Vvx i ^ CL loj Yiirs L. C. Ha.“rk\j VII.— THE TEJAS: THEIR HABITS, GOVERNMENT, AND SUPERSTITIONS. By Mrs. Lee C. Harby. Among the various accounts of the North American Indians none is found dealing with a nation which possessed the dis- tinguishing excellence of having been always friendly to the white man, a people recorded in the diaries of the priests who went among them as courteous and docile and with a nat- ural inclination toward all that was good. That the historian has neglected the Tejas Indian will be perceived by whomsoever attempts to search for data upon which to build a narrative of these tribes, agricultural in their habits, living in houses, and banded together in a confedera- tion. The contrast they present when compared with “ the wild tribes ” which surrounded them makes this neglect the more marked, rendering most valuable and important any light which can be thrown upon their peculiar traits, their location, and the boundaries of their domain. Bancroft, in his Native Races of the Pacific, follows the Apaches and Oomanches, with their various tribal offshoots, down into Texas, yet does not name the Tejas Indians, although his many other histories mention them constantly. With the object of writing an account which can hereafter be referred to as authority, I have searched out my data in vari- ous old manuscripts, diaries, and reports made to the church, corroborating the matter so found by the allusions of many authors scattered through their different works. The name Tejas had existence long before the time of the generally accepted account of how Texas received its appella- tion. True, the Indians cried “Tejas! Tejas!” upon seeing De Leon and his soldiers, and Father Manzanet, the priest who accompanied the expedition, says in his narrative that it meant “Friends! friends!” But Salmeron tells us that the 64 AMERICAN HISTORICAL ASSOCIATION. Aixos and their kindred tribes “have much gold, which they call Tejas.” 1 So the natives may have intended to convey a very different idea from that with which they are accredited. The origin of the name has not been ascertained, but the first mention of it which I can trace is where it is said that Nuno de Guzman in 1530 had as a slave one of the Tejas Indians. 2 From that time on every account of every expedition made to the east of the Bio Grande del Norte mentioned them. Cabeza de Yaca in 1535 passed up through what is now Texas and traversed the very part where the Tejas Indians dwelt. He does not give the names of the tribes in his narrative, translated by Buckingham Smith, but relates many things of the natives with whom he was thrown which apply directly to the Tejas and harmonize entirely with the very full account which I find in the manuscript of Father Francisco de Jesus Maria, translated by Professor Wipprecht, then of the Agricultural and Mechanical College at Bryan, Tex., which translation is now deposited in the library of the State at Austin, its capital. Bandelier, in his papers of the Archaeological Institute, mentions that the Tejas were known to Coronado, 3 who jour- neyed through a part of their country during his expedition in 1540. In 1606 Ornate penetrated to their domain. In 1626 Benevides, writing of what Mother Maria de Jesus Agreda had done among the different nations, speaks of “the Theas Indians,” saying that was not their exact name, but it had that sound, 4 5 and Manzanet, in his report to lion Carlos de Siguenza y Congera concerning the Tejas, mentions having a letter in his possession which tells of this. s In 1650 Diego del Castille penetrated “ far beyond the Nueces to the country of the Tejas, where he found pearls;” 6 and in 1654 a similar expedition went out under Diego del Guadeljara. In 1683 a Jumana Indian from the Nueces came into the mission of El Paso with a re- quest that the friars there would send priests to teach Chris- 1 Bancroft’s Northern Mexican States, page 383. 2 Relacion de Castaneda, m Ternaux Compans Voyages, IX, I. 3 “Y otranacion de gente se llaman los Tejas, todos lobrados los cuerpos y rostros.” 4 Shea’s translation, Lenox Library, New York. 5 Wipprecht’s translation, State library, Austin, Tex. 6 Bancroft’s Northern Mexican States. This must have been in the Llano or San Saba River, where pearls are still found. THE TEJAS — HARBY. 65 tianity to his tribe and to the Tejas, giving a report of that province, which was represented “ as one of the richest and most fertile in America.” 1 2 Paredes, writing of them in 1686, speaks of their living by agriculture and of their being far superior to the roaming Indians. We now come to the manu- scripts of Manzanet, written in 1690, giving an account of re- ceiving reports concerning the Tejas in 1685 and alluding to the work which had already been done among them by Mother Maria Agreda, the date of which Benevides 3 puts at 1620. It was, perhaps, due to her ministrations that all the writers, from Benevides on, speak of these tribes as being ready and anxious for Christian teaching and of finding them so tractable. LOCATION. It is said that Capt. Herbert Martin left the Nueces and went “50 leagues southeast to the land of the Tejas.” 1 Man- zanet locates them in all that territory about the San Antonio, Guadalupe, and San Marcos rivers, speaking of them as being- scattered over enormous tracts of land. He mentions them as being where it is mountainous and again almost to the seacoast, near Espintu Santo Bay. This is carried out later by Father Francisco de Jesus Maria, who tells of their mountainous country and of their plains stretching nearly to the Gulf. He says that three great rivers crossed their land, one of which was the Trinidad — the Trinity. They were settled on the banks of the Neelies and on the San Miguel, where this priest estab- lished the second mission built in that immediate neighbor- hood— the Mission of the Most Holy Name of Mary. The first nine tribes he mentions occupied 35 leagues of land. He then tells of twenty-one more tribes of the Tejas, the last five of which constitute “ a very large province which is toward the north, ” about 505 leagues 3 distant from the first nine named, and with all the rest of the twenty-one scattered “ between north and east.” He names eight more tribes in the direction of south and west from the first named, about 80 leagues, and still farther south and west he tells of ten more, giving all their names. Here, then, are forty-eight distinct tribes which formed the nation of the Tejas, or “ friendly Indians,” for the 1 Bancroft’s Northern Mexican States, page 383. 2 Shea’s translation, l.enox: Library, New York. 3 The translator must have written leagues, but meant miles ; the first is impossible. H. Mis. 91 5 66 AMERICAN HISTORICAL ASSOCIATION. same authority says: u I observe that by the name of Tejas all ot the friendly tribes are to be understood; the name belongs to all of them, though their language may be different. This is a general term, and because of the old friendship which they entertain toward each other; it is in this way that ‘Tejas’ means ‘friend.’” 1 He says, too, that the proper name of the province is Aseney, “ though not one of all the tribes has that name,” while Bancroft writes that the Tejas and the “Cenis” or “Asenais” of the French were the same people. Lieutenant Bonilla, writing in 1772, says: 2 “ From the Medina River, where the Government of Coaliuila terminates, Tejas begins, and ends at the fort of our Senora del Pilar de los Adaes. The length is adjusted at about 240 leagues and her breadth at about 800.” 3 This territory must have taken in even more than the priest has ascribed to the nation of the Tejas. GOVERNMENT. The forty-eight tribes were not all united under the rule of one man ; they were in leagues of from five to nine, and all these leagues made a confederation. Hence, they did riot com- prise a kingdom, but several provinces linked together, and hav- ing one head, for Manzanet speaks of “ the chief of the Tejas” in such a way as leads one to think he means the chief over all the leagues of tribes; while Father Maria writes of “the great xinesi” as though he were higher than the ordinary ruler over the several leagues, who was called simply xinesi or ineci. By common consent a certain number of tribes came together and allowed themselves to be governed in a certain way. We have no record of how this was first brought about, but Father Maria, who lived long in their midst, gives a full and very interesting account of the manner in which their government was administered. Bach tribe had a caddi or governor who ruled over a district in size according to the numbers of the tribe beneath his dornin- i ion. Under every caddi were certain officials who promulgated his orders ; these were called canahas. If the tribe was large, l Fr. Jesus Maria; Wipprecht’s translation. 2 A Sliort Summary of Events. 3 The length is impossible, not the breadth. The translator, or copyist who worked for him, must have confused miles with leagues. THE TEJAS HARBY. 67 there were seven or eight of these; if small, but three or four. When the tribe went to war or set out on a buffalo hunt it was the canalia who gave the order for selecting and arranging the place where the caddi should rest for eating and sleeping. It was also his duty to fetch him the box of tobacco whenever he would smoke, and he had to fill the pipe and place it between the lips of his superior. There were other subordinate officers called chayas, who executed all which the canahas proclaimed. U nder these again were petty officers called jaumas, who insured promptness in the execution of punishment, seeing “ that the idlers were whipped by giving them strokes with a rod over the legs and belly.” 1 Each tribe was officered in like manner, and over whatever number were leagued together ruled a chief officer called the xinesi. He held his office by the direct line of lin- eage, and when he died the man nearest in blood entered as his successor. This was also the case with the caddis, but all other officers were selected by the council of the old men. When the caddi desired to transact a particular piece of business it was the place of the canahas to call together all the elders of the tribe. They met in the house of the caddi, who, when they were assembled, told them of the matter, what were his views concerning it, and why he had so determined. Then each man spoke out his thought, according to his age, the elder having precedence ; no one was allowed to interrupt the other, but must take his turn, giving his reasons for his opin- ions. The caddi listened to all, explaining his own reasons and arguing with them upon theirs. Then he chose the course which appeared to be wisest after all this discussion, showing them clearly why he had so determined. The Indians had a high respect for their rulers, and among all the officers mentioned the greatest harmony existed, “so that we have not seen any quarrel, small or great, during a year and three months .” 2 All the tribes held the xinesi in much awe; they endeavored to please him in every way; they gave him a part of all that they possessed, and his word was law. The ceremony of seating themselves in high places belonged only to the xinesi and the caddis. Each one of these had a strong upper story or stage to his house, upon which he could 1 Fr. Jesus Maria; YVippreclit’s translation. 2 Fr. Jesus Maria’s MS. 68 AMERICAN HISTORICAL ASSOCIATION. seat himself and observe all that passed. Every word he uttered while iu this position was regarded as a positive com- mand from which there was no appeal; therefore the caddis would only occupy these seats upon very particular occasions. These stages were in the shape of tables, and when the caddis sat there they placed their feet upon benches. That there was a nobility, or rather a distinction of caste, may be gathered from the priest’s account, which says: “The houses of the caddis and the nobility have each a bench, upon which no one is allowed to seat himself except the xinesi. In all of these houses there is also a high bed in a niche, whereon he may sleep and refresh himself.” 1 Manzanet also remarks, in his report upon the affairs of two years previous : “ From this it can be inferred that among them there exists quite an aristocracy, with the distinction between a nobleman and the common people .” 2 The Tejas had evidently a community of interests. If the house and property of one were destroyed, all the rest joined in and contributed toward providing him with a new home and all needful for his subsistence. Everything was possessed in common ; they lent each other their trinkets, and there was no traffic but barter and exchange. This rule did not seem to apply to their deerskins, buffalo hides, or what clothing and blankets they received from the Spaniards, but to their utensils for labor, dwellings, or anything that could be of public bene- fit if owned by all instead of one. In planting time they all worked together and sowed the land of all the tribe, beginning with that of the xinesi. Here they planted but a small spot, “in order that he might have something green for his pleas- ure ” — he had no need, as far as subsistence was concerned, for all the tribes contributed to his support. Next they planted the held of the caddis and officers in turn according to rank. The old men came next, and so on down to the young- est. The caddis and officers worked with the rest, but not the xinesi — he did no labor, never going out except to walk or to visit. The women and men did not work together, and none were obliged to labor in the fields who had employment within the house. They would not allow idleness; there was always something to be done, and those who would not perform their ‘Fr. Jesus Maria; WipprecM’s translation. 2 Fray Damian Manzanet’s MS. THE TEJAS HARBY. 69 part were punished. They labored industriously out in their fields as long as the weather was not severe, but when the cold rains fell or the north wind blew they would not venture out of their houses. Yet they were not idle; they sat around the fire employing themselves with handiwork. It was then that they made their bows and arrows, their shoes of buckskin, and the implements which they needed for husbandry. The women made mats out of reeds and leaves, fashioned the red clay into pots and pans, and busied themselves with dressing the skins of the deer and the buffalo hides. At certain times of the year they arranged feasts in honor of the great xinesi in remembrance of victories which their ancestors had gained. It was only at these times that all the various tribes of the confederation came together, those under different xinesis mingling in friendship, while their chiefs paid homage to the great xinesi by presenting him with bows and arrows and other things which they considered of special value. For three nights they danced, while their great chief had to see that they, his guests, were well provided with all they desired to eat. During these three days he was believed to be fasting, neither eating nor drinking; nor did he even rest, for he kept moving from place to place, keeping up a kind of tune like that the other Indians sang while they danced. Father Maria says that some superstition was attached to all that, but he could not quite fathom it, nor could he get a lucid explanation from the Indians themselves . 1 RELIGION. The Tejas always selected their very oldest man for their priest, and it was he who presented their offerings to God. A part of every article of food was given to the priest before they ate of it themselves. There was a house set aside to be used exclusively for these things. The priest entered here with great veneration, particularly when about to make an offer- ing. This was not done to idols — the Tejas had no “graven images” — but only to that One who, as they said, possessed the power of doing everything and upon whom all things depended — that is, they recognized and understood a Great First Cause . 1 The people showed the greatest respect to the priests, as did the xinesi and the caddis. Their manner of saying prayers 1 Fr. Jesus Maria’s report to the Count Galve. 70 AMERICAN HISTORICAL ASSOCIATION. was by taking a small box of tobacco and throwing a little up into the air, down to the ground, and then on each side of them. Upon sitting down to eat, instead of pronouncing a benediction, the priest took the first mouthful and cast it out of his plate in the form of a cross, “or as if marking the four winds of heaven — north, south, east, and west .” 1 All these tribes believed in one God— in their language, Ayo-Caddi- Aymay. They never spoke of Him in jest, but always said that whatever He did was done well, for He knew all things and was just and would surely punish offenders . 2 The Tejas Indian believed that when one died the soul went to a place called cayo, meaning “fell to the ground.” Bach soul went to a separate house and waited until all of its kin- dred had come. Then they were gathered together and had to go to a new earth to breed anew. “It was for that reason that they buried their dead with their arms and utensils and car- ried food to the graves that they might eat and have strength to make the journey and be well provided when they reached the new land ” 3 The guardians over the souls, they said, “locked them into their houses with keys as large as oxen.” SUPERSTITIONS. These Indians had numberless superstitions. If a house burned down they said the ground was angry because it had to support the building, and therefore it caused the fire. Then they would not build again upon the same spot. They believed that the hills and trees could be affronted, and so tried in many ways to propitiate them. One belief that was common to all the tribes was that the old men made heaven, fashioning it in the form of a circle, the outline of which was given to them by a woman who was born from an acorn. She then took up her abode in that place, and she it was who daily brought forth the sun and gave birth to the moon and stars, to the rain, the frost and snow, the thunder and lightning. If the fire would not burn they said it was annoyed; then they threw into it some of the fat of the buffalo as an offering, and, as a matter of course, it would blaze up. Then they were 1 Fray Damian Manzanet’s MS. 2 Fr. Jesus Maria; Wipprecht’s translation. 3 “ Y otra nacion