicsea. An- 384 SECTION II. — SECOND PERIOD (CENT. 10— 13 A. D.). tioch, and Edessa were taken, not without considerable resistance and great losses. But their efforts ultimately proved successful, and on the 15th July, 1099, the crusaders scaled the walls of Jerusalem with the shout, " It is the will of God !" By the light of burning houses, and wad- ing in blood, they marched in solemn procession to the Church of the Resurrection, repeating psalms. Godfrey was chosen King of Jerusa- lem, but refused to wear a royal diadem where his Master had been crowned with thorns. The pious leader of the crusaders died after the lapse of only one year, and was succeeded by Baldwin, his brother, who was crowned at Bethlehem. The bestowal of numerous fiefs soon gathered a number of vassals around the new monarch. Jerusalem was made the seat of a patriarchate, to which four archiepiscopal sees and a corresponding number of bishoprics were subjected. Tidings of these events awakened fresh enthusiasm throughout the West. So early as the year 1101 three other large armies of crusaders set out. They marched against Bagdad, with the view of breaking the Moslem power in its great stronghold ; but these undisciplined masses never reached their destination. 2. Second Crusade (1147). — The fall of Edessa (1146) — the great bulwark of the kingdom of Jerusalem — seemed a loud call for renewed exertions. Pope Eugene II. summoned the nations to arms. Bernard of Clairvaux, the great prophet of that period, preached the Crusade, and predicted victory. Louis VII. of France took the cross, thereby to expiate the sacrilege of having burned down a church filled with people. Under the impression of the sermons of St. Bernard, Conrad III. of Germany followed his example, not without considerable reluct- ance. But their noble armies fell under the sword of the Saracens, or perished through the perfidy of the Greeks and the utter dissolution of all discipline, amidst want, pestilence, and fatigue. Damascus was not taken; humbled, and with the scanty remnants of their armies, the Christian princes returned to their own countries. 3. Third Crusade (1189). — A century had not elapsed before the kingdom of Jerusalem had fallen into complete decay. 14 The incessant animosities between Greeks and Latins, the intrigues of vassals, the licentiousness, luxury, and lawlessness of the people, the clergy, and the nobles, and, after the extinction of the dynasty of Baldwin, the disputes of pretenders to the crown, rendered order, security, or sta- bility impossible. Under these circumstances, it was comparatively easy for Sultan Saladin — that Moslem knight without fear or stain, who had already dethroned the Fatimite dynasty in Egypt — after the bloody victory of Tiberias, to put an end to the domination of Chris- tians in Syria. Jerusalem was taken in October 1187. Tidings of tliix calamity once more roused 'Western Christendom. Philip Augustus of Prance, and Henry II. of England, for a season laid aside their dis- putes, and took the cross at the hand of William of Tyre, the historian of the Crusades. They were joined by the Emperor Frederic I., in THE CRUSADES. 385 personal courage a youth, but old in years and experience, whose energy, prudence, and ability seemed to insure success. The intrigues of the Byzantine court, and the indescribable difficulties of a march through a desert, could not arrest his progress. He met and defeated the well-appointed army of the Sultan of Iconium, and took his capi- tal, but soon afterwards was drowned in a small river of Pisidia (1190). The greater part of the army now dispersed ; the rest were led against Ptolemais by Frederic of Swabia, the Emperor's son. Soon afterwards appeared under the walls of that city Philip Augustus and Richard Cgsur-de-liox, who, after the death of his father, had undertaken his vow, and on his passage to Syria conquered Cyprus. Ptolemais (St. Jean d'Acre) fell in 1191 ; but disputes among the leaders prevented any lasting success from that enterprise. Frederic of Swabia had fallen, and Philip Augustus returned to France under pretence of ill- ness. Richard gained, indeed, a splendid victory over Saladin, took Joppa and Askelon, and was about to march upon Jerusalem, when tidings arrived that Philip Augustus was arming against England. Saladin, who respected the knightly qualities of his opponent, agreed to an armistice for three years, on conditions favourable to Christian pilgrims (1192). The district along the shore, from Joppa to Askelon, was ceded to Henry of Champagne. On his return to England, Richard was seized by Leopold of Austria, whose flag he had insulted before Ptolemais, and kept a prisoner for two years. The Crusade was not resumed even after his liberation. He died 1199. 4. Fourth Crusade (1217). — Pope Innocent III. summoned Christen- dom a fourth time to the Holy War. The monarchs of Europe were too much engaged with their own affairs to give heed to this call ; but Fulk of Neuilly, the great penitential preacher of his age, induced the nobility of France to fit out a considerable armament. Instead, how- ever, of marching against the Saracens, they were induced by Dandolo, the Doge of Venice, to assist him in subduing Zara in Palmatia, by way of payment for the transport of the troops, and then to advance against Constantinople, where Baldwin of Flanders founded a Latin Empire (1204-1261 ; Cf. \ 67, 4). The Pope excommunicated the Doge and the crusaders for the conquest of Zara, and strongly censured the campaign against Constantinople. But he was appeased by the unex- pected result ; he rejoiced that Israel, after casting down the golden calves in Dan and Bethel, was again united with Judah, and bestowed the pallium, in Rome, upon the first Latin patriarch of Constantinople. — The Crusade of the Children (1212), which robbed parents in France and Germany of 40,000 children (boys and girls), terminated most sadly. Many thousands of them perished in Europe of hunger and fatigue, the rest fell into the hands of ruthless men who sold them into Egypt. At the urgent persuasion of Pope Honorius III., Andrew II. of Hungary led another army of crusaders to Palestine in 1217. He gained some advantages ; but, being betrayed or forsaken by the barons 33 386 SECTION II. — SECOND PERIOD (c E N T. 10— 13 A. D.). of Palestine, he returned the following year. The Germans, however, who went out with him under Leopold VII. of Austria, remained, and, having been strengthened by a fleet from Cologne and the Netherlands, undertook (1218), in connection with King John of Jerusalem, a cam- paign into Egypt. Damietla was taken ; but by the breaking of the dykes of the Nile, they were driven to such extremities, that they owed their escape to the generosity of Kamel (1221). 5. Fifth Crusade (1228). — The Emperor Freberic II. had also pro- mised the Pope to undertake a crusade, but delayed on various pretexts, till Pope Gregory at length excommunicated him. Frederic now set out at the head of a comparatively small army (1228). Kamel, the Sultan of Egypt, was at the time engaged in war with a rival. Under the apprehension that Frederic might co-operate with him, he hastily concluded peace, ceding Jerusalem and several other towns. On the Holy Sepulchre the Emperor crowned himself with his own hands (Jerusalem being the hereditary portion of his spouse Jolanthe), and then returned to make his peace with the See of Rome (1229). — The crusaders whom King Theobald of Kovarra (1239) and Count Richard of Cornwallis (1240) led to Palestine, accomplished nothing, in conse- quence of factions among themselves, and the distractions prevailing among Syrian Christians. 6. Sixth (1248) and Seventh Crusades (1270). — The ardour in thi3 cause had for a considerable time been declining. Nevertheless St. Louis (IX.) of France assumed the cross, during a dangerous illness (1244). At that time Jerusalem was taken by the Carizmians, whom the Sultan of Egypt had hired, amid the most fearful cruelties. Until 1247 the authority of the Christians in Palestine was confined to Acre and some seaports. Louis could be restrained no longer. In 1248 he once more set out at the head of a considerable army, and, having win- tered in Cyprus, passed in 1249 into Egypt. He defeated the Egyptian? both by sea and by land, and took Damiette. His army, however, was decimated by battles, pestilence, and famine, and himself made pri- soner by the Mamelukes, who had lately dethroned the berlus Paschasius taught that both the parturition of the Virgin and PUBLIC WORSHIP AND THE FIN! ARTS 441 her own conception had been exempted from the taint and consequences of original sin ($ 91, 3). In the twelfth century the canons of Lyons followed up this idea, and in honour of it instituted a festival. But St. Bernard protested equally against this doctrine and festival, and Bonaventura and Thomas Aquinas were also opposed to it. From the time of Duns Scotus, the Franciscans, however, again contended for this doctrine, which only induced the Dominicans to oppose it all the more energetically. Still the festival, at least, was pretty generally observed during the thirteenth century ; and in 1389 Clement VII. sanctioned it as one of the regular feasts of the Church. In 993 the congregation of Clugny introduced the Feast of All Souls' (on 2d No- vember), which immediately followed upon the Feast of All Saints (on 1st November). Its object was to procure, by the prayers of the faith- ful, the deliverance of souls from purgatory. During the twelfth cen- tury, Trinity Day, being the Sunday after Pentecost, was observed. The doctrine of transubstantiation gave rise to the institution of Corpus Christi Day, on the Thursday following Trinity Sunday. It originated in a vision vouchsafed during prayer to Juliana, a pious nun of Liege. According to her statement, she discerned the fuil moon with a small speck in it, which, as was revealed, implied that among the festivals of the Church one was awanting in honour of the ever-recurring mira- cle of the Eucharist (1261). Urban IA T . gave his sanction to its ob- servance ; but it was not generally celebrated till 1311, when Clement V. enjoined it as a regular ecclesiastical festival. From that time the Church displayed all its pomp and splendour in the celebration of this feast. 3. Pilgrimages to Rome and Palestine continued in the tenth century, in spite of Roman misrule (g 96, 1) and the tyranny of the Seljiks. On the contrary, the expectation that the end of the world was at hand (3 106, 1), served to increase the fanaticism of the people in this re- spect; the crusades even assumed the form of conquering armies. — The ancient opposition of the Frankish clergy to the worship of images seems to have entirely ceased in the eleventh century ($ 92, 1). The veneration now paid to images, so far from conflicting with the service of relics, rather increased the former ardour for this species of devo- tion. On their return to Europe, the Crusaders brought with them a large quantity of new relics, some of them sufficiently strange in char- acter. Despite their almost endless number, these articles continually increased in value. Castles and domains were occasionally not consi- dered an exorbitant price to give for the relics of some celebrated saint, which not unfrequently were stolen by devotees at the risk of their lives. No story, related by traffickers in relics, was too extrava- gant to be believed. Frequent canonizations — which, since the twelfth century, were considered the exclusive right of the popes- — furnished ever new objects for the worship of saints. Jacobus a Voragine, a Dominican (06. 1298), may be considered the last writer of legends of 142 SECTION II. — SECOND PERIOD (CENT 10— 13 A. D.). the saints. His " Legenda aurea" consists of a collection of the most extraordinary stories. Yet a French theologian, who had ventured tc style the work " Legenda ferrea," was obliged publicly to retract from the pulpit this insult. In the homage paid to the Virgin, the angelic salutation (Luke i. 28) formed a principal part of the devotions. To assist the memory in the frequent repetition of this formula during the prayers, the Dominicans devised the rosary (the fundamental idea being that a garland of spiritual roses was to be formed from the dif- ferent prayers). The idea must, however, ultimately be traced to Macarius, a monk in the fourth century, who took three hundred little stones into his lap, throwing away one of them after each prayer — a practice which afterwards was frequently imitated. In the monasteries Saturday was generally set apart in honour of the blessed Virgin, and a special "Officium s. Marise" celebrated. 4. Hymnology. — About the time when scholasticism attained its highest stage, great progress was also made in the hymnology of the Church. The most celebrated among the many religious poets of that age were, Odo of Clugny, Robert, King of France ("Veni sancte Spiritus et emitte"), Petrus Damiani, Abelard, St. Bernard, Adam of St. Victor, Bonaventura, Thomas Aquinas, and the two Franciscans, Thomas of Celano, ob. 1260 ("Dies irae"), and Jacobus de Benedict us or Jacoponus, Giacopone da Todi, ob. 130G ("Stabat mater"). The last-mentioned author was an eccentric enthusiast, and frequently in- veighed against the clergy and Papacy, especially against the ambition of Boniface VIII. When imprisoned by order of that pope, he replied to his taunt, " When will you get out?" by, " When you shall net in " — a prediction which soon afterwards was accomplished. — A number of hymns were also composed in the vernacular, although they were not employed in the public services of the Church (§ 89, 2). Th« oldest German Easter hymn dates from the twelfth century : " Christua ist erstanden Von der Marter Banden." Some of the poems of the " Minne-singers " in the thirteenth century had also a religious bear- ing, being specially devoted to the celebration of the Virgin, and form- in;;- a kind of spiritual " Minne-Songs." Occasionally religious poetry was composed for the use of different classes — such as pilgrims, boat- men, etc. — or to be sung in battle. The best of the relics of German popular hymns, of the thirteenth century, is that for Pentecost: " Nu bitten wir. den heil'gen Geist." But the twofold merit of introducing into the public service the German religious poetry already existing, and of greatly adding .to this kind of literature and promoting its spread among the people, belongs to the heretical sects of that period rather than to the Church. — St. Francis wrote a number of hymns in Italian. One of these compositions, written in honour of "brother Sun " (de lo frate Sole), with characteristic boldness of figure introduces brother Son, sister Moon, brother Wind, sister Wafer, mother Earth, {Liid lastly brother Death, as praising the Creator. The religious PUBLIC WORSHIP AND THE FINE ARTS. 443 poetry of some of the disciples of St. Francis, however, was greatly superior to that of the founder of their order. Among them we mention the names of Fra Pacifico (formerly a troubadour, whom Frederic II. had crowned poet laureate), Bonaventura, Giacomo da Verona, Thomas da Celano, and Giacopone da Todi. The latter (and not St. Francis) indited that hymn " In foco amor mi mise," which breathes such ardent love to the crucified Saviour. (Comp. Hoffmann v. Fallersleben, Gesch. d. deutsch. Kirchenliedes bis auf Luther (Hist, of Germ. Ch. Poetry to the Time of Luther). Han. 1854. — X F. Ozanam, les Poetes Franciscans en Italie ; transl. into Germ., with add., by Julius). 5. Ecclesiastical Music. — The Gregorian, or cantus firmus, soon fell into decay. This result was chiefly owing to the scarcity and ex- pensiveness of the Antiphonaria, as also to the frequent mistakes occurring in them, to the difficulty of their system of notation, and to the paucity of regularly trained singers. Errors committed in copying, and even alterations or embellishments introduced to suit the taste of some of the professional singers, multiplied. Thus the cantus firmus became by and by a discantus, or cantus Jiguratus (figura? = embellish- ments), and, instead of singing in unison, duets were introduced. Gradually, definite rules of harmony, of chords and intervals, were framed. The merit of these improvements belongs chiefly to Hucbald, a monk of Rheims (about the year 900) ; to Reginus, a German monk (about the year 920) ; and to Odo, Abbot of Clugny. Guido of Arezzo (1000-1050) invented, in room of the curious Gregorian mode of nota- tion, our present notes, which rendered it possible, along with the cantus, to mark also the discantus (hence the term counterpoint, i. e., punctum contra punctum). The measurement of the tones was in- vented by Franco of Cologne, about 1200. The organ was almost universally in use ; and Germany was celebrated as possessing the best builders of, and the ablest performers upon, this instrument. G. Ecclesiastical Architecture. — (Comp. U. Otte, Handb. d. kirchl. Kunstarch'aol. d. deutsch. M. A. Leips. 1854. — /. Kreuser, d. chr. Kirchenbau (chr. Eccl. Archit.). 2 Vols. Bonn 1851. — A. H. Springer, d. Bauk. d. chr. M. A. Bonn 1854. — Quatremere de Quincy, Hist, de la Vie et des Ouvrages des Architectes du XL S. jusqu'a la fin du XVIII. 2 T. Par. 1832). — The general decay prevailing during the tenth century, and the common expectation of the approaching end of the world at the close of the first 1000 years, operated unfavourably on the progress of the fine arts, especially so far as architecture was con- cerned. But these hindrances were only of a temporary character. The Romanesque style of architecture, which prevailed chiefly in the twelfth century, originated in the desire to give a distinctively German mould to the older forms of ecclesiastical structures. But during the entire period of its prevalence we mark a continual progress ; hence, i44 SECTION II. — SECOND PERIOD (CENT. 10—13 A. D.). while retaining its fundamental character as a transition style, it appeared in forms more varied than any other. In Romanesque architecture the ancient Christian basilica still continued the type; the chief innovation consisted in introducing the vaulted roof (especially in the shape of a cross) instead of the flat wooden roof, whereby the in- terior became more lofty, and gained in perspective effect. In other respects also, marked progress was made. To this period belong the general introduction of the rounded arch, and that increase of architec- tural ornaments, which afforded scope for various symbolical devices and for the vagaries of fancy. Its materials were derived from the peculiar German view of the animal and vegetable kingdoms, from legend or from local tradition. Finally, ecclesiastical structures were completed by the addition of towers (as it were finger-posts pointing upwards), which it was now attempted to connect with the body of the church (sometimes by rearing them above the entrance to the central nave, or over both ends of the aisles, or where the central and tho cross nave intersected, or on opposite sides of the choir). Frequently, however, only a cupola rose over the central nave. The finest speci- mens of this style are the cathedrals of Spires, of Mayenee, and of Worms. — But already the Gothic (or, more correctly, the Germanic) style of architecture was introduced, which attained highest perfec- tion during the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries. This claims to bo an independent branch of the Romanesque style, in which the native genius of Germany cast oft* its traditional adherence to ancient forms, and displayed all its richness and boldness of imagination, and all its depth and fulness of conception. So far as the vault was concerned, the Romanesque style may be regarded as preparatory to the Gothic — ■ the ancient Christian basilica still continuing the fundamental type. But while the Romanesque cross vault and the rounded arch rendered it impossible to rear a very lofty building, and required heavy walls to support the superincumbent weight, the pointed arch, by which any breadth could be spanned and any height reached, removed the ap- pcarance of heaviness even from the most massive structures. Admit- ting- that the first knowledge of the pointed arch was derived from the Saracens in Spain, in Sicily, or in the East, its application in Gothic structures was distinctively German ; for whilst among the Saracens it was used merely for decoration, it was in Germany mainly applied for construction, especially for the support of the vault. The stilt' wall was transformed into supporting pillars, and formed a grand architec- tural skeleton, admitting of tasteful and varied designs for windows. On the fundamental type of a cross, the Gothic cathedral rosr like a primeval architectural forest, exhibiting rich variety, and far surpass- ing in beauty every structure for secular purposes. Light and grace- ful the must massive buildings rose: the tall supporting pillars symbol- ized the spirit tending heavenwards. Long rows of such columns ipruiif;, as it were from the earth, up towards the lofty vault. Every- POPULAR LIFE AND NATIONAL LITERATURE. 445 thing seemed to live, to bud, and to bear. The pillars and the walls were covered with leaves and blossoms, exhibited fantastic emblems, or set forth holy persons. A.n immense rose (or round window) above the entrance — the symbol of silence — proclaimed the fact that every- thing worldly was excluded from these walls. Those large arched windows, with their gorgeous paintings, threw a strange mellow light into the sanctuary. Everything about the structure seemed to tend upward, even to the towers in which the stone, dug out of the dark depths below, appeared to become light and almost transparent. High upwards they reached, till they were almost lost to view in the blue sky. The victory also over the kingdom of darkness was represented in that brood of dragons and demoniac forms which lay crushed beneath pillars and door-posts, or were otherwise made subservient to the convenience of the building. Nay, occasionally, by a bold stroke, bishops and popes even were represented in such situations, just as Dante placed some of the popes in hell. The most splendid specimens of this style are the cathedral of Cologne and the Munster of Strasburg. The former was founded in 1248 by Archbishop Conrad of Hochsteden, the plan having been designed by Henry Sunere, an architect of Cologne ; but the choir alone was finished and consecrated in 1322. The building of the Strasburg Munster was commenced by Erwin of iSteiriback in 1275. 7. The Plasiic Art, which had been neglected by the ancient Church, was much cultivated during the reign of the Hohenstaufen. Its first great master in Italy was Nicholas of Pisa (Nicolo Pisano, ob. 1274). Even before that period a school of sculptors had sprung up in Germany, whose works (in the churches of Hildesheim, Halberstadt, Freiberg, etc.) have descended to posterity, though their names are lost to fame. Similarly, the art of the goldsmith and the coppersmith was largely employed in the service of the Church. — Byzantine artists became the teachers of the Italians in painting, from whom, in turn, the Germans learned the art. A school of painters was formed at Pisa and Sienna early in the thirteenth century, which, in honour of its patron saint, was called the School of St. Luke. It was the aim of these painters to impart life and warmth to the stiff pictures of the Greeks. Guido of Sienna, Giunta of Pisa, and Cimabuc, a Florentine, ob. 1300, were the great masters of this school. Mosaic painting, principally on a ground of gold, was much in vogue in Italy. The art of glass paint- ing originated in Germany, early in the eleventh century, and was first employed in the monastery of Tegernsee, Bavaria, whence it spread through the West. — (Cf. W. Wackemagel, d. deutsche Glasmalerei. Lpz. 1855). \ 106. POPULAR LIFE AND NATIONAL LITERATURE. This was a period full of strangest contradictions, and pre- senting most remarkable transitions in popular life. Everything, 33 44G SECTION II. SECOND PERIOD (c E N T . 10—13 A. D.). however, gave indication of unabated vigour, and still on the unhewn block did the Church lay the fashioning chisel. If, on the one hand, rude violence prevailed throughout Europe, on the other, men, willingly or unwillingly, owned the higher and invisible power of thought. The grossest sensuality was found alongside the most entire renunciation of the world ; the most unmitigated selfishness side by side with the rarest self-denial and the deepest love ; keen and frivolous sarcasm, which made parody even of what was most holy, occurred along with the most thorough earnestness and tender anxiety for the salvation of souls. If boundless superstition prevailed, so did the boldest liberalism, and in the midst of general ignorance and barbarism, lofty ideas, broad views, and singular individuality of mind, were found to exist. Above all, there was one characteristic distinguishing this from every other age — we mean the capacity and susceptibility for enthusiasm of every kind. 1. Popular Life. — The consciousness of deep religious and moral decline, during the tenth and eleventh centuries, manifested itself in the confident expectation of the approaching end of the world, which in turn led to fresh acts of devotion in the shape of pilgrimages, pious donations, and foundations. If the secular power was too weak to check the practice of private revenge, the Church exercised a beneficial influence by enjoining the so-called truce of God (treuga Dei), which ordained that during Advent and till eight days after Epiphany, during Lent and till eight days after Pentecost, and during every week from Wednesday evening till Monday morning, all such quarrels should he suspended. This ordinance, which originated in 1032 in France, after several years of famine, gradually spread into all other countries. (Cf. A. Kluckhohn, Gesch. d. Gottesfr. Lpz. -1857 ; E. Semichon, la paix et la treve de Dieu. Par. 1857) — Despite its barbarism, there was a reli- gious cast about knichthood, which was greatly fostered in Spain by the contest with the Saracens, and throughout all Europe in connec- tion with the Crusades. All the tendencies and mental peculiarities of the people found their appropriate expression in the various orders of monasticism. Nor must we forget the important effects achieved by the Crusades. Not only was the religious sense of the people roused, but their narrow horizon was enlarged, and the anient lunging of the age became deepened. But, on the other hand, superstition and moral laxity also increased ; ami along with expanding commerce, the wants or demands of the people also grew. In the fervent homage paid to saints, the people forgot the worship due to Christ and to the Father. Every business and calling, every age and station, had its patron saint ; and under every mischance or disease, there was some special saint to whom to apply for relief. The religion of the people was little POPULAR l:fe and national literature. 447 other than a kind of magic ; salvation Avas obtained by indulgences and good works. A large amount of superstition had been imported from heathenism. Belief in witchcraft, amulets, dreams, good and bad omens, fairies, brownies, etc., merged with the dogmas of the Church about saints, angels, and demons, and gave rise to a kind of Christian mythology. The poetic spirit of the people found utterance in legends, traditions, and fables, mostly rich in meaning, and having 6ome religious bearing. Almost in them all the devil plays the chief part ; but he is ever represented as a poor stupid being, who at last is only cheated for his pains. Nay, the light-mindedness of the people turned even holy subjects into extravagant follies. At the Feast of Fools, which was celebrated in France about New Year's time, popes, bishops, and abbots arrayed as fools mimicked in the church, with grotesque jokes, the sacred functions of these ecclesiastics. A similar comedy was enacted at Christmas by boys (the so-called festum inno- centum). At the Feast of the Ass, which was also celebrated at Christmas, in honour of the animal on which Christ had made His entry into Jerusalem, an ass, adorned with a surplice, was brought into the church, and his praises sounded in a comic liturgy composed for the purpose. Bishops and popes inveighed against these substitutes for the ancient heathen festivities of December. But the lower clergy and the people enjoyed the sport. At Easter, instead of preaching of Him who had burst the bonds of death, the priests — to make some amends for the previous long fast — amused their audiences with stories and jokes, to which the people, as in duty bound, responded by the so-called Easter-laughter (Risus paschalis). When councils and bishops at last succeeded in banishing these follies from the churches, the people took compensation in the amusements of the Carnival, which preceded Easter quadragesima. — In imitation of the trade guilds which originated in the twelfth century, a kind of spiritual guilds were instituted, which enjoyed the countenance and fostering care of the secular clergy, in the hope of their proving a counterpoise to the influ- ence which the mendicant orders had acquired among the people through their Tertiaries. In many parts of Germany and France associations of priests and laymen were formed, which undertook to say a certain number of prayers and masses for the members and for their relatives, whether living or dead. Such unions were called Calends, from the circumstance that their meetings took place on the calends (or first) of every month. By voluntary contributions and legacies, these unions obtained ample means for founding special " calend-houses." But their original pious object was soon forgotten, and these meetings became by and by only occasions for feasting and revelry. At the time of the Reformation the calends were abolished, and their possessions applied tc useful purposes. 2. Popular Culture, — The learned schoolmen cared little or nothing for the instrustion of the common people. But some of the earnest 418 SECTION II. SECOND PERIOD (C E N T . 10— 13 A. D.j. "preachers of repentance addressed themselves to those "who were other* wise neglected, generally with remarkable success, especially in the case of notorious or obstinate sinners. Unfortunately, those who were thus converted retired into monasteries, instead of proving the salt of the earth. No attempt was made to instruct the people ; and although the Ilohenstaufen endeavoured to establish elementary schools in Italy — making attendance on them even obligatory — these institutions did not succeed. From the eleventh century, associations were formed in the south of France for the study of the Bible ; but their members by and by generally took up a position hostile to the Church. The spread of the Cathari and Waldonses (g 108) was mainly due to the fact that, by preaching, reading the Bible, singing and prayer in the vernacular, they met the felt religious wants of the people. St. Domi- nic proposed to counteract their influence by employing a similar agency. In 1229, the Council of Toulouse prohibited laymen from possessing the Old or the New Testament, and even from reading the Psalter or the Breviary, in the vernacular. In lieu of the Bible thus withheld, and of the martyrologies, which, being written in Latin, were inaccessible to the masses, the Church introduced, in the thirteenth century, legends in rhyme, composed in the vernacular. The oldest work of this kind in German, by an unknown author, consists of three books comprising about 100,000 lines. Book I. treats of Christ and of Mary; Book II. of the Apostles and the other personages mentioned in the Gospels ; while Book III. gives a sketch of the lives of the saints, according to their order in the Calendar. The first two books (edited by K. A. Hahn, d. alte Passional. Frkf. 1845) contain a number of apocryphal stories, couched in the genuine mediaeval stylo. As few of the people were able to read, wandering minstrels were wont to re- late these stories to the people. Another and more effectual mode of conveying religious instruction was by means of religious theatrical*, which were introduced in the eleventh century, probably in France. jP. /. Mone has lately edited a number of these dramas in German (Schauspiele d. M. A. 2 Vols. Karlsr. 184G). They originated in those antiphonal chants in which it was the custom to celebrate the hero of a festival during the worship in his honour. By and by these poems were enlarged into dramas ; and in course of time a cycle of such pieces existed for all the saints' feasts, which were acted by the clergy in the churches, at first with Latin words, but afterwards in the ver- nacular (of course with the exception of the prayers introduced in them). Besides these historical dramas, which were called mysteries, and the material of which was derived from the Bible, or the legends of saints, allegorical moral plays were prepared : these were called moralities. They represented general moral truths, or personified Biblical parables. Such dramatic representations flourished most 'hiring the succeeding period (I 114, 4). Cf. H.Alt, Theater u. Kirclie. lk-rl. 184G; K. Hase, d. geistl. Schauspicl. Lpz. 1858).— The images, POPULAR LIFE AND NATIONAL L TEEATURE. 449 mosaics, and reliefs, which covered the doors and walls of the churches, were also a means of recalling to mind Biblical events and legends of saints. 3. National Literature. — (Cf. K. Bartlicl, d. class. Perioded. deutsch. Nat.-Literat, im M. A. Braunschu, 1857). — The tenth and eleventh centuries produced scarcely any works either in science or poetry. But during the twelfth and thirteenth centuries, when the Church rose from its former decay, German national literature developed rapidly, and in a manner most surprising. The writings of that period occasionally breathe a spirit hostile to the clerical rule — a remark which specially applies to the compositions of Wolfram of Esehenbach. Even the legend of Reinecke and Isegrimm are really, though not intentionally, a cutting satire on the rapacity of the monks, the hypocrisy of the clergy, the avarice of the popes, and the abuse of in- dulgences. In the mind of the German troubadours, "those nightin- gales of the Middle Ages, the whole fair sex appeared as the & Holy Virgin." Thus, while Walter von der Vogelweide sang in happiest strain of earthly love, he at the same time sounded the praises of the Lord, of the Holy Virgin, and of the Church. The Lay of the Nibe- lungen was essentially heathen in its conception, and its last editor, in the twelfth century, imparted to it only a slight Christian gloss! But Wolfram of Esehenbach, a Christian poet in the highest sense of the term, completely recast in his Parcival the ancient heathen legend of St. Gral, and the Knights of the Round Table. The Parcival con- tains continuous reference to the Christian life, as a contest for salva- tion through the blood of the Son of God. A strain vastly different was that from the lyre of Got/fried of Sir assburg, whose " Tristan and Isolt" celebrates the pleasures of earthly love in language of the most fervent and sensuous character, while he completely ignores both the Church and its sacrament of marriage. But Tristan remained incom- plete, the poet having died, not a corporeal death, but that spiritual death, by which he died to the lust of the world and the flesh, that he might live in Christ. For Tristan he now substituted a poem which glowed with the tenderest piety, the holiest inspiration, and the most ardent longing after heaven, and another upon voluntary poverty which is pervaded by the Spirit of St. Franciscus, with his fanatical fervor for poverty. The most recent investigations appear (J. M WaUerich, Gottfr. v. Str., ein Sanger d. Gottesminne. Lpz. 1858) to have clearly shown that Master Gottfried and St. Franciscus must have personally met each other, and that St. F. conferred upon Gottfried both the garb and spirit of his order. In the south of France, the merry strains of the Troubadours were interspersed with poem's in honour of the Church and of its saints ; while occasionally their com- positions became the vehicle for heretics, giving expression to their indignation against the Romish Babylon. Gonzalo of Berceo, the first 38 * 450 SECTION IT. SECOND PERIOD (c E NT. /0— 13 A. D.). celebrated Spanish poet (in the thirteenth century), sung of th« Virgin, of St. Dominic, and the Last Judgment. On the poets of Italy comp. I 105, 4. 3 107. ECCLESIASTICAL DISCIPLINE AND INDULGENCES. Those terrible engines, excommunication , which was directed against individuals guilty of open sin, and the interdict, which rested on a whole district, rarely missed their aim. Till the interdict was removed, the church-hells were silent, worship was celebrated with closed doors, and only priests, beggars, and children under two years of age, received at burial the rites of the Church. Thus a whole district was made responsible for the sin committed or tolerated in it, and seldom did the people long brook this painful state of matters. Yet all this while ecclesiastical discipline, which Petrus Lombardus had described as "contritio cordis, confessio oris, and satisfactio operis," con- tinually declined in moral earnestness. The expiation demanded by the Church consisted of outward works (alms, fasts, pilgrim- ages, etc.) ; and even these might be compensated for by fines, in the shape of contributions for ecclesiastical purposes. This moral aberration increased during the Crusades, when all who took the cross received plenary indulgence for ecclesiastical punishments incurred from any cause ; and even those who gave of their means to the promotion of these undertakings, thereby purchased a similar dispensation. The popes bestowed also on individual churches the right of granting more or less extensive indulgences to those who visited them. Sincere repentance and amendment was indeed expressly mentioned, or tacitly understood to be the condition of such indulgences; but this important point was too frequently lost to view in mere external observances. — In opposition to this lax mode of discipline, many priests — especially the members of monastic orders — earnestly contended for more serious measures. Some, indeed, fell into opposite extravagance, and seemed to take a pride in excelling each other in their flagellations (administered while reciting the Psalter). A formal account was kept of the number of stripes thus inflicted. Three thousand lashes were the number requisite for one year of penance, etc. Self-inflicted scourging was regarded as a voluntary and meritorious imitation of Christ and of the martyrs. This species of superstition was carried to frightful excess amid the calamities of the thirteenth and fourteenth OPPOSITION TO ECCLESIASTIC1SM. 451 centuries (the wars, pestilence, famine, and earthquakes of that period). Compare § 114, 1. 1. The ingenuity of the schoolmen supplied theological arguments and a dogmatic vindication in favour of Indulgences. Lombarchis applied for this purpose the doctrine of purgatory (which had received ecclesiastical sanction at the time of Gregory the Great), or of the inter- mediate state in which the souls of believers underwent punishment for those venial sins which they had committed after baptism-. But according to Lombardus, the Church, in virtue of the merits of Christ, possessed the power of changing these purifying torments of purgatory into earthly punishments, from which, in turn, it might grant dispen- sation in consideration of certain advantages accruing to the Church as a whole. Albert us Magnus and Thomas Aquinas* went even farther than this, and propounded the view that the Church was the depositary and absolute dispenser of an inexhaustible treasure, consisting of the superfluous merits of Christ and of the saints (thesaurus supererogationis perfectorum), since the latter also had, although in the strength of Christ, done more good than was requisite for the discharge of their own transgressions. — Still these divines continued to lay great stress on the fact, that such indulgences were not in themselves equivalent to the forgiveness of sins, but that they merely implied the remission of ecclesiastical punishments and exemption from the torments of pur- gatory, and even these only in the case of such who combined with them genuine repentance. But the generality of preachers of indul- gences intentionally concealed or avoided these explanations. V. OPPOSITION TO THE PREVAILING SYSTEM OF ECCLESIAST1CISM. I 108. ACTIVE OPPOSITION TO PREVAILING ECCLE- SIASTICISM. Jomp. J. C. Fiisslin, unparth. K. u. Ketzerhist. d. mittle. Zeit. (Im- part. Hist, of the Ch. and of Heret. Part, during the M. A.). Leips. 1770. 3 Vols. — L. Flathe, Gesch. d. Vorl. d. Reform. (Hist, of the Precursors of the Ref.). Leips. 1835. 2 Vols. — Ulr. Hahn, Gesch. d. Ketzer im M. A, Stuttg. 1845. 3 Vols. With the varied and catholic doctrines of Christianity which had been established during the course of the ancient history of the Church, a number of spurious elements concerning govern- ment, doctrine, discipline, and worship, had been introduced. * And Alexander of Hales. 452 SECTION II. SECOND PERIOD (CENT. 10-13 A.D.). Thus, along with the truth, abuses had been imported into thft German Church. These seeds of error sprung- up ami spread during the Middle Ages, fostered by the barbarism of that period, the sensuous disposition of the people, the ignorance of the clergy, and the selfishness of the hierarchy. They manifested themselves chiefly as boundless superstition of every kind, lax and demoralizing discipline, spurious asceticism, work-righteous- ness, secularism in the Church, ignorance and looseness among the clergy, and the abuse of hierarchical power. These evils, however, were not only felt during the Middle Ages, but frequent attempts were made to remove them. Throughout that period we can discern a reformatory tendency, which by various agencies — properly or improperly — sought to make way for itself. Some- times it manifested itself in combination with attachment to the Church, when the attempt was made to introduce an internal reformation, and thereby to bring back the Church to apostolic purity ; in other cases, a sense of the hopelessness of such a task led to separation from the Church, and to determined opposition to prevailing ecclesiasticism. Such movements, however, rarely continued within the bounds of evangelical moderation ; more commonly, along with error, part of the truth was also rejected, fanaticism and heresy ensued, all social relationships were under- mined, and the existence of the State as well as of the Church endangered. Among the numberless sects of that period, the most influential and revolutionary were those who held Mani- chean views, and to whom the general name of Gathari has been given. But in other directions also, parties hostile to the Church sprung up. Thus the enthusiasm of the Montanists reappeared in different prophetic and apocalyptical communities ; while the Sect of the Holy Spirit entertained pantheistic views, and even the errors of the Ebionites were again mooted by the Passagiere. Another kind of sects owed their origin to the efforts of indi- viduals, whose eyes had, by a perusal of 1 lie Scriptures, been opened to the defects in the Church, but who, failing to perceive at the same time the blessed truths of the Gospel, only aimed at a complete subversion of the Church, and, along with error, rejected also the truth. Among all these different parties, the community of the Waldenses alone continued within the bounds of evangelical moderation. OPPOSITION TO ECCLESTASTICISM. 453 1. The Catltari. — (Comp. Dr. Maitland, Facts and Documents illustr. jf the Hist., etc., of the Albig. and Waldons., Lond. 1832 ; and that writer's Eight Essays, Lond. 18-52. — C. Schmidt, Hist, et doctrines des Cathares ou Albigeois. Par. 1849. 2 Yoll. — E.Kunitz, ein katha- risches Ilituale. Jen. 1852.) — From the eleventh century a disposition unfavourable to the hierarchy and the prevailing ecclesiastical system began to manifest itself in many places, chiefly in Italy and in France. This led to the formation of sects, which rapidly spread. It is not difficult to account for the existence of this estrangement ; it originated in felt religious wants, which the Church failed to satisfy. Such aspi- rations became deeper and stronger in proportion as spiritual and intel- lectual life, in all its departments, was quickened during the period succeeding the lethargy of the tenth century. Accordingly, a strong desire sprung up to procure for oneself what the Church could not or would not give. But this desire must, to some extent at least, have been quickened and fostered from without. As in the East ($ 71), so in the West, Gnostic speculations had in all probability continued to exist, though by secret tradition. In point of fact, we know that the Vandals had transported shiploads of Manicheans to the shores of Italy, while the Priscilianists openly avowed their tenets in Spain, so late as the seventh century. Probably, however, the movement issued again from the East, in all likelihood from Bulgaria, where, since the time the Paulicians had settled in that district, Gnostic and Manichean views were widely entertained and zealously propagated. Even the names of these sects prove the correctness of this assertion. The most general designation was that of CatJiari (za^apot) ; but they were also called Bulgari (whence, in popular parlance, the opprobrious name Bougre) or Gazari, perhaps after the inhabitants of the Crimea (the Chazars), or else a different mode of pronouncing the word xaSapou, and Publicani, probably a transposition by which the foreign term of Pauli- cians was converted into a well-known term of reproach. They were also designated Patareni or Paterini ; either in the original sense of that term ($ 97, 2), or because, since the contest between the Pataria at Milan and the clergy, the term implied in general a spirit of hostility to the priesthood. The name of Tisserands originated from the circum- stance that many of their adherents were weavers by trade. The com- mon characteristic of all these sects was opposition to the clergy and the hierarchy. They differed in the extent to which, and the grounds on which, they opposed the prevailing ecclesiasticism, or attempted to set up a church of their own. Several of the charges preferred against them may probably have arisen from misunderstanding or calumny. The Paulician or Bogomile opinions which they had embraced — while of a practical rather than of a speculative character, and variously modified or kept in check — affected all their tenets and practices Thus they held Dualistic views, though, in many cases, only in the way of carrying the scriptural doctrine of the devil and of original sin 454 SECTION II. SECOND PERIOD (CENT. 10— 13 A. D.). to an extreme (in opposition to the Pelagianism of the Church); they rejected the Old Testament ; marriage they regarded as a hindrance to Christian perfection; they contemned baptism, the eucharist, and clerical ordination ; prohibited the worship of saints and relics ; objected to the use of images and crucifixes ; insisted on a literal observance of all the injunctions of the Sermon on the Mount; and, despite their spiritualism, laid great stress on fasting, genuflexions, and the frequent repetition of certain prayers, especially the Lord's Prayer. Along with prayer, preaching occupied the most prominent place in their public services. Their adherents were divided into Crezentz (credentes = catechumeui) and bos homes or bos Crestias (boni homines, boni Chris- tiani = perfecti, electi). The so-called " auditores" formed a lower class of catechumens, who were received among the credentes after a term of instruction and probation (astenenzia = abstinentia). The admission of credentes was marked by a formal delivery of the holy prayer (or Lord's Prayer) and of the New Testament to the catechu- mens, by exhortations and other ceremonies, such as washing of- hands, etc. The credentes were received into the number of perfecti by the baptism of the Spirit (or the Consolamentum), without which it was impossible to have a part in eternal life. The ordinance was adminis- tered by the elder (Ancia) laying a copy of the Gospels, and the other bos Crestias their hands, on the head of the candidate. Those who were thus set apart were required to abstain from marriage, from the use of animal food, and from all polluting intercourse with those who were not members of the sect, on which account they commonly delayed till death receiving the Consolamentum. Generally they took, on their admission among the credentes, a vow (Convenensa) of joining the bos Crestias (or Ordo) at a future period ; while some, after having received the Consolamentum, underwent the Endura, i. e., henceforth abstained from all food and drink. At the time of their greatest prosperity they had a regular hierarchy, with a pope, who resided in Bulgaria, twelve magistri. and seventy-two bishops, each of whom had a filius major and minor as their assistants. — Even their opponents admitted their deep and moral earnestness; but the doctrine of justifi- eation by faith had no place in their system. Prayer, abstinence, and the so-called baptism of the Spirit, were regarded as the sole means of obtaining salvation. It may be true that occasionally some went to the opposite extreme of antinomian excesses ; but more frequently such charges originated in calumny. Generally they went to the stake with the heroism and joyfulness of martyrs. — Sects of this kind were, since the eleventh century, discovered in several places; first in Aquitaine in 1010; then in 1022 at Orleans, where thirteen of them were bound to tb.e Make: in 1025 at Cambrai and Arras; in lOP.O in the diocese of Turin; in 1052 at Goslar, where their adherents were executed by order of the Emperor ; and in other places. During the twelfth cen- tury *hey rapidly increased in membership, and spread into different OPPOSITION TO ECOLESIASTICISM. 455 countries. Kindness and rigorous measures were equally unavailing to reclaim them. His deep love to erring sinners made St. Bernard more successful than any other among them. At a later period learned Dominicans tried the efficacy of preaching and discussions. The prin- cipal centres of the Cathari were in Lombardy and in the south of France ; but numerous communities also existed in Germany, Belgium, and Spain. Indeed, such was their influence in France, that they ventured to summon a general Council at Toulouse in 1167, which was numerously attended. The contest between the Ghibellines and the Guelphs afforded them an opportunity of manifesting their enmity to the papal hierarchy, and Frederic II. openly protected them. They continued so late as the fourteenth century, despite the fearful persecution raised against them (| 109). lieinerius Sachoni {oh. 1259), a Dominican from Lombardy, who at one time had himself been a " heresiarch" (Summade Catharis et Leonistis et Pauperibus de Lugd.), was the most distinguished con- troversialist against the sect. The liturgy lately discovered by Kunitz dates from the close of the thirteenth century, and gives a more favour- able view of them than had formerly been entertained. The small sect of the Passagieri in Lombardy (during the twelfth century) went to an opposite extreme from the Manichsean rejection of the Old Testament by the Cathari. With the exception of sacrifices, they insisted on the obligation of the whole Mosaic law, including cir- cumcision (along with baptism) ; they also entertained Arian views about the person of Christ. Their name (from pasagium = passage) seems to point to the practice of pilgrimages or crusades to the Holy Land. Indeed, they may have originated in this manner. 2. Towards the close of the twelfth century & pantheistic movement commenced in France, and found expression in the so-called Sect op the Holy Spirit. The party originated with Amalric of Bena, a teacher at Paris. The first germs of this pantheistic mysticism were probably derived from the writings of the pseudo-Dionysius and of Erigena. The University of Paris and Innocent III. obliged Amalric to recant his apparently Christian, but according to his own interpreta- tion of it, really pantheistic statement, that none could be saved who believed not that he was a member of the body of Christ. Chagrin at this humiliation may have hastened his death, which took place soon afterwards (1204). In the hands of his pupil, David of Dinanto, the pantheism of Amalric received a more Aristotelian and dialectic cast. Besides these two, Simon of Tour nay, a celebrated dialectician at Paris, entertained similar views. While professing to teach the doc- trines of the Church, he took care to indicate sufficiently that it was much easier to refute than to demonstrate them. The opinions of these men found way among the laity. Soon afterwards a goldsmith pro- claimed the advent of the age of the Holy Sjjirit, when all positive religion and every form of outward worship should cease, and God be 456 section ii. — Second period (cent. 10— 13 a.d.). all in all. As formerly in Christ, so now in every believer, did God become incarnate ; and on this ground the Christian was God in the same sense in which Christ had heen. The Pope was Antichrist. These views were condemned at a Synod held at Paris in 1209, the writings of Erigena were reprobated, and several members of the sect consigned to the stake. The hones of Amalric shared the same fate.— (Comp. Engelhardt, Am. v. Bena, in his " kirchengesch. Abh. ;" and /. II. Krbnlcin in the " theol. Studien u. Kritt." for 1847. II.) 3. Revolutionary Reformers. — (Comp. E. Francke, Arn. v. Bresc. u seine Zeit. Zur. 1825. — Mosheim, Gesch. d. Apostelord., in his "Vers, e. unparth. u. griiudl. Ketzergesch." Helmst. 1748. — J. Krone, Fra Dolcino u. die Patarener. Leips. 1844. — Schlosser, 1. c, §103,1. — Mariotti, Fra Dolcino and his Times. Lond. 1853.) — Among them we reckon : (1.) The Petrobrusians, founded by Peter of Bruys, a priest in the south of France, about 1104. He rejected the outward or visible Church, and only acknowledged the true (invisible) Church in the hearts of believers. In his opinion all churches and sanctuaries should be destroyed, since God might he worshipped in a stable or tavern. He used crucifixes for cooking purposes ; inveighed against celibacy, the mass, and infant baptism ; and after twenty years of continual dis- turbances, ended his days at the stake by the hands of an infuriated mob (1124). He was succeeded by one of his associates, Henry of Lausanne, formerly a monk of the order of Clugny. Under him the sect of the Petrobrusians greatly increased in numbers. St. Bernard succeeded in converting many of them from their errors. Henry was 6cized and condemned to imprisonment for life. He died in 1149. (2.) Among these revolutionaries we must also include Arnold op Brescia {ob. 1155, comp. g 90, 6), a pupil of Abelard. His fervent oratory was chiefly directed against the secular power of the Church, and its possession of property, — views which probably were based on a more spiritual conception of what the Church really was. Other- wise his doctrinal opinions seem to have been in accordance with those commonly entertained. Long after his death, a party of so-called Arnoldists cherished the political and ecclesiastical dreams of their founder. (3.) During the thirteenth century the " Apostolic Brethren," or " Apostolicals," caused considerable excitement, especially in Italy. In opposition to the luxuriousness of a wealthy clergy, they formed religions societies which were to be entirely destitute of earthly pos- sessions. As the popes prohibited their associations, they took up an attitude of hostility to the clergy and the Church, and retired from persecution to caves and woods. Anton Segarelli, their leader, was Beized, and died at the stake in Parma in 1300. His successor, Dolcino, excited thesa sectaries to utmost fanaticism by his denunciations of tho new Babylon, and by his apocalyptic predictions. With 2000 fob OPPOSITION TO ECCLESIASTICTSM. 457 lowers he retired to a mountain, where he entrenched himself, and for two years defied the army of crusaders summoned for the suppression of the sect. Ultimately he had to succumb to superior forces and to famine, and died at the stake in 1307. 4 Prophetic and Apocalyptic Opposition. — (Comp. Engelhardt, d. Abt Joachim u. d. ewige Evangel., in his " kirchenhist. Abhandl." Erlg. 1832. — Ulrich Halui, d. apokal. Lehren d. Joach. v. Floris, in the "theol. Studien u. Kritt." for 1849. II. 2.) — The opposition to pre- vailing abuses which appeared in all directions, found also vent in pro- phetic denunciations. (1.) St. Hildegardis, the founder and abbess of a nunnery near Bingen, where she died in 1197 at the advanced age of ninety-nine years, had visions and revelations, and was considered an oracle by persons of all ranks. Even St. Bernard and Pope Eugenius III. re- garded her as divinely commissioned. Her prophetic denunciations were specially directed against the looseness of the clergy and the assumptions of the hierarchy, to both of which she traced the decay of the Church. She announced impending terrible judgments for the purification of the Church. (2.) St. Elizabeth, Abbess of the nunnery of Schbnau (ob. 1165), an elder cotemporary of Hildegard, also claimed to be a prophetess, and in that capacity inveighed against the luxuriousness of the clergy. Her predictions were translated and published by Ecbert, her brother. The well-known legend about St. TJrsida, a British princess, who, along with her 11,000 virgins, had been martyred in the neighbourhood of Cologne while on a pilgrimage, rests on the authority of her visions. (3.) The prophetic visions of Joachim of Floris, an abbot in Cala- bria (ob. 1202), deserve fuller notice. These apocalyptic predictions breathe a spirit of deep sorrow on account of the corruptions in the Church, and of ardent longing for better times. According to Joachim, scholasticism had paralyzed the energies of theology, while the deifi- cation of man in the Papacy, the avarice and abuses of the clergy, and the practices of indulgences, had converted the Church into a harlot. Hence fearful judgments were impending. These were to be executed by the German Empire, in which Antichrist should become manifest. The only source of spiritual restoration still extant was to be found in the monastic orders. Work-righteousness and pilgrimages -were devices of the enemy, but asceticism and contemplation delivered from destruc- tion. The history of revelation was comprised within three periods — that of the Father in the Old Covenant, that of the Son in the New Testament, and the approaching period of the Holy Spirit. Peter was the representative of the first, Paul of the second, and John of the third of these periods. During the third era, which was to commence about 1260, but to last only a short time, the glory of Christianity ivould be fully manifested. — Joachim was held in high esteem by ail 39 458 SECTION II. — SECOND PERIOD (CENT. 10— IS A. D.). ranks, and their protection proved his safeguard against the enmity of the hierarchy. (4.) The views broached by Joachim vrere eagerly adopted, espe- cially by the Franciscan sectai'ies or Frattucelli (# 98, 4), and the Beghards who had joined them (§ 98, 5). In their hands the tenets of Joachim became what was called the doctrine of the "Everlasting Gospel," or the message concerning the age of the Holy Spirit. These views were expressed in the " Introductorius in Evangelium jeternum," — a treatise composed either by John of Parma (formerly General of the Franciscans, but deposed and succeeded by Bonaventura), or by Gerhard, a monk whose tenets were impeached about the same time. At the request of the University of Paris, the book was condemned by Alexander IV. in 1254. At length Nicholas III. decided in 1279 the controversy so long raging among the Franciscans as to the lawfulness of holding property. The Pontiff ruled that the disciples of St. Francis were only prohibited the possession, but not the usufruct of property. This decision gave great offence to the extreme party, and their leader, Johannes Pctrus Oliva (ob. 1297), fulminated apocalyptic visions and prophetic denunciations against the Romish Antichrist. Such visions and outbursts of fanaticism rose almost to the pitch of madness in the case of Tanchelm, a Dutchman, who designated himself God in virtue of his having received the Holy Ghost, celebrated his affiancing to the Virgin Mary, and was killed by a priest in 1124. A similar remark applies to another fanatic, a native of Gascoigne, Eon, or Fudo de Stella, who, applying to his own name the ecclesiastical formula " Per eum, qui venturus est judicare vivos et mortuos," claimed to be the judge of the quick and the dead, and died in prison in 1148. 5. The Waldenses. — (Comp. Jean Leger, hist. gene>ale des £glises evang. de Piemont ou Vaudoises. Leyde 1G6C>. Transl. into German by de Sphweinitz. Bresl. 1750. 2 Vols. — A. Monastier, Hist, des egl. Vaud. Gen. 1847. 2 T.—A. Muston, ITsrael des Alpes. Par. 1851. 4 T. (re- peatedly transl. into Engl.). — F. Bender, Gesch. d. Wald. Ulm. 1850. — A. W. Dieckhqf, d. Wald. im M. A. Gott, 1851. — J. /. Herzog, d. roman. Wald. Halle 1853. — Maitland, u. s. Note \.)—Waldus (Valdez, or, as later authorities also call him, Prints Waldus) was originally a rich citizen of Lyons. For his personal instruction he got the New Testament and a selection of pregnant passages from the Fathers translated into the Romaunt by some clerical friends. By such studies his mind became imbued with Gospel truth, when the sudden death of a friend aroused and decided him to change his former mode of life (about 1170). In pursuance of this resolution, he distributed all his goods among the poor, and founded "an apostolic association" for preaching the Gospel to the country people. In literal obedience to the directions of Scripture, these missionaries were to go forth by two and two, without staff or scrip, their feet shod with woodeD sandals (sabates, sabots), they were to devote themselves to preaching and OPPOSITION TO ECCLESIASTICISM. 459 teaching, and in every respect to imitate apostolic poverty and sim- plicity. They were called Pauperes de I/ugduno, Leonistce, or Sabatati. It certainly formed no part of the original plan of Waldus that his adherents should take up a position of hostility to the Church ; but when the Archbishop of Lyons prohibited their preaching, when Pope Alexander III. sullenly refused his sanction to their associations, and when, soon afterwards, a papal Council at Verona, under Lucius III. (1183), excommunicated them, the Catholic Church, by driving them from its bosom, swept away those barriers which had hitherto restrained them in their search after truth. Waldus himself was obliged to flee from France. He laboured for some time in Italy and in other coun- tries; lastly in Bohemia, where he died in 1197. Even at that early period his adherents had already spread throughout the West. They were most numerous in the south of France, in the east of Spain, and in the north of Italy ; but many of their converts were also found in Germany, in Switzerland, and in Bohemia. The so-called " Winkeler" (or conventiclers), who were discovered and persecuted in the districts along the Rhine in 1212, were probably also Waldenses.— Innocent III., with his wonted sagacity, perceived the injustice and impolicy of his predecessors, whose blind zeal had deprived the Catholic Church of what might have proved valuable auxiliaries. Accordingly, he at- tempted (1210) to transform the community of Pauperes de Lugduno into a monkish association of Pauperes Catholici, to whom, under the superintendence of the bishops, he granted permission to preach, to expound the Scriptures, and to hold meetings for religious purposes. But the concession came too late ; already the Waldenses had suffi- ciently advanced to know the unscriptural character of the papal Church, and they now refused to purchase immunity by a sinful com- promise. The cruel persecutions to which they were exposed, and in which thousands were brought to the stake, proved even less efficacious than the advances of the Pope in restoring them to the bosom of the Church. They gradually retired from France, Spain, and Italy into the remote valleys of Piedmont and Savoy. According to modern Waldensian tradition, which a number of Pro- testant writers (most zealously U. Hahn, ut supra) have followed, the name and origin of the Waldenses should be traced much beyond Waldus of Lyons. By their account, Waldensian or Vallensian con- gregations existed in the valleys of Piedmont from the time of Claudius of Turin (§92, 2), if not from apostolic times, and among them the doctrines of the Gospel had throughout been preserved in their purity. From them Petrus of Lyons had derived his religious knowledge and the surname of Waldus, i. e., the Waldensian. In support of this tradition they refer to the ancient Waldensian literature. But the impartial and full investigations of DicckJtoff and Herzog have un- fortunately shown that these statements are wholly ungrounded. The ancient Waldensian literature may be divided into two very different 4G0 SECTION II. SECOND PERIOD (CENT. 10-13 A.I).). Blasses. The writings of the first period, dating from the close of the twelfth and the commencement of the thirteenth century, hear evidence that at that time the community had not completely separated from tlie Chinch. Accordingly, while the corruptions of the Church are indeed deplored, the Catholic Church itself is not denounced; fasting and almsgiving are urgently recommended as meritorious works, auricular confession is approved, the service of the Virgin and of saints is still acknowledged, the priesthood of the Catholic Church recognized, monastieism extolled as the highest stage of evangelical perfection, and lastly the seven sacraments and the mass are owned. On all essential points these writings tally with the statements of the Catholic con- troversialists {Reinerius, 1. c, Note 1; Alanus ad Insulis, $103, 2; Slephanus de Borbone, and others). Above all, they make no allusion to the existence of Waldenses in Piedmont hefore the appearance of Waldus. It is otherwise with the writings which belong to the second period of their history. In them Rome is denounced as Babylon, the Pope as Antichrist, the worship of saints as idolatry, monastieism is reprobated, while the doctrine of indulgences and of purgatory, the mass and auricular confession, are rejected. If the writings of the former period show what the Waldenses we're, and what they sought, before their separation from the Church, those of the second disclose what they became after their expulsion, and in consequence of the fearful persecutions to which they had been subjected. But from the very first there was this fundamental difference between them and the Romish Church, that they were deeply impressed with the right and duty of every Christian to study the Scriptures for himself; that they ardently desired to restore the pristine purity and simplicity of Christian life — an object they sought to accomplish by a literal ob- servance of the injunctions of the Sermon on the Mount; and lastly, that, like some of the later reformers, they believed that reverence and obedience were due only to pious priests. In imitation of monastic arrangements, their adherents were divided into the "perfect!" and the " credentes," the former alone being bound to celibacy and absolute poverty. After their expulsion from the Church, they were of course obliged to make ecclesiastical provision for themselves. The apostolic succession in their ordination was preserved by means of some bishops who had joined them. The presidents of particular con- gregations were called Barbes (uncles). Even their opponents were obliged to admit the purity of their morals and their separation from the world ; they were struck chiefly, however, with the knowledge which they possessed of the Scriptures. A third era in their history, when their dogmatic views underwent a complete change, and they received the doctrine of justification by faith alone, commenced about the tunc of Huss, and was completed under the influence of the Re- formers, specially of Zwingle and Calvin. REACTION IN THE CHURCH. 461 \ 109. RExlCTION IN THE CHURCH. It will readily be understood that the rapid spread of heretics and sectaries during- the eleventh and twelfth centuries excited considerable alarm in the Church. Indeed, its very existence seemed now endangered. So early as the eleventh century, lead- ing ecclesiastics saw no other remedy than the stake (a kind of prelude to those torments which hereafter awaited heretics). Only one voice, that of Bishop Wazo of Liege (ob. 1048), was lifted against this iniquitous mode of conversion. Happily the opponents of this favourite and easy method of terminating con- troversy were more numerous in the twelfth century. Petrus VenerabilU (§ 98, 1), St. Hildegard, and St. Bernard, pro- tested against attempts at conviction by fire and sword ; while the latter, by Irs own example and success, proved that affec- tionate admonition and kindly teaching were likely to produce more satisfactory results than measures which only converted simple-minded men into enthusiastic martyrs. But executioners and stakes were more readily procured than men like St. Bernard, of whom, specially in the twelfth century, there was not a super- abundance. At a later period, St. Dominic despatched his dis- ciples to teach and convert heretics by preaching and discussions. So long as they confined themselves to these means, their labours were not unsuccessful. But by and by they also found it more easy and efficacious to employ the thumb-screw than syllogisms. The crusade against the Albigehses and the tribunals of the In- quisition finally arrested the spread of heresy. The scattered members of these sects sought safety in concealment. Through- out, the Church made no distinction between different sectaries, and one and the same sentence was pronounced on Cathari and Waldenses, on Petrobrusians, Arnoldists, and Fratricelli (species quidem habentes diversas, wrote Innocent III., sed caudas ad iuv'cem colligatas) ; and indeed, so far as their opposition to the Papacy and hierarchy was concerned, they were all at one. 1. Crusade against the Albigenses (1209-1229). — (Comp. Sismonde di Sismondi, les croisad. contre les Albig. Par. 1828. — J. S. Barrau et A.B. Darragon, Hist, des crois. c. les Alb. Par. 1843). — The great stronghold of the numberless sects which were designated as Cathari, Bulgarians, Manicheans, etc., was in the south of France, where they had secured the protection of Raymond VI, Count of Toulouse, and of other powerful vassals. Innocent III, who stigmatized them as worse than the Saracens, commissioned the order of Cistercians to effect their 39* iG2 SECTION II. — SECOND PERIOD (C E N T. 10— 13 A. D.). conversion, but their labours were unsuccessful. Upon this the Pope despatched, in 1203, Peter of Castelnau as his legate, with ample powers for their suppression. Peter was murdered in 1208, and sus- picion fell on Rayinund. By order of the Pontiff, Arnold, Abbot of Citeaux, now proclaimed a crusade against the sectaries. The army thus raised was commanded by Simon, Count of Monlfort. The little town of AIM, in the district of Albigeois, was regarded as the great centre of the party; whence the name of Albigenses, by which all these sects were designated, though in many respects they greatly differed. The murderous Avar which now ensued, and which in fanaticism and cruelty (on both sides) was unparalleled, lasted for no less than twenty years. Alike the guilty and the innocent, men and women, children and aged persons, fell its victims; the country was changed into a desert, and the Albigenses were almost exterminated. 2. The Inquisition. — So early as at the Fourth Lateran Council (1215). measures had been concerted against a revival of the Albigen- sian heresy. No sooner was the crusade finished than a synod met at Toulouse (1229) to cany out these precautions. Bishops were enjoined to employ persons, whose sole duty it should be to hunt out heretics, and to hand them over to the proper tribunals. Any secular or clerical official who spared a heretic was to lose his property and office, every house in which a heretic was sheltered should be levelled with the ground: the people were to take the sacrament three times a year ; every two years they were again to make declaration of their adherence to the Romish Church ; those suspected of heresy were to be refused every assistance, medical or otherwise, even in case of mortal illness, etc. But the bishops were slow in enforcing these iniquitous ordinan- ces. On this account Gregory IX. instituted special Tribunals of In- quisition (Inquisitores hsereticae pravitatis), which were confided to the Dominicans (1232). Let loose against the heretics as "Domini canes" (a designation which they coveted as an honour), the in- quisitors possessed unlimited power. Any party suspected or de- nounced could be imprisoned and tried without being confronted either with accuser or witnesses, and torture was freely employed to extract confession. Those who recanted were generally condemned to im- prisonment for life ; those who proved obstinate were (in accordance with the principle, ecclesia non sitit sanguinem) handed to the secular tribunal to be consumed at the stake. The first Grand Inquisitor of Germany was a Dominican, Conrad of Marburg, known also for his unyielding harshness as confessor to St. Elizabeth, princess of Thuringia and Hesse. After having for two years carried on his dreadful occupation with implacable severity and cruelty, he was killed by some nobleman (1233). It w;.s also due to Conrad that Gregory IX. ordered a crusade to be preached (1234) against the " Stedingers," a tribe inhabiting Oldenburg, who. in their indigna- tion at the oppression of the nobility and clergy, refused socage and tithes, and on that ground were declared Albigeusian heretics. THIRD PERIOD OP ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY IN ITS MEDIEVAL AND GERMANIC FORM OF DEVELOPMENT. FOURTEENTH AND FIFTEENTH CENTURIES. I. THE HIERARCHY, THE CLERGY, AND MONASTICISM. I 110. THE PAPACY. At the accession of Boniface VIII. the see of St. Peter still possessed that power and influence with which Gregory and Innocent had invested it. The first breach was now to be made in the proud fortress. During the seventy years of (so-called) Babylonish exile at Avignon the Papacy became the tool of French intrigue, and fell into fearful decay. Nor was this all. When at length the Curia was again transported to Rome, a papal schism ensued. For forty years Europe had the spectacle of two, or even three, pretended representatives of God on earth, hurling against each other the most awful anathemas. At the Councils of Pisa, Constance, and Basle, an attempt was made to put an end to these abuses, and to introduce a thorough reformation in head and members. Yet so deep was the con- viction still entertained of the necessity for some central govern- ment of the Church generally, such as the Papacy had hitherto represented, that even the most determined reformers, the Fathers of Constance and Basle, were the most strenuous advocates for its continuance. But the abuses and the degeneracy of the Papacy, the vileness and dissoluteness of most of its occupants at the time, and of those by whom they were surrounded, the continual demands for money made by the Curia under every kind of pre- (463) '104 SECTION II. THIRD PERIOD (CENT. 14 & 15 A. D.). text, which led to almost incredible simony, obliged the divines of that age to fall back upon the old principle, that the infalli- bility of the Church rested not in any one individual, but in the representation of the Church universal in General Councils, and that these assemblies were superior to the popes. The general acknowledgment and establishment of this principle depended, however, on the union and combination of individual or national churches — which now more than ever felt that they were inde- pendent members of the great hierarchical body — in their oppo- sition to the corrupt Papacy. Unfortunately the different churches were not prepared for such measures. Content to make separate treaties with the Papacy, in which even the most selfish demands of a particular church were scarcely met, they neglected the general good. Most successful, but also the most selfish, were the policy and measures of the Gallican Church. Thus papal cunning ultimately succeeded in disappointing and frustrating the hopes and labours of these councils. From this its severest conflict the Papacy issued once more triumphant; but only, as in the tenth, so now in the. fifteenth century, again to descend to the lowest depth of moral degeneracy and vileness. — Luxurious- ness and dissoluteness, pomp and worldliness, nepotism, and, since the return to Rome, incessant wars, had helplessly dis- ordered the papal finances. The felt necessity of opening fresh sources of income led to the adoption of new devices. Among them we reckon the Annatce, a full year's income being claimed at every vacancy by the pontiffs, as those who conferred bene- fices ; the Beservationes, the popes claiming the ri'T. 14 A 15 A. D.). town, but was compelled by blindness to desist. Healed by the inter- cession of the Virgin Mary, he renounced the world, and retired, with several companions, into an almost inaccessible, rocky wild, ten miles fiom Siena (1313). As disciples gathered to him from all sides, he built a monastery on a hill, called it Mt. Olivet, and founded, upon the rule of the Benedictines, the congregation of the Blessed Virgin, which John XXII. confirmed. Not until the fourth election for a general, which was at first held annually, then triennially, did he consent to assume this dignity for himself (1332) ; he then filled the office until his death, caused by his attentions to those prostrated by the plague (1348). The Abbots were also chosen triennially. The Olivetans were long distinguished by their zealous worship of the Virgin and by strict abstinence. They also prosecuted diligently theological and philosophical studies in some of their monasteries, which exceeded a hundred in number. An order of nuns, founded by Francisco, Romana (1433), also joined the Olivetans. 2. The Dominicans, who were entrusted with the conduct of the In- quisition, and were largely employed as confessors among the higher classes, gradually ceased to be a mendicant order. Accordingly, they now explained their vow of poverty as applying only to personal, not to common possessions, and maintained that the latter had been held even by Christ and His apostles. This proposition was controverted by the Franciscans, who, in virtue of the nominal surrender of all their property to the Church of Rome, professed still to adhere to their original vow. When in 1321 the Inquisition at Narbonne condemned a Beghard'to the stake for asscrttng that Christ and the apostles had held neither personal nor common property, the Franciscans main- tained the orthodoxy of this statement, and accused the Dominicans before Pope John XVII. The Pontiff took the part of the Dominicans, and declared that the nominal donation of Franciscan property was merely an illusion. This decision occasioned a rupture among the Franciscans. The more rigorous members, with the general, Michael of Cesena, and the celebrated William Occam, joined the party of the " spiritualists," and took the side of Louis of Bavaria against the Pope. Forcible measures against them proved unavailing. Accordingly, they were appeased at Constance by their formal recognition as brethren of the stricter observance [observantes). The more lax party among the Franciscans took the name of Conventiiales, and continued to regard their properties as really belonging to the donors, and themselves as only enjoying their usufruct. The controversy about the Immaculate Conception still continued to rage. St. Catharine had visions which confirmed the dogma of the Dominicans, while St. Bridget gave the same kind of sanction to the opinions of the Franciscans. The latter, however, gained influence and authority. It was sanctioned by the University of Paris in 1387 ; while the Council of Basle (in 1439) and Pope Sixtus IV. anathematized any one who should declare the doctrine THE MONASTIC ORDERS. 475 of the Immaculate Conception to be heretical, or the festh il in its honour sinful. For the same purpose a comedy was enacted at Berne in 1509, which, however, had a tragical termination. The Dominicans of that city imposed on the simplicity of a poor tailor called Jetzer. The tailor had visions and revelations of the Virgin. Even the prints of the nails which pierced the Saviour were reproduced in him by a red-hot iron, and a picture of the Virgin shed in his sight bloody tears over the godless opinions of the Franciscans. The clumsy imposture was at last discovered, and the prior, with three of his monks, were condemned to the stake. — In 14G2 another controversy broke out between the two orders. In Brescia, a Franciscan, Jacob of Marchia, had on Easter day maintained in the pulpit that the blood which Christ shed on the cross had, till His resurrection and consequent re- assumption of it into His nature, continued separate from the hypostatic union with the Logos, and hence had not, during that time, been an object of adoration. The Grand Inquisitor, Jacob of Brescia, declared this sentiment heretical. A controversy arose ; and during Christmas 14G3 three Dominicans and as many Minors discussed the question for three days before the Pope and cardinals, but without leading to any result. The Pope at the time reserved his decision, which, indeed, was never pronounced. St. Catharine of Siena, the daughter of a dyer, was one of the chief ornaments of the Dominicans [ob. 1308). Even when a child she had visions and ccstacies, during which Christ was said to have formally betrothed Himself to her, and to have given her His heart instead of her own. She also bore the prints of the nails, but only in- wardly. Notwithstanding her deep humility, the influence and authority which she enjoyed were unparalleled. She became the oracle of the Dominicans, and all Italy almost worshipped at her feet. Contrary to her inclination, she was made the arbiter of the religious and political controversies of the time. To her admonitions, and to those of St. Bridget, it was mainly due that the Babylonish captivity at Avignon came to a close. The Order of St. Augustine had also its congregations for the re- storation of pristine discipline. But these branches continued in con- nection with the order itself, though they were subject to a vicar- general of their own. Such a congregation existed in Saxony from 1493, and to it both Staupitz and Luther belonged. 3. Abolition of the Order of Templars, 1312. — (Comp. Michelet, proces des Templiers. Par. 1841-51. 2 T. — Maillard de Caambure, Regie et statuts secrets des Temp. Par. 1841. — W. Havemann, Gesch. d. Ausgangs d. Templerord — Hist, of the cess, of the Order of T. — Stuttg. 1R4G. — J. v. Hammer-Purgstall, d. Schuld d. Tcmpler — the Guilt of the T. — Vienna 1855. — /. Choicanctz, d. gewaltthat. Aufheb u. Ausrott. d. Ordens d. Tempelherren. Monster. 1856). — Among all the knightly orders, the Templars, who since their return to Europe 476 SECTION II. — THIRD PERIOD (c E N T. 14 & 15 A. D.) chiefly resided at Paris, had attained greatest power and wealth, hut were also charged with most pride, rapacity, and dissoluteness. T leir independence of the State was as galling to Philip the Fair of France, as their untold riches were attractive to his cupidity. Among the common people rumours circulated that the members of the order were secretly Mohammedans, that they practised the black art, and indulged in unnatural vices. It was whispered that they even worshipped an idol called Baffomet (Mohammed) ; that a black cat appeared in their meetings; that at their reception into the order the knights blasphemed the Saviour, and spat and trampled upon the crucifix. On these grounds, or at least on such pretences, Philip ordered all the Templars in his dominions to be imprisoned, and forthwith commenced a process against them (1307). Pope Clement V. was obliged, at the Council of Vienne (1312), formally to dissolve the order. Jacob of Molay, the last grand master, with many of the knights, suffered at the stake. It is difficult, at this period of time, to pronounce with certainty as to their guilt or innocence. Thus much at least is true, that they had deserted the Christian cause in the East. Besides, it is also supposed by many that they entertained Gnostic and Antinomian views akin to those formerly held by the Ophites. 4. The principal New Orders founded at this time were: — (1.) The Order of the Ccelestines, founded by Peter of Murrone (afterwards Pope Coelestine V., comp. \ 96, 6), who lived in a cave on Mount Murrone, in Apulia, in the practice of strictest asceticism. The fame of his sanctity soon attracted companions of his solitude, who built a monastery on Mount Majella. Urban IV. imposed on them the rule of the Benedictines. When Peter was elevated to the papal see (1294), his companions adopted in his honour the name of Coeles- tines. The new congregation rapidly extended throughout the AVest. (2.) The Jeromites. This order arose from associations of hermits, to whom Gregory XI. in 1374 gave a rule similar to that of the Augus- tines. They chose St. Jerome as their patron saint. From Spain, whore the order originated, it spread into Italy. (3.) The Jesfates, founded by Johannes Columbini of Sienna. With an imagination inflamed byporing over the legends of saints, Colombini, with some like-minded companions, resolved to found an association for the twofold object of self-chastisement and attendance on the sick. Urban V., after his return to Rome, imposed on them the rule of the Augr.stines (13G7). Their name was derived from the circumstance that they hailed every one whom they met with the name of Jesus. (4.) The Minimi, a kind of Minors, founded by Franciscus de Paula, in Calabria (1435). Their rule was exceedingly strict; the members were prohibited the use of animal food, of milk, butter, eggs, etc, on which account their mode of life Avas also designated as "vita quadra- gesimalis." (5.) The Nuns of St. Elizabeth, an order founded by St. Elizabeth THE MONASTIC ORDERS. 47 1 of Thuringia (ob. 1231). After having in the most exemplary manner discharged the various duties of a wife, a mother, and a princess, Eli- zabeth took the grey habit, confined at the waist with the Franciscan cord, as also the three vows, and retired to a wretched cot near Mar- burg, where she devoted herself to prayer, self-chastisement, and deeds of beneficence. Her example was followed by a number of pious women and maidens. These were in the fourteenth century regularly organized into an order, which devoted itself exclusively to the care of the poor and the sick. (G.) The Nuns of St. Bridget. St. Bridget was a Swedish princess, who early in life had visions, in which the Saviour appeared to her, smitten and wounded. But her father obliged her to marry, and she became the mother of eight children. On the death of her husband, she subjected herself to the most rigid ascetic exercises, and in conse- quence of some visions, founded at Wadstena near Linkoping a nun- nery for sixty inmates, who devoted themselves to the service of the Virgin. Connected with this institution was a separate dwelling for thirteen priests (in imitation of the apostles), for four deacons (after the four great fathers), and for eight lay brethren who had charge of all secular affairs. All these persons were subject to the rule of the abbess. The order spread, especially in the north of Europe. 5. The most famed among the Hermit* of this period, was Nicholas von der Fliie, in the Alps, a worthy and pious man, who, after an active life in the world, spent his last twenty years in solitude and commun- ion with God (ob. 1487). Like St. Anthony of old, he acted as peace- maker and adviser, not merely to the shepherds around him, but amid the political troubles of his own country. Pius IX. canonized him. 6. The Brethren of the Common Life were an association of pious clergymen, founded by Gerhard Groot, at Deventer, in the Netherlands (1384). Gerhard died that same year of pestilence ; but the work was continued by Florentius Radewin, his likeminded pupil. The house of the brethren at Deventer became the centre and nucleus of similar institutions throughout the north of Europe. The members of this association consisted of clergy and laity, who, without submitting to any formal vow or rule, devoted themselves to the concerns of then- own souls. Their earnest and evangelical sermons, their attention to the spiritual interests of those with whom they were brought into con- tact, and their sehxds, gave them a wide and very beneficial influence among the people. The most frequented of their seminaries were those of Deventer and the Hague, which at times numbered more than 1200 scholars. Similar institutions for Sisters of the Common Life were also founded. Florentius somewhat enlarged the original plan by buildino- at Windesheim, near Zwoll, a monastery for regular canons (138G), (also called, Kugelherren, Kappelherren, from cuculla, from the peculiar covering they used for the head). More celebrated even than this uloif ter was that on Mount St. Agnes, at Zwoll, of which The mas a 478 SECTION II. — THIRD PERIOD (CENT. 14