PRICE TB1T OB1TTS. WHY IRELAND * IS POOR. RIPE FRUIT FROM THE TREE OF BRITISH FREE TRADE. 'The industry oj a Country is the Corner Stone of a Nation." 'An ounce of fact is worth a pound of theory." BY j the Librarian Entered according to Act of Congress, in the year 1880, by J. F. Scanlan ■JjyUg office of t of Congress at Washington. =t ZTA ^JXvX AUSTRIA! LEAGUE OF AMERICA. • 162 WASHINGTON ST., omcA<& OOM 58, ClilCAGQ, ILLS. McCann & O'Brien, Pbintebs, 169 Madison Stbeet. 1880. IFor Sale at all IrTe^T^s IDepots. WHY IRELAND IS POOR INTRODUCTORY. For some unaccountable reason the masses of the Irish people are not aware how important a part the question of native industry played in the subjugation of Ireland. It may be that in the exuberance of their martial ardor, our historians have not considered it worth while to treat such an every-day subject as labor, or that in the glories of Brian Boru and Fontenoy they have neglected to teach the people how to be free, happy and great "by the sweat of the brow." It is known to com- paratively few that Ireland — now a mendicant before the nations of the earth, with her children flying from her bosom, as from that of a viper, after hundreds of years of as brave a struggle in behalf of their native land as any people on the face of the globe — has been reduced to its present condition not by the sword, but by the application in her domestic government of that principle of political economy known as free trade. I believe all Irishmen, particularly in the United States, should know this, for several reasons chief of which is, that learning what the results of free trade have been in their native land, they might prevent a like fate befalling this republic, by avoiding the confidence game of the conspirators, who now are trying to apply the same political economy to our domestic government ; break down our industries, impoverish and weaken the Na- tion; and "trust to luck" for an opportunity, to "burst the bubble," as they hoped it was burst in 1861. This pamphlet will, in a limited way, give some facts connected with the down-fall of Irish industry, not to be found on the book shelves of every Irishman. It will show how Ireland became poor. Slavery, emigration and death are the companions of national poverty ; Ireland has the trinity. The writer has no object in publishing this pamphlet other than to hope it will attract his countrymen towards a train of thought* that will make them better citizens, and more intelligent enemies of British Aggression. To my American fellow citizens, it may serve* as an introduction, that will lead them to investigate the down-fall of the Irish nation, and thus enable them to learn from the experience of that country, what a bottomless pit the road terminates in, that British Free Trade Theorists would have us travel. ♦For "which I would recommendtheworks of Henry C. Carey, a distinguished, son of a distinguished Irishman. The works are published by a worthy descendant of the family, Henry Carey Baird, Philadelphia. PART I THE NATURAL RESOURCES OF IRELAND. Ireland has suffered from five famines in the last century and three in this. To one who is not a close student of Irish history, it would seem from these often occurring famines, that the ' 'Verdant and Emerald" Isle was a myth and that Ireland had not sufficient natural resources above or beneath the earth to support her people. That the reader may more fully realize • the destructive character of British free trade. I will mention some of the natural resources of Ireland quoting facts taken from Robert Kane's Work on that subject. The Anthracite coal-fields of Leinster extend over a great portion of the counties of Kilkenny, Queen's county and Carlow, and are estimated to contain 63,000,000 tons. The Tipperary coal fields are 20 miles long and in parts 6 miles wide. The Munster coal-fields, the largest in the British Empire, occupy a large portion of the counties of Clare, Limerick, Cork, and Kerry. The Bituminous coal-fields of Tyrone cover 7000 acres (Irish). Anahone coal district contains 320 acres, Antrim has a small coal district, also Monahan and Mulvagh Bay. The Connaught coal-fields extend over a large part of the counties of Roscommon, Sligo, Leitrim and Cavan, covering an area of 114,000 acres (Irish). To these immense coal-fields, add 2,830,000 acres of Bog (Peat), which has 44 per-cent the economic value of coal, which shows Ireland to be well provided with fuel. The water power of Ireland equals 1,452,150 horse power, capable of working night and day, the year round, and this power can be more than doubled by building basins, reservoirs, &c, that would economize the rain fall to be used in dry seasons. Nearly all the lakes of Ireland could be converted into vast reservoirs to be utilized as power for manufacturing purposes. Iron exists in large quantities in Tyrone, Kilkenny, on the shores of Lough Allen, Fermanah, Cavan, Queen's county, Clare, Roscommon and Leitrim ; Copper exists in Wicklow and Waterford. The lead mines of Wicklow, Waterford, Dublin and Clare, Cork, Kerry, Tipperary and north of Dublin are very extensive. Gold and Silver mines exist in Wicklow and Cork ; Antimony in Clare and Armagh ; Magnesia and its Sulphate exist in vast quantities ; Alum and Slate in Clare and Kerry ; Pipe clay; W T hite and Fire clay, Fullers' earth ; Pipe and Tileclay in e^ry part of Ireland ; 600 different kinds of stone and Marble and slate. It would seem from this partial enumeration of the resources that nature has supplied the Island with more than an average quantity of raw material, add to which a rich soil, a climate neither hot in summer nor cold in winter, with harbors and commercial advantages equal if not superior to any country of her size in the world, and the wonder is that any power of man or demon could create so much misery, where God has extended his blessings in such abundance. PART II. THE INDUSTRIES OF IRELAND If the condition of a country is to be judged from its people, a person would judge from the Irish people that Ireland produced only scholars and laborers ; and that the art of mechanism, was only known in its crudest domestic form. This would be an injustice, for we must look behind the present if we would know the truth of the cause that has led to the unhappy condition of the Irish people. In tracing briefly a sketch of Irish indus- tries, I do so with a desire of pointing out the effect the destruction of the industries of a country has on a nation's life. Ireland, previous to the destruction or her mdustries, had all the vigor and manhood of anation, with power and strength to resist its enemies at home and abroad. After its industries were destroyed, it crumbled away before the march of time, like an uncemented wall of sand, incapable of preserving its own life as a nation, or the individual lives of its people. "A thousand years before the Christian era, colors for dyeing purple, green and yel- low, were known and used." "Golden helmets, chains, rings, colors, swords, shields richly ornamented, cloaks and other garments of the finest texture, chariots, and even chess and back gammon were manufactured by the Irish."— Marm ion's Maritime Ports. B. C. 900, during the reign of Eochaedh, surnamed the Learned Doctor, a law was passed in the interest of mechanism, it empowered a commission of each trade, to pre- vent any one working at said trade, if they were not expert at their art or profession. — Mooney's History of Ireland. A. D. 125, "Tradesmen and mechanics, as well as artists of all professions were put under the management of a committee, who had power to examine into their abilities, to reform abuses and suspend such as by their unfairness or want of skill, brought their occupation into discredit." — Plowden, Review of Ireland. The brooches and golden and bronze ornaments that have been found in Ireland during the present century, with engraved filigree work that can't be excelled, if it can be equalled at the present day, indicate a very high state of mechanism among the ancient Irish. Still, a greater evidence of the ancient Irish having a diversified industry was their capacity to with- stand the shock of the Danish invasion that poured down in hordes on the Irish Coast from 812, until finally expelled in 1014. A people not well advanced in the arts of industry, could not sustain an almost continual war of two hundred years, as the Irish did against the Danes. The late rebellion of the South illustrates the force of this fact. Pre- vious to the war cotton was king, and free trade was their political shib- boleth. War found them leaning on foreign countries for all their arms, ammunition, clothing, medicine, &c. England was unfavorable to the North, as a consequence the North was compelled to start her shops to make all the engines of war ; this led to almost prohibiting foreign manufactured goods from coming into the country ; the result was that every day strengthened the North, and weakened the South. The Anglo Normans in the 12th century found the Irish industries in a progressive condition, and they did considerable to encourage them, for it would seem the English of that day had not arrived at the high perfec- tion of the present government, whose motto is "First to impoverish the easier to enslave." The Piantagenets and Tudors, though intent on subjugating the country, encouraged the trade and manufactures. 5 In 1289, (in the reign of Edward L), Irish produce and manufactures had free export, the same as Irish cloth, Freize and wool. In 1360, un- der Edward ILL, Irish woolens, Freize cloth and Serge were in great repute, and were manufactured in Dublin, Cork, Kilkenny, Waterford, Ross, Drogheda and Trim. In the reign of Richard II., mantles from these goods called a cadow, were exported to England, duty free. The same privilege was granted in Italy. Encouragement like this, and years of experience, brought the Irish Woolen trade up to a standard that was fast attracting the attention of the world. All this time the English pos- -10ns in Ireland were limited to a few miles, around Dublin, known as the Pale. It was only when England could not conquer the Irish people by war, that she introduced the system of destroying Irish industries, the more easily to destroy Irish Liberty, which system was first intro- duced by the ungrateful Stuarts, and afterwards rigidly enforced by Wil- liam ELL, Prince of Orange. At the opening of the Sixteenth Century, Iron mills were located in Tallow, county Cork, Dingle, in Kerry and in Desart in King's county. Mines were worked in Fermanagh, Cavan, Tyrone, Queen's county, Clare, Roscommon and Leitrim. The product of these mines, after being manufactured, was generally shipped from Waterford to London. So that over three hundred years ago, the capital of the British Empire was supplied with iron from Ireland. If that Industry had been carefully nurtured up to this time, Ireland would not now have a periodical famine, nor would her children be scattered over the earth, the hewers of wood and drawers of water. England saw and feared this, and through re- strictive law and the agency of British gold and British protection trans- ferred those industries to herself, resulting in wealth for England and poverty for Ireland. This should be a lesson for America. About this time the linen trade was introduced into Ireland, and a great many emigrants from the continent came to Ireland to take advantage of the manufacturing facilities that country possessed. The Revolution of 1641, and the subsequent raid of Cromwell put out the fires of Irish industry for a time. In the enforcement of the "hell or to Connaught" proclamation of Cromwell, the English settlers pleaded for the retention of the native Irish among them on account of their superior in- dustrial knowledge. Vincent Gookin, an Englishman, at that time published "Caseof Transplantation Discussed." In it he pleads with Cromwell :"More- over, there are few of the Irish peasantry, but were skillful in husbandry and more exact than any of the English in the husbandry proper to the country, few of the women but were skillful in dressing hemp and flax, and making woolen clcth. In every hundred men. there were five or six masons and carpenters, at least, and much more skillful in supplying the defects of instruments and materials than English artificers." — Prendergast's, Cromwellian Settlement of Ireland. During the period from Cromwell to James EL, the Irish developed their industries against the restrictive laws of England, and the efforts of Earl of Essex and Sir William Temple, who used all their diplomacy to induce them to give up the woolen trade to England. The result was that although Cromwell left Ireland with its industry suspended, its people starving, and many of its cities in ruins, in a few years the fires of in- dustry were lighted, which in time grew to more than its old proportions. This Drought wealth and prosperity to the country, and enabled the Irish G to take up arms in defence of him whom they thought their legitimate King, James II., against the combined English forces under William EH. Prince of Orange. J ames II. was a coward and poltroon and a brave people lost their liberty and country by taking up his cause. PART III. IRELAND DURING THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY. There is one feature of the struggle between Ireland and England, to which I wish to call the special attention of my readers : Up to the year 1698, the English government — although using all the ingenuity of torture and the most depraved treachery combined with all the force at its command had not conquered the spirit of the people. At this period the people of England jealous of the recuperating powers of the Irish determined to take from them the source of recuperation. True, during the regime of the Stuarts, England passed some restrictive laws, but it was principally against the raw materials ; and her agents tried to coax the Irish people to give up their industries for England's benefit ;but as the restrictive 1 a ws of the Stuarts were not so sweeping in their character as those of William III., and the blarney of the English agents was not good logic, the Irish still progressed in their industries and Ireland retained the spirit and character of a nation. Her most glorious achievements since the Anglo-Norman inva- sion were previous to this period. "Every appearance, report, or even suspicion of dissension, weakness, or disorder within the 'pale, was the signal for the Septs to fly to arms and harass the English, of whom their hatred was implacable." Every defeat of the English was followed by an inundation of more formidable forces; the submission of the Irish was often abject — always precarious and occasional, but never lasted longer than the English forces com- manded a decided superiority." — PloxcderCs Review of Ireland. It was previous to this period that our country offered such induce- ments to the stranger that those who came to Ireland as invaders threw off the garb of the enemy, joined the ranks of the natives and became "More Irish than the Irish themselves." Since that period, excepting the 18 years of the Irish parliament from 1782 to 1800, the natives, though loving the land beyond anything on this earth, with aching hearts flew from it as if it was pest ridden. It was previous to the destruction of Irish industry by William III. that the O'Rourc's, O'Byrnes, O'Neils, Tyrones and Bars- fields illuminated Irish history with their deeds. Where are the Irish heroes and battlefields since ? Excepting the short period referred to which protected Irish industry, the history of Ireland is the record of a vast funeral procession, mourning with clinched teeth over the grave of some heart, that "Indignant breaks" "To show that still she lives." For generations the English people were building up a native industry by protective tariff and restrictive law, conquests and subsidies were made and given to build up her industry, her mechanics were not permitted to leave England, so fearful was she that the genius of her experience would benefit other countries. So jealous was she of any opposition, that her parliament, navy, and army were always at the service of her trade and manufacturing interests. Ireland from her superior facilities, salubrious climate, and the attention paid to its manufactures attracted to her 7 shores some of the best workmen of Europe, the consequence of which was that Ireland was fast pushing her trade to all parts of the world. This aroused the cupidity of "John Bull," and when William III., Prince of Orange, became fixed on the throne, the manufacturers of England, through parliament in 1698, addressed the King as follows : "That the growing manufacture of cloth in Ireland, both by the cheapness of all sorts of necessaries of life and goodness of material for making all manner of cloth, doth invite your subjects of England, with their families and servants to leave their habitation and settle there, to the increase of the woolen manufacturing in Ireland, which makes your loyal subjects in this kingdom very apprehensive that the further growth of it may greatly prejudice the said manufacturing here by which the trade of the nation and value of land will very much decrease and the number of your people be much lessened here." — Sir Hely Hutchinson, Restriction of Irish Trade. William III. in his answer to Parliament said: "I shall do all that in me lies to discourage the woolen trade of Ireland * * * and promote the trade of England."— Ibid. Just what England would do to day with the United States if she had the power ; lacking in power she hires her Mongrediens to publish false- hoods, addressed to the American farmers, hoping with their aid to break down the tariff of this country, that she might annihilate American industry as she did that of Ireland. True to his word William III. sup- pressed the woolen trade of Ireland ; the iron trade, and such other indus- tries as had heretofore kept the manhood of Ireland employed, soon followed ; immediately idleness, poverty and famine took the places that were formerly occupied by industry, wealth and happiness. The years 1703, 1716, 1721, 1727, 1729, 1740, 1741, 1757, 1765, were seasons of distress and famine. The people emigrated to the West Indies, America and France, in fact to any part of the world where work could be obtained. Riots be- came the order of the day, the heretofore peaceable and prosperous work- ingmen goaded by hunger became the tramps of that day, roamed, robbed and rioted under the appellation of White Boys, Steel Boys, Oak Boys, Peep of Day Boys, dcc % Such a deplorable condition of affairs existed dur- 1 ing the three quarters of a century, following the suppression of Irish in- dustry by William III., Prince of Orange, that Sir Hely, Hutchison, writing in 1779, on the state of the country, uses the following forcible language : "Compare this period with the former and you will prove this melancholy truth, that a country will sooner recover from the miseries and devastations occasioned by war, in- vasion, rebellion, massacre, than from laws restraining the commerce, fettering the in- dustry, and above all breaking the spirit of the people." The American citizen who may be lulled into the belief that the in- troduction of Free Trade, (by which the present industries of America would be destroyed), will benefit this country, should pause in the midst of his theories and investigate facts from this period of Irish history, that at one fell swoop reduced a people and a country from prosperity to in- digence and poverty. About the year 1762 Dean Swift appeared like a giant above the chaos and ruin that weighed down Ireland, he hurled red-hot shot at English cupidity, that would destroy a nation in order to remove a competitor ; then it was that he sent that scathing sentence around the world to coun- teract English selfishness : "Burn everything that comes from England, buther coal." Swift was the first person who pointed out to the Irish the necessity of associating themselves against the use of foreign manufac- tured goods, and to those non-importation associations must the credit be given for the patriotic ardor that afterwards prevaded the ranks of the Irish volunteers of 1782. By means of "Drapier's" letters, Swift aroused 8 the people ; they were written so as to be understood by the masses, and he used the cheapest medium of distribution ; they were hawked about the streets of Dublin, pasted up in the ale houses, distributed about the coun- try, and every farmer found one on his table. The prosecution of Swift by the government only advertised the "Drapiers" letters, and made them still more sought for ; patriotism grew amazingly, newspapers appeared and fanned the flame, until merchants, manufacturers, public officials, and people formed non-importation associations in the principal cities. In Dublin, the association passed, among others, the following resolutions : "Resolved, That we will not directly or indireetly import or use any goods or wares, the product or manufacture of Great Britain, which can be produced in this kingdom." Similar resolutions were adopted at Waterford, Belfast and other cities, in consequence of which the manufacturing interest of Ireland began to revive. Out of these non-importation associations grew the Irish volunteers, which gave such an impetus to the spirit of patriotism, that we find the glorious spectacle of a people by force of individual action, combination and sacrifice lift up their home industries, into a high state of prosperity, while English goods, filling the warehouses of the land, remain- ing unsold, although they were offered at much lower prices than the people were paying for home products. What a spirit of patriotism for the American people to emulate. The English government had on its hand at this time the war for American freedom. The success of the patriots in America gave encouragement to Ireland. The citizens of Dublin and other places watched with a jealous eye the merchants who dealt in foreign goods, and published their names in the paper, which practice made it very unpopular and unprofitable to deal in English goods. John Mitchell in his his history of Ireland gives the condition of affairs at that time. The patriotic action of the Irish, Mitchell says, the English press "Denounced as the policy of savages and pointed out the Irish people to the con- tumely of Europe." "At the same time, the English manufacturers, ever careless of present sacrifices to secure permanent advantages, flooded the country towns with the accumulated products of the woolen manufacture, which, owing to the American war and other causes had re- mained on their hands, they offered these goods to small shop-keepers at the lowest possible prices, and desired them to name their own time for payment." ' "The volunteers and the leaders of the movement were equally active on their side. The press, the pulpit and ball-rooms were enlisted in the cause of native indus- try.' * * * Trade revived, the manufacturers who had thronged the city of Dublin, the ghastly apparitions of decayed industry, found employment provided for them by the patriotism and spirit of the country, the proscribed goods of England remained unsold, or only sold under false colors by knavish and profligate retailers. The country enjoyed some of the fruits of freedom before she obtained freedom itself." How very like is the action of the British press to-day which seeks now through the Cobden Club, to "hold up" the American people ''to the con- tumely" of the world because we will not remove our tariff, destroy Ameri- can industry, that they, the English, may reap profit from our ruin. As free traders of to-day use the argument that it was free trade that Ireland wanted at this period on account of the non-importation societies and volunteer organizations using the words free trade in their resolutions, I quote from John Mitchell's History of Ireland, page 128, the following which should settle that question : "To force from reluctant England a Free Trade, and the repeal or rather declaratory nullification, of Poyning's iaw, which required the Irish Parliament to submit the heads 9 of their bills to the English Privy Council, before they could presume to pass them, these were in a few words; the two great objects which the leaders of the volunteers kept now steadily before them." "It must bo observed that the idea and the term "Free Trade," as then understood in Ireland, did not represent what the political economists now call free trade. What was sought was a release from these restrictions on Irish trade imposed by an Engiish Parliament and for the profit of the English people. This did not mean that imports and exports should be free of all duty to the State, but only that the fact of import or export itself should not bo restrained by foreign laws, and that the duties to be derived from It should bo imposed by Ireland's own Parliament, and in the sole interest of Ireland herself. This distinction is more important to be observed because modern "free traders" in Ire- land and England have sometimes appealed to the authority of the enlightened men who then governed the volunteer movement, as authority in favor of abolishing import and export duties. The citation is by no means applicable. PART IV. THE LIFE AND DEATH OF THE IRISH PARLIAMENT. When the Parliament of 1782 met, Grattan presented the ''Declaration of Rights," which declared that the King, Lords and Commons of Ireland only had the power to make laws for Ireland. With ill-concealed regret, England conceded this, as 70000 armed volunters demanding freedom were not to be trifled with. She looked to the future and took every advantage to sow the seed of discord among the then rulers of Ireland, which unfortu- nately, owing to jealously and religious bigotry, was not difficult to do. However, the Parliament partaking of the patriotism of the people set to work to repair the damages to Irish trade caused by English avarice. One of the first measures introduced was a motion for a high tariff to protect Irish industry, "The People," says Ploiuden "flocked round the parlia- ment house in anxious expectation of the protecting duties being estab- lished in their favor :" The executive part of government, subject to the appointing power of the King, did not give active support to the measure, but procrastinated in the interest of England. Still the tradesmen, business men, merchants and manufacturers kept up the agitation for protection. The citizens of Dublin petitioned the King in their country's interests, in which petition appears the following : ''Protection has been denied to our infant trade and manufactures, which England thinks necessary to the maturity and vigour of hers." Plowden's Ireland, Vol . 3, page 94. With a jealousy that was truly patriotic, and which should be apos- trophized as "The vigilance of Liberty," The people demanded and looked to Parliament "for protecting their own manufactures and enforcing the consumption of them at home by levying heavy duties on similar manufactures imported from other coun- tries." — Plowden's Review of Ireland. To meet the wishes of the people, the Ways and Means Committee of Parliament investigated the situation during the winter of 1782-1783, which resulted in the chairman, Mr. Gardner, on the 2d day of April 1783, introducing measures towards protecting Irish industry, and supporting the proposition in the following patriotic speech, from which some of our congressmen can draw lessons of wisdom at this day : "I shall, sir, first state the purport of my propositions. This is a measure to restrain importation, but does not affect the exportation of raw materials. Gentlemen would 10 have the evidence on that head also included in the report of the committee, but one had no connection with the other. The committee was ordered to inquire into the state of manufacturing at large; but they did it partially. They confined themselves to the woolen branch— blankets, carpets, hats, &c. My system is not confined to these objects only, but also includes paper, hardware, and other articles. The weaving branch is cer- tainly a very material branch of commerce, but other objects also have their weight. * * * * * The people of England will think it no cause of emnity with us that we fol- low their example. She adopted protective duties, because she thought it her interest. Let us act the same part. What is good for one must be good for the other. * * * * I confess, sir, that I am strongly biased in its favor. The despondency and distress of this country, together with the justice and expeidency of the measure itself, must make every gentleman itsfiiend. Who can behold so many thousands of his fellow-creatures struggling with calamities, almost insupportable by humanity, and not be inclined to give relief? The misfortune is not particular; 'tis universal. Not confined to Dublin, it ex- tends to Cork, Limerick, Waterford, the Queen's county, and every part of the kingdom where woolen manufactures are carred on— not limited even to the woolen, but affecting every infant manufactory in this country. * * * If gentlemen wish to judge fairly, it is right to waive theory and speculation, and confine their attention to the different effects of the different modes adopted in Great Britain and Ireland, they will perceive that the long depression of this country is owing to a want of protection for her trade. In England, to what is owing the great degree of power and wealth she has attained but to protecting duties? Now, sir, I shall enter on the main part of the business; and let me entreat gentlemen to be free from prejudice, to divest themselves of every bias. I do not mean to proceed on speculation, but to reason from facts, and the ties of policy of the two kingdoms. England has flourished from adopting protecting duties, and Ireland has sunk by a neglect of them. Woolens were always the staple commodity of this country, as well as of England. It was so far back as Edward III., in whose reign acts of Parliament were passed, in which we find clauses for protecting the trade of Ireland. At every period before 1698 we enjoyed every advantage of a free country; we had noth- ing then to contend with, as no jealousy existed in the breast of England before the last mentioned period. Our trade was guaranteed by Magna Charta; our exports acknowl- edged by that venerable statue — no treaty was made in which we were not nominally or virtually included. "Antecedent to the year 1698 our exports were double our imports, and the amount of shipping almost doubled in the ten preceeding years. At that period the balance of trade was exceedingly in favor of Ireland, being no less than £224,000 per year. If we consider the difficulties this country labored under in those days, and the comparative value of money then and now, this will be found enormous balance. When Ireland ex- hibited nothing but continued scenes of dis turbance, disunion, tumult, and, frequently, of civil wars within herself, to what are we to attribute her advantages inc ommerce but to her protecting duties, her geographical situation, and industry? ****** The first stab, which was given in the reign of William III. , to our rising trade, was in 1698, when a corrupt majority in this House laid a duty on cloths exported to England. Some spirited and patriotic members standing up to oppose this measure, it was defended on the ground of being an experiment, and that itwould continue only for three years, but was, in the year following, made perpetual. Let us mark the consequence. The manufacturers, no longer able to find subsistence at home, emigrated where they were received with open arms. The French, notwithstanding every exertion, had been unable to establish the woolen manufactories, until they procured Irish wool to mix with their own, and Irish- men to weave it. They then, conscious of the advantages of protecting their trade, laid additional duties on the importation of English cloth. The event soon confirmed with what propriety they adopted these protectiug duties. They (the French) in a short time manufactured enough for the home market, and by raising, from time to time, the protecting duties, at length to a prohibition, are enabled not only to rival Great Britian, but to undersell her in every market of Europe. * * * * Another argument in favor of this proposition can be drawn from the great benefits that this country derived from a power obtained by James, Duke of Ormond, of prohibiting the importation of Scotch manufactures. The protection was obtained asrainst Scotland, and not England, be- cause we were not afraid of the latter. The utility of this dnty was so great as to give in our favor, a balance, notwithstanding the pernicious effects of the Plantation laws, and other unfair restrictions of King William's reign on our trade. Let no man say that England is so insensible of her own interests as to be averse to this measure, England, from unhappy experience, is convinced of the pernicious effects of her implomacy. The emigration of the Irish manufacturers in the reign of King William is not the only in- stance that taught that nation the ruinous effects of restrictive laws. Our own remem- 11 brance has furnished one instance of the truth of this assertion— furnished it in the Amer- ican war. America was lost by Irish emigrants. These emigrations are fresh in the recollection of every gentleman in this House; and, when the unhappy differences took place, I am assured, from the best authority, that the major part of the American army u-as composed of Irish, and that the Irish language was aa commonly spoken in the American ranks as English. I am also informed it was their valor determined the con- test; so that England not only lost the principal protection of her woolen trade; in Europe, but also had America detached from her by force of Irish emigrants. * * * * In 1779 this country, no longer able to support the pernicious effects of the oppression under which she labored, undertook a great measure. We spoke out and demanded free trade. It is but justice to gentlemen, it is but justice to the nation, that they were unanimous and perserved. England acted wisely and justlv on the occasion, and restored us our rights. But of what use will this free trade be? Will it be anything but a name, if we do not seize the advantages of it by promoting it? It is impossible to do so, unless we have an opportunity of supplying our home consumption and exporting the redundancy. It is impossible to sell other nations in foreign markets, if undersold in our own. While our ports are open to the exportation of raw materials, and the importation of English manufactures, can we expect to reap any benefit from the extension of our commerce? Let us turn our thoughts to the article of cotton, and we shall find great quantities im- ported and not a single yard exported. The very same might be affirmed of many other manufactures. * * * * England flourished, but flourished from a different cause — from the protecting duties, which procured her a home market. She soon outstripped all other nations in her manufactures, but in the reign of Elizabeth, tho rest of Europe, perceiving the good effects of the measure to England, began to lay on protecting duties also. * * * In 1616, the English exports decreased £160,000. In some time after, the balance was found to be more considerably against her, her imports' being above £1,000,000, and her exports not quite £300, 000 a year. She then found it necessary to recur to fresh protecting duties, and to prohibit the importation of broad silk. She also saw it necessary to prohibit the wear of India goods. These protecting duties have ever since been accumulating — Ireland being classed with other foreign countries. * * * Hav- ing, in real matter of fact, shown the progress and success of the manufactures of the two countries, having shown how England has risen and Ireland declined; having shown that England's system of policy is the cause of her grandeur, permit me to draw your attention to the difference of situations. In England, the lowest peasant wears a good broadcloth, feeds well, and is lodged comfortably. The face of the county presents a view of good habitations, and communicates an unspeakable pleasure to every person of feeling. I feel a warmth whenever I see and contemplate this beauty ; but when I reflect on the misery of my own unhappy country, I sink on tho comparison. In England, all is joy, ease, and content; it may be said in the Scripture phrase, of that country, 'The hills and valleys sing with joy.' Let us now for a moment view the wretched condition of the mass of the Irish people. The Irishman, sir, feeds the cattle whose flesh he is debarred from tasting." The orator proceeds to compare in this mariner the relative conditions of the laboring classes of England and Ireland, and draws a picture any- thing but favorable to the position of the latter. As in the outset, and through the body of his discourse, he attributes English prosperity to English protection, and Irish poverty to the want of a protective tariff. He proved that the English manufacturers in that day, as in this, crowded the markets of Ireland with their commodities — selling on long time, los- ing sight of present profit in view of the future destruction of all rivalship. Mr. Gardner concluded in these words : "The advantages of the man of landed estate and of the manufacturer are reciprocal; for the prosperity of the one is the support of the other. Therefore, I report the follow- ing resolutions: "Resolved, That it appears to this house, that the working manufacturers of this kingdom are in the greatest poverty and distress. "Secondly, That the importation of foreign manufactures into this kingdom, has of late considerably increased and still continues to increase;" and "Thirdly, That this great English importation, by impeding our mauufactures, is tho cause of this poverty and distress. Principles like these enacted into laws soon gave an impetus and solidity to the trade of Ireland that caused the people to go to work with 12 a heart and a will, in fact, with a bound the country became as busy as a hive ; poverty winged its flight from the land and the people looked to the future with aspirations for permanent liberty that were encouraged by the establishment of the young republic of the West. The news of Ireland's prosperity reached the home of the weary-laden in other countries, which attracted many good tradesmen to her shores, all of whom received a welcome. At the same time her prosperity aroused a jealously in her old enemy, England, that in time proved her ruin. To such an extent did Ireland march on the road to prosperity on ac- count of this protection that at this time, a committee representing many thousands of citizens, principally mechanics, from Zurich and Berne, in the Kepublic of Geneva, Switzerland, arrived in Ireland to make arrange- ments for the immigration of a large number of Swiss from Geneva into Ireland. The Irish Parliament appropriated £50,000 to assist the move- ment and arranged for locating them on the confines of the rivers Bar- row and Suir, in Waterford ; but owing to the Swiss demanding a local government independent of the Irish government negotiations were broken off. Lord Clare, speaking about the condition of Ireland at this period, says : "There is not a civilized nation on the face of the habitable globe which had advanced in cultivation, in agriculture, in manufacture, with the same rapidity in the same period as Ireland." Lord Plunket, describing Ireland at the same time, says : " Laws well arranged and administered, a constitution fully recognized and established, her revenues, her trade, her manufactures, thriving beyond the hope or example of any other country of her extent." Thus we see in a few years Ireland, that had five famines during the first three quarters of the century, through the wisdom of its Parliament in fostering and protecting native industry, was lifted up, as if by magic, into prosperity and wealth ; squalor making room for comfort, and de- spondency for hope, the population multiplied, emigration ceased, and the White Boys, Peep O'Day Boys, &c. went into the factories to become hon- est, industrious citizens. As soon as England got through with the American war, which resulted in the independence of the United States, she turned her attention to Ire- land and sought to cripple her prosperity. Her first move on the chess board was to try to get Ireland to enter into a Keciprocity Treaty with her. This was rejected by thelrsh Parliament amidst illuminations by the people. Failing in this a union of both countries was resolved on, and under the lead of Pitt and Castlereagh [the latter afterwards cut his own throat] the government laid their plans of fraud, bribery and corruption to carry out a union. To do this the people were goaded into desperation, the country was filled with the Hessian hirelings, that were whipped out of America, and the most blood-thirsty officers in the British service were ordered to Ire- land. Hanging, disemboweling of men, women and children became daily occurrences ; the Court Martial and Pitch Cap took the place of jury and witnesses ; churches, houses and crops were laid in ashes and a fever of ter- rorism was created throughout the land. The United Irishmen, a patriotic organization, saw that the govern- ment was determined to force a revolution and tried to prepare for the crisis ; but in Wexford, where the society did not exist and consequently the people were not under its discipline, the government forced an out- 13 break. For a few weeks those unarmed peasants swept over the disci- plined ranks of the British army like a simoon over a caravan in the desert. It was only a matter of a short time, for England wanted but an out- break to proclaim peace by saturating Ireland with the blood of her children. Having cowed the people into terror, hanged and transported their leaders, the country still swarming with soldiers in 1799 that blighting curse, the " Act of Union " was presented to the Irish Parliament and on this occasion was defeated for among others the following reason, from Address of the House of Commons to the King : 1 'Giving the naine of Union tc the measure is a delusion * * In manufactures, any attempt it makes to offer any benefit which we do not now enjoy is vain and delu- sive; and where ver it is to have effect, that effect will be to our injury. Most of the duties on imports, which operate as protection to our manufactures, are, under its pro- visions, to be either removed or reduced immediately, and these which will be reduced are to cease entirely at a limited time. Though many of our manufactures owe their existence to the protection of those duties, and though it is not in the power of human wisdom to forsee any precise time when they may be able to thrive without them, your majesty's faithful Commons feel more than* ordinary interest in laying this fact before you, because they have, under your approbation, raised up and nursed many of these manufactures, and by so doing have encouraged much capital to be invested in them; the proprietors of which are now to be left unprotected, and to be deprived of the Par- liament, on whose faith they embarked themselves, their families and properties, in the undertaking." — Plowden' 8 Review, Vol. 5, Appendix, page 34. Defeated in the first attack, England immediately set Castlereagh to work on corrupt representatives, and finally by creating rotton bor- oughs, appointing Scotch members, dealing out British gold, and by the most unblushing corruption the measure was carried in the succeeding year, 1800. That this measure, the Act of Union, was simply a free trade con- spiracy to break down Irish industries the history of Ireland since too plainly indicates. The written act itself shows on its face that the de- struction of Irish industry was the sole aim and object of England's forcing on Ireland that most infamous "Union." The following is part of the compact : The duties on woolens was to continue for twenty years. The duties on calicoes and muslins until 1808 and those on cotton until 1810. Irish Goods Shipped into England. £ S P 8 Bricks, Tiles, 1831 31901b Shoes exported to America in 1783 £14,803 Does Ireland export any shoes now ? No ! For even the occupation of the village shoemaker is gone, as all the shoes that Ireland wears are now made in England. Fish exported in 1793 : C. N. 2 Hake, 1,367,310 Salmon, tons 251H Herring Bbl 48,48H Cod, Bbl 272 C. No. 2 Lyng, do, 172 The fishermen of Ireland under Free Trade, like all other interests, have been reduced to pauperism ; their condition can be more fully real- ized from an extract taken from a letter just received from the Nun of Kenmare, begging for God's sake to help her suffering poor. She says : "The bay is full of fish, but the fishermen are too poor to buy boats, nets, or hooks to catch them." Soap and candles exported in 1779 — bad year, £71,220 " 1830 None. Tonnage of shipping employed in Irish commerce in 1792, 534,413 tons " " 1831, 112,629 tons. Forty vessels were employed before the Union in carrying Irish manu- factured goods to New Foundland ; in 1830 this trade, vessels, manufactures and all had disappeared. Tea is an article the consumption of which shows the condition of the people. The following is the amount of Green Tea consumed in three years before and three years after the Union : 1786 716,235 lbs. 1821 34,592 lbs. 1787 830,808 " 1822 55,634 " 1788 675,771 " 1823 38,168 " Tobacco consumed in Ireland in 1797 7,947,991 " " 1828 4,900,941 •« It must be borne in mind that the population had increased one-third while the consumption of the poor man's comforts fell off amazingly. Population of Dublin in 1831 300,000 Number of people destitute 50^000 Bankrupts in Dublin : January. February, ) ( March, April, 1 1799. .7. < Same months, 1810. .152 May and June, ) ( Bankrupts. Dublin. Other parts. Total. 1829 622 1287 1909 1830 597 1694 2293 1831 632 1898 2530 6733 To sum up this catalogue of Ireland's wrongs, I would ask the reader to go over the figures in this pamphlet showing the number of people em- ployed in factories before the Union, which does not pretend to be com- plete, but incomplete as it is, you will find where 200,000 mechanics were 20 employed before the Union which gave free trade to Ireland, then com- pare it with the following from Cottoiis Atlas : f In 1850 the total number of mills in Ireland was 91 — of which 11 were Cotton, 11 Woolen, and 69 Linen, employing an aggregate 24,725 persons." Here is a vacuum left by free trade. Out of 200,000 hands em- ployed in factories [and it being only a partial list] before the Union * e find it reduced to less than one-eighth in fifty years, and that being a period in which the world had increased its commerce nine hundred times — steam, telegraph and railroads having come into general use. One is appalled at what the Irish people and the world have lost, when comparing the condition of the Irish at the present time with what they would have been if the curse of free trade had never been forced on them. Thus has Ireland been reduced to poverty and indigence by the acts of an imperial government in which she has little or nothing to say. Her people scattered over the habitable globe, her beautiful valleys turned into trenches to cover the bones of her free trade famine victims ; her harbors made the rendezvous for the shipment of human beings, while Ireland, that can look back over three thousand years of civilization, is now clothed in rags with head drooped and dejected, and holding out her hand as a men- dicant in abject despair at the melting away of 3,000,000 of her people in forty years. The following sketch, taken from a speech delivered in Ireland in 1848, by the Castellar of that Revolution, Thomas Francis Meagher, speaks vol- umes for Ireland's loss and gain by free trade : " The cotton manufacture of Dublin, which employed 14,000 operatives, has been destroyed; the stuff and serge manufactures, which employed 1,491 operatives, have been destroyed; the calico looms of Balbriggan have been destroyed; the flannel manufacture of Rathdrum has been destroyed; the blanket manufacture of Kilkenny has been destroyed; the camlet trade of Bandon, which produced £100,000 a a year, has been destroyed; the worsted and stuff manufactures of Waterford have been destroyed; the rateen and frieze manufactures of Carrick on Suir have been de- stroyed; one business alone thrives and flourishes, and dreads no bankruptcy. That fortunate business which the Union act has stood by; which the absentee drain has not slackened but has stimulated; which the drainage acts and navigation acts of the impe- rial senate have not deadened but invigorated ; that favored, and privileged, and patron- ized business is the Irish coffin-maker's." — Carey's Foreign and Domestic Slavery. The condition of Ireland to-day tells how truly Meagher spoke when he said that Ireland had one "favored," "privileged," "patronized" busi- ness, the " Irish coffin-maker's." PART VI. CONCLUSION. In a limited space I have given a sketch of "why Ireland is poor," or rather how Ireland became poor. I invite further investigation in this fruitful field of literature, that the reader may learn the modus operandi of England's impoverishing the Irish race and then branding them as -lazy." There is a familiar quotation which says: 1 'There is a destiny that shapes our end, rough hew them as we may." Man in the hands of the Lord is the moulder of his own destiny ; as with individuals, so with nations, they mould their own destiny, if they can keep out the meddling hands of for- eign governments. God, in his wisdom, has given all countries the raw / 21 products of the earth in a crude, unfinished, and in most cases, in an un- prepared state for man's use. On the other hand, He has given man the cunning, genius and will to improve the raw products and increase a thous- and fold the value and beauty of His creation. To make perfect his work He has given us the imperative order : " By the sweat of thy brow shalt thou earn thy bread." Here, then is the pivot of prosperity, wealth and national greatness, for from land and labor comes all wealth. Hence the necessity of carefully fostering and husbanding these two articles in order that they may be constantly employed in developing the natural pro- ductions of the country and thereby adding to the strength and influence of the nation. David Syme says in his "Restrictions on Trade:" "The prosperity of a country depends upon the industry of its inhabitants with nations as with individuals. Poverty follows idleness and wealth industry. The true test of good statesmanship consists in applying the laws of political economy to the development of the resources of the country" so as to provide for the full and profitable employment of the whole population. This being true it becomes an imperative necessity to keep the med- iUingliands of foreign nations off from controlingthe domestic economy of this country, that its people may mould its destiny foi they own benefit. If the Irish people had control of the affairs of Ireland, and kept up a protective tariff like that instituted by the Irish Parliament of 1782, Ireland would to-day contain 20,000,000 of the happiest and wealthiest people on the face of the Globe. But the Irish people having lost the control of the government of Ireland, its destinies were shaped to further the ends of another nation, hence the Irish are the very reverse of the happiest and wealthiest people in the world. We now are brought face to face with the same question in the United States. The emissaries of British interests are prowling about this land preparing to attack the interests of this Re- public, by introducing that seK same principle of free trade, which ruined Ireland, and sent its people, exiles to every quarter of the world. Fortu- nately for us (the Irish), a friendly welcome beckoned us to the "Land of the Free and the Home the Brave." in vast numbers. General B. F. But- ler, speaking o?i this question some ten years ago said: "There are 1,600.000 Irish citizens in this country, who will work, vote, and fight against any policy in winch England may be directly or indirectly interested." If this be so, then it is also fortunate for the republic that we be- came its citizens. For England in the avaricious march of her British interests, having reduced her victim nations, India, Ireland, Turkey, Spain, Portugal, &c, to such dire poverty that they no longer afford good past- ture grounds for her gluttonous appetite, turns with longing eyes to the rich pasture-fields of American industry, and hopes through the agency of the Cobden Club to induce the people of the United States, to adopt that nation-killing policy of free trade, destroy the workshops of America and reduce American labor to the condition of the pauper labor of Europe, to enable her to make the United States a draw farm as she has Ireland. Forty-eight years ago, the nullifiers of South Carolina in opposition to the principles on which General Jackson was elected President, forced on the Democratic Party, the policy of free trade. The immediate result of that act was the panic of 1837, that caused a loss of thousands of millions of dollars to the American people, and raised up for the first time in the Republic, those delectable institutions [?] for supporting mechanics known as public soup houses. Through the agency ot the Democratic party, free trade was repeated in 1846, which resulted in the panic of 22 1857, the distructive character of which many of the older readers will remember. "The London Times once stated that "the only time England could utilize the "Celts" is when they emigrated to the United States and voted for free trade." I ask my countrymen to look back over their political career and see if this in the majority of cases is not too true ? Is it not a fact that we have been using our political influence to impoverish our adopted country, and en- rich the enemy of our race, by voting for Free Trade ? Such being the truth, is it not time for us to call a halt in our political acts, and look at the situation like intelligent men ? By adopting and continuing to support this infamous policy of free trade, the Democratic party has become and continues to be the friend and ally of England. In forty-eight years every free trade measure intro- duced into Congress was presented by democrats. In all that time no political party has inserted a free trade plank in its platform, but the Democratic party, and in that time the majority of the Irish American citizens have given the Democratic party their allegi- ance. How truthfully then can the London Times thrust in our faaes the assertion "That the only time England can utilize the Celts is when they emigrated to the United States and voted for Free Trade." Why has this been permitted ? Why has the Democratic party with one third of its ranks made up of Irishmen dared to take the hand of England and co-operate with her, in introducing a policy into this coun- try that impoverished and enslaved Ireland ? Is it because of our blind allegiance to the word Democracy ? We have permitted ourselves to be- come the tools of cunning politicians who are directly connected with England and duping us under the cloak of Democracy ? Look to the heads of the Democratic party, the men who mould and manipulate its principles from McDuffi and Calhoun of 1832, to August Belmont of to-day ; you can- not find one of them that was not "hand and glove" with England. I ask Irishmen to look well at this ! If you will be Democrats, then in heaven's name drive every vestige of this English policy from the Demo- cratic platforms, and then, protection to American industry without oppo- sition will be a principle that will become a factor in the laws of the land to enrich the people and nation. In the past, when the question of Tariff and free trade was not in the fore ground of American politics, there might be some excuse for Irish Americans voting with the Democratic party ; but now when the Democratic party flings to the breeze "no protection to American industry," and Eng- land, through the Cobden Club makes war on that same industry ; it be- comes treason doubly odious to find Irish Americans performing the work of England, just as effectively as if they were neath the blood stained cross of St. George, with the Cobden Cl"b playing Kule Britannia, marching to the ballot box to introduce into tins country that blighting system of free trade, which drove us from our native land with the "vengeance." Mr. Gardner, in his speech in the Irish Parliament, said it was the large nubmers of Irishmen in the revolutionary army that decided the freedom of the United States. What a glorious record for Irishmen to look back to ; add to this the fact that from Yorktown to Appomattox apple tree ; in every battle field Irishmen have laid down their lives for the llepublic. Will the Irishmen of to-day place a crown on this glorious record by hurling back into the teeth of England this abominable policy of free trade ? Thus showing the world that wherever British interest raises 23 its head, there will be a "Celt" to stamp it out. To do this, the Irishmen of this country have only to mobilize the 1,600,000 Irish votes (that Gen- eral Butler says will work, vote and fight against English interests) at the ballot box, in the coming election, and vote only for men who are known to be pledged to sustain American industry and to stamp out English free trade from under the Stars and Stripes. To work then, fellow countrymen, and show this Ishmaelite of nations, that in driving us forth from our native land "with the vengeance," she has left us an inheritance of "vengeance" to be paid back whenever and where- ever we get the oppotunity. There is another part of this question to be considered ; in consequence of the condition of Ireland, directly traceable to free trade, the average Irishman lands in this country without any capital but his labor, hence the Irish people are more interested in keeping up the condition of the labor market than any other class in this community. Good wages and plen- ty of work must be the motto if we would live as free men. Can we have good wages with free trade ? Better ask can we have any wages ? For an answer, I refer you to the condition of the wage-workers of Ireland, Turkey, India, Spain, Portugal, England and Italy, who have been blessed[ ?] with free trade. Ask any old inhabitant of this country what was the condition of labor in 1837. The answer will be fifty cents a day and no work for half of the people. Most of the older readers remember 1857, when labor went begging at seventy-five cents per day. These two epochs were periods of partial free trade. The workmen of Canada who had perfect free trade, unable to obtain work at home at sixty per-cent the wages of the workmen of the United States, crowded our cities and towns seeking for work, which free trade denied them in their native country. Even Canada, feeling the blighting results of free trade is now agitating for, and has passed laws in favor of protective tariff, But free trade theorists will say this is an agricultural country, go on the unoccupied lands. The workingmen might justly answer — how will a man without money go on to the lands ? Even should the mechanics and laborers go on the land, what good will the land be without a market, in which to sell the produce ? The home market is and should be the dependence of the farmer. Without a home market created by a diversified industry, the farmers of even this vast and fertile country would become like the farmers in the village of C in Ireland, soon after the introduction of free trade as described by one of the members of the Cobden Club in a work published by that association and called the "Cobden Club on Land Tenure, Page 11. "Let us abandon the argument derived from the balance of trade and examine the effects of absenteeism upon the village of C . All the property in the neighborhood, to the amount £20,000 a year, belongs to absentees. There is not a gentleman's house or garden near it. There is very little traffic, and the roads are bad. The post arrives and departs at inconvenient hours, as there is not sufficient correspondence to induce the Post Office authorities to incur any expense in improving the postal service. There are no public conveyances, as there is not traffic enough to support them. The shops are few and ill supplied. Goods are sold at a high price, and yet for want of sufficent custom the profit of the shop-keepers is very small. The district cannot support a mar- ket and the people are obliged to travel a considerable distance for their supplies. The peasant finds it impossible to obtain any price for butter, eggs, poultry and other small rural produce. They cannot be sold in the neighborhood and the expense of carriage to a distance consumes nearly the entire value. There are no means of educatien. One medical practitioner, with very little skill, has the monopoly of an immense territory from which he obtains a scanty subsi&tance, as the gentry who are able to give him his fees are absentees. Agriculture is in a very backward state; the implements are of the •24 worst kind; no improvements in either cattle or implements have been introduced within living memory. There are no gentlemen of wealth and education to know what is done in other countries to make experiment s to instruct the people and introduce improvements. I thank the Cobden Club for a better description than I was capable of making of a farming community in a free trade country. Take away free trade from Ireland and protect the industries of that country and instead of looking to that peculiar institution that England looks to as a cure for all ills, "resident gentlemen," place a factory with 300 hands in the Tillage of C . How quickly will the farmers find a market ! how like magic will civilization float towards that unhappy people, to build school houses, good roads, public conveniences, postal facilities, and en- rich its tradesmen, doctors and all ! Owing to peculiar soil and climatic reasons England has never been able to kill outright the linen trade around Belfast, Ireland, and the pres- ence of this manufacturing interest accounts for the fact that Ulster is always free from famines and seldom has a failure in the crops. The fol- lowing description of that country will serve as a companion picture for the above description of a country without manufactures. I quote from the same authority. It is in striking contrast with the impoverished village of C . I do not remember ever reading a stronger argument in favor of Protection and against Free Trade than the description of these two sec- tions of Ireland. The one purely agricultural, the other agricultural and manufacturing. Cobdex Club ox Land Tenure. Page 49: ' 4 Tne wealth obtained by the cultivation and manufacture of flax in Ulster is the cause that when a farm is to be sold there is always some person at hand able and tril- ling to pay for the tenant right. In other provinces the case would be different; none of the neighbors would have money to buy the tenant right, and the purchaser would be obliged to borrow the purchase money at a high rate of interest, as the security for payment would be of an inferior character. Ireland has enjoyed [?] sixty years of perfect Free Trade, and the following from a late number of the Dublin Freeman's Journal illustrates the Eldorado that lies before the farmers of America if we adopt free trade : • ■ Facts are accumulating from day to day which tend to show the almost bankrupt condition of the farming interests of this country. Not alone in the West, among the small landholders, who at the best of times were never removed far above want, is the distress intense and widespread, but even in counties noted for the thrifty and provident habits of the people and blessed with resident gentry, and. comparatively speaking, in- dulgent landlords. Wexford has long been known as the model county of Ireland," We believe its people have tried to bear their misfortunes with fortitude; so far as we are aware, none of them ever made an appeal to any of the relief committees, and yet in prosperous Wexford we find seventy-seven ejectment processes tried at the Quarter- Sessions, now complete, for two divisions of the county, and nearly all for non-payment of rent. What is to become of these seventy-seven families?" Thus does Ireland, with all its natural resources, its rich soil and salu- brious climate, hurl from its bosom its mechanics, its laborers and its fanners to become toilers and wanderers in strange lands, because that Vandal nation, England, will not permit her people to apply that political e:-onomy. Protective Tariff, that makes Belgium, with only two-thirds its area of Ian 1, support a larger population in happiness and prosperity, and srives the teeming millions of Frenchmen in France work, wealth and happiness — while Ireland, poor, brave, dear old Ireland, has to periodically stretch forth her hand, an unwilling mendicant among the nations of the earth, begging food for her children — a victim of English Free Trade. Do the Irishmen of America desire to repeat the sacrifice on a larger scale in America ? If you do not, then cease to vote for free trade, and ally yourselves with the men who have American labor and American prosper- ity at heart — the men who favor protection to American industry. IRELAND'S DECAY. The following doleful catalogue clearly shows the steady, but sure decay that is swiftly sweeping man and beast from Ireland. if the people of Ireland do not interpose by a revolution, or the boil- ing cauldron of the worlds justice, do not wipe out the heartless oligarchy that rules England ; it is but a matter of time to have Ireland a howling wilderness, as free trade has made many rich sections of India. The Registrar-General has issued his report of the annual stock-taking in Ireland, and it is a dismal and depressing document. Decrease is writ- ten in every page. There is a decrease of 40,609 acres in the area under crops ; there is a decrease of 14,837 in the number of horses and mules ; a decrease of 2.594 in- the number of asses : a decrease of 146.752 in the num- ber of cattle; a decrease of 4.~6. 542 in the number of sheep: a decrease of 223,149 in the number of pigi : a decrease of 13.155 in the number of goats, and a decrease of 356. 1UG in the number of poultry. This docu- ment tells of the gradual decadence in Irish fannng. The land devoted to cereal crops, which in 1847 occupied 3.313.579 acres — one-fourth of the arable land, has gradually lessened, and in 1680 was only 1.766.424 acre-, or less than one-eighth of the arable land. Notwithstanding the sup; ;• of seed, there is a diminution of 21.943 acres in the area under potatoes : and in green cropsthere is a diminution of 25.388 acres. The returnsshows very painfully the effect of the past season ; and the action of the landlords upon the tillage of the poor — their asses, their pigs, their goats, and their poultry, have all diminished in number. Notwithstanding the continued boasts of great prices for dairy produce, there is a decrease of 67.985 inthe number of milch cows, and of 108,096 in the number of calves : in 1859 the number of milch cows in Ireland was 1.690.339 : in 1880 :: was reduced to 1.396,834. The decrease is 293.556. These figures show that dairy farm- ing cannot be so profitable as those who argue in favor of high rents wi-h to make out. but which they are unable to prove. It is usually calculated that each milch cow should return £10 a year, and the annual loss to Ire- land upon the diminished number of milch cows would be nearly three millions sterling £2.935.560^. The alleged increase in the price of butter does not compensate for this loss. The porcine race has gone down from 1.621.443 in 1871, to 849.046 in 1880 ; the diminution is 772.397. or a: 48 per cent. The number of breeding pigs, those of one year old and up- wards, which was 322.982 in 1859. has been reduced to 115.309 inlS80. The pigs under a year old, from which the market supply was drawn, has di- minished by 650,857. If these animals were in the country, they would, when fat and fit for killing, represent from two to two and a half millions sterling. We miss from the return an account which used to appear in former numbers — the Emigration from Ireland. Irish farming is perish- ing under excessive rents. — Minister Exi ress. If the Minister Express would raise the same hue and cry in Ireland against English manufactured goods, that Dean Swift did in 1762. and get the people of Ireland to refuse to buy. wear or use anything but Irish manufactured goods in fact, "Burn everything that conies from England, but her coal." Capital would soon supply Ireland with Irish manufac- tured goods, and at the same time would* create a home market for the farmer, which would make it easy for the farmer to pay his rent : in time he would learn the injustice of paying rent to a class who gave no return, and become prepared to take a life lease through the freemans lawyer. "The music of a rifle." INDUSTRIAL LEAGUE OF AMERICA, I^OIR PBOTECTI03ST TO HOME INDUSTRY. Joseph H. Brown, Prest. ; T. P. Jones, Vice Prest. ; A. W. Kingsland Treas. ; JohnF. Scanlan, Sec. ; James Felch, Cor. Sec. ; Hon. F. W. Palmer, J. H. Coyne, J. Biersdorf, J. L. Burleigh. VICE PBESIDE1TTS : David Bradley, David, H. Mason, C. F. Gates, Charles M. Smith, A. A. Carpenter. AG-E1TT : John A. Norton. ROOMS 57, 58 & 59, 160 AND 162 WASHINGTON. SEND FOR PAMPHLETS ON PROTECTION Every Irishman, who loves American liberty and desires a continuation of that liberty with its twin sister prosperity, and who feels that the intro- duction of British free trade into this country would be one of the worst evils that could befall the Bepublic will send his name and address to the undersigned, for the purpose of uniting the Irish race against this old enemy— FREE TRADE. JOHN F. SCANLAN, Secretary of Industrial League of America, Chicago, IU. READ WHAT MILLIONS PROCLAIM! The Genuine Singer Sewing Machines are only mado by the Singer Manufacturing Company and are beyond all controversy, the best in th a •world. "Having tried many other makes in our respect ive institutions, we find by continual xisage the Genuine Singer to be far superior to any others, and recommend them to all as the most valuable of all Sewing Machines. Very Respectfully, The University op Notre Dame, And St. Mary's Academy, South Bend, Ind. The immense popularity of the Genuine Singer Sewing Machine can only be comprehended when wo take their 6ales into account, Which now Reach over Ten Thousand Ma- chines Per Week. The Singer Mfg. Co. Principal Office, No. 34 Union Square New York. Principal Western Office, No. 241 State Street, Chic ago, 111. CHICAGO TYPE F OUNDRY. MARDER, LT7SE <& CO., ENGLISH AND GERMAN TYPE FOUNDERS, INVENTORS OF THE American System of Interchangeable Type Bodies, AND MANUFACTURERS OF BOOK, NEWS AND JOB LETTER FROM THEIR "INCOMPARABLE HARD MET AD." ESTIMATES And Job Office GIVEN UPON APPLICATION . OUTFITS OF ANY SIZE FURNISHED PROMPTLY. 'Eectrotyping and Stereotyping. 139 & 141 Monroe St. MITE STAR HE —OF- UNITED STATES MD ROYAL —BETWEEN— Queenstown, Liverpool and New York, UNSURPASSED FOR SAFETY, COMFORT AND SPEED. And DO NOT Carry Cattle, Sheep or Pigs. The First-class accommodations foi Cabin and Steerage Passengers, combined with the regular- ity of their rapid passages in all weather, have earned for these Splendid Steamers a World- wide reputation. For rates of passage and other information, apply to General Western Ag-ent, 48 South Clark Street, CHICAG-O, AMERICAN LINE. PHIIMLPHIAHIVEKPOOL (Calling at Queenstown.) Only Trans-Atlantic Line —UNDER THE— AMEEICAN FLAG! Sailing every Wednesday and Saturday, carrying Cabin, Intermediate and Steerage Passengers, and the United States Mails. For Passage tickets and drafts apply to Peter Wright & Sons, Gen. Agts. W. E. Lawrence, Manager, 119 East Randolph Street, Chicago. X2TMA2T LINE. CITY OF ROME, 8,300 Tons. CITY OF BERLIN, 5,491 Tons. ' CITY OF RICHMOND, 4,607 Tons. CITY OF CHESTER, 4,666 Tons. CITY OF MONTREAL, 4,490 Tons. CITY OF BRUSSELS. 3,775 Tons. CITY OF NEW YORK. 3,500 Tons. CITY OF PARIS, 3,500 Tons. ROYAL MAIL STEAMERS. YORK AND LIVERPOOL via QUEENSTOWN. PASSENGERS BOOKED TO AND FKOM PRINCIPAL TOWNS IN IRELAND AND GREAT BRITAIN. The attention of persons wishing to send to the OLD COUNTKY for their friends, is called to the great facilities offered by this celebrated Line of OCEAN STEaMEKS which has been in successful operation since 1851, and numbers in its fleet some of the largest, as well as fastest Steamers afloat. Local Agents in all the principal towns in the United States. FGUJfCIS C. (BftOWJf, Gen. Western Agt. 32 Clark St. Drafts on Great Britain, Ireland and the Continent lor sale. CHICAGO '. HAHNEMANN Medical college and Hospital of Chicago. [Chartered by the State ' •• '>is in 1855.J THE LARGEST HOMEOPATHIC CLINIl CHOOL IN THE WORLD. The 21st Winter Session commences October 5th and closes the fourth Thurs- day in February. 1881. Clinical facilities unsurpassed .terial for dissection abund- ant. Large, well-lighted and comfortable rooms. D. S. SMITH, M. D. 1255 Michigan avenue, Emeritus Professor of Materia Medico, . X. F. COOKE, M. D., 58 State St., Emeritus Professor of Special Pathology and Diagnosis. A. E. SMALL, M. D., 1204 Wabash avenue, Professor of the Theory and Practice of Medicine. R. LUDLAM, M.D„ 526 Wabash avenue, Processor of the Medical and Surgical Diseases of Women, Obstetrics and Clinical Mi Iwifery. TEMPLE S. HOYNE, M, D„ 1634 Wabash avenue, Professor of Materia Medica and Therapeutics, and Clinical Lectur- er on Venereal and Skin Diseases. GEO. A. HALL, M. D., 2131 Wabash avenue, Professor of the Principles and Practice of Surgery and Clinical Surgery. HARLAN P. COLE, M. D., Central Music Hall Block, Professor of General and Surgical Anatomy and Minor Surgery, W. J. HAWKES, M. D., 56 E. Washington St. , Pr ftssor of Physidogy and Clinical Medicine. C. H. VILAS M, D., 56 E. Washington St., Professor of Diseases of the Eye and Ear. C. GILBERT WHEELER, M. D., 81 Clark St., Professor of Chemistry and Toxicology. AUXILIARY CORPS. S. LEAVITT, M. D., 3807 Langley avenue, Adjunct Professor of Obstetrics and Clinical Midwifery. H. B. FELLOWS, M. D., 126 State St., Professor of the Physiology and Pathology of the Xen ons System. C. E. LANING, M. D., 3034 Michigan avenue. Adjunct Professor of Physiol gy, and Demonstrator of Anatomy. For full course of Lectures, including Matriculation $ 55 Otj Perpetual Tickets, " " 95 00 Graduation Fee 25 00 The Spring Term commences on the first Tuesday in March, every year, and con- tinues ten weeks. Fee, $15 00. For Catalogues, and other information, address T. S. HOYNE, M. D., Registrar, 1634 Wabash Ave., Chicago, El. WHO? WHO SELLS FURNITURE ON THE MOST EQUITABLE SYSTEM OF TIME PAYMENTS ? JOHN M. SMYTH. WHO EXHIBITS THE BEST SELECTED STOCK OF CARPETS ? JOHN M. SMYTH. WHO MAKES HIS OWN FURNITURE FOR RETAIL TRADE ? JOHN M. SMYTH. WHO SELLS ON TIME WITHOUT INTEREST ? JOHN M. SMYTH. WHO HANDLES NONE BUT THE BEST— THE VERY BEST — GOODS ? JOHN M. SMYTH. WHERE IS HIS PLACE ? 132 & 134 W. MADISON ST. SPECIALTY MADE OF PAMPHLET WORK!!! McCANN & O'BRIEN, BOOK! -A-3STID iTOIB PRINTERS, 169 EAST MADISON STREET, CHICAGO. All kinds of Printing done promptly, and at reasonable prices. Send for Estimates. WHO IS UNACQUAINTED WITH THE CEOCRAPHY OF THIS COUNTRY, WILL SEE BY EXAMINING THIS MAP, THAT TH E ' I\ " — Minneapoligj>g^r.)^^l, / if Chmr.ewa Jails V lo rar«>^ ChaiK^f^FaS^toD CHICAGO, ROCK ISLAND & PACIFIC R. Y. IS THE GREAT CONNECTING LINK BETWEEN THE EAST & THE WEST ! Its main line runs from Chicago to Council Bluffs, passing through Joliet, Ottawa, La Salle, Geneseo. Moline, Rock Island, Davenport, West Liberty. Iowa City, Marengo, Brooklyn, Grinnell, Des Moines (the capital of Iowa), Stuart, Atlan- tic, and Avoca ; with branches from Bureau Junction to Peoria; Wilton Junction to Musca- tine, Washington, Fairfield, Eldon, Belknap, Centreville, Princeton, Trenton, Gallatin, Came- ron, Leavenworth, Atchison, and Kansas City; Washington to Sigourney, Oskaloosa. and Knox- ville; Keokuk to Farmington, Bonaparte, Ben- tonsport. Independent, Eldon, Ottumwa, Eddy- ville, Oskaloosa, Pella, Monroe, and Des Moines; Newton to Monroe; Des Moines to Indianolaand Winterset; Atlantic to Lewis and Audubon; and Avoca to Harlan. This is positively the only Railroad, which owns, and operates a through line from Chicago into the State of Kansas. Through Express Passenger Trains, with Pull- man Palace Cars attached, are run each way daily between Chicago and Peoria, Kansas City, CRUNCH- Bluffs, Leavenworth and Atchi- son. Through cars arealso run between Milwau- kee and Kansas City, via the "Milwaukee and Rock Island Short Line." The "Great Rock Island" is magnificently equipped. Its road bed is simply perfect, and its track is laid with steel rails. What will please you most will be the pleasure of enjoying your meals, while passing over the beautifuUprairies of Illinois and Iowa, in one of our magnificent Dining Cars that accompany all Through Express Trains. You get an entire meal, as good as is served in any first-class hotel, forseventy-ttve cents. Appreciating the fact that a majority of the people prefer separate apartments for different purposes (and the immense passenger business of this line warranting it), we are pleased to an- nounce that this Company runs Pullman Palace Sleeping Cars for sleeping purposes, and Palace Dining Cars for eating purposes only. One other great feature of our Palace Cars is a SMOKING SALOON where you can enjoy your "Havana" at all hours of the day. Magnificent Iron Bridges span the Mississippi and Missouri rivers at all points crossed by this line, and transfers are avoided at Council Bluffs, Kansas City, Leavenworth, and Atchison, con- nections being made in Union Depots. THE PRINCIPAL R. R. CONNECTIONS OF THIS GREAT THROUGH LINE ARE AS FOLLOWS : At Chicago, with all diverging lines for the East and South. At Englewood. with the L. S. & M. S., and P., Ft. W. & C. R. Rds. At Washington Heights, with P., C. & St. L. R. R. At LA Salle, with 111. Cent. R. R. At Peoria, with P. P. & J.; P. D. & E. ; I. B. & W.; 111. Mid.; and T. P. & W. Rds. At Rock Island, with "Milwaukee & Rock Island Short Line," and Rock l3l'd & Peo. Rds. At Davenport, with the Davenport Division C. M. & St. P. It. K. At West Liuerty, with the B.. C. R. & N. R. R. At Grinnell, with Central Iowa R. R. At Des Moines, with D. M. & b\ D. R. R. At COUNCIL BLUFFS, with Union Pacific R. R. At OMAHA, with B. & Mo. R. R. R. in Neb.) At COLUMBUS JUNCTION.with B.,C. R. & N. R.R. At Ottumwa, with Central Iowa R. R. ; W., St. L. & Pac. and C. B. & Q. R. Rds. At Keokuk, with Tol., Peo. & War.; Wab., St. Louis & Pac. and St. L., Keo. & N.-W. R. Rds. At Cameron, with H. St. J. R. R. At Atchison, with Atch., Topeka & Santa Fe; Atch. & Neb. and Cen. Br. U. P. R. Rds. At Leavenworth, with Kan. Pac., and Kan. Cent. R. Rds. At Kansas City, with all lines for the West and Southwest. PULLMAN PALACE CARS are run through to PEORIA, DES MOINES, COUNCIL BLUFFS, KANSAS CITY, ATCHISON, and LEAVENWORTH. Tickets via this Line, known as the " Oresit Rock Island Route," arc sold by all Ticket Agents in the United States and Canada. For Information not obtainable at your home ticket office, address, R. 11. CABLE, E. ST. JOHN, Vice President and Qen'l Manager. Gerv'l Ticket and Pass gr Agt, Chicago, UL OV L ion 57