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A UTHOR : 
 
 THUCYDIDES 
 
 TITLE: 
 
 THUCYDIDES. BOOK 
 
 PLACE: 
 
 OXFORD 
 
 DA TE : 
 
 1895 
 
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 .88T43 
 
 Book I 1895. '.ii 
 Thucydides. 
 
 ... Thucydides. Book i. Ed. with introduction and 
 notes, by W. H. Forbes ... With maps ... Oxford, Clar- 
 endon press, 3895. 
 
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 THUCYDIDES 
 
 BOOK I 
 
 EDITED 
 
 IVITN INTRODUCTION AND NOTES 
 
 BY 
 
 W. H. FORBES, M.A. 
 
 BALLIOL COLLEGE, OXFORD 
 
 With Maps 
 
 PA/^T I— INTRODUCTION AND TEXT 
 
 AT THE CLARENDON PRESS 
 
 1895 
 
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 FlTNl' 
 
 PREFACE 
 
 -»♦■ 
 
 Bonbon 
 
 HENRY FROWDE 
 
 Oxford University Press Warehouse 
 
 Amen Corner, E.C 
 
 (Sim Sotft 
 
 Macmillan & Co., 66 Fifth Avenue 
 
 
 The notes in this edition are for the use of readers of 
 Thucydides in the upper forms of schools and in universities 
 and university colleges. The introductions are intended 
 rather for teachers. To avoid repetition, remarks on grammar 
 and on the use of particular words have been as far as 
 possible thrown into the grammar notes and glossary at the 
 end of vol. ii. 
 
 In the notes on the text, not more than one way, or at the 
 most two, of interpreting a disputed passage has been given. 
 Such passages are seldom very important for the history; 
 the difference in the sense made by difference of interpretation 
 is often small ; and no great profit is to be got by arguing 
 about them in print. As, however, the interpretation preferred 
 in the notes may seem wrong to some readeVs, alternative 
 explanations have been given in the footnotes and in the 
 appendix to the notes, together with discussions on points 
 of Greek antiquities which are too long for insertion in the 
 notes themselves. 
 
 The notes are printed separately from the text, in accord- 
 ance with the plan of the series in which the edition appears. 
 I hoj)e to proceed with other books of Thucydides in the 
 same or a somewhat different form. 
 
 I have not sufficient knowledge of MSS. to attempt 
 anything like a critical edition. But the departments of 
 
 a 2 
 
 218743 
 
IV 
 
 Preface. 
 
 interpretation and textual criticism are sufficiently independent 
 of each other to justify a certain division of labour ; and for 
 nine readers of a school and college edition out of ten, any- 
 thing beyond a minimum of textual criticism is unnecessary. 
 I have therefore retained Bekker's text, with a very few 
 changes in punctuation. These have mostly been indicated 
 in the footnotes, together with some of the most important 
 various readings and a few well-known emendations of 
 passages presenting obvious difficulties. Something of this 
 kind is necessary if only to remind the reader that the 
 received text of an author at any given time does not repre- 
 sent any single MS., and that no single MS. can possibly 
 represent the work as it came from the author's hand. 
 
 But, although for these reasons critical questions have 
 not been treated fully in the course of the notes, I should 
 be sorry to underrate their importance as subsidiary to the 
 work of interpretation, or the valuable contributions which 
 have been made by recent discussions of them to the next 
 really great critical edition of Thucydides, which may be 
 destined to supersede Bekker as Madvig's Livy has super- 
 seded earlier texts. In particular, some expression of opinion, 
 however unauthoritative, may be expected about the view 
 that the text of Thucydides has been extensively corrupted 
 by * glosses,' or more properly ' adscripts ' ; viz. marginal or 
 interlinear notes, which have accidentally been written out by 
 copyists as part of the text; a view chiefly associated with 
 the name of Cobet, and recently maintained at length in this 
 country by Dr. Rutherford and Professor Marchant \ 
 
 I. It is quite certain, from a comparison of the MSS. and 
 the scholia, that, in some MSS. at least, explanatory words 
 
 ^ For criticisms on these opinions by scholars who write with authority, 
 see Herbst, Ueber Cobet's Emendationen zu Thukyt^ides, and Zu 
 Thukydides, Erklarungen und Wiederherstellungen ; Hude, in Neue 
 Jahrbiicher, 1890, i. p. 801 ; and the Introduction to Professor Good- 
 hart's Thucydides, Book viii. 
 
 Preface. v 
 
 have found their way into the text (Marchant, Thucydides, 
 Book ii. p. xxxvii). It is impossible to deny that this may 
 be the case in many passages where it cannot be proved; 
 and there are good grounds for believing it in certain definite 
 groups of cases where words or phrases of a particular kind 
 frequently occur both in the scholia and in the text, and are 
 occasionally redundant or awkward in the text '. 
 
 E. g. ' the text of Thucydides ' may very possibly be ' dotted 
 over with AaKcSat^di/ioi and 'A6r)vaioi in every case and every 
 construction, none of which he ever wrote' (Rutherford, 
 Thucydides, Book iv. p. xlvii). And it is highly probable 
 that some of the passages dealing with geography, customs, 
 constitutional details, and the like, which embarrass the com- 
 mentator ^ may owe their complexity to accidental insertions, 
 and not to what can only be called clumsiness on the part 
 of the historian. 
 
 2. Where the grammar, not the sense, of a passage renders 
 the text suspicious, certainty is less attainable. It will always 
 be disputed how far it is likely or unlikely that Thucydides 
 used expressions which strict logic or grammar would forbid ^ 
 or departed from the syntax or vocabulary which are de- 
 scribed as * Attic ' by ancient or modern grammarians. For 
 'Attic Greek/ whatever may be said of * Greek/ has after all 
 been a dead language for 2,000 years : a foreign language 
 it certainly is ; and in dealing with Sophocles or Thucydides 
 the greatest of scholars is, as Professor Campbell remarks 
 (Sophocles, vol. i. p. 106), in the position of a foreigner 
 criticising an English classic. There can be no doubt how- 
 ever that much time has been wasted over subtle explanations 
 
 1 But each case of this kind must be judged on its own merits, for it 
 is obvious that a short explanatory clause is likely to be expressed in the 
 same kmd of language, whether it be inserted by the author or added 
 as a note by a commentator. 
 
 » E.g. i. 93, 11. II, 18 ; 96, 11. 5-9 (?) ; 126, 11. 18-21. 
 
 ^ See, for illustrations, Part ii. pp. 1 53-155- 
 
II 
 
 VI 
 
 Preface. 
 
 Preface. 
 
 Vll 
 
 of passages in our Thucydides which, whether he wrote them 
 or not, are blemishes in the work and exceptions to his usual 
 style. Where there is no difficulty in the translation or real 
 difference in the sense I have passed over without comment 
 words which may very well be ' adscripts \' nor have I stopped 
 to defend words which have been bracketed without sufficient 
 cause in good editions ; being unwilling to overload a small 
 edition with disputable matter of minor importance. But in 
 judging of Thucydides' style as a whole, the uncertainty of 
 the MS. tradition must be borne in mind; and good service 
 has been done by the attention recently called to it. 
 
 3. It is unlikely that much can be done by the method in 
 question for really difficult passages. Where such a passage 
 is corrected, and the original reading professedly restored, on 
 the supposition, not merely that an adscript has been inserted, 
 but that the insertion has caused successive omissions or 
 alterations (deliberate or accidental) in the original text, we 
 find ourselves in a region of sheer guess-work, where the 
 uncertainty of each link in the chain of hypotheses fatally 
 weakens the whole, and where no light is thrown by an 
 argumentative note either on the facts of the case or on the 
 style of the author. The aim of the ordinary student in such 
 cases should be to see what the actual difficulties of the place 
 are, and what the author probably meant to say : if he tries 
 to do more, he will either confuse himself, or acquire a habit 
 of mistaking guesses for facts and theories for certainties. 
 
 An edition like the present must necessarily be under 
 great obligations to preceding commentators, and to the 
 
 1 One of Cobet's best suggestions on Book i may be mentioned here. 
 In ch. 129, 1. II, Xerxes is represented as writing to Pausanias, kox tuv 
 avhpwv ovs fioi trcpay Oakdaffijs €k Bv^avriov eauaas Kurai aoi (vfpyfaia 
 iv Tq> TjfXfTepq} oiKqt kaail aa^dypaiTTOs. Cobet (Variae Lectiones, p. 435) 
 says, • Si €/c Bv^avriov addidisset, Trepav 0a\&aar)s scribere non potuisset. 
 Rex Persarum t6 Bv^ivriov ne nomine quidem noverat.' This last we may 
 doubt, but certainly €/f Bv^avriov spoils the effect of iripav OaKdaarjs. 
 
 historians of Greece and Greek literature. Constant use has 
 been made of the following among others :— Arnold, Classen, 
 and Kriiger, and, most of all, Stahl's edition of Poppo's 
 Thucydides, and the introduction and critical notes in Croisefs 
 edition of Books i and ii; Grotes, Hokn's, Busolt's and 
 Abbott's Histories, and various works of Professor MahafFy 
 and the late Professor Freeman, as well as of articles on Thucy- 
 dides in German periodicals, most of which are quoted in 
 the introduction or notes; in particular those of Herbst, 
 Schone and Wilamowitz-MoUendorf. I wish to acknowledge 
 a special obligation to the late Herr H. MtiUer-Striibing ^ 
 His immense learning and his determination to make out 
 exactly what Thucydides meant and what really happened, 
 and to take nothing on trust from previous writers, have 
 really advanced the study of Thucydides. Like many others 
 he is too fond of taking likelihood and unlikelihood, in 
 matters of which we know little or nothing positive, as a test 
 of truth or falsehood: hence his 'wild hypotheses' and his 
 readiness to suspect Thucydides of deliberate misrepresenta- 
 tion on the slightest grounds. But he makes us fkmk far 
 more than many soberer and more cautious writers; and his 
 influence has shown once more that * truth arises sooner out 
 of error than out of confusion.' 
 
 It is difficult to speak adequately of what I owe to the 
 privilege of many years' work with the late Master of Balliol ; 
 as well as to his published translation of Thucydides with 
 Notes. In the last year of his life, notwithstanding failing 
 health and pressing engagements, he read over carefully the 
 proof-sheets of the notes and appendix ; and many corrections 
 in them are due to his sound common-sense and delicate tact 
 in dealing with questions of language. 
 
 » Aristophanes und die Historische Kritik, 1873; Polemische 
 Beitrage zur Kritik des Thukydides, 1879; Thukydideische For- 
 schungen, 1881, and articles in the Neue Jahrbucher. 
 
VIU 
 
 Preface* 
 
 I have also to thank heartily Mr. E. A. Wells, late of 
 St. John's College, Oxford, Head Master of Highfield School, 
 Southampton, and Mr. H. L. Withers, late of Balliol College, 
 Principal of the Borough-Road Training College, for assist- 
 ance in reading the proof-sheets ; the Rev. M. J. Glazebrook, 
 Head Master of Clifton College, for carefully revising some 
 time ago a rough draft of the notes on grammar; and 
 Mr. E. Abbott, Fellow of Balliol College, for constant and 
 unwearied help in dealing with historical and other questions, 
 as well as in passing the work through the Clarendon Press. 
 As one instance of assistance derived from working some 
 time since with pupils in Thucydides, I should like to say that 
 
 the explanation of ovx ^(tuov €K€ivois fjfx&v dvreniTfreixta-fMevav 
 
 in i. 142, as referring to Naupactus and the other fortified 
 cities of the Athenian empire, is due to Mr. Howard Pease 
 of Arcot Hall, Northumberland, author of 'Borderland 
 Studies.' 
 
 Oxford, 
 
 August, 1894. 
 
 CONTENTS OF PART I 
 
 ♦ ♦ 
 
 PAGE 
 
 Introduction : — 
 
 I. The Life and Mind of Thucydides ... xi 
 
 What Thucydides says about himself, xi, xii ; infer- 
 ences, xiii-xviii : traditions, xviii : authorities for 
 them, xix-xxi : his idea of history, xxi-xxiii : his 
 relation to the opinions and feelings of his time, 
 xxiii-xxx : his mind and character, xxxi, xxxii. 
 
 Appendix A, ancient * Lives ' of Thucydides, xxxiii- 
 XXXV : Appendix B, the earliest authorities, xxxvi, 
 xxxvii: Appendix C, Plutarch and Pausanias, 
 xxxvii-xl. 
 
 II. Greek Prose Literature previous to or con- 
 
 temporary WITH Thucydides . . . xli 
 
 Prose writings existing when Thucydides wrote, xli- 
 xliv : chroniclers, xliv-lii : philosophers, Sophists, 
 Gorgias, lii-lvi : memoirs and pamphlets, Ivi-lxiii : 
 Hippocrates and Democritus, Ixiii-lxviii : reading 
 and criticism in 450-400 B.C., Ixviii-lxxi : possible 
 use of other writers by Thucydides, Ixxi-lxxix : 
 conclusion, Ixxix-lxxx. 
 
 III. The trustworthiness of Thucydides as a His- 
 
 torian Ixxxi 
 
 Nature of the evidence by which the accuracy of 
 Thucydides can be tested, Ixxxi-lxxxiv : inscrip- 
 tions, Ixxxiv-lxxxv — financial, Ixxxv-lxxxix — mili- 
 tary, Ixxxix-xciv — diplomatic, xciv-xcvi : Pylos 
 and Plataea, xcvi-xcix : a priori improbabilities, 
 xcix-cii : omission of matters bearing on the war, 
 ciii-cx : political or constitutional points sometimes 
 omitted or left obscure, cx-cxvii : possible explana- 
 tions, cxvii-cxviii, cp. cvii-cx : Thucydides' 
 general impartiality, cxviii-cxxviii : doubtful in 
 the case of Cleon and Hyperbolus, cxxix-cxxxi : 
 conclusion, cxxxi-cxxxii. 
 
 Text . * 1-86 
 
 Maps :—Corcyra and North-Western Hellas . . . To face i^, 
 
 Chalcidice » 33 
 
 The Athenian Empire . . . . • ji 5^ 
 
 Index of Proper Names in Text 87 
 
INTRODUCTION 
 
 -M- 
 
 I. 
 
 The Life and Mind of Thucydides. 
 
 We have not sufficient materials for a biography of Thucydides, § i. Facts 
 but he tells us incidentally a little about himself. His father's °^^^^ "^^• 
 name was Olorus (iv. 104). He was old enough at the begin- 
 ning of the Peloponnesian War (B.C. 431) and not too old at its 
 close (B.C. 404), which he survived, to observe and study atten- 
 tively passing events \ He was attacked by the Plague of 
 430-426, and saw others suffering from it (ii. 48). In the late 
 autumn or winter of 424, soon after the battle of Delium and the 
 expedition of Brasidas to the north for the purpose of raising 
 revolt among the Athenian allies on the coast of Thrace, at 
 a critical moment of the war when the hopes of Athens had 
 begun to wane, Thucydides was one of the ten annually elected 
 * generals ^' and with a colleague Eucles was in command in that 
 region. He was in the neighbourhood of Thasos, when news 
 suddenly came from the important city of Amphipolis, half a 
 day's sail off, where Eucles was stationed, that the place was on 
 the point of falling into the hands of Brasidas who had appeared 
 under the walls. Thucydides hastened with seven ships to save 
 if possible Amphipolis, or in any case Eion at the mouth of 
 
 1 IfffjStW S^ did navrds avrov, aiaeav6fi(v6s t€ t^ i^At/«'(ji, icat irpoatxw 
 T^i/ yvwfirjv, OTTODS oKpi^fS ri fiffofxat (v. 26). 
 
 ^ The election of (TrpaTrjyoi took place, in the next century, in or about 
 February, * as soon after the beginning of the seventh prytany as the 
 weather was auspicious'; Athen. Polit. 44.4. The date in the fifth 
 century is not known with certainty ; nor the time at which, after elec- 
 tion, the generals entered upon office. Athen. PoUt., 31.2, points to 
 the beginning of the Attic year (July or August). 
 
V 
 
 I 
 
 Xll 
 
 Introduction: Part /, §§ i, 2. 
 
 Thiicydides^ his life and mind. 
 
 Xlll 
 
 the Strymon, Amphipolis being three or four miles higher up 
 the river. 
 
 He arrived late the same evening, and found that Amphi- 
 polis had already surrendered. Brasidas, he tells us, had been 
 anxious to secure it before his arrival from Thasos, hearing that 
 Thucydides * possessed the right of working gold mines in that 
 part of Thrace,' and was influential with the chief men on the 
 mainland : he might therefore be expected by the people of the 
 place to bring an allied force from the sea and from Thrace, and 
 save them. Thucydides, finding that Amphipolis had sur- 
 rendered (the inhabitants not expecting that help would arrive 
 so soon), put Eion into a state of defence against immediate 
 or future peril ; and received the fugitives, Athenians or Athenian 
 sympathisers, whom Brasidas had allowed to leave Amphipolis. 
 Brasidas promptly attacked Eion by land and river, but was 
 successfully repulsed. 
 
 Not in connexion with his failure, but elsewhere (v. 26), in 
 order to show that he knew what he was writing about, Thucy- 
 dides tells us that he lived in exile for twenty years * after * his 
 command at Amphipolis, doubtless in consequence of its loss ; 
 and that he was thus enabled to see what went on as well on 
 the Peloponnesian as on the Athenian side, and to observe at 
 his leisure the course of events \ Whether his punishment was 
 deserved or not, we cannot tell. Insufficient precautions appear 
 to have been taken at Amphipolis, but it is impossible to say 
 whether Thucydides as well as Eucles was responsible for this, 
 or whether there was or was not a good reason for the absence 
 of Thucydides with his ships at Thasos : he may have gone 
 to collect reinforcements. The absence of any defence on his 
 own part may be due to a consciousness of error, to the reserve 
 of his character, or to a feeling that a history of the war was 
 not the proper place for such a defence, which he may have 
 made, if at all, in some other form. 
 
 § 2. Infer- From these and other passages we can safely infer a little 
 ences from 
 
 * Ko2 ^vvi^r} fiot <p€vy€tv r^v l/xauroG €Trj (iKoai fxtroi r^v is 'AfMf>i- 
 voKiv aTparrjyiav, koI y(voftivq) irap' dfuporepois rots npdyfMffi, Hoi ovx 
 ^aaov roh UtKoirovvrjaiQfv SicL r^jv (pvyfjv, tca6^ ^avx<ov Tt avTwv imWov 
 at<j6ea$cu \y. 26). 
 
 more about Thucydides : our inferences must often take the the words 
 
 , /. . • •!_ -i-a.' of Thucy- 
 
 somewhat tedious form of suggestmg various possibilities, ^.^^ 
 
 among which the truth may or must lie : but this is better than 
 
 stating as a fact what is only a hypothesis, and supporting it 
 
 against equally probable hypotheses by inconclusive arguments. 
 
 To judge by what he says of his own age, he was not under His age. 
 
 twenty-five, or much over forty at the beginning of the war \ 
 
 that is to say, he was bom between 471 and 456. He must 
 
 have remembered well the loss of Megara and Boeotia and the 
 
 Thirty Years' Peace in 445 : he was a boy or a young man when 
 
 Cimon died in 449 ; and his recollections may have gone back 
 
 to the conquest of Aegina and Boeotia, the victories over Corinth, 
 
 and the disasters in Egypt (460-455). He may have been born 
 
 some time before Themistocles died, but cannot have seen him 
 
 before he quitted Athens for the last time (B.C. 471 ?)^; except 
 
 as a mere child, if an improbable story in the 'A6r)vaia)v no^ireia 
 
 be true, see Part ii. p. 86. In any case his youth and early 
 
 manhood were spent during the time when Athens, under the 
 
 undisputed leadership of Pericles, was at the height of her 
 
 1 If he was forty years old in 431, he would have been sixty seven in 
 404 : the words alaOavofxtvos rji ^KiKiq. would be in most cases less 
 appropriate after seventy than before. If he was under twenty-five in 
 431 he would have been only just over thirty when elected general in 
 424. We do not know for certain that a minimum age of thirty was still 
 required for generals as it seems originally to have been (Athen. Polit. 4, 
 2-3), and as it was for jurymen (Athen. Polit. 63, 3) and members of the 
 Council (Xen. Mem. i. 2. 35). But such was probably the usage. 
 Alcibiades does not appear to have held his fir^t generalship till he was 
 over thirty, and four years later he is taunted by Nicias as young for 
 such a position (Thuc. vi. 12). 
 
 Aulus Gellius (second century A. D.), quoting Paraphila an authoress 
 of Nero's time, says that Hellanicus * seems' (videtur) to have been 
 fifty-six, Herodotus fifty-three, and Thucydides forty at the beginning 
 of the Peloponnesian War. But we do not know whether this precise 
 statement rests on tradition or on a mere estimate from probability. 
 Marcellinus, p. 6, 1. 31 (Bekker), says that he is said to have been 
 ' over fifty ' when he died. 
 
 * We naturally tend to under-estimate the length of the interval 
 between the Persian and Peloponnesian Wars. The Chorus in the 
 Acharnians (425) are called MapaOuvoiJuixai : but any actual survivor of 
 the battle of Marathon must then have been aged eighty-five or more. 
 
 >-i- 
 
i 
 
 XIV 
 
 Introduction: Part /, § 2. 
 
 political, intellectual, and artistic greatness, and * under the 
 influence of that new intellectual world which broke upon the 
 Greeks in the fifth century before Christ, and which is never 
 sufficiently appreciated by us because we have inherited it and 
 habitually live in it \' 
 Election to He must have been elected (Trparrry6s (see footnote 2 on p. xi) 
 aTparrjyia. jn the first half of 424, when, as we see from the Knights of 
 Aristophanes (February of that year), the hopes of the Athe- 
 nians, soon to be overclouded, were at their brightest. Among 
 his colleagues on the board of o-rparT/yoi' were Nicias, Demo- 
 sthenes and Lamachus. The banishment of Eurymedon and 
 Sophocles and the infliction of a fine on Pythodorus on a charge 
 of receiving bribes from the Sicilian cities seems to have 
 taken place during his term of office ; and in his apology for 
 them, and his condemnation of the unreasonable expectations 
 of his countrymen (iv. 65), we may perhaps trace the natural 
 feelings of one who had suffered in a similar* way. 
 
 Thucydides nowhere says, as has often been said of him by 
 ancient and modern writers, that he was the owner of gold 
 mines in Thrace, but only that he * possessed the right of work- 
 ing ' gold mines (KT?i<nv ex^iv tS>v xpvcrf iwv ^fTaXXwi/ epyaaias iv 
 ri nepl raOra epaKj]) \ They may have been the mines of Scapte 
 Hyle (Hdt. vi. 46), on the mainland opposite Thasos, given up 
 to Athens after the revolt of that island (Thuc. i. 102), or those 
 of Mount Pangaeus (Hdt. vii. 112), a little to the west; they 
 may also have been the gold mines of Crenides=* (later the site 
 of Philippi) further inland *. If the first, Thucydides' expression 
 may mean that he rented the right of working them from the 
 f Athenian state. In that case there is no foundation for the 
 V suggestion that in 424 he was neglecting his duty at Amphipolis 
 
 1 Jowett, Thucydides, Introduction, p. xiii. 
 
 * One of his ancient biographers reflects his language accurately, 
 TCL «€/>t edaov iricrT€v0€ls /icVaWo (Vit. Anon. p. 13. 1. 6). 
 
 3 Strabo, vii. exc. 34 : the mines of Datum (Hdt. ix. 75) were near ^, 
 or identical with, those of Crenides. 
 
 « The expression €v rfj irepi ravra epiuri just after the mention of 
 Thasos might he used of any of these. Thucydides' ancient biographers, 
 whatever their testimony may be worth (see below), speak only of 
 Scapte Hyle. 
 
 Connexion 
 with 
 Thracian 
 mines. 
 
 <»'/' 
 
 ThucydideSy his life and mind. 
 
 XV 
 
 by lingering about Thasos for the protection of his own private 
 
 property. 
 
 We do not know whether, on his failure to save Amphipolis, Exile, 
 he returned to Athens and was formally tried and condemned 
 to exile, like Pythodorus and Sophocles (iv. 65), or whether, 
 like Demosthenes for a short time after his defeat in Aetolia 
 (iii. 98), he remained in voluntary exile * fearing the Athenians.' 
 (In this case he mayor may not have been tried in his absence.) 
 Nor do we know whether, if tried at all, he was charged with 
 mere negligence, or with TrpoSoo-m, the penalty of which was 
 death and confiscation of goods \ Voluntary or involuntary, 
 his twenty years' exile began at the end of 424 or the beginning 
 or early part of 423. Thus it ended during the eventful years 
 404-403 ; after the fall of Athens (about April, 404), and during 
 the power of the thirty tyrants, or possibly after the restoration 
 of the democracy (autumn of 403). 
 
 The circumstances of his recall are unknown ; the period of Recall, 
 his sentence may have expired ; he may have been recalled by 
 a special vote of the Assembly ^ or (as the coincidence of the 
 date may perhaps suggest) he may have been included in the 
 amnesty passed at the beginning of the siege of Athens, in the 
 recall of the exiles demanded by Sparta at the Peace, or in the 
 amnesty passed after the restoration of the democracy. We 
 know however from passages in the Orators that these amnesties 
 excluded certain classes of definitely convicted persons ^ 
 
 That after the expiration of twenty years Thucydides returned 
 to Athens is almost necessarily implied in his own words, ^we^t) 
 /ioi (pfvyeiv Trjv efiavrov Trarpi'Sa €LKO(Tt, trr} : and by an expression 
 in i. 93, where he says of Themistocles' fortification of the 
 Piraeus, koI (OKodoprjaav TJj fK^ivov yva>p,rj to iraxps tov ret^ovs 
 
 ^ A passage in Aristophanes, Wasps (acted in the spring of 422, * 
 rather more than a year later), 1. 289, can hardly have failed to remind 
 the spectators of the fate of Thucydides. The Chorus summons the old 
 Dicast to the court with the words — _^ 
 
 Kal yap avrjp iraxvs ^K€i 
 
 Twv irpo86vTcuv rdiri ©pfjicqs' 
 
 bv OTTOJS €7XVTpi€tS 
 
 ('and mind you dish him*). 
 ^ See Appendix C, p. xl. 
 ' See Herbst, Philologus, 1890, p. 346. 
 
 ^ 
 
 y 
 
) 
 
 XVI 
 
 Introduction : Part /, § 2. 
 
 How far an 
 eye-wit- 
 ness. 
 
 oircp v^v 6T1 %r\\6v cori »repi rhv Uiipaia : an expression most 
 naturally explained by supposing that Thucydides had seen 
 with his own eyes the ruins of the Themistoclean walls after 
 they had been overthrown by Lysander. 
 
 From i. 22 we know that he himself heard some of the 
 speeches and saw some of the events which he relates. 
 Which they were (apart from the Plague and the affair of 
 Amphipolis), we cannot tell. The words y€v6fi€vos nap' afi(t>oT€- 
 pois Tois npdyfiaai, Ka\ ovx Vf^frov Tois n^XoTTOVvrjaitou 8ia rr)v 
 <t)vy^v (v. 26) justify the supposition that he was at Sparta or 
 with the Peloponnesian forces at some time between 424 and the 
 end of the war. In describing the apparent size of the armies 
 at Mantinea he says to fie (rrparonedov rav XaKebaifioviav fielCov 
 i^dvT] (v. 68) : this has been thought to indicate that he was an 
 eye-witness of the battle. But we cannot safely argue thus : the 
 expression may have come from an informant. Much less can 
 we argue from the life-like character of any particular part of 
 his narrative that he was present at the scene which he describes 
 (Pylos, Syracuse, Olympia, v. 50). The description of the 
 departure of the Athenian fleet for Sicily (vi. 30, 32) is as 
 graphic as any of them ; and Thucydides, then an exile, cannot 
 possibly have been at the Piraeus on that memorable day. 
 ^uuxpw,x- Save for the rare cases in which Thucydides mentions a diffi- 
 tion of the ^ulty in getting information on particular points ^.pjp. cvii, cviii), 
 History. ^^ ^^^^ ^^ details of the manner in which he wrote his history. 
 He tells us that he began it as soon as the war began : to what 
 extent, if any, he proceeded beyond the collection of materials, 
 or when he worked up into a final or neariy final form the 
 successive stages of the history, it is impossible to say with 
 certainty. Some passages were certainly written after the fall 
 of Athens (i. 23 ; ii. 62, 65 ; v. 26), and even bear traces of the 
 impression produced on him and throughout Hellas by the 
 well-deserved unpopularity of the Spartan dominion (i. 76, 77 ; 
 probably iii. 82) . Other passages in the eariier books gain greatly 
 in force if we suppose them to have been written with a know- 
 ledge of the Sicilian expedition, the occupation of Decelea, and 
 the end of the war ; especially those anticipations of the future 
 in the speeches which are more definite than they could naturally 
 have been at the time when the speeches were delivered (see 
 
 Composi- 
 
 Thucycit'deSf Ms life and mind. 
 
 xvii 
 
 Part ii. p. 107). We naturally imagine him as living and work- 
 ing for some little time after the end of the war, although with 
 no more definite internal grounds than these. 
 
 That Thucvdides took advantage of the break in the war Theory of 
 
 * TTII * v« 
 
 after the Peace of Nicias to put into shape what he had already '-^^"^^" ^^. 
 
 ^ ^ •' tocomposi- 
 
 composed in the rough is not unlikely in itself : he could not tion of the 
 have divined at once that the war would break out afresh. History. 
 But the internal evidence is quite insufficient to show that 
 Books i — V. 25, or the greater part of them, form a separate 
 section of the history, written, excepting a few definite inser- 
 tions, in the interval between the Peace of Nicias and the 
 Sicilian expedition ^ The passages mentioned above render it 
 
 ^ This theory was first put forward by Ullrich (Beitrage zur Erklaning 
 des Thukydides) in 1846. It was well worth suggesting that there was 
 a kind of break in Thucydides' work after 421, which may account for 
 the fresh start which he makes in v. 26 (yiypaxpe 6^ Kal ravra 6 avros 
 eovftvbiSrjs 'A9T}vaios, K.r.\.). But the existence in the first four books of 
 passages which must have been written before the Sicilian expedition 
 and cannot have been written afterwards is insufficiently supported. It is 
 said that the words of Thucydides in ii. i apx^rai 5^ 6 Tr6\€fios kvdevSc 
 •qSr} . . . tv qi ovT€ inffxiyvvvTo tri ajcTjpvKTi nap* dW-qXovs koI KaraffravTis 
 (vv^xw iTToXifiovv, can only refer to the first ten years of the war, and 
 not to the whole war which was interrupted by the Peace of Nicias : 
 that Thucydides cannot have described the second Peloponnesian in- 
 vasion of Attica;»as the longest and most calamitous (ii. 37; iii. 26), if 
 he were writing after the occupation of Decelea, which he also calls an 
 (ff0o\Tj : that he cannot have called the Plague the greatest blow to the 
 Athenian power (iii. 87), if he were writing after the Sicilian expedition : 
 that he cannot have spoken of two distinct occasions as the greatest 
 panic known at Athens during the war (ii. 94; viii. 96). But such 
 arguments expect an unreasonable degree of * legal accuracy ' in Thucy- 
 dides, and hardly make allowance for the common sense of the reader. 
 
 There is rather more reason for supposing that, in a few places in the 
 earlier books, Thucydides uses the expression 'this war' for what he 
 elsewhere calls * the first war,* viz. the war down to the Peace of Nicias. 
 In one of the most definite cases however (iv. 48), this interpretation, if 
 admitted (and the only ground for it is a comparison of the passage 
 in Thucydides with one in Diodorus, xiii. 48), points to the words having 
 been written after 410. So that Thucydides, if he spoke of 'this war ' 
 in the alleged sense, seems to have done so after the renewal of the 
 second war ; and if so, the expression proves nothing as to the date at 
 which the earlier books were completed. 
 
 "' b 
 
Introduchon : Part I, §§ 2-4. 
 
 xviii 
 
 far more probable that the whole work took its present form, 
 roughly speaking, after the end of the war; though some traces 
 of incomplete revision may remam\ 
 Date of In iii. 116 Thucydides, purporting to enumerate the enapt^ns 
 
 •leath. of Etna, says nothing of one which, if we can trust D.odorus 
 
 (xiv 59) whose chronology is often wrong, happened m yp. 
 Hence it is probable that this part of the history was not revised 
 much after 396, and therefore that Thucydides d.ed before or 
 
 not loner after that date. .,11.1 
 
 Thefmperfect state and abrupt conclusion of the e.ghth book 
 seem to show that Thucydides was at work on it when he was 
 interrupted by death. That he did not live to hand down to us 
 the battles of Arginusae and Aegospotami and the surrender of 
 Athens, is a loss which can hardly be estimated not only to 
 ancient history, but to the perfection of a great work of art. 
 
 , , Tradi- ' But,' it may be asked, ' is this really all that we know about 
 tions about Thucydides? Is it not a fact that as a boy he was moved to 
 Thncydi- ' ^^^^i„ Herodotus read his History? Was he not a 
 
 pupil of Anaxagoras and of Antiphon ? and a relative of M.lt.ades 
 and Cimon, and perhaps connected with the Pis.strat.dae ? Was 
 not his banishment due to the influence of Cleon ? U^as he no 
 recalled on the proposal of a certain Oenobms ? Did he not live 
 during his exile at Scapte Hyle in Thrace-where consequently 
 the gold mines which he worked must have been-and did he 
 not meet with a violent death in Thrace or at Athens ? 
 
 Some or most of these statements may be true, and they are 
 not likely to be all false; but none of them are cerum; and 
 they must not be confused with what we can be said positively 
 to know about Thucydides. They are taken from various writers, 
 the earUest of whom, Dionysius of Halicamassus, lived in the 
 Augustan age, nearly 4«. years later than Thucydides dea h 
 and most of whom are later than lOO A. D. Nor do the earher 
 writers whom they quote, perhaps inaccurately^ carry us back 
 
 . There is one pretty clear case in ii 2i jh' •l^^;j>'' "'"1;^^ 
 cannot have been revised after 411, when Oropus was lost to Athens 
 ^""'The'' Lives' of Thucydides make mistakes in their references to 
 
 des 
 
 Thucydides^ his life and mind. 
 
 XIX 
 
 (as far as any valuable information is concerned) to within loo 
 years of Thucydides. 
 
 These traditions are contained in (i) two essays on the style §4. Au- 
 of Thucydides by Dionysius of Halicamassus, (2) a passage of tnorities 
 Plutarch (Life of Cimon, ch. 4), who wrote about 100 A.D., (3) a stories 
 passage of Pausanias (i. 32), who wrote towards the end of the about him. 
 second century a. D., (4) the 'Lives' of Thucydides usually printed 
 at the beginning of our editions. They are found in the Palatine 
 MS. of Thucydides (eleventh century) and in some others. One 
 of them, headed * Marcellinus : From the Scholia to Thucydides, 
 on the life of Thucydides himself and his manner of writing,' 
 seems from the repetitions and contradictions which it contains, 
 to be made up of three different essays on the life of Thucy- 
 dides. (5) There is, besides, a short Mife' in Suidas' Lexicon; 
 and (6) some scattered remarks in Scholia and various late 
 authors ^. 
 
 Now, in dealing with a body of traditions like this, we may of 
 course dwell on the possibility that memoirs of Thucydides were 
 written soon after his death, that the learned men of Alexandria 
 tried to preserve all that was known of him, and that their 
 accounts, even when not quoted by name, have come down to 
 us in the * Lives ' and other sources. We may then weigh each 
 several statement, distinguish between the more and less pro- 
 bable, the earlier and later, those likely to have been invented 
 and those likely to be genuine ; we may guess at the origin of 
 different stories and the elements of fact which they seem to 
 contain, and so put together a connected and plausible account ^. 
 But the more we try to do this with the stories about Thucydides, 
 
 passages in Thucydides himself and in Herodotus, where we can check 
 them. See Appendix A, p. xxxiii. 
 
 ^ The story of the effect produced on Thucydides as a boy by hearing 
 Herodotus read his history occurs only in the latest sources (Suidas, 
 Photius, and Marcellinus) and is not mentioned by Lucian (second 
 century a. D.) where he describes the effect of Herodotus' readings at 
 Olympia and his fame in Greece (Luc. Herodotus s. Action, i). 
 
 '' All that learning and ingenuity can do to maintain the credit of the 
 * Lives ' and to construct a connected account of Thucydides from them 
 will be found in Herbst's articles in Philologus, 1890, pp. 134-180, 
 338-375. 
 
 hi 
 
ter of ihe 
 ' Lives ' of 
 Thucydi- 
 des. 
 
 XX Introduction: Part I, §§ 4-6- 
 
 the less credit do they seem to deserve. If there is any excep- 
 ?o„ to this, it is Plutarch's statement that the h^t°n"S 
 related to Cimon and Miltiades and that h.s tomb was to be 
 seen at Athens among the tombs of their fam.ly : P°^=f J ^=° 
 that of Pausanias, that he was recalled from banishment on the 
 proposal of Oenobius>. Every other definite statement about 
 him is either suspicious in itself, or rests upon the mere authonty 
 of the ' Lives,' and their authority must be rated very low. 
 
 5 , Charac- They are very discursive, not written with any dj^f ">j"^*'°" 
 ^' or intelligence ; and either very corrupt, or full of blunders, or 
 
 both. The earlier the authorities whom they quote, the more 
 confused or improbable are their statement s^ The most van^ng 
 traditions were current about Thucydides' ex.le, death and bunal. 
 One account implies that he died in exile, wh.ch .s almos abso- 
 lutely incompatible with his own words (see p. xv above). He 
 is said to have spent his banishment in Aegma («'h.ch is un- 
 possible, for Aegina was part of the Athenian domm.ons untU 
 the end of the war), in Thrace', in Italy, to have d,ed a natu al 
 death, to have been killed in Thrace or m Atfca or m Italy. 
 From these discrepancies it would seem that when learned men 
 began to be interested in discovering the facts of his life, no 
 certain knowledge was to be had about them *. 
 
 On the whole then we cannot be sure of anything about 
 Thucydides save what he tells us himself. Of the many stones 
 which have been so often repeated about him some are indeed 
 more likely to be true than others. For instance, a companson 
 between the speeches of Antiphon and the History of Thucydides 
 
 ^ See Appendix C, p. xxxvii. 
 
 ^ These earliest authorities are Cratippus and Zopyrus who may 
 have been contemporaries of Thucydides ; and Timaeus and Praxiphanes 
 who wrote within loo years of his death. See Appendix B. P- --- 
 
 ^ Dionysius, our earliest actually extant source of mformation says 
 (De Thuc. Hist. Jud. 4O that after his banishment he hved m Thrace 
 during the whole of the rest of the war {H.XaO^h -'^l -^P;f;;j:f;;^ 
 rovL.lv rov .oX.Vou xP^vov Iv epd^v ^^^rp4^-\ Th:s statement is 
 inconsistent with the historian's own words, 7-0^.^0, r^ap aM>orepo.. 
 Tofs 7rp<i7/xa(rt : see pp. xii, xvi above. rj.^ , ^-a t .^^n^^ 
 
 * \Vllamowitz-Mollendorf, Hermes, xii. Die Thukydides-Legende, 
 from whom many of these criticisms are taken. 
 
 Thucydides, his life and mind, xxi 
 
 makes it probable that Antiphon had some influence upon his 
 style*: Cleon was at the height of his power when Amphipolis 
 was lost, and it is more likely than not that he abused Thucydides 
 violently in the Assembly and had something to do with his 
 voluntary or involuntary exile. But the statements that Antiphon 
 was Thucydides' teacher (Marcell. p. 4, 1- 3i) or that Cleon's abuse 
 was the cause of his banishment (Marcell. p. 9, 1- 8) add little or 
 nothing to these probabilities. No one would trust similar 
 authorities when they tell us that Thucydides after his exile, when 
 living in Aegina, ruined the inhabitants by lending money at ex- 
 orbitant interest (Vit. Anon. p. 14, 1. 28 ; cp. Marcell. p. 5, 1. 1 1), or 
 that he wrote his history * under a plane-tree ' (Marcell. p. 5, 1. 14)- 
 
 So much for the circumstances of Thucydides' life ; for our 
 knowledge of his mind and character we are thrown back upon 
 his writings, and notwithstanding their reserved and impersonal 
 tone, we are at no loss to form from them, within certain limits, 
 a definite idea of what he was. 
 
 The resolution to write his History was a far more important 
 epoch of his life than the failure to save Amphipolis. Impressed 
 by the greatness of the impending struggle, he is mastered by. 
 the idea of writing a history in a manner never before attempted ; 
 a history based on accurate inquiry, not adorned by interesting 
 fables, but keeping close to the truth, whatever trouble it may 
 cost : not inaccurate in chronology, Hke that of Hellanicus : 
 dating events not merely by the magistrates in whose term of 
 office they occurred — for this does not tell you in what part of 
 the year any given event took place— but by summer and winter, 
 the natural divisions of the year (v. 20). He is offended by 
 the loose way in which unfounded traditions are accepted, and 
 history written, not to be a permanent guide to the truth, but 
 to afford a momentary pleasure to the hearer. He fixes upon 
 somewhat trivial instances of inaccuracy in previous writers or 
 contemporary opinion (i. 20 ; ii. 29) : he has a passion for setting 
 people right about Hippias and Hipparchus, and twice goes out 
 of his way to do so at length (i. 20 ; vi. 54-58). He is so keenly 
 alive to the greatness of the present that he is rather less than 
 just to the Persian war ; and in his distrust of myths he makes 
 » See Mure's History of Greek Literature, vol. v. App. xi. 
 
 Mind and 
 character 
 of Thucy- 
 dides. 
 
I 
 
 § 7. In- 
 terest in 
 
 cities, per- 
 sons, and 
 things. 
 
 xxii Introduction : Part /, §§ 6-8. 
 
 a somewhat prosy and unappreciative use of the Homeric and 
 other legends ; although, in quoting in full a passage from the 
 Hymn to Apollo as proof of a small point about the history of 
 the Ionian festival at Delos, he seems to be influenced by its 
 poetic beauty (iii. 104). Where others saw the *tale of Troy 
 divine ' and a bright vista of ancestral heroes and Gods, he sees 
 a comparatively small expedition hampered by want of supplies, 
 and a feeble poverty-stricken form of primitive society resem- 
 bling that of the barbarians or the most backward of the Greeks 
 of his day. He has no ^ philosophy of history ' beyond the behef 
 that human nature is always much the same, and that therefore 
 what has happened is likely to happen again, and that the past, 
 if accurately recorded, will serve as a guide to the future. 1 his 
 conviction he expresses in particular about his own record of 
 the Plague and the Corcyraean revolution : it may be noticed 
 that a pestilence like that at Athens is known to have recurred 
 but once (if at all), in the time of M. Aurelius ; while subsequent 
 revolutions have only too faithfully reproduced the features of 
 
 the troubles at Corcyra. 
 
 Thucydides is singularly capable of setting forth opposite 
 views of a situation and opposite conceptions of national cha- 
 ■ racter ; but he rarely decides between them (he may have felt, 
 with the Chorus in the Agamemnon, 'ov^iho, tJk^l ro8' dvr' oveiBovs, 
 diafjiaxa §' ^Vrt icpl.«0. He is deeply sensible of the charm of 
 Athenian life and its combination of liberty and law \ but not 
 blind to the occasional weakness of character and preference of 
 words to deeds with which his fellow-citizens might justly be 
 charged. He is an admirer of Spartan political stability and 
 appreciates the grandeur of the typical Spartan character, yet 
 he presents in the strongest light its actual defects, and limita- 
 tions ; its irresolution, unscrupulousness, and insincerity. 
 
 He admires Pericles beyond any other man of whom he has 
 to write, and regards as the fatal turning-point in the history 
 of Athens, not constitutional changes, or external disasters, but 
 the demoralisation caused by the Plague, and the change from 
 the commanding influence of one great man to the quarrels of 
 many smaller men. 
 
 1 ii. 37 : vii. 69 irarpibos re rrjs kktvefporr&rrjs InofxifurfjaKajv koI t^s 
 iv a{>rv dvfmrdicTOv iraaiv h r^v diairay k^ovaias. 
 
 ThucydideSy his life and mind. xxiii 
 
 He takes a kind of personaU ntere st in Demosthenes, Brasidas, 
 Alcibiades, Nicias, and Hermocrates; inAntiphon, Phrynichus, 
 and the other leaders of the oligarchic revolution of 411 ; in 
 the Chians and their most excusable but unsuccessful revolt 
 (viii. 24) ; in the short-lived compromise between oligarchy and 
 democracy, which was the best government enjoyed by the Athe- 
 nians in his day (viii. 97). He forgets his habitual calmness, it may 
 be his habitual fairness (see p. cxxix ff.) in speaking of Cleon. 
 
 He has a curious habit, which almost amounts to a mannerism, 
 of noting, not only the largest armies or navies or the greatest 
 battles by land and sea which have taken place within a given 
 time, but also the greatest calamities (iii. 113; vii. 24, 29, 30), 
 the greatest panics (ii. 94 ; v. 66 ; viii. i), the greatest confla- 
 gration (ii. 77), the most violent earthquake (viii. 41) which he 
 has to record ; * the very finest men who fell in this war ' (iii. 98), 
 the greatest display of activity on the part of the Lacedaemonians 
 (v. 64), the best defence on a capital charge (viii. 68), and even 
 * the most durable counter-revolution effected by the smallest 
 
 numbers' (iv. 74). 
 
 Thucydides, unlike his great contemporary Socrates, did not 
 believe in oracles, omens, and the like. He speaks with dis- 
 approbation of Nicias' attachment to such things ^ He knows 
 of one oracle only which justified the confidence of those who 
 accepted it'^. He sees that an oracle may be after a fashion 
 justified by the event without anything more than ordinary 
 foresight on the part of its originator ^ He is alive to the 
 ambiguity of current oracles (iii. 96) and the readiness with 
 which they may be twisted to suit the issue *. Still his tone 
 
 1 ?iv yap Ti KOI dyav Ofiaff/xS re Kal ra> roiovrof vpoaKfifievos (vii. 50 : 
 cp. V. 103). 
 
 § 8. Ora- 
 cles and 
 omens. 
 
 '^ w<rT€ . . . fifprjaei ris 
 
 TOis and XPV^I^^ '^^ iffxvpiffafievois fxdvov 
 
 ^ TovTO kxvpui $vfx0dv' d(l yap I7CU7€ fjiffivrj/xai, Kal dpxoM^ov rov 
 noXffiov Kal nkxP'- o5 iri\ivrr]aiv, vpo<l)€p6fievov viro iroWwv oti rpis 
 fvvta (TTj bioi yfvkaOai avrdv (v. 26). 
 
 3 Kai ixoi boKfi rb fiavTfiov (to UeXaayiKdv dpyov dfiuvov) rovvavriov 
 (v/x^rjvai fj iTpoaeUxovro- ov ydp Sid r^v napdvofiov kvoiKijaiv at ^vfupopaX 
 yiviaOai t$ tt6\€i, dWd Sid rov TtoX^xov ^ dvdyKr} rrjs oUrjaews, bv ovk 
 ovopid^ov rb fxavniov vpoySn /i^ kn dyad^ iroT€ avrb KaroiKiaB-qadiiivov 
 
 (ii. 17)- 
 
 * ^^€t Acypta/f^s v6\€fjio5 Kal koifxds {or Xt/xos) a/x* avrw (li. 54). 
 
XXIV 
 
 hitrodudion : Part /, §§ 8-10. 
 
 v?C\ 
 
 § 9. Sym- 
 pathy with 
 customs 
 and feel- 
 ings of his 
 day. 
 
 about them is not one of mere contempt, as for a foolish popular 
 superstition. He is interested in them and curious about them, 
 and sometimes goes out of his way to mention them in detail. 
 We may imagine that he had not made up his mind to reject 
 this generally-received means of penetrating the darkness of the 
 future, without some thought and inquiry. 
 
 He sympathises much more fully with several other sentiments 
 of his time, founded partly on common human feelings shared by 
 ourselves, partly on ideas and beliefs which have since given place 
 to others. In the rites of burial and the honours paid to the 
 dead, which held so large a place in the minds of his contem- 
 poraries, he takes a well-marked personal interest. He describes 
 in detail and with a certain impressive dignity the ceremonies 
 of a public funeral at Athens (ii. 34), and there is a note of real 
 indignation and almost horror in his account following imme- 
 diately (ii. 52) of the violation of the ceremonies of sepulture 
 during the confusion of the Plague. He tells us of the enforced 
 honour which the Spartans at the bidding of Apollo paid to the 
 body of Pausanias, and of the secret burial of Themistocles at 
 his own request in the country which he had betrayed (i. 134, 
 138) ; of the burial of Brasidas with full mihtary honours, and 
 the half-worship paid to him as a hero and founder by the 
 grateful people of Amphipolis (v. ii); and of the refusal of 
 a place of burial to the Spartan Lichas, in consequence of a 
 difference of policy, by the Milesians (viii. 84). The insult to 
 the Spartans, buried in Plataean soil, who will henceforth be 
 deprived of their annual ceremonies, and will have to lie in 
 the land of the Thebans against whom they fought, is one of 
 the strongest pleas of the Plataeans before the Spartan judges 
 (iii. 38) ; and the Athenians, leaving the bodies of their friends 
 unburied in the camp before Syracuse, feel not grief only, but 
 fear at the possible consequences of so terrible a neglect of 
 
 duty (vii. 75). 
 
 Thucydides is interested too in the appeals of the Plataeans 
 and Archidamus to the local Gods and heroes of the city (ii. 71-74), 
 in the question debated after the battle of Delium between the 
 Athenians and Boeotians, as to the propriety of demanding 
 retreat from a temple unlawfully occupied as a condition of 
 restoring the dead (iv. 97-99) ; in the foundation of cities and 
 
 Thucydides^ his life and mind, xxv 
 
 the relations of mother-city and colony; in the cruel profanation 
 (iii. 81^), unavoidable occupation (ii. 17; iv. 98), or accidental 
 burning (iv. 133) of a temple. He feels deeply the hard neces- 
 sities of war, which lead kindred cities, Dorian or Ionian, founders 
 and colonists, to fight against each other (vii. 57, 58). He takes 
 a curious interest in the repeated purifications of Delos, perhaps 
 because the first of them was undertaken by Pisistratus (i. 8 ; 
 iii. 104 ; V. I ; viii. 108). He records not without sympathy the 
 distress of the Athenian country gentlemen at leaving, when the 
 war began, not only their homes, but their local shrines (ii. 16). 
 And, finally, he knows that ' on the eve of a great struggle ' men 
 are not afraid of seeming 'commonplace and old-fashioned' if 
 they appeal to others in the name of * their wives and children 
 and their fathers' Gods ' (vii. 69). 
 
 His interests as a historian^ thoue^h not so wide as, tliQse_ o0 ^o- I'^e- 
 
 H erodotus, were by p nrne^s ronfjned tq t^jg ^fellenic worl^T]^ ^^, ^ 
 Instances of this are his digression on the administration and rians 
 customs of the Odrysian kingdom and his remarkable observa-^- — 
 tion on the Scythians, who are only prevented by want of union 
 and civilisation from being the strongest (barbarian) nation in 
 Europe or Asia (ii. 97) ; his striking description of barbarian as 
 opposed to civiHsed warfare (iv. 126, 127 ; cp.ii.8i) ; his elaborate 
 and almost humorous study of the character of the Persian 
 * pacha ' Tissaphernes ; and his remarks about the Thracians, 
 who are most bloody when they have least to fear (vii. 29), and 
 the * Spaniards and other most warlike barbarians ' of the west 
 (vi. 90). We may add what he says of the Hellenic Euiytanes, 
 the largest tribe of the Aetolians, * whose language is the most 
 unintelligible, and who are said to eat raw flesh' (iii. 94). He 
 cannot have foreseen that, in a far distant future, Athens 
 and Sparta would be *laid desolate,' not by 'another Dorian 
 war,' biit by invaders, more formidable than the hordes of 
 Sitalces, from these same northern regions. But his frequent 
 references to the dim barbarian world which surrounded Hellenic 
 
 ^ Here Thucydides, speaking in his own person, says as a proof of 
 the extraordinary horrors of the Corcyraean revolution, Kai yap narrjp 
 iraida diriKTUVfy koi dnb tujv Upwv dniairSjVTO koX irpos avrois iKruvovro, 
 ol be Tives Koi irfpioiKoSofirjOfVTfS h tov Aiovvaov T(j5 Upw dviOavov 
 ovTODS wfi^ ardais itpovxijp-qaiv, k.t.X. 
 
XXVI 
 
 Introduction: Part /, §§ 10-13. 
 
 \ 
 
 nomena. 
 
 civilisation on the Mediterranean coast have a strong interest 
 
 1 for us modems. 
 §11 Na- Thucydides, like many other thoughtful men of his own and 
 tural phe- somewhat earlier times (see p. li), is keenly interested m various 
 
 '^"'' natural phenomena; in the effects of the Plague on dogs and 
 
 birds of prey as well as men (ii. 50), in spontaneous 'forest fires 
 (ii n), in the silting up of the mouth of the Achelous (n. 102), 
 in the volcano of Stromboli (iii. 88), which the inhabitants 
 ' believe to be the forge of Hephaestus,' and in the recorded 
 eruptions of Aetna (iii. 116). He repeatedly chronicles solar 
 eclipses and earthquakes, and has an opinion of his own about 
 the cause of the overflow of the sea which sometimes accom- 
 panies the latter (iii. 89), as well as on the cause of the whirlpool 
 of Charybdis (iv. 24), * by which Odysseus is said to have sailed 
 through.' One reason why the Peloponnesian War is to be con- 
 sidered greater than any other he finds in its accompaniments 
 of famine and pestilence, ecHpse and earthquake (i. 23). 
 
 Professor Campbell in his Introduction to the ' Antigone ' says, 
 ' It is obvious to the student of Thucydides how continually in 
 that age individuals must have been distracted between their 
 obligation to the state and sentiments which seemed to have 
 an ethical and religious sanction, and which, if not absolutely 
 universal, had become deeply implanted in the heart of every 
 Greek. That which in public discussion was the opposition of 
 hiKaiov and ivfi(f)€pov must often have been felt by individuals as 
 a conflict of feeling against public duty. The religious Spartan, 
 who, at the command of his generals, put to the sword the 
 Plataeans who were suppliants at his own fathers' tombs ; the 
 Ionian in Sicily taking part with Dorians against his own race ; 
 the high-born Corcyraean compelled to do battle against the 
 mother-state ; the religious Athenian, if there were any such, 
 at Melos ; the Spartans who slew the enfranchised Helots after 
 they had' been presented crowned in the temples, must have 
 experienced scruples which were deeply rooted in the Hellenic 
 nature.' A few passages in Thucydides may be quoted to illus- 
 trate these true and suggestive remarks ; it is not his way to 
 mention such individual feelings except in the rare cases where 
 they influenced the course of events. There is the dilatoriness 
 of the rowers who were charged with the first and all but fatal 
 
 § 12. 
 
 * Cases 
 of con- 
 science.' 
 
 I 
 
 ThucydideSy his life and mind. xxvii 
 
 message to Paches at Mitylene, t^? fifV rrporepas v€a>s ov airovBrj 
 Tr\€ov(rT]s eVt Trpay^ia oXXokotov, and a little earlier there is the 
 repentance, as we should call it, of an individual Mitylenaean 
 who was sorry for having informed against his countrymen, 
 and did his best to repair what he had done (iii. 4 «? p€T€p,€\€v 
 ffdrj). Of a rather diflerent character is the reaction in the 
 minds of the Athenian people against their monstrous reso- 
 lution {ttj v(TT€paia fx€Tdvoui tis €v6vs rjv avrois Koi dvaKoyiap.6s, 
 (Ofiop TO ^ovXevfxa koi fXfya iyvaaOaiy iroKiv o\rjv 8ia(/>^etpai pdWou 
 ri ov rovs (iItIovs), and the remorse of the Lacedaemonians (when 
 things began to go wrong with them) for having begun the war 
 (vii. 18). The possibility of individual scruples, about an unjust 
 alliance (i. 36) or an * imperial policy ' (ii. 63 ; iii. 40), is alluded 
 to with some scorn in the speeches of the Corcyraeans, Pericles, 
 and Cleon ; and, more seriously, in the matter of going to war 
 about a supposed trifle, by Pericles (i. 140). More characteristic 
 of Thucydides are the pictures of Pericles calmly facing the 
 popular indignation because he had made up his mind that he 
 was right (ii. 22), and of Nicias before Syracuse, knowing how 
 desperate the situation was, and in his own mind * still wavering 
 and considering'; but hiding his irresolution under a mask 
 of decision, and arguing in brave and angry words against 
 the wiser counsel of Demosthenes (vii. 48, 49). 
 
 Much has been written about the moral and religious ideas .,^ 
 of Thucydides. The simple truth is that, unlike Herodotus and ^^g*'^''^^^^^ 
 Xenophon, he has told us next to nothing about them\ We and reli- 
 must not, however, conclude that, because he did not believe in gious ideas, 
 legends or oracles, and because he thought that the historical 
 events with which he had to do could be sufficiently explained 
 without supposing other than natural causes for them, he 
 therefore rejected the simpler and more profound beliefs of 
 his countrymen 2. 
 
 ^ No importance can be attached to the remark quoted in Marcel- 
 linus, 4, 28 rJKov<T€ 5^ didaaKoXcuv 'Ava^ayopov fx^v €V <piko(T6<pois, oOev, 
 (prjalv "AvTvWos, /cat de^oi i^pefw. tvo^iiaBx], ttjs (Keidiv Oewpias kiKpopr^d^is. 
 Antyllus is spoken of as a good authority by the author of the anony- 
 mous Life of Thucydides, but his date is unknown. 
 
 2 A remarkable passage in Thucydides* contemporary, the physician 
 Hippocrates, shows that we must not argue too hastily from a rejection 
 
XXVIU 
 
 Introduction: Part /, § 13. 
 
 E.r 
 
 The. 
 
 Plague. 
 
 ^7. 
 
 ''OxKf 
 
 if, 
 
 It would be a mistake to suppose that Thucydides sympathised 
 with the cynical observations of the Athenians in their speeches 
 at Sparta and Melos, about the hollowness of justice and the 
 universal rule of grasping self-interest (ov av Kparrj, «px"»')» 
 * among men as we know, and among the Gods as we believe.' 
 It would be an equal mistake to dwell upon the striking expres- 
 sion which he twice puts into the mouth of the Melians, r) rvxn 
 €\ Tov Oeiov, or to apply it to the conception of t^x^ as it occurs 
 elsewhere in him. We may with more plausibility find an 
 expression of his own feeling in the utterance which he ascribes 
 to Pericles (ii. 64) <|)ep€»/ re xpn i"" ^^ Snt^oi/ia dvayKai<os rd Tf 
 aTTo t£>u 7ro\€fii<ov dvdpeicos. There are, however, only three places 
 where he speaks at all of such matters in his own person. 
 
 Describing the Plague (ii. 52-54) he tells us how, ' when they 
 were afraid to visit each other, the sufferers died in their solitude, 
 so that many houses were empty because there had been no one 
 left to take care of the sick ; or if they ventured they perished, 
 especially those who aspired to heroism (01 apfr^? n peraTroioi'- 
 /ifi/oi). For they went to see their friends without thought of 
 themselves, and were ashamed to leave them.' He also tells us 
 how, besides the disregard of funeral ceremonies, 'there were 
 
 of superstitious explanations of particular phenomena. Speaking of 
 a malady prevalent among some of the Scythians, he says ol fiiv oZv 
 tmxft'ptot tV alTirjv irpoaridUoi diw, koX oi^ovrai toxjtovs rovsdv6pirttovs^ 
 Koi TTpoOKvvkovai, bcSoiKoTfs iT(pi 76 IcuuTWJ/ UaaTct. kfiol 5e KOI^ aifTW 
 doKei ToCra ra TTdOea Ocia eJvou /cat raXXa TrdvTa, Kal ov5€v €T€povh(pov 
 eeioTcpov, ovSi dvepoJTTivwTfpov, dXXd vavra unoTa koi ndi'Ta Beta- Uaarov 
 hi tx^i <t>vffiv ToJv ToiovTouv Kal ov5kv dv€v (pvaios Yiyvfrat. After giving 
 a simple explanation of the disease in question, and ironically remarking 
 that if it were more * divine ' than others, the rich who can afford to 
 appease the Gods with sacrifices would not suffer from it, he continues 
 dKKd yap (Jjavip Kal -nponpov lAe^a, Oiia fxlv Kal ravrd eari onoius Toh 
 aWois' yi-yviToi Se Kara <l>vaiv Uaffra. (De Acre, etc., 29— one of the 
 treatises recognised as genuine by Littre : quoted in Mahaffy, Greek 
 Classical Literature, Prose Writers, Part i. p. 48. Cp. ch. i of the 
 treatise wtpl Upijs vovaov, probably by some member of the school of 
 Hippocrates.) Thucydides may, though we do not know, have thought 
 of events what Hippocrates thinks of maladies, that though all * human' 
 and 'natural,' they were also 'divine'— not of course that the word 
 meant to the men of that day all that it means to us. 
 
 Thucydides^ his life and mind. xxix 
 
 other forms of lawlessness which the plague introduced at 
 Athens. Men who had hitherto concealed their indulgence in 
 pleasure now grew bolder. For seeing the sudden change— how 
 the rich died in a moment, and those who had nothing imme- 
 diately inherited their property — they reflected that life and 
 riches, under the circumstances, were alike transitory, and they 
 resolved to enjoy themselves while they could, and think only of 
 pleasure. Who would be willing to sacrifice himself to the law 
 of honour [npoara^anrdipilv tw bo^avri KaXc5), when he knew not 
 whether he would ever live to be held in honour ? The pleasure 
 of the moment and any sort of thing which conduced to it took 
 the place both of honour and expediency. No fear of Gods or 
 law of men deterred a criminal. Those who saw all perishing 
 alike, thought that the worship or neglect of the Gods made no 
 difference. For offences against human law, no punishment 
 was to be feared ; no one would live long enough to be called 
 to account. Already a far heavier sentence had been passed, 
 and was hanging over a man's head; before that fell, why 
 should he not take a little pleasure ? ' 
 
 Again, speaking of the Corcyraean sedition, he says among The 
 other things (iii. 82, 83), * In peace and prosperity both states ^^^^^]^l ^^ 
 and individuals are actuated by higher motives, because they 
 do not fall under the dominion of imperious necessities ; but 
 war which takes away the comfortable provision of daily life is 
 a hard master, and tends to assimilate men's characters to their 
 conditions. ... He who could outstrip another in a bad action 
 was applauded, and so was he who encouraged to evil one who 
 had no idea of it. . . . The seal of good faith was not the divine 
 law, but fellowship in crime \ ... In general the dishonest more 
 easily gain credit for cleverness than the simple for goodness^ ; 
 men take a pride in the one, but are ashamed of the other 
 
 * KcH Tas Is a^ds avrovs mffrcis ov to) $fi(v vofiqj fidWov (Kparvvovro 
 rj rw Koivff ri TTapavopLTJaai. Dionysius of Halicarnassus (De adm. vi. 
 dicendi in Dem., i) seems to have read to) Ociq) Kal vopiifxcp. Expressions 
 like Ofioi vvfjL09 occur in Heraclitus, Fr. 91, and Gorgias, see pp. Iii, Ivi. 
 
 ^ This sentiment is noteworthy from a critical and intellectual mind 
 like that of Thucydides : we may think of his evident appreciation of 
 the simple character of Archidamus with his maxim ov noXv diacpipei 
 avOpojiros dvOpdunov, 
 
 Corcyra. 
 
The un- 
 deserved 
 fate of 
 Nicias. 
 
 XXX Introduction: Part /, §§ 13, 14. 
 
 Neither faction cared for religion ^ but any fair pretence which 
 succeeded in effecting some odious purpose was greatly lauded.* 
 These passages show how very far Thucydides was from being 
 * cynical ' or indifferent about questions of right and wrong : they 
 show too that he regarded the breaking down of the restraints 
 of the popular religion as one of the worst evils of plagues or 
 revolutions : and in the second of them he quietly speaks of 
 'the divine law* as a real thing, which ought to have kept men 
 faithful to their oaths, though, in this extremity, ineffective. It 
 may, however, be observed that the motive which generally 
 failed in the Plague, though it proved operative in a few cases, 
 is not what we should call conscience or religion in the higher 
 sense, as Socrates might have felt it, but regard for an honour- 
 able reputation {alax^vj) or rb U^av koXov), or fear of immediate 
 punishment from the Gods. 
 
 One more passage remains to be noticed. In the Plague, as 
 we have seen, the good and bad perish alike, or the good more 
 than the bad. The confident appeals to the justice of heaven 
 which Thucydides puts into the mouth of the Plataeans, the 
 Melians, and Nicias on the retreat from Syracuse do not avail 
 to save them 2. The tacit thought or feeling which the historian 
 betrays here seems to be more fully expressed when, besides 
 merely recording the fate of Nicias, he says, 'No one of the 
 Hellenes in my time was less deserving of so miserable an end, 
 for he lived wholly in the practice of virtue '.' 
 
 1 Euff6^«a, meaning, as the context and the common use of the word 
 show, the ' piety ' which will not break an oath taken in the name of 
 
 a God. 
 
 2 Professor Jebb in * Hellenica,* p. 301 . 
 
 » vii. 86 Kol d fiiv roiavrri ij on (yyvrara rovrcav alria iT(9vr)Kfi, 
 ijKiara 8^ a^tos uv tSjv y kir' kfwv 'EWrivoJv h tovto Svffrvxias d<piK(ffd(u 
 dia T7)v irdaav « dp€T^v vivoiJuayifvr}v kmTqh^vaiv. There is a ' harder 
 reading' of at least equal manuscript authority, StA r^v vfvofiifffxivrjv 
 imTTjUvaiv, which must mean 'because he lived in the observance 
 of recognised obligations' {v(vofxiafi€vr]v = votufiTiv). If these were 
 Thucydides' words, he must be understood to feel the injustice of such 
 a fate ending so scrupulous and well-regulated a life— a sentiment less 
 impressive to our minds but perhaps more Greek (Muller-Striibing, 
 Aristophanes, p. 638), and showing the same feeling of a claim upon 
 the justice of the Gods. 
 
 Thucydides, his life and mind. xxxi 
 
 Thucydides has been called *cold' and * cynical,' because he § 14. Ab- 
 does not pass judgment on the crimes which he records. It ^^°^^ ^^ 
 is true that he often mentions without comment the cruel but judtrments 
 recognised severities of Greek warfare^. He is reserved and 
 to some degree hard (a truth more often exaggerated than 
 overlooked) : he is the very reverse of * sentimental ' : and his 
 contempt for weakness or miscalculation or plans well con- 
 ceived but feebly carried out, is more obvious than his disappro- 
 bation of wrong- doing '^. But the tone of his narrative leaves 
 us in no doubt as to what he thought of exceptional cruelty or 
 meanness, like that of Alcidas (iii. 32), Paches (iii. 34), Menedaeus 
 (iii. 109), Tissaphernes (viii. 108), or the treacherous massacre of 
 the bravest Helots by the Spartans (iv. 80). Often, as in the 
 story of the final massacre at Corcyra or the miseries of the 
 Athenian prisoners at Syracuse, the pity which he knows so 
 well how to awaken for the sufferers makes all comment on the 
 deed superfluous. 
 
 About the fate of the Plataeans there is not much to be said 
 after Thucydides has given us their own plea. The conduct of 
 the Thebans in the matter would certainly not have seemed so 
 unjustifiable to the ancients as it does to us. Plataea was, from 
 the ancient point of view, their * colony,' though founded in 
 what we should call semi-legendary times, and they hated it as 
 
 \ 
 
 ^ We must remember that modem history is written by civilians or 
 by soldiers for civilian readers : the distinction did not exist in the da)rs 
 of Thucydides, who like any other aTparrjyos might have been called 
 upon to order a conquered population to be put to the sword, and the 
 women and children to be sold for slaves. The massacre or execution 
 of the wretched remnant of the Aeginetans (iv. 57) probably took place 
 during his aTparrjyiaj though he may by that time have started for 
 the coast of Thrace. 
 
 2 Diodotus in pleading for the people of Mitylene appeals to interest, 
 and in one place (iii. 47) to gratitude and justice {irporrov fxiv dhiicriaiTt 
 revs ivfpyhas KTuvovres), not at all to mercy and human feeling ; and 
 conclusions have been drawn from the circumstance about the hard- 
 heartedness of the historian or the Athenian people at this period. But 
 Diodotus (or Thucydides putting * the appropriate arguments ' into his 
 mouth) wanted to convince the waverers who had been influenced by 
 Cleon's most effective though unscrupulous harangue, and that could not 
 be done better than by affecting to disregard all higher considerations. 
 
 \ 
 
xxxii Introduction: Part /, §§ 14, 15. 
 
 §/5- «^- 
 
 {if ^vv(- 
 ffis), "yvajfji^ 
 Bi diro Tuv 
 vrrapyov- 
 roiv, ^s /Sc- 
 fiaioTtpa 
 ^ vpovoia. 
 
 Corinth hated Corcyra. Nor would it have occurred to a Greek, 
 as it does to every modern schoolboy who is moved to indigna- 
 tion by the story, that the Plataeans deserved consideration 
 simply for their gallantry against overwhelming odds. Of the 
 hypocrisy and moral cowardice of the Spartans, Thucydides 
 hints his disapprobation in two words (^^iovi/ b^O^v airovs 
 TjavxiiC^tV and Trepi UXaTniav oi AaKcbaifiovioi ovtcds dnoTeTpa^i- 
 fievoi iyevovTo er)&ala>v fvfKa). In the case of the Melian 
 massacre, no condemnation that the historian could have pro- 
 nounced could possibly have added to the effect of the * Melian 
 Dialogue' standing where it does; just before the story of the 
 Sicilian expedition. 
 
 The picture which we draw for ourselves of the mind of 
 a great and reticent writer like Thucydides will vary at different 
 times and with different readers : XeycVcu nepX nvrod as eKaaro? 
 yiyvQ><TK€i. But his most heart-felt conviction, and one which he is 
 never weary of expressing, is the supreme value of rational fore- 
 sight ; a ' commonplace ' no doubt, but a commonplace which is 
 ever receiving, in the pages of Thucydides as in the experience of 
 life, a new interest from the neglect of it by 'states and individuals.* 
 Chance (that is, the operation of unknown causes) is strong, the 
 future is hard to foresee, hope is dangerous ; we must look facts in 
 the face whether we like them or not, and ' think it out.* Such is 
 his most characteristic utterance about human things, recurring 
 over and over again both in the speeches, and in his own obser- 
 vations. We should wish to think of his own character as answer- 
 ing to it, and also to his words (iii. 83) about the simplicity 
 which is the chief element in a noble nature. There are some 
 persons in whom strong common sense and keen insight exist 
 in so unusual a degree that they seem to indicate the presence 
 of qualities greater than themselves, and attract, not admiration 
 only, but affection. The genius of Thucydides as expressed in 
 his writings has the power of characters like these. 
 
 Thucydidesj Ancient traditions, xxxiii 
 
 APPENDIX A. 
 
 Readers of Thucydides may sometimes have wondered what 
 credit is to be given to the lives of him which are printed at the 
 beginning of Bekker's and other editions, and to the numerous 
 stories about him, derived from these sources, which are to be 
 found in Dictionaries of Biography and Histories of Greek 
 Literature. An enumeration of the errors or improbabilities in 
 the * Lives * will show that their authority is not high. 
 
 Marcellinus (p. 3, 1. 9) ^, says that Miltiades * when the Per- § 16. Inac- 
 sians came against Hellas ' (meaning when they attacked the curate re- 
 shores of the Hellespont after the Ionic Revolt), sent most of his h rod t s 
 family away in safety from the Thracian Chersonese, but that a andThucy- 
 ship was taken in which some of his children were : * But they ^'^.^^ in the. 
 are released by the King, if Herodotus is not mistaken.' What 
 Herodotus really says (vi. 41) is that Miltiades' eldest son was 
 taken and that the King treated him kindly and gave him a 
 house and property and a Persian wife ; his children being 
 counted as Persians. 
 
 Marcellinus (p. 5, 1. 21) charges Herodotus with having for 
 personal reasons accused the Corinthians of cowardice at 
 Salamis. Herodotus gives this indeed as a story told by the 
 Athenians, but clearly implies his disbelief in it (viii. 94). 
 
 Marcellinus (p. 9, 1. 25) '^ says that Thucydides wrote with 
 a view to accuracy rather than entertainment, koL yap avofiaa-ep 
 ayai/ia-fia rfju tavrov ^vyypa(pfjp. Cp. Thuc. i. 22 KTrjfid re cs del 
 /xdWov T] dya)vi(Tp.a €S to Trapaxprjfia dKoveiP ^vyKeirai. Marcellinus 
 (p. 5, 11. 5-9) makes two mistakes in giving Thucydides' account 
 of the loss of Amphipolis. He says that Thucydides * having 
 been sent to Amphipolis" — meaning having been sent by the 
 
 * The references are to Bekker's text. 
 
 * This is apparently from the second of the three Lives combined 
 under the name of Marcellinus. The author is not so inaccurate as the 
 writers of the first and third Lives, but he tells us few facts, confining 
 himself chiefly to criticism on the language and style of Thucydides. 
 
 ' The writer may have been thinking of Thuc. v. 26 /xtrcL t^v is 
 Af^<l>iiro\iv aTpaTTjyiav, 
 
XXXIV 
 
 Introduction: Part /, Appendix A, 
 
 Athenians to the Thracian coast, or sent for by Eucles to Amphi- 
 V ■ polis-failed to save it and was blamed, but that though he missed 
 
 Amphipolis he ' took ' Eion, meaning that he kept Eion ^ 
 
 S 17 Mis- Marcellinus says that Miltiades, when he received the Dolonci 
 takes, im- (according to the story in Hdt. vi. 35), was ^sittmg before the 
 probabili- ^^Q^^i^,3 of Attica •" ' (p. 2, 1. 2 1 note) : that the tomb of Herodotus 
 ^^tXonZ and Thucydides is shown among the tombs of the family of 
 the ' Lives.' cimon (p. 3, 1. 32) : that Thucydides shows his impartiality 
 by not reviling Cleon or Brasidas who were the cause of his 
 misfortunes (p. 5, L I7), whereas he does 'revile' Cleon, so far 
 as he can be said to revile anybody : that after his banishment 
 he lived in Aegina, which, as we have seen (p. xx), was impos- 
 sible. A writer named Zopyrus (but see below, p. xxxvii) seems 
 to be quoted for two inconsistent statements, viz., that Thucy- 
 dides died in {a) Thrace, {b) Attica (Marc. p. 6, 11. 12, 23). The 
 author of the anonymous Life carelessly says, after giving the 
 correct account, that AmphipoHs ^revolted' from Athens after 
 the battle in which Cleon was killed ; and confuses Thucydides 
 the historian with Thucydides son of Melesias (14. 12 ff.)- Some 
 of the biographers or the authorities whom they quote seem to 
 have got hold of the idea that Thucydides died in exile, and are 
 sorely exercised to account for his having been buried in Attica 
 (p. 6,1. 18; p. 11,1. 15). 
 
 1 Cicero, Brutus xii. 47, affords a curious illustration of a loose refer- 
 ence to Thucydides which might easily give rise to error. * Antiphontem 
 Rhamnusium ... quo neminem unquam melius ullam oravisse capitis 
 causam cum se ipse defenderet, se audiente, locuples auctor scripsit 
 Thucydides.' Cicero is thinking of Thuc. viii. 68 med. Apiara ipaivtrai 
 Twv fxixP^ ffxov . . . davdrov d'ncrjv dnoXoriffafxevos. But he only just 
 avoids saying— perhaps for the moment he thought-that Thucydides 
 was present at the trial of Antiphon, which of course took place durmg 
 
 his exile. « , ^ 
 
 2 Bekker accepts the conjecture npd t5jv Ovpwu KaOiQonivv rrjs avrov 
 olKias (Hdt. loc. cit., h roiffi -npoOvpoiai rotai (ojvtov) for the 
 manuscript reading npd rwv 6pajv KadtCof^evcp t^s 'ATriKrjs. But ^ as 
 Stahl says of a similar case, the correction of vnb rrXaToyqf into vvd 
 naryatV in p. 5, 1. 1 4, ' frustra est tales fabellas ad rationem velle 
 revocare.' 
 
 Thucydides: Ancient traditions, xxxv 
 
 Two of the best known stories about Thucydides are stated, § 18. Some 
 by two of the late writers who record them, in such a form as ^: . ^^^' 
 to make us suspect that they were only conjectures intended to jook like 
 account for the little that was really known of him. mere 
 
 Thus, in the * Lives of the Ten Orators,' ascribed to Plutarch, &"^sses. 
 we read (p. 832, C. § 6) KatKiXios 5', iv ra nepl avrov (^ KvTi(^5ivroi) 
 (TVPrdypLaTi, OovKvdldov tov ^vyy fya(f)€(os fiaBrjTrjv TCKjiaipeTat 
 yeyovevaiy e^ a>p f Traivftrat Trap' avra 6 *AvTi(j)a)V — * Caecilius ' (a 
 rhetorician of the Augustan age) * concludes that Antiphon 
 was a pupil of Thucydides the historian ^, from his praises of 
 Antiphon ' (viii. 68). 
 
 Marcellinus (p. 3, I. 20), after quoting the assertion that 
 Thucydides was * descended' from Miltiades, continues, koI 
 lieyia-Tov T€KjiT|piOK vofxl^ovcri ttju noWrfv Trcpiova-iav Koi ra em 
 QpaKTis ;^pj7/LiaTa /cat. . . . peraKXa xpvaa. This looks as if the 
 connexion of Thucydides with Miltiades and Cimon 'was in- 
 vented or improved upon to account for Thucydides' supposed 
 property in Thrace. Marcellinus elsewhere (p. 4, 1. 9) accounts 
 for it by his marriage with a rich Thracian wife. 
 
 In both these cases we find a discrepancy in the story, and 
 something that looks like a guess on the way to becoming a 
 positive assertion. 
 
 Similarly it has been supposed that Thucydides' violent end 
 may have been a hypothesis intended to explain the unfinished 
 state of his work : that his relationship with the Pisistratidae may 
 have been suggested by the interest which he takes in the 
 tyrants, and his claim to special information about them ^ : that 
 the various stories about the place and manner of his death may 
 have been different ways of accounting for a * mast ' {Upiov) said 
 to have been set up over his tomb ^ 
 
 * The converse statement, that Thucydides was a pupil of Antiphon, 
 is more common (Vit. Anon. p. 12, 1. 24; and elsewhere). 
 
 ^ vi. 55 on 8e Ttpfa^vraros $}V 'Inrrias ijp^fv fiScbs fjiiv koI aKO^ dxpi- 
 Btarfpov aXXojv laxupi^onai. The earliest authority cited for the 
 relationship of Thucydides with the Pisistratidae is Hermippus (a writer 
 of /3tot in the third century B. c), Marc. p. 4, 1. 4 o Se "Epfjuirnos kox dirb 
 Tuv TletaiarpaTibojv avrbv \4y(i tSjv rvpdvvojv (\kciv to yivos, 8ib Koi dia- 
 (p9ov€iv aiirdv <prj(Ttv iv t^ axr^ypa^rj rots irept 'Apfiodiov koi 'ApiaroyfiTova. 
 
 ' Marc. p. 6, 1. 7 ot fiiv ovy avrbv kxii Xiyovaiv dnodcwtiv ikOa Koi 
 
 C 2, 
 
XXXVl 
 
 Introduction: Part /, Appendices B, C. 
 
 § 19. The 
 earliest 
 authorities 
 quoted. 
 
 APPENDIX B. 
 
 The earliest writers who are quoted as saying anything about 
 Thucydides are Praxiphanes and Timaeus, who lived within a 
 century after his death, and Zopyrus and Cratippus who appear 
 to have been his contemporaries. What do they tell us ? 
 
 Of Praxiphanes, a philosopher and a pupil of Theophrastus, 
 who lived towards the end of the fourth century, B. C, we have 
 a fragmentary extract (Marc. p. 5, 1. 38), which may refer to a poet 
 named Thucydides and not to the historian. He tells us that 
 * Thucydides ' was contemporary with Plato (the comic poet), 
 Agathon, Choerilus, and two other poets; and that * while 
 Archelaus lived, he was on the whole without renown, but 
 afterwarfls was marvellously admired.' This Archelaus is the 
 king of Macedonia who succeeded Perdiccas and whose energetic 
 administration is praised by Thucydides (ii. 100) : Euripides 
 and other literary men, including several of the poets mentioned 
 by Praxiphanes, resided at his court. Praxiphanes does not 
 say, and we cannot conclude from his words, that Thucydides 
 
 did so too. 
 
 Timaeus, the Sicilian historian, is quoted as having said that 
 Thucydides lived in Italy during his exile and (as others said 
 also) that he was buried there: one of many contradictory 
 stories, as we have seen ; and vehemently rejected by * Marcel- 
 linus \' This is unfortunate, for on external grounds we should 
 be inclined to trust the evidence of Timaeus. He brought his 
 history of Sicily down to the year 264 ; he may have been bom 
 as early as 352, and he spent fifty years of his life at Athens. 
 
 Cratippus is called by Dionysius of Halicamassus a contem- 
 porary of Thucydides, and the same date is implied by Plutarch 
 (De Glor. Ath. i, p. 345 e). He is mentioned in Marcellinus as 
 approving a statement of a certain Zopyrus, who must therefore 
 have also been a contemporary of Thucydides. 
 
 5i6Tp(j8€ <^i;7ds wv. koX cpipovffi fjuipTvpiov rov /it) Kuaeai tA awfui (irl t^s 
 'ArriKrjs' Upiov y3ip kirl rov rdcppov Kuadai, k.t.X. 
 * P. 5, 1.14; p. 6, 1.25. 
 
 Thucydides: Ancient traditions. xxxvii 
 
 Dionysius (De Thuc. Hist. Jud. 16) says that Cratippus con- 
 tinued Thucydides' history from the point where he left it, and 
 that he accounted for the absence of speeches in the eighth book 
 on the ground that the historian found that they were wearisome 
 to his readers :— which valuable statement who will venture to 
 affirm or deny ? 
 
 The passage of Marcellinus (p. 6, 11. 10-27) in which Cratippus 
 and Zopyrus are quoted is so confused as to be almost worth- 
 less. Zopyrus is quoted (i) as having said according to Didy- 
 mus ^ that Thucydides died at Athens, (2) by Marcellinus himself 
 as having said that he died in Thrace. Marcellinus considers the 
 latter opinion * nonsense,' though supported by Cratippus 2. Thus 
 the simplest facts about Thucydides, and those for which the 
 earliest authorities are quoted, are given in contradictory form 
 and have become matters of angry controversy. 
 
 APPENDIX C. 
 
 The passages in which Plutarch and Pausanias mention 
 Thucydides are rather more worthy of credit than the * Lives,' 
 especially because they refer to monuments which existed in 
 the age of the writers. The passage in Plutarch is the more 
 important as well as the earlier in date (end of the first 
 century A.D.). 
 
 In his Life of Cimon, c. 4, he says, ' The mother of Cimon § 20. Pas- 
 son of Miltiades was Hegesipyle, a Thracian by birth, the ^^^ '^ 
 daughter of King Olorus ; as is recorded in the poems of "^^^^' 
 Archelaus and Melanthius, written in honour of Cimon himself. 
 Hence it was that the father of Thucydides the historian, who 
 was related to the family of Cimon, was called Olorus (deriving 
 that name from his ancestor), and that Thucydides possessed 
 
 ^ Didymus was the voluminous scholar of Cicero's time to whom the 
 foundation of our collections of scholia is ascribed. 
 
 * The passage can only be reduced to good sense by two doubtful 
 suppositions : (i) that tovto in p. 6, 1. 13, rovro Ss (p-qai Zwirvpov laTopHVf 
 means the statement that Thucydides died in Thrace, i. e. is loosely put 
 for €K(ivo : (2) that this tradition, given by the contemporaries of Thucy- 
 dides, was set aside, and other statements put forward by later writers 
 because they wrongly took Thucydides' vvords in v. 26, (vviffrj fioi (pevyeiy 
 T^v (fiavTov €TT} etKoat, to mean that he died in exile. 
 
xxxviii Introduction: Part /, Appendix C, 
 
 the gold mines in Thrace. He is said to have died by violence 
 at Scapte-Hyle, a place in Thrace ; but his remains were con- 
 ** veyed to Attica, and a monument to him is shown among the 
 tombs of the family of Cimon, hard by the tomb of Elpinice, 
 Cimon's sister. But Thucydides was of the deme Halimus, 
 whereas the family of Miltiades were Laciadae \' 
 
 The same story with slight variations appears in Suidas and 
 
 in the ' Lives' ; especially in Marc, p. 4, 1- 2, where ' Polemo, in 
 
 his work On the Acropolis,' is quoted as the authority for the 
 
 existence of a tomb of Thucydides among those of Cimon's 
 
 family, testifying to a relationship with them. 
 
 Thucydides Polemo was a geographer of 200 B.C. or a little later, who 
 
 probably p^jd special attention to monuments and inscriptions ; we have 
 
 ^"h MU^ therefore some reason for attaching weight to his evidence. 
 
 tildes and And we know that Olorus was really the name both of the 
 
 Cimon. father of Thucydides (Thuc. iv. 104 fin.) and of the Thracian 
 
 father-in-law of Miltiades (Hdt. vi. 39). ' We need not then 
 
 reject as unsupported the tradition that Thucydides belonged 
 
 to the same yivos as Miltiades and Cimon ^ and had a tomb or 
 
 monument among the tombs of their family *. 
 
 1 Plutarch's scepticism is unwarranted: there is no reason why 
 membes of the same 7€>'os should not have been assigned to different 
 demes, either at the original establishment of the demes by Cleisthenes, 
 or whenever fresh demes were formed, if they were formed, later. (See, 
 on this and other points, Topffer, Attische Genealogie, p. 282 ff.) In 
 a fjuiprvpia in [Dem.] c. Neaer. 61, members of six different demes belong 
 to the same yivos : the fiaprvpia, though it may be spurious, is as good 
 evidence for a point of this kind as Plutarch. 
 
 2 We cannot rely with the same certainty on the name Hegesipyle 
 ascribed to the mother of Thucydides in Marc. p. i, 1. 12. 
 
 * Dem. in Eubulid. 28 (32) shows that only members of the same 
 yevos were admitted to share the family sepulchre. 
 
 * On the other hand (i) the inscription on the tomb, QovKvdi^s 
 *0\6pov * AXifiovaios hOdde Kurat, is given in various forms: it was 
 disputed whether the name was '0\6pov or 'Op6\ovy and whether the 
 words (vddSe Keirai were genuine or not. (2) There was plenty of time 
 for the successful forgery of an inscription between the death of Thucy- 
 dides and the date of Polemo: for instances of famous inscriptions forged 
 or tampered with at an earlier period than this, see Jowett's Thucy- 
 dides, vol. ii., p. xxvii., note on viii. 92, 2. (3) We have it on good 
 authority (Athen. Polit. 28, 2 ; cp. Plut. Per. 11) that Thucydides, son of 
 
 Thucydides: Ancient iraditions, xxxix 
 
 But beyond this bare fact we cannot safely go. The yfVoy 
 was not a * family' in our sense, connected by ties of blood and 
 marriage, but an association bound together by common rites, 
 a common cemetery, and traditions of a common ancestor : how 
 nearly Thucydides was related to Cimon in the modem sense, 
 if at all, we cannot say. 
 
 Nor can we argue with certainty from the name Olorus that. Not neces- 
 as often asserted, and implied by Plutarch, Thracian blood ran sarily of 
 in the veins of Thucydides. It is often taken for granted that J^^^^ian 
 Olorus, the father of Thucydides, was a Thracian, of the family ^^^^" * 
 of Olorus the Thracian king ; that he had (like the Thracian 
 Sadocus, ii. 29) become an Athenian citizen; and that the 
 relationship with Miltiades and Cimon was a consequence of the 
 marriage of Miltiades and Hegesipyle \ Some of our authorities 
 take this view, but others speak of an 'ancient' connexion 
 between the families of Miltiades and Thucydides, as if the 
 connexion were independent of the Thracian marriage of Cimon. 
 Supposing this to have been so, we can only say that the 
 * barbarian ' name Olorus is more hkely to have come into the 
 family by the marriage of one of Thucydides' ancestors, direct 
 or collateral, with a lady of Thracian or half- Thracian birth 
 than merely through some tie of adoption, business, or politics, 
 as Spartan names sometimes came into Athenian families, and 
 vice versa ^ E. g. Thucydides' grandfather or his grandfather's 
 brother may have married a daughter of Miltiades and Hege- 
 sipyle. 
 
 Pausanias (i. 23. 9), writing towards the end of the second § 21. Pau- 
 
 century, A. D., while enumerating some statues on the Acropolis, sanias attri- 
 butes his 
 
 MelesiaSj who is, as we have seen (p. xxxiv), sometimes confused with 
 the historian, was related by marriage to Cimon ; the whole story may 
 have arisen from this. — See also p. xxxv. 
 
 * If the f€vos was at this time confined to real or imaginary * agnates,' 
 i.e. descendants in the male line of a common male ancestor, this theory 
 would not account for the burial of Thucydides in the tomb of the 
 family of Miltiades. 
 
 * See note on i. 45, 1. 4, and cp. viii. 6, med., where however the 
 words — oOiv Kal rovvofjia AaKouviKov ■^ oiKia avrSjv Kara t^v ^€viav tax^v" 
 "EvSios ydp *A\Kifiiddov (koXuto — are suspected by Classen and others on 
 internal grounds. 
 
recall to 
 Oenobias. 
 
 xl Introduction: Part /, Appendix C. 
 
 mentions a figure of the Trojan Horse, and a statue of. one 
 Epicharinus. The bases of both have been discovered ; that of 
 the second suggests some inaccuracy in Pausanias' description. 
 He then continues Olvo^lov S' tpyov iarXu is QovKvhlbr^v t6v 
 'OXdpou xPW''^^' ^n4^''0'H-^ 7«P iviKr)(T€V Olvo^ios KareXOfiv «j 
 *Adrjvas OovKvbibrjPf Kai oi 8o\o(f)ovr)d€VTi a)ff Acari/ft fivrffia iariv ov 
 TToppa TTvXSyv McXiriScoi/. ^ And there is a good deed of Oenobius 
 towards Thucydides, son of Olorus. For Oenobius carried 
 a decree for the restoration of Thucydides to Athens : he was 
 assassinated on his way back, and there is a monument to him 
 not far from the Melitid Gate.' 
 
 There is considerable obscurity about the passage, for Pau- 
 sanias does not say what the statue actually was, in connexion 
 with which he mentions Thucydides : was it of Thucydides or 
 Oenobius? And the last words contain a highly suspicious 
 statement ; we have seen above (p. xv) that Thucydides was 
 almost certainly at Athens after his recall, and therefore cannot 
 have been killed ' on his way back from exile ' (wt ^carj/et). It 
 may very well be true that Oenobius proposed his recall, though 
 we cannot assert it with confidence \ 
 
 1 Muller-Striibing and others have pointed out that the name Oenobius 
 (a very uncommon one) occurs in inscriptions in close connexion with 
 the name of Eucles, Thucydides' colleague on the coast of Thrace, and 
 with the Thracian district. For an Oenobius is a ffTparrjySs at Neapolis 
 opposite Thasos in 409 (C. I. A. iv. Ft. i. 51) ; and a * [EJucles son of 
 Oenobius' occurs on an inscription of the fourth century (^C. I. A. ii. 
 Pt. ii. 1023). If the names ran in the family in the usual Greek manner, 
 there is some reason for thinking that Oenobius was the son of the 
 Eucles mentioned in Thuc. iv. 104, and that he really proposed the 
 recall of his father's colleague. 
 
 II. 
 
 Greek Prose Literature previous to or contemporary 
 
 WITH Thucydides. 
 
 When Thucydides made up his mind to write the history § 22. Prose 
 of the impending war (435-431 B.C.), the work of Herodotus ^"^^''^ ^^" 
 was not yet completed in the form in which we have it, although 
 it may already have become known by reading or publication ^ 
 Prose writing had existed in Hellas for at least seventy and per- 
 haps for more than 100 years. Much of it was of a historical 
 character, though it dealt chiefly with legendary times and with 
 the chronicles of particular places, that is to say, it was rather 
 mythological or antiquarian than properly historical. There 
 also existed maps and geographical works in the form of lists of 
 towns and peoples arranged in order, together with some account 
 of them {nepiodoi ynr, irfpLnXol) ; and several philosophers had 
 written books, including not only abstract arguments on the 
 nature of the universe or of * Being,' but physical theories of 
 particular phenomena, and thoughts on men and things. There 
 is leven said to have been an early prose work, by Theagenes of 
 Rhegium, on the interpretation of Homer ; but this rests only 
 on late authority. Much too had been written in poetry about 
 subjects for which prose would seem to us a more natural 
 expression — Solon's and Theognis' reflexions on politics and 
 
 * Herodotus speaks of the Propylaea at Athens, which were not 
 finished till 431, as if he had seen them (v. 77); of the surprise 
 of Plataea by the Thebans in 431 (vii. 233) ; and of the capture and 
 execution of Aristeus and the Spartan envoys, which happened in 430 
 (vii. 137; cp. Thuc. ii. 67). How long after 430 Herodotus was writing 
 we do not know; arguments from his silence about incidents which *he 
 must have mentioned ' are very weak. 
 
xl Introduction: Part /, Appendix C. 
 
 recall to 
 Oenobias. 
 
 mentions a figure of the Trojan Horse, and a statue of one 
 Epicharinus. The bases of both have been discovered ; that of 
 the second suggests some inaccuracy in Pausanias' description. 
 He then continues Olvo^iov S' epyov iariv fs eovKv8i8r)v rov 
 'OXdpou xPl^"^^^' ^h^*-^y^^ y^P fviKrja-ev Olvo^ios KareXOflv fs 
 ^Adrjvas eovKvbidr]Vf Kai oi 8o\o(f)ovT]devTi wff /caT^Jfi fxvfjfia eariv ov 
 rroppo) mAciv MeXiribayv. ^ And there is a good deed of Oenobius 
 towards Thucydides, son of Olorus. For Oenobius carried 
 a decree for the restoration of Thucydides to Athens : he was 
 assassinated on his way back, and there is a monument to him 
 not far from the Melitid Gate.' 
 
 There is considerable obscurity about the passage, for Pau- 
 sanias does not say what the statue actually was, in connexion 
 with which he mentions Thucydides : was it of Thucydides or 
 Oenobius? And the last words contain a highly suspicious 
 statement ; we have seen above (p. xv) that Thucydides was 
 almost certainly at Athens after his recall, and therefore cannot 
 have been killed * on his way back from exile ' (a>s KaTTjfi). It 
 may very well be true that Oenobius proposed his recall, though 
 we cannot assert it with confidence '. 
 
 1 MUller-Striibing and others have pointed out that the name Oenobius 
 (a very uncommon one) occurs in inscriptions in close connexion with 
 the name of Eucles, Thucydides' colleague on the coast of Thrace, and 
 with the Thracian district. For an Oenobius is a arpa-rrfyos at Neapolis 
 opposite Thasos in 409 (C. I. A. iv. Ft. i. 51) ; and a ' [E]ucles son of 
 Oenobius' occurs on an inscription of the fourth century (^C. I. A. ii. 
 Pt. ii. 1023). If the names ran in the family in the usual Greek manner, 
 there is some reason for thinking that Oenobius was the son of the 
 Eucles mentioned in Thuc. iv. 104, and that he really proposed the 
 recall of his father's colleague. 
 
 II. 
 
 Greek Prose Literature previous to or contemporary 
 
 WITH Thucydides. 
 
 When Thucydides made up his mind to write the history § 22. Prose 
 of the impending war (435-431 B.C.), the work of Herodotus ^'^^^^^ ^^" 
 was not yet completed in the form in which we have it, although 
 it may already have become known by reading or publication \ 
 Prose writing had existed in Hellas for at least seventy and per- 
 haps for more than 100 years. Much of it was of a historical 
 character, though it dealt chiefly with legendary times and with 
 the chronicles of particular places, that is to say, it was rather 
 mythological or antiquarian than properly historical. There 
 also existed maps and geographical works in the form of lists of 
 towns and peoples arranged in order, together with some account 
 of them (nepiodoi y^s, irfpinXol) ; and several philosophers had 
 written books, including not only abstract arguments on the 
 nature of the universe or of * Being,' but physical theories of 
 particular phenomena, and thoughts on men and things. There 
 is even said to have been an early prose work, by Theagenes of 
 Rhegium, on the interpretation of Homer ; but this rests only 
 on late authority. Much too had been written in poetry about 
 subjects for which prose would seem to us a more natural 
 expression — Solon's and Theognis' reflexions on politics and 
 
 ^ Herodotus speaks of the Propylaea at Athens, which were not 
 finished till 431, as if he had seen them (v. 77); of the surprise 
 of Plataea by the Thebans in 431 (vii. 233) ; and of the capture and 
 execution of Aristeus and the Spartan envoys, which happened in 430 
 (vii. 137; cp. Thuc. ii. 67). How long after 430 Herodotus was writing 
 we do not know; arguments from his silence about incidents which 'he 
 must have mentioned ' are very weak. 
 
 i^ 
 
xlii 
 
 Introduction : Part II, §§ 22-24. 
 
 431-400. 
 
 society, the supposed traveller Aristeas' description of Scythia 
 (Hdt. iv. 13-16), the philosophy of Xenophanes, Empedocles, 
 and Parmenides. 
 
 The Ionian cities of Asia Minor, especially Miletus and her 
 colonies, the islands of the Aegean, and the cities of S. Italy, 
 were the chief homes of this literature. At Athens itself, 
 where poetry had flourished more than prose, there had written, 
 or were writing, besides Herodotus, a voluminous chronicler 
 and mythologist Pherecydes (of Leros), and two authors of 
 memoirs or recollections of Athenian statesmen of the present 
 or past generation — Stesimbrotus of Thasos and Ion of Chios. 
 We must not forget that by this time there were thousands of 
 inscriptions, laws, decrees, treaties, etc., scattered over Hellas, 
 dating in part from far earlier days than any of the writers 
 referred to, in which a form of Greek prose had been fixed in 
 writing before there was any Greek prose literature. 
 § 23. Prose Between Thucydides' first conception of his history and its 
 writers, interruption by his death (not long after B. c. 400 ?) a great deal 
 more Greek prose literature had been written. Herodotus' 
 history had been completed. Hellanicus had written, in his 
 'Athenian History,' not only about mythical times, but about 
 the interval between the Persian and Peloponnesian wars. 
 Antiochus of Syracuse had brought a history of Sicily down 
 to the year 424. Other chroniclers, beginning a little before the 
 Peloponnesian war, had continued their work in various parts 
 of Hellas. Sophists (also beginning before the Peloponnesian 
 war) Hke Protagoras and Hippias had written on the most 
 various subjects. Rhetoric (about which a treatise seems to 
 have been written in Sicily in the previous generation) had 
 been introduced to Athens by Gorgias of Leontini in 427. 
 Our earliest complete specimen of Attic prose literature, the 
 De Republica Atheniensium (wrongly ascribed to Xenophon), 
 had been written before the Sicilian expedition, perhaps before 
 the Peace of Nicias, by an Athenian oligarch ^ : possibly by 
 
 * The arguments for this date far outweigh the very slight difficulties 
 which have led some critics to put the work later. ' No political philo- 
 sopher examining the constitution of Athens after 403 b. c. . . . could, 
 I think, have contrived to make us live so absolutely in the days of the 
 Peloponnesian war.' (Dakyns, Xenophon, vol. ii. p. Ixxii.) 
 
Writers on Mythology, Geography, Biography, History, 
 
 Politics, 
 
 Circ. 560-530 . . 
 
 Circ. 500-480. . 
 
 ! 
 
 4 
 
 Before the Pelopon- 
 nesian War (480- 
 440). 
 
 Shortly before and 
 during the Pelopon- 
 nesian War (440- 
 400). 
 
 Cadmus of Miletus. 
 Acusilaus of Argos (Boeotia\ 
 Pherecydes of Syros. 
 
 Hecataeus of Miletus. 
 Dionysius of Miletus. 
 Scylax of Caryanda (Caria). 
 Hippys of Rhegium. 
 
 Charon of Lampsacus. 
 Pherecydes of Leros and Athens. 
 Eugaeon of Samos. 
 Deiochus of Proconnesus. 
 Bion of Proconnesus. 
 Eudemus of Paros. 
 Democles of Pygela (Ionia). 
 Amelesagoras of Chalcedon. 
 Simonides of Ceos (not the poet). 
 
 Xanthus of Sardis. 
 
 Herodotus of Halicamassus and Athens. 
 
 Stesimbrotus of Thasos. 
 
 Ion of Athens. 
 
 Hellanicus of Mitylene. 
 
 Antiochus of Syracuse 
 
 Damastes of Sigeum. 
 
 Xenomedes of Chios. 
 
 Glaucus of Rhegium. 
 
 Anaximander of Miletus (not the philosopher). 
 
 Herodorus of Heraclea. 
 
 Author of the De Republica Atheniensium. 
 
 Critias of Athens. 
 
 Thucydides of Athens. 
 
 [ Thucydides, Book /. 
 
 Writers on Philosophy, Science: Poets writing on Prosaic 
 Sophists, Rhetoricians, and Orators. Subjects. 
 
 Anaximander of Miletus. 
 Anaximenes of Miletus. 
 Theagenes of Rhegium (?). 
 
 Heraclitus of Ephesus. 
 
 • Zeno of Elea (Italy\ 
 Anaxagoras of Clazomenae and Athens. 
 Melissus of Samos. 
 Protagoras of Abdera. 
 Metrodorus of Lampsacus. 
 
 ;:• 
 
 Hippocrates of Cos. 
 
 Diogenes of Apollonia. 
 
 Philolaus of Tarentum and Thebes. 
 
 pRODicus of Ceos. 
 
 GORGIAS of Leontini. 
 
 Hippias of Elis. 
 
 Democritus of Abdera. 
 
 C 
 
 Antiphon 
 
 Andocides 
 
 Lysias 
 
 Athens. 
 
 1 
 
 i 
 
 Aristeas of Proconne- 
 sus (?). 
 
 Solon of Athens (fl. 6oo- 
 560). 
 
 Xenophanes of Colophon 
 and Sicily (lived 570- 
 480). 
 
 Theognis of Megara (fl. 
 550-500?). 
 
 Parmenides of Elea. 
 Empedocles of Acragas. 
 
 
 Part I. TofoUmv p. xlii] 
 
Prose writings in Thucydides' time. xliii 
 
 Phrynichus, or by the famous Critias of whom a few interest- 
 ing prose fragments survive. The speeches of Antiphon and 
 some of those of Andocides and Lysias had been dehvered, 
 and (unlike those of Pericles) preserved in writing. And two 
 great contemporaries of Thucydides (perhaps beginning earlier 
 and continuing later than he) had written numerous works 
 which unfortunately exist only in a doubtful or fragmentary con- 
 dition—Hippocrates the * father of medicine/ and the physicist, 
 moralist, and philosopher, Democritus. 
 
 The accompanying table of prose writers of the sixth and 
 fifth centuries will show how numerous were the predeces- 
 sors and contemporaries of Herodotus and Thucydides. 
 
 Two cautions are necessary in dealing with the early history 
 of Greek literature : (i) We are too apt to think of great writers 
 or of different classes of literature as succeeding each other 
 like kings or dynasties ; one dying before the other begins. 
 And (2) the perfectly correct and necessary distinctions which 
 we draw between different classes of writers are probably a good 
 deal sharper to us than they were to the ancients. 
 
 (i) There was no great gulf between the 'age of Herodotus ' 
 and the * age of Thucydides ' : Herodotus, as we have seen, 
 had not completed his history in its present form until after 
 Thucydides, atV^avo/xei/os t^ T^Xtxia, had begun to write. The 
 difference between the two is rather one of intellectual cha- 
 racter than of epoch, and is not greater than may often be 
 observed between older and younger contemporaries : probably 
 (see Professor Mahaffy, Social Life in Greece, p. 361 ff.) the 
 average Athenian citizen at all times was more in sympathy 
 with Herodotus than with Thucydides. Again, it is natural to 
 think of Hellanicus as one of an obscure set of people called 
 * logographers,' who were all dead before * the first real page 
 of Greek history ' was written by Thucydides. As a matter of 
 fact, Hellanicus' history must have been written after the begin- 
 ning of the Peloponnesian War : it is said to have contained 
 references to the mutilation of the Hermae, and the battle of 
 Arginusae : and other works of much the same class were written 
 during the war : just as epic poetry of a kind continued to be 
 written long after the introduction of lyric poetry. 
 
 § 24. Un- 
 real or ex- 
 aggerated 
 distinctions 
 between — 
 
 (I) 'the 
 age of 
 Herodotus ' 
 and the 
 *age of 
 Thucy- 
 dides.' 
 
(2) histo- 
 nans and 
 philoso- 
 phers. 
 
 (3) Wsto- 
 rians and 
 * logogra- 
 phers.' 
 
 § 25. Char- 
 acter of the 
 earliest 
 Greek 
 history. 
 
 xliv Introduction : Part II, §§ 24, 25. 
 
 Again (2), we very naturally print and read the fragments of 
 the early Greek historians and those of the early Greek philo- 
 sophers in different books : but we must not exaggerate the 
 distinction, as it must have appeared to their contemporaries 
 or immediate successors, between those who wrote rr€pi (fyva-eois 
 and those who wrote *Apyo\nca or yevfoKoyiai. We do not 
 know that Thucydides had ever read Heraclitus, or Democritus, 
 or Hippocrates, but in some ways they were far more of kindred 
 spirits to him than Hecataeus or Hellanicus. 
 
 Another distinction, real enough, but not drawn by contem- 
 poraries, is sometimes made by speaking of the early Greek his- 
 torians, other than Herodotus and Thucydides, as ' logographers.' 
 The word is never used by ancient authors in this sense : in 
 Thuc. i. 21, 1. 4 (see note) it simply means Uprose writers.' 
 Thucydides very likely includes Herodotus among those of whom 
 he speaks. Herodotus applies the allied word \oyonoi6s not 
 only to Hecataeus (ii. 143), but to Aesop as the supposed writer 
 of a collection of fables in prose (ii. 134). We do not add to 
 our knowledge of Antiochus of Syracuse (who is interesting 
 because Thucydides may have used him) either by disparaging 
 him as an ' old chronicler,' or by speaking highly of him on the 
 ground that an ancient critic calls him * a a-vyypacfievs and not 
 a Xoyoypdcjyos. 
 
 Dionysius of Halicamassus prefaces his criticism of Thucy- 
 dides^ with a valuable account of the historical writers who 
 preceded him, or who lived into his time. The earliest group, 
 among whom he specifies Cadmus of Miletus and Aristeas of 
 Proconnesus, were to him as they are to us mere names : their 
 writings, he says, were mostly lost, and the authenticity of those 
 which survived was disputed ^. Of the somewhat later writers, 
 whose works he had before him, while we know them only in frag- 
 ments, he says, speaking of Hecataeus and Hellanicus among 
 
 / 
 
 ^ De Thuc. Hist. Jud. 5, 23. 
 
 * Two fragments from a work called by the unintelligible name 
 itrTdfivxos, said to have been theological in character, i. e. a cosmogony, 
 and ascribed to one of these shadowy writers, Pherecydes (the earlier) 
 of Syros, may be quoted :— Diogenes Laertius (I. xi. 6) says that it 
 began Zcvs fxiv Kal Xpovos kaau koi Xdwv ^v. XBoviri h\ ovvofia iyhtro 
 Trj, ew€t5^ avry Z€vs ykpas ^i^oi. Clement of Alexandria (741) quotes 
 
 Prose writings in Thucydides' time. xlv 
 
 others, that their object in writing and their abilities were much 
 alike. They wrote of particular cities, Greek or Barbarian, and 
 did not attempt a general history like Herodotus. They wished 
 to make commonly known, without adding or taking away, the 
 records of these cities, sacred or secular (€?r' h Upo7s Jr iv 
 ^€^n\ois diroK€ifX€vai ypa(})ai). Among these were many legends 
 and 'theatrical catastrophes,' which seem *very silly to men of 
 our time.' Their style is generally simple, clear, straightforward, 
 concise, matter of fact ; with a sparing use of metaphors or 
 rhetorical figures. There is a kind of bloom and grace about 
 them, * which has helped to preserve their writings to this day,' 
 but they lack the elevation and the impressiveness of Herodotus'. 
 They wrote either in the Ionic dialect or in the * old Attic,' 
 which nearly resembled the Ionic ^ 
 
 We shall appreciate Herodotus and Thucydides better, if we Specimens 
 read the few remaining fragments of the nearest approach to of :— 
 history written before or about their time, ridiculous as many 
 of them are. Here are specimens, literally translated, of Heca- 
 taeus, Hellanicus, Charon, Xanthus, and Pherecydes of Leros \ 
 
 the words Zay irojff (papos piya t€ koI KaXbv Kal iv avr^ noiKiKKu yrjv 
 Kal wytjvuv {wK(aydv) koI rd wyrjvov Sufxara. 
 
 ^ Strabo (I. ii. 6) remarks that the earliest prose-writers imitated the 
 poets in every respect except metre, while their successors gradually 
 wrote in a less poetical way {irp^jTiaTa ycLp ij itoit}tik^ KaraaK^v^ nap^ke^v 
 (Is rb fi€<Tov Kal fvSoKiprjafV (Tra kKiivrjv fuf^ovpfvoi, AvVai/res to fitrpov, 
 rSAAa 5* <py\d^avTf5 rd iroirjTiKd, avviypaipav 01 vfpl Ka8/xoK Kal ^€pfKv5^ 
 Kal 'EKaraiov' tTra ol vanpov, d<paipovvTfs du ri tSjv toiovtojv, h rd vvv 
 iihos KaTfjyayov, cl;y dv dirb Vipovs rtvds). The existing fragments do not 
 confirm this statement, except in so far as some of them are like para- 
 phrases of the more prosaic parts of Homer and Hesiod. Strabo's remark 
 occurs in the course of an argumentative passage intended to minimise 
 the difference between poetry and prose. 
 
 * Nothing of interest is known about any of these writers except 
 Hecataeus, the Ionian traveller and statesman, who advised his countiy- 
 men not to revolt against Persia, * recounting all the nations which 
 Darius ruled, and his power' (Hdt. v. 26), and gave them other wise 
 counsels which were rejected. He, as well as Anaximander the philo- 
 sopher, is said to have constructed a map of the world : perhaps it was 
 Hecataeus' map which Aristagoras showed to Cleomenes (Hdt. v. 49 
 €X<"V X^^tfov mvoKa, iv r^ yTJs dndffrjs irfpiodos iviTtTp-qro, Kal OdXaaad 
 T« vdaa, KOI irorafiol TrdvTfs: cp. Hdt. iv. 36). Xanthus is called a 
 
 
 f 
 
xlvi Introduction : Part II, §§ 26-28. 
 
 § 26. Heca- < Orestheus the son of Deucalion came to Aetolia to receive 
 **^"*- a kingdom S and a bitch of his brought forth a stump. And he 
 
 ordered it to be buried, and there grew from it a vine of many 
 
 clusters. Wherefore also he called his son Phytius (<^vt6v, plant). 
 
 Now he begat a son, Oeneus, being so called from the vines ; 
 
 for the ancient Greeks called vines olvai. And Oeneus begat 
 
 AetoluS.' Hecataeus, Fr. 341, quoted in Athenaeus, ii. i, p. 35. B. 
 
 * There was a boar in the mountain, and he did the Psophidii 
 
 much mischief.' Hecataeus, Fr. 344. quoted by Steph. Byz. s. v. *w<^is. 
 
 ' But Hecataeus the chronicler says that Geryon, against whom 
 Heracles of Argos was sent by Eurystheus to drive away the 
 cows of Geryon and bring them to Mycenae, had nothing to do 
 with the country of the Iberians, nor was Heracles sent to an 
 island, Erytheia, outside the great sea (i. e. the Mediterranean) : 
 but Geryon was king of the mainland about Ambracia and the 
 Amphilochians, and from this part of the mainland it was that 
 Heracles drove off the cows : and even this was no small task 
 
 to set him.' hecataeus, Fr. 349, quoted by Arrian, Exp. Alex. ii. i6. 5. 
 
 * And Ceyx, indignant at this, immediately ordered the descen- 
 dants of Heracles to leave the country. For I am not able to 
 defend you. That therefore you may not perish yourselves and 
 at the same time injure me, begone ' K Hhat they must begone ') 
 * to another people.' 
 
 Hecataeus. Fr. 353, quoted by Longinus, «pl v^ov9, 27. to illustrate a well-known 
 rhetorical figure. 
 
 ' Hecataeus the Milesian, describing an Arcadian dinner in 
 the third book of his Genealogies, says it is barley-cakes and 
 
 pork.' Hecataeus, Fr. 355, Athenaeus, iv. 31, p. 148, F. 
 
 * Hecataeus the Milesian says of the Peloponnese that bar- 
 barians dwelt in it before the Greeks.' 
 
 Hecataeus, Fr. 356, Strabo, vii. 7. i. 
 
 Lydian (whether by birth or not we cannot be sure), and was said by 
 Ephorus, the historian of the fourth century B.C., to have J given the 
 original impulse ' or ' furnished the material ' to Herodotus, whatever this 
 means (Athenaeus, xii. 1 1. p. 515, E 0;^.. . '^poZ6rce rasa<popi^s 5.5a,/coro.). 
 1 Correcting Irri ^at\ia into ivi ^affiXda (MuUer). 
 
 Prose writings in Thucydides' time, xlvii 
 
 'The Athenians set sail with twenty triremes to help the §27. Cha- 
 lonians, and made an expedidon against Sardis. And they took ^°°- 
 everything about Sardis except the royal fort. And having 
 done this they retreat to Miletus.' 
 
 Charon, Fr. 2, quoted by [Plutarch] de Malign. Herod. 24, 3. 4. 
 
 * The Bisaltians invaded Cardia, and won the victory. But 
 the general of the Bisaltians was Onaris ^ And he when a boy 
 had been sold in Cardia, and being made the slave of a Cardian 
 became a barber. And the Cardians had an oracle saying that 
 the Bisaltians would attack them : and they talked much about 
 it as they sat in the barber's shop. And having run away from 
 Cardia to his own country he led the Bisaltians against the 
 Cardians, being appointed general by the Bisaltians. But the 
 Cardians had all taught their horses to dance at their banquets 
 to the sound of their flutes : and they used to stand on their 
 hind legs and dance with their fore legs, understanding the 
 music. Now Onaris knowing this got a flute-girl from Cardia ; 
 and the flute-girl coming to the Bisaltians taught a number of 
 flute-players : now with these he makes war on Cardia. And 
 when the battle had begun he ordered them to play the tunes 
 which the horses of the Cardians knew. And when th& horses 
 heard the sound of the flute, they stood up on their hind legs and 
 began to dance. But the strength of the Cardians was in their 
 cavalry. And so they were beaten 2.' 
 
 Charon, Fr. 9, quoted by Athenaeus, xii. 19, p. 520, D. 
 
 Charon also tells two curious 'fairytales ' about Hamadryads 
 being saved from destruction by a mortal, who props up or 
 protects from a river the oak-tree with which their life is bound 
 up : fr. 12, 13. 
 
 ' From Lydus spring the Lydians, and from Torrhebus the § 28. Xan- 
 Torrhebians. Their language differs but slightly, and even to ^^"^• 
 this day they plunder (o-uXoOo-t) many words from each other, 
 like the lonians and Dorians.' 
 
 Xanthus, Fr. i, quoted by Dionysius of Halicamassus, Ant. Rom. L 28, p. 73. 
 
 ^ Or Naris (Cobet). 
 
 ' The reader of Thackeray's minor works will recollect a comic 
 parallel. 
 
§ 29- Hel- 
 lanicus. 
 
 xlviii Introduction : Part II, §§ 28-30. 
 
 * Xanthus says that in the time of Artaxerxes there was a 
 great drought, so that rivers and lakes and wells failed : and 
 that he knew himself that in many places, a long way from the 
 sea, there were shell-shaped stones, and the comb-like things, 
 and impressions of scallop-shells ; and a salt lake among the 
 Armenians and the Matieni and in Lower Phrygia : for which 
 reasons he was persuaded that the plains had once been sea.' 
 
 Xanthus, Ft. 3, quoted by Strabo (i. 3. 4) at second-hand from Eratosthenes. 
 
 * Xanthus in his AvSm^a says that Gambles who reigned over 
 Lydia was a great eater and drinker and indeed a ravenous 
 glutton. One night he cut up and ate his own wife. In the 
 morning he found his wife's hand in his mouth, and when the 
 matter was noised abroad he cut his throat.' 
 
 Xanthus, Fr. 12, Athen. x. 8, p. 415. C. 
 
 ' Pelops, who had a son Chrysippus by a former wife, married 
 Hippodameia daughter of Oenomaus, by whom he begat many 
 children. But as he loved Chrysippus exceedingly, the step- 
 mother and her sons became jealous, fearing that Pelops would 
 leave his sceptre also to him, and Atreus and Thyestes, the 
 eldest of these sons, contrived his death. When Chrysippus 
 had been killed, Pelops found it out, and banished his sons who 
 were guilty of the murder, invoking a doom upon them and 
 their race that they should fall by each others' hands. So they 
 were banished from Pisa and went to different places. When 
 Pelops died, Atreus being the elder came with a great army and 
 conquered the country. The story is in Hellanicus.' 
 
 Fr. 42, Schol. Horn. //. B, 105. 
 
 *Some Thracians once made an expedition against the 
 inhabitants of Orchomenus of the Minyae in Boeotia, and drove 
 them out. They, when they had departed, came to Athens in the 
 time of King Munychus. He allowed them to dwell in the parts 
 lying round Munychia, which received its name from them in 
 honour of the King.' 
 
 Hellanicus, Fr, 71, quoted by Ulpian (ad Dem. De Cor. p. 73. C) at second-hand 
 from Diodorus. 
 
 * I know also that Hellanicus in his " Namings of Nations " 
 says that some of the Nomad Libyans have no possessions 
 
 Prose writings in Thucydides' time, xlix 
 
 except a' cup and a knife and a pitcher. And that they have 
 little houses made of reeds just enough to give them shade, 
 which they carry about with them wherever they go.' 
 
 Hellanicus. Fr. 93, quoted in Athenaeus, xi. 6, p. 462, B. 
 
 * Hellanicus relates that before Heracles entered Troy, Tela- 
 mon threw down a part of the wall and entered it. When 
 Heracles began to draw his sword upon him, Telamon, who had 
 noticed Heracles' vexation at what he had done, began to heap 
 up stones around him. He said, "What is this for?" Telamon 
 said, " I am going to build an altar to Heracles the averter of 
 evil." And so the anger of Heracles is appeased, and he gives 
 him as a prize Hesione, who is also Theanira.' 
 
 Hellanicus, Fr. 138, quoted by Tzetzes ad Lycoph. 469. 
 
 ' He " scrambles " up to the tree-top like a monkey.* 
 
 Hellanicus, Fr. 178. Suidas, s. v. avappixaaeai. 
 
 ' A city on the river, Tindion by name. Here is an assembly 
 of the Gods, and a great and holy temple of stone in the midst 
 of the city, and gates of stone. Inside the temple grow white and 
 black thorn-bushes. On the top of them are placed the gariands 
 twined of the flower of the thorn and the flower of the pome- 
 granate and of the vine. And they are always in bloom. The 
 Gods placed the garlands in Egypt when they heard that Babys 
 was king, who is Typho.' 
 
 Hellanicus, Fr. 150, quoted by Athenaeus, xv. 25, p. 679, F. 
 
 The fragments of Hellanicus show that he must have treated § 3o. 
 of many points in the eariy history of Hellas to which Thucv- ^^"^'^ 
 
 dides also refers. f"^?'^" 
 
 T_r I r 1 • . *^^ Ihucy- 
 
 tie spoke of an early immigration into Attica caused by war t^ides and 
 
 (Fr. 71 ; cp. Thuc. i. 2), of changes in the names of the countries hellanicus. 
 called Thessaly and (perhaps) Boeotia and of the autochtho- 
 nous character of the Arcadians (Fr. 8, 28, 77 ; cp. Thuc. i. 2). 
 He identified Corcyra with the Homeric Phaeacia (Fr. 45 ; cp. 
 Thuc. i. 25). 
 
 He spoke of Hellen, son of Deucalion, king of Thessaly, and 
 of his sons Xuthus, Aeolus, and Dorus : and of Pelasgus (Fr. 
 10, 15, 37 ; cp. Thuc. i. 2) : of Minos (Fr. 73 ; cp. Thuc. i; 4), 
 
1 
 
 Introduction : Part II, §§ 30-32. 
 
 of the Cyclopes {Fr. i76,Thuc. vi. 2) : of Pelops {Fr. 42, Thuc. 
 i. 9) and of Theseus {Fr, 74 ; cp. Thuc. ii. 15). He said a good 
 deal about the early history of Sicily, the immigration of the 
 Siceli, and the foundation of some of the Greek cities. He men- 
 tioned the origin of the Helots {Fr. 67 ; cp. Thuc. i. loi), and of 
 the Spartan constitution, though differing here from Thucydides 
 (see Part ii. p. 6, footnote 3). 
 
 § 31- 'Heracles drew his bow against him, to shoot him, and the 
 
 of PhSr Sun asked him to stop. But he is afraid and stops. But the 
 
 cydes^the Sun in return for this gives him the golden cup which earned 
 
 younger), j^im and his mares, when he sets, through the Ocean all night to 
 
 the East where the Sun rises. Then Heracles travels in this cup 
 
 to Erythea. But when he was on the open sea. Ocean, to try 
 
 him, appears to him and rocks the cup on the waves. But he is 
 
 about to shoot Ocean with his bow. And Ocean is afraid and 
 
 asks him to stop.' 
 
 Pherecydes, Fr. 33 h., quoted in Athenaeus, xi. 39, p. 470> C. 
 
 * Pelias was sacrificing to Poseidon, and gave notice to all 
 men to come. And Jason came with the rest of the citizens. 
 And he happened to be ploughing near the river Anaurus. And 
 he crossed the river without his sandals. And when he had 
 crossed it he puts his sandal on the right foot but forgets to put 
 it on the left. And so he comes to the feast. But Pelias seeing 
 him recognises the fulfilment of the oracle. And at the time he 
 said nothing. But on the next day he asked him what he would 
 do if he received an oracle that he should be killed by one of 
 the citizens. But Jason said that he would send him to Aea, for 
 the golden fleece, to bring it from Aeetes. But this Here puts 
 into Jason's mind in order that Medea might come to bring woe 
 upon Pelias.' 
 
 Pherecydes, Fr. 60, quoted in the Scholia to Pindar, Pyth. iv. 133. 
 
 * Pherecydes says that Thersites was one of those who made 
 war upon the Calydonian boar, but that he was frightened and 
 shrank from the fight with the boar and was thrown down a 
 precipice by Meleager ; and that was why he was deformed.' 
 
 PHERecYDES, Fr. 82, Schol. Horn. //. B. 212 (Bekker). 
 
 Prose writings in Thucydides' time, \\ 
 
 These fragments are, indeed, on a different level from 
 Herodotus and Thucydides. Yet the obscurer ^fathers of 
 history,' have some tendencies in common with their more 
 famous countrymen. They sometimes attempt to explain away 
 legends, or to render them less marvellous. Hecataeus for 
 instance {Fr, 346) says that the Mog of Hades' which Heracles 
 brought to Eurysthets was really a dreadful serpent, called the 
 dog of Hades because his bite was fatal, who lived on Mount 
 Taenarus (cp. Fr. 349, quoted above, p. xlvi). Hellanicus {Fr 61) 
 and Pherecydes {Fr. 32) both said that the Stymphalides were 
 not women but birds, whom Heracles frightened with a rattle • 
 Hellanicus also denies the commonly-received story that the 
 mttle was made by Hephaestus; 'Heracles made it himself 
 There are similar explanations of myths, some of them remark^ 
 ably silly ones, m a writer contemporary with Thucydides 
 Herodorus of Heraclea. ' 
 
 The interest in natural phenomena which is noticeable in 
 Herodotus and Thucydides, and which was so strong in the 
 early* philosophers S' was shared by some of the chroniclers 
 Xanthus not only argued from the existence of fossils {Fr 3 
 quoted above), but mentioned the frequent physical changes 
 which had taken place in the .araK..av^.V^ or volcanic country 
 adjoining Mysia {Fr. 4). Another writer, Democles of Py^ela in 
 Ionia, earlier than the Peloponnesian \\'ar, seems to have noticed 
 earthquakes which had occurred in Lydia and Ionia, and resulting 
 inundations {Fr. i). There are traces of an interest in astronomy 
 and physics in a Hippys of Rhegium, perhaps the same with the 
 earliest historian of Sicily {Fr. i, 5, 6) : see p. Ixxiv. 
 
 Some trifling etymologies in Pherecydes of Leros show the 
 
 § 32. Early 
 
 historians 
 
 show — (i) 
 
 tendency 
 
 to explain 
 
 away 
 
 myths. 
 
 (2) interest 
 in natural 
 pheno- 
 mena. 
 
 Besides their explanations of the heavenly bodies, rainbows, light- 
 ning, etc., and their growing interest in physiology, we are told That 
 Xenophanes mentioned the occurrence of shells inland or on mountains 
 and ot the impression of 'a fish and of seals in the quarries of Syracuse' 
 of an anchovy at Paros deep down in the rock, and the caudal pinnae 
 C7rAa/.6s) of marine animals at Malta,' whence he concluded that earth 
 and sea had once been mixed, ' and the impressions had dried in the 
 mud (Ritter and Preller, 86 a). Anaxagoras too ^ predicted ' (we may 
 suppose that he noticed or recorded) the fall of a meteoric stone near 
 Aegospotami in 469 B.C. (Ritter and Preller, 118 a). See Professor 
 Burnet's Early Greek Philosophy. 
 
 d 2 
 
 (3) begin- 
 nings of 
 
 # 
 
Hi 
 
 Introduction : Part II, §§ 32-34. 
 
 § 33- 
 
 Specimens 
 
 of early 
 philoso- 
 phers. 
 
 Heraclitus. 
 
 etymology beginning of an interest in language. And finally the titles of 
 
 andchrono- ^ book of Charon, Trpurareij ^ opxoi/ref AaKcSaif/oi'ia)./, and one 01 
 
 ^^S^' Hellanicus, 'l.'pcmt al h *Apy«, indicate the earliest attempts at 
 
 historical chronology, founded on lists of priests or magistrates. 
 
 We may complete our picture of Greek prose before and 
 during the Peloponnesian War by a few extracts from the 
 remains of the early philosophers : not of course as beanng 
 directly on Thucydides, but as correcting the impression of 
 the limited capacities of early Greek authors which we derive 
 from the fragments of the chroniclers just quoted. 
 
 When we turn from these fragments to those of the earliest 
 great writer of Greek prose, Heraclitus of Ephesus, the con- 
 temporary of Hecataeus, it is like entering on a new world. 
 * The King, whose is the oracle in Delphi, neither tells, nor 
 conceals, but indicates.' * Seekers after gold dig up much 
 earth and find little gold.' ' This one system of all things no 
 God made and no man, but it always was and is and will be, 
 an everliving fire, kindled in measures and put out in measures.' 
 ' Common to all is thought ; we must speak with reason and 
 hold strongly by the common (law) of all things as a city 
 by the law, and much more strongly. For all human laws are 
 nourished by the one divine (law), for it rules as much as it 
 will and is sufficient for all and more than sufficient.' ' The 
 people ought to fight for the law as for a fortress.' ' Insolence 
 must be put out sooner than a fire.' * The Ephesians had 
 better hang themselves every grown man of them and leave 
 the city to the boys: for they drove out their best man, 
 Hermodorus, saying, There shall be no best man of us, or, 
 if there is, let him be so somewhere else and with other people.' 
 ' For what sense or mind have men ? they go after bards, and 
 make the crowd their teacher ; not knowing that many are bad 
 but few good. For even the best of them choose one thing 
 above all, eternal glory among mortals, but the many fill them- 
 selves like cattle.' ' And to these images they pray, just as if 
 a man were to chat to the house, not knowing Gods or heroes, 
 who they are.' * There await men when they die things which 
 they do not expect or think ^* 
 
 1 Fr. II, 8, 20, 91, 100, 103, 114, "i» 126, 122 (Bywater). 
 
 Prose writings in Thucydides time. liii 
 
 Even earlier than Heraclitus, prose books had been written and earlier 
 by Anaximander of Miletus, who is said to have been sixty-four writers. 
 years of age in 546 B. C, and by his successor Anaximenes, also 
 of Miletus. The late writers who mention them speak of the 
 poetical character of an expression in Anaximander ^, and of 
 the simple and unadorned Ionic prose of Anaximenes. Thus 
 we find the elements of philosophy and natural science— the 
 two were not yet distinguished— treated of in prose writing even 
 before we have any certain trace of the elements of history. 
 
 After Heraclitus, the practice of writing philosophy in verse, §34. Philo- 
 introduced by Xenophanes his contemporary 2, was followed by ^^P^^^^ 
 EmpedocIesandParmenides; hence the next important prose writ- rary with* 
 ings of this kind are contemporary with Thucydides' earlier life. Thucy- 
 
 Here are some famous fragments of Anaxagoras, the friend ^'^^^• 
 of Pericles :— ' All things were together, infinite both in number „^l^^~ 
 and smallness,' or as the same passage (said to be the opening 
 of Anaxagoras' book Trepl cf>v(T€a>s) is quoted by Diogenes Laer- 
 tius, * All things were together : then mind came and arranged 
 them.* (Ritter and Preller, 120, 122.) 
 
 * Existing things in the universe, which is one, are not 
 separated or cut off with an axe, neither heat from cold nor 
 cold from heat.' (R. P., 123, c.) 
 
 * The Greeks do not think rightly about becoming and perish- 
 ing. For nothing either comes into being or perishes, but every- 
 thing is mingled together and separated out of things already 
 
 goras. 
 
 1 ( 
 
 He said that things pass away into that from which they arose' 
 (viz, t6 diTfipoVf infinity or unbounded space), * as it is due, for they give 
 each other satisfaction and recompense for their ifijustice according to 
 the order of time, speaking of them thus in somewhat poetical language * 
 (Simplicius, the Aristotelian commentator of the sixth century a. D.). 
 If the date and the quotation can be trusted (see Ritter and Preller, 1 2, 
 and Burnet, pp. 49, 50), we have here the earliest extant piece of Greek 
 prose literature. 
 
 ^ Xenophanes may be called a philosopher because Plato and Aristotle 
 give him a place in the development of philosophy ; but his poems, 
 besides their well-known assaults on the popular mythology, contained 
 descriptions of social life : and he may perhaps be compared to Epichar- 
 mus of Syracuse (first half of fifth century), who said much about philo- 
 sophical subjects in his satirical comedies. See Abbott, History of Greece, 
 vol. ii. 13. 17, and Burnet, Early Greek Philosophy, pp. 112, 113, 183. 
 
liv 
 
 Introduction : Part 11^ §§ 34-36. 
 
 Melissus. 
 
 existing. And so they would be right in calling ** becoming," 
 " mingling," and "perishing," "being separated."' (R. P., 119.) 
 Here again is a specimen of a class of arguments introduced 
 by Zeno, the Eleatic, which have left their trace upon Plato. It 
 is a fragment of Melissus of Samos, one of the commanders 
 of the fleet which fought against Pericles after the revolt of 
 Samos. ' So that it is eternal, and boundless, and One, and all 
 alike : and it cannot perish or increase, or change its form, and 
 does not suffer pain or grief. For if any of these things happened 
 to it, it would not be One any more. For if it is altered, "that 
 which Is " cannot be alike (always), but that which formerly was 
 must perish and that which was not must come into existence. 
 Now if the All were to be altered by a single hair in ten thou- 
 sand years, it would perish in infinite time.' (R. P., 113 a.) 
 
 Such were the writers whom Thucydides must have read or 
 heard talked of in his youth and early manhood, if he was 
 interested in philosophy at all. Only one of the philosophers of 
 Diogenes his time bears any resemblance to him in point of style— Diogenes 
 of Apol- of ApoUonia in Crete, apparently a younger contemporary of 
 Anaxagoras. He is said, like Anaxagoras and Socrates, to have 
 got into trouble at Athens, hCa \uyav (fidovov. The long sentences 
 of Diogenes, his argumentative and critical manner of writing, 
 and his anxious care that the reader shall follow him in every 
 step, produce a very different effect from the reserved and 
 almost mystical utterances of some of his predecessors. 
 
 Diogenes Laertius quotes the opening of one of his books : 
 * In beginning any argument, I think we ought to make the 
 beginning incontrovertible, and the expression simple and 
 dignified' (R. P., 160). Another fragment is— 
 
 * Besides these, there are the following strong arguments. 
 Men and other animals, breathing as they do, live by the air. 
 And this is life and thought to them, as has been clearly shown 
 in this book. And if this departs, they die, and thought leaves 
 
 them' (R. P., 163) ^ 
 
 It is singular that of the Sophists, apart from Gorgias, 
 who was rather a teacher of rhetoric than a sophist, hardly any 
 
 1 A070U -navToi apxoixivov ZokUi not XP^^ *'"<*» "^^ ^^PXh^ dvaiKpia- 
 ^TjTtjTOV iraptx^ffOou, riiv bi kpfirjvrjtrjv dirXrjv k<u ffffivriv. 
 "Ext 6^ irpos TOVTOiai /cat TaSt fxeyiXa arjfu-fiia' dy6pomot 7<i/) koX rcL 
 
 Ionia. 
 
 § 35- So- 
 phists. 
 
 Prose writings in Thucydides' time. Iv 
 
 fragments remain. Hippias of Elis dealt with historical sub- 
 jects (cp. Part ii. p. 6), and is quoted {Fr. 7) as saying that the 
 word Tvpavpos was not used in Hellas until Archilochus' time. 
 Two or three famous sentences of Protagoras and Gorgias show 
 that they could express, in a brilliant and forcible manner, the 
 intellectual difficulties which called forth the constructive genius 
 of Socrates and Plato. * About the Gods I am not able to know 
 either that they are or that they are not : for many things hinder 
 our knowing, the obscurity of the matter and the shortness of 
 men's life.' * Man is the measure of all things, of things which 
 are, that they are ; and of things which are not, that they are 
 not' (Protagoras: see Ritter and Preller, 177, 178). * Nothing 
 exists : if it does, it is unknowable ; if it is knowable, it cannot 
 be explained to others ' (Gorgias : the words are probably in- 
 tended as a * reductio ad absurdum ' of previous philosophies : 
 see Ritter and Preller, 184). 
 
 The extraordinary performance known as the Funeral Oration § 36. 
 of Gorgias (of which a long extract is given, in a late scholium, Funeral 
 from a work of Dionysius of Halicamassus), shows us the Gor|Ji^.°^ 
 source of the antithetical and artificial style which disfigures 
 the Funeral Oration of Thucydides, and which exercised so 
 pernicious an influence on much of later Greek oratory and 
 literature. We have no means of knowing whether it was actually 
 spoken in the Ceramicus by some Athenian citizen for whom 
 Gorgias wrote it, or whether he merely wrote it to show what 
 he could do if he had the chance. 
 
 * For what was wanting to these men of what men ought to 
 have ? and what had they of what men ought to lack ? May I be 
 able to say what I wish, and wish to say what is right, eluding 
 the vengeance of God, and escaping the ill-will of men. Divine 
 was the worth which they possessed ; human alone was their 
 mortality. Far above stubborn Justice they set gentle Equity : 
 and soundness of argument far above strictness of law ; for they 
 
 oAAa ^^a dvairviovra ^wu r^ dipi, koI tovto avroiai koi ^vxv kari koi 
 vSrjais, wy SeSrjKojrai kv r^de r^ Svyypa(p^ ipLcpavews, kcu hdv tovto 
 dnaWaxOVi dno9yriaKU, koi tj v6rjais imXiiiru. Cp. i6l (R. P.), where 
 the machinery of the argument (l/xoi tl So/cici, to filv ^v^-nav tiiruv) 
 somewhat reminds us of Herodotus and Thucydides : and also the long 
 fragment of Melissus in R. P., 115. 
 
 f 
 
Ivi 
 
 Introduction : Part II, §§ 36, 37. 
 
 held it the most divine and the most universal law to say and 
 not to say, to do and not to do, what due was in due season ; 
 and two good things they had practised above all, mind and 
 might {yvoanTjv kol pa>fir}v)y one in counsel, the other in accom- 
 plishment. For they were champions of those who unjustly 
 suffered, and chastisers of those that unjustly rejoiced: stubborn 
 at the call of expediency, calm at the call of propriety : by the 
 wisdom of mind putting down the folly of might : insolent were 
 they to the insolent, courteous to the courteous, fearless to the 
 fearless, terrible among the terrible. In witness whereof they 
 planted trophies over their enemies that they might be gifts 
 pleasing to Zeus, and votive offerings of their own : not unknown 
 to them were either inborn Valour or lawful loves, either strife in 
 arms or art-loving peace : reverent were they to the Gods in due 
 observance, and pious to their parents in tendance : just to their 
 countrymen in equality, and conscientious towards their friends 
 in faith. And therefore, though they died, loving sorrow died 
 not with them, but immortal in bodies bodiless it lives though 
 they live not ^.' 
 
 Fine as some of Gorgias' thoughts are, the whole passage 
 lacks the very elements of the simplicity and sincerity due to 
 the subject : one old-fashioned Athenian inscription like MeXerT) 
 tvdddf Kelraiy yvvrj dyadrif or ivOdhe 'ApiaarvXXa Ketrai, Trot? 
 ^Apia-aTiovos re Kat 'PobiXXrjSf croocfypcov y\ 2) dvyarcpj is worth it all. 
 It may be true, among the many imperfections of the world of 
 letters, that Gorgias' pompous antitheses helped to introduce 
 a needful element into prose style. Yet, on the whole, Aris- 
 tophanes and Plato, and with them no doubt many a sensible 
 Athenian who could not have said all he thought about it, were 
 right in concluding that this Art of Rhetoric ' would never do.' 
 
 Memoirs Several memoirs or treatises of a historical or political character 
 
 and vvere written at Athens or about Athenian affairs during Thucy- 
 
 treatises. ^.^^^j j-f^.^jj^g^ Jq^ of Chios and Stesimbrotus of Thasos were 
 
 § 37- o°- jjjg j^i^gj- contemporaries ; we should have rated the historical 
 
 * Toiyapovv avrStv dirodavSyTuv 6 irodos ov avvairidaviv, dAA' aBdvaroi 
 kv [ovk] daojfiaTois (Xupiaffi ^13 ov ^mvtqjv. The ' bodies bodiless ' mean 
 the imagined forms of the dead in the memory of the living. The 
 original will be found in Thompson's Gorgias, pp. 175, 176. 
 
 Prose writings in Thucydides' time. Ivii 
 
 value of their works more highly than we do if we knew less 
 about them. Ion, who was also a tragic and lyric poet of some 
 eminence, probably died a little before 421. He wrote a X/ou 
 KTtVtr, dealing, as appears from a fragment, with the mythology 
 and eariy history of his native island: and a book called 
 emdrjfxiai, 'visits,' apparently containing anecdotes of famous 
 men whom Ion had met. One long fragment tells a story 
 of Sophocles, whom he met at Chios when Sophocles was 
 one of the arpaTrjyoi on the expedition against Samos ; another, 
 a story of Cimon (Fr. 4 ; Plut., Cimon, 9). ' Ion said that when 
 he was quite a lad, after coming from Chios to Athens, he met 
 Cimon at a dinner-party at Laomedon's. After the libations 
 he was asked to sing, and sang rather pleasantly. The 
 company complimented him and remarked that he was more 
 accomplished than Themistocles, who said that he had never 
 learnt singing or the lyre, but that he did know how to make 
 a city great and weahhy. Then, as was natural over their 
 wine, their conversation glided on to the great things that Cimon 
 had done. The chief of them were mentioned, and Cimon 
 himself told them what he thought his cleverest piece of general- 
 ship. The allies had taken many barbarian prisoners at Sestos 
 and Byzantium, and ordered Cimon to divide them. He put 
 the men themselves on one side, and their fine clothes and 
 ornaments on the other : this, they said, was not a fair division. 
 * Take whichever you like,' said he ; * the Athenians will be 
 satisfied with the other.' Herophytus of Samos recommended 
 them to choose the Persians' belongings sooner than the Persians 
 themselves : so they took the finery and left the prisoners to 
 the Athenians. Cimon went away, and for a time the laugh 
 was against him : there were the allies carrying off golden 
 anclets and bracelets and collars and fine mantles and purple 
 robes, while the Athenians only got naked fellows who had 
 had no training to make them fit for work. But soon the friends 
 and relations of the prisoners came down from Lydia and 
 Phrygia, and paid high ransoms for every one of them : so 
 Cimon got four months pay for his crew to begin with, and there 
 was a large sum left over for the treasury.' 
 
 Two other fragments of a similar 'gossiping' character may 
 be quoted {Fr. 6 and 5). 
 
§ 38. Stes- 
 imbrotus. 
 
 Iviii Introduction : Part II, §§ 37-39. 
 
 * Cimon, as Ion the poet says, was of no unhandsome appear- 
 ance, but tall and had plenty of curly hair.' (Plut., Cimon, 5.) 
 
 * The poet Ion says that Pericles was impudent and conceited 
 in society, and that there was a strong touch of arrogance and 
 contempt for others in his loftiness ; but he speaks highly of 
 the courtesy and the easy and cuhivated manner of Cimon 
 in ordinary intercourse. Enough, however, of Ion, who said 
 that ** goodness, like a tetralogy, should by all means have 
 a satyric element." ' (Plut., Pericles, 3.) 
 
 Plutarch (Cimon, 16) also quotes from him the expression 
 by which Cimon urged the Athenians to send help to Sparta 
 after the revolt of the Helots— 6 5' "lo^v aTrofivrjfiouevei kuI t6v 
 \6yov w fxaXtcrra Toiis 'Adrjvaiovs €Kivr)<T€, irapaKoKStv firjTe rqv 
 'EXXa8a x<^^v M^T'f ^'7" '^oXii' erepoCvya irepiibelp yeyeprjpevrjv. 
 
 Stesimbrotus of Thasos must have been writing after the 
 
 beginning of the Peloponnesian war, for he mentions the death 
 
 of Xanthippus, Pericles' son, in the Plague. He wrote a book 
 
 TTfpi Gf/iio-TOKXcov? Ka\ QovKybidov (the son of Melesias) Ka\ Uepi- 
 
 Kkeovs, Such a work, by a contemporary of Thucydides and 
 
 Pericles, might be expected to be of the greatest value, but 
 
 Plutarch, who frequently quotes Stesimbrotus, seems to rate his 
 
 authority very low. Plutarch may have been offended by the 
 
 scandals about Pericles' private life which Stesimbrotus retails, 
 
 but the fragments tend to confirm his judgment. Stesimbrotus 
 
 tells a story about Themistocles (see p. Ixxiii) which we may be 
 
 sure that Thucydides, if he knew of it, did not credit. He 
 
 appears to have lauded Cimon as a plain honest man, and to 
 
 have abused Pericles. * 
 
 'According to Stesimbrotus of Thasos, Cimon had never been 
 properly taught either music or any other liberal accomplish- 
 ment common among the Greeks. He was perfectly free from 
 Athenian sharpness and loquacity. There was much nobility and 
 sincerity in his character, and the features of the man's soul were 
 rather Peloponnesian than Athenian.' (Fr. 3, Plut., Cimon, 4.) 
 * Cimon took every opportunity of glorifying Lacedaemon to 
 the Athenians, and especially when he was blaming them or 
 provoking them, according to Stesimbrotus, and used to say, 
 " Why, the Lacedaemonians are not like that " (ov yap ol ye 
 AaKebaifiovioi TotovToi)'. (Fr. 6, Plut., Cimon, 1 6.) 
 
 Prose writings in Thucydides' time, lix 
 
 Again, * Stesimbrotus tells us that Pericles, pronouncing a pane- 
 gyric on the platform over those who had fallen at Samos, said 
 that they had become immortal like the Gods, " for we do not 
 see the Gods themselves, but by the honours they enjoy and by 
 the good things they bestow, we infer their immortality : this is 
 true also of those who die for their country." ' (Fr, 8, Plut., 
 Pericles, 8.) 
 
 The anonymous 'kOrivalaiv iroXnUa (see p. xlii) is, notwith- §39- 'Con- 
 standing its diffuseness, more like Thucydides in style than any s^^^^^ion of 
 Greek writing except the speeches of Antiphon. Three extracts [^no- ' 
 from it, not the most interesting passages, but akin to Thucydides phon]. 
 in matter, will show how closely it bears on the history of Athens 
 during the Peloponnesian war. The work is a short ironical 
 defence of the Athenian constitution as admirably calculated, 
 however bad in itself, to serve the ends of the populace. 
 
 Chapter 1, 14-18, is our chief authority for the system by which 
 the suits of the allies were tried at Athens. The passage illus- 
 trates also the popularity of the Athenian empire with the people 
 (' the rascals ') in the allied cities (Thuc. iii. 47, viii. 48), and the 
 real meaning of Aristophanes' profession that he and his party 
 are the champions of the allies : ' the allies ' means the oligarchs 
 or ' honest men,' in the allied cities whom they supported against 
 the people. 
 
 * As for the Allies, those who sail out from Athens cheat Athens and 
 (as the impression is), and show their hatred to honest men, the Allies, 
 because they know that the ruler is bound to be hated by the 
 ruled in any case, but that if the rich and powerful are to have 
 the power in the cities, the rule of the Athenian people will last 
 a very short time. This is why they disfranchise honest men and 
 take away their property, and exile them and put them to 
 death, and promote rascals. But the honest among the Athenians 
 are the preservers of the honest men in the allied cities, know- 
 ing that it is a good thing for them always to preserve the best 
 men in the cities. Some one may say that it is the strength of 
 the Athenians that the allies should be able to pay them money 
 (Thuc. iii. 46). But the democrats think it better that indi- 
 vidual Athenians should have the allies' money, and that the 
 allies should have only enough to live upon and work their land, 
 and be unable to intrigue against them. 
 
 f 
 
 i\ 
 
Judicial 
 arrange- 
 ments. 
 
 Ix 
 
 Introduction : Pari 11^ § 39. 
 
 Sea and 
 land 
 powers 
 compared. 
 
 * Another point in which the Athenian people is supposed to 
 be wrong is that they compel the allies to sail to Athens for the 
 settlement of lawsuits. But they reply by enumerating all the 
 advantages which the Athenian people gain by this. First, 
 they get their pay as jurymen from the court fees all the year 
 round. Then they administer the allied cities sitting quietly at 
 home without ships sailing out ; and they preserve the men of 
 the popular party and destroy the men of the other party in the 
 lawcourts. If each of the allies decided their suits at home, the 
 Athenians being unpopular with them, they would destroy such 
 among themselves as were most friendly to the Athenian people. 
 Besides this there are other advantages which the Athenian 
 people gain from the allies having their suits tried at Athens. 
 First, the duty of one per cent, levied at the Piraeus brings in 
 more to the city. Then, any one who has lodgings to let gets on 
 better, so does any one who has a pair of animals or a slave who 
 can be hired out. Then the court officials get on better because 
 the allies have to stay at Athens. Besides, if the allies did not 
 come to Athens for trial, they would pay respect only to such 
 of the Athenians as sailed out to them, the generals and the 
 trierarchs and envoys. As it is, every one of the allies indi- 
 vidually is forced to flatter the Athenian people (Thuc. iii. 11), 
 knowing that he must, if he is plaintiff or defendant in a trial, 
 come to Athens and appear before the people and none other, 
 such being the Athenian law ; and he is compelled to supplicate 
 before the lawcourt, and, when any one comes in, grasp his hand. 
 In this way the allies are rendered more completely slaves of 
 the Athenian people.' 
 
 In chapter 2. 2, the writer points out that the Athenians have 
 a far stronger hold over their allies than the Lacedaemonians 
 over theirs. 
 
 * Those who are subjects of a land empire can form larger 
 communities from small cities and fight in one army ^ ; those 
 who are subjects of a marine empire, if they are islanders, 
 cannot bring their cities together— the sea intervenes; but 
 those who rule them are masters of the sea : if it were possible 
 
 1 As the allies of Sparta in the Peloponnese were always trying to 
 do. Olynthus (Thuc. i. 58) and Mitylene (iii. 2) are instances of the 
 same policy on the part of Athenian allies. 
 
 Prose writings in Thucydides' time. Ixi 
 
 for the islanders to come together into one island without being 
 detected they would die of famine. As for the various cities on 
 the mamland which are under the empire of Athens, the great 
 are ruled by fear, the quite small through their necessities ; for 
 there is no city which does not need either importation or 
 exportation. Now both will be impossible, if it be not obedient 
 to the masters of the sea. In the next place, the masters of the 
 sea can do what the masters of the land cannot ; they can some- 
 times ravage the lands of stronger powers, for they can coast 
 along wherever there is no enemy or only a few ; if the enemy 
 
 does this finds less difficulty than he who marches up on foot 
 Again, those who hold an empire by sea can go as long a voyage 
 as you like from their own country (Thuc. ii. 62) ; but their 
 rivals on land cannot go many days' journey from their own 
 country ; their marches are slow, and as they go on foot they 
 cannot take provisions for a long time (Thuc. i. 141, iv. 6). And 
 he who goes on foot must go through a friendly country or else 
 win battles ; but he who goes by sea can make a descent where 
 he IS stronger, but (where he is weaker he can) coast along until 
 he comes to a friendly country, or to enemies who are inferior 
 to himself. Again, those who are strongest on land are heavily 
 smitten by failure of the harvest which comes from Zeus ; more 
 lightly those who are strong by sea ; for every country is not 
 affected at one time, so that supplies are brought from countries 
 where the harvest is good to those who are masters of the sea.' 
 
 !*'IVJ °"^ ""'"^ ""^y '^^''- '^ 'he Athenians dwelt in . if Athens 
 an island (Thuc. i. 143) as well as being masters of the sea, i^iU^ 
 they would be able to do evil to others if they wanted, but suffer *" '''""^■' 
 none themselves as long as they ruled the sea ; their land would 
 not be ravaged, and they would not have to await invasion. 
 iSut as It is the farmers and the wealthy Athenians are readier 
 to submit to the enemy (Thuc. ii. 63), but the people, knowing 
 that they have nothing for them to bum or ravage, live without 
 foar and without any thought of submitting to them. There is 
 further another dread of which they would be relieved, if they 
 mhabited an island ; that of the city being betrayed by a few 
 or the gates being opened and the enemy entering (Thuc. i. los] 
 VI. 61, viii. 90) ; for how could such things happen, if they 
 
 \' 
 
 I 
 
 ll^ 
 
Ixii 
 
 Introduction: Part II, §§39-41. 
 
 §40- 
 
 Critias. 
 
 inhabited an island ? Nor would they have to fear any insurrec- 
 tion against the people, if they inhabited an island ; for, as it is, 
 if an insurrection were raised, it would be with hope in the 
 enemy, and the intention of inviting him in by land. But if 
 they inhabited an island, they would have no fear of this either. 
 Now since they had not the luck to inhabit an island originally, 
 what they do is this : they deposit their property in the islands 
 (Thuc. ii. 14), trusting in their empire by sea ; but they think 
 nothing of the ravaging of Attica, knowing that if they take 
 compassion on it ^Thuc. ii. 62), they will be deprived of other 
 and greater advantages.' 
 
 The fragments of Critias, the Athenian oligarchic statesman, 
 and one of the Thirty Tyrants, are disappointingly trivial, though 
 there is a personal and characteristic tone in them which is 
 somewhat attractive. One fragment of a AaKf^aifioviav noXireia 
 (Fr. 3 ; Athen. xi. 66, 483 B, Kaibel) says ' Besides, as to the 
 smallest matters of daily use, the Lacedaemonian sandals are 
 the best ; their dress (cp. Thuc. i. 6) is the pleasantest and most 
 convenient to wear ; the Lacedaemonian mug is the most suit- 
 able kind of cup on a campaign, and the handiest to pack in 
 a knapsack. The reason for its use in soldiering is that one 
 must often drink water which is not clean. Now first (in one 
 of these Lacedaemonian cups) you cannot see very clearly what 
 you are drinking ; then the mug has ' ambos ' (afi^couas, ? hollows 
 inside the cup), in which it deposits the impurities.' 
 
 (/y. 8; Aelian,V. H.x. 17.) * Critias says that Themistocles, 
 the son of Neocles, had three talents inherited property before 
 he came forward in politics ; but after he had become head of 
 affairs, and then had been banished and his property confiscated, 
 he was discovered to possess a property of more than 100 talents. 
 So too Cleon, before he came forward in public, was heavily bur- 
 dened in his private property, but he left a fortune of fifty talents.' 
 {Fr, 9; Plut., Cimon, 16.) When Ephialtes protested against 
 sending help to Sparta in the blockade of Ithome, * Critias says 
 that Cimon, thinking less of the aggrandisement of his country 
 than of the interests of the Lacedaemonians, turned the minds 
 of the people, and went out to help them with many hoplites.' 
 
 {Fr. 12 ; Aelian, V. H. x. 13.) Critias finds fault with Archi- 
 lochus for speaking very badly of himself. ' If he had not,' says 
 
 Two of 
 Thucy- 
 dides' 
 greatest 
 contem- 
 poraries. 
 
 Prose writings in Thucydides' time, Ixiii 
 
 Critias, ' spread abroad such a report of himself among the 
 Greeks, we should not have learnt either that he was the son of 
 the slave-woman Enipo, or that he was forced to leave Paros 
 by poverty and distress, and so came to Thasos, or that he 
 quarrelled with the Thasians, or again that he spoke evil of 
 friends and foes alike. Besides all this, we should not know 
 that he was an adulterer, if he had not told us, or that he was 
 sensual and brutal, or what is most shameful of all, that he threw 
 away his shield.' 
 
 Hippocrates of Cos and Democritus of Abdera are seldom 
 present to our minds in connexion with Thucydides; they worked 
 on subjects of a very different nature ; and there is an element 
 of uncertainty about the genuineness of the works attributed to 
 Hippocrates, as is so often the case with the founder of a school, 
 while those of Democritus are preserved to us only in^fragments! 
 But they were among the very greatest of the writers con- 
 temporary with Thucydides ^ ; and the fragments of Democritus 
 are sufficient to show that he looked at politics and human 
 nature in somewhat the same way as Thucydides. 
 
 With regard to Hippocrates, Littre (CEuvres d'Hippocrate, § 41. Hip- 
 vol. 1. p. 474) says, ' The slightest occupation with literary studies Po^rates. 
 will show what an air of resemblance and of brotherhood is 
 presented by writers belonging to the same period, of whatever 
 subject they may treat : fades non omnibus una, Nee diversa 
 tamen. We still have the writings of one of the most illustrious 
 contemporaries of Hippocrates ; and in them the justice of this 
 observation seems to me to be fully confirmed. Thucydides 
 lived and wrote at the same time as the physician of Cos : the 
 more I have reflected on the style of the two, and sought to 
 penetrate into its processes, its form, and its feeling, the more 
 fully am I convinced that a close affinity existed between these 
 writers ; an affinity arising from the law that the authors of a 
 given period all draw from the common spring of thought, 
 expression, and style, which supplies a whole epoch. It is to 
 Thucydides, therefore, that Hippocrates must be compared: in 
 both we have a grave way of speaking, a style full of vigour, 
 
 ^ They are both said to have been born about 460; and to have 
 survived till about 370. 
 
Contrast 
 
 between 
 
 Europeans 
 
 and 
 
 Asiatics. 
 
 Ixiv Introduction: Part II, §§ 41, 42- 
 
 a choice of phrases full of meaning, and a use of the Greek 
 language which, though great pains have been taken with it, is 
 nevertheless less flowing than in Plato.* 
 
 One passage, of a less technical nature than ordinary, may be 
 quoted from Hippocrates ^ (see also p. xxviii, above) : 
 
 *As to faint-heartedness and cowardice in mankind, the 
 unwarlike and tame character of Asiatics as compared to Euro- 
 peans is chiefly caused by the seasons, which in Asia do not 
 change greatly in the direction either of heat or cold, but are very 
 similar. There are no shocks to the mind, no violent revolutions 
 in the body, such as are likely to produce savage dispositions 
 and, rather than a more equable temperature, to inspire men 
 with inconsiderate passion. For it is change more than any- 
 thing else which stimulates men's spirits and does not suffer 
 them to remain inactive. For these reasons, I think, the Asiatic 
 race is unwarlike, and also because of their institutions, most of 
 Asia being ruled by kings. Now, where men have no power 
 over their own selves, nor independence, but are under a master, 
 their minds are not set on warlike training, but on showing 
 themselves unfit for service. The dangers are not equally 
 shared : the subjects will naturally have to march out and suffer 
 hardship and death under compulsion for the sake of their 
 masters, away from their wives, children, and friends : and any 
 brave and gallant action which they perform turns to the profit 
 and increase of their masters, while their only harvest is danger 
 and death. Moreover, the land of these men must needs be 
 wasted by the enemy and by want of husbandry. Consequently, 
 even if any one is brave and courageous by nature, his disposition 
 is perverted by institutions. A strong proof of this is that all 
 the Asiatics, whether Greek or barbarian, who are not subject 
 to masters, but are independent and suffer hardships on their 
 own account, are most warlike of all ; because they run risk 
 for their own benefit and win the prizes of their own valour, and 
 likewise pay the penalties of their own cowardice. Even among 
 Asiatics, however, you will find a difference, some being better 
 and some worse ; this is due to the changes of the seasons as 
 I have explained above. So much for the inhabitants of Asia.' 
 
 ^ ncpt akpo3v, vSaTcuv, tottwj', c. i6: Littre, vol. ii. p. 62. 
 
 Prose writings in Thucydides' time, Ixv 
 
 Democritus, had all his writings been preserved, might have 
 had hardly less interest for us than Plato or Aristotle. We are 
 not concerned here with his contributions to philosophy, ethics, 
 and science \ or with his works on Homer, music, and grammar. 
 But m the fragments of his writings there are many reflexions 
 on politics and human life which are in the same vein as those 
 of Thucydides ; and they suggest some considerations on the 
 relation of Thucydides to the ideas of his time. For Demo- 
 critus was perhaps the greatest representative— greater than 
 the Sophists or Euripides— of the 'Aufklarung' of the fifth 
 century b. c, a movement parallel to that of our own eighteenth 
 century, with the difference that in Hellas we find the spirit of 
 the Elizabethan poets and of the philosophy and poetry of our 
 own century, as well as that of Rousseau and the Encyclo- 
 pedists, alive at one time in older and younger contemporaries. 
 Now Thucydides had too strong an individuality, he was too 
 much interested in action and fact, he sympathised too much 
 with the older ideas and customs of Hellas and the simple and 
 natural human feelings which they represented (see p. xxiv), to 
 be carried away by the * sophistic' tendency; and doubtless he 
 was less open than he might have been to some of its humaner 
 elements: we cannot imagine him feeling deeply about the 
 rights of women and slaves like Euripides and some of the 
 Sophists, or discussing the rights of animals like Democritus 2. 
 But, just as the rhetoric of the day affected without seriously 
 deforming his style, so the better side of the sophistic tendency 
 has left traces on the phraseology and the subject-matter of his 
 * speeches.' In particular, the general arguments of Hermo- 
 crates against war, and of Diodotus against undue severity 
 in punishment, show the humanity and common sense of the 
 new ideas at their best. There is quite an 'eighteenth- 
 century ' ring about these speeches (iii. 42-48 ; iv. 59-64) : we 
 
 * See Beloch's Griechische Geschichte, vol. 1. pp. 612-615, 618-19, 
 624-627. It may be noticed, as connecting Democritus with Hippo- 
 crates and Thucydides, that one of the medical works ascribed to him 
 is entitled ■mpX \oiiiSjv ^ \oifiiKufy KaKwv. 
 
 ^ Fr. 158 (206), Beloch, p. 626. The fragments are quoted by the 
 numbers in Natorp's Die Ethica des Demokritus, followed by those 
 of Miillach's Fragmenta Phil. Graec. 
 
 §42. Demo- 
 critus. 
 
 ' Rational- 
 izing ' and 
 * humani- 
 tarian ' ten- 
 dencies of 
 the age. 
 Thucy- 
 dides' rela- 
 tion to 
 them. 
 
 i 
 
 '^1 
 
 ^1 
 
Ixvi Introduction: Part II, §§ 42, 43. 
 
 are reminded of a well-known weak point of eighteenth-century 
 speculation when we find Diodotus supporting his most just 
 and rational conclusion that the people of Mitylene should not 
 be massacred, by the sadly unhistorical argument that capital 
 punishment had only been resorted to by mankind because milder 
 measures had been found ineffectual \ It is like French writers 
 before the Revolution protesting against flagrant oppression on 
 the ground of a primitive * social contract.' 
 
 The fragments of Democritus give us the impression of a 
 good, wise, and thoughtful man, lacking the genius and inspiring 
 force of Socrates and Plato, and not without a ' doctrinaire ' and 
 perverse element ^. 
 § 43. Pa- One curious passage finds a parallel in the speech of Diodotus 
 rallelsbe- j^s^ mentioned. Mt is quite impossible,' says Democritus, 
 c^TdeJan^d Fr. 167 {205), ' under the present system, that ^-f^^-'^^^J^ 
 Demo- if they are the best of men, should not commit (or sutler ; 
 critus. injustice. For it is a singular thing' (*it is like nothing but 
 
 itself) 'that the same man should fall under the power of 
 different people' (i.e. that magistrates when they go out of 
 office should be under the power of their successors). ' The 
 matter should somehow be so arranged that he who commits no 
 injustice, however strictly he deals with the unjust, should not 
 fall under their power ' (when his term of office comes to an 
 end), 'but that some law or something else should defend the 
 just doer.' The querulous and somewhat unpractical tone of 
 this protest against the principle of Greek democracy, 'apx^iv 
 Ka\ ripx^aOaL iv /xe'pft, reminds us of Diodotus' words in Thuc. 
 iii. 42 : the adviser of the people who proves right should have 
 no additional honour ; he who proves wrong should escape 
 not merely punishment, but discredit. 
 
 There is a more vigorous tone about another political frag- 
 ment, 166 (204), ' Men remember what is wrongly done ' (by 
 those in office) ' more than what is rightly done ; and this is 
 
 » Thuc iii 45 ical unds rb iraAcu twi' (Xfyiarajv d5iKijfmTa:v fiaXaKO)- 
 ripas KeiaOai (rSis Cvt^as). If murder could be atoned for by a fine in 
 Homeric society, it was not from motives of humanity. 
 
 2 He says, Fr. i8i (i88\ that adopted children, whom you can 
 choose for yourself, are better than children of your own, whom you 
 have to make the best of, however they may turn out! 
 
 Prose writings in Thucydides' time, Ixvii 
 
 just. As the man who returns a deposit should not be praised 
 but he who fails to do so should be thought badly of and 
 punished, so with a ruler. For he was not elected to do evil, 
 but to do good.' 
 
 Another fragment, 134 (212), is identical in sense with a fine 
 place in one of Pericles' speeches ^ (Thuc. ii. 60), * A man should 
 consider the affairs of the State and its good management 
 more important than anything else. He should neither be 
 obstinate beyond what is reasonable, nor seek to invest himself 
 with more power than the good of the commonwealth requires. 
 For the good management of the State is the greatest of advan- 
 tages ; everything depends on this ; when this is maintained, 
 everything is maintained ; when this is lost, everything is lost.' 
 Cp. Fr. 135 (43) oTroptf; ^vvr] rfjs (Kckttov xa^frrarepr]' ov yap vno- 
 AfiTrerai eXnls iniKovpias, 
 
 ^ Pericles' remark about the meaning of Tvxrj, i. 140, StoVep /cat 
 rr)v Tvxnv, oaa &u napa \6yov ^Vfi^jj, daiBapiev alriaaeai, and the 
 common opposition of yva>pr) and rvxrj in Thucydides, find a 
 parallel in Democritus 29, 30 (14) Mpamoi rvxns etda>Xou eVXa- 
 aavTo irp6(f)a(nv I8li]s dyvoirjs. (f)v(r€i yap yva> fir] tvxt] fxax^Tai^Ta de 
 nXfiara iv ^lo) il^lvfros o^vScpKir} KaTi3vv€L. These last words 
 might serve as a motto to Thucydides' whole work. 
 
 The expression of Fr. 64 (15) is very Thucydidean, Tvxn /xfya- 
 X6d(opoSj dxy d^e^atos, (f)va-is de avrapKrjs. dionep viku rw rjcriTovi 
 Ka\ ^€^ai(o TO fi€(ov rijs tXmdo?. So is that o{ Fr. I $7^ puKpa 
 bibovai ^ovXov fiaXXov fj p^ydXa iyyvav. o re yap klvBvvos arreaTi, 
 Kai 6 Xa^oov tpyov ov Xoyov X'^P'-^ ^X^*- 
 
 Fr. 225 (158) a-fiiKpal xapiT€s €P Kaipa peyiarai to7s Xap^dvovcriy 
 is like Thuc. i. 41 ^ yap reXevraia X^P^s Kaipbv exovtray Kav tXaaaov 
 17, hvvaTai pflCop eyKXrjpa Xvant. 
 
 Several Thucydidean ' commonplaces ' occur also in Demo- 
 critus : the folly of losing what you have by hoping for and 
 striving after more ; enmity shown in design as well as act ; the 
 necessity of watching an enemy's designs and retaliating if they 
 
 ^ UoXis ydp (V dyofifurj fMeyiarrj opOuaU kari' koI kv Tovrqi vdvra €W, 
 Koi TovTov c(v^ofi4vov irdvTa au^frai, koX tovtov (pOdpofiivov tcL vavra 
 Sia<p6(ip€Tai. Cp. Thuc. ii. 60. 
 
 * There is some uncertainty about the text here. 
 
 ' Considered spurious by Natorp. 
 
 e 2 
 
§ 44- Read- 
 ing and 
 criticism 
 in 45c- 
 400: — 
 
 Ixviii Introduction: Part II, §§ 43, 44- 
 
 are carried into effect ; oaths taken under stress of necessity and 
 afterwards broken ; generosity without hope of reward \ Fr. 140 
 (196) contains similar ideas to those in the conclusion of 
 Thucydides' remarks on the Corcyraean sedition (ni.^ 84, a 
 chapter rejected by most critics, but very likely genuine) \ 
 
 These parallels are not sufficient to prove any direct con- 
 nexion between Thucydides and Democritus. We may fancy, 
 if we please, that they had met each other in Thrace or at 
 Athens ^ or that one of the two had read the works of the other ; 
 but it is more probable that the resemblances between them 
 merely illustrate the manner in which, as remarked by Littre, 
 the same ideas are ' in the air ' at a given epoch. 
 
 The existence of so much prose writing in the days of Thucy- 
 dides does not necessarily imply a corresponding amount ot 
 reading. Greek poetry was meant to be listened to rather than 
 read, a*Ld the same thing may have been true of prose. This 
 is indicated by expressions like that of Thucydides in his 
 Preface (i. 22) Ka\ is fih AKp6a<rtv tcrcos r6 ixfj /xv^a>«« alTS>v drep- 
 rrearepov cf^avelrm (although the word need not be confined to 
 the hearing of 'readings' given by the author himself*) : and 
 by the various traditions, though they cannot always be trusted 
 in particular cases ^ of the ' publication ' of works by reading 
 aloud or recitation. 
 
 ^ Fr. '.9, 60 (21. 31); 39(110); 153(201); 162(126); 226(160). 
 Fr 168 '(223), dvSpl acxpv '^aaa 7^ /Sari^' ^"^X^^ 7^/> "7^^^^ -narpis o 
 fvijLr^as /f.cr/xov, may be quoted for its resemblance in form to an equally 
 famous saying in Thuc. ii. 49 ""^pcDv -^^p im<pav!ov vaaayi ra^o^. 
 
 2 OhK iv i<6j\vov oi v6noi Cl^ Uaarov Kar iSirjv iiovairjv, u fxij iTfpos 
 Ufpov eXvfxaipfTO. (p96vos ^ap atkaios dpxW ai^ip-lK'^rai. 
 
 3 ^KQov U 'AOijvas, nal otiris /x€ l^yvojKev, says Democritus (Mullach, 
 E. 7. 1, Diog. Laert. ix. 7. 36). The last words must surely mean ' and 
 yet nobody knows me,' not, as usually taken, * and nobody there knew 
 me ' {eyvaj or kyvuKd). 
 
 * Cp. Isocrates, Panath. 84, 86, 233, 251 (91, 93> 252, 274). lie 
 speaks first of readers, then of hearers, dKpoarai, then of some fnends 
 to whom he read the book to see whether it should be suppressed or 
 pubUshed ^-rroTepov d^vtarios vavrdiraacv €tr} ^ biaborios rots ^ovKofi^voiS 
 \a&uy). One of these spoke to him of the few Spartans who would 
 care to make acquaintance with it * if they got some one to read to 
 them,' fjv Xa^Qjai rov dvayvojaofievov. ^ 
 
 5 The earliest of the many famous stories about Herodotus reading 
 
 ^ 
 
 and read- 
 
 Prose writings in Thucydides" time. Ixix 
 
 But it seems probable that, within a comparatively narrow — common 
 
 circle, there was more reading, more talk about books, more '^}^^'^\ 
 • * ^ .1 . , . . ^ . ' . limited 
 
 interest among authors m the writings of other authors, in circle. 
 
 Greece and especially at Athens in the last half of the fifth 
 century B. c, than, since the great difference made by the inven- 
 tion of printing, we are inclined to think. 
 
 The famous passage of the Phaedrus (274 C ff.), in which References 
 Plato makes Socrates disparage writing and reading in com- *o books 
 parison of talking and memory, represents Plato's own prophetic \^„ 
 feeling, not that of the average cultivated Athenian of the day, 
 nor even that of Socrates, if we judge from Xen. Memorabilia, 
 i. 6. 14. Here Socrates, speaking of the means by which be 
 liked to gain friends, says, * The treasures of the wise men of 
 old, which they wrote down in books and left behind them, 
 I unroll and peruse with my friends ; and if we see any good 
 thing we pick it out ; and think it a great gain if we prove of 
 use to each other.' Elsewhere (iv. 2. i, 10) we hear of a * col- 
 lection of many works of the most famous poets and wise men V 
 including all the poems of Homer, made by a very young man 
 in preparation for a public career ; and Socrates in talking to 
 him incidentally mentions the existence of * many writings of 
 physicians.' In the Phaedo, 97 B — 98 c, we hear of Socrates 
 when a young man first ' hearing some one reading out ' a book 
 of Anaxagoras, and then with all speed procuring and reading it. 
 According to the most probable interpretation of Apol. 26 D, E, 
 Anaxagoras' books could be bought for a drachma (10^.) at most ; 
 Socrates in any case talks — but perhaps ironically .'' — as if their 
 contents might be expected to be known to a popular jury. 
 
 Booksellers and bookshops (ov to. ^i^\C oivia, Eupolis, Fr. 
 304, Kock) are mentioned by writers of the Old Comedy. 
 Aristophanes (Fr. 490, Kock) speaks in very modern fashion 
 of a man who * has been ruined by a book or by Prodicus or 
 some of those lazy chatterboxes.' Euripides (Frogs, 943, 1409) 
 effects a judicious reduction in the superfluous bulk of tragedy 
 by * doses of essence of twaddle extracted from books ' ; yet his 
 
 his history aloud is traceable to, though not actually to be found in, 
 Diyllus, an Attic historian of the years 330-290, Miiller, vol. ii. p. 360. 
 ^ ^o<pi(TTwv here is explained by rujv \€yofi4v(uv a6<l>wv dvdpwv 7670- 
 vivcUf § 8. 
 
 M 
 
tokens of 
 a critical 
 spirit. 
 
 Ixx Introduction: Part II y §§ 44-46. 
 
 whole establishment, books and all, is not worth two lines of 
 Aeschylus. Dionysus on board ship, at the time of the battle 
 of Arginusae, reads Euripides' * Andromeda,' acted six years 
 before (1. 53). Two incidental references to books (Birds, 1288 ; 
 Frogs, 1 1 14) give us the impression that * reading,* though 
 a comparatively recent growth, was a delightful and popular 
 thing at Athens between 415 and 400. Finally, Xenophon * 
 speaks of * many books' as having been found in 400 B.C. among 
 the spoils of some Thracian wreckers on the dangerous coast of 
 Salmydessus near the entrance to the Black Sea : they may 
 have been on their way to the Greek cities on its shores -. 
 § 45. Early It is further noticeable how much there is in early Greek 
 writers of critical remarks on the opinions of others ; the spirit 
 thus shown must have led to a good deal of reading as soon as 
 facilities for it were at hand. Herodotus quotes by name about 
 a dozen poets, and though he mentions no prose writer by name 
 except Hecataeus, he frequently refers to and refutes current 
 opinions. Hecataeus himself begins his TfvioKoyiai. with the 
 words {Fr. 332) 'EKOTatoy MiXj^o-ios 2)8e fxvdffTai' rdde ypdcfxt), (os 
 fioi dXrjOia doK€fi elvai' oi yap 'EWrjviov Xdyoi ttoXXoi t€ kgI yeXoloi, 
 as (fia'ivovraiy elaiv. The early philosophers are full of refutations 
 and criticisms. In the fragments of Heraclitus (about 500 B. C.) 
 we find references to Homer, Hesiod, Pythagoras, Hecataeus, 
 Xenophanes, Archilochus, and Bias of Priene. One fragment 
 (16) is very remarkable for the critical spirit which it shows 
 at so early a period of literature. * Learning does not teach 
 sense : else it would have taught Hesiod and Pythagoras, and 
 also Xenophanes and Hecataeus^.' 
 
 ^ Xen. Anab. vii. 5, 14 tvravOa -qvpiaKovro itoWaX filv KXTvcUy iroXXd 
 5€ Ki^uTia^ TToAAai 5^ ^ip\oi ytypafjifxevai, Kal rdWa noWd ocra kv ^vkivois 
 r€ux«o'' vavKKrjpoi dyovaiv. The word yty pafifxivai is supported by most 
 of the better MSS., though absent from many of the inferior ones, and 
 is retained in Cobet's edition. &i0\oi by itself might mean * rolls of 
 papyrus ' for accounts or other business purposes. 
 
 2 For information on the whole subject see Birt, Das Antike Buch- 
 wesen, ch. ix ; Jevons, History of Greek Literature, pp. 41-48. 
 
 3 UoXvfJiadiT] voov €X^"' ^^ hitdaKU' 'l^aiohov yap dv kBida^f Kal 
 UvOayoprjv, avris t6 B€vo<pav(a Koi 'EKaraiov. This of course shows 
 nothing about the prevalence of reading in the time of Heraclitus. 
 With the opinions of Pythagoras, who is not known to have written 
 
 Prose writings in Thucydides' time. Ixxi 
 
 There is no anachronism therefore in supposing that Thucy- Possibility 
 dides read the works of his predecessors and contemporaries, ?: ,^^?^^" 
 historians and perhaps other writers as well, somewhat as a jj^^ j.^^^ 
 cultivated man of our own day would do : though it would of many 
 course be an anachronism to infer that he consulted all available ^^o^^ : 
 authorities for his subjects (when he had to deal with earlier 
 times), in the manner which is possible to, and expected of, a 
 modem historian. 
 
 From his actual words, however, next to nothing can be made 
 out as to any use which he may have made, in particular places, 
 of earlier writers. He only menUons one fellow-historian by 
 name, Hellanicus (i. 97). ' I have written of it,' he says, speaking 
 of the rise of the Athenian empire, ' and have digressed from my 
 story, for the reason that all my predecessors left out this part 
 of the subject and wrote either about Greek affairs before the 
 Persian War, or about the Persian War itself: while Hellanicus, 
 who did set hand to this period in his Attic history, made a 
 brief and chronologically inaccurate mention of it \' This shows 
 that Thucydides knew enough of his predecessors to be aware 
 that they had not, with one exception, treated of the period in 
 question ; and that his account of it must be derived from his 
 own inquiries and recollections. But there is another con- 
 clusion to be drawn from his words. The fragments of Stesim- 
 brotus, Ion, and Critias show that they mentioned several 
 incidents of the period here referred to (see p. Ivii ff.). That 
 Thucydides says nothing of any one but Hellanicus, indicates 
 that if he knew, as he probably did, the works of these writers, 
 he did not regard them as * history,' or their references to 
 historical facts as better suited to supply a gap in the history of 
 
 anything, he may have become acquainted through Pythagoras' dis- 
 ciples ; Xenophanes and Hecataeus were his contemporaries and, 
 for a time at least, his neighbours ; Hesiod he may have read or have 
 heard recited. 
 
 * "Eypaxpa hi avrd koI t^v fK0o\^v rov \6yov knoirjffdfirjv 5id roSe, on 
 ToTs irpd (fiov dnaffiv (KXiirh rovTO ^v to x<"P^'^^y '^<*' ^ "^^ ''^P^ "^^^ 
 MrjSiKojv 'EWrjviKd ^w€Tt9(aav ^ avrd rd MrjSiKd- tovtojv S* oaTtcp Kal 
 Ijiparo (V rrj 'Attiktj ^vyypOKfnj 'EKXdviKos, ^pax((us n Kal rots xP^vois ovte 
 dxpi fiais fnepurqaOr]. 
 
 §46- 
 though he 
 scarcely 
 ever cites 
 authorities. 
 (a) Rise of 
 Athenian 
 empire. 
 Hellanicus. 
 
I 
 
 SS 
 
 § 47- (^) 
 The Intro 
 
 duction. 
 
 Pelopon 
 
 Ixxii Introduction: Part U, §§ 46-48. 
 
 Greece than those which Herodotus incidentally makes to the 
 
 same period. 
 
 There is one other passage in which Thucydides refers to an 
 authority (other than poetical), but without naming the authority. 
 In i. 9, after stating his own opinion, that Agamemnon's power, 
 nesian tra- and not the oaths taken by the suitors of Helen, enabled 
 dition. Agamemnon to muster the expedition against Troy, he confirms 
 it by the account of the accession of Agamemnon's house in the 
 person of Atreus to the throne of Mycenae, which is given by 
 'those of the Peloponnesians who have received the most accurate 
 accounts by tradition from former generations ^' Now among 
 the fragments of Hellanicus there is one (see p. xlviii) which re- 
 lates the banishment of Atreus, by his father Pelops, for the part 
 which he had taken in the murder of Chrysippus, a circum- 
 stance referred to incidentally by Thucydides as showing how 
 Atreus came to Mycenae. And the titles of some of Hellanicus* 
 works show that he dealt with the ancient legends of the Pelo- 
 ponnese. The most natural interpretation however of Thucy- 
 dides' words is that they refer to Peloponnesian authorities, 
 whether written or oral, whereas Hellanicus was a Lesbian'-. 
 Hellanicus That Thucydides had written as well as oral authority for 
 and others? ^y^^^ j^g gays of the early history of Hellas in his Introduction, 
 especially for the dates which he gives, is highly probable. He 
 mentions several points of which we happen to know that 
 Hellanicus wrote (see p. xlix). There is some reason for thinking 
 that in what he says of the Trojan War he refers to other poets 
 besides Homer (see note on i. ii, 1. 4)- After telling us (i. 13) 
 that Ameinocles the Corinthian built four ships for the Samians, 
 he adds l-n) §' corl [lakiura rpiaKoaia es Tr]V reXevrfiv Toiidf tov 
 TToXe/xou ore " Afi€ivoK\rj9 Sa/xtots riXOev. The expression, * when 
 Ameinocles came to Samos,' looks rather as if Thucydides* 
 information came from a source which gave the incident and the 
 date as part of the history of Samos, not of Corinth ; but, con- 
 sidering how many writers of early history there were in the 
 
 * Aiyovffi 51 Kcd ol tcL aaipiarara UfXovovvrjaioJv fJtvni^V ^^P^ ''^^^ ^/^' 
 Tfpov SeSf-^fXfVoi, TlfXcira n irpufrov, k.t.X. 
 
 " See note on i. 9, 1. 4, and Appendix. If UeXoirowTjaiaiv can be 
 taken after ra aa<piarara, not after ot . , . 5€5€7ft€Voi, the reference may 
 be to Hellanicus. 
 
 Prose writings in Thucydides' time. Ixxiii 
 
 Greek cities of Asia we cannot safely point to Eugaeon of 
 Samos ^ as the authority. 
 
 Some of Thucydides' statements about Greek navies, — e. g. iierodo- 
 that the Sicilian tyrants and the Corcyraeans had a considerable tus ? 
 number of triremes shortly before the Persian War, and that 
 Polycrates and the Phocaeans previously had few triremes but 
 considerable fleets consisting of penteconters and war-galleys— 
 partially agree with statements in Herodotus ^ (i. 163 ; iii. 39, 
 44; vii. 158, 168), and may have been derived from them or 
 influenced by them. But it is quite impossible to say how 
 many or how few of such sources Thucydides employed, or 
 how far his conclusions were gained by personal inquiry, or rested 
 on oral tradition or monuments. We only know that he 
 presents to the reader his general conclusions about the earlier 
 state of Hellas, not as founded on, but as more trustworthy 
 than, the accounts of * poets and prose writers' (i. 21 ovre a>? 
 TToirjTai vfivriKaai nepl avrayv^ . . . ovt€ a>s \oyoypd(f)oi ^vvedecrav eVt to 
 TrpoaaycoyoTepov ttj aKpodaei ^ ak-qBioTcpov). 
 
 We know from Thucydides' own words that his account of § 48. (r) 
 Hipparchus was derived from oral tradition, confirmed by Earlier At- 
 reference to monuments (vi. 54, 55). How far his accounts of ^^ ^^ ^^' 
 Theseus, of the conspiracy of Cylon (in which he seems to take 
 the opportunity of correcting an error of Herodotus), and of the 
 fate of Pausanias and Themistocles come from oral tradition or 
 from written sources, there is nothing to show. The story of 
 Themistocles offers one or two interesting points of contact 
 with other accounts which we know to have been current as 
 early as Thucydides himself. Plutarch (Them. 24) says that Stesimbro- 
 Themistocles after taking refuge with Admetus, fled, according ^"^ • 
 to Stesimbrotus, to Hiero in Sicily, and asked for the hand of his 
 daughter, undertaking to put Hellas under his power: being 
 rejected by Hiero he went on to the King. This, as Plutarch 
 
 ^ Schone in Bursian's Jahresbericht, 1874-5, P- 837. It is worth 
 notice that Pliny (vii. 57) mentions another early chronicler, Damastes 
 of Sigeum, as having ascribed the construction of biremes to the 
 Erythraeans. 
 
 '^ See U. Kohler, Ueber die Archaologie des Thukydides ; and the 
 criticism of his too definite conclusions by Herbst, Philologus 40 (1881), 
 
 P- 347 ff. 
 
Ixxiv Introduction : Part 11^ §§ 48, 49. 
 
 says, is a very unlikely story : he observes that Stesimbrotus 
 had just before related how Themistocles' wife had joined him 
 in Epirus. Thucydides, if he had ever heard the story, certainly 
 
 did not credit it ^ 
 
 Charon of Lampsacus, like Thucydides, represented Artaxerxes 
 as being King of Persia when Themistocles arrived at the Persian 
 coast: while Ephorus (fourth century, B.C.) and other later 
 historians said that he came during the lifetime of Xerxes (Plut. 
 Them. 27). It was natural that the tale which brought 
 Themistocles into personal relations with his great adversary 
 should prevail. 
 
 Thucydides' account of the message sent by Themistocles to 
 Xerxes after the battle of Salamis differs from that in Herodotus, 
 and is clearly not taken from it (see Appendix to note on i. 138, 
 
 1. 24). 
 § 49. {cP) Thucydides' account of the earliest inhabitants of Sicily, Bar- 
 Early his- barian and Greek (vi. 1-3), is curiously like his Introduction in 
 Sicily :— ^^^ expressions of impatience with unfounded traditions which 
 it contains. * As for the Cyclops and Laestrygonians, I cannot 
 possibly tell who they were, whence they came to Sicily, or 
 where they went to : we must be content with the words of the 
 poets and with our own individual conclusions.' The Sicani 
 call themselves * autochthones,' but the ' ascertained truth ' 
 proves that they came from Iberia {m ht r) aXrjdeia €vpia-K€Tai, 
 "l^rjpes 6vT€s), ' The Sicels may very likely, according to the story* 
 have crossed the strait from Italy on rafts ... but perhaps 
 they came into the country in some other way : ' i. e. the story is 
 credible enough in itself, but lacks authority ; any one who likes 
 can conjecture that they came in boats or by a longer route. 
 
 Now there is a certain a priori probability that a narrative of 
 remote times, so full of facts as Thuc. vi. 1-5, and containing 
 several dates, is partly derived from previous writers ; and 
 Hippys of Rhegium, Hellanicus, and Antiochus of Syracuse, 
 had all written about the early history of Sicily. 
 
 Hippys of Rhegium is said by Suidas to have been the first 
 historian of Sicily, and to have written a kt/o-i? ^IraXiay and three 
 
 1 There is no real indication that Thucydides borrowed any part of 
 his narrative from Stesimbrotus, as maintained by Adolf Schmidt, Das 
 Perikleische Zeitalter, though of course he may have used him. 
 
 — bad been 
 treated of 
 by- 
 
 — Hippys 
 
 Prose writings in Thucydides' time, Ixxv 
 
 books of 2<ACfXiica', besides five of XpoviKci and three of 'ApyoXi/ca. 
 The few extant fragments afford no definite point of contact with 
 Thucydides. 
 
 Hellanicus, who as we have seen frequently covers the same — Hellani- 
 ground as Thucydides, spoke of the coming of the Sicels from cus — 
 Italy into Sicily, and of the foundation of Naxos by Thucles. The 
 citations {Fr. 50, 51, 53) are from the 'Upeiai at iv "Kpyci, which 
 seems to have been a chronicle of events happening under each 
 priestess of Here at Argos. 
 
 Antiochus of Syracuse is said by Diodorus (xii. 71) to have — Antio- 
 written a history of Sicily coming down to the year 424-3. Now ^^^^" 
 424 was the year of the congress at Gela, at which Hermocrates 
 persuaded the Sicilian cities to make peace (Thuc. iv. 63). Hence 
 Antiochus' history may have ended with this event. Diony- 
 sius of Halicarnassus several times cites with respect another 
 work of his, the 'iraXias oLKia-fios. Two places are worth quoting 
 (Dionys. Ant. Rom. i. 12, 35 ; Antiochus, Fr. 3, 4) : 
 
 * Antiochus of Syracuse a very ancient historian, in his 
 " Settlement of Italy," relating the occupation of various parts 
 of the country by the oldest inhabitants, tells us that the Oenotri 
 were the earliest recorded settlers in it, saying, *' Antiochus, son 
 of Xenophanes, wrote these things about Italy, being the most 
 trustworthy and certain out of the ancient traditions. This land 
 which is now called Italy, was in ancient times inhabited by the 
 Oenotri." Then, relating in what manner they were governed, 
 and how in time Italus became a king among them, from 
 whom they took the new name of Italians, he adds, "Thus 
 they became Sicels and Morgetes and Italiats, being (originally) 
 Oenotri ^"' 
 
 In another passage Antiochus describes this old king Italus 
 much as Thucydides does Theseus in ii. 13, and with the same 
 
 * 'AvTioxos 66 6 ^vpa/covcrios, avyypacpeiis irdvv apxcuos, (v 'IraXias 
 oixiffp^ Tovs iraXaiOTaTovs oiKrjTopas Sif^iojVj us eKaaroi ti p-ipos avTtjs 
 Karuxov, Oivanpovs \(yfi rrpwTovs rwv pvrjpovivopevoiv kv avr^ Karoi- 
 KTJaai, ilvwv wb€ " 'Avrioxos Bfvo<pa,v(os rdde ^vviypcaf/i irepl 'IraAtas, kx 
 Twv dpxoio^v \6y<uv rd maroraTa koi aaipiaraTa' l^v yrfv Tavrrju, jjris 
 vvv 'IraXia /cakurai, to iraXaidv flx^^ Oivorrpoi." "'EjrctTa Sie^fXOuv tv 
 rpotrov knoKiTfvovTO xai ws ^a(Ti\(vs kv avrois *ItoAos dvd xpovov kytvcrOy 
 cup' ov piTOivopAaO-qaav 'IraXot . . . €m<p4p€i ravri "Ourcu Si ^iKfKol Kal 
 MopyrjTfs iykvovro kcI 'iTaXirjTfs, kdvTfs OivoiTpoU 
 
 ' » 
 
§ 50. Did 
 Thucy- 
 dides use 
 Antiochus? 
 
 Evidence 
 from (a) 
 agreement 
 in facts. 
 
 Ixxvi Introduction : Part II, §§ 49, 50. 
 
 tendency to attribute modem motives and circumstances to 
 legendary times which may be observed in Thucydides. ' Antio- 
 chus of Syracuse says that Italus being brave and wise, and 
 persuading some of the neighbouring tribes by argument while 
 he brought over others by force, reduced under his own power ' 
 the whole of * Italy ' in the limited sense which the word then 
 
 bore. 
 
 Niebuhr first suggested that Thucydides borrowed from 
 Antiochus of Syracuse: the hypothesis has been ingeniously 
 supported by Wolfflin^ and has been so often repeated as if it 
 were a positive fact on which further conclusions may be based, 
 that it is worth while to give in detail the evidence on which 
 
 it rests. 
 
 If we examine the facts which Antiochus and Hellanicus, as 
 well as Thucydides, recorded, we find that Thucydides agrees 
 slightly more with Antiochus than with Hellanicus. But this 
 proves little ; for the accidental preservation of a few more frag- 
 ments of Antiochus or Hellanicus (or Hippys) might have put 
 the matter in quite a different light. Antiochus, like Thucydides, 
 derived the word * Italy ' from the mythical king Italus ; Hel- 
 lanicus, on the other hand [Fr. 97), derived it from ' vitulus,' 
 a calf. All three writers told the story of the coming of the 
 Sicels from Italy to Sicily, and as far as we can make out they 
 all told it differently 2. Hellanicus, like Thucydides, mentioned 
 the change of name from Sicania to Sicelia. Antiochus may 
 have done so too for all that we know. Antiochus {Fr. 2) de- 
 scribed the Liparaean Islands and their settlement in a passage 
 
 1 Antiochos von Syrakus und Coelins Antipater ; Winterthur 1872 
 (Teubner). 
 
 2 Hellanicus says that the Sicels crossed from Italy in two separate 
 divisions, one fleeing from the Oenotri, the other from the lapygians. 
 Antiochus {Fr. i) says they fled from the Opices and the Oenotri : 
 Thucydides speaks only of the Opices. 
 
 Hellanicus dates the occurrence *in the third generation before the 
 Trojan War, in the twenty-sixth year of Alcyone priestess at Argos : 
 Thucydides apparently after the Trojan War and 300 years before the 
 arrival of the Hellenes: Dionysius (Ant. Rom. i. 22; Ant. Fr. i) says 
 that Antiochus gave no date for it ; of course Dionysius may only have 
 known Antiochus' book about Italy, and the date may have been taken 
 by Thucydides from his book about Sicily (Wolfflin). 
 
 
 Prose writings in Thucydides' time. Ixxvii 
 
 quoted by Pausanias (x. 11, 3, 4), and Thucydides may have 
 taken from it his description in iii. 88. Hellanicus {Fr. 50, see 
 Freeman's Sicily, vol. i. p. 570) ascribed the foundation of Naxos 
 in Sicily to Thucles accompanied by Chalcidians and Naxians : 
 Thucydides mentions only the Chalcidians ; though the presence 
 of Naxians, if a fact, would account for the name of the settle- 
 ment. Thucydides, i. loi, says that the descendants of the 
 enslaved Messenians formed * the greater part ' of the Helots : 
 Antiochus {Fr. 14) says that those who did not join the Lace- 
 daemonians in the war with the Messenians 'were judged slaves 
 and called Helots': there need not be any discrepancy between 
 the accounts, as both writers may mean that those of whom 
 they respectively speak were degraded to the Helot class. Hel- 
 lanicus {Fr. 67) only mentions the derivation of the word EtXcor??? 
 from the town "¥Xos. He also dates the origin of the Spartan 
 constitution earlier than Thucydides (see Part ii. p. 6). 
 
 The argument from peculiar expressions occurring in Thucy- {b) peculiar 
 dides vi. 1-5 is very inconclusive indeed. Much has been said expressions 
 of an Ionic construction, oans — oy, which appears nowhere in ^{^^^ 
 Thucydides except vi. 3, and which also appears in Antiochus, 
 Fr. 3 \ But this construction might have occurred in any 
 one writing in Ionic, the favourite literary dialect for history, 
 and occurs as a matter of fact in Hellanicus, Fr. 71 2. fyyvs or 
 iyyvraTa is four times used in the opening chapters of Book vi 
 to qualify round numbers ; Thucydides elsewhere uses /MaXioT-a 
 for the purpose. But he uses eyyvrara to qualify other expres- 
 sions : the variation here may be accidental ; in any case there 
 is nothing to connect it with Antiochus. Thus the arguments 
 from language only faintly strengthen the probability that Thucy- 
 dides had some documentary source before him here. 
 
 * Thuc. vi. 3 'AvoWajvoi 'Apxrjyirov Pvfiov ogtis vvv i^o) Tqs iroXeojs 
 kffTiv, IdpvaavTo : Ant. Fr. 3 r^v y^v ravrijv, ^tis vvv 'Irakia Kakurcu, 
 TO iraKouov dxov Oivwrpoi. 
 
 2 *0 b\ iv€Tpi\p€v avTois olKrjoai rbv tottov rov ir^pl r^v Movwxiav, 
 oGTis (■jTcovofw.adrj irap' ovtwv €ts Tififjv rod /SaciXtcus. — The aorist 
 participle KXrjdeiaa^ K\i]d(VTaSy for which, when used with the article 
 and substantive, Thucydides nearly always has KaXovixivrj, Ka\ovp.(vovs, 
 occurs three times in places relating to Sicily (iv. 24; vi. 4 bis), but 
 also in i. 3 {ic\r)$4vT€5) and in Hellanicus, Fr. 45 ; not in the fragments 
 of Antiochus. 
 
'I 
 
 I' 
 
 lit) 
 
 Ixxviii Introduction : Part II, §§ 50-52. 
 
 (0 the In vi. 1-5, Thucydides dates from the foundation of Syracuse 
 
 chronology ^jje foundations not merely of her own colonies, Acrae, Cas- 
 ofThucvi. ^^^^^ ^^^ Camarina, but of Leontini, founded from the Ionian 
 Naxos (this however is mentioned immediately after Syracuse) 
 and of Gela, founded direct from Rhodes and Crete. This may 
 perhaps be more easily explained if we suppose that Thucydides 
 had the work of a Syracusan historian before him ; but he may 
 also have taken as a convenient era the foundation of the great 
 city with whose fortunes the next two books are to deal. It is 
 far more curious that he should never have mentioned the date 
 of the foundation of Syracuse herself ^ This real difficulty 
 however is by no means removed if he were using Antiochus 
 the Syracusan ^ 
 (^) a priori Thus the evidence consists of a number of small points, each 
 probabi- proving little in itself, but perhaps possessing a certain cumu- 
 ^'^^ lative weight which will be estimated differently by different 
 
 readers. Granting that Diodorus' date for the conclusion of 
 Antiochus* history, 424* is correct, and remembering the a 
 priori probability that for a remote period, about which books 
 had certainly been written, Thucydides would consult them; 
 allowing also some weight to Dionysius' description of 
 Antiochus' book on Italy as dealing with 'the foundations 
 and constitutions ' of the Italian cities— j^st the points which 
 Thucydides mentions about the Sicilian— though most earher 
 
 1 The traditional date, 734 B.C., comes from Eusebius; it agrees 
 with, and may have been founded on, data given by Thucydides, \yhich, 
 leaving an interval of apparently a few years, connect the foundation of 
 Syracuse with the destruction of the Hyblaean Megara by Gelo, almost 
 within living memory ^Busolt, Griechische Geschichte, vol. i. p. 241). 
 
 2 Wolfflin thinks that the whole passage is a ' freies Excerpt ' from 
 Antiochus, who gave the date somewhere else, and that Thucydides 
 excerpted straight away without noticing that he had left out the 
 key to the chronology. This is going far beyond our evidence. The 
 foundations of Zankle and Messene and of Himera are not dated either : 
 Thucydides may have been unable to find what he considered good 
 authority for the exact dates in all these cases and have contented him- 
 self as to Syracuse with the approximate date which his narrative im- 
 plies ; see preceding note, and cp. vol. ii. p. 83. There is no independent 
 evidence to show when Antiochus dated the foundation of Syracuse : 
 we only know that he connected it {Fr. 11) with that of Croton, which 
 Dionysius, 400 years later, puts in 710 B.C. 
 
 Prose writings in Thucydides' time. Ixxix 
 
 histories probably did the same— we may think that it is rather 
 
 more probable than not that Thucydides read and used 
 
 Antiochus ; though there is no reason why he should not have 
 
 used Hippys, Hellanicus, and his own investigations as well. The 
 
 tone of Book vi. c. 2 (see p. Ixxiv above) shows that he was as 
 
 wideawake and critical as usual when he wrote the passage in 
 
 question. Or we may say more cautiously with Freeman (History 
 
 of Sicily, vol. i. p. 436), ' The case is of the usual kind. It may 
 
 be so ; it is perfectly likely ; one has no strong reason to say 
 
 that it is not so ; but one cannot say that it is convincingly 
 
 proved that it is so. The slightest piece of positive evidence 
 
 would settle the question either way, only there is none.' 
 
 As we really know nothing about the trustworthiness of§5i. Un- 
 
 Antiochus, except that Dionysius of Halicarnassus calls him certainty of 
 » - > ' J .1. ^ , , /■ , , the dates in 
 
 01; ro)!/ iT:iTvx^vT(>iv ns, and that we cannot but be favourably Thuc. vi. 
 
 impressed with the resemblance of the opening words of his 1-5. 
 book on Italy to those of Thucydides, we can hardly say 
 that Thucydides' possible dependence on Antiochus affects the 
 trustworthiness of Thucydides himself one way or the other. 
 But it is true in any case, as Professor Mahaffy infers from the 
 dependence which he regards as established (Greek Classical 
 Literature, Epic and Lyric Poets, pp. 97 fT., and elsewhere), that 
 the precise dates given by Thucydides for the foundations of 
 the Sicilian cities cannot, being so early, be accepted with con- 
 fidence. Thucydides, or an authority on whom he depended, 
 may have calculated them on some a priori system which 
 approved itself to the chronologists of the day ; various accounts 
 differing from his were certainly current in antiquity. 
 
 This survey of the less familiar prose writers who were extant § 52. Ge- 
 in Thucydides' day, however slight or conjectural their con- °, • ^°"' 
 nexion with Thucydides, may serve to supplement the impres- 
 sions which we derive from Herodotus, the earlier Orators, and 
 the poets, of the world of thought and language in which he 
 lived and wrote. It shows us too in what respects he resembled 
 his contemporaries, and in what he stood alone. 
 
 The two great subjects to which the early prose writers of 
 Hellas turned their attention— apart from special treatises 
 like those of Hippocrates— were philosophy — that is to say, 
 
Ixxx 
 
 Introduction .• Part Ily § 52. 
 
 something which was afterwards disentangled into philosophy 
 and natural science— and history, or in most cases the materials 
 for history ; mythology, chronicles, and memoirs. The remainmg 
 fragments of the second class of writers are sufficient to show 
 that Herodotus and Thucydides towered far above the rest, 
 and found their intellectual equals only in the fathers of philo- 
 sophy and science. 
 
 Thucydides' interest in politics and human nature was not 
 peculiar to him; we have found something resembling it m 
 Heraclitus, Hippocrates, Democritus, and others. But no other 
 author as far as we know had so directly applied political 
 principles to facts, or to the relations of states with each other. 
 His interest in natural phenomena was no personal fancy of his, 
 but was shared by several of his predecessors and contempo- 
 raries. His grave and rational conception of history is his own : 
 so is his dignified and weighty style. Except for the influence of 
 Gorgias, Antiphon, and perhaps Prodicus, and some analogies 
 in the author of the De Republica Atheniensium, and Diogenes 
 of Apollonia, his mode of expression is quite peculiar to him ; 
 while there is no parallel at all in earlier or contemporary prose 
 either to the concentration and force of his writing, or to its 
 occasional irregularities and harshnesses : in both these respects 
 he is more like the poets than the prose writers of his time. 
 
 III. 
 
 The Trustworthiness of Thucydides as a Historian. 
 
 / No historian who has ever lived produces a stronger im- § 53. 
 /pression than Thucydides of perfect truthfulness. He seems to Mature of 
 S. have no other motive than the desire to tell us exactly what dencr* 
 \happened, neither more nor less. 
 
 But there is hardly any independent evidence, of an equally 
 early date, by which we can test his statements. Hence our 
 belief in him must be regarded as a kind of personal impres- 
 sion such as we might entertain about the trustworthiness of 
 an acquaintance. His accuracy and credibility cannot be 
 positively proved or disproved. 
 
 An instance will illustrate the fulness of material which is 
 at our command for testing the accuracy of a modem writer 
 dealing, like Thucydides, with contemporary events. M. Taine 
 (La Revolution, vol. iii. p. 599) says, * In the National Archives ^ 
 the series F^ contains hundreds of despatch boxes full of reports 
 "on the situation," "on the state of public opinion," in each 
 department, city, or canton of France from the year HI to the 
 year VIII (1795-1800). I have worked at them for several 
 months ; I cannot transcribe my extracts here for want of room. 
 In these boxes will be found the actual history in detail of the 
 last five years of the Republic. The general impression is 
 exactly given by Mallet du Pan in his " Correspondence with 
 the Court of Vienna" and in his " British Mercury ," ' — There 
 is a difference indeed between these * hundreds of boxes ' and 
 all the knowledge which we have, from any other source, of the 
 facts recorded by Thucydides. 
 
 Contemporary inscriptions and geographical and archaeo- 
 logical facts are the only evidence, having an equal a priori 
 
 ' In the * National Library ' at Paris, 
 
 f 
 
Ixxxii Introduction : Part Illy §§ 53, 54- 
 
 claim on our consideration, by which we can test the accuracy of 
 Thucydides. Next comes the comparison of Thucydides with 
 Aristophanes and occasional passages in Herodotus, Xenophon, 
 the contemporary Orators, and fragments of contemporary his- 
 torians, of whom the most important was Philistus of Syracuse, 
 (died 356), an eye-witness of the siege of his native city. This, 
 as might be supposed, leads to very little : Aristophanes from 
 the difference of his point of view, other writers from the fewness 
 and slightness of the points at which they touch Thucydides, 
 leave it open to us to choose which account we will. On the 
 whole it may be said that Aristophanes tends to confirm Thucy- 
 dides, sometimes by his comic pictures of the general situation, 
 sometimes by single phrases indicating the character of persons 
 
 or political parties. 
 
 As for later writers, any doubts which may be entertained of 
 Thucydides' desire or ability to tell the truth may much more 
 justly be entertained about them \ The only exception is the 
 'Aerjvalcop TToXirfia which may directly or indirectly be the work 
 of Aristotle, and which certainly gives us an instance of vigorous 
 criticism on Thucydides, written within eighty years after his 
 death: the two authors differ in their accounts (a) of the 
 conspiracy of Harmodius and Aristogeiton (Thuc. i. 20, vi. 
 54-59 ; 'A^. noX. 18) ; (d) of the revolution of the Four Hundred 
 (Thuc. viii. 67 ; 'A^. noX. 29-31) I 
 
 Leaving for other essays or for discussion on particular 
 
 1 See Holm, Griechische Geschichte, vol. ii. Part i, pp. 116-120; 
 
 Abbott, vol. ii. Appendix ii. 
 
 2 {a) Apart from minor details, Thucydides says that Hipparchus 
 gave the provocation which led to the conspiracy ; Aristotle (to call 
 him so for convenience) clearly implies that it was Thessalus the younger 
 brother of Hipparchus. Thucydides says that the conspirators were 
 few ; Aristotle that they were many. Thucydides says that Harmodius 
 and Aristogeiton were in the Ceramicus when they saw one of the con- 
 spirators talking to Hippias and took the alarm, and that they rushed 
 inio the city to kill Hipparchus ; Aristotle says that they were in the 
 Acropolis : both agree that Hipparchus was killed in the Leocorion. 
 Finally, Thucydides says that the Panathenaea was chosen for the rising 
 because the citizens who marched in the procession could then appear 
 in arms without attracting suspicion ; and that Hippias after the fall of 
 Hipparchus quietly told the people to lay aside their arms, and then 
 
 Trustworthiness of Thucydides. Ixxxiii 
 
 passages the relation (i) of Thucydides to Aristophanes, (2) of 
 passages in him to passages in contemporary or nearly contem- 
 porary writers ^ as well as (3) minute or a /r/^r/ questions of the 
 probability of some of his statements, we will speak here (i) of 
 the Inscriptions as far as they can be said to invalidate or con- 
 firm his authority, (2) of difficulties presented by his account of 
 Pylos and Plataea, (3) of some improbable statements with which 
 he has been charged, (4) of the completeness or incompleteness 
 of his historical treatment of the war, (5) of his political impar- 
 tiality, and the question of his fairness or unfairness to Cleon. 
 
 There is a certain want of due proportion in entering upon § 54. The 
 this inquiry, which from the nature of the case will often admit ^cknow- 
 of no positive result, without reminding ourselves of the qualities greatness 
 which give Thucydides a place among the great historians of of Thucy- 
 the world : his descriptive power, and grasp of situations, his ^^^^^• 
 reserved and manly sympathy with human action and suffer- 
 ing, his unfailing energy and dignity, his insight into the 
 character and motives of public men and into the life and work- 
 ing of states. A full discussion of the qualities of his genius and 
 their corresponding defects, and also of the limitations of ancient 
 as compared with modern historians, and of the degree in which 
 
 apprehended the guilty ; Aristotle, who here only refers to the account 
 of Thucydides, says that this last statement is false (6 S^ A€7y/x€i/os Kirfos 
 ovK d\i]6^s kariv), and that the bearing of arms in the procession was 
 instituted later by the democracy. We cannot tell which story is the 
 truer, and the probabilities which may be alleged on either side are not 
 decisive. (The subject is discussed by Hude in the Neue Jahrbiicher 
 1892, i. p. 170 ff.) (6) In the account of the provisional constitution 
 drawn up by the Four Hundred, Aristotle differs from Thucydides in 
 two definite points. In one of these Aristotle, in the other Thucydides, 
 goes more into detail, and in each case the detailed account seems 
 more worthy of credit. Thuc. viii. 67 says that ten ^vyy pa(p€Ts were 
 appointed to draw up the new constitution ; Aristotle, 29. 2, says thirty : 
 and adds the important fact that ten of these were the already existing 
 irpu0ov\oi (Thuc. viii. i ; cp. p. cxxiii.). Thuc. viii. 6'j, however, gives 
 a fuller and clearer account than 'AO. UoX. 31. i of the manner in which 
 the Four Hundred were selected. See Goodhart, Thucydides, Book viii. 
 pp. xxi-xxvi. 
 
 * For some differences between Thucydides and Herodotus or the 
 Orators, see p. cxii ; and Part ii. pp. 25, 75, 133, 134-135. 
 
 (2 
 
Ixxxiv Introduction : Part III, §§ 54-57- 
 
 Thucydides transcends these limitations, must be reserved for 
 another place. It is perhaps better to begin by examining, as 
 far as the evidence admits, into his possession of the elementary 
 qualities of a historian, accuracy and impartiality, his claim to 
 fulness and completeness, and the extent to which any defect 
 in these latter quahties impairs his credit. 
 
 § 55. In- Greek treaties, laws, decrees, and public accounts were not 
 scriptions. published in newspapers and preserved on paper or parchment 
 in offices ; they were engraved on marble blocks or tablets and 
 put up in temples or pubHc places. When no longer wanted they 
 were thrown into rubbish heaps, or used as building materials, 
 or they shared in the partial or total ruin of the cities in which 
 they stood. They are found in all kinds of places, above ground 
 and below, in the beds of rivers or built into cottage floors : one 
 important record of Athenian finance in the fifth century B.C. 
 owes its complete state of preservation to its use as the altar 
 of a Greek church. Very few of this date are anything like 
 complete ; most are broken into fragments which have to be 
 imperfectly pieced together ; often we miss the few letters want- 
 ing to complete a proper name or a technical term, or to supply 
 a date which might give the key to the whole inscription and 
 enable us to connect it with facts already known. In one case 
 a single word is wanting to settle a troublesome little question 
 about the chronology of Thucydides ; in another there is just 
 enough of a word left to make it possible that it was * Pericles ' ; 
 many pages have been written about one half-effaced letter 
 which bears on the completeness of Thucydides' narrative in 
 Book v (see Part ii. pp. 125-126, and pp. xci-xcii below). 
 
 A full account of the inscriptions connected with Thucydides 
 will be found in the introduction to the second volume of 
 Jowett's Thucydides : we are concerned with them here only 
 so far as they affect the question of the historian's trust- 
 worthiness. 
 § 56. If Niebuhr or Dr. Arnold could have been told that hidden 
 
 General ^^^^y q^ Attic soil there were many thousand lines of inscriptions 
 the^ins^rip- contemporary with Thucydides, they would have expected them 
 tionsto to touch his narrative at innumerable points and to furnish 
 
 Ttucy- something like a commentary upon their favourite historian : 
 dides. 
 
 Trustworthiness of Thucydides. Ixxxv 
 
 by some such fancy as this we may realise the subtle difference 
 which the discovery of these monuments has made in our view 
 of Thucydides. For what these great scholars might naturally 
 have expected has proved to be by no means the case. The 
 inscriptions bring home to us the complexity of Athenian public 
 life and the many details of it which neither Thucydides nor any 
 other historian has touched. They show that much must have 
 happened bearing indirectly, and some things bearing directly, 
 on the foreign relations of Athens which we do not learn from 
 him, and thus they modify the exaggerated view which has 
 sometimes been expressed as to his fulness and completeness. 
 They impugn his positive accuracy in a single definite point 
 only, and that a small one : they confirm it in many, but in 
 a general way, presenting very few minute or striking coin- 
 cidences with the details of his narrative. It is of less moment 
 that the inferences drawn from his words sometimes conflict 
 with inferences drawn from the inscriptions ; this, when we realise 
 their fragmentary character and the difference between a mili- 
 tary history and imperfect public records, is natural enough. 
 We could not expect to find many minute resemblances between 
 a modern history of a war and a series of charred and tattered 
 fragments of Parliamentary reports and Budget speeches cover- 
 ing the same period : we should not be surprised if a comparison 
 of the two raised several questions which we could not solve. 
 
 The inscriptions which bear directly on the narrative of Thucy- 
 dides fall under the head of (i) finance, (2) military expeditions 
 and sepulchral monuments, (3) treaties. 
 
 A series of inscriptions referred to in the note on i. 96, 1. 8, § 57. The 
 of which the first belongs to 454 B.C., and the last actually dated tribute 
 to 421, enables us to calculate the amount of tribute paid by ^^ ^' ^^ ^' 
 the allies. The record is more or less imperfect for 454-448 ; 
 'for 447-440 it is much more complete : after 440 and for the 
 early years of the Peloponnesian war it is very incomplete and 
 fragmentary ^. 
 
 ^ The Thracian tribute for what is supposed to be the year 428 is 
 nearly complete : Potidaea, which had been by this time retaken and 
 occupied by Athenian /c\rjpovxoi who paid no tribute, is naturally 
 missing ; so are many Thracian cities, probably those which revolted 
 in 432. 
 
Ixxxvi Introduction : Part III, §§ 57, 58. 
 
 Now we cannot speak of an actual discrepancy between these 
 lists and Thucydides' statements (i) that the tribute assessed 
 at the foundation of the Delian League (478-7 B.C.) amounted to 
 460 talents, and (2) that at the beginning of the Peloponnesian 
 War the Athenians were receiving on an average 600 talents : 
 for we have no inscription for 477 or 431. But from the inscrip- 
 tions of 446-440 we can gather with certainty that the sum paid 
 in these years was not much over 430 talents. If we had only 
 the text of Thucydides, we should argue with some confidence 
 that it must by. that time have been considerably over 460 
 talents i. not only because many cities were still subject to 
 Persia in 478, but because some cities belonging to the league 
 contributed at that time not money but ships, which were after- 
 wards commuted for money, and must have increased the amount 
 
 of tribute. 
 
 If again we compare the 430 talents of 446-440 with the 600 
 talents spoken of by Pericles as coming in on the average in 
 431, we should expect to find traces of the increase even in the 
 imperfect inscriptions of 439-432. But nothing like sufficient 
 indications of such an increase are to be found. 
 
 In this last case a very simple explanation is possible : the 
 statement of Pericles may include the indemnity which Samos, 
 after her revolt in 440-439, was compelled to pay by instalments 
 (Thuc. i. 117). Some equally simple explanation of the other 
 difficulty might suggest itself if we knew more of the relations 
 between Athens and her allies from 478-446. Many cities had 
 certainly paid a higher tribute in years previous to 446 than 
 they did in 446-440 \ Again the 460 talents of 478 B.C. are the 
 sum assessed^ not the sum paid. It is possible that this parti- 
 cular estimate included tribute to be received from the cities, 
 still subject to Persia, which the league hoped or meant to 
 liberate : it very likely included not only the tribute of such 
 allies as paid tribute, but also the cost of equipping ships in 
 the case of the allies who as yet paid no tribute 2. In any case, 
 460 talents even in the earliest days of the League, was not an 
 
 ' Busolt (Griechische Geschichte, vol. ii. p. 506) estimates the amount 
 paid in 454-450 at 520 talents. 
 
 2 The curious expression used by Thucydides i. 99 is quite com- 
 
 , 
 
 Trustworthiness of Thucydides^ Ixxxvii 
 
 excessive sum to demand from the cities which had joined it, 
 whether it be compared with Herodotus' account of the ships 
 which they contributed to the fleet of Xerxes (Hdt. vii. 93-95) 
 or with the probable cost of fitting out a trireme and paying 
 its crew*. It may have been the sum thought necessary for 
 the prosecution of the war against Persia, and, as the cities of 
 Thrace and Caria came in, the original total may have been 
 kept up and the contributions of the particular cities lowered 
 ' pro rata ^.' 
 
 A famous inscription (C. I. A. 37) of 425, th© year of Cleon's § 58. 
 victory at Sphacteria, contains fragments of some evidently Partial or 
 considerable measure relating to the tributary allies and of an ^^j-ease of 
 estimate of tribute to be paid by them {ra^is (popovj not a record the assess- 
 of tribute received). It does not show, as often asserted, that "^^^^ in 
 ' the tribute was doubled ' in that year, and that Thucydides has ^ ^' 
 omitted the fact ; but it does show that more than half the island 
 tributaries (being all those extant in the inscription which we 
 can compare with previous lists) were assessed at about twice 
 
 patible with, and perhaps slightly supports, this supposition : ol irXeiov^ 
 ovtSjv , . . "xsniyLaTa kTO^avro avrl rojv vfwv to Ikvov fxivov avaXaifxa 
 <p€peiv. 
 
 ^ Holm, Griechische Geschichte, vol. ii. p. 245, c. xvii. * With a 
 yearly payment of 460 talents about 66 triremes ' (not much over one- 
 third of the Athenian triremes at Salamis) * could be maintained. Was 
 that too much to demand of the cities and islands from Ceos to Byzan- 
 tium, and back again to Miletus and Rhodes?' 
 
 2 The objection to this suggestion is that the tribute levied €n 
 'Apiareidov is contrasted in later authors with the less equitable amount 
 levied afterwards. But the contrast may be between the assessment of 
 Aristides and the much larger sums which seem to have been raised 
 after 425 B.C. (see below), not between it and the fluctuations of the 
 years which immediately followed. It is impossible to draw any 
 definite conclusion fi-om Thuc. v. 18, where Argilus, Stagirus, Acanthus, 
 Scolus, Olynthus, and Spartolus, stipulate that they shall pay to Athens 
 only the tribute paid kir' 'ApiareiSov. These cities must have been half 
 ruined by Xerxes' expedition : the previous inhabitants of Olynthus had 
 been massacred by Artabazus in 479 (Hdt. viii. 127) : Argilus was close 
 to Eion, which the Persians held when the confederacy was established. 
 Hence the first assessment of these cities may well have been exception- 
 ally low. 
 
 m 
 
Ixxxviii Introduction : Part Illy §§ 58-60. 
 
 as much as they had previously paid, their tribute being raised 
 in various proportions : and that several island tributaries found 
 on no.previous list were added '. 
 
 There are also a few fragments of the ordinary tribute lists, 
 of unknown date, which show a large rise in two Ionian and 
 six Carian cities : these are usually dated after 425, and it is 
 supposed that the change was made in this year. 
 
 Previous to the discovery of the Ta|iy <^6pov and the quota 
 Hsts, we only had vague statements in the Orators and in later 
 writers, to the effect that at some time after the beginning of 
 the war the Athenians doubled the amount of the tribute. 
 Some of them assign the measure to Alcibiades, whose public 
 life had hardly begun in 425 ; Plutarch (Aristides, c. 24) says that 
 the demagogues raised the sum ' little by little.' The truth may 
 be that a considerable increase was made not only in 425 but 
 upon other occasions, and that the amount coming in during 
 the Peace of Nicias was about twice what it had been before 
 the War. 
 
 Even if this be the case, the silence of Thucydides is note- 
 worthy. It is certain that changes in the tribute took place, 
 whether at one time or not, which must have materially affected 
 Athenian finances and the loyalty of the allies ^ : we cannot argue 
 from his silence (as Grote did with confidence, before the dis- 
 covery of the Td^L9 <f)6pov) that no reliance can be placed on 
 the statements in the Orators. 
 
 * The details of the rest of the inscription are as follows: — The 
 Thracian figures are lost ; the mere fragment of the Ionian and Carian 
 rd^is shows no increase. The total estimate of the Hellespontian tribute 
 (which has to be pieced out from another fragment of uncertain 
 date, but remarkably coinciding with it) reaches the immense sum of 
 295 talents, thegreatest sum previously paid being 70-80 talents. This 
 may be an estimate of what the Athenians hoped to gain from the 
 cities of the Pontus (cp. Thuc. iv. 75), traces of which occur in the 
 inscription. But it raises a doubt whether the whole estimate was more 
 than an ambitious design which was not fully carried out : see Busok, 
 Philol. 41, p. 704. 
 
 ^ Cp. Part ii. p. 51 (Potidaea and Spartolus). Scione which revolted 
 in 423 had its tribute raised from four to nine talents between 428 and 
 425 : there are other more doubtful cases of the same kind. 
 
 Trustworthiness of Thucydides. Ixxxix 
 
 Thucydides in ii. 8 says that all the islands in the Aegean § 59. Melos 
 were allies of Athens except Melos and Thera. Melos was un- andThera. 
 successfully attacked in 426 (iii. 91) and finally reduced in 416, 
 and the inhabitants put to death or sold into slavery : Thera is 
 never mentioned again. We are surprised to find Melos assessed 
 at fifteen talents (the same amount as Naxos, Andros, and 
 Eretria) in the tcl^is (jyopov of 425. The Athenians probably 
 inserted the island in the estimate as a pledge of their intention 
 to conquer it as soon as they could. 
 
 But Thucydides is convicted of a curious little piece of negli- 
 gence by the fact that Thera is not only assessed at five talents 
 in the rd^is ({)6pov, but actually pays a quota answering to a sum 
 of three talents in a tribute-list of 427 or 426 : the name also 
 occurs in a decree of uncertain date joined with that of the 
 Samians, some permission or favour being granted to both \ 
 The island must have submitted to or been conquered by 
 Athens between 431 and 426 (perhaps in the latter year when 
 Melos was unsuccessfully attacked) and Thucydides, after men- 
 tioning Thera as not allied with Athens in 431, has neglected 
 to chronicle the fact. 
 
 Several of the inscriptions contain records of sums paid from 
 the state treasury to generals in command of expeditions ; and 
 these expeditions can often be identified with those which 
 Thucydides mentions. 
 
 Thus, we have an expenditure of 1404 talents on what is 
 clearly the revolt of Samos (C. I. A. 177) : a payment to a 
 general Eucrates'^ for service in Macedonia in the second 
 Prytany^ of a year, probably the archonship of Pythodorus, 
 432-431 ; traces of further operations against Potidaea and 
 Macedonia, and of the expedition under Carcinus, Proteas and 
 
 1 C. I. A. 38. 
 
 2 Eucrates is not mentioned by Thucydides. He has been thought 
 to be one of the colleagues of Archestratus or Callias (i. 60, 61), but 
 the uncertainty of the chronology here makes positive identification 
 difficult. 
 
 ^ When the dates are preserved they give the Prytany and the day of 
 the Prytany in which the payment took place. A Prytany was one-tenth 
 (35 or 36 days) of the Attic year, which began about July. 
 
 § 60. Pay- 
 ments to 
 comman- 
 ders of ex- 
 peditions. 
 General 
 agreement 
 with Thu- 
 cydides. 
 
 I 
 
xc 
 
 Introduction : Part III, §§ 60-62. 
 
 Socrates round the coast of the Peloponnese in the first year of 
 the war. In the sixth and seventh Prytany of another year we 
 have money spent on Sicily and a trace of * Demosthenes of 
 Aphidnae ' (C. I. A. Suppl. i. 179 a-d). The date is probably 426 : 
 Laches had been sent to Sicily in the previous autumn, and in 
 the spring or early summer Demosthenes and Procles were 
 sent with thirty ships round the Peloponnese. In C. I. A. 
 273 we find a hundred talents paid to Nicias on the fifteenth 
 day of the ninth Prytany of the archonship of Stratocles: i.e. 
 early in the summer of 424 : probably for the expedition against 
 Cythera, which Thucydides (iv. 53) records about this time. 
 In another inscription (180-183) there are traces of Nicias' ex- 
 pedition against the Chalcidians and Amphipolis (v. 83) which 
 was rendered abortive through the treachery of Perdiccas ; and 
 of the blockade of Perdiccas in Macedonia in the following 
 winter. We also have the names of the generals commanding 
 the expedition against Melos, Tisias the son of Tisimachus, 
 and Cleomedes the son of Lycomedes (Thuc. v. 84), and among 
 the payments of the next year there is repeated mention of the 
 (TTpaTT^yoX €s SiKeXtai/, Alcibiades, Lamachus, and Nicias. 
 
 C. I. A. 273, 11. 16 ff., contains an expression which, if we knew 
 more about the date at which the (TrpaTrjyoi were elected (p. xi) 
 might indicate either a coincidence with, or a difference from, 
 Thucydides. We have a payment of thirty talents made, 
 not for the blockade of Sphacteria itself, for the season is 
 too late ;— it is dated the third day of the fourth Prytany of 
 the archonship of Stratocles -i.e. about November 425 ;— but 
 probably for the establishment and pay of a garrison including 
 the Messenians in Pylos The money is paid arparriyols 7rep[i 
 ne]\oTrovvl}(rov Arjfxoadevei, ' AXKiaOevovs ' A<l)ib[vai(o : i.e. to the 
 generals on service about Peloponnesus and to Demosthenes. 
 The usual formula, employed everywhere else in the inscription, 
 would be ArifioaOivet ' WKiaBevovs "Acfyidvaia Ka\ $vvdpxov(n. 
 Demosthenes, as Thucydides expressly tells us, was not a 
 * general,' a-TpaTrjyos, when he induced Eurymedon and Sopho- 
 cles, whom he accompanied with a kind of roving commission, 
 to fortify Pylos (iv. 2). Thucydides iv. 29, however, shows that 
 he was elected arparriyos before Cleon's arrival at Pylos {t^v t€ 
 €V nv\(0 aTparrjyav eva npoaelofxivos Ar]pL0(j6tvr}v). Something 
 
 Trustworthiness of Thucydides, xci 
 
 exceptional in Demosthenes' appointment, perhaps indicated 
 by Thucydides' narrative, may account for the variation. 
 
 Before proceeding to two inscriptions of this kind which raise 
 more difficult questions, we may mention two rather closer 
 coincidences between the narrative of Thucydides and the in- 
 scriptions. 
 
 Thucydides, vi. 94, tells us how the Athenians in Sicily, after § 61. Par- 
 wintering at Catana and making two short expeditions * at the ^icular 
 very beginning of spring,' found waiting for them on their return del^c?s^^th 
 to Catana the supplies which they had asked for from Athens Thucy- 
 including 300 talents. The dispatch of these 300 talents ^^^^^• 
 (H H H) for the army in Sicily is recorded in some detail at 
 the end of C. I. A. 180-183 quoted above : and the dates exactly 
 fit the indications of time in Thucydides. 
 
 A second small coincidence is presented by the occurrence, at 
 the end of the rd^is (j)6pov in a class by themselves, under the 
 head of [d/c]Tmat TToXfi?, of three cities, two of which are^Ai^raj/- 
 [hpos] and 'VoItc[iov\. Thuc. iii. 50 shows why they occupied an 
 exceptional position in 425. They had belonged to Mitylene 
 until the revolt and reduction of Mitylene in 428-7, hence they 
 were not included in any of the five (now four) tributary districts. 
 In 427 they were taken over by the Athenians, but Thucydides 
 does not say that they were distributed among K\r)povxoi like 
 Lesbos itself \ 
 
 So far we have found among the inscriptions relating to 
 expeditions a general and on a few points a special agreement 
 with Thucydides. One item, however, in C. I. A. 180-183 does 
 not square so exactly with Thucydides; and C. I. A. 179 
 convicts him with high probability of a definite mistake. 
 
 We have in C. I. A. 180, 1. 5, the words ]ovs or os rots ix^ra § 62. Pos- 
 
 ArjfioaBepovs I and a few lines further down ]pyos (or ovs) rols ^^^^^ ^^^^' 
 > . r /J ' 1 . . . . - .,, sion of the 
 
 /xfTo Arjuloo-e^vovs] m connexion with payments for mihtary name of 
 
 purposes. The second payment is made in the second prytany Demo- 
 
 of an Attic year ; the first is made shortly before ; and the year sthenes. 
 
 * In 424 Antandnis and Rhoeteum were taken by some Mitylenaean 
 fugitives, who hoped to ' set free ' all the cities ras 'AKraias Ka\ovfx4vas 
 (iv. 52). Athens recovered Antandrus in the course of the same summer 
 
 (iv. 75). 
 
 . ' • 
 
 I 
 
xcu 
 
 Introduction / Part Illy §§ 62-65. 
 
 as appears from the names of other officers mentioned in the 
 inscription is 01. 90 ; the second prytany of which would be 
 the late summer or early autumn of 418. These words cannot 
 refer to the employment of Demosthenes in that year for the 
 purpose of bringing the Athenian garrison back from their fort 
 in the territory of Epidaurus ; for this did not take place till 
 some time after the beginning of winter, much too late for the 
 second prytany. The end of the summer, corresponding to the 
 date of the inscription, was taken up with the battle of Mantinea ; 
 soon after which a reinforcement of 1,000 Athenians arrived at 
 Argos. Finding the battle over, they invaded with the allied 
 force the territory of Epidaurus and tried to blockade the city 
 by a wall. The other allies soon tired of the work: the 
 Athenians persevered and completed a fortified place on 
 a promontory in which the allies left a guard. Argos soon 
 made peace with Sparta, and it was no use to try to hold 
 this fort any longer : Demosthenes was sent to withdraw the 
 
 garrison. 
 
 Now the letters -pyo^ in the inscription quoted above can 
 hardly stand for anything but ' Argos ' ; and Muller-Striibing's 
 conjecture^ is tempting— that Demosthenes was the commander 
 of the 1,000 who went from Athens after the battle, and that in 
 the despatch with which the Athenians fortified the Epidaurian 
 promontory we have a characteristic of the man who fortified 
 Pylos. No plausible reason can however be conjectured why 
 Thucydides does not mention Demosthenes' name, a general 
 whom he seems to take a particular pleasure in making the 
 most of. 
 
 § 63. Prob- C. I. A. 179 and Suppl. gives the names of the generals who 
 able error commanded the two expeditions to Corcyra, mentioned Thuc. 
 !!f?Lm°'^ i 4;, "Ji. The commanders of the first were, as he says, Lace- 
 
 01 a. colli" ***tJ'J i.-i •'L 1,1..,^ 
 
 mander :- daemonius and Diotimus, and the third name given by him, 
 Proteas, just fills a gap. The second expedition was commanded 
 not by ' Glaucon son of Leagrus and Andocides son of Leogoras,' 
 but by Glaucon and two others, the name of the second ending 
 in 'iv€i and that of the third beginning with ^paKovri. : the names 
 
 I Rhein. Mus. xxxiii. (1878), p. 78 ff. 
 
 Trustworthiness of Thucydides. xciii 
 
 of Metagenes and Dracontides suggested by MuUer-Strubing ^ 
 just fill up the gap and are accepted by Kirchhoflf. We may of 
 course alter the text, or suggest that as Thucydides does not call 
 the commanders of the second expedition orpaTT^yoi, something 
 may have happened to Metagenes and Dracontides after they 
 had received the money for the expedition, and that Andocides 
 was actually in command with Glaucon {ripx^v) when the twenty 
 ships made their way up ' through the floating wrecks and 
 corpses.' But as there is no evidence for either supposition and 
 neither has any special probability, it is better to admit the dis- 
 crepancy ; and there is no question but that Thucydides is more 
 likely to be in error than the contemporary and official records. 
 This is the single absolute misstatement which has hitherto 
 been found in him. The inscription is given in Part ii. p. 125. 
 
 This same inscription fixes the sending out of the first 
 expedition to 433. Had we only the text of Thucydides we 
 should have argued from i. 46 and from the words p.€Ta. rnvra 
 (vdvs in i. 56 that it probably took place in 432 : an indication 
 that he does not always use words with the precision which 
 might have been expected : see Part ii. p. 52. 
 
 A probable but not certain mistake indicated not by inscrip- § 64.— and 
 tions but by remains on the site, about the character of Themis- ^^out the 
 tocles' fortification of the Piraeus is fully discussed in Part ii. pfragus^*^^ 
 pp. 79, 80. 
 
 We have many sepulchral inscriptions containing long lists of § 65, 
 
 Athenians who had fallen in battle {ov (Trr)\5>v fiovov iv rij oiKfia ^>epulchral 
 
 ' > J. ' T-i- • • \ 1 , • ' ' inscrip- 
 
 arjfiaivei eniypacpr] Ihuc. 11. 43) : but m many cases we cannot tions. 
 
 identify the name of the battle. Only C. I. A. 433 has any close 
 
 connexion with the narrative of Thucydides. It is the famous 
 
 monument which begins—* Of the Tribe Erechtheis, there fell 
 
 in the war, in Cyprus, in Egypt, in Phoenicia, at Halieis, in 
 
 Aegina, at Megara, within the same year,'— then follow 168 names. 
 
 The year was probably 01. 80, 2, including the last half of 459 and 
 
 the first half of 458 : the places indicated are all referred to in 
 
 Thuc. i. 104, 105 except Phoenicia. A battle or skirmish on or 
 
 near the Syrian coast must have formed part of the operations 
 
 against the Persians in Cyprus or Egypt. C. I. A. 432, a long 
 
 '■ Aristophanes, pp. 598-600. 
 
 t 
 
XCIV 
 
 Introduction : Part III, §§ 65-70. 
 
 list of fallen, has iv Gao-o) as the heading of two columns (Thuc. 
 i. 100). C. I. A. 442 gives us a few lines of very poor poetry, hut 
 interesting as the epitaph of those who fell ' about the gates of 
 Potidaea ' (Thuc. i. 61). C. I. A. 443, 444, 446 belong to the first 
 half of the Peloponnesian war, but cannot be precisely identified 
 (see Jowett on iv. 129) ^ 
 
 § 66. A comparison between the treaties of which fragments survive 
 
 Treaties : and the narrative of Thucydides illustrates the imperfection of 
 the inscriptions and suggests some rather curious omissions on 
 the part of the historian. 
 
 Of the treaties of primary importance such as the Thirty 
 
 Years' Peace, the Peace of Nicias and the subsequent alliance 
 
 with Sparta, the forced peace and alliance between Sparta and 
 
 Argos, only a fragment of one survives : the rest have perished 
 
 § 67.— with or maybe still await discovery. We have the ends of twenty- 
 
 Argos, ^^g lines of the treaty which the Athenians concluded in 420 
 
 with Argos and the malcontent members of the Peloponnesian 
 
 league (Thuc. v. 47 ; C. I. A. Suppl. i. 46 b). It is remarkable 
 
 that in this fragment amounting to one-seventh of the whole, 
 
 there are, apart from mere differences of construction or 
 
 spelling, three places where the names of the contracting cities 
 
 appear in a different order to that in our text of Thucydides, 
 
 two in which our text omits words which occur in the inscription, 
 
 and one in which the expression must have varied. These 
 
 variations make no difference to the sense ; they may be of some 
 
 interest to the textual criticism of Thucydides : but cannot be 
 
 said to affect his historical accuracy. For we cannot tell 
 
 whether they are due to his informant, or to the copyists of the 
 
 MSS., or whether Thucydides' own copy may not have been 
 
 taken accurately from a column erected at Argos, Elis, or 
 
 1 C. I. A. 441 too is interesting because it confirms a detail in Pau- 
 sanias about the battle of Tanagra not given by Thucydides. Pausanias 
 (i. 29, 7) says that a detachment from Cleonae fought along with the 
 Argives (whom Thucydides mentions) as allies of Athens at Tanagra, 
 and that their dead were buried in the Ceramicus : the inscription, 
 though found at Athens, contains Doric names, and (on a fragment 
 more recently discovered the letters a-ypa \a : very probably part of iv 
 Tavdypa Aa/f eSai/xovtotj ^ixdxovro or the like. 
 
 Trustworthiness of Thucydides. 
 
 xcv 
 
 Mantinea, which did not correspond exactly with that put up 
 at Athens. 
 
 In i. 1 14, Thucydides, speaking of the reduction of Euboea, says §68. -with 
 Ka\ rfjp ^€v aWrjv 6/xoXoyta KareaTrja-avro, 'Ea-riaiBs S' (^oiKLtravres Chalcis, 
 ovTot Tr)u y?iv €(Txov. A very complete and interesting record 
 exists (C. I. A. Suppl. i. 27 a) of the arrangement made on this 
 occasion with the people of Chalcis. It contains the names of 
 two Athenians, Archestratus and Anticles, which occur in the 
 history of the period in a different connexion (Thuc. i. 57, 117) 
 and probably belong to the same men. Another but much more 
 fragmentary inscription (C. I. A. 38, 39) gives us the regulations 
 made as to the Athenian settlers in Hestiaea. 
 
 About the middle of the eventful years 427 (Mitylene, Plataea, § 69.-with 
 Corcyra) and 425 (Sphacteria) the Athenians were compelled to Perdiccas, 
 negotiate with their worthy ally Perdiccas in order to prevent 
 him from ill-treating their city of Methone (C. I. A. 40). We 
 need not be surprised that Thucydides makes no mention of 
 this. In 423 Perdiccas, who had for a time joined Brasidas but 
 quarrelled with him, made an agreement (SfioXoyia) with Nicias 
 and the other Athenian generals in Thrace (iv. 132). This 
 agreement appears from C. I. A. 42 to have been confirmed by 
 a formal alliance. Several names elsewhere mentioned by 
 Thucydides occur in it : Archelas (Archelaus) son and successor 
 of Perdiccas ; Arrhibaeus king of the Lyncestae (Thuc. iv. 79, 
 and elsewhere), a son of Philip brother of Perdiccas (Thuc! 
 i. 57), perhaps Pausanias (Thuc. i. 61). This alHance is not 
 mentioned as such by Thucydides ; but its existence gives more 
 point to V. 6, where Cleon sends an embassy to Perdiccas onas 
 TvapayhoiTo (rrpaTia Kara to ^vfifiaxiKov, and to v. 83 ey\r(V(TTo rrjv 
 ^VfjLuaxiap (6 UefidiKKas). 
 
 C. I. A. 50, 52, 71 (Suppl. i.) are fragments of treaties with § 70.— with 
 Argos, Spartolus (the chief city of the Bottiaei), Halieis. That ^^^°^' 
 with Argos may very well be that of Thuc. v. 82. Spartolus was UaU^^'' 
 one of the cities which by the Peace of Nicias were to be allies 
 of neither side unless they chose of their own accord to enter 
 into alliance with Athens. Spartolus may have done so ; if this 
 happened before 410, Thucydides has not mentioned the fact; 
 he represents the revolted cities generally as continuing un- 
 subdued by Athens. The fragments of the treaty with Halieis, 
 
XCVl 
 
 Introduction : Part Illy §§ 70-74- 
 
 like the preceding, are later than 420 ; and Athens is not very 
 likely to have made a treaty with Halieis after the Sicilian 
 expedition. We do not know that the treaty had much result, 
 but there is some reason for thinking that it was one of the 
 attempts of the Athenians to strengthen themselves in the 
 Peloponnese during the interval of doubtful peace, and that 
 Thucydides has omitted it in Bk. v. 
 § 71. -with Of greater interest than any of these is a treaty made in the 
 Rhegium archonship of Apseudes (433-432) with embassies from Rhegium, 
 and Leon- ^^^ southernmost city of Italy, and Leontini one of the loman 
 before^'the cities of Sicily, which, when it was later overthrown by Syracuse, 
 war. Athens tried to restore with such fatal effects. Of the exact 
 
 date we only know that the treaty was not concluded in the first 
 prytany of the year, and therefore not till after the alliance with 
 Corcyra of 433. This treaty throws light upon the value 
 attached to Corcyra as a Stepping-stone to Italy and Sicily (see 
 note on i. 36, 1. 10) and on the eagerness of Lacedaemon to get 
 help in its turn from the Dorian cities of Sicily at the beginning 
 of the war (ii. 7). Thucydides, speaking of the application of 
 Leontini at Athens in the autumn of 427, says that the allies 
 of Leontini, who included the Rhegines, asked for help Karh 
 naXatap ^/u/xaxmi/. These words may quite well refer to a treaty 
 made five or six years before ; they need not suggest that the 
 treaty of 433-432 was merely the renewal of an old treaty \ In 
 any case it is remarkable that Thucydides nowhere definitely 
 mentions it. 
 
 § 72. Topo- The difficulties raised by details of topography in Thucydides, 
 graphy. especially what he says about distances between places, are too 
 numerous to be removed by correcting the text or supposing 
 changes in the surface of the country. Some deficiency in the 
 branches of knowledge subordinate to history, such as geography 
 and chronology, may be expected in an ancient historian. This 
 subject has been fully dealt with in the Essay on the Geography 
 of Thucydides in vol i. of Jowett's translation. It will be 
 
 1 C. L A. Suppl. ii. 22, &c., seemingly belonging to 454 B.C. points 
 to an early relation of some sort between Athens and another Sicilian 
 city, Egesta. The word iraKaws, however, is used of comparatively 
 recent events in v. 30, 80. 
 
 Trustworthiness of Thucydides, 
 
 xcvii 
 
 sufficient to mention here only such difficulties as seem to in- 
 volve erroneous conceptions of naval or military movements. 
 
 ' The island of Sphacteria makes ... the entrances to the § 73 
 harbour narrow, the one adjoining Pylos affording a passage Sphacteria. 
 for two ships, that adjoining the mainland on the other side (to 
 the south) affording a passage for eight or nine. These entrances 
 the Lacedaemonians intended to close up fast with ships placed 
 prow outwards ' (i. e. abreast of each other). So Thucydides 
 describes the harbour of Sphacteria in iv. 8. As a matter of 
 fact, the northern entrance to the harbour is 150 yards across 
 (but may have altered in the course of time owing to local 
 reasons), and the southern entrance to the harbour is 1,400 
 across, and, the soil being rocky and the channel deep, is very 
 unlikely to have altered. It has been observed that Thucydides 
 only describes the intention of the Lacedaemonians ; hence the 
 error is not so serious as if he had described them as actually 
 closing up the harbour. But it is strange that Thucydides 
 should have been wrong in a case where he could so easily 
 have got fuller information from Athenians or Lacedaemonians 
 who had taken part in the action, or from some of the Athenian 
 garrison who afterwards occupied Pylos. 
 
 The recent careful examination of the site of Plataea, first by § 74. 
 the American School of Archaeology, and then by Mr. G. B. Plataea. 
 Grundy \ of Brasenose College, Oxford, removes many of the 
 difficulties which have been found in Thucydides' account of the 
 blockade and the escape of the besieged. If the city, or the 
 defensible part of it, stood at that time on the N. W. portion of 
 the plateau occupied by the vestiges of the ancient town, then 
 
 » I have to acknowledge the kindness of Mr. Grundy (Head Master 
 of the Cowley Military College) in allowing me to consult him person- 
 ally, and to use his most interesting work (The Battle of Plataea. pub- 
 lished by John Murray for the Royal Geographical Society), to which 
 the reader may be referred for details with regard to the siege and the 
 battle of Plataea. I have also to thank Dr. Waldstein for kindly sending 
 me the Report on the American excavations (printed in the American 
 Journal of Archaeology, vol. vi. no. 4), and to Mr. Henry S. Washing- 
 ton, of the American School of Archaeology, for taking much trouble to 
 answer inquiries about the site. 
 
 4 
 
XCVlll 
 
 Introduction : Part III, §§ 74, 75. 
 
 every incident narrated by Thucydides may perfectly well have 
 taken place, and some points which on general grounds appeared 
 puzzling receive minute confirmation (though one of the his- 
 torian's expressions is somewhat misleading). The natural 
 strength of the position, e. g., explains how it could be defended 
 by so small a garrison : the slight depth of soil on part of the 
 plateau explains why the besiegers, in spite of their great advan- 
 tage in numbers, could not bring up and pile earth upon the 
 mound which they constructed so fast as the besieged could draw 
 it away ; the character of the soil immediately under the plateau 
 explains how the double wall of circumvallation could for the 
 greater part of its length, and certainly at the point nearest the 
 road to Thebes, where the escaping party must have crossed it, 
 have been built of bricks taken from trenches on either side of 
 it. Only one difficulty remains. The wall of circumvallation 
 must have crossed the plateau on which the city stands at 
 a point where the depth of earth is comparatively small, and 
 here there can hardly have been trenches on each side of it ^ 
 Consequently the latter part of Thucydides' statement (ii. 78), 
 
 77€piiT('lX'C0V rqV IToXlV k{)k\<0 . . . Td(l)liOS be €Vt6s T€ T)V Kol €|&)^€|/, 
 
 e'l ^s enXiveedaavTo, cannot have been true of the whole extent of 
 
 the wall. 
 
 If indeed it should ever be proved that the city defended by 
 the Plataeans was at the S. and not the N.W. end of the 
 plateau, there would be the gravest difficulties in Thucydides' 
 narrative ; the position is much less defensible, and arrows or 
 stones could have been shot into it from the adjoining slope of 
 Cithaeron. 
 
 But, accepting the other hypothesis, we have a somewhat 
 unlikely narrative confirmed in minute particulars by facts which 
 the historian does not himself mention ; and this inclines us to 
 trust his facts in other places where similar difficulties arise : 
 while it shows how very different his conception of history was 
 from that of the modern military historian. 
 
 For no one could ever have imagined from his narrative that 
 Plataea stands, not on a level plain, but on a plateau nearly fifty 
 
 ^ There appears to be some difference of opinion on the point whether 
 there is likely to have been more or less earth covering the rock in 
 antiquity than there is now. 
 
 Trustworthiness of Thucydides. 
 
 xcix 
 
 feet at the north end, where it is highest, *and probably sixty or 
 more m antiquity,' above the immediately surrounding ground : 
 or that a few additional facts about the locality would have 
 made the incidents of the siege so much easier to compre- 
 hend. 
 
 It would seem that Thucydides' account was taken from eye- 
 witnesses, very likely from both sides (i. 22) who described 
 their experiences vividly and correctly on the whole, but that 
 neither they nor the historian took much interest in the strate- 
 gical details of the siege ; and it appears certain that Thucy- 
 dides never cared to go and see the place, which he might have 
 done at any time during his exile. 
 
 But there is one striking fact which shows that Greek readers 
 of Thucydides would not have been so exacting in their demands 
 as we are. A certain Aeneas Tacticus who wrote a work which 
 has come down to us, laKTiKov V7r6fxvrj,xa nepl rod TT^y xpn rroXiop.. 
 Kovfiivovs avT€X€iv, or a * Military Guide to the Defence of 
 Besieged Places,' quotes largely from Thucydides' description 
 of the siege of Plataea : if a military author who wrote within 
 forty years of Thucydides' death (soon after 360 is the sup- 
 posed date of his work) thought Thucydides worth quoting 
 as a guide, we need not be hypercritical. 
 
 The objections which have been made to some of Thucydides' § 75. 
 statements on grounds of antecedent improbability are far pccasional 
 less important than those which we have been considering. Ses in 
 The value of such * internal evidence' is obviously doubtful Thucy- 
 unless the improbabilities pointed out are either numerous or ""' 
 glaring. Some of those which have been detected in Thucy- 
 dides are quite trivial. The critics who have thrown doubt 
 upon the narratives of the escape from Plataea or the Corcyraean 
 sedition, because they occasionally suggest questions which we 
 cannot answer, appear hardly to realise the character of such 
 scenes, or how, in the excitement of war or revolution, things 
 which seem obvious are neglected, and things which seem impos- 
 sible are done. Such a priori improbabilities as are at all serious 
 are very few in comparison to the generally clear and coherent 
 mass of narrative: and they do not so much throw doubt on 
 the truth of Thucydides' statements as they illustrate a defect 
 
 g2 
 
 dides. 
 
§76. 
 
 Athenian 
 speech at 
 Sparta : 
 Themisto- 
 cles and 
 the King. 
 
 §77- 
 Sparta and 
 
 the fortifi- 
 cation of 
 the Piraeus. 
 
 c Introduction : Part Illy §§ 75-78. 
 
 from which he cannot be said to be free, that of omitting neces- 
 sary explanations \ 
 
 Two instances of improbable statements are discussed in the 
 notes to i. 72 (Part ii. p. 64) and i. 138, 1. 24 and Appendix. It is 
 possible that Thucydides extended his free handling of the 
 speeches which he reports S so far as to colour his account of 
 the manner in which the Athenian remonstrance was delivered 
 at Sparta in 432. And we cannot be sure that the revenues of 
 Lampsacus and Myus were actually * given ' as Thucydides says 
 by the King to Themistocles after 465. 
 
 The latest historian of Greece ^ rejects the whole story of 
 the Lacedaemonian protest against the fortification of Athens as 
 an ' anecdote ' invented during the Peloponnesian war, intended 
 to illustrate the diplomatic ability of Themistocles, and ante- 
 dating the relations existing at that time between the Greek 
 states. Sparta was on the best of terms with Athens in 479, and 
 no conceivable ground for her objections can be imagined. 
 
 But Thucydides' own account of the Lacedaemonian motives 
 is perfectly reasonable : rh ^ih Ka\ avroX rjBiov hv 6pS>PT€s fi^r 
 ,\eivov, f.r,r 5XXov f.r)deva relxo^ txovra, rh %k ttX^ok riov «ufi|X<ix«v 
 iiorpvv6^r^i^v Ka\ (t)o^ovfiivu>v rod t€ vavriKov ahruyv t6 ttX^^oj, b 
 7rp\v oix <^VPX'^^ '^«» ^^^ ^'^ '■°»' ^"l^'"^" n6\(f^ov TSXfmv y€VOfieur,v 
 (i. 90). Aegina had been at war with Athens down to the eve 
 
 1 Many of the numbers mentioned by Thucydides give rise to difficul- 
 ties but here we may suspect corruption of the text. 
 
 2 'Thucydides seems to have allowed himself a similar liberty in 
 reporting Nicias' letter in vii. 11-15. The letter must have been 
 deposited in the Athenian archives, and the historian could m all prob- 
 ability have procured an authentic copy ; but the style is thoroughly 
 Thucydidean. We may compare Tacitus' abbreviated and improved 
 version of the speech of the Emperor Claudius at Lyons, which we can 
 compare with the original on an inscription (Hist. xi. 24 ; see Furneaux) ; 
 also Macaulay s translation into his own style of the peroration of Burke s 
 impeachment of Warren Hastings. The characteristic letters of Pau- 
 sanias, Xerxes, and Themistocles (i. 128, .37) may very well, as far as 
 internal evidence goes, be genuine translations of the originals, though 
 we can of course feel no confidence about this. 
 
 ' Beloch, Griechische Geschichte, p. 45^- I am sorry not to have 
 been able to consult this valuable and interesting work imtil after the 
 Notes were printed. 
 
 Trustworthiness of Thucydides. 
 
 ci 
 
 of the Persian war : Corinth indeed had been a hearty friend of 
 Athens only a few years before, and had helped her against 
 Aegina ; but a great commercial state like Corinth must have 
 looked with very different eyes on a powerful neighbouring 
 city when it asked for a loan of ships (Hdt. vi. 89, Thuc. i. 41), 
 and when it had just supplied a fleet more than four times as 
 numerous as its own to the confederate navy. No Greek state, 
 we may be sure, imagined in 479 that a reign of perpetual peace 
 had set in, or was likely to forget the maxim — 
 
 « re rhv <pi\ov 
 roaavff vrrovpywv uxptKuv ^ov^rjaofim 
 ujs aUv ov luvovvra. 
 
 Several difficulties, small and great, have been found in Thucy- § 78. The 
 dides' account of the revolt of Lesbos : only one of them is revolt of 
 really of any weight. That the slaughter at Athens of more ^^^°^' 
 than a thousand of the rebels really took place there is no reason 
 to doubt S and it is a striking fact that, overshadowed maybe 
 by the still more appalling massacre which was so narrowly 
 averted, it is alluded to among the crimes of the Athenian people 
 but two or three times in the whole of ancient literature. There 
 are a few obscure expressions in the speeches of Cleon (see 
 p. cxv), and Diodotus which however cast no doubt on the truth 
 of the narrative. But it seems to be clearly made out that the 
 rent of two minae paid yearly by the Lesbians for each lot of 
 land to the Athenian KXrjpovxoi after the revolt was remarkably 
 low. The natural inference from Thucydides' words in iii. 50 is 
 that the whole annual rent of the large and fertile island of 
 Lesbos (except the Methymnaean territory) was no more than 
 
 ^ Miiller-Striibing, Thukydideische Forschungen, pp. 149 ff., 219 ff., 
 rejects most of Thuc. iii. 50 as interpolated or altered, partly objecting 
 to the credibility of the narrative, partly on the ground of what he sup- 
 poses to be the total silence of ancient authors as to the fact. But his 
 discussion has the merit of calling attention not only to one real difficulty, 
 but to the true character of what must have taken place. He reminds 
 us (p. 180) that among the oligarchical conspirators must have been some 
 of the richest and most cultivated inhabitants of Lesbos ; probably men 
 connected by ties of friendship with leading Athenians ; men who had 
 served with Pericles against Samos thirteen years before, and on the coast 
 of Peloponnesus four years before. 
 
■' 
 
 §79- 
 Corcyra. 
 
 § 80. 
 
 Doubtful 
 
 complete- 
 
 Cll 
 
 Introduction : Part Illy §§ 78-81. 
 
 icxD talents : and this is so little as to justify a suspicion, either 
 that what was really assigned to the KXrjpovxoi was the land of 
 the executed oligarchs only, or, which is more likely, that Thucy- 
 dides has omitted some material circumstance \ 
 
 Lastly, Thucydides' statement that the Corcyraean sedition 
 was only the first of a series of still greater horrors ^ has been 
 objected to, not indeed as improbable in itself, but as uncon- 
 firmed by our knowledge of other revolutions. But we really do 
 not know that the atrocities of Corcyra were not surpassed in 
 the numerous revolutions which took place later. Apart from 
 those which occurred during the actual course of the war, both 
 before and after the termination of Thucydides' narrative, the 
 revolutions which accompanied the overthrow of the Athenian 
 empire, and the cruelties and outrages committed by the oligar- 
 chical * dekarchies ' directed by the Lacedaemonian harmosts— 
 under the immediate impression of which Thucydides very 
 likely wrote this section of his work — may well have out-done 
 the Corcyraean massacre of 427. There is quite enough in 
 Xenophon (whose narrative is much less detailed than that of 
 Thucydides), and in later writers to accredit the expressions of 
 Thucydides : and Isocrates, writing it is true as an enemy of 
 Sparta, and covering a later period as well as that immediately 
 following the war, speaks of the crimes of the ' dekarchies ' as 
 out-doing anything which had taken place under the Athenian 
 empire ^. 
 
 The question of Thucydides' fulness and completeness is of 
 a different character to that of his accuracy. If we examine 
 
 1 It may be suggested that the 300 lots * selected ' for the Gods (rpiaKo- 
 aiovs rois dfoTs Upovs k^ftXov) were larger or more fertile than the rest. 
 No doubt the income from them, though part of the sacred treasury, 
 could, as in other cases, be borrowed for public purposes. 
 
 Miiller-Striibing's conclusions are discussed by Holzapfel and Stahl, 
 Rhein. Mus. xxxvii, pp. 448-464, xxxviii,pp. 143-148; and Herbst, Philo- 
 logus, 42, p. 692 ff. : cp. 46, p. 573. 
 
 2 ovTQJS ufiT| ffrdais irpovx^PV^^^' ^^^^ eSofc paWov, diori iv rots ttpurr} 
 (yivtTO, kirel vartpov 76 koX irdv ws eiiruv to 'EWrjviKbv kKiinjOrj, k.t.X.' 
 
 i^iii. 81, 82). 
 
 2 Panegyr. (iv.) 110-114 (127-132) pixpcLs plv voijjaavns Hokhv €ivai 
 TcLs Tuv vpoy€y€vr}fjiiva}v dStKias : see Grote, c. Ixxii. 
 
 Trustworthiness of Thucydides. 
 
 cm 
 
 his book simply as a history of the war— not finding fault with ness of 
 him for leaving out things which he never dreamt of writing Thucy- 
 about— we shall find many remarkable omissions, and be led ^^tivg ^^^ 
 by what he says to ask many questions to which no answers 
 can be given. 
 There are a few obvious inconsistencies and difficulties in the Omissions 
 
 narrative which can only be accounted for by the omission of P'"°^'^4 ^^ 
 
 . \. _ . , * , . inconsis- 
 
 some necessary explanation. In vi. 7, the Athenians ravage tencies. 
 
 the lands of Perdiccas. In vii. 9, Perdiccas assists an Athenian 
 general in an attack upon Amphipolis. The measure must have 
 been successful, and he must have come round to the Athenians in 
 the interval ; but Thucydides, perhaps occupied with the Sicilian 
 expedition, has forgotten to say so. We are never told how 
 Achaea first became a member of the Athenian league, or why 
 it was mostly neutral at the beginning of the war, or when it joined 
 the Peloponnesian confederacy afterwards (see ii. 9, and note on 
 i. Ill 1. 13). The narrative of Phormio's second sea-fight off 
 Naupactus (ii. 90) is incomplete ; fifty-seven Peloponnesian ships 
 drove nine Athenian ships ashore ; the remaining eleven Athenian 
 beat the remaining twenty Peloponnesian ; how the fifty-seven 
 were compelled to retreat we are not told. Clear and striking 
 as the general narrative of the Sicilian expedition is, a few 
 points are obscure, probably from the omission of some simple 
 explanatory circumstance, e.g. the details of the Athenian night 
 attack : were the Athenians in front of or behind the Syracusan 
 wall.? and the meaning or precise position of the so-called 
 * kvkKos.^ * It may be said of Thucydides' descriptions generally, 
 as of most early descriptions, that they are graphic rather than 
 accurate. When we try to reproduce them in the mind, some- 
 thing is wanting' (Jowett, vol. ii. p. Ixxix). 
 
 These are small matters but they are definite and certain. §8i.Omis- 
 There are other cases where Thucydides shows a tendency ^ion of 
 to omit pieces of information which we should be glad to have, factr^^*"^ 
 In iii. 7 the death of the gallant Phormio, soon after his vic- 
 tories, is implied ^, but it is not mentioned, any more than the 
 
 ' There is hardly sufficient ground for supplementing or correcting 
 this passage by the story in Pausanias i. 23. 10 and a scholium on 
 Aristophanes, Peace, 347 (from Androtion fourth century b. c.) about 
 
§ 82. 
 
 Scanty 
 treatment 
 of treaties 
 or pro- 
 posals of 
 peace. 
 
 § 83. of 
 military 
 statistics, 
 
 civ Introduction : Part III^ §§81-83 
 
 death of Archidamus. We are told that Pericles survived 
 the beginning of the war two years and a half, but we are told 
 nothing of the precise date of his recall to power or of his 
 influence on public affairs after it. The suicide of Paches before 
 a jury after the revolt of Lesbos, may perhaps be accepted on the 
 authority of Plutarch, Nicias, 6 : if it is a fact, Thucydides' omis- 
 sion of it is remarkable ^ The trial of Laches for peculation in 
 Sicily (Aristophanes, Wasps) is probably left unmentioned 
 because Laches was acquitted. The fate of the Athenians, 
 Siceliots and Italiots who were left in the quarries of Syracuse 
 when the other captives were sold into slavery is not told us 
 (vii. 87) : we can only gather that some change in their condi- 
 tion, and some change for the better, took place at the end of 
 eight months ^. 
 
 Thucydides, as we have found reason to suspect already from 
 a comparison of the inscriptions, is rather chary of details about 
 treaties or proposals for treaties. The provisions of the Thiity 
 Years' Peace or other agreements are referred to incidentally and 
 obscurely (i. 67 ; v. 31, 39). The numerous treaties of Books iv 
 and V are given simply as they stand, with no comment on 
 their provisions, and no explanation of obscurities in them. We 
 are not told what were the terms of peace offered by Athens to 
 Sparta in 430 (ii. 59), or by Sparta to Athens in 425 (iv. 41). 
 
 Again, there are subjects of which a knowledge is required 
 if we are really to understand the course of the war, and which 
 Thucydides deals with in places but does not give us continuous 
 and satisfactory information about : especially the numbers of 
 the contending parties, finance, and the material effects of the 
 war on the combatants. He carefully enumerates the number 
 
 Phonnio*s inability, in consequence of debts or a fine, to go and help the 
 Acarnanians at their request, and the removal of the disability. 
 
 ^ Plutarch's mention of the trial and suicide, as an illustration of the 
 unjustifiable * jealousy ' of the Athenians, looks as if the sensational 
 story told in an epigram of the sixth century A. D. was unknown to him. 
 According to this story, Paches had outraged two Mitylenaean women 
 whose husbands he had killed. 
 
 2 Diodorus, who is worthy of more respect than usual here because he 
 may be dependent on Philistus, says that they were * set to work in 
 the prison.' See Freeman, Sicily, vol. iii. p. 716 ff. 
 
 Trustworthiness of Thucydides. 
 
 cv 
 
 of the Athenian forces both by land and sea at the beginning 
 of the war in ii. 13, but he does not trace their diminution 
 during the course of the war, or enable us to estimate their 
 increase during the Peace of Nicias. We have to judge of this 
 as well as we can from his incidental mention of the numbers 
 carried off by the plague (iii. 87) or engaged at the battle of 
 Delium (iv. 94), or usually present at a meeting of the Assem- 
 bly (viii. 72). Similarly he never gives us an estimate of the 
 numbers which the Peloponnesian confederacy could put into 
 the field. Yet a knowledge of the amount of the forces which 
 invaded Attica during the first years of the war, and which 
 were engaged against Plataea, is certainly important for a right 
 understanding of the war. In v. 57, 60, he does not tell us 
 the number of the * finest Greek army that had ever mustered,' 
 but only of the Boeotian and Corinthian contingents. 
 
 Finance is of course a subject closely connected with war, as — and of 
 the Corinthians in Thuc. i. 121 and Pericles in i. 141, ii. 13, point finance. 
 out. Yet Thucydides takes but a kind of intermittent interest in 
 the Athenian finances. He tells us about the original assess- 
 ment of the tribute (i. 96), the amount of it at the beginning of 
 the war (ii. 13), the income-tax which brought in 200 talents 
 annually (iii. 19), the mishaps which occasionally befel apyvpn- 
 Xdyoi vr^es (iii. 19 ; iv. 75), the arrangement with certain allies 
 at the peace of Nicias about paying the tribute as fixed by 
 Aristides (v. 18), and the substitution for the tribute of an 
 import and export duty of five per cent. (vii. 28 fin. : a measure, 
 the details and execution of which it is hard to reahse). We 
 can further infer from viii. 48, 63 the important fact that the 
 financial burdens of the war fell heavily upon the wealthy 
 classes. But we have scarcely any details of the cost of par- 
 ticular operations ^ : no details of the variations in the tribute 
 which we gather from the inscriptions and no account at all 
 of the means by which the Peloponnesian confederacy paid 
 its way. 
 
 * Thucydides gives the cost of the Syracusan war to Syracuse up to 
 a particular point of the siege as 2,000 talents (vii. 48) : vi. 31 
 conveys the impression that he had tried to calculate the expense, 
 public and private, of the first expedition to Syracuse, and had found 
 it impossible to do so. 
 
 Iii 
 
§84. 
 
 No account 
 ofAthenian 
 military 
 organisa- 
 tion. 
 
 §85. 
 Occasional 
 
 difficulties 
 
 about 
 
 causes or 
 
 motives. 
 
 cvi Introduction : Part III, §§ 84-86. 
 
 Again, we have no sketch of the internal order of the Athe- 
 nian army such as we have of the Lacedaemonian army in 
 V. 66 : and for want of some such description iv. 4 (is Se ovk 
 eneidev ovre tovs orrpaTTjyovs ovre tovs arpaTioiras, voTfpop Koi rois 
 Ta^idpxoLs Koivoxras) is obscure to us. In this case we can easily 
 see that Thucydides describes the Lacedaemonian organisation 
 because it was elaborate and exceptional in Hellas. Facts 
 which were matters of common knowledge to himself and his 
 Athenian readers, however necessary to a proper comprehen- 
 sion of his narrative by us, he disregards, and may have con- 
 sidered trivial. When his armies get into the field, or his fleets 
 into ' blue water,' then he is eager to tell us all that happened : 
 in the routine work which was necessary to pay for them and 
 fit them out he is not much interested. 
 
 Of greater importance are the passages in which Thucydides 
 leaves us in some doubt as to the motives of the actors in the 
 history. No one can describe men's motives with a surer hand : 
 we need never be at a loss about ' the causes of this great war ' 
 (i. 23), or about the general character and the reasons for the 
 action of Nicias, Demosthenes, or Alcibiades. But here and 
 there questions arise, of which some at least must have arisen 
 equally in the minds of contemporaries, and to which we get no 
 answer. Why did the Athenians make no attempt, if not by force 
 yet by negotiation (as they had an excellent opportunity of doing 
 when they caught Salaethus, iii. 36), to save Plataea as they 
 had promised ? Why, after failing to renew hostilities on the 
 termination of the one year's armistice, were the people ' per- 
 suaded ' by Cleon to attack Amphipolis (v. 2) ? Why did they, 
 as Grote says, * part irrevocably with their best card ' by 
 releasing the prisoners from Sphacteria, before getting any 
 prospect of recovering Amphipolis, and when the Spartans 
 were bound by the issue of the lot to surrender their gains 
 first ? or if the release of the prisoners was an understood condi- 
 tion of the alliance, was it worth while to make the alliance at all ? 
 Why did the people refuse to relieve Nicias at his own request 
 of the command in Sicily, which he was physically incapable 
 of holding with effect? Why did Demosthenes, who started 
 for Sicily * at the very beginning of spring ' (vii. 20), not arrive 
 till within one or at most two months of the fatal eclipse of 
 
 Trustworthiness of Thucydides. cvii 
 
 August 27 ? These difficulties reach a climax in the extraordinary 
 delays and hesitations of both Athenians and Lacedaemonians 
 in Book v, and the retreat of King Agis when he had Argos 
 at his mercy. What can the two Argives have told him (v. 60) 
 which induced him to retreat ? 
 
 To many of these questions more or less plausible answers 
 can be given ; but it is not the business of a historian like Thucy- 
 dides to leave such questions to be answered by his readers. 
 What explanation can be given of these omissions,andof theother 
 flaws and gaps in the narrative which have been pointed out ? 
 
 Some things no doubt which puzzle us required less explana- 
 tion to the readers of Thucydides. He is speaking all through, 
 not of regular armies acting regularly and loyally under the 
 orders of a monarch or a representative government, but of the 
 citizen armies of Athens who practically ordered themselves out, 
 and must have been disposed to think twice before doing so, or 
 of the Spartans who, as has been well said, were more military 
 than warlike. The delay of Demosthenes just mentioned is 
 probably accounted for by the difficulties of collecting from allies 
 an armament which was intended to be overwhelming (vi. 17). 
 Other things Thucydides would probably have liked to mention 
 but could not find them out or satisfy himself of the correctness 
 of his information. There are several passages in which he alludes 
 to difficulties of this kind. 
 
 Speaking of the battle of Mantinea he definitely says that he 
 cannot give the numbers of the two armies— ro ^ikv yap Aaxf- 
 daifxopia>v 7r\rj6os dia r^s noXirdas to Kpvnrov rjyvoeiTO, tcov 6' av 8ia 
 TO dv6pa>7r€iov KOfiircodes es to. olKua ttXtjSt) rjma-TUTo (v. 68) : and, 
 speaking of the numbers of the slain on the same occasion (v. 74) 
 
 — airrcov de Ta>v AaK€dai/jLOvi<ou xaXeirov fxh rjv ttjv akrjdeiav nvdeaBaiy 
 eXeyovTo be nepl TptoKoa-iovs dnoOavelv. Probably this cause explains 
 his silence on other occasions : a similar motive may be gathered 
 from iii. 113. He refuses to give the numbers of the Ambra- 
 ciots slain at Olpae, because 'the multitude which is said to 
 have perished is incredible compared wkh the size of the city ' : 
 meaning of course that he did not credit it himself, not that he 
 feared it would seem incredible to his readers ^ There is a 
 
 * Herbst, Erklanmgen, vol. ii. p. 25. 
 
 §86. 
 Possible 
 explana- 
 tions of 
 some diffi- 
 culties. 
 
 Character 
 of citizen 
 armies. 
 
 Defective, 
 i^ntrust- 
 worthy, or 
 contra- 
 dictory 
 informa- 
 tion. 
 
cviii Introduction : Part III^ §§ 86-88. 
 
 curious passage in the speech of Alcibiades (vi. 17) urging the 
 Sicilian expedition which seems to be an expression of Thucy- 
 dides' own judgment : kcu fMrjv old* oTrXtrui ovt €K(ivois oo-oi ncfj 
 KOfiTToiivraif ovtc ol aXXoi "EWrfvts die<f)(ivTjcrav ToaovTOi opt€s oaoi 
 €KacrToi (T(j)as avrovs rjpi^fxovv, dWa fieyiarov drj avTOvs €'<^iV(TyLiVT] 
 
 Another passage must be borne in mind, not only where 
 we read it in the Introduction, but throughout the work, i. 22 
 €7rnr6va)i 8e fvpiaKero, Scon oi irapovres toIs epyois iKaarois oi) ravTa 
 Trept t6)v avrav fXfyov, aXX' as €KaT€p(0 ris fvvolas rj fxvi)^r)£ €X°*' 
 Thucydides very seldom gives us two different versions of 
 a story, as in ii. 5 he gives the Plataean and Theban accounts 
 of the slaughter of the Theban prisoners, and in viii. 87 with 
 unusual diffuseness^ the various possible motives of Tissa- 
 phernes for not bringing up the Phoenician fleet to the help 
 of the Peloponnesians — Xt'-ycrai be ol Kara tqvto, oufie pabiov eldevai 
 rivi yvayfiT] naprjXdiv €S rrjv "Acnrfvbov koi napeXBcoP ovk fjyaye ras 
 vavs. Hence we may imagine him pondering long over parts 
 of his narrative in which he could only get inconsistent accounts, 
 and perhaps repeatedly seeking fresh information by letter 
 or word of mouth. We all know how often, when we try to 
 get information on any matter, our informant leaves out just 
 the point which we require to clear up a difficulty or form 
 a consistent picture in our own minds. 
 
 vii. 44 shows another class of difficulties which Thucydides 
 must have met with in a part of his work — namely, the descrip- 
 tions in detail of engagements — which seldom leaves us in much 
 
 doubt : Koi ivravda tj8tj 4v iroW^ rapaxji fai anopia iyiyvovro ol 
 ^AOrjvaloif rjv ovSc nvdeaBai pqdiou rju ovb a^' ivfpaVj oro) rpona 
 eKaara ^vpr^vexOr}. iv fiev yap rjfxepa aacjiecrTepa /xeV, ofioys Se ov5e 
 Tavra oi irapayepofxevoi ndpraf irXfjp to KaS' iavrop eKaaros /xdXty 
 otSev* ep be PVKTOnaxta . . . 7ra>s ap tls (ra^cof ti tjbfi ; 
 
 We must not make too much of the difference between ancient 
 and modern times as adding to Thucydides' difficulties ; against 
 the imperfect means of communication we may set the com- 
 parative simplicity of war and politics. His exile, after 424-3, 
 though it must have hampered him in getting information of 
 
 * This may be one of the passages which would have been cut down 
 on revision ; so unlike is it to Thucydides' general way of writing. 
 
 Trustworthiness of Thucydides, 
 
 cix 
 
 what went on at Athens, made it easier, as he says himself, 
 to ascertain what took place on the other side. But the few 
 observations which the historian permits himself to make on 
 the difficulties of his task, may remind us how much time 
 and work must have gone to the writing of passages which 
 generally hang together without a flaw or a difficulty, and only 
 now and then betray marks of imperfect knowledge. 
 
 Such commonplace explanations account for many omissions, 
 but not for all. Various reasons of a more conjectural and 
 subtle kind have been given for the 'silence of Thucydides': 
 some of them quite inadmissible without positive evidence to 
 support them : it has been supposed for instance, though there 
 is no real ground for the supposition, that the Athenians made 
 serious attempts to recover Amphipolis between the peace of 
 Nicias and the Syracusan expedition, and that Thucydides has 
 only given us slight and misleading hints of them because he 
 could not bear to speak of the scene of his own failure ! No 
 single hypothesis gives a key to any large number of the omis- 
 sions. No hypothesis which affects the historian's character for 
 honesty is sufficiently plausible in itself or supported by facts to 
 make us regard his own professions of accuracy as false— Trpoo-- 
 tX^v ri]P ypa)fXT}P oncos aKpi^es ti etaofiai and ra 5' epya t^p. Tvpax- 
 6€PT<op €P TO) noXe'fico OVK CK tov napaTvxoPTOs nvpOapofxepos rj^mcra 
 ypd(f)€ip ou8' «9 l^ol eSoKCt aXX' ols t€ ovtos 7rap?jp, Kal irapd tS>p 
 ak\a>p oaop Bvpotop oKpi^eia irep\ cKdarov eVf ^eX^coi/. But it should 
 be definitely admitted that his method of writing history lacked 
 one necessary element which we take for granted in all good 
 modem historians, and to which the first steps in ancient history 
 were taken by a writer of far inferior literary genius, Polybius. 
 This admission is due to something more important than our 
 conception of what Thucydides was : it is due to our concep- 
 tion of what history ought to be. 
 
 Thucydides started with the idea of writing a definite, clear, 
 and absolutely correct account of the Peloponnesian War. His 
 native genius gave him the power of telling a great story greatly, 
 and putting details in their right places. He also knows how 
 to tell us, in the artificial form of ' speeches,' how the Greeks 
 of his day thought and reasoned about politics, home and 
 
 §87- 
 
 A residuum 
 of unex- 
 plained 
 omis- 
 sions : — 
 
 §88. 
 
 which point 
 to Thucy- 
 dides' chief 
 defect as a 
 historian. 
 
ex 
 
 Introduction : Part Illy §§ 88-90. 
 
 §89. 
 
 Omissions 
 of other 
 kinds. 
 
 foreign. But only here and there, and with respect to particular 
 points, does he satisfy our sense of the fact that a war cannot be 
 understood without a great deal more than a vivid narrative of 
 the war itself— without a circumstantial account of the internal 
 economy and politics of the contending countries. Greek history, 
 in Thucydides quite as much as in Herodotus or Xenophon, 
 compared to modem or even Roman history, is a picture without 
 a background. The passages in Thucydides which are really 
 the most striking, more even than the great speeches or the 
 great descriptions, are those where he shows us, with the hand 
 of a master, the general state of things which lay behind par- 
 ticular incidents \ That he has not done so more often, that 
 he leaves so many questions unanswered, is his real defect 
 as a historian. 
 
 These considerations are forced upon us even when we con- 
 sider Thucydides' history simply as what it professes to be : a 
 narrative of the facts of the Peloponnesian War. They are con- 
 firmed if we proceed to another class of omissions, less definite 
 and less capable of proof, but not merely imaginary, and not 
 always admitting of a satisfactory explanation. 
 
 Some indeed of the omissions for which Thucydides has been 
 criticised are perfectly simple and natural : they are due either 
 to the difference between ancient and modem ideas or to his 
 personal character. There is no reason whatever why he 
 should have told us more about ' Greek art,' or why he should 
 have * mentioned Socrates '—until he came to the trial ^ of the 
 
 ^ Such are his vivid pictures of armies on the eve of a battle, 
 composed of ruling and subject peoples, or leaders and followers in an 
 alUance, full of their traditions of the past, their present grievances, or 
 their hopes for the future (v. 69, vi. 69, vii. 53 ff.) : of peoples about to 
 engage in war (ii. 8) or in a struggle for independence (iv. 108) or in 
 new alliances (v. 29) ; dismayed by a great catastrophe (iv. 53, vii. 28, 
 viii. 1, 96), or animated by the revival of confidence in themselves (vii. 
 18, viii. 2, 106) : of barbarian empires (ii. 97, 100), or tyrannies main- 
 tained for a time by ability and deference to public opinion (vi. 54, 55) : 
 of the influence of a great man over a free people and its temporary 
 overthrow {n. 65). Such above all are many parts of the Introduction ; 
 and the accounts of the revolutionary movements at Corcyra, and at 
 Athens in 415 and 411. 
 
 2 He might or might not have recorded how a certain Athenian who 
 
 Trustworthiness of Thucydides, 
 
 CXI 
 
 generals in 406— or why he should have told us anecdotes 
 about the private life of Pericles or other great men ^ Some 
 of us may wish that he had been more like Herodotus, but 
 on the whole we would much rather have Thucydides than a 
 second Herodotus. Such omissions are worth pointing out 
 because they illustrate the limitations of Thucydides as a his- 
 torian, but they require no explanation. 
 
 It is rather different with the occasional obscurity of his § 90. Con- 
 references to institutions, constitutional details, and the party stitutional 
 politics of Athens. Many passages show that he had a keen ^^^^^ ^"^ 
 eye for such matters; e.g. the details of the * division ' in the ft^gles : 
 Spartan assembly (i. ^7) ; the distinction between a mission to often fully 
 the Council or to a select body, and a mission to the Assembly, ^^^c"^^- 
 which was twice played off with effect against a Spartan embassy 
 (iv. 22 ; v. 45), and in which the oligarchical Corinthians instructed 
 the leaders of the Argive democracy (v. 27, 28) ; the vote by 
 ballot, which made it easier for the Acanthians to decide publicly 
 for revolt from Athens and the safety of their vintage (iv. 88j, 
 and the open vote, which enabled the ultra-oligarchs of Megara 
 to get a constitutional sanction for a perfidious massacre (iv. 74) ; 
 the contempt of the Syracusan executive for the wranglers of 
 the Assembly, and their confidence that they can make the 
 country safe if they are let alone (vi. 31, ch. 72). We should be 
 glad to have more such views of the inner working of Greek 
 politics as Thucydides' description of the trick by which Cleon's 
 unguarded boast in the Assembly was made the means of 
 thrusting distinction upon him (iv. 27 ff.) ; of the misplaced 
 confidence of the Boeotarchs in the * Four Councils,' who for 
 once would not shut their eyes and vote as they were told, and 
 who by using their minds spoilt the whole design of their own 
 party (v. 38) ; and of the enthusiasm of the irregular Assembly at 
 Samos, when their leaders proclaimed to them that Athens had 
 
 happened to be kmaraT-qs refused to put the question to the vote : as 
 Socrates' refusal did not affect the result he might have said nothing 
 about it. 
 
 ^ As Holm remarks (Griechische Geschichte, vol. ii. p. 501), there 
 is only one ' anecdote ' in Thucydides : the unfeeling question of the 
 Athenian ally to the Spartan prisoner in iv. 40. 
 
CXll 
 
 Introduction : Part III, §§ 90-91. 
 
 revolted from them, not they from Athens—* posse rempublicam 
 alibi quam Athenis fieri.' 
 
 Thucydides again describes, with great fulness, the two 
 occasions on which internal movements at Athens exercised an 
 important influence on the conduct of the war: the revolutionary 
 excitement about the mutilation of the Hermae and the pro- 
 fanation of the mysteries ; and the overthrow of the democracy 
 by the Four Hundred. 
 
 We can compare his account of the first with the two speeches 
 of Andocides, ' De Reditu ' (410) and ' De Mysteriis ' (399) ; 
 and the comparison shows how many details Thucydides has 
 naturally omitted, while it confirms his striking picture of the 
 state of agonized suspicion into which the city was thrown, and 
 ■^the relief afforded by the confession of Andocides \ 
 
 We have seen that there are discrepancies between Thucydides' 
 account of the Revolution of the Four Hundred and that in the 
 '\6r)val(ov noXiT6ia : we can hardly estimate their importance 
 without further knowledge (pp. Ixxxiii ; cxxiii). The latter account 
 gives a better idea of the extent to which the conspirators 
 veiled their intentions under constitutional forms; but, as a 
 piece of history, which it hardly professes to be, it is flat and dead 
 compared with the story as told by Thucydides, who nowhere 
 displays more powerfully his ability to describe constitutional 
 changes and party struggles. He enables us to understand better 
 than we should ever have done from Aristotle alone how so 
 strange an event came about ; he shows us the ease with which 
 the ordinary man is frightened and bewildered by able and 
 
 * Thucydides and Andocides differ about two or three points of fact. 
 Andocides cannot be trusted for a moment where it was to his interest 
 to speak falsely, and where he could hope to do so successfully. 
 Thucydides' statement that the informer, whom he does not name, con- 
 fessed his own guilt at the time is indirectly confirmed by the admis* 
 sions of Andocides, though he asserts his innocence hesitatingly in the 
 first speech and boldly in the second. With regard to some minor 
 points, we cannot tell which is right : it may be Andocides, for ' it 
 concentrates a man's mind wonderfully ' when he is in imminent danger 
 of drinking the hemlock ; and Andocides' recollections may be more 
 correct than the information procured by Thucydides (see Jowett on Thuc. 
 V. 60. 3 ; Jebb, Attic Orators, vol. i. pp. 123- 1 34 ; Marchant, Andocides, 
 pp. 137, 136). 
 
 Trustworthiness of Thucydides, cxiii 
 
 unscrupulous intriguers in revolutionary times, and how timidly 
 the moderate party, both leaders and followers, even when driven 
 to desperation, begins to resist them (viii. 53, 54 ; 65, 66 ; 92) : 
 and the masterly picture of a 'reign of terror' is completed by 
 such touches as the undignified exit of the Council, whose pay 
 is handed to them at the door ; the combination of * concealed 
 daggers ' and the * hundred and twenty young men who were 
 employed when violence was necessary,' with * the customary 
 prayers and sacrifices'; the distinction between the imaginary 
 Five Thousand and the very real Four Hundred ; and the final 
 restoration of Demus to his familiar seat in the Pnvx. 
 
 There is certainly no ground for the suspicion, entertained by § 91. No 
 some writers, that there were constitutional changes during the reason to 
 war of which Thucydides has avoided mention ; or that the ^^^J^^l 
 annual election of aTpaTrjyoiy of which he says so little, or any omissions, 
 other elections, were of the same kind or degree of importance 
 as elections among ourselves ; or that the leading demagogues 
 exerted their influence not merely through the Assembly, but 
 through election to office or a seat in the Council. The necessity 
 for such suppositions has been removed, partly by the discovery 
 of the 'ASrjvaiayv IIoXiTfia, which shows that a writer not indis- 
 posed to criticise Thucydides, and specially interested in the 
 constitutional history of Athens, has nothing more to tell us 
 about the period of the Peloponnesian war down to 410 than 
 Thucydides himself; and partly by a clearer appreciation of 
 the extent to which the management of affairs at Athens turned 
 upon the actual votes of the sovereign people assembled in the 
 Pnyx, which never delegated its powers to anything resembling 
 a President or a Ministry, and exerted from month to month, 
 and almost from day to day, the unlimited power which is vested 
 in the English or American people at the time of a general or 
 Presidential election ^ Still, there are also passages in which 
 Thucydides leaves matters of constitutional interest obscure to 
 us, and others in which there is some reason to suppose that 
 we should understand the course of the Peloponnesian War 
 better, if he had told us more about the internal affairs of Athens. 
 
 * See Mr. J. W. Headlam's Election by Lot at Athens : perhaps 
 the best existing explanation of the actual working of the Athenian 
 constitution. 
 
I 
 
 § 92 
 
 Possible 
 influence 
 on the war, 
 unnoticed 
 by Thucy- 
 dides, of 
 (a) Cleon's 
 policy in 
 
 425 
 
 § 95- v^) 
 Conflicts 
 about peace 
 and war in 
 422-418, 
 and ostra- 
 cism of Hy- 
 perbolus. 
 
 cxiv Introduction: Part Illy §§92-94. 
 
 We have seen above (p. Ixxxvii ff.) that there were probably 
 considerable changes in the tribute raised during the war, affect- 
 ing the loyalty of the allies and the finance of Athens, of which 
 Thucydides does not tell us : especially in 425, when after 
 Cleon's return from Sphacteria the tribute of the islanders was 
 about doubled, and when, as appears probable from allusions 
 in Aristophanes \ the daily pay of the jurors was raised to 
 three obols. All this looks like a connected set of measures, 
 carried through by the influence of Cleon, which no modern 
 historian would have thought himself justified in omitting in a 
 history of the war. 
 
 Again, it is clear that both at Athens and at Sparta there 
 were constant struggles between the supporters of a peace policy 
 and a war policy, such as those which are so vividly placed 
 before us in the debates at the beginning of Book vi. We can- 
 not help thinking that, if we knew more of them, some of the 
 hesitations or changes of purpose to which Thucydides refers, 
 without explanation, would be clearer to us, e. g. the attack on 
 Amphipolis some time after the expiration of the year's armistice 
 (v. 2), and the delays and hesitations which marked the time 
 preceding the battle of Mantinea. Now Plutarch, in his account 
 of the ostracism of Hyperbolus, represents it as the result of 
 a struggle between Nicias (or Phaeax) and Alcibiades as the 
 advocates of a peace and a war policy : the leaders of the two 
 contending parties, each fearing to be ostracised himself, com- 
 bined their forces and secured the ostracism of Hyperbolus, 
 which Thucydides only mentions incidentally much later '^. 
 How much of the story is true we cannot tell, and the exact date 
 of the ostracism (418-416) is too uncertain to justify us in using 
 
 1 Cleon in the Knights (spring of 424) takes credit for the Tpiw^oXov, 
 which is not mentioned in the Achamians (spring of 425), though re- 
 curring frequently in the later comedies. The pay of the dicasts was 
 instituted by Pericles (*A^. no\. 37. 3) : there is nothing really to show 
 whether it was one or two obols : the latter sum is mentioned in scholia 
 on Aristophanes, Wasps 300, Frogs 141. 
 
 ' There is no discrepancy between Plutarch's story (Arist. 7, Alcib. 13, 
 Nic. 1 1) and Thucydides' scornful expression in viii. 73 warpaKiaixivov 
 ov Sid bvvan«us koI d^iufiaros (po^ov dXXd hcL irovrjpiav Kat alax^vr^v t^s 
 »oX€<«y: Hyperbolus was the kind of man on whom such a trick as 
 Plutarch describes could be played. 
 
 Trustworthiness of Thucydides, cxv 
 
 it as an explanation of any particular event in the war ; but, if 
 there be anything in Plutarch's account, Thucydides' omission 
 of a fact wtich would have thrown so much light on the feelings 
 of the Athenians about the war is a striking illustration of his 
 mcompleteness. The ostracism of Hyperbolus was a kind of 
 fiasco ; the two parties remained much as they were before : it 
 led to no actual military operations, although it may have 
 caused delays; and therefore Thucydides, we may suppose, 
 followed what appears to have been his usual principle and 
 said nothing about it, or the quarrels which preceded it. For 
 he seems to mention such fluctuations of opinion only when 
 they led immediately to important results: e.g. the new train 
 of diplomatic intrigues initiated by the change of ephors at 
 Sparta in the winter of 421 (v. 36), or the fall of Pericles 
 from power (ii. 65) ; here we may remark that Thucydides, by 
 his lively description of the embittered feelings of ' rich and 
 poor,' gives a much more satisfactory explanation of the results 
 than if he had spoken of * a coalition of the opposing parties 
 against Pericles.' 
 
 It is only fair to add here that Thucydides' expressed con- 
 tempt for Cleon and Hyperbolus (p. cxxix, below) may justify 
 a suspicion that he avoided saying more about them than he 
 could help. But we really do not know enough about the direct 
 bearing of Cleon's measures, or the position of Hyperbolus, on 
 the war to be certain about them. 
 
 There are, however, some places in Thucydides which seem § 94- Con- 
 definitely to show a lack of interest in internal aflfairs. In ii. 22 s^^^^t^o^^l 
 he throws no light on the obvious difficulty by what authority, obSure.^ ^ 
 or stretch of authority, Pericles as trrparrrySs refused to summon 
 any kind of assembly during the Peloponnesian invasion in the 
 first year of the war. Neither in iii. 36, nor in vi. 14, where the 
 question is raised of bringing a matter before the people a second 
 time for consideration, can we clearly make out from his 
 words whether it was positively illegal to do so or not. We do 
 not know exactly (cf. p. ci) what Cleon meant by ' the law ' or 
 * the previous decision ' which the Athenians would break if they 
 spared the Mitylenaeans *. 
 
 1 The words which he uses have to be somewhat strained if he means 
 the ^<ptaiM passed for their destruction ; Cleon cannot have contended, 
 
 h2 
 
§ 95 
 Omission 
 
 persons. 
 
 a 
 
 cxvi Introduction : Part Illy §§ 94-97. 
 
 Again, Thucydides often prefers general to particular expres- 
 sions when constitutional action is in question. He constantly 
 says that * the Athenians,' 'the Lacedaemonians,' '.the allies,' 
 did a thing, without informing us through what body or what 
 magistrate they acted : he speaks of to. t^Xt], ot cV tAci, or the 
 like, especially when Sparta is concerned, not of the ephors or 
 whatever the particular authority was : he gives us no idea how 
 the representatives (Trpia^eis) of the allies in the assembly of the 
 Peloponnesian confederacy were chosen : and though we gather 
 a great deal from him about the arrangements of the Athenian 
 empire, and the Peloponnesian confederacy, it is nearly all from 
 incidental and sometimes obscure references. 
 
 Thucydides' omission of names which he must have known 
 
 ........ is a curious feature in his work. In vi. 25, * one of the Athenians 
 
 ^'^i!!.^^ °^ came forward' and demanded from Nicias a statement of the 
 number of troops which he required for the expedition to Sicily : 
 the name, according to Plutarch, Nic. 12, confirmed by Aristoph. 
 Lys. 391, was Demostratus. In vi. 60 neither Andocides nor 
 Charmides are mentioned by name, although we know from 
 Andocides' own words that he was the man who, as described 
 by Thucydides, was persuaded by his cousin, Charmides, to 
 disclose what he knew about the mutilation of the Hermae K 
 The real name of the informer must have been notorious, and 
 Thucydides cannot have been actuated by any tenderness for 
 Andocides, or he would not have thrown doubt upon the truth 
 of his information. 
 
 Finally, there is one part of Thucydides' work in which his 
 
 in the debate at which it was carried, that a 'previous decision ' must 
 not be departed from ; iii. 40 €70) yXv ovv koX t6t€ -nponov Kal vvv 5m- 
 iMXOfMi A*^ fifrafvcjvai v/xas ra irpodfboyfieva. 
 
 ^ In viii. 92 Thucydides names neither the actual assassin of Phry- 
 nichns nor his accomplice whom he calls an Argive. After the fall of 
 the 400, when a reward was offered to the murderers, it was claimed 
 by Thrasybulus of Calydon and ApoUodorus of Megara ; and the state- 
 ments of the orators as to the facts of the assassination are at variance 
 with those of Thucydides. It may be that Thucydides did not believe 
 the assertions of Thrasybulus and ApoUodorus : the whole matter is 
 a tangle of perplexities, which are not removed by a contemporary 
 inscription. See Lysias, c. Agor. 71-73 (76-78) : Lycurgus. c. Leocrat. 
 111-115(113-117): C. I. A. i. 59 : and Jowett on Thuc. viii. 92, 2. 
 
 Omissions 
 
 Trustworthiness of Thucydides, cxvii 
 
 preference for external over internal history is so strongly in i. 98- 
 marked that we are prepared to admit traces of it elsewhere. ^^°' 
 In the digression on the rise of the Athenian empire (i. 98-118) 
 only one fact about the internal affairs of Athens is mentioned, 
 the intrigues, with a Peloponnesian army in Boeotia, of a party at 
 Athens who hoped to put down the democracy and stop the 
 building of the Long Walls (i. 107). There is nothing about the 
 political measures of Ephialtes or Pericles, nothing about the 
 division of opinion on the question of sending help to the Spar- 
 tans at Ithome : nothing about the ostracism of Cimon or the 
 political activity of Thucydides, son of Melesias : events either 
 closely connected with external affairs, or so important that they 
 might have seemed to demand mention in the most cursory 
 sketch of the period. Even matters which formed part of the 
 organisation of the empire itself, the establishment of many 
 cleruchies, the expedition of Pericles to the Pontus, the founda- 
 tion of Amphipolis by Hagnon (which is mentioned later, iv. 
 102^) seem to be merely summed up in the words of c. 118 ttju 
 T€ dpxt]v €yKpaT€<TT€pav KaTeoTTjaapTO, 
 
 We have found reason to admit the existence of a good deal 
 of incompleteness in the narrative of Thucydides. Can any 
 motive be found for it apart from the difficulty of procuring 
 information, the familiarity of his readers with things of which 
 we require explanation, and a lack of interest in internal and 
 political matters ? 
 
 Thucydides, like every other historian writing with a sense of § 97- 
 artistic form, and aware how often the half is greater than the ^ji^j^g'^ad- 
 whole, must constantly have been met by the question * where to herence to 
 
 * Similarly the report that Pleistoanax was bribed to retreat from 
 Attica in 446 is not mentioned in i. 114, but briefly in ii. 22, and more 
 fully in v. i6 in connexion with the exile and recall of Pleistoanax : 
 the part taken by Androcles the demagogue in the intrigues against 
 Alcibiades in 415 is mentioned in viii. 65 as one motive for his assassi- 
 nation. In lesser matters Thucydides' method is similar : the deceptions 
 practised by Brasidas on the Acanthians, and by the Egestaeans on the 
 Athenians, and the outrageous claims of the Persians in the treaties 
 with the Lacedaemonians, are exposed by him not when they first occur, 
 but afterwards in the course of the narrative (iv. 85, 108 ; vi. 8, 46 ; 
 viii. 18, 37, 43). 
 
principles 
 of com- 
 position 
 may some- 
 times have 
 excluded 
 explana- 
 tions. 
 
 cxviii Introduction : Part II I ^ §§ 97 98. 
 
 stop ' : and how best to preserve the unity of his work and 
 the impression on the reader. It is unfortunate for us that he 
 did not draw the line at unimportant military operations and 
 tell us more about quite other matters : but this simply was not 
 the man's nature : he wanted to write a history of the war * in 
 order, as each thing took place, by summers and winters ' and 
 not a history of Athens. He must have found that he could 
 not account for everything that happened without continual 
 digressions ; and we can imagine him laying down, more or 
 less consciously, various rules for the composition of his work : — 
 to say as little as possible about home politics, except when it 
 was worth while to do it thoroughly as in the sixth and eighth 
 books : not to enter at all into complicated and doubtful matters, 
 like the intrigues of oligarchs and demagogues against Alci- 
 biades ; to be silent when he could find no satisfactory explana- 
 tion ; to avoid the comparison of differing accounts as much as 
 possible (cf. p. cviii) : to say little or nothing about any action 
 or event which came to little or nothing. The character of 
 Thucydides' mind and its self-imposed restrictions, perhaps 
 too narrow and too strictly adhered to, is more likely to give 
 the clue to omissions in him than more recondite or histori- 
 cally more interesting theories \ It is certainly more probable, 
 considering both what he leaves out and what he puts in, than 
 the view, sometimes suggested to explain his * silence,' that he 
 was actuated by party-spirit. 
 
 Are his 
 omissions 
 to be 
 explained 
 by party- 
 spirit ? 
 
 It is not uncommon to speak of Thucydides' * oligarchical 
 prejudice,' or ' party-spirit.' Now we can be more certain of 
 Thucydides' general impartiality than of his accuracy : for the 
 former can be proved from a comparison of various passages, 
 while for the latter we must depend on our own impression of his 
 character as a writer, (i) It is absolutely certain that Thucy- 
 dides was not actuated by oligarchical prejudice. (2) It is nearly 
 
 * Possibly the fifth and probably parts of the eighth book show us 
 something of Thucydides' work ' in the rough.' We cannot of course 
 assume that this cause has operated only in the later books. Passages 
 may have been marked, at the time of his death, for revision, insertion 
 and correction, in the earliest : just as there are ' unfinished lines ' in the 
 first Aeneid. 
 
 Trustworthiness of Thucydides. cxix 
 
 as certain as a negative can be that if he had any other strong 
 party sympathies his history has not been coloured by them in 
 the way of omission. But (3) our conviction of Thucydides' 
 impartiality must be qualified by a grave doubt whether it 
 extended to the two * demagogues ' Cleon and Hyperbolus. 
 
 (i) We know a good deal about the Athenian oligarchical § 98- 
 party from the early plays of Aristophanes (Acharnians and ^jj^gg^^^s 
 Knights), from the fragments of the Old Comedy, especially certainly 
 Cratinus, and from the De Republica Atheniensium [Xenophon]. no * oli- 
 But the worst that we know of them comes from Thucydides. ^^^^ ' 
 It is clear that he had a personal admiration for Antiphon 
 (whom, we know, he considered to be * as good a man as any 
 of his time '), Phrynichus, and their associates, and a respect 
 for the ability with which they accomplished a task of enormous 
 diflficulty (viii. 27, 68) : it has been said that he seems to have 
 thought them men of greater force of character than their 
 opponents. But this only brings out into stronger relief the 
 remorseless energy with which he exposes their cruelty, 
 treachery, and selfishness in public life. They put out of the 
 way by secret assassination those who were * inconvenient ' to 
 them (viii. 65). They would have preferred to keep the empire, 
 or at least Athens, safe if they could : but sooner than risk 
 their personal security by permitting the restoration of the 
 democracy, they would have betrayed empire, ships, and walls 
 to the enemy \ Their ablest leader, Phrynichus, told them in 
 private conclave (viii. 48) that their pretensions to be the 
 champions of the allies were a sham. The allies did not want 
 oligarchy, they wanted independence: they expected worse 
 trouble from the rule of the so-called * gentlemen ' {rovs koKovs 
 Kdya6ovs ovofiaCofievovs) than from the people; for it was they 
 
 * (f^ovkovTo) Kol Tovs woXf/xious kffayaydfi^voi dvev rux(^v Koi. viSiv 
 (vfiffrjvai Kcu dnwffovv rd rrjs iroXfws tx^iv, d tois y€ awfxaai a(f>ufv ddfia 
 iffTQi (viii. 91 fin.). The 'ASrjvaiojv UoXiTeia suggests a milder view by 
 the statement (32. 3) that the negotiations of the Four Hundred with 
 Sparta broke down because they would not * surrender the command of 
 the sea.' There is perhaps an indication of a conflict in Thucydides' 
 own mind in viii. 94. ' Perhaps the Spartan admiral was cruising about 
 Epidaurus by agreement (with the oligarchs), but he may very well have 
 been hovering about in view of the civil discord at Athens, hoping to 
 come up at the right moment.' 
 
of com- 
 position 
 may some- 
 times have 
 excluded 
 explana- 
 tions. 
 
 cxviii Introduction : Part Illy §§ 97 98. 
 
 principles stop ' : and how best to preserve the unity of his work and 
 the impression on the reader. It is unfortunate for us that he 
 did not draw the Hne at unimportant military operations and 
 tell us more about quite other matters : but this simply was not 
 the man's nature : he wanted to write a history of the war * in 
 order, as each thing took place, by summers and winters ' and 
 not a history of Athens. He must have found that he could 
 not account for everything that happened without continual 
 digressions ; and we can imagine him laying down, more or 
 less consciously, various rules for the composition of his work : — 
 to say as little as possible about home politics, except when it 
 was worth while to do it thoroughly as in the sixth and eighth 
 books : not to enter at all into complicated and doubtful matters, 
 like the intrigues of oligarchs and demagogues against Alci- 
 biades ; to be silent when he could find no satisfactory explana- 
 tion ; to avoid the comparison of differing accounts as much as 
 possible (cf. p. cviii) : to say little or nothing about any action 
 or event which came to little or nothing. The character of 
 Thucydides' mind and its self-imposed restrictions, perhaps 
 too narrow and too strictly adhered to, is more likely to give 
 the clue to omissions in him than more recondite or histori- 
 cally more interesting theories ^ It is certainly more probable, 
 considering both what he leaves out and what he puts in, than 
 the view, sometimes suggested to explain his * silence,' that he 
 was actuated by party-spirit. 
 
 Are his 
 omissions 
 to be 
 explained 
 by party- 
 spirit ? 
 
 It is not uncommon to speak of Thucydides' * oligarchical 
 prejudice,' or ' party-spirit.' Now we can be more certain of 
 Thucydides' general impartiality than of his accuracy : for the 
 former can be proved from a comparison of various passages, 
 while for the latter we must depend on our own impression of his 
 character as a writer, (i) It is absolutely certain that Thucy- 
 dides was not actuated by oligarchical prejudice. (2) It is nearly 
 
 ^ Possibly the fifth and probably parts of the eighth book show us 
 something of Thucydides' work ' in the rough.' We cannot of course 
 assume that this cause has operated only in the later books. Passages 
 may have been marked, at the time of his death, for revision, insertion 
 and correction, in the earliest : just as there are ' unfinished lines' in the 
 first Aeneid. 
 
 Trustworthiness of Thucydides, cxix 
 
 as certain as a negative can be that if he had any other strong 
 party sympathies his history has not been coloured by them in 
 the way of omission. But (3) our conviction of Thucydides' 
 impartiality must be qualified by a grave doubt whether it 
 extended to the two * demagogues * Cleon and Hyperbolus. 
 
 (i) We know a good deal about the Athenian oligarchical § 98- 
 party from the early plays of Aristophanes (Acharnians and ^^^^gs^^as 
 Knights), from the fragments of the Old Comedy, especially certainly 
 Cratinus, and from the De Republica Atheniensium [Xenophon]. no ' oli- 
 But the worst that we know of them comes from Thucydides. ^^^^ ' 
 It is clear that he had a personal admiration for Antiphon 
 (whom, we know, he considered to be * as good a man as any 
 of his time '), Phrynichus, and their associates, and a respect 
 for the ability with which they accomplished a task of enormous 
 difficulty (viii. 27, 68) : it has been said that he seems to have 
 thought them men of greater force of character than their 
 opponents. But this only brings out into stronger relief the 
 remorseless energy with which he exposes their cruelty, 
 treachery, and selfishness in public life. They put out of the 
 way by secret assassination those who were * inconvenient ' to 
 them (viii. 65). They would have preferred to keep the empire, 
 or at least Athens, safe if they could : but sooner than risk 
 their personal security by permitting the restoration of the 
 democracy, they would have betrayed empire, ships, and walls 
 to the enemy ^ Their ablest leader, Phrynichus, told them in 
 private conclave (viii. 48) that their pretensions to be the 
 champions of the allies were a sham. The allies did not want 
 oligarchy, they wanted independence: they expected worse 
 trouble from the rule of the so-called * gentlemen ' {tovs koKovs 
 Kayadovs ovofiaCofievovs) than from the people; for it was they 
 
 * {kPov\ovTo) KOI TOVS iToXffxiovs kffayayo fifvoi dv€v nix^v koI vcwv 
 (vfxB^vai Kcu orraxTovv ra t^s troXfus (X^tv, d rois yf awfxacTi a<pSjv abua 
 iarai (viii. 91 fin.). The "KOr^vaioxv UoXiTeia suggests a milder view by 
 the statement (32. 3) that the negotiations of the Four Hundred with 
 Sparta broke down because they would not * surrender the command of 
 the sea.' There is perhaps an indication of a conflict in Thucydides' 
 own mind in viii. 94. ' Perhaps the Spartan admiral was cruising about 
 Epidaurus by agreement (with the oligarchs), but he may very well have 
 been hovering about in view of the civil discord at Athens, hoping to 
 come up at the right moment.' 
 
 ' <i 
 
cxx Introduction : Part III^ §§ 98, 99. 
 
 who for their own selfish ends put the people up to mischief ^ 
 The oligarchs would let them be put to death without trial ; the 
 people were their refuge and brought the oligarchs to their 
 senses ! 
 
 These are strange expressions and revelations in the mouth 
 of a * prejudiced oligarch ' : but, more unkindly still, Thucydides 
 coolly puts his finger on the fatal weakness which made oligarchy 
 an impossible government for Athens, and which marked the 
 moderate as well as the extreme members of the party, namely 
 the personal rivalries and jealousies of the oligarchs ; who, as soon 
 as democracy is overthrown, all begin fighting to be first, though 
 under a democratical form of government they will accept the 
 decision of their 'inferiors^' (viii. 89). 
 
 But if Thucydides' history had unfortunately been interrupted 
 in the middle of the eighth book we should still see clearly 
 enough that he was no oligarch. The one fact of internal history 
 mentioned in the digression on the rise of the Athenian empire is, 
 as we have seen (p. cxvii), a piece of oligarchic treason. Pericles* 
 funeral oration^ is one of the noblest ideals of democracy with- 
 in ancient limitations which has ever been drawn, and not free 
 from some democratic weaknesses *. Some of the expressions in 
 
 * This is an. accusation which our knowledge of facts hardly enables 
 us to verify. 
 
 * The best commentary on this disputed passage is Cicero, Pro 
 Plancio, iii.-iv. 7-1 1 : Cicero consoles Laterensia for his defeat in 
 a popular election by reminding him that non-election is no disgrace, 
 that the people, and not his opponent, are to blame, and that if they 
 were wrong, they were exercising an undoubted power to which the 
 worthiest have had to submit. 
 
 ^ It must be remembered that some writers of aristocratic tendencies, 
 Aristophanes in his younger days, and Cratinus (not Eupolis), perhaps 
 we may add Plato, dated the political decadence of Athens not from 
 Cleon, but from Pericles. 
 
 * The summary of the speeches addressed to the va\rTiKh<5 o^Ko-s at 
 Samos, viii. 76, is hardly less impressive in its practical way than the 
 speech of Pericles itself : it has lost nothing by not being put into the 
 form of formal harangues. The tinge of modem political expression, 
 which here and there seems out of place in Grote's great work, is on 
 this occasion thoroughly in harmony with the narrative ; it was * a great 
 democratical manifestation of the most earnest and imposing character,' 
 and Thuycdides sympathised with it. 
 
 Trustworthiness of Thucydides. cxxi 
 
 ii. 65, about the causes which led to the final defeat of Athens 
 after the death of Pericles, seem to point to the faults of the 
 oligarchic as well as the democratic faction. And in the dis- 
 cussion of the Corcyraean oraCTt? Thucydides gives no hint 
 that there was anything whatever to choose between the up- 
 holders of * political equality before the law ' and * the soberness 
 and discretion of aristocracy,' or, if he does, the scale turns in 
 favour of democracy. The political clubs (iraipiai, rb haipiKov)^ 
 which formed a tie stronger than kinship or established law, 
 were for the most part oligarchical associations, and were the 
 instruments by which the power of the Four Hundred was 
 established : the * simplicity ' (c uij^eia), whose disappearance 
 from political life was so fatal, was more a quality of the demo- 
 crats than of the oligarchs, whom no one could have described 
 as * the stupid party ' ; the expressions about perjury and un- 
 righteous condemnation by vote find an illustration in the 
 proceedings of the ultra-oligarchs at Megara in iv. 74. 
 
 In the face of such passages as these we cannot explain any 
 of Thucydides' omissions by oligarchic prejudice in the proper 
 sense of the term, unless we are to neglect on conjectural 
 grounds the plainest and most obvious features of his work. 
 
 (2) Of course Thucydides was not an enthusiastic democrat : § 99. 
 he notices the weaknesses of democracy as much as those of T;i°^7" 
 oligarchy, and the passages in which he does so have attracted criticisms 
 more attention. The sudden revulsion of feeling in favour of of demo- 
 Pericles contrasted with his temporary disgrace ^ : the light- f^^^ "^^ 
 heartedness with which the assembly enforced the challenge of 
 Nicias and insisted on Cleon going out as general to Sphacteria ^ : 
 the rashness of the Syracusan populace in desiring their gener ils 
 to attack Catana ^ which made them the readier to fall into the 
 trap laid for them by the Athenians : the * amenability' of the 
 Athenian people ' to discipline ' in their panic after the Syracusan 
 
 ^ vffTfpov 8' avdis ov iroWq;, ontp (piKu opikos noi€iv, arpaTijydv eiKovTO 
 Kal -navra rd irpdy/MXTa knirpfif/av (ii. 65). 
 
 ' 01 8f, oTov ox^os <pi\€i TTOiciv, offq) pdWov 6 KX^wv vir€({)(vyf top 
 ■n\ovv Koi i^ayixupii toL tlprjpiva, rSffq) kiT€K€\€vovTO ry "SiKiq, irapa- 
 bidovai T^v ^PX^^ f^^^ (K€iv<f) iTTi^ooJV itKuv (iv. 28). 
 
 •'' Kol ^(iow Tovs arparqyovs, olov 8^ ox^os <pi\€i Oapaiiaas TtouiVy 
 dyfiv a<pas km KaTavqv, kiru^ ovk €Keivoi €<p' eavrovs epxovrcu (vi. 63). 
 
 surpnsmg. 
 
cxxii Introduction : Part III, §§ 99, 100. 
 
 disaster ^ : these are the chief occasions on which he finds fauU 
 with democracy. We may wish that he had divided the blame 
 of Cleon's commission between the people and Nicias ; but the 
 four places taken together express a sense which a patriotic 
 Athenian might well have felt— not of the objection to democracy 
 in itself, but of the difficulty with which a thoroughly demo- 
 cratic government carries on a war except under the influence 
 of a great man or in the presence of a great crisis. 
 
 But Thucydides is not more adverse to democracy than 
 nearly all the great writers of Athens were. None of them 
 were so enthusiastic about it as many of us are in the present 
 day. To them it was an established form of government whose 
 defects they knew by experience ; and for many centuries after 
 them the 'flowing tide' was not with democracy but with 
 monarchy or imperial government. No Athenian writer could 
 be expected to realise— Thucydides- and Aristotle come nearest 
 to it- the intense interest which would be felt in Athenian 
 character and institutions when the great experiment of popular 
 self-government came to be tried once more, and with what 
 hopes and fears mankind would turn to it again after a long 
 experience of the shortcomings of governments based upon 
 ideals more like those of Plato than those of Pericles. 
 
 There was a numerous body of citizens at Athens who were 
 irue very far from being democrats like Cleon or oligarchs like 
 
 Po¥.^^^ of Phrynichus or Critias. They were loyal to the constitution ^ 
 Thucy-° ° but they thought that it had faults : their views were probably met 
 dides, tA ^y the appointment of irpo^ovkoi in 413 * and by the constitution 
 
 § 100 
 True 
 
 /«€(ra rojv 
 nokiTwv. 
 
 1 vavra t€ irpbs rb irapaxpVl^a vfpihiis, oirep (piXft 8^/xos noieiv, hoipoi 
 ^ffav fvTaKTUv (viii. i). 
 
 2 ii. 36 dirb 5^ otas t€ kmTr}dfV(7€<us fjX$ofji(v tn avrd. koi fifS' ouis 
 vokiTuas Kal rpoitaiv If oiojv fxeyaXa (ytvtrOj and 41 tois rt vvv nai roh 
 iituTa eavfjuiadrjaofjifda. Cp. the reasoned defence of democracy put 
 into the mouth of Athenagoras in vi. 39. 
 
 3 Cp. vi. II, where Nicias, who is sometimes supposed to have been 
 an * oligarch,' says ^fuv .. . 6 dyonf . . . oirws irSXiv 81' oXiyapxias €m- 
 ^ovkfvovffav o^eats <pv\a^6fi€0a. 
 
 ♦ We may infer from the story in Aristotle, Rhet. iii. 18. 6 that the 
 irpo^ovKoi approved, one of them at least with reluctance, the establish- 
 ment of the Four Hundred : and we are told in 'A^. HoX. 39. 2, what 
 
 Trustworthiness of Thucydides. cxxiii 
 
 of 411-410, which Thucydides so highly commends ^ abolishing 
 payment of juries and public offices generally and restricting the 
 franchise to those who could provide themselves with arms. If 
 we call them a * party,' we must not be led by modem associa- 
 tions to think of electoral organisations and enthusiasm for a 
 regular * programme.* During the greater part of the Pelopon- 
 nesian war there was little thought of constitutional change and 
 no thought at all of what we call social reform ; the questions 
 which dominated all others were executive— military and finan- 
 cial—whether an attempt to secure peace or a vigorous prose- 
 cution of the war was the immediate object to be pursued, and 
 who were the persons best fitted to carry on the business of 
 the State, home and foreign, under the immediate supervision 
 of the all-powerful Assembly. If again we call them a ' middle 
 party,' we must remember that they were less of a compact 
 body than the * centre parties ' which are occasionally formed 
 to meet special emergencies in modern politics, but more accus- 
 tomed to united action than the unorganised mass of voters who 
 go over from one side to the other at our general elections. 
 
 Such persons are referred to by Thucydides as to /xeVa rSiv 
 noXiToyv, who in revolutionary times are assailed by both extremes 
 because they will not join them, or because they have no 
 business to preserve their existence ^ Euripides, who was no 
 oligarch, says (Suppl. 238 ff.) : — 
 
 rptis ycip iroXirStv p.ipih(s' 01 pkv oX^ioi 
 dv<u<p€k€is T€ ir\€i6vQ}V T (pwa' del' 
 01 8* oifK Ix"*'^*^ *<** (Tiravi^ovT€s $ioVy 
 dfivoi, vip.ovriS ry <p66v<f nXfiov fiipos, 
 
 we should not have supposed from Thucydides, that they formed part of 
 the commission which drew up the oligarchic constitution. That they 
 had paved the way for it from their institution (Thuc. viii. i) is an 
 unwarranted inference : but Thucydides may have been reluctant to admit 
 the extent to which they were made the tools of the extreme party. 
 
 * Kol ovx rJKiara 5rj rbv vpanov xp^vov tiri y efiov 'AOijuaioi (paivovrai 
 tZ voXiT€vaavT€5' fifrpia yap ^ t€ h tovs 0X1701/9 kcu rovs noWovs 
 (vyxpaffis kyivfTO, koi k/c irovrjpa/v ruv vpaypL&rojv ytvop^voiv tovto vporrov 
 dvifVfyKf T^v irdXiv (viii. 97). 
 
 2 rd 5^ piaa tu/v woXitSiv xm dpupoTtporv tj on ov ^wrjyoivl^ovTOy ^ 
 (p$6v<p Tov v€pi€tvaif du<p$€ipovro (iii. 82). 
 
 I 
 
cxxiv Introduction: Part III, §§ icx>, loi. 
 
 «s Tovs ixovra^ KfVTp' d<pidffiv KaKa, 
 f\ua<Tais vovrjpMv irpoararSjv <l>T)\ovfi€vot' 
 Tpiuv hk p,oipwv •?! 'v fi«<T<p o-cojet it6X€is, 
 K6<rp.ov <^uXdo"<rovo-' 5vTtv* &v tA|xI """^^'-s. 
 
 The drama is ascribed on internal grounds to the year 421 
 
 or 420 : the preceding lines remind us of the manner in which 
 
 Nicias a few years later is represented as referring to Alcibiades 
 
 and his young adherents : — 
 
 ycois vapax^fis, otrtvcs rtfjiwixfvoi 
 Xaipovai, voKf^ovs r av^avova dvfv dixrjs, 
 <peflpOVTf5 do-TOUS, 6 \lkv 81TCUS (TTpaTTjXaTn, 
 
 6 S' wj v^piCv Svvafjiiv « x^^P"^ \a$uv, 
 oAXoj 5^ K(p5ovs ovv€k\ ovk d-noaKoirStv 
 rb rrXridoi a n ^Xdimrai irdffxov rddf. 
 
 On the other hand, the author of the "AOrjvaiav UoXirela (28. 3) 
 must include the /xeVoi when he says that Nicias was the leader 
 of ol ^mcpavfis (' the notables ') against the 5^/xo? led by Cleon : 
 and thus roughly identifies them with the party (01 yvd>pifioi) 
 led by Miltiades, Themistocles and Aristides ; by Cimon (01 
 cwropoi) against Ephialtes ; by Thucydides, son of Melesias, 
 against Pericles; and later on by Theramenes. This shows 
 that they and the oXtyoi must sometimes have acted together : 
 no doubt the oXi'yot, when they could not venture to work as 
 a party in public, acted with them ; and no doubt their enemies 
 did all they could to identify the two. Of their leaders ' Aristotle ' 
 says that Thucydides son of Melesias and Nicias were * almost 
 universally ' admired : the reputation of Theramenes was more 
 doubtful. 
 
 With this section of the citizens ^ Thucydides the historian 
 appears, from his words cited above, to have sympathised more 
 than with any other ^ We recognise them in his pages as those 
 
 * The description of them here is mainly taken from Whibley's 
 Political Parties at Athens, p. 91 ff. ; and Goodhart's Thucydides, 
 Book viii. p. xv ff. ; see also Headlam's Election by Lot at Athens, 
 p. 33 flf., and Jowett on Thucydides, viii. 97, vol. ii. pp. 528-530. The 
 use of the words ol fifffoi and the like is not fixed enough in a political, 
 as distinct from a social, sense to justify us in speaking of ' the middle 
 party.' 
 
 ^ Aristophanes in his later plays did so likewise, though retaining 
 a kindness for his old friends the oligarchs. 
 
 Trustworthiness of Thucydides, cxxv 
 
 who prevented the sailors at Samos from stoning the envoys of 
 the Four Hundred, and implored them not to ruin the cause 
 of Athens when the enemy's fleet was lying in wait so near 
 (viii. 75) ^ ; and again, where he describes one of the most 
 attractive scenes, and one of the most creditable to Athens, in 
 the history of the city — how an outbreak of civil war, after great 
 provocation, was averted by the personal appeals of chosen 
 members of the Four Hundred to the patriotism of the more 
 reasonable among the rank and file of the hoplites ; how they 
 quieted their excited comrades ; and how, after many conversa- 
 tions between man and man, it was agreed to hold an assembly 
 for the restoration of concord (viii. 93). 
 
 Now sympathies and tendencies such as these were less §101. 
 likely to give Thucydides, as a historian, a partisan bias than if ^^^ 
 he had been a strong adherent of oligarchy or democracy. But aides 
 it is clear that he thought peace with Sparta highly desirable biassed by 
 for Athens after the death of Pericles, and that he had a great ^^^^ °^ 
 admiration for the personal character of Nicias. There are admiration 
 three places in his history where his expressions or omissions for Nicias? 
 have been with some reason criticised, and where they may be 
 explained from these motives, coupled (in two cases) with his 
 violent dislike to Cleon (see bielow). But in all three places 
 there is no question of facts, but only of policy or feeling. 
 Whereas there are positive grounds for the belief that neither 
 a strong feeling in favour of peace (not unnatural in a patriotic 
 Athenian who had lived through the years 413 and 404) nor 
 sympathy with Nicias, have coloured Thucydides' record of 
 facts. 
 
 {d) Muller-Striibing observes with some justice^ that Thucy- Cleon'swar 
 dides has not given us, in accordance with his usual practice, P^^^^X' 
 a * speech ' of Cleon, or any one else, in opposition to the Lace- 
 daemonian ambassadors who came to sue for peace after the 
 blockade of Sphacteria, or in favour of the renewal of the war 
 after the termination of the one year's truce in 422. 
 
 {b) It is impossible to justify the conduct of Nicias in taking Nicias and 
 advantage of Cleon's foolish expression to thrust upon him the ^^^°°- 
 command of Athenian troops in a dangerous attack which was 
 
 * Cp. the action of Thucydides of Pharsalus in viii. 92. 
 ' Aristophanes, pp. 441, 442. 
 
 i 
 
 y\ 
 
Nicias and 
 Demo- 
 sthenes. 
 
 cxxvi Introduction: Part III, §§ loi, 102. 
 
 regarded almost as a forlorn hope. We might suppose that 
 Thucydides left so obvious a remark to be made by his readers, 
 as it is by Plutarch \ but that he almost justifies Nicias by going 
 on to describe the complacency with which * reasonable men ' 
 accepted the alternative of capturing Sphacteria or ' getting rid 
 of Cleon ' ; an advantage which in the natural course of things 
 could not be obtained without getting rid of a good many fellow- 
 citizens. 
 
 (c) Thucydides has often been criticised, and most impressively 
 by Grote, for making no comment on the death of Demosthenes, 
 while he breaks through his habitual reser\'e to commiserate 
 the 'undeserved' fate of Nicias (vii. 86). Now, without dis- 
 cussing here the merits or demerits of Nicias as a statesman 
 or general^ we can see many reasons why the fate of Nicias 
 should have appeared more tragical to Thucydides than that 
 of Demosthenes. The disastrous incompetency of Nicias and 
 his responsibility for the fate of the whole army, including 
 that of Demosthenes, are perfectly obvious from the whole of 
 Thucydides' narrative, and the contrast between the wisdom of 
 Demosthenes and the weakness of Nicias is forcibly emphasised 
 (vii. 42, 49) : but, taking his whole career together, he had 
 clearly impressed Thucydides as one of the best men he had 
 
 * Comparatio Niciae cum Crasso, 3 t$ KKkojvos direipiq. Kal epaavTqn 
 vaCs KoX dvdpas Kal 6n\a koi CTpar-q'yiav ffMirupias dnpas dfOfXfvrjv napa- 
 St5oi5s, ov T7)v kavTov TrpoifTCU Sofav, d\A<i t^v rrjs TrarpiSos da(pd\€iav Kal 
 ffOJTrjpiav. 
 
 ^ Two things must, however, be remembered, if we are to do justice 
 to the confidence which the Athenian people continued to repose in 
 Nicias. (i) His successes in the summers of 425-424, which naturally 
 seem small to us in comparison with the great disasters which followed, 
 were important at the time. The capture of Cythera was among the 
 causes which almost reduced Sparta to despair (iv. 55) : the Athenian 
 victory 07z land over Corinthian troops, and the capture of the fortified 
 Thyrea deserted by a Lacedaemonian garrison, must have produced 
 a great effect. (2) The conduct of Nicias during the retreat from 
 Syracuse (cp. vi. 102) disposes us to believe that his previous behaviour 
 on less important campaigns had been such as to inspire his men 
 with affection and confidence (cp. Delbriick, Strategic des Perikles, 
 pp. 201-205). Such qualities as he then showed are not easily extem- 
 porised in sickness and disaster. 
 
 \ 
 
 Trustworthiness of Thucydides, cxxvii 
 
 ever known ; and we may imagine in the historian's farewell to 
 Nicias a reflexion of the personal feelings with which he must 
 have heard in his exile the news of the catastrophe in Sicily. 
 Demosthenes, as Thucydides has just remarked, was the greatest 
 enemy of Sparta at Athens ; Nicias her best friend ; which lent 
 an additional pathos in his case to the failure of Gylippus to 
 save either of them. Demosthenes was a great soldier; Nicias 
 had done considerable if not great things both in peace and 
 war, until he was forced against his will to undertake and retain 
 a responsibility too heavy for him. Demosthenes' career had 
 been chequered by disaster (iii. 98; iv. 89, loi); Nicias' had 
 been one of uniform good fortune {liKfia-ra tS>p totc €v (P^pofiepos 
 (V arpaTTjyiaiSf v. 1 6), and this meant more to a Greek than it 
 does to us ^. 
 
 Now these are matters of opinion on which our judgment 
 may vary : there are, however, two positive reasons for thinking 
 that Thucydides, if he was unduly partial to Nicias, has not 
 suffered his partiality to affect his history where we cannot 
 check his account. 
 
 (a) As with the oligarchs, so with the peace party and Nicias § ^o^. 
 himself, the worst that we know of them we know from Thucy- Hi^es does 
 dides. He clearly displays in Book v the disastrous confidence not hide 
 which the Athenians, under the leadership of Nicias, reposed ^^^ errors 
 in the promises of Sparta : as shown in the surrender of the y^ 
 prisoners and the withdrawal of the Messenians and Helots friends, 
 from Pylos '^ ; and there is further a distinct tone of irony in the 
 description of his final mission to Sparta, where he could secure 
 no concession which might have averted the Argive alliance, 
 and had to content himself with inducing the Spartans to 
 * renew their oaths ' (v. 46). There is no attempt made to 
 conceal the break-down of Nicias before Syracuse ; and what is 
 more there is no attempt to apologise for it^ The historian 
 
 ^ Cp. Marchant, Thucydides, Book vii. p. xxxvii. 
 
 ^ V. 23, 35 ; cp. vii. 86. A fuller statement than Thucydides has given 
 us of the motives of the Athenians for concluding an alliance as well as 
 a peace with Sparta (see p. cvi) might have tended rather to exculpate 
 than to incriminate Nicias and his friends. 
 
 ^ The words in ii. 65, ov tcL vpoaipopa rots olxofievois kiriyiyvi)' 
 cKovnSy do not mean 'failing to vote necessary assistance ' to the Sicilian 
 
CXXVlll 
 
 Introduction: Part III, §§ 102-104. 
 
 Trustworthiness of Thucydides. cxxix 
 
 § 103.—. 
 
 and is fair 
 to 
 
 lays no stress himself on the obvious and, to a great degree, 
 valid excuse of disabling illness : he need not be supposed to 
 endorse Nicias' own complaints (vii. 14, 41) S which are part of 
 the whole characteristic picture of a sensitive man in a false 
 position : we seem to have the whole situation, inward and out- 
 ward, before us, and can draw our own conclusions. 
 
 {b) Thucydides, as far as we can see into the tangled maze of 
 d Tsfair Athenian politics, is scrupulously fair to Nicias' great opponent 
 Aldbiadel Alcibiades. He explains that Alcibiades, while mainly actuated 
 by pique in pressing the Argive alliance, really thought it the 
 better thing for Athens (v. 43): he calls attention to one 
 occasion at least on which he did good service to his country 
 (viii. 86) ; and he carefully explains that his outrageous personal 
 conduct was indirectly and not directly ruinous to Athens, 
 because in consequence of it the citizens refused to entrust the 
 conduct of the war to the ablest man they had (vi. 15), and 
 so— ov hia tMKpoi €<T<f)ri\av ttjv noXtv. Thus he avoids saying of 
 Alcibiades what he indirectly but unmistakably says of Nicias, 
 describing, in words of tragic irony, his motives for concluding 
 peace :— NtKi'a? txh ^ov\6^l€vos, h « aTza6i)i rjv Ka\ rj^iovTo, diaaa- 
 (raa-Oai rfjv (vrvxiav, Ka\ U T€ to avriKa irovav neiravaBaL ica\ avroi 
 Ka\ Tovs iroXiras navaai, Kal t« /iWXXox'ti xpo*'^ KaraXmelv ovofia a)ff 
 ouhkv a^-fiKas t^v Tr6\iv bieyepero (v. l6) ^» 
 
 expedition; bnt as the context shows are much more general: the re- 
 ference is to the civil strife which must have diverted the attention of the 
 Athenians from the war, and above all to the recall of Alcibiades with 
 its fatal consequences. 
 
 1 Nicias' attempts to throw the blame of his failure on the Athenians 
 at home when compared with Thuc. vii. 2, are too palpably weak for 
 Thucydides to have intended them to be valid. There is more to be 
 said for his terror of returning to face the anger of the people : a greater 
 man would have gone back, as Nicias himself, too late, made up his 
 mind to do : but we cannot help thinking what good service Nicias 
 might have done for a city which would have been ready to * thank him 
 for not having despaired of the republic' 
 
 2 There is a curious parallel to this passage in the still more terrible 
 irony of the prayer which Tacitus puts into the mouth of Tiberius 
 (Annals, iv. 38) * Proinde socios cives et deos ipsos precor, hos ut mihi 
 ad finem usque vitae quietam et intellegentem humani divinique iuris 
 
 iv 
 
 r- 
 
 
 (3) The reason why we cannot be confident of the impartiality 
 of Thucydides towards Cleon is a very simple one. We need 
 not speculate on the share which Cleon may very likely have 
 had in Thucydides' banishment. We need not here discuss 
 the question whether Cleon's domestic policy can be defended, 
 or whether his foreign policy was such as Pericles would have 
 recommended had he been alive (to be sure Pericles was not 
 there to carry it out, which makes a difference in our estimate 
 of Cleon's opponents). We may point out that Cleon's conduct 
 at Amphipolis indicates the accidental character of his success 
 at Sphacteria ^ : w^ may remember that if we had all lived at 
 the time we should certainly have been divided in opinion as to 
 his merits, and we may urge that Thucydides is as likely to 
 have been right as any one. But the fact remains, that our 
 main reason, in the lack of contemporary and corroborative 
 evidence, for trusting Thucydides is the confidence inspired 
 by his tone and manner ; and that this ground of confidence 
 entirely fails us when he writes of Cleon (and Hyperbolus). For 
 his manner in writing of them is singularly unlike the rest of 
 his history. 
 
 When the gravest and <:almest of historians, who scarcely 
 ever passes judgment on the character of individuals, and on 
 the greatest crimes only by his manner of describing them 
 (see p. xxxi), says of one man that he was * the most violent of 
 the citizens ^' that his undertaking to capture the garrison of 
 Sphacteria within twenty days, though accidentally successful, 
 was that of a madman ^, and that it was his interest to keep up 
 the war, because in times of peace his mischievous actions would 
 be more easily detected, and his abusive charges less credible * : 
 
 mentem duint, illos ut, quandoque concessero, cum laude et bonis 
 recordation ibus facta atque famam nominis mei prosequantur,' 
 
 * Delbriick, Die Strategic des Perikles, pp. 200 fF. 
 
 '"* jStatoTOTos Tuiv TtoXiTwv (iii. 36% The word is used by Thucydides 
 of Pausanias (^6jy bi fiiaiov ovtos avrov, i. 95), and by the Corinthians of 
 the Corcyraeans (i. 41). 
 
 ' Kal Tov KXfojvos Kairr(p fiaviwSrji ovaa 7J vrroffx^ffis dnffirj (iv. 39). 
 
 * y€vofji€vr)i fjavxio-s /eaTa<pav4<TT€pos vopi^wv hv (Ivcu KaKovfyyaiv Kal 
 attiarortpos Sia^aWwv (v. 16). KaKovpyos and the allied words are 
 used in Thucydides either of ' criminals ' or robbers, or of mischief 
 
 1 
 
 § 104. 
 Thucy- 
 dides 
 cannot be 
 trusted 
 about 
 Cleon and 
 Hyper- 
 bolus. 
 
 § 105. His 
 
 manner 
 
 entirely 
 
 changes 
 
 when he 
 
 speaks of 
 
 them. 
 
 ^ 
 
cxxx 
 
 Introduction : Part III, §§ 105, 106. 
 
 when he says of another, d propos of his assassination, that he 
 was a rogue who had been ostracised, not for fear of his power 
 and standing, but because he was a villain and a disgrace 
 to Athens ' : the question is, not whether such language was 
 justified by facts, which is possible, but whether Cleon and 
 Hyperbolus were so much worse than Phrynichus, Antiphon, 
 and Alcibiades. Thucydides, while stating fairly the crimes and 
 treacheries of men like these, calls attention to their ability, 
 personal good qualities, or occasional public services ; in speak- 
 ing of Cleon and Hyperbolus he uses the same kind of lan- 
 guage, which he puts into the mouth of violent partisans in his 
 
 * speeches.' Such language is strong prima facie evidence 
 against the fairness of Thucydides to Cleon and Hyperbolus. 
 If we proceed to speculate on the reasons for his intense dislike 
 of them, we are on more doubtful ground ; had he lived to write 
 of Cleophon we might have discovered them. Thucydides' 
 
 * party feelings,' such as they were, may in this one case have 
 broken loose : if so, he does not seem to have had, what has 
 often been attributed to him, the art of concealing them. 
 The motive may conceivably have been ' aristocratic feeling ' 
 in a more personal sense, such as Plato so strangely dis- 
 plays when, contrasting on the loftiest grounds 'the philo- 
 sopher' with 'the lawyer,' he complains that the latter ' cannot 
 put on his cloak like a gentleman * '. It may have been a strong 
 
 done to an enemy in war, or as a term of abuse in speeches ; of the 
 Corcyraeans by the Corinthians (i. 37), and of the Syracusan oligarchs 
 by Athenagoras (vi. 38). 
 
 1 'rntp^oXov . . . Tiva rwv 'Aerjvaicav, fioxOvpov dvepcuiTov, warpaKianhov 
 ov Sia bvvdfJifcvs Kal d^iufiaros <p6^ov dXA^ 5ia irovrjpiav ical alax^^vv 
 TTJs ir6\«us, dvoKreiuovai (viii. 73). fioxdvp^s occurs nowhere else in 
 Thucydides, but is applied to Hyperbolus by Aristophanes (Knights, 
 1304). TTovrjpia is used as a cant term of abuse for democracy by 
 Alcibiades (viii. 47; cp. vi. 92) ; the only other place where Thucydides 
 applies the words irovrjpos and irovrjpia to persons is in speaking of the 
 character of the witnesses on whose evidence some respectable citizens 
 were imprisoned on suspicion of being concerned in the mutilation 
 of the Hermae (vi. 53). Euripides in the passage cited p. cxxiv, speaks 
 of demagogues such as Hyperbolus as rrovrjpol irpoardrai. 
 
 « Theaet. 175 E.; cp. Aristoph. Birds, 1567-1571- 
 
 y 
 
 Trustworthiness of Thucydides, cxxxi 
 
 sense of the mischief which the demagogues were doing in 
 politics, both by the actual measures which they proposed, and 
 by their whole tone and manner in public life ^ * The dema- 
 gogue,' like 'the tyrant' before him, was a kind of portentous 
 novelty to thoughtful Greeks. We are familiar with him by 
 this time, and we know how much good he may do in a stable 
 State, with a strong executive and a healthy public opinion to 
 control him ; and we can see, with Grote, how useful he may 
 have been at Athens as a critic and prosecutor. But, in order 
 to be just to contemporary opinion, we must remember that, 
 by the machinery of the Athenian constitution, any demagogue 
 who was Tw 5j}/xa) TTi6av6i)TaTos could carry the gravest executive 
 decisions (though not constitutional changes) by a vote of the 
 Assembly, without a possibility of modification or repeal save 
 by the Assembly itself. 
 
 We have found singularly little in the way either of positive § 106. 
 contradiction or positive confirmation of Thucydides : we are General 
 thrown back on probabilities of various degrees of force, and on 
 the impression made by his own words. The general result is 
 something of this kind : — The positive accuracy of what he tells 
 us there is no reason to doubt. The idea that his work is a full 
 and complete history of Athens during the period which it covers 
 is an illusion : and it is possible that among the facts which he 
 omits to mention may be some which bore immediately upon 
 the history of the war which he professes to give, though the 
 significance of these facts must be a matter of conjecture. His 
 dislike of Cleon and Hyperbolus was so strong that it may have 
 affected, at least in the way of omission, his record of facts 
 here the witness of his own language against himself lends 
 some importance to conjectural criticism. But in regard to 
 the general conflicts of Greek politics his * grand impartiality ' 
 is proved by his appreciation of the noble side of Athenian 
 democracy, and by his crushing exposure of the weakness 
 of his favourite leader Nicias and the criminal treachery of the 
 
 * This is the view of the author of the 'ABrjvaiwv HoXinia, who says 
 of Cleon 6s ^ok^I fidXiara dta<pdetpai rbv S^fwv reus opfjuus kcU npuiTos tnl 
 Tov ^rifjuiros dyiKpaye Kal iKoihoprtjaaro koX nfpi^ojadfxfvos kSrjfjioyopTjaf, 
 rwv dWojv ky Koafiq) Xfyovroiv (28. 3). 
 
 conclu- 
 sion. 
 
cxxxu 
 
 Introduction: Part III, § io6. 
 
 oligarchical party. It is not true that 'no period of history 
 stands so clearly before our eyes as the first twenty-one years of 
 the Peloponnesian war in the work of Thucydides.' But it is 
 true that we are guided through them by one of the most clear- 
 sighted, rational, and honest of historians. 
 
 /d 
 
 THUCYDIDES. 
 
 -♦-»- 
 
 
 '■'t:V 
 
 I 
 
 k\ 
 
 ^ 
 
 1^ 
 ('1 • ■'» 
 
 
 BOOK I. 
 
 1 QovKvWb7]S 'AOrjvaios ^vviypayj/e tov irokcfiov T&j^UeXo- 
 -novvr^a-liov kol 'AdrjvaiooVy m eiroXeyiria'av iTpos aWrjKovs, 
 ap$dfi€vos €v6vs KaOi(rTap.h'ov koX kX-niaas iiiyav re lo-tcr- 
 dai KoX a$LoXoy(oTaTov riav T:poy€y€vr]\iiviaVy T€KiAaip6tx€V0S 
 
 5 ore aKpLaCovT€S re fiaav h avTov apL(f)6T€pOL Trapaa-Kevfj rrj 
 irdcrq kol to dWo ^EkkrjvLKov opQv ^vvia-Tafxevov irpos exa- 
 TipovSi TO iikv €v6vs TO b^ Kol bLavoovpi€vov, kLv7](tis yap 
 avTT] fxeyLO-TT] br} Toh "Ekkrjcnv iyeveTo Koi p.€p€L tlvI tS>v 
 ^apfidpoiiv, 0)5 be direlv kol cttI irKelaTov dvOpcairaiv. 
 
 lo Ta yap irpo avT&v Kal to. hi irakaiOTepa <ra(t)<as p-lv 
 €vp€lv bia xpdvov TrkrjOos dbvvaTa rjv, ex be TeKp.r]pmv oiv {-nl 
 piaKpoTaTov (TKOTTOvvTL /xot TTKrreuo-at ^vp.^aivei ov p.eydka 
 vopLL(oi> yevecrdai ovTe KaTa tovs irokipiovs ovTe is to. dWa. 
 
 2 ^atrerat yap tj vvv 'EAXas KaXov\xevr] ov irdXai ^e^aicos 
 oUovpievrj, dXXa pLeTavaaTaaeLS re ovaai to, irpoTepa Kal 
 pabCuiS eKaa-TOL ttjv eavT<ov ditokei-KovTes ^tafo/xerot imo 
 Tivoiv del irXeLOVcdv. ttjs yap epLiropias ovk ov<rqs, ovb' eTrt- 
 
 5 payvvvTes dbe(os aXAr/Aoi? ovTe KaTa yrjv ovTe bid OaXda-o-rjSi 
 vep6p.evoC re to. avT&v eKacrToi ocrov diroCrjv Kal irepiovcriav 
 XP'qpidTiav ovk exoi^res ovbe yrjv (pvTevovTeSy dbr]\ov ov oTroVe 
 Tis eirekOatv — Kal aTeixiarTinv dp.a ovTUiv — dkkos d(|)at- 
 
 1. 5. yaaif] Or ^aav. 
 B 
 
 Greatness 
 of the War. 
 
 Weakness 
 of Greece 
 in early 
 times. 
 
 Constant 
 migrations. 
 
The most 
 
 fertile 
 
 countries 
 
 were the 
 
 least 
 
 settled. 
 
 No com- 
 mon action 
 before the 
 Trojan 
 War ; and 
 no common 
 name till 
 long after 
 it 
 
 % Greece before the Trojan War, 1.2,3. 
 
 pi]<T€Tai, TTJs T€ Kaff w^pav avayKaCov Tpo<t>rjs iravraxov ^v 
 ^yo{>ix€voL ^TTLKpaT^lv, oi xoAeTTO)? d,iTavlcTTavTO, Ka\ hC avrh 10 
 ovre fx€ye^et ttoXcwi; Xcr^vov ovt€ rfi akXrj irapacrKivfj. 
 
 MciXtora be rrjs yrjs rj apiarri ael ra? /xera^oXas t(dv 
 olKrjTopc^v (Ix^v^iJTe vvv e^crcrakia KaXovp,ivrj koX Boico- 
 Tia UekoTTOvvria-ov re tcl iroXXa irkrjv 'ApKabias, rijs re 
 &\Xrjs 5cra ^v Kpdnora. 6m yhp ^per'v^ yrjs at re^bwdixeLS 15 
 Ticrl juieiCovj eyytyro/xerat o-rao-ets hiiroCovv ef ^v 6<^^et- 
 povTO, Kal &p.a v-no dXXo(l>v\(^v p.a\kov 'eTie^ovKeiovTO,^ Tr)v 
 yovv 'Attlktjv €k tov eTTt TrXeto-roi; bia rh XeTrroyfcoi; 
 aaracrCacrrov ovcrav 6.vepuiTT0L ^kovv o\ avToX ad. ^ koX 
 -napabeiyixa ro'8e tov \6yov oiK iX^xicrrdv k(TTi, bia tos 20 
 ^erotKias €S rh &XXa /x^ 6ixoCa>s av$r^drjvai' U yap rrjs 
 &X\rjs 'EXUbos ol TToXejuto) rj (TTacrei (KirtTTTovTes -nap^ 
 'AO'nvaLOVs ol bwaTiararoL m ^i^aiov ov avex<^povv, Kal 
 TToXirat yi.yv6fi€V0L evOvs airo iiakaLov p.€iC(o Irt €TToir}CTav 
 7r\T]l9et av6p(L'n(^v tt]v ttoXlv, &(rT€ Kal h 'Icoi^tW iitrrepov 25 
 0)9 ovx Uai/TJs ovcTTjs TTJs ' AmKrjs aTrot/ctas efcTre/xv/^ai;. 
 
 ArjkoZ be fxoi kol robe rwi; TraXatoij; ao-^eVetar ovx 3 
 ^Kiora- -77^6 yap rwr TpwtKwi; oiSez; <|)aii;erat irporepov 
 Koivfi Ipyacrap.h'n V *EU(is, 8oKet bi /xoi, oiSe roUi^ofxa 
 rovro ivixiracrd ttco elxei^* a^^« ^« f^^'' ^P^ "EXXrjros rou 
 AeuKoXtcoros Kal t:6.vv ovbe etmt ^ eirCKXrjcns avrt}, Kara 5 
 l^rr? 5e aXXa re koI ro rTeXatryuoi; eirl TrXeto-roi; a<^' 
 lavrwr TTjv €i:a>wp.iav -napix^crdai, "EXXrjros fie kol tG>v 
 iraibdiv avTov h rfj 4>(9ta)rt8t ^o-xuo-ayrcoz;, Kal ^irayofxeWr 
 avTOvs €t: d)(j)€\ia h ras aXXas TrdXets, Kad' eKaorouj /xei; 
 r^br] rrj opuXCq pLoXXov KoXeto-^at "EXXrjvas, ov idvroi 10 
 TToXXoi; ye xpdi'ov TjSwaro Kal aTrao-ti; eKi;tK^o-at. reKfxrj- 
 ptoi 8e fxdXtora "O/xTjpos* ttoXXco yap vo-repoi; Irt Kal rfiv 
 TpcoiKWP yeydjLtei;©? oi»8a/iOu rovs ^u/xTrarras a)i;oVa<rei;, ov8' 
 
 2. 20. 8ta ras /i€Toi«iay « rd d(A\a /ti) 5/ioi'(w a^^^^^mt] Ullrich con- 
 jectures 5ta ras fi€TOiKij(JUt to «iAXa ^/^ o^totcys av^rjerjvai. 
 
 I. 3-5. 
 
 Gr^^r^ i^r^ the Trojan War, 
 
 t 
 
 aXXovs v Tovs ti€T 'AxtXXews eK rrjs <l>^to)rt8os, o^Trep Kal 
 15 -TrpSrot "EXXrjves ^a-av, Aavaovs b^ iv tols €7reo-i Kal 
 'Apyetovs Kal 'Axatovs d^KaXet. ov fx^ ovbc j^appdpovs 
 dpr]K€ bia to /xTj8e ^'EXXrjvds tto), w? e/xol 8oKei, avrhaXov 
 CIS ly oi;ofta a-noK^KpicrBai, ol 8' ovi^ ws eKacrroL EXXrjves 
 Kara TrdXets re, dtrot aXKrjXcdV ^vvUa-aVy Kal ^\n:avT€S 
 20 voTcpov KXr}6€VT€S, ovbcv TTpo tS^v TpoSlKiov bC a(T6€V€LaV 
 Kal aiii^iav aXXrjXuiv aOpooL iirpa^av. aXXa Kal Tavrqv 
 Trjv oTpaTeCav 6aXd(T(rrf ijbri TrXeto) xpf^P'^^OL ^vvr\XOov. 
 4 Wivoas yap iraXatTaTOS &v OLKofj la-fxev vavTLKOV eKTrjcraTO, 
 Kal TTJs vvv "EXXrjviKfjs ^aXdo-o-r/s eirl irXeicrTOv UpaTrjcrev, 
 Kal TUiv YivKXdbuiv vriaoav ?5p^e re Kal otKto-r^s Trpwros twv 
 itXdcrraiV eyiviTO, Kapas e^eXdaas Kal tovs kavTov iralbas 
 5 7]y€ix6vas eyKaTaarrjcras- to re Xtjotlkov, ws eiKOS, Ka^rjpet 
 iK rrjs ^aXdo-o-T^j e(/)' do-oi; rjbvvaTO, tov tcls irpoa-obovs 
 liaXXov Uvai avr<S. o^xZ-f^-^ 
 
 5 01 ydp "EXXryre? ro TrdXat, Kal t5>v ^ap^dpoav ol re h 
 Tfi riTTeCpio irapadaXdao-LOL Kal oaroi vriaovs eixor, lireibr} 
 ijp^avTO iiaXXov irepaLOva-OaL vavalv k-n aXXriXovs, hpa- 
 TTOVTo TTpos XrjoTeiav, r]yov^€V(t>v dvbpSiV ov t(ov dbvvaTOiTd- 
 5 TOiV K€pbovs TOV (T(\>€Tipov avT&v iv€Ka Kal roij da-devio-L 
 Tpo(t)T]S, Kal TTpoa-TTLTTTovTes TToXco-LV aTeLX^oTOLS Kal Kara 
 K(ap.as olKOVixivais ijpiTaCov Kal tov 'irXeToTor roi; jBCov 
 €VT€v6€v iiroLOvvTO, ovK ^x^vTOi TT(o al(rxvvr)v TOVTov tov 
 ipyov, (^ipovTos bi tl Kal bo^ris fxdXXor* br}Xov<TL be t<ov re 
 10 ^Tretpwrwr Tivh en Kal vvv, oh Koa-fxos KaX&s tovto bpav, 
 Kal ol TTaXaiol t&v TTOLr}T<av tcls TTVoreis t&v KaraTrXedrrcoi; 
 -navTaxov dfxo^cos epwrwi^res el Xr\(TTai etVtr, ©9 ovTe wr 
 TTUvQdvovTai dira^LOVvTOiV to epyov, oh r eTTt/xeXes etrj 
 elbevat. ovk 6vet,bi.C6vTO)v. eXrjiCovTo be Kal KaT rjireipov 
 J 5 aXXriXovs, Kal fxexpi rovbe iroXka ttjs 'EXXdbos rw TraXai^ 
 TpoTTia vifxeTaL irepi re AoKpovs tovs 'OCdXas Kal AtrwXovs 
 Kal 'AKapvavas, Kal ttjv TavTri Tj-neipov, 
 
 B 2 
 
 The first 
 navy, that 
 of Minos, 
 arose 
 before the 
 Trojan 
 War. 
 
 Pirates. 
 
 Robbers. 
 
Early Greece. 
 
 "LQ.l. 
 
 I. 7-0. 
 
 The Trojan War, 
 
 The prac- 
 tice of 
 carrying 
 arms. 
 
 Changes in 
 dress at 
 Athens and 
 Sparta. 
 
 Use of 
 
 girdles by 
 athletes. 
 
 Inland 
 sites of 
 older cities. 
 
 To T€ <nbr]po<f)op€l(r6aL tovtols tols ijirctpwraiy airb rrjs Q 
 TraXaias Ar/rrretay (fxp.€iJLivr}K€v' Tratra yap rj 'Ekkas i<TL- 
 hr}po(\)6p€i 6ta Tas a(\>paKTOVS re otKr}o-eiy koX ovk d(r(^aA.ets 
 Trap' aWrikovs ecjyobovs, kol ^vvrjOrj ti^v bCaLTav fxeO^ ott\(ov 
 €TTOLri<ravTO axrirep ol ^dp^apoL, a-rjp.€lov 6* fori ravra 5 
 TTJs *E\\dbos €TL ovTO) vejxofjieva T<av Trore koX is TrdvTas 
 Ofxoloyv bLaLTtjjjidTiov. 
 
 'Ev Tols TipSiToi b€ ^AOrjvaloL Tov T€ (Tibrjpov KareOevTo 
 Kai av^LpLevp rrj oiatrr; es to Tpv(p€p<»iT€pov pL^Ttarqcrav, ^"^^^^ 
 Kttl oi Trp^dfivT^poi avTols tG>v evbaLfiovcav bia to afSpoblai- 10 
 TOV ov TToXvs \p6vos €71615?) \LT(avds 76 \lvovs €'naV(TaVT0 
 (l)opovvT€s KOL \pv(T(jiV TeTTLyoiV €V€p(r€L Kpo)fivkov dvaboV' 
 
 IX€VOl T&V €V TJj K6<|)aAr/ TpL\6iV' OLCfi* OV Koi ^l(OV(i)V TOVS 
 
 'np€(T^VT€povs Kara to ^vyyev^s iirl ttoAv avTrf ?/ <TK€vr} 
 KaTicryjiv. fxcTpCa 6* av ia-drJTL Koi is tov vvv Tpoirov irpo^TOL 15 
 AaKebaLpovLOL ixprjo-avTO, kol is to. dWa irpos tovs ttoKKovs 
 ol TO. pL(L((t> K€KTr]fjL€voL icroSiatrot fxaAttrra KaT€(rTr](rav. 
 
 ^EyvfjLV(a6r](rdv t€ upSiToi koX is to <\>avepov diTobvvTes 
 XCira /X6ra tov yvjjLvd^ea-OaL r]\€i\\favTo' to b\ nakai koI iv 
 Tw 'OAv/xTTiaKip dy€>vi Stafw/ixara Ixorres nepl to. albola ol 20 
 dOXr^Toi riyuiviC^vTOy koX ov TroAXa I^tt] iir^ibi] ireTravTaL. 
 €tl be KOL iv tols fiapfidpOLs eaTiv ols vvv, kol ixdkLora toIs 
 'Acrtarotj, 7rvyp.rjs kol irdkrjs dOXa TiOeTaL, kol bieCoiapiivoL 
 TOVTO bp<aa-LV, iroXXd 6' dv kol dXXa tls d7ro8ei^6t6 to 
 iraXaLov ^EKXrjvLKov o^OLOTpoira r<5 vvv ^ap^apiK^ biaiTta- 25 
 fievov. 
 
 To^v be TToXeoiyv oaai p.€v r6a>rara (DKLcrdrjaav koI ?/8r/ 7 
 TrXoipLiOTtpcov ovTinVi TTepLOvaLas fMoXXov €\ovaaL xprjpidTcov 
 CTT* avTols Tols alyLaXols Teiyea^v iKTL^ovTo koI tovs 
 l(rdpLOvs direXapL^avov ip.'nopias t€ evena kol Trjs irpos tovs 
 TrpocroLKOVS eKaaroL l(r)^vos' al be TraXataL bid ttjv Xrja-TeCav 5 
 iirl TToXv dvTL(r)(ov(rav diro 6aXd(T(Tr]s pLCiXXov iDKLaOrjaraVf 
 7. 6. dvTi<Txovaay'\ Most MSS. dvTiffxovccu, 
 
 at 76 iv TOLS vrj(TOis Koi iv Tois rjircipoLs {4<l)€pov yap dXXrf- 
 Xovs 76 Kal 70)1; dXXoiV' ocroi ovt€S ov daXdcra-ioi koto) 
 (DKovv), Kal /Jt6xpt Tovbe €Tl dviOKLo-piivoi, elcrCv. 
 
 8 Kal ov\ rjcra-ov Xr]<TTal rjcrav ol r7/<ria)7at Rapes 76 oi;76S 
 Kal ^oCviKfs' ovTOL ydp brj Tas irXeCo'Tas T(av vrjcrcov f^Kiaav. 
 p.apTvpiov bi' A?{Aou yap Ka6aipop.ivr]s vtto ^AdrjvaCoiV iv 
 7(566 7(5 TToAe/xo) Kal T(av OtjkQv dvaipeOcLorcav otrat rjcrav 
 
 5 T&v T€dv€<aT(iiv iv TTj vrjo-iD, VTTep iJiJLLai} Kdpis i(l)dvrj(Tav, 
 yv(t)(r6evT€s 77J 76 (TKevfj t(ov ottX(dv ^vvTe6ap.piivr\ koX t^ 
 
 TpOTTCO (p vvv €TL OdirTovaLV. 
 
 KaTaardvTos be tov MCvca vavTiKOV irXoipicaTepa iyevcTo 
 Trap* dXXrjXovs' ol ydp 6K t(ov vrjo-cdv KaKOVpyoi dveaTrja-av 
 
 io.vtt' avTOv, oT€ irep kol Tas iroXXds avT&v KaTiDKi^ev. Kal ol 
 Trapd ddXaara-av dvdpctiTTOi. fxdXXov rfbrj ttjv KTrja-LV Toiv XPV' 
 pidTiav TTOLOvpLfvOL j^e^atoTepov <^kovv, Kai Tives Kal T€L\r] 
 irepLefidXXovTo <as irXovcTKaTepoi iavTc^v yiyv6p.€voi' i(f)L€~ 
 fxevoL ydp t&v Kepb&v ot 76 rjcrarovs vTripievov ttjv T(av 
 
 15 Kpeiarcrovuiv bovXeiav, ot 76 8i;i^a7<a76pot 'nepiovcrias iy^vTes 
 TTpoo-eTToiovvTO vTTTjKoovs Tds iXa(r<Tovs TToXeis. Kal iv 
 TOVTfo 70) Tpoirta p.dXXov 7]br] ovTes VdTepov ^ovo^ iia TpoCav 
 iarpdTevcrav, 
 
 * AyafxepLVcov 76 /utot boKei T(av t6t€ bwafxei 'npovyuiv Kal 
 ov TocTovTov Tols Tvvbdpeoi dpKOLS KaTeiXrjpLixivovs tovs 
 'EXivrjs p.vrj(TTrjpas dycDV tov cttoXov dyelpai, Xiyovai be 
 Kal ol Ta (Ta(f)e(TTaTa YleXonovv^dLitiV pLvrifxr} irapd t(ov 
 5 TTpoTepov bebeypitvoi. ITe'AoTrci 76 T:p<aTov irX-qOei \pr]p.dToiiv, 
 d riXOiv iK TTJs 'Acrtas eyjmv is dvOpcairovs aTTopovs, bvvafiLv 
 irepLTTOLrja-dpievov ttjv iircdWixCav ttjs x^P^^ iirrjXvTrjv ovTa 
 opLUis o^etv, Kal va-Tepov tols iKyovoLs eTL p.eL((jii ^vvevexOrj- 
 rat, Evpv(TOeoi)s /xer iv 77J 'A77tK^ vtto *HpaKXeLb(ov diro- 
 
 10 OavovToSi ^ATpeuis be pLrjTpds dbeXcpov ovtos av7(j), Kat 
 inLTpiy^ravTos Evpvcrdecas, ot ia-TpdTeve, MvKYjvas 76 Kal 
 Trjv dpxvv KaTa to olKelov * At pel' Tvyxdveiv be avTov 
 
 Carian and 
 Phoenician 
 pirates in 
 the islands. 
 
 Increase of 
 wealth 
 between 
 Minos and 
 the Trojan 
 War. 
 
 The real 
 sources of 
 Agamem- 
 non's 
 power. 
 
 J 
 
rv^ 
 
 r» WW 
 
 The small 
 size of 
 Mycenae 
 does not 
 prove that 
 
 6 The Trojan War, 
 
 <f)€vyovTa Tov irarepa hia tov Xpva-LTnrov Odvarov, Kai wy 
 ovK€TL av^x'^pW^^ Evpva-OeiJS, fivyXofiivaiv Koi t&v MvKri- 
 vaimv (po^di t&v *Hpa/cAet8a)r, kol a^a bwarov boKovvra 15 
 ctyat KOL TO Trkrjdos T^OepaTTcvKOTa, tcov MvKrjvaCaiv re kol 
 ocroav Evpucr^ev? rip\€ T-qv ^acriX^iav ^krpia Trapaka^HVy 
 Ka\ rGiv rTepo-etSwi; tovs IleXoTrtSas /xet^ot's KaracTTrivai, 
 
 A p.01 8o/c€t ' Ayap.€pLV(i)v TrapoAa/Swr koI vavTLK<2 re apia 
 €7rt irkiov t&v aW(ov t(r)(vo-as, rrjv (TTpaT^iav ov xaptTt to 20 
 TrXetoz; rj (fyojBiD ^vvayayci}v TroLTja-aa-dai, c^aiVerat yap vavai 
 re TrXeto-rats avros a(l)LK6pL€vos kol ^ApKCLcrL TTpO(nrapa<rx(aVi 
 m "Ofxr^poj TOVTO bebrjXoiKev, el r<j) iKavo^ TeKp.r]pL(0(raL. 
 
 KOL iv TOV (TKriTTTpOV CLfXa TTj TTapaboCTeL €Lpr]K€V aVTOV 770 A- 
 
 XtJo-i vri(TO(.(n koX "Apyel* Trarrt ardo-cretv* ovk Si; nvv vrjcraiv 25 
 e^o) rwr TTcpLOLKibajv (avrat 8e ovk Si; 77o\Aat €Xr](rav) Tjiretp- 
 wrr;9 a)r kKpar^i^ et /x?} rt Kat vavTiKov elyj^v. ^iKa^eiv b\ 
 \pr] Koi. ravTrj ry a-Tpareia ola rjv to. irpo avrrjs. 
 
 Kal OTL p.\v MvK^j^at \iiKpov tJ^, ^ el; rt rwr rore 7roAto-/xa 10 
 i/Ci^ jult) a^i6\p€(iiv 8oKet eii'at, ovk CLKpif^el av tls (TrjpL€L(D 
 X^pcofxej^os aiTLa-TOLrj p,^ yeviaOai tov (tt6\ov toctovtov oaov 
 
 prove mat ^ vj/ v»\' ' A,st^. 
 
 the expedi- ^^ ^^ TTOL-qTaL eiprjKaaL Kai o Aoyos /carexet. AaKeoat- 
 
 tion was 
 small. 
 
 '^' 
 
 ,.i,»''i^' 
 
 p.ovl(iiv yap et ^ 7roA.ts iprjpLCDOeCrj, KeK^B^ir] 5c ra re tepa 5 
 Kat Tr\s KaTa(TK€vrjs to, e8d<^7/, 7roAAr)r hv otfxat aina-TLav 
 TTJs 8vrd/xea)5 TrpoeA^din-os ttoAAov \p6vov toIs iireLTa Trpoj 
 ro icAeos avrwr etrat (xatrot Tl^Xoirovvria-ov rcSr TreVre rds 
 Svo pLOLpas vepLOVTaiy ttJs re ^vpLirda-rjs fiyovvTai Kal tcov 
 €^0) ^pLpLCLXiov TToAAwr* o/xcoy 8^ oiJre ^vvoLKLcrddcrqs 10 
 TToAews ovre tepots Kat KaTaaKevals TroAvreAeVt ^prja-a- 
 \iivr)Sj Kara Kcapias be ro) TraAatcp r^s EAAaSoj Tp6iT<o 
 otKto-^eto-Tjy, (paivoLT hv vTroSeecrrepa), ^AdrjvaCoiv 8e ro 
 a^ro rouro Tra9ovT(ov biiiXacriav hv tt)v bvvapnv etKci^eo-^at 
 aTTo rrjs (pavepas oxlreois ttjs TToAeo)? ^ eanv, 15 
 
 OvKOUz^ aTTtoTetz; etKoy, ov8e ras o\//'ets rwi; TroAewi^ 
 juaAAoi; (TKOTretr r) ra? Surd/uet?, vop.i^€i.v 5c r?)!/ crrpartav 
 
 1. 10, 11. 
 
 The Trojan War. 
 
 ^K€ivr}v pL€yC<m]v jjl^v yevicrdaL rwr Trpo avTrjs, ActTTO/xerTjz; 
 5c T(av vvVi Tj] *Ojut?}pou av 7rot?jo-et et rt XPV KavTavOa 
 
 20 TTto-revetr, ^i^ c^k^s cttI ro /metfoy /xei^ 'noLr]Tr\v oirra ko(t- 
 fxrjo-at, ofxo)? 5e c^atVerat Kat ovrcos ^vbeearfpa. TTCTToC-qK^ 
 yap \i.\C(jdV Kal btaKO<T[(ov vetav, tcls p.ev Botcorwr elKOo-t 
 Kat €KaTbv dvbpSiVy tol^ 8c ^tAoKri^rov TT€VTrjKOVTa, Sr^Awz;, 
 0)9 ^jmot 8oKet, rds pL^yiaras Kal iXayioTas' aXX(t)V yovv 
 
 25 pLcyiOovs irepL kv reeSr KaraAo'yo) ovk epLvrjo-drj, avTepe- 
 rat 8e ort ?5<rar Kat fxdxt/xot 7rdi;res, er rat? 4>tAoKr7irov 
 ravo-t 8e8r7Aa)KCZ/* rofoVas yap irdirras TrcTrotrjKc rov9 Trpocr- 
 KWTTOV?. TTcptVews 8^ OVK ctKos TToAAovj ^pLirXelv Ifo) 
 rcSi' ^aa-iXiuiV Kal t&v /xdAto-ra ei/ rcAet, dAAco? re Kat 
 
 30 fiiXXovTas TTcAayos TTCpaLiaa-ea-OaL pL€Ta <rK€V(ov TroAejLttKwi^, 
 ov5* av ra TiAota KaTd(t>paKTa exovTas, aXXa ro) TraAaKo 
 TpoTTia Xr](TTLK<aT€pov TTap€a-K€vaarpL€va. Trpbs Tas pieyiaras 
 8' ovv Kal cAaxtVraj vavs to p^idov (tkoitovvtl ov iroAAot 
 (paCvovTai €Xd6vT€S ws aTTO TrdoTjs r^s *EAAd8os Kotrf} 
 
 35 Tre/utirdjuicrot. 
 
 11 Atrtoi; 8' 771^ ovx V oXLyavOpouTT la to(tovtov oaov rj 
 dxp^/jtar^a. ttjs yap Tpo<pfjs diropLa tov re orpaTov eXao-a-at 
 ijyayov Kal oaov riXm^ov avToOev TroAepowra ^lot€V(T€iv, 
 kneibri re dcjyiKopLCVOL pidxi] ^i^pO'Tqa-av {bijXov 8e* to yap 
 5 ipvp.a r<3 arpaTOirebcD ovk hv eretxto-ai'ro), ^aCvojrraL 8 
 ov8' kvTavOa irda-r} r?) 8vrd/xet xP^^^y^^^^*"^ dXXa irpos 
 yecopytar r?)? Xep(ror?io-ov TpairopL^voL Kal Xrja-T^av ttjs 
 Tpo<l)rjs ctTTopta. 77 Kat /xaAAoz; ot Tpoies avTcav biea-irap- 
 pievoiv TCi 8eKa irq dvTdxov ^ia toU del VTroAeiiro/xeVoty 
 
 10 avTiiraXoi 6vt€S, 'nepiovcriav 8e et tJA^oi; ix^vTes Tpocprjs 
 Kal 6vT€S dOpooL dv€V Xr^areCas Kal yeoapyias ivvex^^ tov 
 -TrdAcjutor bL€(t)€pov, pabi(os h.v /xdx?? KpaTovvTes elAoz;, ot ye 
 Kat OVK dOpooL dXXd /utepet r<3 act irapovTt, dvT^xoV iroXi- 
 
 10. 33. 8* GUI'] MSS. 701;^ or ovv. 11. 4. (1r€l^ re] MSS. lirttS^ St. 
 
 But Homer 
 himself 
 shows that 
 this was 
 the case. 
 
 The small- 
 ness of the 
 force was 
 due to the 
 poverty of 
 the times ; 
 so was the 
 length of 
 the siege. 
 
8 
 
 After the Trojan War, 
 
 1. 11-13. 
 
 1. 13, 14 
 
 B,C, 700-485. 01, 20-73. 
 
 Even after 
 the Trojan 
 war, Hellas 
 had no rest 
 or growth. 
 The migra- 
 tions con- 
 tinued. 
 
 In time 
 
 Hellas 
 
 became 
 
 more 
 
 settled. 
 
 The first 
 
 colonies. 
 
 Tyrannies 
 and navies. 
 
 Corinth. 
 
 opKia 6 ^2; TTpoaKaOeCofievoi iv iXda-crovi re xp6v(0 koI 
 a7rov(aT€pov ttjv Tpotav €l\ov. aWa 8t' axp-qiiafriav rd re 15 
 Ttpb T0VT(t)v aa-devTJ rjv Koi avTa ye brj ravra ovopLaa-TOTaTa 
 T&v TTplv yevofxeva 5r/Aourat toIs epyoLs virobcia-Tcpa ovra 
 TTJs <t)rip.Tf]i Kttl rov vvv irepl avT^v 8ta tovs iroL-qras Xoyov 
 KaTccrxni^oTos, eirel kol pLera to. TpoiLKa ff *EAAas ert 
 HeTavCcTTaTo re /cat KariOKCCcTo uktt€ pirj ri(Tvx<^(ra(Ta av^rj- 20 
 OrjvaL. 
 
 "H re yap avayjap-qcns rStv *Ek\i^v(ov ef 'lAtou xpovia 12 
 y€vop.€vrj TToAAa iv€6)(jx(o(T€, kol crrao-ets iv rat? Tiokecnv ws 
 eTTt t:oXv eyCyvovro, acf)* ti>v CKTrCirTovres ras ttoKcls €ktlCov. 
 BoKoTOL re yap oi vvv k^r]KO(TT^ eret p.€Ta 'l\Cov akcdaiv ef 
 ''Apvrjs avaardvTcs vtto ©eo-o-aAcSi^ ttjv vvv p.€v Botcoriar 5 
 irporepov bk KabpLrjiba yrjv KaXovp.4vrjv (OKLo-av {^v be avr&v 
 Kal diTobaa-pLds irporepov ev rfj yfj ravTrj, a(\> m> Ka\ es 
 "Utoz; eo-r/oarevo-ar), Aw/jtTJs re oybo-qKoar^ eret ^vv 
 WpanX^ibaLs T\€Xoti6vv7)(tov €(txov. 
 
 MoAty re iv ttoAAw xpo^y rjoijxda'an-a tj *EAAas fie^ams 10 
 Kal ovKeTL dvLOTapL&rj diroLKCas efe7refx\/rei^, Kal "lo^vas pL€v 
 Wdrjva'iOL Kal vr]a-L(OT(ov tovs ttoWovs (aKL(rav, 'IroAtas 8e 
 Kat StxeAtay ro -TrAetoroz; rieAoTroi^i/Tyo-tot rrjs re aAAr/y 
 'EAAaSos eo-rti; h x^pta. Trciz/ra 8e ravra varepov rwr 
 TpmK&v iKrla-drj. ,* 
 
 Avrarwrepaj 8e yLyvop,ivrjs rrjs 'EWdbos kol rSiv XPV 13 
 p.dra)v rr]V Krijcnv ert p.a\kov tj Trporepov -noLovp.ivqs ra 
 TToXXa Tvpavvib^s iv rals TToAecrt KaOiaravro, rwr irpoa-o- 
 boiv p.€lCov(ov yiyvop.€vuiv (irporcpov be ria-av iirl prjroh '.^ 
 yepaoTL irarpiKal /^atriAetat), vavrLKo. re i^rjprvero rj *EAAas, 5 ' ' 
 Kat rrjs 6a\da-<rr]s p,ak\ov dvreCxovro, irpcaroL be KopLvBiOi 
 kiyovrai iyyvrara rod vvv rpoirov p^eraxeLpCaai ra irepl 
 ras vavs, Kal rpirjpeLS irpQrov iv KopivOiD rrjs *EAAa8oy 
 vavTrrjyr^Orjvai. <^atrerat be Kal 2ap.Cois 'Ap.eLV0K\fjs Ko- 
 pLvOios vavTrrjybs vavs TTot^cras reWapas* errj b' iarl 10 
 
 lyo. f 
 
 p.aki(Tra rpiaKoaia is rrjv rekevrrjv rovbe rov irokepLOV ore [704I 
 Ap.ei.voKkrjs Sa/xtoty -^Xdev. vavp.axia re naXairdrr] S>v 
 X(Tp.ev yiyverai KopivOCcdv irpbs KepKvpalovs' erq be pidXiara 
 Kal ravrrj e^rjKovra Kal 8taKoVtd eort p-expi. rov avrov [664] 
 
 15 XPoVov. oUovvres yap rrjv ttoKlv ol KopivOioL iirl rov 
 ^laOpLOv del brj irore ip.iropiov etxor, rSiv 'EAA^i^coi^ ro 
 iraXai Kara yrjv ra TrAeto) 7/ Kara ddXaacraVy r(ov re ivros 
 ne\oiTOVvri(rov Kal rSiv efo), 8ta r^9 iKeCvcov irap dXXrjkovs 
 impLLayovruiv, XPW^^^ ^^ 8warot riaaVy wj Kat rots iraXai- 
 
 20 ols TTOL-qrals 8e5?}Aa)rat* d<f>veiov yap iircavop^acTav ro 
 X(*>p^ov. iiTeibrj re ol "EAArjres piaWov irrkia'CCov^ ras vavs 
 KrrjcrdpLevoi ro Xrjo-rLKOv Kad-ppovv, Kal ipuropLov irapexovres 
 dpL(f)6repa bvvarrjv ea^ov XPW^'^^^V irpoaobto rr)v ttoKlv, 
 Kal loxriz; vcrrepov irokv yiyverai vavriKov eTrt Kvpov 
 
 25 YlepcrSiV TTpcarov fiacriXevovros Kal KapLpvaov rov vUos 
 avroVy rrjs re Kad^ eavrovs OaXda-a-qs Kvpco rroXepiovvres 
 iKpdr-qa-dv riva xpdvov. Kal Y[oX.VKpdrr)s ^dp.ov rvpavv&v 
 iiTL KapLJSva-ov vavriKi^ l(Txy(t)v ciAAas re rwr vqatdv VTrrjKO' 
 ovs iiroLria-aro, Kal ^PrjveLav eXiov dveOrjKe r<a ^AttoXXcdvl 
 
 30 rw Ar/Ato). <t>(OKarjs re Maa-a-aXiav oUC^ovres Kapxr]bovL- 
 
 ovs iviK<t>v vavpLaxovvres* 
 ^^ Avvar(arara yap ravra r&v vavrLK<av ^v. (paiverai be 
 KOL ravray iroWals yeveals varepa yevopeva rStv TpmKiov, 
 rpvqpea-i piev oXiyais xP^P-^^^i TrevrrjKOvropois b' en koI 
 ttXolols paKpols i^r]prvp.eva &cn:ep iKelva. okiyov re rrpb 
 5 r(ov MrjbiKCiv Kal rov AapeCov davdrov, bs pcera Kap.- 
 PvoTjv Uepor&v ipaarCkeva-e. rpi-qpeis irept re ^LKekCav rols 
 rvpavvois is irkrjdos iyevovro Kal KepKVpatois' ravra 
 yap rekevrala irpb rrjs Bep^ov crrpareias vavriKa d^io- 
 koya iv rfj 'Ekkdbi Karearrj, Aiyivrjrai yap Kal 'Adrjvaloi, 
 
 10 Kal et rti^ey dAAot, fBpax^a iKeKrrjvrOy Kal rovrcov rd 
 
 TTokkd TTevrrjKovropovs' 6\\fe re d0' o{J ^A6r]vaLovs [483 ?] 
 0e/xto-roKA^s eireLo-ev AlyLvrjraLS TToAe/xoOrras, Kat dpLa rov 
 
 louians, 
 
 [546-543] 
 
 Polycrates, 
 
 [532-521] 
 
 Phocaea. 
 
 [600 ?J 
 
 Triremes 
 were few, 
 until 
 shortly 
 before the 
 death of 
 Darius. 
 
 [485] 
 
?■» 
 
 15 
 
 Though 
 
 navies 
 became 
 strong, 
 wars by 
 land were 
 small ; 
 leagues 
 had ha 
 arisen. 
 
 lo The Persians and the Tyrants. 1. 14-17. 
 
 l3ap^apov Trpoa-boKLfxov ovtos, tcls vavs iroLrja'aa-daL ala-iTep 
 Kol ivavfxdxr}(rav' kol avrai ovttod ct^oi/ bia Trdcrqs Kara- 
 oTpc^ixaTa. 15 
 
 Ta fX€v ovv vavTLKa tQv ^EWrjvoov roLavra rjv, rd re 15 
 the cities ^^\^ ^ ^^ ^ «' ' » \ «.\ / 
 
 which had ^^^^'-^ '^^^ ^" varepov yiyvopi^va. kt^vv Oe irepteTrotr;- 
 
 aavTO opLOis ovk kKa\i(TTr]v ol Trpoa-a-^ovT^s avTois xp-qp.d- 
 
 Tdiv re irpoa-obca kol dWc^v dp\fj' kiriTrKiovT^s yap ras 
 
 VT](T0vs Kar^oTpi^ovTo, Kal fidXLCTTa oaoL fir} biapKTJ etxoi; 5 
 
 Xcapav, Kara yrjv 8e TroAejutos, oOev tls kol bvvapLLS irap^- 
 
 h?d "hardly ^^'^^^"^^ ovbels ^vviaTrj' Trarrey 6e rjcrav, ocroi Kal kyivovTo, 
 
 arisen. TTpOS OflOpOVS TOVS (T^^ripOVS kKdcTTOlS^ Kol €KbripLOVS CTTpa- 
 
 reCas Trokv diro ttjs eavrcav iir dk\(ov Karaa-Tpocj)?] ovk 
 i^eaav oi "EXXrjvcs. ov yap ^vvea-TrjKea-av irpos tcls jute- 10 
 yicTTas TTo'Aets VTrrJKOOL, ovb* av avrol dirb ttJs t(rr]s kolvols 
 (TTpaTeCas cttolovvto, Kar dWrikovs b\ fxaXXov wj eKaaroi 
 01 d(TTvy€LTov€S knoXip.ovv. p.aX(.(TTa 8e es tov irdkai Trore 
 
 [700-650?] y€v6pL€vov TTokepLOV XakKibicov Kal 'Eperpiecoi; Kal to akko 
 
 *Ekkr]VLKOv €S ^vixp.a\Lav kKaripcav bUarr], 15 
 
 'EireyeVero b\ aXkois re dkXoOi KOikvpLara p.r} av^rjdrjvaLy 16 
 Kal "Iwo-t Tipoyjiipria'dvTtiiv eTrt piiya T<av 'npayp.druiv Kvpos 
 Kal 7] Ucpa-LKT] jSacnk^Ca Kpolaov KaO^kovcra Kal oaa evrbs 
 "Akvos TTOTapiov irpbs Odkaa-aav eirea-rjoarevcre Kal rds iv ttj 
 
 [546-543] rjiTfCpio TToAets ibovkona-^v, Aapdos 8e varcpov rw ^olv[k(ov 5 
 
 [495-490] vavTLK^ KparSiv Kal tols vqa-ovs. 
 
 and the TvpavvoL 8e ogtol ^(rav iv rals ^EkkrjvLKah TroAecrt, to 17 
 
 policy of^/'««/ / y N« v*\» 
 
 the tyrants, ^^ ^avTcav p.ovov TTpoopoufxevoL es re to o-(ap,a Kal es to tov 
 
 Ibiov oiKOv av^€iv bC d(T(^akf:ias o(tov kbvvavTo p^dkiaTa 
 
 tcls irokcLS (Skovv, iirpdxOv re dir' avT<av ovbev ipyov d^io- 
 
 koyov, et p.r] et rt irpos TTepioUovs tovs avT(ov eKdoTOLS' ol 5 
 
 yap €V 2tKeAta eTrt irkela-Tov ix.^prj(rav bvvd[X€<os. ovtoj 
 
 kept iravTa\6d€V 77 EAAas cttI irokhv yj)6vov KaT^iyjETo /xT^re 
 
 wellfLid '^o'^ (t>av€pbv fxrjbcv KaTcpydCca-dau, KaTct TroAeis re droA- 
 
 1.18. 
 
 B,c. ^10-480. OL 67-75. 
 
 II 
 
 The 
 Persians, 
 
 divided. 
 
 p.0T€pa eivaL. 
 
 18 'E7ret8r) 8e ot re ^AOr^vaCcav Tvpavvoi kclI ol eK Trjs dkXr]S 
 *EAAd8oy eTrt ttoAv Kal irplv TVpavvcvOeLo-qs ol TrAetcrrot 
 (xat reAeuratot irkr^v T(av iv StKeAta) vtto AaKebaipiovicov 
 KaTckvOrjorav (rj yap AaKebalpLOiv /utera ttjv ktictiv T(ov vvv 
 5 ivoLKovvTcov avTrfv AcopUcav eTrt irkelarov cor to-piev \p6vov 
 (TTaa-ida-acra opiois €k TraAatrdrou Kal evvop-qd-q Kal del 
 drvpdvvevTos rfv — er?; yap ecrrt /utdAtora TeTpaKOcna Kal 
 oAtyo) TiAetco es ttjv TckevTrjv Tovbe tov irokipov dcj) ov 
 AaKebaipovLOL Tjj avTrj 'nokiT^ia xp&vTat — Kal bi avTo 
 
 'o bvvdpL€voL Kal TCL iv Tals dAAats TrdAect KaOLnTaa-av)^ p.€Td 
 8e T7]v tS>v Tvpavvoav KaTdkvcnv €k ttjs *EAAd8oj ov TroAAots 
 €T€(ri.v v(TT€pov Kal rj €V Mapa6<avL jixd^^ Mrjbaiv irpbs 
 ^AOrjvaCovs iyev€T0» beKaTia 8e eret juter avTr}v avOus 6 
 ^ap^apos rw /ueydAo) otoAo) ^Trt ttjv *EAAd8a bovk(0(r6p€Vos 
 
 15 ?;A^ei^. Kal peydkov KLvbvvov eiTLKpepacrdivTos ot re Aa- 
 KebaipLOVLOL tS^v ^vpirokeprja-dvTo^v ^EkkrjvoDV rjyrja-avTo 
 8vz/d/xet TTpovxovTcSf Kal ol ^AdrjvaloL €Ttl6vt(dv t(ov Mrjbcjv 
 biavorjOivTes eKAtTrety Tr}v iroktv Kal dvaa-Kevao-dpievoL is 
 Tas vavs ipL^dvTes vavTLKol h/ivovTo. 
 
 30 Kotrrj re dirctiadpLevoL tov pdpjSapoVy vorcpov ov ttoAAo) 
 hi€Kpidr](rav irpos re 'AdrjvaCovs Kal AaKebaipovCovs ot re 
 dTro(rrdi;res ^ao-tAecos "EAAT^z^es Kal ol ^vpLTTokeprja-avTes. 
 bvvdp€L yap TavTa pLiyLora bL€(f>dvr]' taxyov yap ol pikv 
 KaTo. yrjv ol 8e vavcriv. Kal dkiyov pev xpovov ^vvipeivev r) 
 
 25 opLOLXp-CoLy iireiTa 8e Stei^ex^eWes ot AaKeSai/xoVtot Kal ol 
 ^AdrjvaXoL iirokeprjo-av pcTa T<av ^vppdx<*>v irpbs dAA?7Aous* 
 Kal T&v dkkcDv ^Ekkrjvoiv e? Tivis ttov biaaraZev, irpbs 
 TOVTOVS rjbrj €X(^povv. &aT€ dirb twv Mr]bLK(av is Tovbe 
 del TOV TTokepov to. p.ev (nrevbopevoi, to. be irokepovvTes rj 
 
 30 dAArjAots rj rots eavTo^v ^vppdxoLS dcpta-Tapevo ts ev TTape- 
 
 18. 2. ol vXfiffToi (koI T€k€vTaToi ttX^k Tuiv Iv St/fcXt^)], Bekker ol 
 v\€i<TTOi Kal T€\(vrcuoi, irX^v tojv kv iSt/fcA/qi]. 
 
 18. 7. riv — ] and 9. XP^^"^^ — ]> Bekker iji'*] and xp^^°-'-i]- 
 
 At length 
 the Lace- 
 daemo- 
 nians put 
 down the 
 tyrants. 
 
 [804] 
 
 The Athe- 
 nians con- 
 quered at 
 Marathon, 
 the Athe- 
 nians and 
 Lacedae- 
 monians 
 at Salamis. 
 
 But they 
 soon 
 
 quarrelled, 
 and the 
 rest of 
 Hellas 
 sided with 
 one or the 
 other. 
 
12 
 
 Hippias and Hipparchtis. 
 
 1. 18-21. 
 
 (TK^vacravTo to. TroXe/mta koI iinreipoTcpoL kyivovro fi€Ta 
 KLvbvvoDV TCLS jueXeVaj iroLOVficvoi. ^^^j^^^^^ jj^^ijCc. 
 
 The two Kat ol jxev AaKehaLfiovLOL ov)(^ VTroreXety €')(ovt€s ^opov 19 
 
 leagues \> r «« »'\ /^vj/ "> r. 
 
 became '^^^^ c^/xjuaxouy ijyowTO, KaT okiyap^iav 0€ o-qyicnv avTOis 
 
 / y^ry strong U.OPOV CTTLTribfCoDS OTTcoj TToAtrewouo-t Oepairevovres, 'A^t?- 
 in different ^ .^ « « , ^ , , v 
 
 rays. ratot 0€ vavs T€ TOiV iroXcoiv tu> yj)ov(^ irapaKa^ovres Trkrjv 
 
 X[(i)v KOL Aeo-fiCoiV, KOL xpriyiara Tois iraa-i rA^avT^s (jyipcLV, 5 
 
 KOL €yiv€TO avTols €s Tovbc Tov TTokefjiov 7] ibia irapacKCvr) 
 
 fieCCoiV Tf 0)? TO. KpaTLOTOL 77076 ^€70. aKpaL(f)V0V9 Ttjs fu/X- 
 
 fjLa-)(^Las ijvdrjarav. 
 
 Ta fjL€v ovv iraXaLo. Toiavra evpor, x^^^''^^ ovra iravrl 20 
 €^^9 T€KfiripLiD TnoTevcTaL. ol yap avOpcjdiToi tcl^ clkocls 
 
 T&V 7rpOy€y€V7]IJL€V(t)V, KOL rjV €TnX(sipia <T<f>L(TLV tJ, o/xoicos 
 
 apaa'avi(rT(t)S Trap* aXX-qkoiv bexovrai. ^AOr]vai(ji)V yovv to 
 cannot all 'jrXrj6os''linTapxov olovraL v(f)^ ^ApjjLobCov Kal ^ Apiaroy^iTovos 5 
 "" ^ Tvpavvov ovTa airodav^lVf Kal ovk ta'acnv otl 'linTLas pi€v 
 
 TrpecrfivTaTos oiv ^px^ t<ov Fl eto-tarparov vUcov^ ''linTapxos 
 5e Kal 0e(ro-aA6s ab€\(f)ol ^o'av avrov, v-noTowfia-avT^s bi tl 
 €K€[vr] Trj rjpiipa Kal irapaxprjpLa ^Apfxobios Kal ApKTToyeiTcov 
 €K T<av ^vvcLboToav ar(l>[(rLv *l7nrCa pLCfxr^vva-Oai tov fxei; 10 
 CLTrecrxovTo wy irpoetboTOs, ^ovXoyavoi b\ Tiplv ^vWrjcpOrjvaL 
 bp6.(TavT€s Tl Kal KLvbvvfvaaLf ru) 'iTTirapx^ irepiruxovTcs 
 irepl TO AecoKopLov KaXov\i€vov tj]v Y\ava6r]vdLKr]V TTOfXTTrjv 
 bLaKoo-fiovvTL airiKTCLvav. iroXXa be Kal aWa In Kal vvv 
 ovra Kal ov XP^^^ apLvrjarTOvpieva Kal ol 6.XX01 ''RXXrjvcs 15 
 OVK opdo^s olovTai, aKTirep tovs re AaK^baLpioviaiv (SaaLXias 
 pLTj jutS y\rri(f)<!d TipoaTiOeorOai kKCLTepov aXXa bvolvj Kal tov 
 TlLTavaT-qv Xoxov avTols eti^at, 6? ovb* eyivcTo TTWTrore. 
 ovToiS aTaXaLTTOipos rots iroXXols rj ^rfTrjcns ttjs aXrjOeCas, 
 Kal €ttI Tci kTolp.a p^aXXov TpiirovTaL. > 20 
 
 But they ^ 'Ek b\ Tutv elprjpiivoiv T€KpLr]pC(ji)v o/xo)? TOiavTa 6.V tls 21 
 fraer^iew ^^M^T*^^ /xoAtora h birjXOov ovx ap.apTavoL^ Kal ovt€ a>j 
 than either TTOtijTal vpLvrJKa(TL irepl avTiov iirl to /xctfor KOO'pLovjrres 
 
 These in- 
 dications 
 of the 
 character 
 of early 
 times 
 cannot all 
 be trusi 
 for tra- 
 dition is 
 often 
 careless. 
 
 [514] 
 
 1.21-23. B,C, 480-431. 01. 7 5-^7 > 2' 
 
 13 
 
 pi,aXXov TTLcrT€V(s)v, ovT€ cl)9 Xoyoypa(j)oi. ^vvidecrav Itti to 
 5 TTpoa-aydiyoTcpov Trj aKpoa(T€i 17 aXTjOioTepoif^ ovTa ave^e- 
 XeyKTa Kal to. ttoXXol vtto xP^^^'^ avT&v aTrCcrTctiS cttI to 
 pLvdcibes iKvevLKTiKOTa^ €vprj(r6ai. b€ r}yr)<Tdpi.€Vos €k T(av 
 kiiKpavea-TaTCiiv (rr)pi€L(t)Vf ws TiaAata cTz^at, dTroxpwi/rcos. 
 Kal 6 iroXepios ovTOSt Katirep roSi; av6p(aiT(tiVi ev w pi€v hv 
 10 TToXefjL&a-Li TOV irapovTa atl p^iyicrTOv KpLVovTOiV, irava-apievaiv 
 be TOL apxcuoL pLoXkov davpLaCovTonv, air' avT&v T(av epyo)V 
 (TKOTiova-L bj]X(o(ra Ojutcoy pi€[(a)V yeyevrjpiivos avT(av. 
 
 22 Kat oa-a piev X6y<a elirov eKaaToi r] /xeAAorres TroXf/iTicretr t] 
 iv avTQ r]br] ovt€S, x^^^'^^^ "^V^ aKpL^eiav avrr/r rwr XexOiv- 
 Tctiv biapvrjpoveva-aL rjv, epLoi re (av avTos TjKOva-a KaL tois 
 aXXoOev TToOev epol airayyiXXovcTiv' ws 5' av eboKOvv ipiol 
 
 5 €KaaT0L TTepl t&v ael irapovTOiv tcl b^ovTa pLaXiar eiTretr, 
 €Xopev(a OTL lyyvTaTa rrjs ^vpiracrqs yv(ap.r]s tQv aXr]d<as 
 X^xOevTiov^ ovTODS ilprjTac, to, 5' €pya roji; irpaxO^vTcov ev 
 TiZ 7ro\€/uLa) OVK €K TOV TtapaTvxovTO'S irvv6av6p.€vo^ r/^two-a 
 ypd(f)€LV, ovb* 0)5 e/xol eboKei, d)OC oh re avTo^ irapTJv, Kal 
 
 10 Trapa T(av aXkcov oaov bwoTov aKpi^eia irepl e/caorou 
 €TT€^€Xd(av. eTTt^oV^s oe' evpL(TK€To, 610'rt ol Traporres rots 
 epyoLs €Kd(TTOLS OV TavTOL TTept T<av avT&v iXeyov^ dXX cdj 
 €KaT€p(^ TLS evvoias rj p.vr]p.r]s exot. Kat e? p.\v aKpoacriv 
 ttrcos TO pLT} pLvO&bes avTcov aTepiriaT^pov </)ai'etraf oo-ot 5e 
 
 15 ^ouArjo-orrat tc^v re yevopevoiv to (ra(f)€s (TKOirelv Kal t&v 
 pieXXovTiov TTore avdis Kara to dvOpunreiov TOtovToiv Kai 
 T:apaTTXr](ri(t)V ecrea-Oaij w<i)eAt/xa,_K^ti'jetz^ avra apKoyvjoiS 
 e^et. KTrjpid re is aet piaXXov rf dyiovia-pia is to iiapaxpVP'^ 
 
 CLKOVeLV ^VyK€LTaL. 
 
 23 Twr be irpoTepov epycov p.eyi(TTov iirpdxOr] to MrjdiKor, 
 Kat TovTo opicos bvelv vavp.ax^0Lf-v Kal ire^opLax^oLtv Taxelav 
 TT]v KpLo-LV €(rxev, TOVTOV be TOV TToXepLOV pLTJKOs re p,eya 
 TTpov^rji TiaOripaTd re ^vvrjvexOrj yeveaOai iv avT^ Trj 
 
 5 ^EXXdbi ola ovx ^t^P^ ^^ "^^^ XP^^^- ^^^^ y^P ^oAeis 
 
 poets or 
 
 prose 
 
 writers. 
 
 No war so 
 great as 
 this. 
 
 I have 
 given the 
 general 
 sense of 
 what was 
 said; 
 
 the exact 
 truth, as 
 far as 
 
 possible, of 
 what was 
 done. 
 
 The war 
 was longer 
 than the 
 Persian 
 war, and 
 accom- 
 panied by 
 
14 
 
 Epidamnus, 
 
 I. 23, 24. 
 
 
 Skmities. 7""^^^,^ ^v4>0d(TaL 'fiprjfX(ierj(Tav, al [xh iird fiapfidpa>v al 
 ' 8' virb (r<f>(av avriav avri-nok^iiovvTuiv (etVt 5' at koX 
 olK-qropas ii€T€^aXov a\iorK6fx€vaL), ovre (t)vyal TocraLh^ 
 avep<o7ra}v /cat (t)6vos, 6 fxev Kar avTov tov iroKepLov 6 be 
 ha TO (TTaa-LdCfLv. rd re irporepov olkoti H'^^v k€y6p.€va lo 
 Ipyo) h\ (nravL(aT€pov jBefiaLovfjieva ovk &Tn(rra Karicmj, 
 (reia-iMcov re iripi, o\ iirl TrAetoroi; &fxa /xepo? yijs Kal 
 l(rxvp6TaT0L ol avTol eTreVxor, tjXCov re eKAe^Vreij, at irvKvo- 
 Tcpai irapa ra e/c tov irplv xpovov jxvrjfjiovfVoiJLcva ^vv€^r](rav, ' 
 iXt ayxtLoi re eort 'nap oh fxeydKoL Kal dir' avT&v Kal Xijuot, 15 
 Kal T) ovx rJKLirra ^Adi/racra Kal fxepos tl (jyeeCpaa-a tj 
 koLfi(6br]s voa-os' TavTa yap -ndirra [l^to. Tovbe tov -noUp.ov 
 
 frf/reaf "'''' ^^^^^Tre'^ero. i^ip^avTo h\ airrov ' A6r)valoi Kal HeXo- 
 
 .£. i 
 
 causes 
 
 ofit. T^ovvrja-LOL XvcravTes tcls TpiaKovTovTeis a-irovbas at avTols 
 
 kyivovTo ix€Td Eipoias aXcocrti;. 8toVt 8' ^Kvcrav, t^s 20 
 ahias TTpoijypaxl/a irpcoTov Kal Ths bia<t)opds, tov pri TLva 
 CnrrjcraC TTore e^ otov too-ovtos iroAe/noy rots "EWrja-i 
 KaT€crTT]. Trjv fxev yap dk7]e€(rrdTr]v 'np6(t>a(nv, d(t)av€(TTdTrjv 
 8e Aoyo), tovs 'Adrjvaiovs i^yovfxai fxeydXovs yiyi^o/xeVouy 
 Kal (f)6l3ov irap^xovTas roty AaKe5at/xoz;toiy dvayKdo-ai is to 25 . 
 TToXefielv al b' h to <f)av€pov Aeyo/xerat atrtat alb' ^crav 
 kKaT€p(ov, dcf)' ^v kva-avTcs tcls a-irovbas h tov irokepiov 
 KaT^crTrjcrav. 
 
 damnus 'E^tSa/xros eerrt ttoKls h Se^ta ia-irk^oim tov 'Iovlov 24 
 
 applies to f^oXTToV irpoaoiKovcn 8' avTr]V TavKdvTioi ^dpfiapoi, 'IkKv- 
 
 heTpT4^3f ^rf'', '^'''''' ''''^'''^'' «^y'c^o-az; ixlv KepKvpaloL, oIklctt'tjs 
 or 434], 8' iyevcTo <t>aXLos 'EpaTOKXdbov KopLvBios yivos t&v a<^' 
 "HpaK\4ovSy KaTa brj tov TraKaidv v6p.ov U ttjs pLriTpoiroKem 5 
 KaTaKkrjeeis. ^vvi^KKTav be Kal KopivOitiiv Tivh Kal tov 
 aXXov AcopLKov yivovs. -npoeXdovTos 8e tov xpdvov hyhcTo 
 rj T<av 'ETTLbafMvCoiv irokis ficydkr] Kal TrokvdvOpuiTros' (rra- 
 (TidaavTe? 8e iv aAAr^Aots ^ttj iroXkd, <I)s Aeyerat, dirb 
 TTo\4ixov TLvbs rwr -npoaoUaiv l3apfidp<ov i^ddpr)crav Kal 10 
 
 Epi 
 damnus 
 
I. 24, 25. B. C. 435, 434. 01. 86, 3, 3. 
 
 15 
 
 7^9 Sura/xecos r^s 'noWrjs eaTeprjOrjcrav. ra 6e reXeuraia 
 TTpo Tovbe Tov TToXifxov 6 brjjjLos avTcav cfeStcofe tovs 
 bwarovsy ol be aireXOovTcs ftera t&v ^apl^apcov €\r}t(ovTO 
 TOVS €V TTJ TToA-ct Kavd T€ yrjv Kal Kara OaXaa-crav. ol he kv 
 
 15 T?j TToXet ovTes 'ETTtSa/utrtot eTTecS^ iirU^ovTO, Trefxirova-LV es 
 r^r KipKvpav 77peV/3ety ws p.r]Tp6'noXiv ovcraVj beopLevoi pLrj 
 (Tcfyas irepiopav (^Beipoixivovs^ aXka tovs t€ (t>€vyovTas 
 ^vvakXa^ai (r(f>CcrL kol tov t&v fiap^apoiv irokepiov KaTa- 
 XOcrat. TavTa be tKcVat KaOeCopievoi es to ^Hpalov ebiovTO, 
 
 20 ol be KepKvpaloL Tr)v LKeTeCav ovk ebe^avTOy dAA.' cnrpcLKTOVs 
 aTTeTrefJL\lrav, 
 25 TvovTes be ol 'ETrtSa/xi^tot ovbepLiav (r(l)C(TLV airo KepKVpas 
 Tiixoaplav ovaavy ev airopia el\ovTo Oecrdai to irapov, kol 
 irepLyj/avTes is Ae\(f)orus tov deov eir-qpovTo el irapabolev 
 KopivdioLs Tr}V ttoKlv ws oIklo-tols kol TlfXOipCaV tlvcl 
 5 'neip^vT dir' avTiav 'noielaOai. 6 6' avrots avelXe irapa- 
 bovvaL KOL rjyefjLovas TTOLeLcrOaL. eXOovTes be ol *F,7nbdpiVL0L 
 es TTjv KopLvdov KaTCL TO pLavTeiov TTapeboaav ttjv airoiKiaVy 
 TOV Te olKLOTrjv airobeiKinjvTes (T(\)GiV ex l^opLvOov ovTa kol 
 TO \pr](TTripLOV brjXovvTes, ebeovTo Te fxr) (r<l)as irepLopav 
 
 10 bia(\)6eipoiievovs dAA' eirapivvaL, KopLvOioL be KaTo. Te to 
 bUaLov virebe^avTo Tr]v TLpLcapLaVi vop.i^ovTes ov\ rjcra-ov 
 eavrcSr elvai T7]v aTTOLKiav rj KepKvpaiaiv, 6.pLa be kol /xto-et 
 rwr KepKVpaCcav, otl avT(ov 7rapr]fxe\ovv ovTes olttolkol' 
 ovTe yap ev Travrjyvpea-L rats Koivals bibovTes yepa tcl 
 
 15 voixL^ofxeva ovTe KopivOCiD avbpl irpoKaTap^op.evoi TSiv 
 lep&v uKTirep al 6.kkaL airoiKCai, 'nepi(f)povovvTes be avrovs 
 KoX yj)7]p.aT(jiiv bwdpLei ovTes Kar eKelvov tov \p6vov o/xoia 
 Tols 'FjkXrjvajV TrXovo-tcorarot? kol rrj es iroXefJiov irapaa-Kevfi 
 bvvaT(aTepoi, raurtKO) be koI ttoXv irpoexeiv eariv oTe 
 
 20 eTTaipofievoiy koI KaTa Tr]v t&v <l>ataKa)r irpoevoCKria-LV Ttjs 
 
 25. 17. Kal xp-quaTwv Swaixu ovrts^ Hunnekes conjectures xai tu 
 XpfJfMTuv Svvdfxei 6vt(s. 
 
 and, being 
 refused, to 
 Corinth. 
 
 The Cor- 
 inthians 
 irritated by 
 the in- 
 solence of 
 the 
 
 powerful 
 Corcjn-a, 
 
i6 
 
 Corinth and Corcyra, 
 
 I. 25-27. 
 
 send a 
 colony and 
 garrison to 
 Epi- 
 damnus. 
 
 The Cor- 
 
 cyraeans 
 
 blockade 
 
 Epi- 
 
 daninus. 
 
 The Cor- 
 inthians 
 prepare to 
 relieve and 
 colonize it, 
 and man 
 a fleet of 
 their own 
 and their 
 allies. 
 
 KcpKvpas kX^os ^yovroav to. irepl ras vavs' — ff kol ixakXov 
 i^pTvovTO t6 vavTLKov Koi rj(rav ovk abvvaTOL' rptT/pets yap 
 ciKocrt Kttt eKarov virrjp^ov avTols ot€ rjpxovTo 7roA.6/xetr* — \ 
 T:dvT(ji)v ovv TOVT(ov cyKkrifxaTa exoircs oi KopCvOLOL iircfjiTrop 26 
 is Trjv ^FiTTLbapLVOV aa-fievoL rrfv a>0eAtar, olKrjTopd re tov 
 pov\6fx€VOV Uvai K€k€voirr€s koI ^AfxirpaKKOT&v Kai AcvKa- 
 bCoiiv Koi kavTcav (j)povpovs. iirop^vOrja-av 6^ TT^Cfj ey 
 ^ AiToWaivCav, KopLvdCcav ovcrav diiOLKiav, Seet rcSi; KepKU- 5 
 pamv /xt) K(ii\v(tiVTaf. xfK avriav Kara 6aXa(T(Tav Trepaiovp.^voi. 
 KfpKVpOLOL be eireibr} ya-Oovro tovs t€ olKrfTOpas kol 
 (f)povpovs rJKOvras is rriv ^EirCbafjiVov Tr\v re diToiKiav 
 KopLvOCois bebofxivqv, i^aXi-naivoV kol TrKevcravTcs evOvs 
 TreVre kol eLKOcn vavcrl koI vcrrepov iripia (TToXiD tovs re 10 
 <l)€vyovTas exc'Xevor Kar iirripaav bixea-QaL avrovs (rjXOov yap 
 is Tr}v KepKVpav ol ratv 'ETTtSa/xi^tcoi; (f)vy6,b€S) rdcpovs re 
 dirobeLKirvvTes Kal ^vyyiveiav, rjv T:poi(r)(jop.€voi ibiovro a-(f)as 
 Kardyeiv) tovs re (f)povpovs ovs KopCvdioi iirefx^j/av Kai 
 TOVS olKTjTopas dTTOTTifj.TT^Lv, OL be 'E7rt8ajtxrto6 ovbev avTQ^v 15 
 v-nriKOVcrav. dXka oTpaTevova-iv iir avTovs ol KepKVpaloL 
 Tecra-apaKOVTa vaval p.€Ta T(av (f)vydboiiV ws KaTa^ovTes, Kal 
 TOVS 'lAAvptoi/j irpoo-kalSovTeS' upoa-KaOe^op.evoL be rqv 
 ttoKlv TTpoeliTov ^KinbafivCaiV re tov povK6\ievov koX tovs 
 ^evovs diraOels diTLevaL, ei be pLrj, ws iroXefxCoLS xpr](Te(T6ai. 20 
 *X2j 8' oIk iireiOovTO, ol jxev KepKvpaloi (eori b IcrOfxos 
 
 TO )(Jiiipiov) ilTOkLOpKOVV TTJV TToktV, KopivOiOL b\ 0)9 aVTols 27 
 
 ex TTJs ^EinbdiJLVov '^kdov dyyekoL otl iroXiopKovvTaL, 
 TTapea-KevdCovTO arpaTidvy Ka\ dfia diroiKiav is T-qv 'Etti- 
 bajjivov iKrjpvo-a-ov iirl Trj tcrr] Kal ojjLOLa tov ^ovK6p.evov 
 levai' et be tis to 'napavrUa iiev firj iOekoL ^vixTrkelv, 5 
 p.eTeyeiv be /3ovAerat ttJs aTrotKta?, TtevTrjKovTa bpa\^ds 
 KaTadivTa KopLvOlas p-eveiv' rjcrav be Kal ol irkeovTes 
 TTokkol Kal ol Tapyvpiov KaTafBdXkovTes' iberjOrjcrav be 
 Kal T(av Meyapeoiv vaval crt^as ^p.Ttpo'nep.^eiVy el dpa 
 
 I. 27-29. B, C, 435, 434. OL 86. 2, 3. 
 
 17 
 
 10 KiiikvoivTo VTTO KepKVpaCoiV -TrXetr * ol be irapecrKevd^ovTO 
 avTols OKT^ vav(Tl ^/xTrXetr, Kal YiaXr]s Kecjxxkk-qvaiv Tetr- 
 <rap(TLv. Kal 'EiribavpLOiiv iberjOrja-av, ot tiapecryov nivTey 
 ^EpfjLLovrjs be fxCav Kal TpoLffivLOL 8vo, AeufcdStot be beKa koi 
 'A/u-TTpaKtwrat OKTca. &rjj3aLovs be ■)(j)r\p.aTa fJTr](Tav koI 
 
 15 ^kiaa-Covs, 'HkeLovs be vavs re Kevas Kal xprjpiaTa. avTo^v 
 b^ KopLvOiOiV z;?jes irapea-KevdCovTo TpidKOVTa Kal TpicryLkioL 
 oTrXtrat. 
 
 28 ^Eiieibr] be iirvdovTO ol KepKVpaloL Tr]v irapacrKevriVi 
 ikdovTes is KoptvOov /xera AaKebaLpioviitiV Kal 'LiKvuivioiV 
 Trpea-^eoiv, ovs irapeka^ov, iKekevov KopLvOCovs tovs iv 
 ^EinbdpLViD (^povpovs re Kal otKT/ropas dirdyeLV ws ov jxeTov 
 
 5 avTols ^EinbdfjLVOv, ei bi tl avTiiroiovvTaL, biKas ijdekov 
 bovvai iv HekoTTOvvrjCTiD irapd irokea-LV als av dp.(f)6TepoL 
 ^pLpcaa-Lv' oTTOTepciiv 6' hv bLKaa-Qfj etvai ttjv diroLKCaVi 
 TovTOvs KpaTelv. ijOekov be Kal r<3 iv AeA.(/)ots /xai/reto) 
 iTTLTpeyj/ai. TTokefiov be ovk etoiv iroLeiv' el be p-r], Kat av- 
 
 10 rot dvayKaarOrjo-ea-OaL e(f)a(raVy iKeiVoav ^laCop^evoaVj (ptkovs 
 TTOiela-daL otfs ov fiovkovTai eTepovs tcov vvv ovtcov [Jiakkov 
 ^(f>ekias eveKa. ol be KopivOioL drreKpCvavTo avToXs, rjv 
 Tds re vavs Kal tovs fiapfidpovs dirb 'EinbdpLvov dTrayoxrt, 
 ^ovkeva-eaOai' irpoTepov 5' ov Kokuts eyeiv tovs p-ev irokiop- 
 
 15 KelcrOai avTovs be biKdCea-Oai. KepKvpaioi be dvTekeyoVj 
 Tjv Kal iKelvoL tovs iv 'EiTLbdpiVia airaydyMcri, TTOLr}a-eLV 
 ravTa' eTolp-OL be etvai Kal wore dfX(l)OTepovs p.eveiv Kara 
 XdapaVy o-Tiovbas be TroLrja-aa-OaL eons av r] biKt] yevrjTai. 
 
 29 KoplvOioL bk ovbev TOVTOiv virriKOVov, ctXA.' iireLbri irkripeLS 
 avTols ^aav al vrjes Kal ol ^vp.p.axoi Traprja-aVj 7rpoire/x\/^arres 
 KTipvKa TTpoTepov TTokepLOv TtpoepovvTa KepKvpaCoLSi dpavTes 
 efibofjLriKOVTa vav(rl Kal irevTe bLa-\i.kioLS re oTrXiraiy eirkeov 
 
 5 iirl Tjfv ^EirCbap.vov, KepKvpaiois ivavTia irokefiria-ovTis' 
 
 28. 18. 8^] Bracketed by Bekker, and perhaps not read by the writer of 
 a Scholium, but is found in all the MSS. and should probably be retained. 
 
 C 
 
 The Cor- 
 cyraeans 
 propose 
 arbitration: 
 meanwhile 
 they are 
 willing to 
 cease 
 
 blockading 
 Epidamnus 
 if Corinth 
 withdraws 
 her gar- 
 rison ; or 
 to suspend 
 hostilities. 
 
 The Cor- 
 inthians 
 refuse. 
 The Cor- 
 cyraeans 
 defeat 
 them off 
 Actium, 
 
i8 
 
 Corinth and Corcyra, 
 
 I. 20, 30. 
 
 1.30-32. B.C, 435-433. 01. 86. 2-4. 
 
 19 
 
 and on the 
 same day 
 force Epi- 
 damnus to 
 surrender. 
 
 The Corcy- 
 raean fleet 
 harasses 
 the allies 
 of Corinth 
 until 
 checked 
 by a 
 
 Corinthian 
 fleet. 
 
 KaXXiKpaTTji 6 KaWiov kol TLfidvcop 6 TifjiavOovSj tov be 
 ireCov^ ApxeTLixos re 6 Evpvrt/xov kol 'la-apx^bas 6 'I(rap)(ov. 
 €TTeibr] b kyivovTo iv 'Aktiw ttJs ^AvaKTopCas yrjs, ov to 
 Upop TOV * AiroWcavos eortr, iirl rw GrropiaTL tov 'A/X77pa- 10 
 KLKOv k6\7T0Vj ol KepKVpoLOL KTjpVKCL T€ irpoeTTepLxl/av avrotj 
 €v cLKaTLiD aTTfpovvTa [xrj TrXetr €7tI acf)as koI Tas vavs apLa 
 €TrX.r]povVi C^v^avTis re tcls TraXauas ajore 7rA.ot/xoi>s etrat 
 Kol TCLS aWas (TtLCTKevda-aifTes. 0)9 de 6 Krjpv^ t€ diT'qy- 
 yeikev ovbev elprjvaiov irapa tS)v KopLvdCcov kol al vrjes 15 
 avTo'Ls €7T€7Tk'qpoi>vTo ovcrat oyborjKOVTa (^Tca-aapaKOVTa yap 
 ^FiirCbapLvov eiroXLopKOVv), dvTavay6p.evof. koX irapaTa^dpLevoi 
 kvavpiayj]a-av' /cat ivLKrj(Tav oi KepKVpaioL Trapa irokv Koi 
 vavs irevTeKaCbeKa bU^deipav T<av KopLvOiaiv. tt) 6e avTrj 
 rjpiipq avTols ^vv^I^t] kol tovs ttjv 'EirCbapLVov TToXiopKovvTas 20 
 TrapaaT-qaaa-daL ofjLoXoyiq coare tovs pL€v €7rrj\vbas dirobo- 
 aOai, KopLvOiovs be brjo-avTas e^eiv eoos av aX\o tl bo^Tf. 
 
 MeTCL be ttjv vavp.a)(jiav ol KepKVpaloi Tpoiratov (TT-qcravTes 30 
 eirl TTJ AevKLpLvp ttjs KepKVpas cLKpcoT-qptia tovs pLev dkkovs 
 oijs eXapov al\pLaX(oTovs direKTeLvav, KopLvOCovs be brja-avTes 
 el^ov, vcTTepov be eTreibr) ol Kopivdioi kol ol ^pnxayot. 
 Tjo-crripievoL Tois vavalv dvexd^pqcrav eir' oXkov, ttjs OaXdao-qs 5 
 CLTrda-ris eKpCLTovv ttjs KaT eKelva tcl xcapia ol KepKvpaloL, 
 KoX TrXevaavTes es AevKaba Tr]V KopLv6[(tiv diroLKiav ttjs yrjs 
 eTep^ov, Kai KvXXvjvqv to 'HAetwz; e-niveiov eveirprjcravy otl 
 vavs Kai \p7}p.aTa napia^ov KopLvdiois. tov re xpovov tov 
 'TrXeldTov pLeTCL tijv vavp.a)(j.av eKpCLTovv ttjs OaXda-a-rjs koI 10 
 tovs T<av KopLvdiOiv ^vpLp^dx^ovs eiTLTtXeovTes e(f)6eLpov, /xexpt 
 ov KopLvOiOL irepLovTi t<J> Oepei irepLXJ/avTes vavs Ka\ a-TpaTidv, 
 €7ret acfycav ol ^vpLpLoyoi eiiovovv, eaTpaToirebevovTO eTr' 
 'Aktio) Kai irepl to Xeiyiepiov ttis Qea-TTpoiTibos <t)vXaKfjs 
 ev€Ka Trjs re AevKados /cat T(ov aXXcav iroXecov otrat a-<^ta-t 15 
 30. 13. iTfpioPTi Tw OipfC] Read vipaovTi tg; Okpu with one good MS. 
 
 i^iXiai T^crav. avTeoTpaToirebeiSovTo be Kai ol KepKVpaloi, 
 iirl TTJ AevKLpLvji vavcri re Kat Trefu). eireTrXeov re ovbeTepot. 
 aXXrjXoLS, dXXa to Oepos tovto dvTLKaOeCdpievoL \eLpL&vos 
 rjbrj dvex(op'q(rav eir* oXkov eKaTepoi. 
 
 31 Toz; b eviavTov irdvTa tov pieTa ttjv vavp.a\iav koL tov 
 vcTTepov ol KopivdLOL opyj] (fyepovTes tov irpos KepKVpaCovs 
 TToXepiov evavirrjyovvTo Kai irapecTKevd^ovTO to. KpdTicrTa 
 ve&v OToAor, e/c re avTrjs TleXoTTOvvrjo-ov dyeipovTes koi ttis 
 
 5 dXXr]s ^XXdbos epeTas, p-icrO^ ireCdovTes, irvvOavopLevoi be 
 ol KepKVpaloL Tr]v Trapaa-Kevqv avTOiv e(\)o^ovvTO, Kai {r\(Tav 
 yap ovbevos FiXXrjvdiv evairovboL ovbe eareypdxjravTo eavTovs 
 ovTe es Tas 'AdrjvaCoiiV (Tirovbas ovTe (s tcls AaKebaLpLOvCoiv) 
 ebo^ev avTols eXOova-Lv ws tovs ^ Adrjvaiovs ^u/Lt/xa^ovs yere- 
 
 10 cr^at /cat ^(f)eXiav tlvol TTeLpdcrOaL dii avTo^v evpicTKeo-Oai, 
 ol be KopLvdioL TTvOopievoL TavTa qXOov Kai avTol is tcls 
 ^AOrjvas Trpea-^eva-opievoi., oircos p-rj (r(f)[(TL irpbs roJ Ke/3/cv- 
 paCdiV vavTLK^ TO ^Attlkov TTpoa-yevopievov epLirobcov yevrjTai, 
 OeaBai tov iroXepLov fj ^ovXovTai, KaTaarda-qs be eKKXrj- 
 
 15 o-tas es avTiXoyiav 'qXOov, Kai ol pLev KepKVpaloL eXe^av 
 Toidbe. 
 
 32 ^' AiKatov o) ^AOrjvatOL tovs pLrjTe evepyeaias pieydXrjs 
 p.r}Te ^vppLa\Las TTpov(f)eLXopievrjs rJKovTas Trapd tovs ireXas 
 eiTLKOvpCas (oo-Trep Kat qp^els vvv berjaopievovs dvabibd^aL 
 TTp&Tov, pidXia-Ta p!ev oas koI ^pL(f)opa beovTai, el be /lit}, ort 
 
 5 ye ovK e7rtf77/zta, eTretra be w? Kat ttjv \dpiv ^e^aiov e^ovartV 
 el be TovTOiV pirjbev ca^es KaTacrrqaova-L, pirj opyi^eaOai -qv 
 dTV)(Gia-LV. KepKvpaioL be pieTa ttjs ^vpLpLa\ias ttjs aiTria-eons 
 Kai TavTa TTLorevovTes exypa vplv irape^ea-Oai direa-TeLXav 
 Tjpias. TervxTjKe be to avTo einTTibevpLa irpos re vpias es Tqv 
 10 Xpeiav TjpXv dXoyov Kai es to. qpieTepa avTcov ev ru) irapovTi 
 d^vpL(f)opov. ^vp.p,a)(oi re yap ovbevos tto) ev ruJ iipo tov 
 eKOva-LOL yevopievoL vvv aXXcov tovto beqaopievoL iJKopLeVj Kai 
 ap.a es tov irapovTa iroXep.ov KopLvOCoiv epTJpLOi. bi avTo 
 
 C 2 
 
 Prepara- 
 tion of a 
 larger fleet 
 by Corinth 
 
 [435»434,or 
 434> 433]. 
 Corc)a-a in 
 alarm seeks 
 the alliance 
 of Athens. 
 
 Corcyraean 
 Speech. 
 
 We have 
 always 
 shunned 
 alliances : 
 yet we ask 
 for an alli- 
 ance with 
 you. We 
 admit that 
 our inde- 
 pendent 
 policy has 
 broken 
 down : we 
 cannot 
 fight 
 Corinth 
 again 
 single- 
 handed. 
 
 'tt-t/ 
 
20 
 
 Corey raean Speech. 
 
 I. 32, 33. 
 
 ;/ 
 
 Yet we 
 have much 
 to offer : 
 a good 
 cause, 
 eternal 
 gratitude, 
 a large 
 navy. 
 
 You are 
 in danger 
 yourselves 
 from Lace- 
 daemon : 
 through us 
 the Cor- 
 inthians 
 
 KaQiaTa\x€V, /cat TrepUarrjKev rj hoKovcra rjfici^v irporcpov 
 a'(D(t)po<rvvri, to fx?/ iv aWoTpCa fvjutfxaxta ry tov irikas 15 
 yv(ap.ri ^vyKivhvvev^iVy vvv a^ovXia koX acrOiv^ia (f)aivoix€vrj. 
 TTjv fJL€V ovv ycvofxivrjv vavixayjiav avTol Kara ixovas aTreco- 
 adpLeOa KopivOCovr eireLbr] be pLCiCovL TrapaaKevfj cltto HeXo- 
 TTOvvria-ov koI rrjs aWrjs ^EKkabos c</)' ^fxaj u>pixr]VTaL Kai 
 rjIMfh abvvaTOL 6p5ip.€v ovt^s tt} olKeCq piovov bvvaix€L iTcpL- 20 
 y€V€(TdaL, Koi ap.a piiyas 6 Kivbvvos d k(T6p.€6a v-n avTois, 
 avayKYj kol vpiiov kol aXkov iravrbs iinKovpias bda-Oaij kol 
 ^vyyvcapLT] €t /xt; juera Ka/ctas bo^rjs 8e p-aXXov ap.apTia Trj 
 TTporepov airpayfJLoaiJvrj kvavTia To\piS>pL€v. i 
 
 Tevrjo-craL b€ vplv Tret^o/xeroij Kokr] rj ^vvTVxia Kara 33 
 TToAXa Tijs r]pi.€T€pas XP^^^^» irptorov /xei; otl abiKovp^ivoLS 
 Kol ovx kripovs jB^diTTova-L ttjv kitiKOVpiav TTOLrjo-eo-de, 
 CTretra irepl t(ov /xeytoTcoi; KLvbvv€VovTa^ b€^dp,evoL ws av 
 p.a.kiaTa pL€T detjurTjorot; p.apTvpiov Tr}v yapiv KaraOda-de, 5 
 vavTLKOV T€ KiKTT^fjieOa ttXtjv tov Trap vpXv irkelarov. Kat 
 (TKixIraa-Oe tCs evirpa^ia (nravLonTipa rj tis toIs irokep.LOLs 
 XvTTrjpoTepa, el rjv v/xet? ^2; irpb ttoXXcov xpr]p.dT(iiV koL 
 xdpiTos eTLpirja-aa-Oe bvvap.iv vpXv TTpocryeviaOaii avTrj irap- 
 €<TTLv avT€7tdyy€\Tos dvev Kivbvvuiv koX bairavq^ bibova-a 10 
 eavrrjvy kol 'KpoaiTi (pipova-a h pi^v tovs irokkovs dp^TTjVj 
 oU b' €TrapLvv€iT€ xdpiv, vpXv 8' avroi? l(Txyv' h. h 7(3 
 TTavTi XPo^<f> okiyoLs bi] dp.a irAvra ^vvefirj, kol okCyoi ^vp.- 
 ftaxtas b€6p.€V0L oh iiriKokovvTaL do-<|)d\etai/ kol KO(rp.ov 
 ovx rj(r(TOv bibovTcs rj \ri\j/6p.€V0L TrapayiyvovTat. 15 
 
 Tor be TTokepLOv, bi* ovnep yjpr\(npoi hv etr^piev, et tls 
 vpSiV p.1] oterat ea-eaOai, yrw/XTjy ap,apTav€L kol ovk alaOa- 
 V€TaL Tovs AaKebaLpioviovs <\)6^(^ ro) vpLeTepcp T:o\€p.r](T€LovTas 
 Ka\ TOVS KopLvOlovs bvvap.evovs irap^ ovtols kol vpXv e^Opovs 
 6i>Tas KoX 'KpoKaToXap.^dvovTas rjpas vvv is T-qv vpL€T€pav 20 
 
 33. 5. KaTc^€ia$e'\ is Bekker's conjecture. MSS. KaraO^odi or Kara- 
 dr]<j6€. Read Kara^a^adi (Kriiger and others). 
 
 I. 33-35. 
 
 B.C. 433. 01. 86. 4. 
 
 21 
 
 €Tnx€Lprj<TLV, tva pirj T<p kqlv^ ^X^^^ '^"''' avTu>v p,€T dAX^Acoi; 
 crT5>p.ev, pLr]b€ bvolv (jyOdcraL apidpTaKrLV, r] KaKcacrai ^jp-as 7] 
 (r(f)as avTovs fi^PaidiG-an-Oai. r)p.iT€pov 8' av tpyov Tr/Dore- 
 pTjo-aiy T&v pL€v bibovToov vpL&v 8e be^apL^voiv Tr}v ^vp.p.ayj'av, 
 25 Kat TTpoeinpovX.cvav avTols p.aX\ov rj dvTeinfiovKeveiv, 
 
 34 *H^ ^^ \iy(0(Tiv 0)9 ov bUaLov tovs (T(f)€Tepovs clttoCkovs 
 vpLOLS bi\€crdaL, pLaOiTODcrav (as Tracra aiioiKia ev p.€v irdcrx- 
 ovara TLp,a Tr]V pLr]Tp6TTo\Lv, dbiKOvpLivr} be dWoTpiovTai' 
 ov yap eiTL rw SouAot dAX' eTrt ro) o/xotot rots XenropievoLS 
 
 5 eti/at eK'nep.TTOvTai, oas be rfbLKOVV, (rac^es eoTLv' irpoKXr}- 
 BevTes yap irepl ^ETTibapivov es Kpi(nv iroXepLco piaXXov rj t<2 
 t<T(a ipovXTjO-qa-av to. eyKXrip.aTa p^eTeXOelv. koX vpXv ea-TU) 
 TL TeKpLYipiov h TTpos ^/xttj TOVS ^vyyevels bpdaiv^ wore diraTrj 
 Te p.'q irapdyecrOai v-n avTo^v, beopiivoLs Te eK tov evdeos p-rj 
 10 VTTOvpyeLV 6 yap eXaxicTas tcls /xerafxeAetaj eK tov x^P^' 
 (ea-Qai rots evavTiois XapL^dvoav dcrcpaXeaTaTos hv biaTeXoir]. 
 
 35 Ava-eTe b^ ovbe tcls AaKebaipLOvCcov (Tirovbas bexdp-evoL 
 Tjpias pLTjbeTepcav ovras ^vpipidxovs' etprjrat yap ev avTaiSy 
 reSr *F,XX7]vCb(i)V iroXeuiv tJtls /XT^Sa/xoO ^vfx/xax€t, e^elvai 
 Trap OTTOTipovs hv dpe(TKr]Tai eXOelv. Kal beLvov el Tolcrbe 
 
 5 piev diro Te Ttav evcmovboav lorat irXrjpovv tcls raus Kat 
 TTpoa-iTL Kal eK ttjs aXXrjs 'EXXdbos Kal ovx rJKLara dirb T(av 
 vpieTep(ji)v VTrrjKooiv, rjpias b^ diro ttjs 'KpoKeip.ev7]S Te fu/x- 
 p.axias etp^ovcL Kal dirb ttjs dXXodev irodev w^eAtay, ctra 
 ev d8tK?}juiart Orjo-ovTai ireia-devTiav vp.5>v h. be6p.eBa, tioXv 
 
 10 86 ev TrXeCovL alTia ^/utets pirj ireia-avTes vp.as e^op.ev' Tjpias 
 pikv yap KLvbvvevovTas Kal ovk exOpovs ovTas aTTwo-eo-^e, 
 Tdvbe be ovx oirois KwAurat exOpo^v ovtcov Kal eiriovToav 
 yevrjo-ea-de, aXXd Kal dirb ttjs vp.eTepas dpx^s bvvap.Lv 
 TTpoa-Xape'iv irepLoyj/ea-de rjv ov bUaiov, dAA' rj KaKeivoiv 
 
 15 KoaXveiv tovs €k ttjs vpieTepas pLL(rdo(f)6povs, rj Kal rjpuv ttc/x- 
 ireiv Ka6* 6 rt hv Treia-OrJTe dxjyeXiaVi /xdAtora be drrb tov 
 7rpo(l)avovs be^ap,evovs fiorjOelv. 
 
 (who in- 
 stigate 
 them) are 
 attacking 
 you. 
 
 It may be 
 said that 
 * Corinth 
 is our 
 mother- 
 city.' But 
 that gives 
 her no 
 claim to 
 domineer 
 over us ; 
 and, if she 
 had not 
 been in 
 the wrong, 
 she would 
 have 
 accepted 
 arbitration. 
 
 As for * the 
 Peace,' it 
 allows neu- 
 trals like 
 ourselves 
 to join 
 either side. 
 And you 
 have al- 
 ready 
 allowed 
 Corinth 
 to enlist 
 recruits 
 among 
 your sub- 
 jects: help 
 neither or 
 both. 
 
22 
 
 Corey raean Speech. 
 
 I. 35-37. 
 
 It is your 
 interest to 
 help us, 
 and ours 
 to be faith 
 ful allies. 
 
 ther you 
 are strong, 
 War is 
 certain. 
 
 rToXAa 8e, wo-Trep kv apxjj vircCiTOfMcv, to. ^viK^epovra 
 cLTTobeLKWiJiev, Koi yiiyKTTov otl ot re avTol TrokifiLOL rjfxLv 
 rjcrav, oircp cracpecrTaTT] iTLcrTLi^ kol ovtol ovk aa-O^vels aXA' 20 
 iKarot Tovs /xeraardrras jSkaxf/aL' kol vavTLKrjs kol ovk 
 rjireipcoTibos rijs ^vp.p.a)(J,as btbopLiv-qs ov)(^ Ofxoia rj akXo- 
 TpicocTLSi oX\a pLCLkto-Ta ixivj el bvvacrOe, fx-qbiva aWov iav 
 K€KTrja-6aL z^aOs, et be pLrfy oo-tls k^vpiaTaros j tovtov (f)i\.ov 
 ix^iv, 25 
 
 The enemy Kat oro) Tabe ^pL(f)epovTa /xer boK€i Xiyea-daL, (f)ofieiTai 36 
 
 will not ask s^^5'»^ /i' v <^^\/ / nv 
 
 whether ^^ ^' avra TreLoopievos ras (nrovoas A^va-rj^ yv(ji)T(o to piev 
 
 you are bebios avTov l<r)(yv e\ov roi/y iravTLovs piaXkov <f)o^7J(roVi 
 
 scrupulous, Vj^v^ - ^ ^ /■ f -> A y -K ^•./ 
 
 but whe- ^^ "^ uapa-ovv pi] oe^apevov aadeves ov irpos Lcr)(yovTas 
 Tovs ixOpovs abeearrepov ecropLevov, kol apa ov irepl rrjs 5 
 KepKvpas vvv to irKeov 17 Kat rwi; ^Adr]V(av fiovkev6p.evo^^ 
 Kat ov TOL KpcLTiara avTois TTpovo(ov oTav is tov pieWovTa 
 Kol o(rov ov irapovTa iroXepov to avTiKa TrepLo-KOiTiav ivboid^i 
 \(jDpLOV TTpoa-Xapelv 6 pieTci pieyCcrTOJV Kacpcov oLKetovTaL re 
 
 Corcyra is Kat TToXepiovTaL. Trjs re yap *IraA.tay Kat 2tK€A.tay KaXo^s 10 
 
 the key of f ^, r. f, 'I'^/i vi'-i-rx 
 
 Italy id '^^poL'^kov Ketrat, cocrre /x^re eKeidev vavTiKov eaaai IleAo- 
 
 Sicily. TTOvvrio-iois eneXOeiv to re evOivbe irpos raKet 'napa'nep.y\rai, 
 
 Kai is TaWa ^vpi(f)opcoTaT6v iaTiv. 
 
 * Shall our Bpa)(i;Tdr(j) b' av Kf^aAatw, roty re ^vpLiracTL koi Kad^ 
 
 fleet be rf '^5^>*^ '/i«'" rn /\v 
 
 yours or ^*^CL(TTOVi r<j)0 av p.r] Tipoeadai rjpias pLaOoiTej Tpia p.ev ovTa 15 
 
 the ene- \6yov a^ia rots* "EAAryo-t vavTiKOL, to Trap* vplv Kat to rjpLe- 
 mies?' that ^ y , , *.3» ri/i v?^/* 
 
 is the whole '''^P^^ ^^^ "^^ r^opivuLCDV' tovtcdv et TTepLOYecrde Ta bvo es 
 
 point. TavTov ikOelv Kat KopCvOioL r)p.as irpOKaToXrixIfovTaL, KepKV- 
 
 paiois re Kat Yl€\oT:ovvr](TioLs apLa vavpLaxj^aeTe, 6e^d/xerot 
 6e TfpLas efere irpos avTovs TrAetoo-t vavcrl rats v/uterepats 20 
 
 Corinthian ayuiVL^eadaiJ* ToiavTa pikv ol KepKVpalot etirov' ol be 
 
 Speech. v ' a > » \ ^^ 
 
 '^ KopivuLOL /xer avTovs rotaoe. 
 
 The Cor- *' 'ArayKatoi; KepKvpaCcov T(avbe ov p.6vov 7re/)t tov be^a- 37 
 
 cyraeans . i^vv/ / s»» 
 
 o-^at (Tipas tov Xoyov 7rotr;o-a/xera)i;, ak\ cdj Kat 7;/xety re 
 
 36. 20. v/j.€T€pais'\ Or -qfifTepais. 
 
 I. 37, 38. 
 
 Corinfhiait Speech. 
 
 23 
 
 dStKoiJuei; Kat avrol oi&k etKorcos TroAe/xowrat, pLvrjaOevTas shun allr- 
 
 ances lest 
 Trp(OTov Kal 77/xas Tiept ap.^0Tep(iiv ovtoi) Kat iin tov aXXov ^jjgij- mean- 
 
 5 Xoyov levaij Xva ttjv h<\> rjp&v re a^Ccaa-LV acr<paXe(rTepov °^^ should 
 TTpoeibrJTe Kal ttjv T&vbe xpeiav p.r] dAoytcrrcoy aiKacnia-Oe, light. 
 ^ao-t be ^vpp.ayj.av bia to acocppov ovbevos tt(o be^aaOaL' 
 TO 6' eTTt KaKOvpyCa Kal ovk apeTy iireTribeva-av, ^vp.p.ay6v 
 re ovbeva ^ovX6p.evoi irpos TabiKripLaTa ovbe pL6.pTvpa exetr, 
 
 10 ovre irapaKaXovvTes alcrxvveordai, kol t] ttoXls avTwv ap^a^ They ill- 
 avTCLpKY] Oea-Lv KeipLevrjy irapeyei avTovs bLKaaTas &v ^Ad- ^^ather- 
 
 TTTOva-L Tiva ixaXXov rt KaTo. ^vvOriKas yCyveaOai, bta to bound 
 
 / f V V \ X visitors, 
 
 iJKLa-Ta i-nl tovs ireXas iK-nXeovTas pLaXio-Ta tovs aXXovs and fear no 
 
 avdyKrj KaTaipovTas bexeaOai, kclv T0VT(a to ^^'^P^'^^^^ ^^^^^^^ 
 
 15 aairovbov ovx tva pLi] fvraStKT/crcoo-tr erepot? irpoPe^XrjvTat, they do 
 
 ,v.j« V / i<s« \ ff 1 V \ ■^ ^__ not visit 
 
 dAA 0770)5 Kara piovas aStKwo-t Kat ottcoj ev w p.ev av KpaT- ^^^^^ 
 
 Qa-L ^tdfa)z;rat, ov 5' hv XdOoiaL irXeov exaxTLV, rjv be ttov 
 
 TL TTpoarXd^axTLV dvaLcrxvvT&a-LV. KaiTOi et r\(Tav dvbpes 
 
 coa-irep (fyaalv dyaOoC, oaco dXrjTTTOTepoi ^](rav rot? ireXas, 
 
 20 Toa-^be (f)avepoi)Tepav i^rjv avTols ttjv dpeTrjv bibova-t kol 
 
 bexopievois to. StKata SeiKz^i^at. 
 
 38 'AAA' ovT€ TTpos TOVS dXXovs ovTe is r]p,as TotoCbe elaiv, ' We are 
 ,„ - r./cvv \ V'* \'^ attacking 
 
 aTTOtKOt c oi'Tes acjyea-Taa-f, re oia Trarros Kat vvv iroXep.ovai.j ^^^ ^^^ 
 
 XeyovTes ws ovk iirl rw kukcos Tidcrxeiv iKTrepLcfydeirja-av. SP^^^^'' 
 
 rjpLeis be ovb' avToC ^ap.ev i-nl rw viib tovtohv v^piC^aOai have 
 
 5 KarotKto-at, dAA' eTri rw rjyepLOves re elvau Kal rd eUoTa "^^^^^^ 
 
 BavpidCea-Oat. ai yovv dXXai diroLKLaL Tip.5icnv r]p.as, Kal naother- 
 
 pLdXta-Ta viTo diroiKOiV aTepyop^eOa' Kal byjXov otl el rots ^ ^* 
 
 irXeoa-LV dpea-KOvres ia-piev, TolcrV av pLOVOLs ovk 6p6m 
 
 dirapeo-KOtfxei;, ovb^ iinaTpaTevopiev iKirpeircas /x?/ Kat biacfyep- 
 
 10 6vT(i)s TL dbLKOvpievoL, KoXov 5' rjv, el Kal r]p.apTdvop.ev, 
 
 Tola-be piev et^at rrj rjpieTepq opyff, T]pXv 6' alayjpbv ^LdaaaQai 
 
 Ti]v TovTcov /xerptoVr/ra- vjBpeL be kol i^ova-ta ttXovtov above all 
 
 TToAAd is ^/xas dAAa re r)p,apTriKa(TL Kal 'ETTLbap.vov r]p,eTepav Epida^n 
 
 88. 9. kmarpartvofjiey], Ullrich conjectures irrfarparevofMCv, 
 
 <,a<'Ox^.Kc 
 
 us. 
 
a4 
 
 Corinthian Speech. 
 
 I. 38-40. 
 
 ovcrav KaKovix€vr]v ^€v ov TrpocreiroLovvTOj ikdovroiv Se rjfxcav 
 iirl rt/icopta kkovres /3ta ^yov(Tiv. 15 
 
 Kat <\)a(n h-q bUri irpoTCpov iOekija-aL KpCvea-QaLy rjv y€ ov 39 
 TOP irpovx^ovra Koi €k tov dcri^aXoOs 7rpOKa\oijfX€vov Xeyetr 
 
 *They 
 offered 
 arbitra- 
 tion. But TL boKclv 5et, a\Xa tov €s tcrov tcl tc ipya ouotcos Kai tovs 
 they block- , * ., , v 
 
 aded Epi- Aoyous Trpti^ otaycoz/t^ecrc/at KavLCTTavTa, ovtol ov irpiv 
 
 damnus TTokiopKclv to ^(lapiov, dXA.' kn^ihr] rjyrja-avTO 77/bta? ov ttc- 5 
 
 They did pLoyj/ea-OaLf t6t€ /cat to cvTrpeTT^s tt/j 8t/c7]9 TTapi(r)(^ovTo. kol 
 
 not offer 5'^ 1^ >^'>/ »\t / ^\\v \ 
 
 vou their "^^/'^^ 7]kovo-lv ov TaK€i fiovov avTOL afxaprovT€S, aWa Kat 
 
 alliance till vfxas vvv a^LovvT€9 ov ^VfJifxa^elv ak\a ^vvabiKelv kol bia- 
 
 theywere , ^ ^ " %' a ^- * -'''j. 
 
 in danger. <popovs ovTas r}p.iv 0€)(€(Tt)ai crcpas' ovs XPV^^ ^'^^ aa-<pa- 
 
 Aecrrarot rjaaVy t6t€ irpoaUvaL, kol jii] €v <^ rjixels picv 10 
 
 rjbLKriixeOa ovtol 6e KLvbvv€VOV(nv, pLr]b* kv cE v/xetj ttjs re 
 
 bwdficois avT(av t6t€ ov fx^TakafiovTes t^s w^eAiay vvv 
 
 IJL€Tab<a<T€T€y Koi tS>v afJLapT-qjjLaTaiv aTroy€v6fj.€VOL Trjs aif)* 
 
 Tjpicov aiTLas to X<tov €^€T€, TraAat Se KOLvcaa-avTas ttjv bvva- 
 
 jJLLV KOLVa KOL TCL CLTTO^aLVOVTa €\€LV. 15 
 
 *X2y fjikv ovv avToC re /xcra TTpodrjKOVTcdv eyKXr/jutdiTcor 40 
 €p\6pLeda KOL otbe ^Laioi koX irXeoveKTaL eto-t, 8e8?]Aa)rat* 
 0)9 6' ovK hv bLKaCois avTovs bi^oLcrde, ptadelv xprj. et yap 
 they can do ^i-pTjTaL €v rats (TTroroats efeti/at Trap oTTorepous rts rwr 
 so without ^yp^(^(tii; T:o\€(tiV povkeTaL (kOclv, ov rots (Til ^kdlSrf hipoiv 5 
 
 their touo-tj; 17 ^vvdrjKTj eortz/, dXA' oorts /i^ aXXou avror aTToore- 
 
 founders, '*'j.\'st'* na' v "^/^^ » 
 
 and drai?- ^^^ ao-cpaAetas oetrat, Kat oo-rts jtxr) rots oe^afxevoLs, €l 
 
 ging their (T<Mi(\)povov(TL, iroXefjiov dvT elprjvrjs 7rot7}(ret* 6 vvv v/iets 
 new friends v ^, «-//i y >v «5 / ,/ 
 
 into war. /^^ TT€LoopL€VOL rjfXLV iraooLTe av. ov yap rotcroe fxovov 67rt- 
 
 KOvpoL hv yivoLo-de, aXXa kol fipXv clvtI kva"n6vb(iiv TroXe/xtof 10 
 
 avdyKY] yAp, el tr€ jutcr avTiov, koI dpLVvea-daL p,r} dvev vp.5>v - 
 
 TOVTOVS. 
 
 39. 15. Some, mostly inferior, MSS. add (after Koiva Kal tcL diro0cuvovTa 
 *X*"') fytXijfMTCJV St fiovojv dfifTuxovs ovTOJi Tuv fji(Tci TcLs irpcL^fis rovrajv 
 fi^ Koivaiviiv. The words are obscure in construction and unimportant 
 to the sense. 
 
 ' Neutrals 
 may join 
 either 
 league.* 
 
 I. 40-42. 
 
 B.C. 433. OL 86. 4. 
 
 25 
 
 / , 
 
 Katrot bUaLoC y Icnk fxakiOTa fxkv eKirobiov arrjvai dp.ff>o- 
 
 TepOLSy €t b€ fXrj, TOVVaVTLOV (TtI T0VT0V9 /X6^* TJpLCOV Uvai 
 
 15 (KopLvdLOLs pL€v y€ ev(n:ovboL €(rT€i KcpKVpaLois b€ ovb€ bi 
 ^vaKcaxrjs iroiiTOT eyivea-Oe), Kal tov v6p.ov jir] KadLo-TavaL 
 (wore rovs trepcoz; d(l>i(TTap.ivovs bi\<E(Tdai. ovb\ yap ?//x€ts 
 2ap.L(ji)V dirooTavTCDV \/r^(^02; Trpoo-e^e/xe^a havTiav vplv, tG)v 
 dk\(i>v Tl€XoTrovvrj(TL(i)v 6t;(a €ylrr)<f>L(T\xiv(iiv et \pr\ avTols 
 
 20 dp,vv€LVy <^avep(as be avTeCiropLev tovs irpocrriKovTas ^v/x/xd^ous 
 avTov TLva KoXd^eLV. el yap tovs KaKov tl bpwvTas be\6- 
 lievoL TLfxcopria-eTe, (pavelTai Kal h T(ov vpLeTepaiv ovk eAdcro-o) 
 T}p,lv TTpoa-eLo-Ly Kal TOV vopLOv e</)' vpXv avTols piaXXov rj e<^* 
 TjfXLV O-qa-eTe. 
 41 AtKatw/xara jxev ovv Tabe Trpos Vjutas e^ofxev iKava Kara 
 rovs ^E\kriv(ov vofxovSi irapaivecTLV be Kal d^Coio-LV \dpLTOs 
 TOLdvbe, rjv ovk e^Opol ovTes oKrTe j^XdiTTeLv, ovb' av (f)[\oi. 
 wot' eiTixprj^^o.h dvTLboOrjvai, ffplv ev rw irapovTi <^a/xei^ 
 
 5 xprjvai. ve&v yap pLaKp(ov a-iraviaavTes iroTe irpos tov 
 Alyivr]T&v virep to, MrjbiKa 'nokep.ov irapa KopLvOCoiv etKoo-t 
 z^aus eAd/3ere* Kat rj evepyea-ia avTrj re Kat rj es ^ajiCovs, to 
 bi TjpLCLS Tle\oTrovvr)a-Lovs avTois firj ^orjOrjcraLi Trapea-^ev 
 vpXv AlyLvr]T&v piev eiTLKpdrqcnv ^apLL(ov be KokaatVy Kal ev 
 
 10 Katpots roiovrots eyeveTo oh /xdAto-ra dvOpcoiroL eit* e\6povs 
 TOVS (T(f)eT4povs lovTes T(av ttovtohv direpLOTTToC ela-i Trapa to 
 VLKOLV <^ikov re yap TjyovvTai tov viiovpyovvTa, rjv Kal 
 TTpoTepov e^Opos fj, TTokepaov re tov dvTia-TdvTa, rjv Kal tv\7} 
 <f)L\os (aVy eirel Kal tcl otKeta x^lpov TiOevTai c^tAoi^etKtas 
 
 15 eveKa rqs avTLKa, 
 
 42 ^v evdvpLTjOevTes kol ve(aTep6s rts irapa irpea-^vrepov 
 
 avTCL pia6u)v d^iovToa rots 6p.oLois ^/xas dp.vve<r6ai, kol p.r\ 
 
 vofxlairi biKaLa p.ev rd6e Xeyea-Qai, ^vpi(\>opa b4y el TToKepLrja-ei, 
 
 aWa elvai. to re yap ^v}i<l>epov ev <a av rts eAd;(toTa 
 
 5 a^apTdvrj /xdAtora eTrerat, Kal to jxeWov tov iroXefiov w 
 <l>opovvTes vpLOLs KepKupatot KeAevouo-tz; dStKetz^ ez^ d(l)avel 
 
 But do 
 not help 
 seceders. 
 We voted 
 against 
 helping 
 Samos 
 [440]. 
 And some 
 of your 
 allies may 
 secede. 
 
 We have 
 claims on 
 your good 
 feeling too. 
 We helped 
 you against 
 Aegina 
 [about 491 
 or 489] as 
 well as 
 in the 
 matter of 
 Samos — 
 both 
 critical 
 occasions. 
 
 The great 
 war may 
 never 
 come : do 
 
25 
 
 Corinthian Speech. 
 
 I. 42-44. 
 
 Il 
 
 not incur 
 our certain 
 enmity : 
 we have 
 not for- 
 gotten 
 Megara. 
 
 The Athe- 
 nians make 
 a merely 
 defensive 
 alliance 
 with 
 Corcyra. 
 
 €71 K€trat, KOLi ovK CL^LOv knapOivTas avTia (pavcpav €\6pav 
 rjbr] Koi ov fx^XXovcrav irpbs KopLvdCovs KTrjcracrdaLj rrjs b^ 
 vi:ap)(ov(Tr]s irpoTcpov bia Meya/oeas viro^ias (TGi<\)pov 
 v<\>€k€iv fxaXXov' 17 yap TeXevTaia x^P^^ Kaipbv ^yovaa^ 10 
 Kh.v ikd(r(TODV 17, bvvarai /letfoi; eyKkrjpia Xva-ai, ixrjb 
 OTL vavTLKov ^v\x^ia\iav pL^ydKrjv biboaa-L, TovT<a €(f)4K- 
 K€(r6€' TO yap fxrj dbiKeiv tovs o/uotous 6;(vpa)repa bvvapus 
 Yj TO) avTLKa (f)av€p^ €TTapd€VTas bia KLvbvvayv to T:kiov 
 
 *H/oi€t5 be irepL-neiTTCDKOTes oh (v tt) AaKebatpLOVL avTol 43 
 
 TT/jpetVo/xei^, TOVS 0-(f)€T€p0VS ^VIXpLOLXOVS avTov Tiva KO\d^€l.V, 
 vvv Tiap vp.(ov TO avTo d^iovp.€v KopiiC^ecrOaLy koX fxrj rfj 
 i]p.€Tipa \l/ri(f)(a d)(f)€kr]6iVTas Trj vp.€T€pq TjpLas fiXdyj/aL. to 
 8' L(TOv di'TairoboTe, yv6vT€s tovtov iKeXvov elvai tov Kaipbv 5 
 iv ^ o T€ vTTOvpyGiV <f>Lkos pidkLaTa Kal 6 arrtoras ix^P^^* 
 Kttl KfpKVpaCovs TOV(Tb€ pLTfTc ^vpLp.dxovs Se^ecr^e /3ta rfp^Civ 
 pL'qTe dpLvv€T€ avrots dbLKOvatv. Kal Tabe ttolovvt€^ Ta Trpo<r~ 
 rjKOVTd T€ bpd(T€T€ Kttl TO. dpLOTa ^ovkiva-ecrOe vpuv avTols.' 
 ToiavTa b€ Kal ol KopivOLOL eiTror. 10 
 
 ^AOijvaloL b^ CLKOvcravTcs dpi(f)OT€po)v, y€VopL€vr]s Kal bh 44 
 €KKkrj(TCaSj TT] pL€v TTpoTipo. ovx rj(rorov T(ov Kopivdicov aTTeSe- 
 ^avTO Tovs koyovs, iv be Ty vaTepaCa pLeTeyvoiaav KfpKV- 
 paioLS ^vpipiaxCav p-ev pL-q Troirfo-aa-OaL &(TTe tovs avTovs 
 ix^povs Kal (jyCkovs vopLiCeiv [el yap cttI KopivOov eKtkevov 5 
 (T<\>i(TLV 01 KepKVpaloi ^vp.'nkelv, ikvovT av avTols al irpbs 
 U€koirovvr](rLOVs o"iTOvbai), eiripLaxiav 8' eTroLi^cravTo tt] dk- 
 krikcov ^orjOelv, edv tls €1tI KipKvpav tr} rj ^AOrjvas rj tovs 
 TovTUiv ^vpipidxovs. iboK^L yap 6 irpbs UekoirovvrjcrLovs 
 TTokepLOS Kal &s iaea-Qai avTols^ Kal ttjv KepKvpav i^ovkovTO 10 
 pLYf TtpoiaOai KopivdCoLS vavTiKbv ^xovcrav toctovtoVj fvy- 
 Kpoveiv b\ OTL pidkio-Ta avTovs dkkrikoLSi iva da-Oevearipois 
 ovo-ir, riv tl Scr/, KoptvOioLS re Kal toIs dkkois vavTiKbv 
 €xov<Tiv ks TTokepiov KaOiorTcavTai,. dpia be ttjs re IraXtay 
 
 1.44-47. B.C. 433-432. OL 86. 4-87. 1. 
 
 27 
 
 15 Kol ^LKckias Kakois €(f)aLV€TO avTols ri vrjaos ev irapdirkta 
 KeicrBai. 
 
 45 ToiavTTi p.\v yvcopLTj ol ^AOrjvaloL tovs KepKvpaCovs irpoa-e- Ten ships 
 
 befavTOy Kal Tcav KopivOCoiv direkdovTOiyv ov irokv varepov ^^^\ [433], 
 , ^ , ^ , / with orders 
 
 b€Ka vavs avTOLS aireaTeikav ^o-qOovs' ecrTpaTriyei be avTcap not to fight 
 AaKebaipLovLos re 6 KCpLOivos Kal Atort/xos 6 ^TpopLJilxov kol ^J^^ j 
 5 npcoreas 6 ^EiTLKkiovs. irpoelTrov be avTols pi] vavp.axelv directly 
 KopLvdCoLs, rjv pLT} eirt KepKvpav TrAecocrt Kal pLekkoio-iv diro- 
 ^aiveiVy r] es T(av eKeivoav tl x^P^^^' ovto) be KoakveLV 
 KOTa. bvvap.Lv, irpoelirov be raOra tov /i^ kveLv eveKa tols 
 (TTTovbds. 
 
 46 At pLev bi] z;r}e? dcpLKvovvTaL is t^v KepKVpav, ol be A great 
 KopLvOLOL, eneLbr} avToh irapecrKevaa-To, eirkeov eirl tt^v anTallied" 
 KepKvpav vaval TrevTrjKOVTa Kal eKaTov. rja-av b^ 'HkeCcov ^eet sails 
 pLev beKa, Meyapecov be bcabeKa kol AevKabCcav beKa, 'A/x- rjum ; and 
 
 5 TTpaKLOiTcov be cTrra Kal eLKocrL Kal ^ AvaKTopCo)v pt.La, avrwr ^^^ ^^''^J'" 
 5v 1.^/1/1/ \^.v/ » V r^can and 
 
 oe KopLvdLcov eveinjKovTa' (TTpaTTjyoL be TOVTOiv rjcrav piev Athenian 
 
 Kal KaTci TTokeLS eKaaTcav, KopLvO lonv be EevoKkeCbrjs 6 9^?^ |° 
 
 EvOvKkeovs irepLTTTos avTos. eireLbr) be irpoarepLL^av ttJ Kara [433 or 
 
 KepKvpav rfTTeCpcD dirb AevKdbos irkeovTes, oppLL^ovTaL es 
 
 10 XeipiepLov TTJs ©eo-Tr/acortSos yijs. 
 
 "Ea-TL be kipLriVi Kal irokLS virep avTov /cetrat dirb dakda-a-qs 
 ev T?] *EAatdrt8t TTfs QecnrpoiiTLbos 'Ec^vpr;. e^eLo-L be irap 
 avTTjv ^ AxepovcTLa kipLvrj es Odkao-<rav' 5ta be ttjs Qea-irpco- 
 TCbos 'A)(epcoz; iroTapibs peonv eo-jBdkkeL es avTrjv, d(\) ov Kal 
 
 15 T7]v eiroivvpLLav exet. pet be Kal QvapcLs iroTapLos, bpi^a^v 
 Tr)v Sea-TTpoiTLba Kal Kea^TpLvqv, (av evTbs ff 6,Kpa dvexeL to 
 \eLp.ipLov. 
 
 47 Ot p.ev ovv KopCvOiOL ttjs rjireLpov evTavOa 6pp.i^ovTaL re 
 Kat (TTpaT6T:ebov eiroiqcravTo, ol be KepKVpaloL u>s riaOovTo 
 avTovs irpoa-irkeovTas, TrkqpiaaavTes beKa Kal eKaTbv I'ttt's, 
 (Si; rjpxe MetKtaS?;? Kat Ala-LpLLbqs Kal Evpv/3aro9, earpaToire' 
 
 5 bevcravTo ev paa tS>v vrfcraiv a\ KakovvraL ^vpoTa' kol al 
 
28 
 
 Battle of Sybota, 
 
 I. 47-49. 
 
 •II 
 
 Battle of 
 Sybota 
 
 [433 or 
 432]. 
 
 No man- 
 oeuvres : 
 they 
 boarded 
 and fought 
 on the 
 decks as if 
 on land. 
 
 10 
 
 ^AttlkoI beKa Traprja-ov. €7rt Se ttJ AevKLfxvi] avTols rw 
 CLKpoDTTjpLiD 6 TTcfos tJi; kol XaKVvOLoiv ytXioi OTrAtrat l3€j3or]' 
 OrjKOTfs. rjcrav bk koI rots KopivdiOLS Iv rfj rjireLpio iroWol 
 T(ov ^ap^apcov iTapaP^Por]dr]K6T€s' ol yap ravrrf i)iret/)cSrat 
 act TTore avTols ^tXot ela-iv* 
 
 'E7ret8^ Se Trapeo-Kevao-ro roiy Koptr^totj, Xafiovres TpiS>v 48 
 rjpL€p(av a-LTia avr\yovTO ws €7rt vavixa\Cav airo tov Xti/xeptou 
 jWKToSj Kol 6.pLa eo) irXeovTC'S KaBopSxri ras rSiv K€pKvpa(u)V 
 vavs p.€T€(apovs T€ Kal €7rt crt^aj 7r\€ ov(ras. ws de Karclbov 
 aWriXov^, avTLTTapeTacra-ovTo, €7rt fxev to be^Lov K€pas Kep- 5 
 KVpaCiov al ^Attlkol vrjes, to b^ aXXo avTol €Tr€L\ov Tpia 
 Tiki] iroi^(ravT€S tS^v V€&Vj cav ^px^ TpiSiV arparqyStv kKOL- 
 OTov ctj. ovTcti fxkv KepKvpaioL eTa^avTo, KopLvOCoLS be to 
 fxev be^Lov K€pas ai MeyaptSes vrjes €l\ov koI ai ^ Ap.'npaKKa- 
 Tibes, KaTCL b\ TO piicrov ol aXXot fv/xjutaxot o)? eKaaTOL' 10 
 fViawfiov be Kepas avrol ol KopCvOioL rats 6,picrTa t&v ve<ov 
 TrXeovorais KaTcL tovs ^ AOrjvaCovs Kal to be^iov T(av KepKV- 
 paioiv elxov. 
 
 BvpLpLL^avT€S 8e, iireibr} to. crrjixeia cKarcpots ijpOt], kvav- 49 
 pLoyjovv, TTokXovs pL€v OTrAtras €\ovt€s ap.<f>6Tepoi €7rt Twr 
 KaTaaTpaipLCLTaiv, irokXovs be rofoVas re Kal d/coi^rtorti?, rai 
 TTaXaiia Tpoinf q/nei^oTepov ert Tiapea-Kevaa-p.evoi. ^v re r] 
 vavfxaxCa KapTepd, ttj p.ev Te\vr\ ov^ o/ixoto)?, ire^opiaxCa be to 5 
 irkeov Trpo(r(l)€pr]S ovca. eTreibrj yap Trpoa-^dkkoiev dAXTjXoiy, 
 ov pabldis airekvovTo viro re irkridov? Kal o)(kov t&v vecoVj 
 
 KaL piakkov TL TTLCTTeVOVTeS Tols eTTl TOV KaTa(TTp(hp.aTOS oirkC- 
 
 rats ej ttjv vCktjv, ot KaTaaravTes efjLd\ovTO rjavxa^ovcrcav 
 tQv ve(ov' bLeKirkoL 8' ovk rjcav, dkXd 6v\x^ Kal pw/xr/ to 10 
 irkeov evavp-oyovv rj eirLori^fxri. TravTaxrj piev ovv TTokvs 
 Oopvpos Kal rapaxw8rjs rjv t) vavpLa\La, ev fj al 'Arruat 
 VTJes TTapayiyvop.evai toIs KepKvpaCoLS et tttj ttU^oivto, 
 <t>6pov piev irapelxov tols evairrCoiSy p-^X"'!^ ^^ ^^'^ VPX^^ 
 bebiOTes ol (TTparqyol ttjv irpopprjcriv TOiV ^AO'qvaioDV. pa- 15 
 
 I. 49, 50. B. c, 433 or 432. 01. 86. 4, or 87. i. 29 
 
 kLora be to be^Lov Kepas rwr KopLvdicav eiroveC ol yap The Cor- 
 KepKvpaloL elKoa-L vavcrlv avTovs Tpe\l/dp.evoL Kal KaTabica- ^"JP^^ 
 ^avTei a-TTOpdbas es T-qv rjireipov p-expf- tov orpaTOirebov defeated. 
 irkeva-avTes avTtiv Kal eireKl^avTes eveirprjo'dv re tols (TKrjvas 
 20 eprjpLovs Kal to. XRVP'O-^a buripTraa-av, 
 
 TavTTi piev ovv ol KopCvOioi koI ol ^ppiaxoL ria-crcovTo re 
 
 Kal ol KepKvpaloL eireKpdTovv' p be avTol Rjcrav ol KopCvOioij The Cor- 
 
 '^'^'' \V'' «Tr / «v inthians 
 
 eTTt ro) ev(aiwpL(D, irokv eviKoav, tois KepKVpaLois T(av eiKoa-i ^""*"* 
 
 veiav dirb ekdacovos irkridovs (k ttjs Stwfecos ov Trapovaiav. victorious. 
 
 25 ot 8' ^AdrjvaloL optovTes tovs KepKvpaiovs ineCopLevovs pakkov ^ians 
 ijbt] dirpoclyaa-La-TMS eireKovpovv, to piev irp&TOv direxopevoL driven to 
 (ocrre pL-q epipaAkeLv tlvL' eTret oe r) Tpoirrj eyeveTo kap.- the Cor- 
 Trpws Kat eveKeiVTo ot KopCvOioiy TOTe brj epyov ttcls etxero ^^^^^^^s. 
 ^jbrj Kat. bieKeKpLTO ovbev eTL, dkka ^vveirea-ev es tovto 
 
 30 dvdyKrjs &arTe einxeLprja-aL dkXrjkoLS tovs KopLvOiovs Kal 
 
 ^AdrjvaLovs, 
 
 50 Trjs be TpoTTTjs yevop.evqs ol KopCvdioL to, (TKd(f>ffi pev ovx 
 
 elkKov dvabovpievoL tQv ve<av hs KaTabvceiav, Trpbs be tovs 
 
 dvdpcoitovs eTpdirovTO (fyoveveLV bieKirkeovTes piakkov rj fco- 
 
 ypeiVy TOVS re avTciiv c^tAovy, ovk al(r66p.evoL otl rj<ra"qvTo ol 
 
 5 eTTt ra> 8e^tw Kepa, dyvoovvTes eKTeivov. irokkQv yap ve&v 
 
 ov(r<av dp.<\)OTepoiv Kal eTTt 'nokv t^s Oakda-aqs eTrexovcriov, 
 
 iireibri ^vvepn^av dkkrjkoLS, ov pqbCoiS ttjv bidyvoio-LV 
 
 eiTOLovvTo OTToloL CKpdTOvv ^ CKpaTovvTO* vavpaxi-OL yap avT-q 
 
 EkkfjcTL Trpbs "Ekkqvas ve&v irkrideL p.eyi<TTr] bi] Tcav irpb 
 
 10 kavTTJs yeyevrjTai. eTreibrj b^ KaTebCoi^av tovs KepKVpaCovs The Cor- 
 ot KopCvOiOL es Tr]v yrjvt irpbs to, vavdyia Kal tovs veKpovs ^":^"*^°^» 
 
 TOVS (TcpeTepovs eTpdirovTO, Kal tG>v TrkeCa-TOiV eKpdrqa-av curing their 
 
 ff / >^v<//D ♦»'^< v« dead, come 
 
 wore TTpocTKop.icrai irpos Ta l^vpoTa, ot avroty o Kara yi]v ^^ ' jjj 
 
 (TTpaTbs T(ov I3appdp(t)v TTpoaefie^o-qQriKeC eo-rt 8e tcl 2v- and are 
 
 15 poTa r^s 0eo-7rpa)rt§os kipi-qv eprjpLos. tovto be TTOirjaavTes force a 
 
 av^ts dOpoLo-OevTes eireirkeov tols KepKvpaCois. ol be rats ^^^^^g • 
 
 TrkoLpiOLs Kal 6<raL rjcrav AotTiat peTo. T(av 'ArrtKwi; rewr Kal 
 
3° 
 
 Battle of Sybota. 
 
 I. 60-62. 
 
 4> 
 
 avToi avTiirXeov^ beiaavTes ^r] €s ttjv yrjv acfyGiV TrcLpQcnv 
 
 CLTTolSaLVeLV. 
 
 when 20 "Hbrj Se 171; oyj/e kol €TT€TTaL(avL(TTo avTols ws is iiTLirXovv, 20 
 
 more '''"*'< «ir'zi '<?•' ' •> ^ ^' 
 
 Athenian '^^^ ^' KopLvuioL (^aiTLvrjs TTpvpivav €KpovovTo KaTLOovres 
 
 ships come (Xkoctl vavs ^AQ-nvaCoiV Trpoa-irXcova-as' hs va-repov t&v Se/ca 
 
 up, and ^ , ^ , t , ^ , ^ 
 
 the Cor- ^or]6ovs e^^ircpLxj/av oi AdrjvaioLj beia-avT^s oirep kyiv^ro, 
 
 mt lans ^^ VLKr)6(a(TLV ol KipKvpaloL kol at (T^irepai b^Ka vrJ€S oXiyai 
 
 afxvvetv oxtlv. ravras ovv irpo'ibovTcs ol KopLvOtoL kol 51 
 - VTTOTOTTrjuavTes aTT* ^A6r]vS>v etrat ov)(^ oaas ktaptiiv aXXa 
 7r\€iovs vTTai'€X(apovv. toIs be KepKvpaiOLs (kirliiTkeov yap 
 ^aXXov €K Tov acpavovs) ov)( ewpwi^ro, kol i6avixa(ov tovs 
 KopLvOiovs irpvfjLvav Kpovofiivovs, irpiv nves iboirres elirov 5 
 OTL i'^e? €KeivaL iirnrXeova-LV. t6t€ be Kal avTol av€\(apovv 
 [^vvea-Kora^e yap ?/6r/) Kal ol KopLvOioL aTTOTpaTTopievoL ttjv 
 bLoXva-LV €TTOLri(TavTo. ovTO) pikv 7] a-nakXayr] iyivero aXXrj- 
 X(ov, Kal 7) vavpLa\La ereXevTa is vuKTa, tols KepKvpaCoLS 
 be o-TpaToirebevofJievoLS iirl rfj AcvKipLvrj al eiKocn vrjes at 10 
 aird T(ov ^A6r\v(av avrai, <av rjpx^ FXavKcov re 6 Aedypov 
 Kal AvboKLbrjs 6 Aecoyopov, 8ta T(iv veKpcav Kal vavayioav 
 Trpoa-KopLLcrOela-aL KariirXeov is to oTpaToirebov ov ttoXXQ 
 vaT€pov rj &<l)67](Tav. ol be KepKvpaloL (7]v yap vv^) 
 i(f)oPr]6rja-av pLi} TToAe/xtat coaLv, e-neira be eyv(t)(Tav Kal 15 
 ojppiL(ravTo, 
 The Cor- Tr) 6' varepaia dvayojjLevaL at re 'ArrtKal TpiaKovra 52 
 2?Athe- ^^^^ '^"^ '^^^ KepKVpaC(av ocrat T:X6ip.oi rjaav iire-nXeva-av 
 nians offer izl tov iv rots ^vjBoTOLs At/xeW, iv <a ol KopCvdioL a>ppLOVVi 
 battle. fiovX6p.evoL elbevai el vavpLaxqcrova-iv, ol be tols jxev vavs 
 ^pavres dirb rrjs yrjs Kal irapaTa^dpievoL fieTecopovs 7jcrv)(^aCoVf 5 
 vavfxaxCas ov biavoovp.evoi dpx^iv eKovTes, opcavTes irpooye-' 
 yevrjfxevas re vavs iK Tcav 'AOrjvcov dKpaL(l)vels koI (T^iaL 
 TToXXdra diropa ^vpLfiefir)K6Ta, al)(jxaX(aT(iiv Te irepl (fyvXaKrjs 
 
 51. 6, dv€X(JJpow {^wiOKora^i yap ^drj) /rax], Bekker av^x^pow ^vv- 
 (ffKuTa^e yap Tjbrj, KaX] 
 
 I. 52-54. B, c. 433 or 432. OL 86. 4, or ^'j, i. 
 
 31 
 
 ovs ev Tais vavcriv etxor, fcat eirLo-Kevrjv ovk ova-av tZv ve&v 
 10 iv x^^^V ^PW^' TOV be oLKabe ttXov fxaXXov bLeo-Koirovv 
 oirrf Kop^ia-dria-ovTaL, bebiores pitj ol 'AdrjvaloL, ro/xtVarres Xe- 
 Xva-Oai, Tas a-iroybas StoVt is Xftpa? rjXOov, ovk e<So-t acpas 
 d'noTTXeiv, 
 
 53 "^bo^ev ovv avTols dvbpas is KeXrjTLOv e/x^t^ao-az;ras The Cor- 
 avev KTjpvKeiov '7Tpo(nrep,\lraL rots 'Adr}vaCoLS Kal ^^tpaz; [^[^^jj 
 TTOt^o-ao-^at. TTefxyj/avTes re eAeyoi; rotaSe. " aStKetre, w ascertain 
 S.vbp€S 'AOrjvaloL, iroXepLov apxovTes Kal airovbas XvovTes' ctf reuL 
 5 ripXv yap iroXep^iovs tovs rjfxeTepovs TLp^ctipovjxevoLS ifxirobuiv unmo- 
 ta-TaarOe oirXa avTaipop^evoi. el b' vyXv yvcapL-q ecrrt K(aXveLV 
 re Tjiias iirl KepKvpav rj dXXo(re et Trot fiovXopieOa irXelv, 
 Kal Tas (nrovbas Auere, rjfxas Tova-be Xa/BovTes irpcaTov XPV' 
 a-aa-Oe o)s 7ro\e/xtots." ot piev brj TOLavTa eTirov t&v be 
 10 KepKvpaCdiv to p,ev o-TpaToirebov ocroy eTrr/Kovo-er, dve^orja-ev 
 ev6vs Xa^elv re avTovs Kal diroKTelvai, ol be ' A6r]vaioi 
 Toidbe diTeKpivavTo. '' ovTe apxop,ev iroXep.ov, S dvbpes 
 UeXoTTOvvria-LOLy ovTe Tas cnrovbas Xvop.ev, KepKVpaCoLS be 
 Tolabe ivp,p,dxoLS ovai fior]6ol riXBop^ev. el /xer ovv dXXocre 
 15 -noL fiovXeaOe irXelv, ov Ka)Xvop,ev' el b' iirl KepKvpav irXev- 
 crelcrde rj is T(av iKeCvcov tl xcoptcoz;, ov TTepLO\lf6p.e6a KaTa 
 TO bvvaTov,'* 
 
 54 
 
 Totaura rwr 'AOr^vaiaiv diroKpLvafxevodv ol piev KopivOLOL Both sides 
 TOV re ttXovv tov in' oXkov -napeaKevdCovTo Kal Tooiralov "i^^"^- 
 
 y ' - •» - 5 / i ^ , t^^ victory. 
 
 ea-TTja-av ev tols ev tti r/Tretpo) Su^orots* ot be KepKvpaloL 
 
 Ta re vavdyia Kal veKpovs dveiXovTO to, KaTa a-(f)as i^evex- 
 5 OevTa VTTO re tov pov koi dvepLov, os yevopievos ttjs wktos 
 biea-Kebaa-ev avTa TravTaxfj, koX Tpoiraiov avTeaTrja-av iv 
 rots ei; tjj vqcna 2u)3orots ws vevLKrjKOTes. yvcopirj be 
 exarepot rotate ttjv vlktjv irpoo-eTroLriaravTO. KopivOioL piev 
 KpaTrjo-avTes tyj vavp.axia /mexpt wktos wore Kal vavdyia 
 10 irXela-Ta Kal veKpovs irpoa-KopLiaaa-eaL, Kal avbpas exovTes 
 atxp-aXctiTovs ovk iXda-crovs x^^^^^t ^o.^s re Karabva-avTes 
 
J » 
 
 • • o o 
 
 3 1 <> 1 
 
 3* 
 
 Potidaea, 
 
 I. 54-57. 
 
 •• 
 
 » > 3> 
 
 • » > ' » J a 
 
 The Cor- 
 inthians on 
 their way 
 home take 
 Anacto- 
 rium. 
 Why the . 
 Corcyraean 
 *j)risoners 
 ' were well 
 i treated at 
 ^ Corinth. 
 
 Athens 
 ; takes 
 _^ steps to 
 secure her 
 tributary 
 Potidaea, 
 a colony of 
 Corinth 
 [433 or 
 432]. 
 
 Trepl kfihofxriKOVTa ^arrjcrav Tpoiraiov' KcpKVpaloL b€ rpta- 
 Kovra vavs /mdXtora hiacfyOeCpavrcSy Koi eireLbr) 'AOrjvaloL 
 rjKOoVy av€X6^€V0L tol Kara trt^as avToh vavayLaKalv€Kpov9y 
 Koi OTL avTOis TTJ T€ TTpoTepaCq. TTpvpLvav Kpov6ii€voL vTTex<^ 15 
 pr)(rav oi KopivOiOL Ibovres tcls 'Attikols mCj, kol e-TretST) 
 rikOov ol 'A6r}vaL0L ovk avTiitk^ov €k Twr I^v^oTOiV, 6ia 
 Tavra TpoTralov iarrja-av. 
 
 OvT(o fxev eKCLTcpoL viKCLV rj^CovV ol bk KopLvdiOL aTTOTrXe- 55 
 ovT€S 67r' oUov WvaKTopLov, o la-TLV iirl rw oTOjuart tov 
 ^ kprnpaKiKOV KoKiTOVy elkov airaTrj [riv bk kolvov K€pKvpaLa)V 
 Kol €K€ira)r) kol KaraarricTavTes Iv avrw KopivQLovs oIkti- 
 Topas avexuipr)(Tav iir' olKOVy kol t&v K€pKVpai(ov OKTaKO- 5 
 (TLOVS fxev ot rjcrav bovXoL airibovTOy irevrriKOVTa b€ kol bta- 
 Koalovs b7]<TavT€S k(\>vka(T(Tov KoX kv dipaireCa elxov iroXX^, 
 OTTOis avToh Tr]V KipKVpav avax'^pri^o-^T^^ -npocmoiria^iav' 
 irvyxauov be kol bwoLfxei avTotv oi irkeiovs Trpwrot ovt€S ttjs 
 TToAecos. 7; /xer ovv KepKVpa ovtcd nepiyiyveTaL roi TTokifxiD 10 
 T(av KopivdCoiiv, Koi al vrjes rSiV ' k6r]vai(iiv avex^pif](Tav ef 
 avTTis' alria be avrrj irpcJ^Trj iyevero tov 7roA.€/xou rots Kopiz;- 
 6lol9 €i Tovs ^A6r}vaLovs, otl (r(t>L(nv iv (nrovbaU fJ-era 
 KepKVpaioiv ivav^idxovv. 
 
 Mera ravra b' evOvs kol rdbc ^vvifir] y€vi(Tdai 'Adr}- 56 
 vaCoLS Kol HeXoTrovvrja-CoLS 8ta<^opa h to TToXep-elv. t<ov 
 
 yap KopLvOCoiV TipaCTO-OVTOiV OTTO)!? TLfXdipria-OVTaL aVTOVSy 
 
 viT0T0Trri(ravT€s ti]V lyOpav avT<ov oi 'A^r/raioti IlortSataras, 
 ot oUovoTLV CTTt TO) t(7^fxa) TT]s UakkrjvrjSy K(^Lv6iCDV d-noi' 5 
 KovSy kavT<av be ^vmid^ovs (fyopov viroTekelsy hekevov^b is 
 UaXkrjvrjV retx^^ Kadekelv koX ofiripovs bovvai, rot;? re eirt- 
 brjiiLOVpyovs eKnip.'neiv koX to konrbv firj bix^o-Qat ovs KaTa 
 eTos eKaa-Tov KopivOioi eireinrovy beCa-avTes /X7] d-noaTdicnv 
 VTTO T€ HepbiKKOV TTeLOofievoL Kol KopLvOCoiiV, TOVS T€ dkkovs 10 
 TOVS €m GpqKTjs ^vaTToarrja-aiO-L ^fipLaxovs. TavTa Se 57 
 irpbs TOVS UoTLbaLCLTas oi 'AOr^valoL Tipo-napedKevd^ovTo ev- 
 
•• • • • •• , 
 
 • • • ••• ?•• 
 
 »•••• •*• 
 • ••••• 
 
 ••• .», ••• 
 
 • • • 
 •• - • •• 
 
 • •. • • 
 
 ••• ••••• 
 
 • • t ••. ••• 
 
 • • • 
 
 • • • 
 
 
 • • •• • • • 
 
 SJ 
 
 • • • • • •-is' 
 
 • • • • • • '^ 
 
 5^ 
 
 I. 57, 58. 
 
 B, C, 432. 01. 87. I. 
 
 33 
 
 6vs iJL€Ta TT]V €V KcpKijpa vavfxaxCav' ot re yap KopCvOLot 
 <f)av€p(as 7/817 hid^opoL T^a-av, YlcpbiKKas T€ 6 ^Akc^avbpov 
 5 MaK^bovoav ^aa-ikevs CTreTroAejutwro, ^vpLfxaxos irporepov Koi 
 ^tAos wr. €Tro\€ix(a67] be otl 4>tXt7r7r(i) rw kavrov d8eX<^<j) 
 Kal Aipba KOLvfj irpos avTov €vaimovp.ivois ol 'AOrjvaloL 
 ^pLfxaxiav eiroLrjcravTo. bebicas re iirpaaaev €s re ti]v 
 AaKcbaCfjiova 7re/u7ra)i; ottcos TToAe/xos yivr^rai avTols irpos 
 
 10 HckoTTovvrja-Covs, koI tovs KopLvOCov? Trpoo-eTrotetro Trjs 
 HloTLbaCas ere/cA aTrooracrecos' TTpocrecfyepe b^ Xoyovs kol tols 
 €ttI GpaK-qs XaXKibeva-L Koi Borrtatot? ^vvaTToaTjjvai, vofiC- 
 Coiv, et ^vfipiaxa ravra exot ofiopa ovra to. yoapia, paov av 
 TOP TToXefxov pLCT avTb)v TTOLela-daL. (Jiv ol ^ kdr]vaioi. ala-Qo- 
 
 15 fJLCVOL KOL PovX6p.€VOL TTpOKaTaXap.^av€iv rwr -TroXecoy ras 
 ttTTOcrrao-ets (^TV)(pv yap TpiaKOvra vavs cmoarriXXovTes Kai 
 \iKiovs OTrXtray eTri Tr]v yrjv avTov, ' Apyj^arpaTov tov Avko- 
 p.ribovs /xer aXKaiv beKa crTparrjyovvTOs) e'Trio-reXAovcrt tols 
 ap\ov(ri. T<av V€<av YioTLbaiarCiV re 6p.ripovs Xa/Setr Kal to 
 
 20 rei^os Ka^eAetr, tG^v re 7r\r}(rCov TToAecDj; (j)vXaKriv e^etz; 
 0770)5 pLT} airoarria-ovTaL, 
 58 riortSatarat 8e Trejuiv/rarres /xez^ Kat Trap' ^Adrjvaiovs irpia-- 
 )3ets, et TTCoy Treto-etai; /x^ (T^Gtv irept veonTepL^eiv p.r]bevy 
 ikdovTes be kol is T-qv AaKebaCpiova jotera KopLvOCoiv, 
 [eTTpadcroi^] ottcos eroi/xacratrro TLp.(i)pCaVj rjv beji, eTretS^ 
 5 eK re ^Adr]vaCaiV ex TroAAov TTpcio-o-orres ovSer rjvpovTo 
 eiTLT^beLov, dAA' at z^T/es at eTrt MaKeboviav Kat eTTt (r^as 
 6iJLoC(t)S eirXeov, kol tcl reArj rcSi; AaKeSat/Liortcoi; viriaxeTO 
 avTOLS, rjv iirl ITortSatay toxrty 'AOrjvaloL^ h T-qv ^Attlktjv 
 eo-jSaAetr, t6t€ brj Kara tov Kaipov tovtov acpLOTavTai fxeTa 
 
 10 XaAKtSecoz; Kat BorrtatW kolvj] ^vofjLoa-avTes. Kat IlepStK- 
 
 57. 18. fier ak\ojv 6«/ca] The number cannot be right. Kriiger con- 
 jectures /*«t' aXkajv Ttaaapcjv. 
 
 58. 4. [i-npaaaov~\ is in all the MSS., but complicates the construc- 
 tion. Either omit it, or put iXGovrts hi . . . ^v Urji in a parenthesis. 
 
 Perdiccas, 
 having a 
 quarrel 
 with 
 Athens, 
 incites 
 Sparta and 
 Corinth to 
 war, and 
 urges Po- 
 tidaea to 
 revolt. 
 
 Archestra- 
 tus sent 
 against 
 Perdiccas 
 and Po- 
 tidaea. 
 Sparta pro- 
 mises an 
 invasion 
 of Attica 
 if Potidaea 
 is attacked. 
 Potidaea 
 revolts. 
 
34 
 
 Potidaea. 
 
 I. 58-61. 
 
 Arche- 
 stratns 
 makes war 
 first on 
 Perdiccas. 
 
 Aristeus of 
 Corinth 
 comes to 
 the help of 
 Potidaea. 
 
 Callias 
 joins 
 Arche- 
 stratus. 
 Their com- 
 bined 
 force 
 
 patches up 
 a peace 
 with 
 
 Perdiccas, 
 (who im- 
 mediately 
 breaks it), 
 
 Kas TTcCdcL XaXKihias ras iirl daXda-crrj ttoXcls CK^LTTovTas 
 Kot KaTafiaXovras avoLKLo-aaO at is '^OKvvdov fiiav re ttoKlv 
 TOVT-qv Icryvpav TTOLria-acrO ai' rots t €K\n:ov(Ti tovtols ttjs 
 kavTov yrjs rrjs MvybovCas irepl rrjv BoX^rjv XCfxvrjv iSco/ce 
 V€fjL€(TdaL, ecos av 6 irpbs ^AdrjvaCovs TToAe/ios ?J. koi ol fjikv 15 
 avcaKiCovTo re KaOaipovvres ras TroAets kol es TroAe/xor 
 Trap€crK€vd(ovTo' ai be TpioLKOvra vrjes T<av ^AOrjvaCcov dcfn- 59 
 KVOvvraL es rd iirl QpaKrjs, koI KaToXap.^dvov(Ti rrjv Dort- 
 baLav Kai rakXa ^.(peoTrjKOTa. vofxCa-avres 8e ol (TTpaTr]yol 
 dbvvaTa elvaL irpos re YlepblKKav TToAe/xeir rrj irapova-ri bvvd- 
 fjL€L Kai TCL ^vva<f)€(TTSiTa yoDpia TpeirovTai km r-qv Maxe- 5 
 bovCav, €<p' oTTep koi to irporepov (^eirepLirovTOy kol Kara- 
 (TTCLVTes kT:o\ip.ovv fieTCi ^tAtTTTrou kol t(ov Aipbov dSeAc^oir 
 dvuiOev (TTparia ea-jBepK-qKOTcav, 
 
 Kai €v TOVT(o ol KopivdiOL, rrjs UoTibaCas dcpeorrjKvCas koL QQ 
 tQ)v Attlk(ov V€(av Trept MaKeboviav ov(T<oVy 8e5torey irept 
 rw X^P'V '^^'^ olKelov tov Kivbvvov rjyovfxevoL TrefXTTOva-Lv 
 eavTutv re e^eAoz^ra? kol rwz; dWoav Ylekoirovvqcriaiv jiLcrOia 
 TT€L(ravT€S (^aKocrlovs koI ^lAtovs revs iravTas OTrAtras Kai 5 
 i/^tAov? TCTpaKocTLovs. k(TTpaTriy€L 8' avT(av 'Apto-revs 6 
 'A8et/xai;roi;, Kara <f)LKiav re avTov ovy^ ijKLa-Ta ol -TrAetorot 
 eK KopLvOov (TTpaTLcaTaL eOeXovral ^vvia-TTOvro' ^v yap roty 
 UoTLbaiaTaLs aeC Trore eTTtrTjSeios. Kai a(^iKvovvTai reo-o-a- 
 paKoa-TTJ r]p.ipa vaTepov em SpaKrjs ^ UoTLbata direa-Tri, 10 
 
 'HA^e 8e Kai tols ^AO-qvaioLS evOvs rj dyycXCa rwr TroAecoy 61 
 OTL d(\>^(TTaaiv' Kai TT€p.7T0V(rLV, 0)5 fjcrdovTO Kai roi/j /xer' 
 A/)ta-rea)s eirLirapovTaSi Sto-xtAtous eaurwy oTrAtras Kai t€(t- 
 arapcLKovra vavs irpos tol d(^€(TT<^Ta, Kai KaWiav tov KaX- 
 kiabov TripLTTTov avTov (TTpaT-qyov, ot dcpiKopievoL is Maxe- 5 
 bovLav TTp&TOv KaTa\ap.fidvov(n tovs irpOT^povs \LkLovs 
 &€pfxrjv dpTL -ppqKOTas Kai Uvbvav iroXiopKovvTas. irpoa-KaO- 
 eCdjJifvoL be Kai avTol ttjv Tlvbvav iiroXiopKrja-av pJv, eireiTa 
 be ^vpLiSaa-Lv iroirja-dpLevoL Kai ^vp.p.ayjiav dvayKaiav irpos tov 
 
 61. 3. imirapovTas'} Better read kmirapiovra^, Ullrich's conjecture. 
 
 I. 61, 62. 
 
 B. c, 432. OL 87. 1. 
 
 35 
 
 10 YlepbiKKOVi ws avTOvs KaTrjTreiyev rj YIoTibaia Kai 6 'Apto-- 
 Tevs irapeXrjkvdois, dTraviaravTai iK ttjs M.aKebov(.as^ koX 
 d(f)iK6pievoL is BepoLav KOLKeWev iirLarpixj/avTes Kai Treipd- 
 cravTes irpCiTOv tov \a)pCov Kai ov)( eAorres iiropevovTO KaTO. 
 yrjv TTpos TTjv TIoTCbatav, rpto^tAtois p.ev OTrAtrats eavTiaVy 
 
 15 xoDpls be T(ov ^Vfxiidx^ctiv ttoAAoij, linr€V(n 8' e^aKoaCois 
 MaKebovoiv rots fiera 4>tAt7r7rov Kai Tlava-avLov dp.a be 
 vrjes TTapeirXeov e^bopLrjKovTa. KaT oXCyov be irpo'CovTes 
 TpLTaloL d(f)iK0VT0 cs Tiy(»>vov kcu. ea-TpaTOTTebevaavTO. 
 62 riortSatarat 8e Kai ol p.eTa ^ Apia-Tecas YleXoTrovvr\(Tioi 
 7rpo(rbex6{xevoL tovs ^ Ad-qvaiovs ia-TpaTOiTebevovTo irpos 
 ^OXvvOia iv ro) la-9pL(^^ Kai dyopdv Ifo) r^s iroAecos eire- 
 TToCrjvTO. (TTpaT-qyov [xev tov Tre^ov iravTos ol ^vp,\xa\oi 
 5 "pp-qvTo ^ApLo-Tia, TTJs be tinrov YlepbiKKav direcrTrj yap 
 ev6vs irdXiv t&v ^ A6r]vamv koX ^vvepid^ei rots ITortSata- 
 rats, 'loAaoz^ dv0* avTov KaTaarrja-as dp-)(pvTa, ^v be fj 
 yv<afjir] tov 'Aptcrecos to p.ev p.e& eavTov aTpaToirebov 
 eyovTi iv rw IcOp.^ iiiiT-qpelv tovs ^AOrjvaLovs, rjv eTTtcoo-tr, 
 
 10 XaAxtSeas 8e Kai tovs e^co IcrOfjiov ^v/xjita)(ovs /cat ttjv 
 TTapa UepbiKKOV biaKoa-iav tinrov iv ^OXvvOiD fieveiv, Kai 
 oTav ^AdrfvaloL iirl a-(f)as yuipGxnVy KaTo. v(aTOV ^orjOovv- 
 ras iv pLea-io TTOtelv avTo^v tovs TToXefxCovs. KaXXias 8' av 
 6 T(av ^AOr]va((ji)v <TTpaTr]ybs Kai ol ^vvdp\ovTes tovs piev 
 
 15 MaKe8oj;as tTTTreas /cat T(av ^u/x/jtd^cor oAtyovs eirt 'OAt;i;^ou 
 dTroTripLTTOva-LVy ottcos etpyoio-L tovs iKeWev einpor}6eLV, avTol 
 b dvaa-T'qa-avTes to (TTpaTOTiebov i^iapovv iin ttjv UoTibaLav. 
 Kai iTTeLbr] irpos rw IcOp.^ iyevovTO Kai elbov tovs ivavTLovs 
 irapaa-KevaCofxivovs ws es fid^rjv, dvTLKa6i(TTavT0 koI avToi^ 
 
 20 Kat ov TToXv varepov ^vvepLLoyov. Kai avTo /xei; to tov 
 Aptorecos Kepas, Kai ocroi irepl iKeivov ^arav KopivOmv re 
 
 61. 12. K6.Kud€v liri<TTp4\f/avr€5'\ Pluygers conjectures KaKfiB^v liri 
 ^rpexf/av. But the whole passage is full of difficulties. 
 
 62. 2. irpbs 'Okvvecpl Better read Trpds 'OAuvdov with two good MSS. 
 
 D 2 
 
 and 
 
 approaches 
 
 Potidaea. 
 
 Battle of 
 Potidaea : 
 the Athe- 
 nians vic- 
 torious on 
 one wing, 
 Aristeus 
 on the 
 other. He 
 makes his 
 way into 
 Potidaea 
 through 
 the sea. 
 
3(J 
 
 Potidaea. 
 
 I. 62-64. 
 
 The troops 
 at 01>Ti- 
 thus, who 
 were to 
 have taken 
 the 
 
 Athenians 
 in the rear, 
 do not fight. 
 
 Potidaea 
 blockaded. 
 
 Arrival of 
 1600 fresh 
 troops 
 under 
 Phormio. 
 
 Kttt Tc5r oXKdiV A-oyaScs, trpv^ov to Koff kavrovs koL cTre^- 
 fjkOov bL<aKOVT€S eirl ttoXv* to b^ aXXo orpaTOTrebov t&v 
 T€ IIoTLbaLaT(av kol t&v Tl€Xoi:ovirf]cri(iiv ria-a-cLTo viro t&v 
 ^ A6r]vaL(t)V KOL €S TO Tel^os KaT€<f)vy€v. €Trava\a}p&v be 6 63 
 'Aptorevj airo ttjs Stw^ccos, wy opa to aXXo (TTpaTeviia 
 Tja-aijiievoVf rjiToprjcre fxkv 6iroT€pa)(r€ bLaKLvbyveiJcrrf \(t}pr](ras, 
 ^ CTTt Tjjs 'OkvvOov rj €s TTjv IloTLbaLav, €bo^€ 6' ovv ^vv- 
 ayayovTL tovs jute^' kavTov wy is €ka)(^L(TTov \(tipiov bpojxi^ 5 
 jBLaaaa-daL is Tr}v ITonSatar, /cat TTaprjXde irapa t-i]v xV^V^ 
 bLo. T?js 6aXd(r(rr]s ^aWofjievos re Kat ^aAeTrwy, oXtyovs /xev 
 TLvas aTro^a\(oVi tovs be irXeiovs (rcacras. 
 
 01 6* CLTTo TTJs ^OkvvOov Tols IToTtSatcirat? (So-qdoC [a.'neyjei 
 be k^KOVTa jutaAtora (TTabLovs kol lort xarac^ares), a>9 r] 10 
 ii-axj] iyiyveTo kcll to. (rrjfxeXa ^jpOrj^ Ppf^X^ H-^^ '"'' T^porjXdov 
 ci)j ^orjOrjcrovTes, Kat oi MaKeboves liTTTrjs avTiirapeTa^avTO 
 wj KoaXvaovTes" iiieiby] be bia Ta)(0vs r] vCkt] tQv ^AOrjvaicav 
 iyiyveTo kcu. tcl crrniela KaTeo-irdarOrj, ttoXlv iTravex<apovv is 
 TO Tel\os Kol ol MaKeboves irapa tovs ^ AO-qvaCovs' linTrjs 15 
 6' ovbeTepoLS irapeyevovTO. fxera be ttjv p-d^qv Tpoiralov 
 eaTTjcrav ol ^ AdrjvaloL, Kal tovs veKpovs viroairovbovs dire" 
 bo(Tav rots IlortSatarais* diteOavov be ITortSatarcSi; p.ev kolL 
 T(av ^vp,p.dx(ov oAtyo) iXda-crovs TpiaKOcridiVj ^ AOqvaioav 8' . 
 avTCi>v Trevr/jKOVTa Kal eKaTov Kal KaXAtas 6 aTpaTrjyos* 20 
 
 To 8' CK Tov ladpLOV Telxps evdvs ol ^Ad-qvaloL aTrorct- Q^ 
 \i(TavTes i(\)povpovv. to 8' is T-qv YlaWrjvqv dTeL\L(rTov rjv' 
 ov yap tKai^ot ivopi^ov elvai ev re ro) la-Bp,^ (^povpeXv Kat is 
 T7]v YloXKrivqv bia^dvTes Teixi^eiv, 8e8tores p.7] (r<f)C(TLv oi 
 nori8atarat Kat ot ^v/x/xa^ot yiyvop-evoLS 8t;(a eTTi^wrrat. 5 
 Kat TTVv0av6p,evoL ol iv ttJ iroAet 'A^r/ratot Tr]v UaXXrjvqv 
 dTeC\L(rrov ovcrav, xp6v(f va-Tepov TreixTTovcrLV k^aKoa-Covs Kal 
 ^lXlovs oirXiTas eavTwv Kat ^oppuioava tov ^Ao-cdttlov (TTpaT- 
 ■qyov' hs d(PiK6p.evos is T-qv IlaXXijvqv Kal i^ *A^i;rtos 
 63. 4. 5' ovv] is Poppo's conjecture : MSS. yovv. 
 
 I. 64-67. 
 
 B. c. 432. OL 87. 1. 
 
 37 
 
 10 6pp.<apLevos TTpoarrjyaye ttj HortSata tov (TTpaTov KaTa fipa\v 
 TTpoiiav Kal KeCp(t)v dpia T-qv yrjv, ws 8' ov8ets eTrefrJet is fxa- 
 XT/i^j d7rere^;(i(re to eK ttjs liaXXrjvqs ret)(09. Kat ovrcos ijbq 
 KaTa KpdTos fj ITor^Sata dpL(f)OTepoi)dev eTroAtopKetro, Kat €k 
 daXd(r(rqs vavalv dp.a icpoppova-aus. 
 
 65 'Apto^revj 8e dTroTetxtfrdeLa-qs avTrjs, Kal iXirCba ovbepCav 
 l^yoiv (riOTqpCas tjv p.rj tl airo IleAoTrori/Tyo-oi; 17 aAAo itapd- 
 Xoyov yiyvqTaiy ^vvefSovXeve piev ttXtjv TrevTaKoarioiiv dvep.ov 
 rqp-qa-acTi rots aAAot? eKTrAeOcat, ottcos eTTt TrAeoz; 6 o-tros dvT- 
 5 ^^X??> ^^^ 0.VT0S rjOeXe t(ov p^evovToiv etraf ws 8' ovk eireiOev, 
 PovX6p,evos TO, em tovtols irapacTKevd^eiv^ Kat ^ircas to. e^cjuBev 
 e^et ft)S dpLora, ^kttXovv Trotetrat Aa^wi^ ttjv </)vAaK^r tcov 
 ^AOqvaidiv, Kal Tiapap.evuiv iv XaAKt8eSo't Td Te dXXa ^vve- 
 TToA^fxet Kat *EppvX[aiv Xoxjqo-as TTpbs Trj -TToAet ttoAAovs 8t- 
 10 e<j)deLpev, es re ttjv YleXoTTOvvrja-ov iTrpaa-crev otttj dxfyeXia tls 
 yevqcreTai, p.eTd be Tr\s nort8aras Tqv dT:0Te(.\L(nv ^oppmv 
 p.ev e\(tiv TOVS e^aKOcrCovs Kal ^.tA^ovs Tr}v XdAKt8tK^/^ Kat 
 BorrtK^i^ ib-qoVy koI eariv h kol TroXCa-piaTa elXev. 
 
 QQ Tots 8' ^AOqvaCoLs Kal neXoirovvqo'Lot.s alTiai pikv avTai 
 TTpocryeyevrjvTo is dAA^Aous, rots p.ev KopLvdCoLS ort ttjv 
 rTort8atai' eavT&v ovcrav diTOiKiav Kal dvbpas KopLvOloiv re 
 Kat YleXoTrovvrjaCoiiv iv avTrj ovTas iTToXiopKOvv, rots 8' ^ AO-q- 
 5 vaLois es rovs rTeAoTrowjyo-^ovs ort eat;raii^ re TroAtr ^vp.p.ay(j 
 Cba Kat (f)6pov VTTOTeXrj aTrearrja'aVy Kal iXdovTes a-(f>C(nv 
 diTo TOV TTpo(f)avovs ip.d)(ovTo p.eTd llortSatara)!;' ov p.evToi 
 o ye TToXepLos 'ttco ^vveppcayei, dAA' ert dvaKCtixq V^' IbCa 
 
 67 y^P "^(^^T^ ot KopCvdiOL iiTpa^av, TToXiopKOvpievqs be Trjs 
 
 nort8atas ov^ V^X^C^Vt dvbpdv re a'(f)i(nv ivovTOiv Kal ajota 
 
 Trept rw X^P^^ 8e8tores* TrapeKoAovi^ re evOvs es ttjv AaKe- 
 
 baCpLova TOVS ^vpLp.dxovs, Kat KaTepdcav iXdovTes tC^v ^AOq- 
 
 5 vaiuiv ort (n^ovbds re AeAvKores etei; Kat d8tKotei; Tqv FleAo- 
 
 66. 9. 'Ep/ivXtW] Or, better, litpiivXianf, 
 QQ, 2. irpoffyfyfvqvTO^ Or irpofytyfVTjvTO. 
 
 Aristeus 
 gets out, 
 and carries 
 on the 
 campaign 
 in Chal- 
 cidice. 
 
 So far, war • 
 between 
 Athens and 
 Corinth 
 only. 
 
 The Cor- 
 inthians 
 summon 
 the allies 
 to Sparta, 
 and with 
 the Aegi- 
 netans de- 
 nounce 
 
38 
 
 Lacedaemonian Assembly. i. e?, es. 
 
 the Athe- 
 nians. 
 The Lace- 
 daemonian 
 assembly 
 called. 
 The Mega- 
 rians and 
 others 
 speak 
 before it : 
 and last 
 the Cor- 
 inthians. 
 
 You have 
 neglected 
 our warn- 
 ings till 
 almost 
 too late. 
 The Athe- 
 nians, in 
 preparation 
 for a war, 
 have got at 
 Corcyra, 
 and are 
 blockading 
 Potidaea. 
 
 TTOvvrja-ov. AlyLVTJraC re (f)av€pCis ix\v ov Trp^cr^evoiifvoi, 
 8e8toVes tovs 'k6r]vaiovSj Kpv(f)a 5e ov^ iJKLa-Ta /xer avT(ov 
 ivTJyov Tov TToKcixov, \€yovT€S ovK ehat avrovopLOt Kara ras 
 a-TTOvbds. ol be AaKebaLfxovioL irpoa-irapaKoXiaavTes T<av 
 ivp,p,dxo)v re /cat et tCs tl akXo e<^7/ ribLKrja-OaL virb "AOr]- lo 
 i^atW, ^Woyov acpcov avT(ov TTOLTjo-avTes tov elioOora 
 Xiyeiv UiXevov. /cat aAAot re irapLovT^s iyKXrjpLara iiroL- 
 ovvTo wy ^KacTTOf. Kal Meyaprjs, brjKovvTcs p.\v koL erepa 
 OVK oXiya bidcpopa, fxaXioTa 6e Xifxhcuv re etpyeaOaL T(av iv 
 TTJ 'AerjvaLoyv dpxfj /cat Trjs 'Attlktjs dyopas irapa Tas 15 
 (T-novbds, irapeXdovTes be reAeuratot KopCpdioL, /cat tovs 
 dXXovs ida-avTes Trp^Tov irapo^vvai tovs AaKebatpLovLovs, 
 iirelTTOv rotaSe. 
 
 *' To TTLo-Tov vfias 0) AaKebaLfjLovLOi ttjs Kaff vfxas avTovs 68 
 TToAtretas Kat o/xtXtaj dina-TOTepovs is tovs dXXovs, tjv tl 
 Aeyw/ier, Kadia-Triaiv'^ /cat di: avTov cr(»i<f)po(Tvv7]v fxev exere, 
 duaOLa be irXeovL irpbs to. efo) irpdyixaTa XPW^^- ttoXXukls 
 yap irpoayopevovTOiv ^ Tjpia^v h e/xeAAo/xei; inrb ' Ae-qvaioav 5 
 ^XdiTTea-daL, ov irepl cav ebibda-KopLev excio-rore ti^v fiddrjcrLv 
 eTTOLela-Oe, dXXd tS>v XeyovTcov p.aXXov vnevoelTe wy eveKa 
 Tdv avTols Ibia bLa<l)6poDv Xeyovcnv kol bC avTo ov irplv 
 irdaxeLVy dXX' iireLbr) ev ro) epy(a eo-juteV, tovs ^vp.p.dxovs 
 Tova-be irapeKaXea-aTe, ev ols TTpoarjKei. rifxas ovx rJKLo-Ta 10 
 etVeti;, oo-a> /cat fxeyiaTa eyKXruxaTa e^oiiev viro fxev 'Adrj- 
 vaiuiv vPpiC6p.evoi, vtto be vpi&v dpLeXovfjievoi. Kal el p.ev . 
 d<f>avels ttov ovTes ribUoVv ttjv 'EXXdba, bibaa-KaXCas av 
 0)5 OVK elboa-i. irpoaebeL' vvv be tC bel fj.aKprjyope'iv, ^v tovs 
 iiev bebovXoip.evovs opaTe, toIs b' etn^ovXevovras avTovs, 15 
 Kat ovx ij/ctora rots T]iieTipois ^vpuxdxois, Kal e/c ttoAAoO 
 TTpoirapea-Kevaa-pLevovs, el iroTe TroXepLrja-ovTai, ov yap hv 
 
 67. 9. Tuv (vfifMx<uv T€ Kal] (three good MSS.) Or tS>v ^vixfi&xojv kcu. 
 
 68. 2. dmaroT^povs h tovs dXKovs, rjvTi \4y<ufx€v] Poppo punctuates 
 dni(TToT€povs, is roi/s dWovs ijv ri Xfyufjifv, 
 
 I. 68, 69. 
 
 B, C. 432. 01. 87. I. 
 
 39 
 
 KepKvpdv re viroXafiovTes /3ta rjjjL&v etxoi^ Kat HortSatai^ 
 eTToAto/sKOUi;, &v to fxev eiriKaipoTaTov x^P^^^ irpos to. eTit 
 
 20 SpaKTjs aTToxp^o-^at, rj be vavTiKov av fxeyLo-Tov TTapeayje 
 YleXoTiovvricriois. 
 69 Kat Ttiivbe vfxels atrtot, to re irp&xov edaravTes avTovs 
 TTjv ttoXlv jutera to. MrjStKa KpaTvvai Kal varepov tol p.aKp'a 
 arrja-aL Teixrj, es Tobe re det aTToarepovvTes ov fxovov tovs 
 vif eKeivitiv bebovX(iip.eVovs eXevdepias, oXXd Kal tovs v/xere- 
 ^ povs TJbt} ^ixpidxovs' ov yap o^ dovAcoo-a/xei^os, dAA^' q^bvvd- 
 fxevos fxev irava-ai, Trepiopcav be, dXrjOeoTepov avTO *opq, ehrep 
 Kal T-qv d^i(t)(TLV ttjs dpeTrjs ws eXevdep&v Trjv *EAAd8a 
 (pepeTai. jjloXls be vvv re ^vvr\Xdop.ev, Kal ovbe vvv e-TTt 
 (pavepols* XP^^ y^P ^^'^ ^^ dbiKovp.e6a ert crKOTreti^, ctAAa KaO 
 
 10 o rt dpLVVovpieda' ol yap bp&vTes, fiefiovXevpAvoi irpos ov 
 bieyviOKOTas ^§7; Kat ov pLeXXovTes eirepxovTai. Kat eTrtora- 
 pieOa Ota oSw ot 'A^r^ratot Kat ort Kar* oXiyov X'^P^'^^^^ ^"^^ 
 TOVS TreAas. koX XavOdveiv piev oto/xerot bid to dvaLcrdr]Tov 
 vpL&v rja-aov dapaovdiv, yvovTes be elboTas Trepiopav to^vpws 
 
 15 eyKeCcrovTaL. rjovxdC^Te yap pcovoL ^KXkrjvctiv, o) AaKeSat- 
 piOVLOij ov rrj bvvdp.eL Tiva dXka Trj jueAA^o-et d/xuro/xez/oi, 
 Kat pLovoL OVK dpxop.ev'qv Tr}v av^rj(nv t&v ex^P^y bmXa- 
 (TLOvpLevTjv be KaTaXvovTes, KaCrQL eXeyeaOe do-t^aAeis etrat, 
 &v dpa 6 Xoyos tov epyov eKpdTei, tov re yap Mrjbov avToX 
 
 20 l(Tp.ev eK irepdTitiv yrjs irpoTepov eirl ttjv TleXoTrovvrja-ov eA- 
 ^oVra Ti TajTtap vp.Siv dftcos iTpoairavTrja-aLy Kal vvv tovs 
 ^AOrjvaCovs ovx ^J^^^ &<n:ep iKeivov dAA' eyyvs ovTas irepLO- 
 pdre, Kat drrt tov eireXOelv avTol dpLVveadai fiovXeaBe /xdA- 
 Aoi; eTTtoVray, Kat es tvx<^s irpos ttoAAw bvvaTiaTepovs 
 
 25 dycoi't^o/xei'ot KaTa(TTrivai, emord/xei'ot Kat roi; ^dpjBapov 
 
 avTov irepl avT<2 to. TrAetco (r<f>aXevTai Kal irpbs avTOVs tovs 
 
 ^AO-qvaCoys TToXXa rjpias rjbr] rots ap.apTr\p.a(TLv avT(ov p.aX- 
 
 Xov rj Trj d(^' ypio^v Tip^oapia Trepiyeyevrjpievovs, eirel at ye 
 
 69. 8. vvv T€] H. Stephens (2nd ed. 1588) conjectures vvv ye. 
 
 They are 
 attacking 
 your allies, 
 and yet 
 you call 
 yourselves 
 the cham- «^*^ 
 pions of 
 freedom ! "-'^^ 
 You are 
 always un- 
 ready, as 
 against 
 Persia, 
 so now ; 
 trust in you-*^ 
 has often '-^-"■ 
 ruined your 
 allies. 
 
 &/> 
 
 ?.»v/ ** 
 
 1 t 
 
 V>«V«.M.\|^.^ 
 
 JSJt \ 
 
 1. 1% A -^ 
 
 f 
 **<*.'» 
 
 v»A v**A"V-«-' < 
 
 -«•> -^ 
 
 X 
 
t«M>^ 
 
 J**... 
 
 They are 
 adventu- , 
 rous dcfia" 
 hopeful, 
 you afe 
 
 and de- 
 spondent : 
 thfcy are * 
 always 
 abroad, 
 you are 
 always at 
 home. 
 
 To them 
 a failure 
 is a loss, 
 and a suc- 
 cess is as 
 nothing : 
 duty is 
 their 
 holiday. 
 
 ^nn 
 
 40 
 
 Lacedaemoman Assembly. i. eo, 70. 
 
 VfX€T€paL eATTtSes rjbrj TLvds irov kol airapaa-Kivovs 8ta to 
 TTLOTeva-aL l^^et/^ai-'. kol fjLTjbels v/uwi; eii ^xOpq to irkiov rj 30 
 alTLa vofjLLcrp rdbe Xiy^a-QaC alrCa jicv yap ^(Xiiiv dvbpQv 
 iarlv afxapTavovToiiVy KaTrj-yopCa be kyOpSiv dbiKr](rdvT(ov. 
 
 Kal ajxa, ctirep tlv€s kol aXAot, cl^lol vop.iCop.ev elvai 70 
 Tois TreAas "^oyov eireveyKelvy aAAcas re kol pieydkuiv T(av 
 bia<f)€p6vTbov KaOeoTioTcov, TTepl <5r ovK ai<T6dv€(r0aL ijp.lv ye 
 boKelrCi ovb^ eKkoyLo-aaOai TrwTrore irpos otovs vplv ^Adrj' 
 vaCovs ovTas kol otrov v/xwr Kal wy nav bia(\)epovTa^ 6 dycov 5 
 earai, ol p.ev ye veonTepoTioioX kol eTTLVorja-aL^o^els kol eiTL- 
 reAeVat l/jyw 6 hv yvSicriV vpeis be ToJiTrdpyovTa re (Tia^eiv 
 KoX eTTiyvSivai prjbev kol epyco ovbe rdvayKoia e^iKeaOcLi. 
 avOis be ol pev kol Trapa bvvap.iv To\p.rjTaL Kal irapd yvcopirjv 
 KLvbvvevTal Kal eirl rots beLvols evekiTLbes' to be vpLerepov 10 
 Trjs Te bvvdpeuis evbea Trpa^ai, ttjs re yv(ap.r]s p.r)be roty 
 /3e/3atois 7rto-rei)<rat, rwi; re beivSiv prjbeiroTe oXe<rdaL dirokv- 
 Orja-eadaL. Kal p-qv Kal clokvol irpos vp.as /xeAAr/ra? Kal 
 aTTobrjprjTal irpos evbrjpoTOLTOvs' otovTai yap ol piev rrj dirov- « 
 (Tia av TL KTCLcrOaL, vpiels be r(3 ^TreA^etr kol Ta erolpa hv 15 
 p\d\j/aL. KpaTovvTe's Te t(ov e)(BpSiv em TrAetoroi^ e^epyov- 
 rai, Kat vLK(ap.evoi eii eXd^iarov dvaTTlTrTOvcnv. ert 6e rots 
 pev (T(ap.a(Tiv dAAorptcordrots viiep r^s TToAews xpwrrat, ti] 
 yviap-q be otKeiorarr/ es fo TTpdaa-eLV tl vTrep avr^s. /-Kal h 
 pev hv eiTLvoria-avTes p.r) e^ekOaxriv, otKeta arepeadaL rjyovv- 20 
 rot, h 5' av eirekOovTes KTrja-cavTaL^ oAtya Trpos tcl p.eWovTa 
 Tvxelv TTpd^avTesJtrjv 8' dpa Kat tov ireCpq o-<^aAd)criz;, dvT- 
 eXTTLaavTes dWa eTrk-qpaxrav Trjv xpeiav povoi yap exovaC 
 Te 6p,oC(t}'i Kal eKniCovcriv h. av eiTLvoT^a-ooa-Lj bid to Ta^elav 
 TTjv eiri.xeLpr](TLV TTOLelcrOaL Siv dv yvSxnv. kol TavTa p.eTd 25 
 irovoiiv TtdvTa Kal KLvbvv(ov 5t' oAov tov ai<avos po\dov(rLv, 
 Kal diToXaijova-LV ekd^Lcrra T<av virapyovTuiv bid to del 
 KTaadai Kal pLrjTe eopTrjv oAAo rt ^yetcr^at rj to Ta beovTa 
 TTpd^aLy ^p.<popdy Te ov^ rjcra-ov 7j(TV\Cav^dTTpdyp.ova rj 
 
 I. 70-72. 
 
 B. c, 432. OL 87. I. 
 
 41 
 
 
 30 d(r)(o\[av ^iriTTOvov* ware et rts avrovs ^i^eAwi; <f)ai.r\ ire- 
 <j)VKevai. e-nl rcS p.r\Te avTovs ^X^i'V rjavxiav p.riTe tovs aAAous 
 dvdpiairovs idv, opO&s dv eliroL, 
 
 71 TavTYjs p.evTOi TOiavTris^^ dvTLKadearrjKvCas TroAecos w Peace can- 
 
 A«./ */xx \y/iv* / '^ liot really 
 
 AaKeoat/ixoi'tot^ OtafieAAere, Kat oleo-c^e rrjv -qavxiav ov tov- ^^ secured 
 
 rots T&v dvOpcoTicDV iirl TrkeloTov dpkelv,o\ dv rn p.ev irapa- by waitmg 
 « / t ' « V > * ^^ t> s;-x till you are 
 
 CTKevrj 8tKata irpaa-a-axTL, rrj be ywapLrj^ rjv aotKwrrat, OT/Aothurt: and 
 
 5 SxTi p,ri iiTLTpeyl/ovTeSy dAA' e Trt ry p.r) kvirelv Te dkkovs Kal yj^^_ ^^® 
 avrot dp.vv6p.evoi p.r] ^kdiTTecrOai to X(toV vep.eTe. p.6kLS b fashioned, 
 
 while 
 
 \j^s»s^a-^^ 
 
 \^ 
 
 
 > 
 
 ^yy> 
 
 ^ 
 
 dv TToAet 6/xota TrapotKOvrres eruyxai^ere tovtov' vvv b oirep ^^^ 
 Kal dpTL ebr)kti)(Tap.ev, dp^aLOTpoira vp.Qv Td iinTrjbevpLaTa rivals are 
 Trpos avrovs ecrtz;. dvdyKr) 8' wo-Trep rex^s del Ta im- ^-^^^^V-*^ 
 10 yiyv6p.eva KpaTeiv koX r)(TV\aCov(rri piev irokei Td dKCvrjTa 
 v6pLLp.a dpLOTa, irpos TroAAa 8e dvayKa^op^evois levai ttoAAtJs 
 Kat r^s e7rtreyf^7?(rea)S Set. bionep koX Ta T(av ^AOrjvaiuiV 
 
 .-r 
 
 -c(*^ 
 
 ^^a-TTO r^s TToAvTretptas iirl irkiov vp.&v KeKaCv(»>Tgj^ 
 
 Me'xpt p-^v ovv Tovbe ^piaOoa vp(av rj f^pabvTTjs' vvv be If you 'do 
 
 15 rots re dAAots, Kat DortSatarats, axrirep VTrebe^aa-Oe, fior]- Potidaea 
 
 eri<raTe KaTd raxos ecrfiakovTes es Trjv 'ArrtKT?!;, tra p.r) by invading 
 
 ' s/i/ r\ /\ \ Attica as 
 
 dvbpas Te c^tAovs Kat fi^yyez^ets rots ex^to-rots Trporja-ue Kat you pro- 
 
 rjpids Tovs dkkovs dOvpiq irpos eTepav Tivd ^vpp.axiav ^^^l?''^^ 
 
 Tpe\\fr\Te. bp<^p.ev 8' dv dbiKOV ovbev ovTe irpbs Oe&v T<av new allies. 
 
 20 opKLcov ovTe TTpds dvdpa>iTUiv T<av al(rdavop.ev(i)v' kvovcn yap 
 
 aiTOvbds ovx ol bi eprjpCav aAAots Trpoo-toi^res, oAA' ot p.ri V--^ 
 fiorjOovvTes ots dv ^vvopoa-axriv. ^ovkop.ev(tiv be vp.(av 
 'jTpoOvp.<t)v elvai pLevovp.ev' oirre yap oa-ia dv TTOLOip.ev p.eTa- 
 ^akk6p.evoi ovTe ^vvr}6e<TTepovs dv dAAovs evpoi,p.ev, irpos 
 
 25 Tabe povkevecrSe ev, Kal r^p Ylekoirovvrja-ov ireLpda-de p.r} 
 
 ^kda-cru) e^rjyela-dai rj ol Trarepes vp.LV irapeboaavJ 
 
 •72 TotaCra pkv ol KopCvOiOL etiroj^. t&v be ^AdrjvaioiiV Some 
 y V ^ , / »"**/ V Athenian 
 
 ervxe yap irpea-peia irpoTepov ev rp AaKeoaip.ovi irepi g^yoyg^ 
 
 aAAwr Trapovo-a, Kat a>s ycrOovTo tS>v k6y<t>v, ebo^ev avrots accident- 
 71. 15. dXXoiSf Kali Bekker, &\\ois kcu. 
 
42 
 
 Lacedaemonian Assembly, i. 72, 73. 
 
 ally present 
 at Sparta, 
 are allowed 
 to speak. 
 
 Athenian 
 speech. 
 
 We are not 
 bound to 
 defend 
 ourselves 
 before you ; 
 but we 
 wish to 
 warn you 
 and justify 
 our power. 
 Remember 
 our services 
 in the 
 Persian 
 War. 
 
 irapLTqria es tovs AaKebaifioviovs eti'at, T<av fikv €yK\r]- 
 yLOLTOiV TTcpt fXTjblv ai:okoyr]<TOfjLivovs wr at TroAets kveKoKovv, 5 
 hr]XSKTaL 8c iiepL tov iravTos ws ov raxiais avTols fiovkev- 
 Ttov etr;, aAA.' kv TrXetort a-KCiTTiov. koL ajxa ttjv a(f)eT€pav 
 tt6\lv kfiovkovTo (Tr)p.i]vaL ocrrj ^trj hvva\xiv^ Koi vT^6p.vr](nv 
 TTOLTia-aa-Oai. toIs t€ irpecr^VTepoLS &v -pb^crav kol tois veo)- 
 T€pOLS i^riyqa-Lv (Hv an^ipoi rjorav, vop.i^ovT€S fiakXov av 10 
 avTovs €K T(av Xoyoav irpos to riavxa^eLV TpairecrOaL rj irpos 
 TO TToAejutetr. irpocrekdovTes ovv rots AaKebaifjiovLOLs ^(pa- 
 crav ^ovkecrOaL kol avTol es to irXijOos avT(ov ctTTCti;, €t tl fxrj 
 airoKtiikvoL, oi 8' ck^Xcvov t€ kirUvaij koX irapeXOovTcs ol 
 ^Adr]valoL Hkeyov rotaSe. '5 
 
 "*H pikv irpia-piva-Ls rjfxiav ovk €9 avTikoyCav rots vp-eTi- 73 
 pois ^yppLCL^oLs €y€V€TOy clXXcl 7re/ot <5i^ rf 7roA.t$ (TTepyj/eV 
 aladopevoi, be KaTap07}V ovk okCy-qv ova-av r)p.G>v i:apr]\Oo- 
 /xer, ov TO ts €yKkrip.aari tQv TroAecoi; avTepovvTes (ov yap 
 irapa StKaorats vp.lv ovTe rjpcav ovtc TOVTOiv ol XoyoL hv 5 
 yiyvoLVTo), dAA' ottcos p-r] pabiois Trept peydXcov 7rpayp.aT(tiv 
 rots ^vppdxoLS 'neiOop.evoi x^lpov ^ovXevcrqcrOe^ Kai apa 
 
 ^0Vk6p.€V0L 7T€pl TOV TTaVTOS XoyOV TOV 6S ^/XttS Ka6€(rT(aT0S 
 
 brjX(o(TaL d)s ovT€ ttTretKorcDS €\op€v h KeKTrjpeOa, ?/ re Tro'Ats 
 rjpiiav d^ia \6yov kariv. kolL to. pikv ttolvv TToXaia tl bel 10 
 KiyeiVj S>v ciKoal paXkov koyoiv p.dpTvp€S 17 o\/r€ts tS)v 
 dKov(Topi€V(ov ; TCL be M-qbiKCL KOL ocra avTol ^vvia-Te^ el Kai 
 bi o^kov pLokkov earai del irpo^akkopevoLSf dvdyKT] keyeiv. 
 Kttt yap oTe ebp^p.ev, ei: dxpekia eKivbvveveTO, tJs tov p.ev 
 epyov p.epos p.eTe(TxeTe, tov be koyov p.T] TravTos, el rt 15 
 d)(l)ekel, <TT€pL(TKu>p.e6a. pr]6r\(TeTaL be ov TrapaiTTja-eais 
 pidkkov eveKa rf papTvptov Kai br)k(a(Te(iiS irpos oiav vp.Lv 
 TTokLv jLtr) ev povkevop.evoLS 6 dyiiiv Karacmjo-erat. 
 
 ^apev yap Mapa6(avL re /xorot irpOKLvbvvevo'aL rw ^ap^api^, 
 Kai ore to varepov rjkOev^ ov^ Uarot oi^res KaTo. yrjv dpivvecr- 20 
 73. 13. vpo^akKofiiyots] Classen conjectures Trpo^W6ix€va. 
 
 I. 73, 74. 
 
 B,C, 432. 01. 87. I. 
 
 43 
 
 OaL, eajSavTes es ras raus TTavbr]p.el ev ^akapXvL ^vvvavpa^- 
 rj<Taif oirep ea-^e fx?) KaTo. irokeLS avTov eiTLTrkeovTa tt^v 
 UekoTTovvqaov iropOelVy dbvvdTOiv hv ovTcav Trpos raus irokkas 
 dXki^koLS eiriPo-qOelv. TeKpirjpLov be p.eyL(TTov avTos eTToCrja-eV 
 
 25 vLKTjdeh yap rats vava-ivy m ovKeTL avrw o/xotas ova-qs ttjs 
 bwap^eoos, KaTa ra^os rep irkeovL tov aTpaTov dve\(apr](Tev. 
 74 Totovrov p.evTOL ^vp^dvTos tovtov, kol o-a</)a)s b-qkcaOevTos 
 OTL ev rats i^avo-t Tcav 'Ekkrjvo)v to. i:pdyp.aTa eyeveTo, Tpia tol 
 (a(^ekLp.(il)TaTa es avTo Trapea^dpieOa, dpiOpiOv re veS>v Trkela-- 
 Tov Kai dvbpa o-TpaTrjydv ^vveTcaTaTOv Kai irpodvpLLav doKvo- 
 5 TarrjVj vavs p.ev ye es ras TeTpaKoa-ias oXtyo) eXdo-o-ous bvo 
 pLOLpiov, QepLCTTOKkea be dp^ovTa^ 6s atrtwraros ev rw arev^ 
 vavp.a\rj(TaL eyeveTO, oirep o-acfyea-TaTa ecroicre to. TTpdypaTa^ 
 KttL avTov bid TOVTO vpels br] p.dkLcrTa ertjUT^o-are avbpa 
 ^evov T(ov a)s vpids ekdovTcav, irpodvplav be kol irokv Tok- 
 
 10 prjpoTaTTjv ebeL^ap.eVy 01 ye, eireibr] rjp.lv Kara yijv ov8ets 
 e^orjdeL, tc^v dkkoiv ijbr] p.e\pL ijpLO^v bovkevovTODV ri^L<o(ra- 
 p.ev eKkLirovTes T-qv irokLV Kai to, otKeta bLa(l)6eLpavTes pirjb^ 
 As TO T(av TrepLkoLTTOiV ^p.p.d)(Uiv KOLvov TTpokLirelv, p.r]be 
 (TKebaa-devTes dxpeloL avTols yevea-dai, dkk^ ea-^dvTes es ras 
 
 15 i^aSs Kti;8vz;ei5o-at Kat p.r] opyLcrOrjvaL otl rip.lv ov Trpoert/xcopr;- 
 
 We sent a 
 larger fleet 
 and an 
 abler com- 
 mander 
 than all 
 the rest ; 
 and we 
 sacrificed 
 our city 
 and land. 
 
 (TaT€. 
 
 £1(TT€ (ftapiev ovx rja-crov avTol d}(f)ekfj(raL vp.ds rj rv^elv 
 TovTov. vpLels piev yap diro re oiKOvp.ev(t)v t(ov ir6ke(t)v 
 Kai eTTt T(D TO koLTTov vep.e(Tdai, eireLbrj ebeCaaTe virep vp.(av 
 
 20 Kat ovx rjpLwv to Trkeov, efBorjOrfcraTe (oTe yovv ^p.ev eTi 
 (TCiOL, ov TTapeyeveade)' rfpels be diro re r^s ovk oixrqs ert 
 6pp(ap.evoL KoX VTvep Trjs ev jSpaxeCq ekiribL ovcrrjs KLvbv- 
 vevovTes ^vvecTtixrapev vp.ds re to p.epos Kai fjpds avTOvs. el 
 b^ irpO(re\u)prj(rap.ev irpoTepov ro) MtJSo), Setcrarres a^airep 
 
 25 Kat aAAot Trept rrj X'^pa, 17 p-r] eTokp.ri(Tap.ev varepov ea-prjvai 
 
 We did 
 more for 
 you than 
 you for us. 
 
 L 
 
 / 
 
 74. 5. TiTpaKoalasi] Or (inferior MSS.) rpiaKoffias. 
 
44 
 
 Lacedaemonian Assembly, 
 
 I. 74-76. 
 
 Why 
 
 should we 
 be hated 
 for our 
 empire ? 
 Your 
 inaction 
 made the 
 allies offer 
 it to us : its 
 growth was 
 natural : 
 to give it 
 up was 
 impossible. 
 
 You, or 
 any other 
 men, in our 
 position, 
 would have 
 been as 
 unpopular. 
 
 h TOLS vavs ws bL€(t>Oapti€voL, ovbev av Irt ibeL vfias fxrj 
 ItyovTas vavs iKavas vavfiax^lv, dAAo Kad' riavx^av hv avT(^ 
 TTpo€\(iipr)<r^ TO. T^poyixara fj i^ovKcTo. 
 
 ^Ap a$LOL €(Tp.€V, S) AaKcbaLfxovLOL, KoL irpodvixCas €V€Ka ttjs 75 
 t6t€ KOL yv<afjLr]s $vvi(T€a)S ^PXV^ 7^ V^ ix^fi^^ toU "EWrja-i 
 pLT) ovTios ayav eirKpOovuis StaKftcr^at ; kol yap avTrjv Trjvb^ 
 eXapopiev ov ^Laa-dixevoij aJOC vp.S>v [ikv ovk €d€\r](rdvT(i)v 
 TrapapLiivai irpbs ra viroXoLira rov papfidpov, ijfxlv be irpoa-ek- 5 
 OovTODV T(av ^p,p.dx<*iv KOL avT&v b€r]6€VTuiv Tfycpiovas Kara- 
 orijvaL' €$ avTOV 8e tov ipyov KaTrjvayKdaOrjucv to TipSiTov 
 Trpoayayelv avTr}v is Tobc^ fidkioTa pi€v virb beovst iireLTa 
 b€ Kal TLp,r]S, v<TT€pov Ka\ dxpekCas. Kal ovk d(r(f)aX.€S hi 
 iboKCL €ivaL Tols TToWols d7rr]xOr]ii€vovs/KaC nvaiv Kal ijbrj lo 
 airoardvTaiv KaT€aTpapLp,4v(oVi v/xcSr re rjiuv ovKcrt 6fxoi(t)s 
 (^tXcor dkk' vTTOTTTdiV Kal biacpopaiv ovTa>v\dvevTas Kivbv- 
 V€V€LV' Kal yap av al aTToarda-eLS irpos vpLas kyiyvovro. 
 irao-L be aveiTLCpOovov ra ^vp.(\>epovTa tG^v pLeyla-TdiV irepi 
 Kivbvvcav ev TiOea-Bai, ^ 
 
 *T/ui€ts yovv o) AaKebat.p.6vioi tols ev Tjj UekoTTOVvria-ia 76 
 TToXeLs e-nl to vpXv cixpekLpLOV KaTacTTrja-dpLevoi. e^rjyela-de' 
 Kol el TOTe vTTopieLvavTes bia iravTos diTrixOria-Oe ev ttj 
 fjyepiOVLa uia-irep i7fX€r?, ev ta-p.ev pirj hv rja-a-ov v/xay kvirrj- 
 povs yevopLevovs tols ^v/x/xaxots Kal avayKacrOevTas av -q 5 
 dpxeLV eyKpaT&s ^ avTovs Kivbvveveiv, ovrcoj ov8* ?y/i€ts 
 OavpLaoTov ovbev TreTroLrjKapLev ovb* diro tov dvOpaiireCov 
 TpoTTOv, el dpxr\v re bibopievrjv ebe^dpLeOa, Kal TavTrjv p,r} 
 dvelp.ev vtio tQv p.eyLaT(av viKr\6evTes<, Tipirjs Kal beovs Kal 
 (l)(t>ekLaSj ovb' av irpcoTOL tov tolovtov virdp^avTes, dXk aei lo 
 KaOeoTcoTos tov rjaa-a) virb tov bwaroiTepov KaTelpyea-Oai, 
 B-^ioC Te dp.a vop.i(ovTes elvai^ Kal vpuv boKovvTes p-^XP^ ov 
 TO. ^vpL(f)epovTa koyiCopievoL rw biKaCia k6y<o vvv XPW^^» ^^ 
 ovbeis TTO) iraparvxbv l<rxvC tl KTrja-aadai irpoOels tov p.7] 
 irkeov €X^iv aTreTpdireTO. enaivelaOaL re dftot oiTives XP^' ^5 
 
 I. 76-78. 
 
 B. C. 432. 01. 87. I. 
 
 45 
 
 (rd/xerot Tjj dvOptiiTrela (^xxrei atare eTepoav 6.px€LVi biKaio- 
 Tepoi rj Kara T7}v vTrdpxovaav bvvapnv yeyevqvTat. akkovs 
 y av ovv olop^eOa to, rjpieTepa ka^ovTas bel^ai hv pidkLara 
 el rt pLeTpid^opLev. 
 20 ^Hplv be Kal eK tov eineLKovs dbo^ia to irkeov rj eiraivos 
 
 77 OVK elKOTOis Ttepiearr]. Kai ekaa-a-ovp-evoi yap ev rats ^vp,- 
 ^okaiais irpbs tovs ^vpLpidxovs biKais Kal irap rjpuv avTols 
 ev TOLS opLotoLS vopLOLs iroLri(ravTes Tas KpLceis (f)LkobLKeLV 
 boKOvpiev, Kal ovbeis a-KOTiel avT(av tols koI akkoOi ttov 
 
 5 dpx^i' exova-L, Kal rja-aov 7]p(ov irpos tovs virriKoovs p^eTpCois 
 ova-L, bioTL TOVTO OVK oveiblCeTaL' ^id^ea-daL yap ols av e^rj, 
 biKd^ecrOaL ovbev irpoo-beovTai. ol be eldLcrpLevoL irpbs f}p.as 
 airb TOV tcrov opLLkelVi rjv tl irapa to /uit/ otecr^at XPV^^^ V 
 yv<apir] rj bvvdpiei rq bia ttjv dpx'fjv Kal oiraio-ovv ekaacroa- 
 
 10 d<o(TLv, ov TOV irkeovos p-r] o'TepKTKop.evoL x^P''^ exovcriv, 
 dkka TOV evbeovs xo^^'^^'^^pov (fyepova-LV r] el airb TTp<aTr]s 
 airodepLevoL tov v6p.ov (f)avep(as enkeoveKTovpLev* eKeCvws b 
 ovb^ av avTol dvTekeyov eas ov XP^^^ "^bv rja-a-co rw Kpa- 
 TovvTL VTToxfiipeLv. dbiKovpievoL re, ws eoLKeVy ol dvOpuiiroL 
 
 15 p.akkov opyLCovTai q ^ia^opLevoL' Tb piev yap airb tov 1<tov 
 boKel TrkeoveKTelo-daLf Tb 8' cltto tov Kpeia-crovos KaTavayKa- 
 (ecOaL. 
 
 *T7ro yovv tov M-qbov beivoTepa tovtohv irda^ovTes rfveLX- 
 ovTo, T) be rjpieTepa dpxv x^^'^V boKel elvaL, etKorcos* to 
 
 20 irapbv yap del fiapv tols virqKOOis, vp.eLS y h.v ovv el 
 KaOekovTes r]p.as dp^aLTe^ Tax ^^ "^^^ evvoiav rjv bid to 
 r}p.eTepov beos elkr\(\)aTe p.eTapdkoiTef eiirep ola Kal TOTe 
 irpbs Tbv Mrjbov 8t* okiyov rjyqa-dpievoi vTrebei^aTe, opLOia 
 Kal vvv yv(o(Tea-de, dpuKTa yap Td re KaB^ vp.as avTovs 
 
 25 vopiipa TOLS dkko IS ^X^Te, Kal irpoaeTL els eKaoros e^twi; 
 ovre TovTois xPVto.1 ov6' ols rj dkkq *EA.\as vopLi^ei, 
 
 78 BouAevecr^e ovv ^pabecos w? ov irepl jSpaxecov, Kal /xt) 
 dXAorptats yv(ap.ais kol eyKk-qpLaa-i ireicrOevTes olKelov irovov 
 
 We con- 
 cede legal 
 rights to 
 our allies : 
 and they 
 accuse us of 
 chicanery : 
 they ought 
 to be grate- 
 ful that 
 they are 
 not ruled 
 by force. 
 
 Any rule is 
 a grievance 
 at the time: 
 you would 
 soon lose 
 favour if 
 you suc- 
 ceeded us. 
 
 Settle your 
 differences 
 
46 
 
 Lacedaemonian Assembly, 
 
 I. 78-80. 
 
 The allies 
 and Athe- 
 nians retire 
 from the 
 
 with us TTpoo'OrjcTOe, tov be TToXefjiOv top TiapoKoyoVy ocos iarl, 
 
 by arbitra- \ -> ■> ^ > /\ ^ r , > vj.x'* 
 
 tion as T^p^v €V avT(a yevea-oai irpoOLayvaiTe pLrjKVVoficvos yap 9tAet 
 
 the treaty es rv^as to, ttoWcl TiepdcTTaaOaiy &v Icrov re aTrex^ofJiev koI 5 
 
 enjoins. , , y ''st'x ^ ' »' «v/i 
 
 OTTOT€p(tis ecTTaL €v aO^ACi) KLVOvveveTat. lovres re ol avupai' 
 
 TTOL €S TOVS TToXifJLOVS T&V €pyOi}V TTpOTCpOV i^OVTai^ h. XPV^ 
 
 V(TT€pov bpav, KaKOTTa6ovvT€i be ijbrj rcSr Aoycor airTovraL, 
 17/xeTs be €v ovbefjLLa ttio ToiavTr} ctfjiapTia ovres ovr avrol 
 ovd* v^as 6p(ai'T€9 Xiyop.ev vpuv, ecos Irt avOaiperos afx(p0' 10 
 TipOLs ri evfiovXCa, <nrovbas firj Xvclv pur^be irapa^aiveiv tovs 
 opKOVs, TO, be bidcpopa biKr] kvea-Oai Kara T-qv ^vvdrJKr]v. rj 
 deovs TOVS opKLovs fJLOLpTvpcCs iroLovjxevoL TTeipaa-ofxeda apLV- 
 veaOaL iroXepiov apyovras Tavrr] rj av vcprjyrjaOe.^ ' 
 
 Toiavra be ol ^A6r]vaioi eiTiov. eTTeiby] be tG>v re ^vpL- 79 
 pLayov i]KOVG-av ol AaKebaipioVLOL to. eyKXripLaTa tcl es tovs 
 
 ^ AOrjvaCovs kol T(av *A6r]vaia)V h eXe^av, pieTaaTr](rdpLevoL 
 
 Assembly. / '>n \ ^ vj/-»v \/^ / 
 
 iravTas epovXevovTo KaTa (rcpas avTovs irepi Tcav irapovTODV, 
 
 Kol T&v pLev TrXeL6voi)V eirl to avTo al yvcapai <i<f)epov^ dbiKelv 5 
 Speech of re tovs ^ A6r}vaiovs rjbrj kol TToXep.r]Tea elvau ev Tay^L' irap- 
 damus eXO^v b^ ^ ApyCdapLOS 6 (Saa-iXevs avT&v, dvr}p Kal ^vveTos 
 
 boKOJV elvai kol craKfypaiv, eXe^e Toidbe, 
 This is not " Kal avTos iroXXiov ijbr] 'noXepa^v e/xTretpoj elpn, o) AaKe- 80 
 
 a war with <> ' \ < r\ \ ^ n'i^t\/t^rf /_ 
 
 d. yy^i vvitii 5m|xoi;tot, Ktti vpiov TOVS ev Tj] avTrj TiXtKLq 0/30), coore pirjTe 
 
 ponnesian diTeLpLa eTTL6vpLrj(raC TLva tov epyov, oirep av ol ttoXXol 
 
 neighbours. ^z* < •> n'^ ^'j-x^ ' "—s;'* 
 
 The Athe- '^otaotej/, /xT^re ayaoov Kai acrcpaXes vopLiaavTa. evpoLTe av 
 
 nians are rovbe TTepl ov vvv ^ovXevecrOe ovk av eXd\i(TTov yevopievov, 5 
 strong in > , / ' ^ ' \ '/• vvv v 
 
 money, in €t (r(i)(ppovu)S TLS avTov eKAoyt^otro. irpos pev yap tovs 
 
 ships, m YleXoTTOVvrjCiovs Kal dcTTvyeiTovas irapopocos 7]pGiV rj dXK'/fy 
 
 wehavebutKat bio. Ta\eixiV olov re e(\) eKaa-Ta eXOelv irpos be dvbpas 
 
 nav^^and °^ V'?^ ^^ ^'^^^ e\ov(TL KaX 'npocreTi OaXda-a-qs epireipoTaTol 
 
 no common ^ifrt Kal TOis dXXoLS aTTa(TLV dpKTTa e^riprvvTai, TrXovTio re 10 
 
 ibid) Kal brjpocTLca Kal vav(rl Kal tTTiroLS Kal ottXols Kai oyXta 
 
 oaos OVK ev dXX<a evC ye X^P^^ ^EXXr]vLK<^ ea-TLv, eTi be /cat 
 
 80. 7. KoX dcTTiryciTOfas] Nearly all MSS. read Koi tovs affTXTftiTova^. 
 
 I. 80-82. 
 
 B, C, 432. 01. 87. I. 
 
 47 
 
 ^vppidxovs TToXXovs (popov vTTOTeXels exovcn, ticSs \pr} Trpos 
 TovTOvs pqbCoDS TToXepiov dpacrOai Kal tlvl Tnareva-avTai 
 15 dirapacTKevovs eTTeL\6rjvaL ; iroTepov rats vavcriv ; dXX^ 
 rj(T(T0vs ecpiiv' el be p.eXeTr\(Top.ev koX avTiirapaa-Kevao-opLeda, 
 Xpovos evecTTai. aXXd roty xprip,a(rLV ; dXXa ttoWo) ert 
 irXeov TovTov eXXeCiropiev Kal ovTe ev kolv^ exop.ev ovTe 
 eTolpi(os eK T(ov lbC(ov (^epopiev^ ^ 
 
 81 Tax' ^^ ^^^ dapa-OLT) otl toIs oirXois avTcav Kal ro) TrAT^^et It is true 
 
 t I f ff \ /^^/^^|/-. «<NV ttiat we 
 
 VTTepqyepopLeVj wore ttjv yrjv Ctjovv eirKpoLTcavTes. tois oe jj^^g 
 
 aXXt] yrj eort ttoXXtj rjs dp\ova-LVy Kal eK OaXda-a-qs (av ™°^^ ^op- 
 
 f^f ''<*• »S5»* v<r ' 'J. ' lites, and 
 
 oeovraL eTra^ovTai. €t av tovs ^v^piayovs a(pL(TTavaL can ravage 
 
 5 TreLpaaopeOai Ser/rret Kat tovtols vavarl ^orjOelv to irXeov ^^V^'i^ 
 
 overt vrjcTLcaTaLS. tls ovv earai 7]p,(av 6 iroXepios f el p.r] yap not end the 
 
 ♦ \ / *\ /^ 'j' 'j'-? war, and 
 
 rj vavcTL KpaTi](Top.ev 17 Tas irpoaooovs aqyatpTjaropev a(p (av ' . 
 
 TO vavTLKov TpecfyovcTL, ^Xaxf/opieda to. TrAeo). kolv TOVT(a weak at sea 
 
 ovb^ KaTaXvecrOai ert KaXov^ dXX(as re Kat et oo^opiev dp^ai tjjgjj. allies 
 
 10 p.aXXov r?}s biacpopas. prj yap 6r) eKeCvrj ye Trj eA7rt§t ^° revolt. 
 e'naip(apeOa ws Ta)(y TTavOrja-eTai 6 iroXepos ^v ttjv yrjv 
 avT(av TapLcapLev. beboLKa be pLoXXov prj Kal toIs iraKrlv 
 avTov VTToXC7r(apev' ovrcos etfcos ^AdrjvaCovs (ppovqpLaTi prfTe 
 rrj yfj bovXev(raL pirjTe a^a-irep diteipovs KaTairXayijvaL T(a 
 
 15 TToXe/xw. 
 
 82 Ov prjv ovbe dvai(TdriT(as avTOVs KeXevod tovs re S^vppd- Letusnego- 
 \ovs rjp.Qv eav jSXdirTeLV Kal ein^ovXevovTas p-r) KaTa(f>capaVy ^^ ^' ^., 
 
 aAAa oTrAa pev /xt^tto) Kivelv, Trepireiv be Kal atrtacr^at prfTe strengthen 
 
 /v y s^ \ '- //!>«* ' / ' / ourselves. 
 
 TToXepLOV ayav orjXovvTas p^rju (as eTTiTpeyopev, Kav T0VT(a j^ ^ f^^ 
 
 5 Kal TO, r}peTep avTc^v e^aprvecrdai ^yppidyodv re 'JTpo(Tay(ayfj years we 
 
 Kal *E,XXriv(av Kal ^ap^dpoav, et TToOev Tiva rj vavTLKOv r) threaten 
 
 \pr)p.dT(av bvvapiv 7[pO(TXr}'^6pLeda (ave'nL(\)6ovov be, oaoL 
 
 uKTirep Kal rip.els vtt *Adr]vaCcov eiTLpovXevopieda, prj "EXX-q- 
 
 vas povov aXXd kol fiap^dpovs irpocrXa^ovTas biaa-cj^Brjvai), 
 
 10 Kat TCL avTCiv dpLa eKT:opi^(ap.eQa. koX rjv piev e(raK0V(r(a(TL 
 
 TL 'npe(T^evop.ev(iiv rjpiStv, TavTa dpKTTa' rjv be fx^, 5teA^oi^- 
 
 war. 
 
48 
 
 Lacedaemonian Assembly. 
 
 I. 82-84. 
 
 But if we 
 begin by 
 ravaging 
 their land, 
 we throw 
 away our 
 best chance 
 of gaining 
 our end. 
 
 It is no 
 cowardice 
 not to fight; 
 war is a 
 question 
 of money. 
 
 Our tardi- 
 ness, which 
 the Corin- 
 thians 
 blame, is 
 the secret 
 of our 
 greatness. 
 Our dis- 
 cipline 
 gives us 
 bravery, 
 and 
 
 TUiV h&v Kol bvo Kal rpL&v aiieivov 7/617, ^7^ ^oktJ, ir^cfypay 
 
 Kal lo-tos 6pSiVT€S w^v 7]br] Tr\v re Trapao-Kcvrji/ kox Toh 
 koyovs avrfj opiola vTTO(rr)fjia[vovTas ^lakkov av euoter, kol 15 
 yrjv hi 6T\ir]T0V ix^VT^s Kal irepl TrapovTOiV ayaO&v kol 
 ovTro) €(t)6apn€V(tiV povXevofxevoL. pLrj yap aXko tl vo[ii(rr]T€ 
 TT]v yrjv avTcav rj ofxripov ex^iv, Kal ovx ri(r<Tov oaio ap.€ivov 
 i^eCpyacrraL' rjs </)€i8eo-^at XPV ^^ ^^'' TrXetoror, Kal /xt) es 
 a-novoLav KaraarriaavTas airrovs akrjiTTOTepovs ^x^f-v. d 20 
 yap aiTapd(rK€VOL rois t&v ^Uju/xaxcoi; kyKkrip.a(nv CTretX" 
 eivT€S T€iJLOvpi€V avTT]Vy opcLTe 0770)5 /xt) aUx^ov Ka\ 
 airopiarepov rf] UekoTTOvvrjo-iD irpd^opLev. kyKkr\ixaTa pkv 
 yap Kal TTokioav Kal IhiOTcav oUv re KaTokva-aL' TToAe- 
 fxov 5e ^vtnravras dpa/xeVovs €V€Ka t&v ibi(av, ov ovx 25 
 vTTapx^L ei8erat Ka6' tl x^PW^''^ ov pabtov evTrpcirois 
 
 Oio-dat. 
 
 Kal dvavhpia p.r\h€vl iroXXovs /xta irokei \xi] raxv eireX' 83 
 Oelv SoKftro) elvai. dcrl yap Kal UeCvois ovk kkdaaovs XPV' 
 ixara c^epovTiS ^p-lMaxoL, Kal iartv 6 TroXe/xo? ovx ^^^^^ ^^ 
 TTkiov dXka baT:dvr)s, bi ^v ra oirka ox^eXei, aXkays re Kal 
 ^TTCtpwrats TTpos eakaarcriow. -KopKr^ii^Oa ovv Trpwroi; 5 
 avTTiv, Kal /x^ rots tG>v fv/x/max^i^ >^dyois irporepov eirai- 
 pw/xe^a, otirep be Kal tcov diroPaLvovTOiV to irkiov In 
 ^pL(j)6T€pa TTJs ahCas e^o/xer, ovrot Kal Kad' rjcrvx^av tl 
 
 aVT&V TTpOLb(OlX€V, 
 
 Kal TO Ppabv Kal fiekkov, o juiefx</)Oi;rat fxaXto-ra rjfi&v, /xr) 84 
 ato-x^'i^^^^^- (TTTevbovTes re yap (rxokaLTcpov hv -navaaKTBe 
 bia TO aTrapao-Keuot kyx'^ipdv Kal d[ia ekevOipav Kal evSof 
 OTaTT^v TTokLV bicL TTavTos re/xo/xe^tt, Kal bvvaTaL fxaXtora 
 (T(a(\>po(rvvr] €pL(t)p(»iV tovt dvai. fxovoi yap bi avTo ev- 5 
 -npayiais re ovk l^ppiCo\i€V Kal ^vp.<i>opals n^crov hepc^iv 
 etKOfxer* T<av re ^vv eiraCvia e^oTpvvovTOiV rjixas €TtI to. bcLva 
 TTapa Tb boKOVV fipTiv ovk eTratpojute^a fjbovfi, Kal 7/1; rts apa 
 
 I. 84-86. 
 
 B. C. 432. 01, 87. I. 
 
 49 
 
 Qiv KaTrjyopCa irapo^vrj, ovbev fxakkov dxOea-OivTes dv€- 
 10 TT€Ca-6r]}X€v» irokepLLKoC re Kal ei//3ovAot bia to €vko(t\xov 
 yiyvofxeOa, to p.\v ort albbis a-axfypoaiuvrjs Trkeiarov pL^Tixei, 
 ai(rxvvr]S be einjrvx^CLy evjSovkoL 6e dp.a6i(TT€pov tS^v vopLOiv 
 TTJs virepoxlfLas iraibevofxevoL Kal $vv xci^f^orr/rt (r(o(f)pov€' 
 (TTepov 1] <5(rre avTo^v dvr]KOV(rT€lv, Kal /xt) to, dxpeia ^vvctol 
 15 6.yav ovT€Sy ras t&v TroXe/xtcor Trapaa-Kcvas k6y<o koX&s 
 ^efKpofievoL dvop.ol(t)S epy(o eire^UvaLf voixi^eiv 6e Tas re 
 biavoias tQv irikas TrapaTrkrja-LOVS etrat Kal Tas TrpocnTLir- 
 Tovcras tvxo.s ov k6y<D Statperds. del 8e ws Trpos ev fiov- 
 kevopiivovs Tovs evavrCovs ^py<^ Trapao-Keuafd/xe^a* Kal ovk 
 20 e^ €K€LV(ov ws buiaprqa-opAvuiv exetr 8et Tas kkiribas, dkk' 
 0)9 riii^v avT<av d(r(t)ak&s Trpovoovfxevaiv. Trokv re biaipipeiv 
 ov 8et vofXL^eLV dvOpomov dv6p(aTT0v, KparicrTov 8e etz^at 
 ocrrts kv rots drayKatordrots TratSeverat. 
 
 85 Tavras ovv hs ol iraTepes re ^/xtr Trapiboaav /xeXe'ras Kal 
 avTol 8td iravTos d)(p€kovu.€VOL exo/xei/, pLT} Trapwjutei^, /xr/S' 
 €iT€LxO€VT€S €V jQpaxet iiopL(o Tjixepas ircpl 7:okX(ov aoiixaTUiv 
 Kal xp^y^drtiiv koI iiokeoiv koX bo^rjs /3ovA.evo-(o/xei;, dkka KaO* 
 
 5 r](Tvx^ov. efetrrt 5' ^/xti; pLokkov kTepoav bia la\vv. koi 
 irpbs TOVS ^A6r}vaiovs Tre/xTrere piev irepl r^s IlortSatas, 7re/x- 
 Tiere Se Trepl &v 01 fv/xjutaxoi (t)aaiv d8tKet(r^at, dAXcos re 
 Kal kTOipLcov ovTOiV avT&v bUas bovvai' kirl be tov bibovTa ov 
 TTpoTepov vopLipLOV ws eTT* dbiKovvTa Uvai, irapaa-Keva- 
 10 feo-^e 8e tov irokepiov dp.a. TavTa yap Kal KpaTia-Ta povkev- 
 o-ecr^e Kal rots ez^ai^rtots <\>op€p(^TaTaJ^ koi 6 piev 'Apx^ba- 
 fxos ToiavTa elirev' irapekdoiv be ^Oevekatbas reAevratos, 
 els T(ov €<f)6p(t)v TOTe &v, eke^ev ev rots AaKeSatftoi/tots <38e. 
 
 86 " Tovs jutei^ Adyovs rovs ttoXAovs rcSi; ^AOrivaioav ov yiyvui- 
 (TKOi' eiraivearavTes yap TroAAd eavrovs ovbapiov dvTelirov ws 
 OVK dbiKOvai TOVS 77/xerepovs fv/x/xdxovs Kal ttjv TlekoTTovvrj- 
 crov' KaiToi el irpbs tovs M7780VS eyevovTo dyaOol TOTe^ irpbs 8' 
 
 84. 19. vapa<TK€va^6f4,f6a] Or irapaaK€va^ufjL€0a, 
 
 E 
 
 that true 
 wisdom, 
 which is 
 content to 
 obey the 
 law, and 
 to fight 
 instead of 
 criticising 
 the enemy. 
 
 Do not be 
 in a hurry: 
 and re- 
 member 
 that the 
 Athenians 
 are willing 
 to accept 
 arbitration. 
 
 Speech of 
 
 Sthene- 
 
 laidas. 
 
 We cannot 
 arbitrate or 
 delay when 
 the Athe- 
 nians are 
 
actually 
 ill-treating 
 our allies* 
 
 // 
 
 The as- 
 sembly by 
 a large 
 majority 
 resolves 
 *that 
 
 Athens has 
 broken the 
 treaty.' 
 The allies 
 are to be 
 summoned 
 to decide 
 on peace 
 or war. 
 
 [432-] 
 [445-1 
 
 50 Lacedaemonian Assembly* i. 86, 87. 
 
 ij^as KaKol vvv, hnrXairCas Cmas a$ioi elcnv, 5n di/r dya^air 5 
 KaKol yeyivrjvraL. w^ls be 61M0I0L Kal t6t, Ka\ vvv ia^xev, 
 KoX Toh ivtxtiixovs, vv (Tc^(t>povS>tiev, oi, T:€pioy\f6ii€6a hhiKOV 
 ixivovs oib€ txek\^(TOix€V Ti,ixa>p€lp' ol b' o^KiTL fx^WovcrL Ka- 
 kS>s TTcio-xetr. aWois ^xev yhp XP^f^ard ^(tti -noXXa Kai W€S 
 Ka\ Ui:oi, ^tuv 66 fvV^axot ayaOoi, ots oh irapaboria tols 10 
 'AOrjvaioLS kcrrlv, oibe bUaiS Kal XoyoLS biaKpLria m ^oya> 
 Kal airoh^ ^XaTTTOfxivovs, dAXa rifXiopriTia kv r6,x^i koX 7rai;rt 
 adiv€i. Ka\ ^s w^s 'npi'nei fiovXc6€(T6ai ^biKOVixivovs /xr,8- 
 els 8i8aa-KeVa), dXXa Tohs p.4XXovTas abiK^lv iiaXXov irpiirei 
 TToXy Xp6vov ^ovX,<,€aeai. ^/.#lCeo-^€ olv Z> AaKeSat/xoVtot 15 
 h^im TTis ^TTapTTjs Thv 'nSXeixov, Kal ^re to\js 'AOrjvaiovs 
 rare fxeiCovs yiyvecrOat, fx^re rok ^iMfx^xovs KaraTipobib^' , 
 p.€v, aXXh ^^v 7015 6€ois Mo^iiev TTphs TOVS abiKOvvTas. ^ JK 
 Toiavra be Xi^as k-ne^ir^H^v ahrhs e^opos t^v h^ ttji; 87 
 UKXrjaCav T&v AaK€baipLOviu>v. 6 bi {KpCvovcn yap ^0^ Kal 
 oh ylfv<t>^) oiK i(t>r) bLayLyv<J^(TK€iv t^v ^o^v biioripa ixeiCo^v, 
 6XXd. ^ovX6p.€VOS ahrohs <t>av€p(is d,TTob€i,KWiiivovs r^v 
 yv<^p.r)v h Tb 'noXeixelv p.aXXov 6pp.rjcraL iXe^ev '^ 5ra) ix€V 5 
 i^&v 2) AaKebaiix6vL0i boKovci XeXijcrdaL al cnrovbal Kal 
 ol 'AOrjvaloL ^biKelv, dracmjra) h (Kelvo rb x^PJ^v'^ 
 beiias TL x^pt'or airroU, " 5r(i> Se /x^ boKov(TLV, h rd. ki^l 
 Q6.Tepar hva(TT6.vTes b\ bU(Tr7]cTav, koI iroXAcp 'nXdovs 
 iyivovTO oh ebSKOVv al (rnovbal XeX^^aOaL, 'npocTKoXidav- 10 
 Tis re Tols ivfxixdxovs eliTov 6tl (rct>icTi fxev boKolev dSiKCir 
 ol 'A^r,i;atot, /Sov'Aecr^at b^ Kal rok iravTas iviifidx^vs 
 7,apaKaXiaavT€S ylfrj<t>ov kirayayelv, Birm kolvji povXevcrd' 
 ^levol Tov TToXe/moz; iroL&vrai, ^ Sokt). Kal ol fxev a-ne- 
 Xii>pr]<Tav €7r' oIkov btaTtpaidpievoi raika, Kal ol 'AOrivaCoiV 15 
 TTpia^eis vcrrepov, e</>* Sirep ^X6ov xP^aricravTes. ^ V be 
 biayvii^m ahrr] r^s UKXrjaCas, tov rhs (nrovbas XeXhaOa^, 
 lyhero h 7(3 7f7(ip7^ l7€t Kal beK^Ti^ riov^ TpiaKOVTovrLbuiV 
 cnrovb&v 'npoK€x<^prjKViMV, a\ kyivovro fiera ra Ev/SoiKa. 
 
 1.88-90. Rise of Athenian Power, 
 
 51 
 
 88 *E\lni<t>L(rai;To b^ ol AaKebaLfiSviOL ras ariTOvbas XeXvcrOai Fear of 
 Kal TroXcfxrjTia etrat ov toctovtov tc^v ^vpLixdx<»iV Treia-devTes ^^^^ 
 rots Aoyots oaov <f>oPovp.evoi tovs ^AOrjvaCovs pirj em fxetfor real mo- 
 bvvr}6&a-iv, opQvTes avTols to. iroXXa ttjs ^EXXdbos viro-' ^^^' 
 
 5 x^ tpta vbl ovTCL ^ 
 
 89 Ot yap 'AdrivaloL rpoTTiD TOL^be ^XOov l-irt 7a irpdyfiara Origin 
 h oh r)v^6r)(Tav, lireibr] M^8ot dvexcaprjcrav €k rrjs Evpco- Athenian 
 TTTjs VLKr]divT€s Kal vaval Kal Trcfw virb 'EXXrjvaiv, Kal ol empire. 
 KaTa(\)vy6vTes avr&v rah vavalv h MvKoX-qv biecjyddprja-av, [479.] 
 
 5 AecoTvx^brjs fiev 6 PaariXevs tQv AaKebaupLOvCcov, ocnrep 
 Tiyelro tS>v kv MvKdXri 'EXAT^rcor, direx'^PW^^ ^"^^ oXkov ex'^v 
 TOVS CLTTo UeXoTTOvvria-ov ^vpLfiaxovs, ol be *AOr]valoL Kal ol The Athe- 
 aTTo 'Icortas Kal *EXXr)(nr6vTov ^vfifxaxoL rjbr] d0€O'7T;KO7€s J^^ ^* 
 airb PacnXecdS viTop.eivavTes 'Sirjorbv eiroXiopKovv ^IriboDV Sestos. 
 
 10 kxovTUiv^ KoX einx'^ip.daravTes elXov avTrjv iKXiTTovTonv t5>v 
 fiap^dpcov, Kal pLeTa tovto aTTeirXevo-av e$ ^EXX-qcrirovTOV 
 m eKaaroi KaTa iroXeis^ ^A6r}vaC(t)v be 70 koivov, eiTeibri The Athe- 
 av70ts ot fidp^apoi eK Trjs x^P^^ dinjXOov, bLeKopiC^ovTo ^^^ ^^ 
 evdvs odev vire^edevTo iraibas Kal yvvalKas Kal rqv irepLov- mence re- 
 
 15 (yav KaTaa-Kevrjv, Kal Trjv ttoXlv dvoLKobopLelv Trapea-Kevd^ovTO ^^^^^^ ^ity 
 Kal 7a 7e^x'?' "^^^ ^^ y^P T^^pi^oXov fipaxea etoTT^Kct, Kal ^°^ ^^^^^ 
 otK^at at [lev -TToXXat neTrTiaKecrav oXiyai be TrepLrja-av, ev ah 
 avTol ea-Krjvqcrav ol 8vi^a7ol t<ov Uepar&v, 
 
 AaKebaLpLOVLOL be aicrOoixevoi to fxeXXov rjXdov 'npea-fieiai The 
 
 90 
 
 7a p.ev Kal avTol rjbLov hv optairres pirJT* eKeCvovs fxi^T 6XXov ^^^^^®" 
 
 moQians 
 
 pLTjbeva 76txos Ix^^^^^j ^^ be irXeov tC^v ^vpLfidx(*>v e^orpv- try to dis- 
 
 / VJ./0' '^ «>rs\x/>/i suadethem. 
 
 vovTodv Kat (popoviievinv tov T€ vavTLKov avTODV TO ttXtjOos, 
 
 5 h TTplv ovx VTTTJpxev, Kal Trjv is Tbv MrjbiKbv 'noXep.ov ToXpLav 
 yevopLevrjv, rf^Covv t€ avTovs firj TeLX^C^iv, aXXa Kal tQv I^o) 
 UeXoTTovvrja-ov pLoXXov ocrots etor^Ket ^vyKa^eXetr fte7a 
 cr(t)&v TOVS TrepLJSoXovSi to ptev fiovX6p.evov Kal vttotttov ttjs 
 yv(ap.Tf]s ov briXovvTes es tovs ^Adr]vaCovs, wy §€ 706 Pa/3- 
 90. 7. €l(rrriKu] Or ^wuarqKU, 
 £ 2, 
 
m 
 
 52 
 
 Fortification of Athens. 
 
 I. 90, 91. 
 
 I. 91-93. B. C, 479-8. OL 75. 2-3. 
 
 53 
 
 Themisto- 
 cles is sent 
 to Sparta 
 to explain. 
 
 He puts 
 off his ex- 
 planation 
 until the 
 wall is 
 built. 
 
 j3dpov, el avOis CTreA^ot, ovk av ^xovtos air ^x^pov TTodiv, 10 
 axTTTcp viv €K T(ov &T]^Siv, opimcrdai' Tr\v re lleKoT:6vvr](rov 
 Tiaa-LV €<})a(Tav lKavi]V eTvai ava)(tiipii](Tiv re koL acpopixrjv, 
 
 01 8' 'AOrjvaloL ©ejuttoroKXeovs yvatfirj tovs ixev AaKeSat- 
 jxovLovs TavT etTTorras, aTroKpivdpLevoL otl niix^ova-iv a)S 
 avTovs 77pe(T/3et9 irept StvXiyovcriv, evdvs dirriX^^a^av' kavrbv 15 
 8' €K€kev€V CLTTOo-TiWeLV ws TdxL(rTa 6 0€/xt(rroKA?/? h Tr]V 
 AaK€baip.ova, d\Xov<i be irpos kavT(2 kXofxevovs 7rpeV/3€is /xtj 
 
 €V6VS €KTT€p.TT€LV, oXX! eTTlCTXeiV pL^Xpl TO(TOVTOV €0)5 aV TO 
 
 T61X05 licavov apdiCTLV u>(TT€ aT:op.aye(Tdai ex tov dvayKaio- 
 TOLTOv vxj/ovs' T€LX^C^LV be TTCLVTas iTavbr)ixel tovs ev rfj 20 
 TToAet Kttt avTovs koX yvvaiKas /cat Traibas, ^^etSo^rou? 
 firjTe Ibiov /xi/re brjixoa-Cov otKo8o/[X7//xaros oOev tls ^(peXCa 
 earai es to epyov, aXka Kadaipovirras TrdvTa. Kai 6 fxev 
 TavTa bibd^aSi koI vTretTrwy raXAa otl avTos raKet Trpa^ot, 
 wxero. Kttl h Trjv AaKebaC^iova ek6(ov ov Trpoa-rieL irpos 25 
 TCL^ dpxds, akka birjye koI Trpov(t)a(rC(eTo. kol oiroTe ns 
 avTov epoLTO t(ov ev reXet ovTOiV o tl ovk eirepxeTaL eirl to 
 KOLVov, ecprj tovs ^vpLTrpia-^eis dvap.eveiv, dcrxokias be tlvos 
 ovcrrjs avTovs virokeLcjydijvaL, itpocrbex^aBai /xeVrot ev Taxei 
 Tj^eLV Kal 6avp.d(eLV ws ovttoh Trdpeia-LV, 3o 
 
 Ot 8e cLKOvovTes to) fxev ©e/xtoTOKXct eireCOovTo 6ta 91 
 (j)LkLav avTov, T(av be dkXoiV d(l)LKVOVfJieva}V kol (ra</)&)S 
 KaTYjyopovvToav otl Tetx^^Tai re Kal ijbr] v\lfos kaix^dveL, 
 OVK elx^v oTTitiS XPV aTTto-r^o-at. yvovs b* Uelvos KekeveL 
 avTOVs 1X7] koyoLS fxakkov irapdyeaOaL ri 7rep.^aL cr(p(av 5 
 avTiav di'bpas oiTLve^ xPW^o^'- '^^^^ irLOT&s d-nayyekovaL 
 (TKe\l/dp.evoL. dTTO(TTekkov<TLV ovr, KOL irepl avTcav 6 ©Cfxtcr- 
 TOKkrjs rots 'AOrjvaiOLS Kpv(\)a Tre/xTTCt K€keva)V w? ^Kio-ra 
 C77t</)at'a)5 Karatrxeti^ Kat /xr) dcfyelvaL irplv av avTol irdkLV 
 KopLia-OcacTLv' 7/817 yap Kat rJKOV avT<D ot fv/i7rpeo-/3€t9, *A^pa>- 10 
 VLxds re 6 Avo-tK\eov? Kat 'Apto-retSr/s 6 Av(rLfJ.dxov, 
 
 .90. 19. apoHTiv'] MSS. aipuaiv. 
 
 dyyikkovTes e^eir tKai^o)? to relxos* e(\)ofielTO yap fxr} oi 
 
 AaKebaLjiovLOL a-KJyas, oirore cracfySts aKo^creLav, ovKeTL d(\)S)<TLV. 
 
 Ot re ovv ^AdrivaZoL tovs irpea-BeLS axriTep eiTea-Tdkr] 'Athens can 
 
 15 KaTelxov, KOL QejxiaroKkrjs eirekOiav rots x\aKe8atjuioi/tots herself- 
 
 iirravOa brf (\)avepGiS elircv otl tj fxev irokLs (r(f)(av TeTeC- ^^^ ^y^^ 
 
 y^f/ «\<» /> \» « j^/t>e fortified, 
 
 Xtcrrat ^677 axrre tKai'^ etrat o-w^eti; rovs ez^otKOvi^ras, et oe if she is 
 
 rt PovkovTaL AaKebaLfMovLOL tj ol fu/x/xaxot irpea-jBevea-OaL J^.^jJ*"- 
 
 TTttpa (r<^as, ws TTpos Staytyi'wo-Koz^ras to konrov levaL Td equality 
 
 ./ >'»<*/j vv ' / V '\ with the 
 
 20 re (r(pL(nv avTOLS qvfKpopa Kat Ta KOLva. Ti]v re yap irokLV ^^-^^^j. ^j^j^^ 
 
 0T€ eboKCL eKkLireiv dpieLvov elvaL Kal es ras vavs ecr^rjvaL, of the con- 
 
 avev €KeCv(ji)V e(t)a(rav yvovTes Tokpirja-aL, Kal ocra av pier 
 
 kKeivoav fiovkevea-QaL, ovbevos vaTepoL yviapirj (f)ajnjvai» 
 
 boKeXv o^v (r(f)L(rL Kal vvv dpLCLVov €LvaL ttjv €avT<av irokLV 
 
 25 ret^os e^etz;, Kat t8ta rots TroAtrats Kat es rovs irdvTas 
 
 (vpipidxovs d>(l)ekLpL(aTepov ecrea-QaL' ov yap olov t etrut /xt) 
 
 aTTO drrtTTaAou irapaa-Kevrjs opiOLov tl rj L<rov es to kolvov 
 
 Povkeveo-daL. rj TrdvTas oZv dretxtVrovs e(^7/ XPV^^^ f^/^- 
 
 pLOxelv rj Kal Tdbe vop^i^eLv opB&s e^etr. 
 
 92 Ot 8e AaKe8at/[xoz;tot aKOXxravTes opyrjv pkv (\)avepdv ovk The Lace- 
 
 eTTOtoOrro rots 'AdrivaLOLS (ovbe yap eirl Koakvixin dXkd f^"*^ 
 
 ' ^ ^ ' ^ '^*' mans arc 
 
 yv(opLr]S TTapaLveceL brjOev ro) Kotrw eTrpeo-jBeua-avTo, dpia be annoyed, 
 
 \ jx'^v ■« « / tjv \ 9 vn*'^^ hut conceal 
 
 Kat 77pocr(f)LkeLS orres ev ro) TOTe Ota T-qv es tov Mtjoov ^^eir an- 
 
 5 TTpodvpiLav TO. pidkLOT avTols eTvyxavov)y Trjs pLevTOL jBovkrj- noyance. 
 
 a"ea)s dp.apTdvovTes dST^Xcos iJxBovTO. ot re irpea-jBeLS 
 
 kKaTepdiv aTrrjkdov kii oXkov dveTTLKk'qTais. 
 
 93^ Tovro) ro) rpoTTO) ot ^ A6r]vaXoL T-qv irokLV kTeix^crav ev Traces of 
 
 >\/ / ^s'\<»S5' " \ « > \ f/ hurry in 
 
 oAtyo) xpoviD, KaL orjkrj rj oLKOOopLLa ert Kat vvv eoTLV otl .^ work. 
 
 KaTa a-irovbrjv eyeveTo' ol yap OepLekLOL iravTOLonv kiOo^v 
 
 VTTOKeLVTaL Kal ov ^veLpya(rpLev(ov eoTLV y, dkk' ws eKaorToC 
 
 5 TTOTe T:po(Te<f)epoVj irokkai re o-r^Xat diro o-qpLdTcov Kal kiOoL 
 
 elpyaa-pievoL eyKaTekeyrjorav. pieCC^v yap 6 7rept/3oA.os irav' 
 
 ^^xS ^^VX^V "^V^ TTokecoSy Kal 8ta tovto irdvTa opLOLcos 
 
 KLvovvTes riTTeiyovTo, 
 
Fortification of Piraeus. 
 
 I. 93, 04. 
 
 Fortifica- 
 tion of the 
 Piraeus 
 [478, first 
 begun 
 482 ?]. 
 Themisto- 
 cles first 
 made 
 Athens a 
 sea-power. 
 
 The allied 
 navy under 
 Pausanias 
 takes Cy- 
 prus and 
 Byzantium 
 
 [478]. 
 
 54 
 
 "'ETreto-e l\ koL tov rietpaiaiy to. koi-na 6 (d€iJ.L(rroK\rJ9 
 oiKoboixeiv {v-nijpKTO 8* avTov irpoTcpov em ttjs U^Lvov 10 
 dpx^s ^s Kar kviavTov 'A6rjvaioLS T^pfer) vofxCCoiV to re 
 Xu>piov KoXov ctrat, Xt/xeVas Ix^z; rp^ls avro(^t;€is, koI 
 avTOvs vavTLKOvs y€y€vr}ix€Vovs fi^ya 'npo(t>€p€LV h to kttj- 
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 €iir€Lv 0)5 avd€KTea ecrrC, kol r^ apxV ^^^^^ ivyKarea-Kev- 15 
 aC^v, Kol i^Koh6p.r]<Tav ttj iK€Cvov yv(afirj to iraxos tov 
 TeCxovs OTrep vvv en hrjkov eort itcpl tov Iletpata- bvo 
 yap oLfxa^aL kvavTiai aXKr\kais tovs XiOovs iirrjyov. €VTos 
 b€ ovT€ xaXtf ovT€ irrjXbs tjv, akXa ^v(DKobop,r}^voL /xeyoA- 
 OL XidoL Kttl €v TOfxfj iyytavLOLy a-ibrjpia irpos dXXrjXouj ra 20 
 i^aiOev Kol /xoXv/38a) b^bep^ivoi. to b^ taJ/os rjfXLav fxdXLora 
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 Trdx€i OLcfyLOTdvaL tcls T<av 'nok^p.ioiv iirL^ovXas, dr^paJircoi; 
 
 T€ €v6iXl(€V oXlyiOV Kttt TGiV CLXpeLOTaTdiV dpK€(T€lV Tr}V 
 
 (f)v\aKriv, Tovs b' aAAovs es tols vavs €(T^r\(T€<T6ai, Tals 25 
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 (jlava-avCas be 6 KAeo/ix/SpoVov €K AaK^batfxovos crTparrjyos 94 
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 riyeixovCa. 
 
 93. 23. €in$ov>JLs] Or km$o\&s (Schol. lvi0i<T€ti). 
 
 1. 96, 96. Sparta loses her supremacy. 
 
 55 
 
 95 "Hbt) bk ^lalov 0VT09 avTov ot re dWot "EXkrjves rJxOovTo 
 Kal ovx ijKLora ot *'Io)z/es Kat oaot d-Tro j3ao-tA.ea)s i^ccoo-rt 
 rjkevOipoavTo' (f)OLT<avT€s t€ irpos tovs ^AOrjvaLovs tj^lovv 
 avTovs riyciJLOvas a-cjy&v yevicrOai KaTo. to ^xr/yeves Kat 
 
 5 riauo-arta ixrj eTnTpeireiv 'qv ttov /3tdfr;rat. ot be ^Adr]valoi 
 ebe^avTO re tovs koyovs Kal irpoa-elxov Tr}V yvcofirjv m ov 
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 fXcVcor, Kat rvpa2;j;t8os fiaXkov k(\>aLveTO ixCfirjcns 5 a-Tpa- 
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 fxev ovKeTL eKTre'/xTrovcrtr dpxovTa, AopKLV bk Kal dAXot;s 
 rti^ds fieT avTov arpaTidv exovTas ov TrokkrfV ols ovKert 
 
 20 k<f)U(Tav ot ^vpLfiaxot ttiv rjyefxovCav. 
 
 Ot b^ alcrOofjLevoL aT^rjkOov, Kal dkkovs ovKeTi vcrTepov 
 e^eirepL^av ol AaKebaipLOvioi, <po^ovp.evo(. pLrj (ripCo-iv ol 
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 kveibov, dirakka^eCovTes be Kal tov MrjbiKov irokepiov, kol 
 
 25 TOVS 'Adrjvaiovs vofjiCCovTes tKarovs e^-qyeTa-dai. Kal (r(t)Ca-LV 
 
 ev T^ TOTe irapovTi, eTriTrjbeCovs. 
 
 QQ IlapakapovTes be ol ^AOrjvaXoL Tr]V fjyefjiovCav TovT(a rw 
 
 TpoTK^ eKOVTOiv T&v ^vpLpidx^uiV bid TO TlavoravCov fua-oSi 
 
 eTa^av &s re I8et irapexeLV t<ov irokecov xj^r^iiaTa irpos tov 
 
 pdp^apov Kal hs vavs' Trpocrxriii-a yap rjv dpAivaa-Qai Stv 
 
 5 iiradov brjovvTas rqv fiaa-ikecDS x^P^^' *^^^ ekkrjvoTafiCaL 
 
 TOTe TTp&Tov 'AOrjvaCoLs KaTicm) dpxVt oi ebexovTo tov 
 
 96. II. ^ arpaTrjyia] Or ^ CTparrjyia. 
 
 The 
 lonians 
 and others 
 complain 
 of him to 
 the Athe- 
 nians (see 
 ch. 130); 
 he is re- 
 called to 
 Sparta : the 
 non-Pelo- 
 ponnesian 
 allies 
 transfer 
 themselves 
 from 
 Sparta to 
 Athens 
 
 [478-7]- 
 
 The 
 
 Lacedae- 
 monians 
 accept the 
 situation. 
 
 The Athe- 
 nians or- 
 ganize 
 their con- 
 federacy. 
 
 v^- 
 
56 
 
 Athens and Sparta still allies, i. 96-99. 
 
 lO 
 
 97 
 
 lO 
 
 4)6pov' ovTo) yap ^vo^iacrBT] t&v yjiy]}i6.TUiV fj (l)opd. rjv 
 
 5' 6 TrpwTos (popos raxOeh rerpaKoVta rdXavra koI c^tJ- 
 
 KovTa. TapLL^lov T€ Arjkos riv aiiroi?, Koi at ^vvoboL is to 
 
 iepov eyiyvovTo. 
 
 Iwillde- 'HyovfX€VOL be avTOVOixoiV to irp&TOV T(ov $viMp.dx(*iV kol 
 
 **^owth^of ""^^ '^^'•^^^ ivv6b(i)v fiov\€v6vT(ov Tocrdbe iTrnkOov TTo\ep.cd 
 
 the Athe- re kol bLax€LpC<T€L T:payixdT(iiV pL€Ta$v Tovbe tov T:o\ip.ov 
 
 Sp toX^' »^oX TOV Mr]biKov, h kyiv^To -npds t€ Thv pdp^apov avTots 
 
 Pelopon- i^^l ^p^5 ro^5 (rct)€T€pOVS fv/X/xaXOVS V€(OT€pLCoVTaS KOL 
 
 nesianwar: , v ^ n / •> t f 
 
 a subject UeXoTTOVvrjaCaiV tovs act Trpo<m}yxavovTas €V eKaoro). 
 
 neglected | ^^ g^ ^irra Kox Trjv iK^okriv tov koyov €'noLr)(rdp.'nv 
 by most rr r , « - , . v « <» v 
 
 historians, bia robe otl rots irpo e/xou airaa-iv CKAtTres rovro r]V to 
 
 Xoopiov KOL t) to. irpb t(ov MrjStKcar 'EWrji^tKa ^vveTieecrav 
 ri avTCL TCL MrjbiKd' TovTa)V 8' oo-uep Kat ?J\/^aro h rrj 
 'ATTLKrj ivyypa(t)fi "EXXdvLKOSy fipax^m t€ koI rots xP^vols 
 ovK CLKpt^cos eTTepLvna-er], dp,a be koX ttjs dpxrj^ aTTo'Set^ti^ 
 Ixet TTJs T&v ^A6r]val(MiVy kv oto) rpoTro) Kareorry. 
 
 ri/owroi; fxer 'HtoVa r^ ^'"'t Srpu/xoVt M^8a)i; exoVcor 
 -noXiopKia elkov KaljQvbpaTTobLa-av, KifXiovos tov MtXrtadov 
 Carystus. oTpaTi^yovvTos. €TT€LTa I>KVp6v Trjv iv rw Atya^o) i^^cror, 
 ^i; (DKOVV AoXoTies, rji^SpaTTo'Sto-ar Kat <^Ki(Tav avToL, irpos 
 b€ KapvoTLovs avTols dv€V rwr dXXoyv Eu^oecoi; iroXefios 
 €yev€TO, Kat XP^'i^w ^vvefi-qcrav Ka0* 6p.oXoyiav, Naftots Se 
 dTToarao-t jutera ravra iiroXipi-qa-av kol iroXiopKla TTap€(rTYj' 
 other allies (ravTo, Trpwrrj re avrrj ttoXls fv/x/xaxts Trapa ro Ka$e(m)Kds 
 STare e8ovXft;i97j, e^retra 5e Kat t(ov dXXa)v a)S eKcio-rr; ivvi^rj. 
 reduced to Atrtat 8' aXXat re ^o-ar rdir aTrocrrao-ea)!; Kat fxeytarat 99 
 ence.° This at rwr </)opa>i; Kat V€(av eKSVtaT, Kal XeLiroarpdTLOV el ro) 
 
 was their ^ ^'j^^^^. ^t yap 'AOrjvaloL aKptjSais i'npacraov Kat XvTrrjpol 
 iault, ' ..." ^_., V « ^ 
 
 [477-466] 
 Eion, 
 Scyros, ' 
 
 98 
 
 Naxos 
 [about 
 466] and 
 
 Vi- 
 
 
 \^.i. 
 
 own lauxL, • . . - ^ „ ^ 
 
 for they ^craz; ovk etco^oVtz; ovbe jSovXo/ierots ToXaLiroipeLV Trpocra- 
 jremsewts yo^^^f ras amyKas. W^-v 8e ttws Kat aXAcos ot 'A^rjratot 
 by com- ovKcVt ojutotcos h rjbovfj apxoi^rcs, Kat ovre ^vcarpdTcvov 
 theirifaval di^o TOV tcrov pabiov re Tipoadyeddai r^v avrots rovs d(i>i<TTa- 
 
 fcA^< 
 
 5 
 
To fiire pcu^SG 
 
 Mojty ofOvt CLertAjchLes ( ooloured^red, ) iru^iuU 
 trihvLbariea as yyelL aus Athtnieui^ colnnxats 
 Jbr iTlc dMspenjderLcUs of Lesbos an. the ytxainJ/m^ 
 (coloured.yelUr*' ) see ThiLC.ni. 50 . 
 
 34 1— 
 
 EjrolaiXAlion. : 
 Avdca., CLeJijudhijes arvd. recent. Advenian. CoUmxes. 
 
 JiSaros 
 
 ^ n 
 
 JrCaxpathos 
 
 lU tnAepen^djurvLAULLtS. 
 
 I 1 SaTnos,Tjatefyreduuoed.,B.C.439. 
 
 THbiitary cities ofthe coasts aad islands 
 I I 1. JsLaruL district. . 
 
 WMt/^ XL HeJJiespontiaTL, dbbstrvct, . 
 H|H IlI.TTiTYiiCLaTU dbLStrxjct . 
 HB W.IorvLarv district,. 
 
 c 
 
 3 V . OrruxJU. distTXCt . 
 
 =k 
 
 MAP OFTHE •••• 
 
 at the beginning ofthe Jlf 
 
 PELOPONNESIAN WAR • ** 
 
 O lO >o 
 
 O lOO 200 
 
 B.C.431. 
 scALe. 
 
 • •: 
 
 80 
 
 120 
 
 En.<m£Lh.Aile8 • 
 400 eoo 800 
 
 lODO uoo 
 
 Attic StBi)i&.. 
 
 4 — . 
 
 • ' 
 
 24 
 
 26 Lopftitu.ie East of Green.vn.ch.. 
 
 30 
 
 •••• 
 
 •••• 
 
 ••••• 
 
 e.VA 
 
 ••••• 
 
 Forbes' JTutcydides, Booh I . 
 
 Oacfard, Xhayeraiiy Fresa . 
 
1.80-101. B.C. 478-461. 01. 75.3 — 79.4. 
 
 57 
 
 fxerovs. . 5r avroX aXrioi eyivovro ol ^VfXfiaxoL' bia yap ttjv senice for 
 
 2 / r« • v'*.' I-- / ri «t\/ i n ft \ Da.vinent 
 
 airoKvrja-LV Tavrrjv T(av oTpaTeLoav ot ttAcious avTwi;, t2;a /:x^ ^r-J ., 
 
 10 a-rr' otKOV Siaiv. \nriu.aTa fra^avrn nirrl tmv ifCMV rn licitn/)- *M>4^*^tL^>*-^vA< 
 
 air OLKOv oiXTLVi xprj^ara ird^avro avrl T(av v€(av to Ikvov- iy<^ 
 
 ,,u.:«.#,»v.*JI-« 
 
 fievov avaX(i>\xa (^ipeiv, koX rot? /uter ^AdrjvaCots rjv^exo to 
 vavTLKov aiTo TTJs ba7r6.vr]s rjv kK^ivoi ^fxcpipoicv, avTol b^ 
 OTTOTC aTrocTaLeVj a7rapd(TK€V0L kol dircLpoL is top irokepLOv 
 KaOCoTavTO. - 
 100 ^"^EyivcTO 8e jutera TavTa kol tj iir* EvpvfJLibovTL TrorajLto) Cimon's 
 €V Uapi(f)v\La TT^CopLaxCa /cat vavixaxia ^Adrjvaicav kol xwr ^^^ ^l 
 ^p.ixa\(iiv TTpos MrjbovSf kol ivLKOiv rrj avTrj r^iipa dp.(f)6' medon 
 T€pa ^AOrjvaloi, KCpicovos tov MtAnciSov orpaTrjyovvToSy koI ^55-1 
 5 clAoz; TpLrip€LS ^olvCkcov kol bU(^Qf.ipav tols irda-as h tcls 
 biaKOcrCas. XP^^^ ^^ varepov ^vvi^r} QacrCovs avTcav Revolt of 
 dirooTrjvai, bL€V€x64vTas irepl t&v fv ttj dvTmepas ^p^Kri [abouT "^^'^"^^ "^ 
 ipLTTOpLdDv Koi TOV p,€T6XXov h kvijiovTOj^ KoX vavol jxlv iirl 465]- --^. t"*^' 
 &a(TOv TT\€'u<TavT€s ol ' AOr^voLoi vavfAa)(Cq kKpdrqo-av koI ks 
 
 10 Tqv yijv dirilBrja-aVf cm Se ^Tpvp.6va Tre/xx/rarre? pLvpiovs *** 
 olKTjTopas avTQv kol T(ov ^vpLfjLd\(tiv viTO Toifs avTovs XPO- Failure to 
 vovs m oIklovvtcs tols t6t€ KaXo\xfJL€vas 'Evv4a gbovs vvv E^^ea^^ 
 b\ * AiJ.<f>['jro\i.v, T(ov fji€v 'Evvid ob&v avToX iKpdrqa-av, hs Hodoi ; "^*-l*S V»- ' 
 €i,\ov HboivoCy 7rpoe\06vT€s b€ Trjs SpaKrjs is pLeaoyeLdv i© 060 
 
 I!) bL€(f)6dpr]<rdv iv'^Apapri(rK(a'Tfj 'HbcaviKri virb tQ>v (^paKGiV^^J[ ^ 
 
 QV\XTTaVT(iiV, ols TTOki^LOV TJV TO ^JiipioV ttl ^Evvia oboX KTL^O- t. . v»w. ^ Afl1tU«*-A i 
 
 101 &d(rioi bk VLKrj6^vT€S ixd^aLS koI TroXtop/cov/xerotjAaKeSat- The Lace- 
 
 P.OVIOVS (TTCKaXoVVTO Kol €7TapiVJ/aL €K€k€VOV €(Tfiak6vTaS_ is ni ^ 
 
 mans "' - -^'^ 
 Tj]v 'ArrtK^r. oi be VTtia^ovTo [ikv Kpv(f>a T(ov 'A^r/i^atW P^o™ise\_^^..^ 
 
 KaL cjJieWoVf bL€K(t)\v6r](rav be viro tov y€vopuivov (retor/iou, sians to 
 
 5 iv (a KOL ol EtAfores avTols kol t(ov irepLoCKOiv QovpiaTaC ^^.^ ' '-^l^'f^ 
 v ? « > J r> A^ -Attica. f^-rv»-uA- 
 
 T€ KttL Ai6e€LS is ^I6<apr}u diriarqa-av* TrXetorot 8e t&v Earth- 
 
 a,tA. 
 
 100. 5. Is ras SiCKOffias'] Or Is diaxoffias. 
 
 100. 16. ^vfiirdvTcuv] Poppo, on the authority of Valla's translation 
 (1432), reads ^vfiiravrcs. 
 
quake and 
 revolt of 
 the Helots 
 [about 
 464]. 
 
 Thasos 
 
 surrenders 
 
 [about 
 
 463]- 
 
 Blockade 
 of Ithome. 
 Athenian 
 troops sent 
 for, but 
 soon 
 
 dismissed. 
 Athens 
 renounces 
 her alli- 
 ance with 
 Sparta, and 
 allies her- 
 self with 
 Argos and 
 Thessaly 
 [about 
 461]. 
 
 Ithome 
 surrenders 
 
 [455. or 
 461 ?]. 
 
 58 Growing enmity o/Athens and Sparta, i.ioi-ios. 
 
 ElXc^ro). iyivovTO ol t<ov TroXatcoi; MecrcrvvCcv roVe SovXo,- ..>^' 
 e^vTcov h^6yovoC fl Ka\ M.cra^vLO, UXif,6r^crav ol ^rcims. ^^ ^ ^ 
 
 haiaovLo^s, edcr^o^ be rpir^ Ira TroAtopKOiJ^xcrot (5>,xoXoyr,- 10 
 era. 'kOr^vaio^s Tdx6s re Ka6.X6vres Kal vavs 7rapa8orr«, ^^^^^^ 
 vpiiuarci re 5(ra iSet a7ro8o5i;at aMna rafa/xerpc Kac ro ^ 
 Z..hv c^epecr, r.}. re ,^.ecpo. Kal r6 ^eVaXXo. a<|>e.re^.^ ^ S-^ . 
 
 AaKeSac^xoW; 6^, ^s a^rot. ^phs rok ^. 'I^co^xr; ^k.- 102. , 
 vera 6 ^o'XeM09, aXoi,9 re iTreKoXeVarro ^^M^axo^s Kat 
 'A^r,i;ai'oi;r ol 6' ^X^or Kt^ro? (rrpaTT/yovrroy TrXij^et ovk ^ 
 
 3XtV<-. fxciXtcrra 5' airoh^^T^eKakicravro on retxofxax^u; -S .^ 
 kh6Kovv bvvarol ehaL, rot. 8e ^oX^opKias t^aKpas Ka6.^- 5 
 Kvt'as rovVo. Ivhea k<t>alvero' ^ia yhp hv elXor ro xcop^or.^-^ 
 7al Stac^opa ^k ravrrjs rrj. (rrparet'a. ^p<orov AaKeSat^o^tots 
 Kal 'A^r,.at'ots c|>a.epa iyeVero. ol yap AaKeSat^o^ot, 
 iTrecS^ r^ X-P^ov ^U o^x ^^-'^^-> ^e^crarre. r^r A^r,- 
 .aco). r6 roX;.,p^. Kal r^ .ecorepo.otto. Kal aXXo</>^ovs io<..V 
 S^a ^yr,.ra^e.ot, ^.^ rt, V ^apa^etVcocrt.,^ ^.ro r.v e. ^ ^^ 
 'I^ci^xr? .retcr^eVres recoreptVoxn, fxoW? ro,. fwaxcor - ^,e. 
 a^eVWa^, T^v ixev i^o^lfiav oh 8r,Xoi5.res, e^TTorre. 5 
 5rc 0^8^. .po.8eo.rat a^roi. Iru ol 8' A^,.atoc lyrcocraz; 
 o^K IttI r£ ^eXri'oi/t XoV<o aTroTre/xTroVeyot, aXXa rtros 15.^ 
 ^^oVror; yei^o^eVoV Kal h.^vbv ,rotr,crci^e.ot Kal o^k dft^- 
 erai^res ^7r6 AaKe8atM0.t'a)z; roOro ^ra^etr, evBvs eTretSr, 
 arexc^pr/cra., a</>e'^es^ r^ y^voi^hr^v IttI r^ Mr,8(p fy,x- 
 aavi'a/ Trp^. a^o^s 'Apy^cots rot. ^KetVco. TToXefx^pt. 
 e.>axot ^ye'rorro, Kal ,rp^s; ©ccrcraXo^s ^,xa aM(/>or^pots 20 
 ol avrol 5pK0t Kal f vfxfxaxta Kare^. ^ ^ 
 
 £vi;e'^r,(Tar 7rp6s^ok AaKe8atMOi;(ov9 !(/>"> re ^^W j*^ 
 neXoTTOyi/T^crov tJ7roV7ror8ot Kal Mr?8eirore k^i^-ficrovrai avrns' 
 
 1. 103-106. B, C, 4^1-445. OL 79. 4—83. 4. 
 
 59 
 
 102 «;. Tors sn Or T^y 8«, inferior MSS. 
 
 103! I. S^'fary It«] Khiger conjectures Ttrdpry. 
 
 ^r 8e rts oXtcKT^rat, rou XajSpVfoy etz/at 8o{;Xor. ^ tJi^ 8e ri 
 5 Kal XRV^^Vpf-ov Tols AaKcbaipiovCois UvOlkov irpbj rod, top 
 Uirriv Tov Atos tov 'I^wfiTyra a<\)Uvai, k^kOov 8e avrot 
 Kat '7rat8es koX yvj/atKes, Kot avrovs 'A^Tjz^atot be^dfievoi, Kar 
 ^X^os rjbrj TO AaKcbaiixovicDV is 'NaviraKTov KaT(vKL(rav, ^v 
 Uruyov yprjKOTCs^veaxrrl AoKp(ov T<av 'OCok&v ^xovTaiv, ^-^^i 
 
 xo Upo(T€x<opr](rav bk koI Meyap?}? 'AOrjvaCoLS h ivfifxaxCav 
 AaK€baL^ovC(ov aTTocrrdvTeSi ori avrovs KopivOioL itepl y^y 
 5po)i; TToXefKD KaT€lxov' Koi IcTxov *A^7;yatot Miyapa kol 
 Hrjyds, KOL TO. fxaKpa r^ix^ (^Koboiirja-av MeyapevaL to. duo 
 r^s -TTo'Xeo). es NCa-aiav, kol icppovpovv avToL koI KopLv- 
 
 15 ^tots fx€v ovx rJKL(TTa dirb rovbc to a-i^obpov fito-os rjp^aTo 
 TTp&TOv es 'AOrjvaCovs y€vi<rBai, 
 
 104 'Ivdptiis 8e 6 <ifap.iiiTixov AC^vs, ^ao-tXevs Aipvuiv tq^v 
 irpds AlyvTTTia, oppLcapL^vos ck MapeCag Trjs VTTcp ^dpov 
 TToK^dis dTr€crT7j(T€V AlyvTTTOv TCL TrXeo) airo ^ao-tXecos *Apra- 
 i^p^oVj Kal avTos apx<*>v y€v6p.€vos ^Adrjvalovs kirrfyayefo, 
 
 5 ot 8e (iruxov yap es Kvirpov (rTpaT€v6p.€V0L vavcrl 8taKOo-tats 
 avT&v re Kal t&v ^vyLp.dytiiv) rjXdov aTTpXtTToVres ttjv Kvirpov, 
 Kal dvaTrXeva-avTes dirb daXda-airjs is tov NeiXor, tov re 
 'jTOTapLov KpaTovvT€S Kal Trjs MipicpLbos tQv bvo /utepcSr, 
 trpds TO TpiTov /lepos; h Kak^LTai AevKov retxoy iirokepLovv 
 10 ivrja-av be avTodi Uepa&v Kal Mrjbajv ol KaTaipvyopTes kol 
 AiyviTTCctiv ol pirj ^vairoardpTes, 
 
 105 'AdrjvaCoLs be vavalp diro^aqiv is ^ AXias^'npbs Koptv- 
 dlovs Kal 'EiTLbavpLovs p-dx^i iyep'eTo, koI ipiKcop KopipOtoL. 
 KaL varepop ^AdrjpaloL ipavpLdxr}(rap em KeKpu<^aXe^a IleXo- 
 TTOPPriaCoiV vavjrip^ koL ipUoap 'A^r/ratot. TroXe/Ltov 8e 
 
 5 KaTaa-TdpTOS irphs AlyLPrJTas ^AOrjpaCois ftera Tavra pav- 
 fiaxCd yiypeTai iir Alyiprj pieydXrf ^AdrjpaCoiP Kal AlyLpr)T(ap, 
 Kal ol (yp.pxi\oi eKaTepoLS irapTJa-ap, Kal ipUtop ^AOrjpalof, 
 Kal pavs efibopirJKOPTa ka^opres avT&p is ttip yrjp dire^rja-ap 
 Kat iiToXiopKovp, Ae(OKpdTovs tov ^TpoC^ov oTparqyovpTos, 
 
 The gar- 
 rison set- 
 tled at 
 Naupactus. tiT'^*^'*'^. 
 
 -r#u»-»*» 
 
 Megara 
 revolts 
 from Cor- 
 inth and 
 joins 
 Athens. 
 Enmity 
 between * 
 Athens and 
 Corinth. 
 
 Revolt of 
 the Egyp- 
 tians from 
 Persia 
 [462 ?]. 
 Athens 
 helps them 
 [about 
 
 459]- 
 
 
 .^) 
 
 " -■ i'i 
 
 Athens at '*<^ ^ r 
 war with '^'^^ 
 Corinth 
 and Aegina 
 [about 
 
 459-8] ; 
 defeat and 
 
 two vic- 
 tories at 
 sea. 
 
Athens 
 blockades 
 Aegina, 
 and 
 
 perseveres 
 in the 
 blockade 
 though at- 
 tacked by 
 Corinth. 
 
 Great de- 
 feat of Cor- 
 inthians in 
 theMegarid 
 [about 
 458]. 
 
 Beginning 
 of Long 
 Walls. 
 
 60 Enmity between Athens and Sparta. 1. 105-107. 
 
 a\v rV My^vav rptaKO-Tt'ovj o^Kira, ^pSrepov Kopt^flto). 
 Kal 'E^ibavpi<ov i^^Koipov, bUWa<rai', ja hi aKpa ryi 
 T^pada, KareXa/3o. Kal h r,> M,yapiha KaTi^r,<rav Kop,.v- 
 
 6.0. ^erh rS,v IwaX""-. '">'^'>'^« "^""f?"' TT „■, 
 •Ae^mtot-s ^o,,9.t.; rols MeyapeC<n. «' r. A.yt.7) a^o^-rqj, > 5^j: 
 
 crrparta. ^oXX,-). Kal iv Aiyi^<e- ¥ 8^ "«' /3o^^5.ti., a^ ^ . 
 A2yt'.^s &va^^.<r0a. airov,. ol U 'Adr,vaXo. ro F^" 
 ,rp^s AJyti^i) <Trp,ire«Ma oIk idvv<rav, r&v 6' .k r,> 7ro\€<os 
 ii^oXoc'ircoi-'ot r. ^pe<r^«Wot Kal ot r*<^raTOi d^u.o^z^rat 
 as Th Uiyapa Mvpa,vlhov .rrpaTrjyovvros. mi ixaxvs 7'"°- ^° 
 Menjs J-roppoW ^pos Kopt.fl&vs 8teKpMt,<rar d^' aX^Xc-v, 
 Kal iv6p..aav airol Udrepo. oi^ i\a<T<rov Ix"" "' ^ W^- 
 Kal ol p.iv 'Aer,vaio. {iKpirr,<rav y^p Sm<"S ^aAXoi/) awA- 
 eoW^.r' T&v Kopivdiu>v rpo'naXov icnri<TaV ol bl Kopirfliot 
 KaKi?oVe.ot i^o r5r ev rf, 7ro'A« ^p€<r^vrep«>.., <cal ■napa- ^5 
 .TKevacrd^ieroi ^j^^epas B-rrepo. 6<i8«a ,x<i\t.rra, cXfloj;r« 
 a.;fli'aTairar rpoiratoi- Kal airol is w<c^<rarr€S. ^ Kai ot 
 'Adrivalo. iKl3o,iev<ravr,s Ik rdi. M,yipo.v rovs re ro 
 rpouator t-rrd^as 8ta</.eetpov<ri Kal rots SXXots fv^^oXo^- ^^ 
 res (Kpdnja-av. , „ , '!/%/> 
 
 6\Cyov ■npo<r^ia<r0iv Kal Bta^taprto rj-js 68oC l<Tl^€<rtv « 
 Tov va.pt'o. l8t<irov, <5 In-x*" op^a ^e'ya ^pielpyo.' KOt ^ 
 oiK ¥ l|o8os. ol 6^ 'A^rjmot yi^oVes Kara Tpo<ra,770ir ^,. 
 T€ elpyoJ' rots 67rXtrat$ koI Tr€ptoT,}<rams KtiKX-j. rot»$ 5 ^^^, . 
 J,tXok Kare'X.v<rar ■ndma, rok i<r,\d6vra,, Kal .ra^os 
 iUya roCro Kopt»>0t'ots lyeV.ro. ro b\ rrXrjdos a^^X'^pr,^^" 
 oirois rijs orpartas kv o'ikov. ^ ^ - ^- 
 
 'HpiavTo bi Kara rois xpovovs rov'rovs KOt ra /xaKpa 107 
 ret'xr, h d&Xa,T,rav 'AOvvaXoi. olKobo,,(Xv, t6 re *aX./poV8e 
 Kal ro Is netpata. Kal •IxoKe'coi' trrparevo-dj-rcov Is Acoptas 
 tJjv AaKeSatftorUj; iix^rpo^oXtr, Bot^y Kal KvrtVtoi;,, koI 
 
 ^ 
 -V 
 
 1. 107, 108. B. C. 461-445. 01. 79. 4 — 83. 4. 
 
 5i 
 
 5 'Eptreor, Kttt kkovTcov ^v t&v iroXKTfJLaTidv tovtcov, ol Aaxe- 
 baifjiovLOL, NtKO/XTjSovs rou KA.€o/x/3/3orou virep IlXeto-roai/aK- 
 ros rou HavaavCov paa-ikiois viov ovtos €TL rj-yovfiivoVy 
 eporjOrjaav toXs Awpteucrti; kavT&v re irevTaKoa-CoLS kol 
 \l\Cols OTrKCraLS kol t(ov ^jxiiaxoiv /xuptot?, kol tovs 
 
 10 <Poi}K€as djjLoXoyLa avayKacravres CLTTobovvai rrjv ttoKlv 
 a7r€\<apovv ttclKlv* xxat /caret ddkaa-o'av fxkv avTovs, bia 
 Tov KpLcraCov Kokirov el fiovKoivTo irepaiova-Oai, ^AOrjvatoL 
 vav(rl TTepLTTkeva-avres efxekkov KcoXvcretr' 6ta be r^s, 
 TepavCas ovk dcr<^aAey e(f>aiveTo avrois ^AOrjvaCcov eyovTcav 
 
 15 ^leyapa koL rTi/yay 7ropeve(r6aL, bvcrobos re yap ri Tepavia 
 Kal e<f)povpelTO ae\ vtto *Adr]va[(ov' Kal Tore fjaOdvovTO 
 avTovs piekXovTas Kal TavTj] KuiXvcreLv. ebo^e 6' avrols ev 
 Boicorots 'nepip.eiva<Ti aKe^aaOai otco Tpoirio da-(l)aXecrTaTa 
 biaTTOpevaovTaL, to be tl Kal avbpes tQv 'AOrjvaCcov eirfjyov 
 
 20 avTovs Kpvipa^ ekiTLa-avTes brjpLov re KaTairavaeiv koX to. 
 fxaKpa TeCxv olKobopLovfieva. efiorjOrjcrav 6' eTr' avTovs ol 
 ^AOrjvaloL iravb-qpLel koI ^Apyeioav yjXioi /cat rair aXXoiv 
 ^pHidxinv 0)9 eKaoToC ^vp.iravTes be eyevovro TeTpaKiayJ.- 
 Xlol koX pivpioL. vofiCcravTes be diropelv oirrj. ^LeXOoiaLV 
 
 25 eirecrTpaTeva-av avrois, KaL rt koX tov br\p.ov KaTaXvcreais 
 VTroxj/Lq. rjXOov be Kal Secra-aX&v Itttttj^ rots 'AOrjvaCoLS 
 Kara to ^iifia)(^LK6v, 0% p.eTe(fn](Tav ev rw epyo) Trapa tovs 
 AaKebaLfjLOvCovs. 
 IO8 Tevop.evr]s be tiaxV^ ^^ Tavdypa ttjs Botcortas eviKci)V 
 AaKebaLfjLovLOL Kal ol fv/x/xaxot, xat (povos eyeveTo dfxcpo- 
 Tepuiv TToXvs. Kat AaKe8at/xoi/tot fxev es T-qv Meyapiba 
 iXdovTes Kal bevbpoTOfxrjo-avTes irdXiV diTrjXOov eir olkov 
 
 5 6ta Fepai^taj Kat ^laOpLov' ^AO-qvalot be bevTepa Kal e^-q- 
 Koa-TTJ rjfJiepa fxeTa tyjv iJid\riv earpdTeva-av es Botcorofs 
 Mvp(DvCbov (TTpaTTjyovvTOSi Kal p-dxri ev Olj^ocfyvTois tovs 
 Botcorovs z^tKTjcrarres ttjs re ^(apas iKpdTrja-av Trjs Botoorta? 
 Kal ^ODKCboSy Kal TavaypaCcov to ret^oj TreptelXov, Kat 
 
 Lacedae- 
 monian ex- 
 pedition 
 against 
 Phocis 
 [about 
 457]- 
 
 '>■■..# la-- 
 
 Treason at 
 Athens. 
 The Athe- 
 nians at- 
 tack the 
 Lacedae- 
 monian 
 force in 
 Boeotia. 
 
 Athenian 
 defeat at 
 Tanagra 
 [about 
 
 457]- 
 
 Victory at 
 Oenophyta 
 [about 
 
 457]. . 
 Boeotia 
 
 and Phocis 
 
 become 
 
 subject. 
 
LongWalls 
 completed. 
 Conquest 
 of Aegina, 
 Expedi- 
 tion of 
 Tolmides. 
 Sicyon 
 attacked 
 [about 
 456]. 
 
 The Athe- 
 nians and 
 allies in 
 Egypt. 
 
 Fruitless 
 embassy of 
 the King 
 to Sparta. 
 
 The Athe- 
 nians on 
 the Nile 
 blocKaded 
 and taken 
 [about 
 
 4531- 
 
 Egypt re- 
 conquered 
 by the 
 King. 
 
 62 Enmity between Athens and Sparta, i.ios-uo. 
 
 AoKpwr rwr 'OTrovrrtcor kKarbv &vbpas ofxripovs tov9 irXov- 10 
 (Ttwrdrovs ikafiov, t6, T€ T^Cxn t^ kavT&v to. \xaKpa cttctc- 
 X^aav, cafxoXoyrja-av b^ Koi AlyLvrJTai fi€Ta ravra tols 
 *A6rivaCoLs, reCxv t^ ircpieXovTcs koL vavs Trapabovres 
 (f)6pov T€ Ttt^ci/xerot es top iireLra XP^^^^' '^^^^ Yl^Xo-nov- 
 v-qaov TTepUTTk^va-av *Adr]valoi ToXfxCbov tov ToXfiaiov 15 
 arparqyovvTos, kol to V€(Lpiov to AaKcbaifMOvCaiV €V€'7rpr}(rav, 
 Koi XaXKLba KopivdCcov ttoXlv eUoy, Kal ^LKVOivCovs h airo- 
 pda-eL TTJs yrjs fidxp €KpaTr)(Tcai, 
 
 r^Ol 8' h TTJ AlyviTTio 'AdrjvaioL kol ol fu/x/xaxot eirificvov, 109 
 Koi avTols TToXkal Ibiai iroXefxcav KaTicrrqa-av, to [xkv yap 
 Trp&Tov hpdTovv ttjs Alyvirrov ^AOrjvaioLy koI fiaa-iXevs 
 7re/x7r€t is AaKebalfiova Mcydfia^ov avbpa Uipaifjv xP^M«^« 
 cxorra, OTToas €S Trjv 'Attlktiv cc/SaXeir ireKrOivTUiV t&v 5 
 T\€Xo'novv(](Tl(iiv a-n AlyvTTTov aTray&yoL *Adr}vaiovs, ws 8* 
 avT<a ov TTpovx(^p€i. i^al to, XPW^'''^ &XX(t)9 avaXovTo, 6 ii€V 
 Meya^afos kol tcl Xoiira t&v yjyr]p.aT<xiv ttoXlv €S ttiv 
 'Aa-iav €K0fii(rdr], M^yd^vCov 8e tov Zuiirvpov Tre/xTTct avbpa 
 nipaTjv ix€Ta orpaTLas ttoXX^s* hs a<f)LK6ix€V0S KOTa] yrjv 10 
 Tovs T€ AlyvirrCovs Kal tovs ^v^xpLaxovs p^axu €KpdTr}(T€v, 
 Kal €K TTJs Mefx<^t8os i^rfXap-e tovs "EXXr^vas, Kal t4Xos 
 €S npoo-cDTTtrtSa TrfV vrjaov KaT€KXri(T€V, Kal eTToXiopKet h 
 avTfi hiavTOV Kal If pLrjvas, iivxpi ov $npdvq,s tt^v bL<apvxa 
 Kal irapaTpiyj/as dXXrj to vbcop tcls re vavs ^ttI tov ^pov 15 
 €iToCrja-€ Kal ttjs vrjo-ov to. i:oXXd i]Tr€ipov, Kal ha^as ctAe 
 rriv vrjaov tt€^, 
 
 Ouro) fJLkv TCL T&v 'EXXriv<av 'npdyp.ara iipOd^r}, If Ittj HO 
 TToXcfirja-avTa' Kal oXCyoi diro iroXXcav TTOpcvo/xerot bid ttjs 
 Aipvris h Kvprfvrjv ecrco^o-ai;, ol 8€ irXeiaroL diroiXovTo, 
 AlyvTtTos 8e ttoXlv vtto fiaa-iXia €yiv€To irXriv ' Ap.vpTaLov 
 rw Iv Tols €X€(TL /3a(rtAca)s* tovtov be bid iiiyeOos re tov 5 
 IXovs ovK IbvvavTO kXelVy Kal dp.a iiax'LiJi<^TaToi €l(Ti t5>v 
 110. 2. voXffiTiaavTa] Cobet conjectures voXffirjadvrojy. 
 
 1.110-112. B.C. 461-445- 01. 79.4—83.4. 
 
 ^3 
 
 
 AlyviTTCoiv ol IXetot. 'Ivdpm bk 6 Ai^vcav Paa-iXevs, hs 
 Td TrdvTa CTrpafe Trept ttjs AlyvirTov, irpoboa-Ca XrjcfyOcls" 
 dve(TTavp(Ld'r\. U bl t&v 'ABr\V(av Kal ttjs dXXr^s ^Vfifiax^- ^eat ofl 
 10 bos TT€vrqKOVTa TpirjpcLs bLaboxoi TrX4ov<rai is Atyvirrov ^inW- 
 €(rxov Kard to Mcvbrjaiov K€pds, ovk ciboTes t&v yeyevr}- ments. 
 fiivoiv ovbiV Kal avTols e/c re yrjs iirnrca-ovTes ^((ol Kal ck 
 daXda-aifs ^oLVLKOiv vavTCKov bU(f>0€i.pav ras noXXds t&v 
 V€&Vy al 8' iXda-a-ovs bU(t)vyov 7raA.tr. to. fikv KaTa ttjv 
 15 ixeydXrjv orpaTcCav ^A6r]vaCa)v Kal rwr fy/i/xax^^ ^^ Atyvir- 
 TOV ovToas iTeXevTrja-^v. 
 Ill 'Ek b€ Qca-craXlas 'OpeVr^y 6 'ExCKpartSot; vlbs tov Failure of 
 
 ©eo-o-aAwi; Paa-iXim (fxvycov ^ireLo-ev 'ABt^vaiovs ^avroi; ^j^^j^^P^^ 
 ot<*. . KardyeiV Kal irapaXa^ovTes Bolohtovs Kal 4>a)K€as ovTas Thessaly. 
 ^Vfxp.dxovs 'AOrjva'iOL ia-TpaTiva-av Trjs Qea-a-aXCas iirl <l>ap- 
 5 a-aXov. Kol ttjs pikv yrjs iKpaTovv oara ptr] irpoCovrisTrokv 
 €K T(ov ottX(ov (ol ydp iTTirrjs T<av Qea-craXSiV eXpyov), ttjv 
 be ttoXlv ovx elXov, ovb' aXXo Trpovxwpet avTols ovbev 
 &v €V€Ka ia-TpdrevcraVy d)OC dnex^^pw^^ irdXiv ^Opiarqv 
 ^^X^VTes dirpaKTOL. fieTa be TavTa ov ttoXXid varepov x^Xlol Naval ex- 
 io'Adrjvauov iirl Tds vavs ras iv U'qyals imfiavTes (^tX^^ ^dlr'peri 
 b* avTol Tas Ur)yds) irapeirXevarav is ^LKvatva UepLKXiovs cles. 
 TOV aaveCinrov orpaTriyovvTos, Kal aTTofidvTes ^LKVOivCoiv sicyon^a^d 
 TOVS TTpoa-ixC^avTas pLaxji iKpdrqa-av. Kal ev6vs irapaXa- Oeniadae 
 ^oWes jAxatovs Kal biaTrXeva-avTes iripav' ttjs^ AKapvavCas [about 
 15 is OlvLabas ^iorpaTeva-av Kal iiroXLopKOVv, ov iuvtoi. elXov ^^^^* 
 ye, dXX* dTiex^pf](Tav ii: oXkov. 
 112 Tarepov be biaXLTTovTaiv eT(ov TpLtov a-irovbal yCyvovTai, Truce for 
 UeXoTTovvria-LOLs Kal 'AB7]vaCoLS irevTaeTeis. koI 'EXX-qviKov ^abouT^^ 
 fxkv iroXepiOV ecrxofoi 'AOrjvaloi, is be Kvirpov iarpaTevovTo 45°] ; 
 vava-L OtaKoa-uiLS avT(av re Kat T(ov fu/x/xaxo)!^ KCfxoivos leads a 
 
 5 (TTparqyovvTos, Kal k^riKovTa piev vrjes is AXyvnTov air' J.^* *° 
 > « y X J A / / , Cyprus. 
 
 avTcav e-nAevaaVi AjivpTaCov pLeTairefxirovTos tov iv tols Death of 
 
 e\e<rt PaaiXecos, al be dXXaL Kltlov i-noXiopKovv. KCpLuivos ^^^^ 'off 
 
Salamis in 
 
 Cyprus 
 
 [about 
 
 449]- 
 
 Quarrel 
 
 about 
 
 Delphi. 
 
 Risings in 
 Boeotia. 
 
 Defeat at 
 Coronea, 
 and loss of 
 Boeotia 
 [447-6]. 
 
 Revolt of 
 Euboeaand 
 Megara 
 [446]. 
 
 The Pelo- 
 
 ponnesians 
 
 invade 
 
 64 Loss of Boeotia and Megara. 1. 112-114. 
 
 5^ aTTO^aroVros Kal Xifxov y^vo^^kvov ^irexc^pw^v ^77^X1- • 
 r^ot;, Kal ^\e6cravres virep Sa\a,xt.os rv^v Kv7rp<. 4>o^i;tft 
 Kal Kiki^tv havix6.xwav koX ^TreCofidx^av Sfxa, Kat viKrj- 10 
 cravres ^picpSrepa ^irex^^p^av ctt' orKOV, Kal al ^$ My^-nrov 
 vrjes irdkiv al ^kOovcraL fxer airrcov. AaKcSai/xoVtoi 8^ fxera 
 ravra rhv Uphv Kako^pievov 'n6k^p^ov kcrrpATevcrav, Kai 
 Kpar-^aavT^ rot; h A€k<pols Upov ^apibocrav Aekct>0LS- 
 Kal alOis ^^epov 'Ad-nvaXoi aTroxcoprjcrcirTa)!; ai^rcov (rrpa- 15 
 Td^cravT^s Kal KpaWicravres TTapibocrav ^u>K€v<nv. 
 
 Kal xpoi^ov kyyevoiiivov fxera ravra 'A^rji^aiot; Boiajro,!; 113 
 tG^v <l>evy6vr<ov ^xovr<ov 'Opxoi^^vdv Kal Xa^pc^veiav Kai 
 aV 6,TTa x^P^« ^^5 BoLcorCas, k(TTp6,T€VCTav kavTc^v jxev 
 XLkCoLS SnkCraLS t<ov be ^vp.ii6,x^v m kKdarois IttI rh 
 Xa>pCa\avra irokipua Svra, TokpiCbov rov ToktxaCov crrpa- 5 
 TTiyovvTos. , Kal Xaip<J^V€iav kk6vr€S [KaUj;5pa7ro8iWr€s] 
 ^.irexc^povv c^uXaK^mcaracrrTia-arres. Tropev^fxkvoL^ 8' airois 
 h Kopa^veCa eirirlOevraL ot re U ttjs 'Opxop^^vov c^vydbes 
 Botcoroii; Kal AoKpol pier' a^rcSr Kal Ei^oia^v <t>vydbes Kal 
 5CT0L Ti]9 airris yv<^p^v^ ^<rav, Kal I^^XV ^par^^avres rols ph; 10 
 ba<t>e€Lpav Tcov 'A6'nvai(ov roh be &vTas ikajBov. koX rrjz; 
 BotoirtW ^^iU'Kov 'Adr]valoi iracrav, (Tirovbhs iroiwAp.evoi 
 ^</)' (^ Tohs avbpas Kop.LovvTai. Kal ol (\>e{,yovTes Botcoroii; 
 KaTeke6viesKal ol &XX01 Travres avr6vopoi irciAtr kyhovro. 
 
 Uerh 5e raOra ov -nokk^ {xrrepov Eipoia aTricrrrj airb 114 
 'AOrjvaic^v, Kal h airrjv bia^epv^iros ^firj UepiKkiovs 
 cTTpaTLa 'AOrivaCcov ^yy^^r, air<^ 5tl Wyapa h.^iaTr)Ke 
 Kal Ueko-novv^inoi p.ikkov(nv ^cr^akelv h r^v 'Attlk^v 
 Kal ol 4>povpoVAerivai(^vbLe(t>eapp,hoiel(AvJ^^^^^ 5 
 
 7Tkr]V oo-ot es NtVatar d.TTe(j)vyov' Jirdyayop^evor be Kopiv- 
 eCovs Kal ^LKV(^viovs Kal 'Einbavpiovs h'necrTrjcTav. ol Mc- 
 yaprj^. be llepiKkrjs irdkiv Kara rc^xo? eKop^iCe ti]V 
 crrparihv U ttjs EifioCas. Kal ixerh tovto ol Uekoirov- 
 vn<n6L TTJs 'ArnKrjs h 'Ekevcrlva Kal Qp((^C^ ^apaXdvres 10 
 
 I. U4-iie. 
 
 Thirty Years' Peace, 
 
 65 
 
 .,--»► 
 
 ibfcoa-cu; Ukeia-TodvaKTos tov Uava-avCov jSaaikioDS AaKC- Attica but 
 baLp.ovL(ov fiyovpLevoVy Kal to irkeov ovKeri irpoekdovres ^^^^^*^- 
 dir€X(^pr)(rav eir oIkov. Kal 'Adr^valoL irdkiv is Ev^otar Pericles 
 bia^dvres UepiKkeovs crTpaTrjyovvros KaTe(rrpe\l/avTo Traaav, ^Ih^^^ 
 15 Kal TTjv fiev dkkrjv opLokoyCa KaTeaTrja'avTO, *EoTtatay 8' 
 e^oLKCcravres avrol ttjv yrjv eaypv, 
 115 'Arax^p^crarres 8€ di: Evfioias ov irokkiD varepov a-nov The Thirty 
 bas eiroLria-avTo irpbs AaKe^aipLovCovs Kal tovs fv/ii/xaxous X^^ 
 TpiaKovTovTeLS, diTobovres NtVataz; Kal rir^yds Kal TpotCrjva [445]. 
 Kal 'AxataV ravra yap elxov 'Aerjvaloi Ueko-novvqa-mv, 
 5 "EKna b\ hef. 2ap,CoLS Kal MiXtjo-Cols irokepLOs eyevero The Athe- 
 
 Trepl Upirivr\s, Kal ol MtATjo-iot ekaa-a-ovuevoL rcS irokkiKo ?^^^' ^^^^" 
 
 >j.^, ^x/i/ * * iiig corn- 
 
 Trap Adriyacovs ekdovres^Karefioiov rcSj; 2apLLa)v. fvr- plaints 
 
 eirekdpi^&vovro bl Kal i^ avrrjs rrjs ^dfxov dibpes IbL^rai S^^^ 
 
 vea^repicrai ^ovk6p.evoL rrjv -nokireiav, irkeva-avres ovv govem- 
 
 10 ^AQr\vaioi h ^dp.ov vaval reaa-apdKovra b-qpLOKpariav Kar- blish a^^ * 
 iarrjarav, Kal 6p.ripovs ekafiop r&v ^apiioav TrevrrjKovra pL€v democracy. 
 '7rat8as to-ovs be avbpas, Kal Karedevro is ArjpLvoVy Kal 
 (t>povpdv iyKarakLTTovres dvex(^pr](Tav, rSiv bl Safxtcoi; The 
 ^nav ydp rLves ot ovx virepLevov oAV e(t>vyov is rrjv rfireipov, ^archsfe*" 
 ^^5 ^vvdefxevoL rQv iv rfj irokec rols bwaroardro ts , kol Ilto-- turn and 
 (rovdvrj r<5 'Tcrrdcrirov ivfxp.axiav, hs etxe 2dpbeLS rore, rewoh 
 iiTLKOvpovs re ^vkke^avres is eirraKoa-Lovs, bie^rja-av vtto L44o]- 
 vvKra is rrjv 2dij.ov, Kal rrpSirov piev rw 8^/xa) inaviarrja-kv 
 Kal ijcpdrrja-av rwr TrAetWoJr, cTretra rovs opLrjpovs kAc- 
 
 ao \lfdvres ck ArjfjLvov rovs avr&v dTTecrTrjJav, Kal rovs (ppQV- 
 povs rovs 'AdrivaLOiv Kal rovs apxovras ot -^crav irapa^ 
 a-(\)i(nv i^iboa-av ULdorovOvrj, iirC re MCkrifov ev6vs irape- Byzantium 
 a-KevdCovro crrpareveiv, ^va-nemilrav^ avrols Kal Bv- revolts. 
 CdvrLOL. 
 
 116 'A^r;z;atot 8' a>y rja-dovro, irkeva-avres vavcrlv e^riKOvra Pericles 
 
 i-nl ^dp.ov rais p.ev eKKaibeKa rSiv veo^v ovk iypria-avro ^^^\f^ 
 /y V t V » \ / expedition 
 
 (ervxov yap at fiev ein Kapms is irpocrKOirrjv r&v ^oivia- to Samos. 
 
 ijtfo^ 
 
 -V- 
 
66 
 
 Revolt of Samos. 
 
 I. 116-U8. 
 
 Athenian 
 victory off 
 Tragia : 
 blockade 
 of Samos. 
 
 «^*''ou«***^ 
 
 The Phoe- 
 nician fleet 
 expected. 
 
 Successfal 
 sally from 
 Samos in 
 the absence 
 of Pericles. 
 
 Surrender 
 of Samos 
 and Byzan- 
 tium [439] 
 
 The quar- 
 rels with 
 Corinth 
 happened 
 
 (T<ov V€&v oixofxevai, at S* M XCov koI Aicrfiov ir^pLay- 
 yiWova-ai ^or^Oelv), r^aaapaKOvra 8e vaval koX Tia-a-apa-L 5 
 UepLKXiovs beK^TOv avrov a-TparqyovvTos havixdxwav irpos 
 TpayLa rfi vrfo-i^. '2aiit(»iv vavcrlv k^hop.r\KOVTa, Stv rjcrav 
 al €tKO(n OTpaTL^Tib^s' irvxov bk al Tracrat airo MiXrjTOV 
 'nkiovdai, koX hUijuv 'AdrjvaioL. varepov 8' avTols €/3o^-tti^ 
 dria-av U rStv 'AOrjvtav vrJ€S TeacrapdKOVTa , kol XCuiV kol 10 
 A€(rfiC(ov TreVre koI €Lko(tl, kol a-no^avT^s koL KpaTovvres 
 Tw ireC^ eiToXLopKovv rpial re^x^cn r?> ttoAii/, kol ck OaXda- 
 (rrjs &fJ-a. UepiKXrjs bk Aa^So)/; e^T^Korra vavs diro tQv 
 €<Pop)xov)rwv (}x^Tt) Kara tolxos €ttI Kavvov KoTKapCaSf 
 ia-ayyeXOivTiov ort 4>oirto-(rat vrjes (it ovtovs irXiova-LV 15 
 C0X6T0 yap /cat ck ttjs 2dp.ov irivre vavcrl Irr^aayopas Koi 
 aAAot CTTt Yas <l>otrtWa9. ^^^^ ^ ^^ 
 
 'Ev TovTiDbe ol 2a/xtot k^a-nivaim €ktt\ovv Trotr^o-afxatot II7 
 a4>paKT(D riw arparoTreSo) iirnrea-ovTes rds re 7r/)o<^vAaKt5dis 
 vavs bii(i>0€ipav Ka\ vavpiaxovvres^ tcls ^^^^^^^^^"^ ^^^' 
 Kr](rav, Kal rrjs 6aKd(T(rr]s rrjs KaB' ^ioAJTOvs €KpdTr)(rav 
 Tjfxipas Trepl T^crcrapao-KaibeKay Kal €(T€KopL[(TavTO kol €^€- 5 
 KOfXLcravTO h i^ovXovTO. €\66vtos be UepiKXiovs ttoXlv 
 Tats vaval^KaTeKkria-eria-av, Kal ck t(ov ' A6r]V(av varepov 
 irpoaei^o^'qa-av recradpaKOVTa p.€V al juiera QovKvbibov Kal 
 "Ayvoivos Kal ^oppiicovos vrJ€S, etKOdt 8e at p,€Ta TA?;'7ro- 
 \ip.ov Kal 'AvTiKXeovs, €k b€ Xlov Kal AeVjSou rpLaKovra, 10 
 Kal vavp.ax^av piv riva ^/oaxetar cirotTjo-arro ot 2a/xtot, 
 dbvvaTOL b€. ovres avTiaxelv e^eiTokLdpKrjhrjtrav €v6,T<a p,rivl 
 Kal 7rpo(r€X(^pW^^ opoXoyCq^ retxoj T€ Ka6€\ovT€S Kat 
 opiripovs bovTes Kal vavs irapabovTcs kol xPW^'^^ ^" 
 dvakoiOivTa Kara xpdvovs ra^dpievoL dirobovvaL. ^viprfaav 15 
 be Kol Bv(dvTLOL axTTTcp Kal TTporepov virriKOob elvai, 
 
 Mera ravra 8e rjb'q yiyveraL ov ttoAAois erecrLv va-repov US 
 ToL TTpo€Lpr}pi.€va, tA t€ KepKVpdiKa Kal rd IlortSatartKa Kat 
 oa-a 'jTp6q>a(TiS rovbe tov ttoAc/uiou KaT^art], ravra oe ^vp.- 
 
 1. 118-120. Assembly of the Allies. 
 
 6^ 
 
 ,HJ^ 
 
 TTavrd' o&a eirpa^av ol "EAAryres Trpos re dWrfkovs Kal ^ot long 
 
 g ^\ o ' o '> f t n / t. >v afterwards 
 
 5 TOV pappapovj (yevero €V irea-L TrevTrjKOVTa paXta-ra piera^v (^ch. 23 ff.). 
 
 TTJs Bep^ov dvax(*ipri(T€(»is Kal rrjs dpxvs Tovbe tov TroAe/xov 
 
 €v oh 'AO-qvaioL rrjv re dpxrjv lyKpaT^aripav KaT^crTria-avTo 
 
 Kal avTol €ttI /xeyd^ exwpryo-ai; bvvdpL€(t)S, ol be AaKcSat/xoVtot The Lace- 
 
 al(Td6p,€V0L o{>T€ iKcJ^Xvov d pl^UttI fipaxv, V(^K^C^^^^T€^^^^Z^^ 
 
 10 TO TrXiov TOV xpdvoVy ovt€S pi.€V Kal irpo tov /jit) rax ets active until 
 
 ?' 1 V \^ 9 \ t f M \ ^ f \ their allies 
 
 terat €s Tovs TroAe/xovj, ct p.-q avayKa^OLVTO, to be tl Kau were 
 
 TToXepLOLS oUeCoLS i^€Lpy6p,€V0L, TTplv brj rj bvvap.is t&v ^^.e^dled 
 
 A6r]vaL(i>v cra<^a)s ypeTo Kal ttjs ^vp.p.ax(-as avTOiv rjiTTOVTo. 
 
 TOT€ b ovK€TL dvacTxeTov eiTOLovvTO. dAA' iirLxeLprjTea 
 
 15 eSoKet ctmt Trda-rj irpoOvpLLa kol Kadaiperia rj iorxvSy tjv 
 
 bvvdiVTaL, dpafievoLS TOvbe tov iroXepov. avTols piev ovv Having 
 
 roty AaK€baLp.ov[oLS bUyvoio-TO XeXvaOaL re tcls (n:ovbds ^^^^^^ ^^^ 
 
 Kal TOVS ^AOrjvaLovs dbiKelvy Trepixj/avTes be es AeX(f)ovs selves 
 
 eirqpo^Tayv tov 6eov el itoXep.ovaiv dp^eivov ecTTai' 6 Se they con- 
 
 20 dvelXev avTolsj o)? XiyeTai, KaTo, KpdTos TToXepiova-L vlktjv sultApollo, 
 V /I v'v-viAxx/,/, \ / who pro- 
 
 ea-eaUaij k^l avTos ecprj ^vXXYixj/ecrdaL Kat TrapaKaAov/xeroy miseshelp. 
 
 Kat OK At/to 9.^ 
 
 119 AvOls be TOVS ^vpLpidxovs irapaKaXea-avTes \lrrj(j)Ov ejBov- They sum- 
 \ ^ "jv \« \*\/t/ /^ mon the 
 
 AovTo e-nayayeiv et XP'/ TroXep.eiv, Kat eX6ovTO)V T(t)v assembly 
 
 7Tpecrl3ea)V diro ttjs ^vppLax^as Kal ^vvobov yevopievrjs ot re ^^ !^^^ 
 
 aAAot eLTTOv h efiovXovTo, KaTrjyopovjn-es oi irXeCovs to^v 
 
 5 'Adrjvaicov Kal tov iroXep^ov d^iovvTes yevecrdai, Kal ol 
 
 KopLvdiOL berjdeVTes piev Kal KaTO. iroXeis irpoTepov eKdaTOiv 
 
 IbCa &(TTe \l/r](l)L(ra(r6aL tov TToXepLOV, bebioTes Trept ttj 
 
 lIoTLbaLq pr] 7TpobLa<t)6apfjj irapovTes be Kal roVe Kat reAeu- Speech of 
 
 ratot eTreA^oWes iXeyov Toidbe, thians. 
 
 120 " Tovs ftez; AaKebaipiovCovs, S dvbpes ^p.p.axoi, ovk av War is 
 
 Irt alTLao-aipieOa m ov Kal avTol e\l/rj(t)L(rpievoL tov iroXepiov !"^^® 
 
 e^crt Kot r]p,as es tovto vvv ^vrjyayov. XPV 7^9 tovs the inland, 
 
 «' ^Ys^**"^ r \ V «as well as 
 
 TjyepLovas Ta loia e^ Icrov vep.ovTas Ta KOLva irpocTKOTTeiVy ^he mari- 
 
 5 axnrep Kal ev dXXoLs eK irdvToav 'npoTip.&vTai, 7]p.(ov be ti°i^j cities 
 
 F 2 
 
68 
 
 Assembly of the Allies. 1. 120, 121. 
 
 of the con- 
 federacy. 
 
 We must 
 fight now ; 
 but we will 
 make peace 
 again as 
 soon as 
 ever we 
 can. 
 
 We have 
 numbers, 
 skill, and 
 discipline. 
 W^ith loans 
 from tem- 
 ples, we 
 can equip 
 
 5o-ot ii\v 'AdrjvaCoLS rjbri ivrjXXdyrjaav, ov)(l StSax^ff biovrat 
 (Sore (pvXdiaa-daL avrovs' tovs 6e rrjv /ixeo-oyetar /xoXXor 
 KOL /XT) €v TTopcD KaTi^KT^iiivovs ctScWt XPV ^TL, Tols K(ira> 
 Tfv M aixvv(o(TLj x^^^^^^^P^^ Ifouo-t Tr]V Karafco/itSV ^<Si; 
 ^paidiv Kal ttoXlv avrCkrjylrLV c5r rj OdXacra-a tt) riireipo^ 10 
 biboxTLV, KOI T(av vvv \€yoiiev(i)v juit) KaKovs Kptras ws fx^ 
 Trpo(n]K6vT(ov ctrat, irpoarbixea-OaL bi 'nore, et ra fcdro) 
 irpoeivTOj Khv [lixpi <r<t)(ov rd beivov irpo^Xdclv, koX TTcpl 
 avT<av ovx W^ov vvv fiovkeveadaL, bioir^p koI fxri 6kv€IV 
 8€i avTOvs Tov TTokefxov avT €lprivr]s /x€raXa/x/3ar6ti;. 15 
 
 ^Avbp(av yap o-a)</)poVa)2; fxiv karTiv, d p.r] abiKolvTOy ^or- 
 XaC^iv, ayaOSiV bl abiKOvp.ivovs e/c likv €lprivr]s irokeficlv, 
 €v be -napacTxov U Tiokip.ov ttoXlv ^fx^rjvaL, koI fXTjre rfj 
 Kara irokcfiov evTVxCa eTratpecr^at /[X7]tc rw rj(TVX^(e "^^ 
 elp-qvrjs ijbotievov abLKeicrdaL. re yap bia Tr]V ribovr}V 20 
 6KV(av raxtoT"' hv a<t>aip€ed'r] rrjs paaT(avrjs to repirvov bC 
 oirep OKi/et, el rjcrvxaCoh o re h irokifJOD evTVxCq -nkeovdCw; 
 ovK €VT€6viJ.r)Tai. dpd(T€L CLTrCaTia iiraLpop.iVOS. irokka yap 
 KaK&s yvwcrdivTa d^ovkoTipoiV TUiv kvavTioav TVxdvT(AV 
 KaTcopdiaO-n, Kal €Tt ttXco) h koX&s boKOVvTa^fiovkevdrjvaL 2s 
 €s TovvavTLov al(TXp(os TTepJa-TTj' €vev^l€'LTal, yap ovbels 
 ofxola T7] TTto-Tet Kal €py(D eTTe^epx^Tat, aXka fxer ao-<^aXctas 
 IJL€V boidCotJL€V, fXiTd biovs b€ h rcS Ipyo) ikk€CTTop,€V. 
 ^jutets b€ vvv Kal dbLKOvp.€VOL tov irokefiov kydpoix^v Kal 121 
 Uaifa €XOVT€^ kyKkrip.aTay Kal oTav dixvv<oix€6a 'k6r]vaLovSy 
 KaTa&rja-ojjLcOa avTov kv Katp<S. 
 
 Kara iiokka 8e i]p.as eUbs €7rupar^o-at, irp&Tov fikv 
 irkriOcL TTpovxovTas Kal €jui7r€tpia TroXe/xiKfj, tTretra o/xotws 5 
 TTCLVTas €s TO. irdpayyckXofxcva lovTas. vavTLKov r€, (o 
 IcTxvova-LV, diib ttjs vTrapxov(rr]s re kKdarois owtas e^apru- 
 
 120. 24. TvxorTcw] Or Tvxo»'Ta. 
 
 120. 27. o^ofa] Reiske conjectures 6/ioiq. 
 
 121. 7. 6^^a/>TV(70/i6^a] Or i^aprvauiiiOa. 
 
 I. 121, 122. 
 
 -ff. c. 432. OL 87.1. 
 
 69 
 
 (r6pi€6a Kal dirb t&v €V A€X<^ots Kal *Okvfnr[a XRVI^^'^^^' ^ ^^^*» 
 
 bdvcLo-pia yap irOLrja-dpLevoL virokajBelv oloC t Icrpkv /utto-^cp ^^ enemy's 
 
 10 {JLcCCovL TOVS ^ivovs avT&v vav^dTas. wyrjrr) yap ^AOrivamv seamen, 
 
 r) bvvapLLS ixaXkov rj olKeCa' tj 8c rjiieTipa rjo-aov hv tovto aliens, by 
 
 irddoL^ Tols (r<afia(n to irkiov l(rxvov(ra rj rots XP'?M^<'"^^* ^^ ^^^' 
 
 Mia re vCkt] vavp.ax'ias KaTO. to elKos akio-KOVTai' ct b Ifonede- 
 ,, \/ \ < '^ y \ £ ' V feat at sea 
 
 ai^rtcrxoter, fiek^TriarojMiV icat Tj/xets ei; Trkiovi XP^^^ ^" does not 
 
 15 ravrt/cci, Kal OTav Tr)V iTiLaTnwnv is to 1(tov KaTaarriaodpLev, crush them, 
 
 , . '' we can 
 
 TTJ ye €V\/rvx^a 8?} 'ttou TrepUfofjieda, yap rj^eis Ix^M^^ train our 
 
 <^W€t dyaOov, Ik^vois ovk hv yivoLTO bibaxfl' o 8' iKelvoL i^^l^^^* 
 
 iTnarrinrj Trpovxova-L, KaOaLpcTeov rjixiv ecrrt fxeXerr;. XP'?" allies, 
 
 fxara 8 (oor ^x^f-v €S avra, oL(ropL€v' i] ocivov av etr] et ot ^^^^^ 
 
 20 juiei; iKeCvoiv (vfifiaxoL im bovkelq Trj avT(ov (fyipovTcs ovk 
 
 dTT€p6v(rLV, ripL€ IS 8' iirl t(d TipLtapovpievoL tovs ix^povs Kal 
 
 avTol &pia (Twfeo-^at ovk apa bairavria-ofieVy Kal eirl r(3 
 
 firj VTT €K€Cv(t)V avTCL d<f>aip€BivTiS avTols tovtols KaKcas 
 
 TTcicrxcty.^^ L^ 
 
 122 ^TTrdpxovcn 8e Kat aXAat 680 1 irokifjiov rjpuv, ^vpLfidx^v We can 
 
 ^ / /\ cy^r, ... ^ ^ ,- make their 
 
 re aTTOo-rao-ts, fxakLcrTa 'napaip^cris ovaa T(av 'npocroooav ,j. ^ 
 
 re- 
 
 als t(rxvou(rtz;, Kat k'nLT€ix'^(T\ibs rrj X^P^y dkka re ocra volt, fortify 
 OVK ^r Tts vvv TTpotSoL rJKLOTa yap 7roA.e/xos iirl prjTols against 
 
 5 Ycopet, avros 8e ad) avrou ra TroXAa revz^aTOt Trpos to their tem- 
 '^ ^ - Y , ^ c V , / > -^ w tory, &c. 
 
 Trapawyxavov' €V <a o ji^v evopyTjToas avTio TrpocrofxiArjq-as 
 
 PejBaLOTepos, 6 8' opytc^ets -Trept avTbv ovk ikdaaa) Trraiet. 
 
 ^Ev0vu(idfj.€6a bi Kal otl €l fxer ^cav rjfi&v exaoTots 'ii'pos It will 
 
 drrtTrdAovs irept yijs opoav 8ta<^opat, olarbv av rjv' vvv 8e ^^.J^^ ^^^^ 
 
 10 Trpos ^vp.'navjds re ^/xas 'A^rji^atot Uarot ,Kat Kara iiokLV a united 
 
 Irt 8uz/ar(orepot, (Sore et /x^ Kat dOpooi koI KaTcL iOvrj Kal 
 
 ^KaoTov ^oTUy/xta yv(afji7j a/xuj^ovfxe^a avrovs, 8txa ye ovTas 
 
 Tjpias aTrovUts xf^P^^^o^TCit. Kat r?)!/ rja-a-av, e( Kat beivov^ 
 
 ro) aKoCo-at, To-ro) ovk ^AAo rt (f)ipov(Tav 17 dvTiKpvs bovkeCav' <^ 
 
 121. 18. /^a^atpcWoi/] Or Ka$atp€T6v. 
 
 122. 7. irtpt avT^j'] Or ir€/)t aCroi^. 
 
I 
 
 1 
 
 70 
 
 Assembly of the Allies, i. 122-124. 
 
 But the o Kat \6y<^ hboLa(TUrjvaL alcryjiov rrf rTeAoTTori^o-ci), Kai 15 
 mustbe^^^ 77o\et9 rod-ao-Se vTro /xtas KaKOTraOeiv. €V^<^ rj biKaCiDS 
 put down. boKolfiev av Tratrxetr ^ 6ta SetXtai; avlyecr^ai^ koI rwr 
 iraTepdiv vetpovs (baCvecrOaif ot rriv *EXXdba rjk€v6€p(ti(rav' 
 ^/[A€tj 8€ ov8' ^jtitz; avTois ^efiauoviicv avro, rvpavvdv 0€ 
 ((OfXiv €yKa6€(TTdvai iroktv'^ tovs h* iv pita ^fxovdpxovs d^LOV- 20 
 /bier KaraXvetr. Kat ovk la^i€V ottcos rdSc TpiSiv T(av 
 lieyioTdiv ^vy.(i>op(av aTTTJAA-a/crat,' d^vecrtas rj pLaXcLKLds' r) 
 d/xeXeta's. ov yap 5 7) Trec^evyoVey ravra €7rt r^j'^ irXe/cmj;^ 
 87) I^Xdxj/aa-av KaTa(l)p6vr](TLV Kcxo^pV'^f^Tfi rj €k rdu TroXAovy 
 ^(TifaXXetv TO kvavriou 6vop.a d(f)po(TVjyq pL^TcovopLaoTai. 25 
 
 Ta pier ovv Trpoy^yevqpiiva tL hd pLaKporepov rj is octov 123 
 rots vvv $vpL(t)€p€L atrtacT^at ; Tiept Se rd)r eTretra fxeXAoV- 
 rcor rots Trapovcrt jBorjOovvras XPV iinTaXaLTTaipdv' irarpLov 
 yap riplv ck tcSz; ir6v(t)V tcls dp^rds KTaa-dat' Kai p.-q p-era-- 
 pdXkeLv TO €6oSy et dpa 'n\ovT(D t€ vvv kol k^ovdiq okiyov 5 
 TTpocfyepeTe (ov ydp hUaiov h rfj diropCa (KTrjOr} ttj TrepLovcrCa 
 The God aTToXeV^at), dAAa OapcrovvTas Uvai KaTa iroWd h tov 
 ^sedTelp. T^dKepov, tov re O^ov xp^jo-ctrro? Ka\ avTov inroaxop-evov 
 The Athe- ^vWrj'^ea-O ai Kai Trjs d\Xr]s ^EXXdbos Trd(rr]s ^vvayaiVLOV- 
 wefhave p-^vrjs, tcl p,€v <f>6p(D Ta 8' a)</)€Xta. (Tirovbds re ov \v(r€T€ lo 
 broken the ^^oVepot, as ye Kat 6 ^eos KeAevcor TroXepdv vopiCCeL irapa- 
 p€^d(T6ai, rjbLK-qpivaLS 6e pidXXov (3or]dri(T€T€' Xvovctl ydp 
 ov\ ot dp.vv6p€voL dAA' ot TipoT^poi e7rtoz;res. 
 
 The Poti- "Xlo-re iravTaxdOev koAws virdp^pv vp.iv TToAejuietr, /cat 124 
 
 daeans and »-,/^ « / m n a f ^ '^_ 
 
 our other Vf^^^ ^ctoe Koti^T^ TTapaivovvTOiv, etTrep pepaioTaTov to TavTa 
 
 allies must ^^(j)epovTa Kai TToAeo-t xat tStwrats eti^at, fx^ juteAAere Ilort- 
 be sue- ^ / /. /i / <* a '^ \ « \ 
 
 coured at Oatarais re TrotetcrC/at TLpcopiav ovai ZAw/otevo-t Kat vtto 
 
 T^^' h^^ 'Iwrcoi' TToXiopKovpivoLs, ov irpoTepov rjv TovvavrloVj Kai 5 
 
 of Athens rwr dXXoiv /xereA^eti/ rr/f iXevOepiav, a)S ovk€tl er8exerat 
 
 set free. TrcptpiivovTas rovs /xey ?;8r] /SAdTrreo-^at, rovs 8', et yrco- 
 
 123. 4. i7AuV] Or vfiTv. 
 
 124. 2. TaiJra] Or ravrd (a correction in one good MS.). 
 
 I. 124-126. B, C, 432. 01. 87. I, 
 
 71 
 
 (Tdr)(r6pL€0a ^vv€\66vt€s pcv dp.vv€(T6ai 8e ov roAjotwi/res, 
 
 p.r] TTokv TJ(TT€p0V TO OVTO TldcTyj^lV' oAAoi VOpLL(TaVT€S €Tt' 
 
 10 dvdyKTjv dcpix^ai, S ai;8pes ^vp,paxoi, Kai dp.a rd8e dpio-Ta 
 XeyccOai, yjfrjcpCa-aa-de tov irokcpLov, p.rj <f>o^r)BivT€S Tb 
 avTiKa b€i,v6v, ttjs d-n avTov bid TrAetoz/os clprjvrjs eirt- 
 dvp.r}(ravT€s' €k iroXepLOV pL€v ydp clprjvr] pidXXov Pc^aLOVTai, 
 d(f) rjavx^as 8^ ;x^ iroXcprja-aL ovx 6/xota)s dK^i;8ui'or. Kat 
 
 15 Tr}v Kad^aTTjKvlav h Tjj *EAAd8t Tro'Ati' rvpavvov riyy](Tdp.^voi. 
 
 eTTt irda-LV 6/utota)s Ka0€(rTdvaL, wore t&v pikv rjbrj apx^Lv 
 
 tQv 8e 8iaz;oet(r^at, irapaarrja-iopLcOa eTreA^oVres, Kat avrot 
 
 aKLvbvv(DS TO koiTTov otKW/xei^, Kat rovs vvv 8e8ouAa)/xerovs 
 
 EAA77z;as eAev^epwcrco/uiei^." rotaOra ot KopCvOioL clttov. 
 
 125 Ot 8e AaKe8at/ioj/tot e7ret87) d</)' dirdvTUiv i]Kov<rav yv(ap.r]v, War voted 
 \lf7J<l)ov iirriyayov rots $)p.pdxoLS diraa-iv octol iraprja-av ef^s, m^ajorhy^^ 
 Kat pL^C^ovL Kai iXdcrcrovL irokcr Kai to irXrjOos €\lrr](f)C(ravTo Prepara- 
 TToAefxetz;. beboypicvov 8^ avrots ev^vs /xez; dbvvaTa ^i; begun, 
 
 5 kiTix^ipeiv dirapaa-KivoLS ovcnvj €K7T0pl(€cr6aL 8e e8o'Ket eKa- 
 o-rots a T:p6(T<^opa rjv koI pltj eti;at pL^kK-qa-iv, o/xcos 8e KaOia-- 
 TapL€VOLS c^v e8et ertavros pi€v ov bieTpLfir], ikaa-aov bi, irplv 
 €a-fia\€LV es ttjv 'ArrtK^r Kat tov irokepLov dpaaOai <^az;ep«s. 
 
 126 Er TovTio be €Trp€(Tj3€vovTO r<j) XP^^H* Trpos rovs ^AOrj^ and 
 vaiovs c/KkripLaTa iroiovpievoi,, ottcos (r<^to-tz; ort pLcyCaTr] made at° ^ 
 
 7rp6<f)a(ns elrj tov irokepclv, rjv p.ri rt ka-aKovcticnv, Kai Athens, in 
 
 \ t n / I « order to 
 
 TTpoiTov pL€v TTpea-^eLS Tre/xyarres ot AaKe8at/xortot eKeAevor justify the 
 
 5 rovs 'A^rji^a^ous r6 dyos kkavveiv Trjs deov' to 8e dyos rjv ^^^* 
 rotoz/8e. 
 
 Kvkcov rjv *OkvpL7nov[Kr}s dvrjp 'Adrjvalos t&v 7r({Aat The expul- 
 evyei;?7S re Kat 8vi;aros, iyeyapLrfKeL 8e dvyaTepa Seayivovs ac*Sir°sed^^ 
 Meyapews dvbpoSy 6s KaT iKelvov tov xP^^^^ kropdwei demanded. 
 10 Meydpo)!^. XP^P^^^^ ^^ ^<? Kvkayvi kv AeA(^ots di'etAei; 6 Cylan.^ 
 
 ^eos Iv Tji TOV Atos Trj p,€yCaTri eopTrj KaTakafidv Trjv ^^ ^^^^^ 
 J A /% I i/\ *v / the AcrO" 
 
 Adrjvai(ji)V aKpoirokiv, o 8e Trapa re tov Qeayevovs bvvap.iv polis 
 
 kafi^v Kai Tovs (fyCkovs dvaireia-asy iireibri kirqkBev 'OAv/xTTta L^32?],and 
 
} 
 
 72 
 
 Cylon. 
 
 I. 126. 
 
 was block- 
 aded there. 
 
 He 
 
 escaped ; 
 his fol- 
 lowers were 
 enticed 
 from the 
 altars and 
 killed. 
 
 The mur- 
 derers and 
 their de- 
 scendants 
 were twice 
 expelled. 
 
 TCL €V ncXoTTorz/^o-o), KaTeXafie ttjv aKpoiroXiv ws iirl 
 rvpavvCbi, vojJLia-as koprriv re tov Alos \i€yL(rn)v ^tvai koX 15 
 eatrro) rt irpoarfKeLV '0A.T;/Lt7rta V€VIK7]k6ti„ et 86 ^v ttj *AmKrj 
 7] aWoOC TTOV rj pLeyCarr] koprrj clp-qTo, ovt€ €K€lvos ert 
 KaT€v6r}(r€ to T€ pLavrelov ovk khriXov (lort yap Ka\ *Adr]- 
 vaCoLS Atd(7ta h KoAetrat Alos koprrj MclXl^Cov pLeyCarr], 
 1^0) rrjs TToA-ecoj, ev fj TravbrjpLel Ovovctl, ttoXXol ov^ Upela 20 
 aXXa OvpLara kinyjapia), hoKS>v 8e 6p6G>s yiyvtixTKUv cirexeC- 
 prjcrc TO) epyo). ol 8' ^A$r]vaxoL alaOopievoL ifio'qOrjaav 
 T€ Travbrjpiel €k T<av aypcav ctt' avTovs kol irpoa-KaB^^opi^voi 
 k-noXiopKovv. \p6vov h\ kTnyiyvop.ivov ol 'ABrjvoLOL rpv- 
 Xop-cvoL Tjj TrpocTcbpeCa aTrrjKOov ol ttoWoI, k'nirpi-^avr^s 25 
 rots €vv€a apyjova-i ttjv <t)vXaKrjV kol to irav avroKpaTopcTi 
 biaOelvaL fj hv apKTTa bLayi.yv(a(rK(i)(rLV' t6t€ b^ to. irokXa 
 rSiv TTokiTLK&v ol kvvia apyovT^s iirpaaraov. ol b\ pL€Ta 
 TOV Kv\u)vos TToXi.opKovpi€VOL (fyXavpuis elxov crtrov re koL 
 vbaTos CLTTopia. 6 fJL€v ovv KvXdiv Kol 6 dSeXc^os avTov 3° 
 €KbLbpa(rKOV(rLv' ol b aXXoL ws cttU^ovto Kai tiv^s koX 
 CLTriOirqa-KOv vtto tov XifjLOV, Kadi^ova-tv iirl tov (Soipidv tKcVat 
 TOV €V rrj cLKpoTToXeu avao-T-qa-avres be avTOvs ol T(av 
 ^AOrjvaCoov €TnT€TpapLp.€voL ttjv (jyvXaK'qv, ws kcapcav d.iro- 
 6vr\(TK0VTas €V rw tepw, e</)' (d pirjb^v kukov TTOiria-ovcrLV, 35 
 airayayovTcs aTr^nTeivav' Kade^opiivovs bi TLvas koL IttI 
 Tc^v (r€pLV(av Oe&v iv rots ^cojLtot? ev ttj irapobia bLcxprjcravTo. 
 Koi airb tovtov erayets Kal aXiTripLoi, ttjs Ocov kKeivoi re 
 kKoXovvTO KoX TO yivos TO cL'n eKeCvdiv, ijXaaav pikv ovv 
 KOL ol ^AOrjvaloL tovs ivaycls tovtovs, "qXaa-c be kol KXeo- 40 
 pevr]9 6 AaKebaipLOVLOs varepov p.€Ta ^AOrjvaCoiV a-Tacna' 
 
 (pVTOiV, TOVS T€ C^VTaS €XaVVOin-€S Kol T(aV T€6v€(OTaiV TO, 
 
 Sara aveXovTcs i^i/BaXov' KaTrjXOov piivTOL varepov, koI to 
 yivos avT&v eariv Irt kv ttj iroXei, 
 
 126. 20. Ovovffi,] Bekk. evovai]. 
 126. 37. Dobree omits h rots ^ufwis. 
 
 1 
 
 i 
 
 I. 127, 128. 
 
 Pausantas, 
 
 n 
 
 127 Touro br] to ayos ol AaKebaip.6vioi kXavveiv hiXevov Pericles 
 8^^€z; Tols deols Trpwror TipL(i>povvT€s, etSoVes 8e UepiKXea ^f these* 
 
 tov BavdCinrov 'npo(T€)(6p.evov avroJ Kara ttjv pLrjTipa, kol hence his 
 
 /> -» f >««« ,/ «v9\ expulsion 
 
 rojuti Torres CKiTca-ovTos avTov paov <T<pi(Ti irpoxiopeLV Ta airo jg Je- 
 
 5 T(av ^ AdrjvaCdiV. ov p^ivToi toctovtov yjXinCov iradelv hv sanded. 
 
 avTov Toiko ocrov bLa^oXrjv ota-av avT^ TTpos T-qv ttoXlv 
 
 a>s Kol bia Trjv €K€lvov ^vpL(f)opav to pi.ipos iarai 6 Tro'Ae/xos. 
 
 a)r yap bvvaT(OTaTos t&v KaO^ kavTov Kal ayoav ttjv iroXiTcCav 
 
 rjvavTiovTO irdvTa rots AaKeSatfXortois, Kal ovk ela vireUuv 
 
 10 dXA' 69 TOV TToXep.ov &pp.a tovs ^AOrjvaCovs* 
 
 128 ^AvT€K€Xevov b€ Kal ol ^AOrjvaloL tovs AaKebaxpiovCovs to The Athe- 
 CLTTo Taivdpov ayos kXavveiV ol yap AaKcbaipiovLOL avacmfi- ^^\^\^^ 
 (ravT€S 1T0T€ €K TOV Icpov TOV Tlo(r€Lb<avos aiTo Tatvdpov demands. 
 T(av ElX(OT(i}V iK^Tas aTrayayovTcs bU(f)6€ipav, bio br] koX 
 
 5 (T(\)i(Tiv avTols vop.i^ov(TL TOV pAyav crcLo-pidv yevicrOai ev 
 
 ^TTOLpTrj, 
 
 Ek4X€Vov be Kal to Trjs ^oXkloUov ayos eXavveiv avTovs' * The curse 
 iyiv€TO be Toiovbe. eTretbr] YlavcravCas 6 AaKebaipLovLos to ^f ^j^^ ^°^ 
 'npGiTov pLeTa7r€pL(f)6els vtto ^irapTiaTiov dird Trjs dpxrjs Trjs Brazen 
 10 iv EXXrja-TTOVTCD Kal KpiOels vit' avT<av CLTreXvOrj pirj dbLKeiv, Pausaiiias 
 brjpLocrCa p.ev ovKeTi e^e'nep.(f>Or], Ibia he avTos TpLrjprj Xaficov after his 
 EppiiovCba avev AaKebaipLovtoiv d<t)LKvelTaL es 'EXX-qa-irovToVj [478-7, 
 r^ fiev Xo'yci) 67rt tov 'EXXrjVLKOV iroXepiov, t<5 be epyio ^v' . 
 
 Ta irpbs PaaiXea irpdyp.aTa irpda'areiv, axriTep Kal to irp6^Tov to the 
 
 ,_» / 'J./ '^«i7<\\ r. t rs Hellespont 
 
 15 eTTexeiprjcreVj ecpiepLevos Trjs iLXXrjvLKrjs apxrjs. ^nd re- 
 
 EvepyecCav be diTd Tovbe TTp(OTov es fiacnXea KareOeTO newed an 
 V ^ , V , / -D >^ intrigue 
 
 Kai TOV TTavTos TTpayjxaTos apxrjv eiroLrja-aTo Bv^avTiov with the 
 
 yap eXcav Tjj irpoTepq itapovaria pLera Trjv eK Kvirpov dva- P"^^* 
 X(oprja-LV (6txor 86 M^8ot avTO, Kal ^aa-iXeais irpoarjKOVTes the fall of 
 20 TLves Kal ^vyyevels \oX\ edXcaa-av ev avTioJ TOTe tovtovs r/^g^ ^^"^ 
 ots eXa(3ev diroirepi.TTeL f^acTLXei Kpv(l)a t&v aXXtdv ^vpLpL^xcov, ch. 94]. 
 r^ 86 X6y(a direbpaa-av avTov. iirpaa-a-e be TavTa /xerd 
 128. 20. [ot] though bracketed by Bekker is in all the MSS. 
 
}f 
 
 74 
 
 Pansanias. 
 
 I. 128-130. 
 
 [Xerxes 
 had gladly 
 accepted 
 his 
 proposals. 
 
 Pausanias 
 had 
 
 adopted 
 Persian 
 habits, and 
 
 VoyyvXav tov 'Eperptecos, (Sirep eireTpeyj/e to re BvC(ivTiov 
 Koi Tovs atx/^aXwTovs. eirefife he /cat €TTL(TTokr}v tov Toy 
 yvXov <t)€povTa avT<^' heyiypairTo b^ Tabe h avrfj, ws 25 
 varepov avevpiO-q. ''UavcravLas 6 ^ye/xwz; ttjs DiraprTjs 
 Tov(Tb€ re ctol yapLCeo-Qai ^ovX6\x€VOS aTTOTre/xTTCt bopX k\(av, 
 KoX yv<afxrjv TTOtoiJjuiat, et Kat (rot boKei, OvyaTipa t€ ttjv 
 a-rjv yrjpLai KaC ctol ^'napTr]v re Kat tt]V a\\r}V ^EWaba 
 vTTOxeipLov TTOtTJo-at. bvvaTos b^ 8oK<3 eti^at Tavra irpa^ai 30 
 fX€Ta (TOV povkevopievos. el ovv tC ere tovtcov apea-Kei, Trep.ire 
 avbpa -nKTTov enl daXaa-aav bC ov to Xolttov tovs Xoyovs 
 TTOLTjaopieOa. 
 
 To(ravTa pikv fj ypa(t)r} ebrjXov, B^pirjs bk wOri Te rrj 129 
 CTTtoToXri Kat airocrriXXeL "ApTa^aCov tov ^apvaKOV M 
 ddXaaa-av, koI KeXeveL avTov Trjv Te Aaa-KvXlTiv a-aTpaTTeiav 
 TTapakafielv, Meyafidrqv diraXka^avTa os irpoTepov rjPX^^^ 
 Kat Trapa ITavo-ai^tai/ es BvCclvtlov eiria-Tokriv avTeTieTiOei 5 
 avT^ m TaxLora bia'nep.yirai kol tijv (T(ppay'Lba dirobei^ai, 
 KOL rjv Ti avT^ Ylavaavias irapayyeWr} Trept tQv eavTov 
 TTpaypLOLTcov, irpda-a-eLV m apKTTa koX TrtoroTara. 6 be a(^t- 
 Kopievos TO, Te dXXa eiroCrja-ev axrirep etprjTo kol ttjv errt- 
 (TTokr}v bieT:ep.y\rev' dvTeyeypaiTTO b^ Tabe. " &be Xeyei 10 
 jSao-tXevs Uep$r]S UavaavLq. kol T(av dvbp&v ovs p.01 irepav 
 9akd(T(rqs en BvCavTLOv eaiacras KelTai <rot evepyecrCa ev 
 Tio TjpieTepiD otKO) eo-aet dvdypaTTTOSy Kat roty XoyoLS tols 
 dTTo a-ov dpecTKopau Kai ere pLrjTe vv$ p.r\6' r]pApa eTTto^eVo) 
 &<TTe dveXvai Trpda-aeLV tl &v eptol v-niayv^, p.7]b\ xpV(TOv 15 
 Kat dpyvpov bairdvn kckcoXi^c^o), fxrjS^ orpartay TrXrj^ct, et 
 TTOL bet Trapaylyvea-eai' aXXa p.eT 'ApTafidCov dvbpos dyaOov, 
 ov (TOL eTrepLyjfa, -npaaae OapaStv kol to, ep.a Kat to, aa 
 0177} KdXXiara koI dpiara efet dp.(\)OTepois» 
 
 Tama Xa^hv 6 Uav(ravLas to, ypdp.p.aTa, a)V Kat irpoTepov 130 
 ev jutcyaXo) dftw/xart vtto t&v ^EXX-qvoiv bid Tr}V UXaTaiaa-LV 
 fiyepLOvCav, ttoXX^ TOTe pioXXov T/pro, Kat ovKeTL ebvvaTo 
 
 I. 130-132. B, C. 478-468. OL 75. 3 — 78. I. 
 
 75 
 
 ev Tio Kadea-TrjKOTL TpoircD ^lOTeveiv, aXXd cTKevds re M?;- had be- 
 5 biKCLS evbv6p.evos eK tov Bv^avTiov efr/et, Kat bid ttjs ©paKrjs insufferable 
 TTopevopLevov avTov Mrjboi Kal AlyviTTioi ebopv(f)6povv, Tpd- to the allies, 
 TTe^dv Te Tlep(TiKr)V Trapert^ero, Kat KOTexeiv rrjv bidvoiav seceded 
 OVK ebvvaTO, dXV epyois ppaxea-i TTpovbrjXov h Trj yvtapL-q from Sparta 
 /xetfoVo)? eo-eireiTa epieXXe irpd^eiv. bva-irpocrobov Te avTov quence.] 
 10 irapetxer, Kat rrj opyfj ovrco )(aXe7rr/ exprJTo es irdvTas opLoiois 
 wore pLTjbeva bvvaaOai irpocrUvai' bioirep Kal irpos tovs 
 ^ ABr]vaiovs ovx V'^io'Tci rj ^v/x/xa^ta pLeTearq. 
 
 131 ^^ S^ AaKe8at/xoz;tot ai(r06pLevoi to Te irpcaTov St' avTa After going 
 
 raOra dveKdXea-av avTOV, Kal eireibrj Tjj ^Eppnovibi vr}): r6^g^^^^° 
 
 bevTepov eKTrXev<ras ov KeXevardvTOiV avT^v ToiavTa ecfyaivero expelled 
 
 TTOiCiVy Kal eK TOV Bv(avTiov fiia vtt 'Adrjvaicov eKiroXiop- zantium 
 
 5 KT^^ets es ptev Tr]v ^irdpT-qv ovk eiravexfapeij es be KoXctivds ^47° ''] 
 ^.^^ f ,, ,^ and settled 
 
 Tas T pwdoas topuaets irpaa-cruiv Te ecrqyyeXXeTO avTOis Trpos in the 
 
 TOVS ^appdpovs Kal ovk eir* dyad^ tyjv p.ovr\v iroiovpievos, ^^°^"' P^* 
 
 oi/rft) br] ovKeTi eneayj^v^ dXXd TTepLxjravTes KrjpvKa ol ecpopoi recalled 
 
 Kat (TKVTdXrjv elirov tov KTjpVKOs p-r} XeCirea-dai, et be pLrj, ^^ 
 
 10 TToXepiov avT^ STraprtdraj irpoayopeveiv. 6 be ^ovX6pi.evos 
 ws rJKioTa viroTTTos elvai koi Tria-Tevoiv XPW^^'' biaXvo-eiv 
 Trjv biapoXrjv dz/e^wpet to bevTepov es '2'jrdpTrjv. Kal es 
 pikv Tr}v elpKTr}v ecnriiTTei to iTp&Tov virb t&v e(j>6p(ji)v (Ifeort 
 be Tols e<|)dpoty tov jSacriXea bpd(rai TOVTo)y eireiTa bia- 
 
 15 irpa^dpLevos varepov e^rjXOej Kal Kadia-rqcriv eavTov es Kpicriv 
 Tols ^ovXop.evois irepl avTov eXeyxeiv. 
 
 132 Kat (f)avepov p,ev et^oi^ ovbev 01 27raprtdrat crjpeioVf ovTe His old 
 ol €\^pot ovTe Tj Trdaa iroXis, 6t(^ hv TuarevcravTes fie^aioas P"^°p^.*° 
 
 eTipi(opovvTO dvbpa yevovs Te tov ^aa-iXeiov ovTa koi ev his own 
 
 « / \ y /rT\ / ^ V A '^ name on 
 
 ro) irapovTi Tipirjv exovTa (llAe laTapxov yap tov Aeot>VLOov ^j^g tripod. 
 
 5 ovTa fiaa-iXea Kal veov ert dve\ln6s cov eTreTpoirevev)' vtto- 
 
 yj/ias be iroXXds irapeixe tjj Te TtapavopLia Kal ^T;Aw(ret tQv 
 
 fiap^dpoiv . pLT] i(ros ^ovXeaOai elvai rots irapova-iv, Td re 
 
 132. 7. rd T«] Ullrich conjectures Kal to. tc. 
 
i 
 
 16 
 
 Pausanias, 
 
 I. 132, 133. 
 
 He incites 
 the Helots 
 to rise. 
 The 
 Ephors 
 still hesi- 
 tate, 
 until — 
 
 on the in- 
 formation 
 of a 
 
 confidential 
 slave a trap 
 is laid for 
 him, — 
 
 aXKa avTov av€(rK6'novv, €? tC ttov e^cSeStrfrryTo t&v KaOe- 
 crTcaTUiv yo/xt/icoi;, kol otl cttI tov Tpiirobd TTore top ev 
 AeX</>oij, ov avedecrav oi "EXXr/i^cs airo rdir Mrjboiiv cLKpo- lo 
 BLviov, ri^[(0(T€V eTTLypayjraaOaL avrbs Ibia to ^k^yelov robe, 
 *EAA.^i;a)r apxrjybs e7r€t arparbv wXeo-e MrjbitiVj 
 UavcravCas 4>o^^<i) fxvrjp.* avi6r]K€. rob^. 
 TO fjL€V ovv ikryelov ol AaK€baLp.6vL0i i^CKoKaxjrav €v6vs 
 t6t€ cltto tov TpLTTobos TovTo, KOL fTTeypaxl/av 6vop.a(rTl Tas 15 
 TToXets ocrat ^yKaOcXovcraL tov fiap^apov €(TTrj(rav to avd- 
 Orjjia' TOV p,€VTOL Uava-avLOV abiKrjfjia kol tovt iboKd eiz^at, 
 Kot iTT€Lbrj €V Tovro) KadeLOTrjKCL, iroAAo) p.aX\ov TrapofMOLOv 
 Trpa\6rjvaL €(f)aCv€To Trj irapovarj biavoCa, 
 
 ^Ettvv66.vovto be kol h tovs Etk(OTas irpda-a-eLv n avrdvy 20 
 Kol ^v be ovToas' (XeuOepiocTLV re yap VTnayveiTO avrots 
 Ka\ TTo\LT€iaVy Tjv ^vv€T:ava(TT<a(Ti KOL t6 'nav ^vytcaTcpyd- 
 aoiVTaL. dAX' ovb* &s ovbe t&v EtAwrcoz^ fjLT]WTaLS tktI 
 TTLOTeva-avTes rj^LOio-av v€(aT€p6v rt TTOielv es avTov, XP^' 
 IxevoL TO) TpoiriD <^TT€p clcoOacTLV €s a-(pas avTovs, fJir} Ta\€LS 25 
 eipai irepl avbpds ^irapTLOLTov 6.V€V avapLcPia-fir^TriTaiV T€KpLr}p- 
 Coiv povXevcaC tl avriKearoVy irpiv ye brj atTOis, ws Xeyerat, 
 6 jLteAAwr tcls reXevraiaj pacnXel e7rtcrroA.as irpos 'Aprdi- 
 pa^ov KOfiieiv, avrjp 'ApytXtos, iraibLKa ttotc oiv avTov Kai 
 TTtoToraros kKeivo^, pirjwTris yCyveTai, beCa-as KaTa ivdvpLr]- 30 
 CLV TLva OTL ovbeCs TTO) T&v TTpo kavTov ^yyiXdnv t:6Xiv 
 a<\>iKeTOj KoX TrapaiTOL'qadiJievos (r<ppaylbaj tva rjv yj/eva-Ofj 
 TTJs bo^s rj KOL €K€Lv6s TL p.€Taypdy\fai alTrjcrr) p.ri kinyv^y 
 Xvei TCLS €TiL(TToXdS} kv ats VT:ovori(Tas rt toiovto itpoa-- 
 eirea-TaXOai kol avTov evpev eyyeypapipiivov kt€Cv€LV, 35 
 
 Tore 6 6 oi ((f)opoL beC^avTos avrov to, yp6.fxp.aTa piaXXov 133 
 pikv €TrCcrTev(Tav, avTrjKOOL be ^ovXr]6evT€s Irt yevicrOai avTov 
 Ylava-aviov tl XeyovTos, duo irapaa-Kevrjs tov dvdpcoirov 
 €Tt\ TaCvapov Ik€Tov oixop.4vov kqI (rKr]vrj(rap.ivov bLTrXrjv 
 132. 17. Kal tovt' ld6K(i] Strove conjectures teal tot* I5o««. 
 
 I. 188, 134. B, C, 478-468. 01. 75. 3 — 78. I. 
 
 77 
 
 5 bia<f)pdyiiaTL KoXv^rjv, €S rjv rwr [re] ^(l)6p(t>v evTos Tivas and his 
 iKpxjyjrei /cat HavcravCov &)9 avTOV iXOovTos /cat ipoi)T&vTos becomes 
 Triv Trp6(f)a(ri,v ttjs iKeTeCas "ja-OovTo irdvTa (ra<p&s, alTKupLevov manifest 
 I TOV dvOpcaiTOV Td re irepl avTov ypa(f)ivTa Kal tolXX! diro^ 
 
 <i>aivovTos KaO* ^KacTov, wy ovbev -TrcttTTore avTov kv Tals 
 10 TTpos jSaa-iXea biaKOvCais Ttapa^aXoLTo, irpoTLp-rjOeCrj 8' iv 
 t(r<a rots ttoXXoIs tQv btaKovcov diroOavelv, KaneCvov avra 
 TavTa ^vvopLoXoyovvTos Kal irepl tov nrapovTos ovk e&vTos 
 6pyC(ea-dai, dXXa ttCotlv c/c tov Upov bibovTOs ttjs dva- 
 0Tci(rea)s /cat d^LovvTos ws rd^^tora iropevea-dai Kal [irj to. 
 15 irpaa-aropLeva StaKcoXvetr. 
 134 ^ AKOvcravTes be d/c/ot/3d)5 t6t€ fxkv dirrjXOov oi icjyopoi, He escapes 
 ^e^aibis be rjb-q eiboTes ev t^ TrdAet T7]v ^XXrjxj/iv eiroL- ^gj^ple of 
 ovvTo, XeyeTaL b' avTov p.eXXovTa ^vXX7]<l)6ri(Te(T6ai ev Trj Athene. 
 6b<D, €:/6s piev t&v e(^6p(av to irpocrtoTrov TTpocnovTos ws ct8e, walled up 
 5 yv&vai e</)' <a ex(iipeij dXXov be vevp.aTi d(f>avei xprjaapievov there, and 
 
 Kal brjXcoa-avTOS evvoia irpos rd iepov ttjs XaXKioUov \<t>- out just in 
 
 '■^ s' > u. ".^s^'^—v—' time to die 
 
 prjo-ai opopi<D /cat irpoKaTa<pvyeLv rjv eyyvs to Tefievos. ^ • . 
 
 Kat Is otKTjpia ov jLteya 6 rjv tov iepov ecreX6<av, Iva jut^ [468?]. 
 
 VTTaCdpLOs TaXaLTroi}poCr]j r]aij\aCev. oi be to irapavTiKa piev 
 
 10 V(TTepr](rav Trj 5tca^et, pieTa be tovto tov Te olK-qpLaTos tov 
 6po<f>ov d(f)elXov KOX rds dvpas, evbov ovTa Trfprjo-avTes avTov 
 Kal aTroXajBovTes eXcra), dir<aKob6pLr}<rav, T:po(TKaQe^6p.evoi Te 
 e^eTToXiopKrja-av Xipta, Kal pLeXXovTos avTOv diroyj/vxeiv u>a-- 
 irep et^ei^ ev to) otKiJ/mart, aiadopLevoC Te e^dyovcriv eK tov 
 
 15 iepov Irt epLTTvovv ovTa, Kal e^a^dels diredave Tsapayjprjp.a. 
 
 Kal avTov epLeXXrjcrav pLev es tov KatdSar, ovirep tov? Apollo is 
 
 KaKovpyovs, epL^dXXeiv eireiTa ebo^e 7rXr}a[ov ttov KaTO- commands 
 
 pv(aL, 6 be Beds 6 ev AeXcbols tov Te Td(t)ov varepov reparation 
 y «A^ / ^ 9^ . f^ to Athene. 
 
 e\prj(T€ Tots AaKeoat/xortots p.eTeveyKeiv ovirep aireOavev 
 
 133. 5. T€ is hard to explain and does not afifect the meaning. 
 It is therefore bracketed here. 
 
 134. II, 12. dvpas,] uaoj,'] Bekker ^v/xzs] iiaa/]. 
 
78 
 
 Themisfocles, 
 
 I. 134-136. 
 
 Themis- 
 tocles, now 
 ostracised, 
 [471 ?] is 
 implicated 
 in the trea- 
 son of 
 Pausanias. 
 
 Pursued 
 by the 
 Athenians 
 and Lace- 
 daemo- 
 nians, and 
 refused 
 protection 
 at Corcyra, 
 he finds 
 refuge with 
 Admetus, 
 
 (/cat vvv /cetrat kv rcS 7rpoT€jjL€v[(rfJLaTL, h ypa(f)rj crTfjkaL 20 
 brjXova-Lv) kol <as ayos ai'Tols ov rb TTcirpayp.ivov bvo 
 <T(Lp.aTa av6^ kvos rfj XoAkioiko) airobovvaL. oi 8e iroi- 
 r)crdpL€V0L ^aXKOvs avbpLdvras bvo ws clvtI Uavcraviov 
 aviOecrav, ol b\ ^A6r]vaioi, ws Ka\ tov diov ayos KpCvavros, 135 
 avTCTTiTa^av roty AaK^baLfMoviois e\avv€iv avro, 
 
 Tov be jjLrjbLo-fjLOv tov TlavcravLov AaKeSat/xowot TrpeV/Scty 
 ireixxj/avTcs irapa tovs ^A6r]va[ovs fvi'eTrryrtwrro kol tov 
 SepLLOTOKkea, wj evpiaKOv ex Ttav TTfpl IIav(ravCav eXeyx^^j 5 
 •q^iovv T€ Tols avTols KoKdCccrOaL avTov. oi be 'neiaSevTes * 
 {eTvyje yap d)aTpaKLa-fjLevos Kal i\(iiv bCaLTav fiev iv "Apyei, 
 eirKfyoLTc^v bk Kal es Tr}V aWrjv UeXoTrovvrja-ov) TTefiirova-i 
 pLeTCL tQv AaKebaLfJLOVLfDV eToCfxaiv ovtchv ^vvbitaKeiv dvbpas 
 61s etprjTo hyeiv oirov av irepLTV^ooa-LV, 'o 
 
 *0 be QepLL<TTOK\r]s irpoaLa-OojjLevos (t>evyei. eK UeXoirov- 136 
 vrjaov es KepKVpav, obv avT&v evepyeTrjs. bebUvai be 
 (l)a(rK6vT(ji)V KepKvpaiODV Ix^'^ avTov axTTe AaKebaLpiovCoLS 
 KOL ^AOrjvaCoLs aTTeyOearOaiy biaKOfiC^eTaL vii avT(ov es Tr]v 
 Jjireipov 77/2/ KaTavTLKpv. Kal bioiKopLevos vtto T(ov tt/joo'- 5 
 TeTayjjievcov KaTa ttvotlv fj ^copoirj^ avayKd^eTaL koto, tl 
 CLTTopov TTapa "AbpiTjTov TOV Mo\o(Ta(av ^aaiKea ovTa avT^ 
 ov ^iXov KaToXvaai, Kal 6 p.ev ovk eTv\ev eTnbrjiJL&v, 6 
 be TTJs yvvaLKos UeVr;? yevofxevos btbda-KeTaL vt: avTTJs tov 
 iralba a-cp&v kajSiov KaOC^ecrOai iirl T-qv eariav, koI ek- 10 
 OovTos ov TToXv varepov tov 'AS/itJtov brjXol re 6s eoTLVy 
 KOL OVK d^Lol, et TL CLpa avTos dvTelirev avT<D ^AO-qvaCoiv 
 Seofxero), (fyevyovTa TLpL(jDpel(TdaL' Kal yap hv vtt eKeivov 
 TToA-Ao) da-Oevea-Tepov ev rw irapovTL KaK(os irda^eiv, yevvalov 
 b^ eTvaL TOVS opioCovs diro tov t(rov Tip^oopela-QaL, Kal dpia 15 
 avTos pev eKeCvia xpeCas tlvos Kal ovk es to a&pa (r<a^e(TBai 
 evavTLcoOrjvaLj eKeivov 5' dvy el eKboCrj avTov, (eliTojv v(f> (av 
 
 136. 14. dadfveffTfpov] Or daOtviarepos (a correction in one MS., 
 adopted by Poppo and others). 
 
 1. 136, 137. B, c. 471-465. 01. yy. 2—78. 4. 
 
 79 
 
 Kat icf) <a StwAccrat) o-ioTrjpLas ^v ttjs "^vxrjs dirocrTeprja-aL. 6 
 be aKovcras dvLo-Trjo-C re avTov pi,eTd tov eavTov vleos, &(nrep 
 30 Kal exoiv avTov eKaOe^eTO, Kal pLeyLorov 7J1; UiTevpa tovto, 
 137 f^ol vorepov ov iroKkiD toIs AaKebaLpovioLs Kal ^AO-qvaiois 
 i\dovai Kal iroXka elTTOvcTLV ovk eKbibcoa-Lv, dAA.' diroa-TiWei 
 fiovXopevov m fiaa-iKea TropevOrjvai. iirl ttjv hepav ddXaa-- 
 a-av ireCfj ^^ Uvbvav ttjv 'AXe^dvbpov, 
 5 Ei; 7^ okKdbos Tvxcav dvayop.evr)s e-n ^loavias kolI ein^as 
 KaTacfyepeTai x^t/xcSz^t es to 'AOrjvaCcDv orpaToireboVy eiro- 
 kiopKeL Nd^ov. Kai {rjv yap dyvias toIs ev ttj vrjt) beCaras 
 (ppdCeL TO) vavKkripio octtls eorl Kal 8t' h (pevyeL, Kal el 
 fATj (TioaeL avTov, i(pr) epeiv otl xPW^-^^ Treta-Oels avTov 
 10 dyec TTJV be dcr^dkeiav elvai p.r]beva eKJBrjvai eK Ttjs 
 veo>s pexpi irkovs yivrjTai' ireiOop.evia 8' avT^ x^P'^ 
 dTTop.vrj(Te(rOm d^Lav. 6 be vavKkrjpos iroieX Te TavTa Kal 
 diroa-akeva-as ijfiepav Kal vvKTa virep tov (TTpaToirebov 
 varepov dc^nKvelTai es ''E(f)e<rov, 
 15 Kat 6 QepLOTOKkijs eKeivov Te eOepd-irevare xPVf^^T^^ 
 boa-eL {^kOe yap avT^ vcTTepovjK Te 'A6rjV(ov irapd tQv 
 i^Ckiiiv Kal e^ "Apyovs h viretei^eiTo) Kal p^eTot tS^v kqtu) 
 Uepa-iav tlvos iropevdels dv(o ea-nipiiiei ypdppaTa wy jBaa-ikea 
 'ApTa$ep^r]V tov Bep^ov vecocTl fiacrikevovTa, ebrjkou b' 
 20 f} ypa(t)rj otl " QepLo-TOKkfis tJko) irapd o-^, hs KaKO, pev 
 TTkela-Ta ^Ekkrjvoiv eXpydcrpaL tov vpeTepov oIkov, ocrov 
 Xpdvov TOV (TOV iraTipa eTTLpvTa epol dvdyKrj rip.vv6prjv, irokv 
 b eTL irkeCco dyaOd, €7r€t8r), ev ro) a(r(f)akel p.ev epLOL, eKeiviti 
 be ev eiTLKLvbvvio 7raA.tr rj aTTOKopLbrj eylyvero, KaC p.0L evep- 
 25 yecria d(f)eikeTai " {ypdyj/as ttjv eK ^akaplvos irpodyyeka-LV 
 TTJs dvax(t)pwe(t}s Kal ttjv t&v yecpvpStv, rjv xj/evbm irpoa-- 
 eiTOLria-aTOy rore 6t' avTov ov bLdkva-Lv), " /cat vvv ex(*)v (re 
 p.eydXa dyaOd bpacraL irdpeipLy bLa)K6p.evos virb t(ov 'Ekk-q- 
 V(t>v bLCL TTJV (rrjv (pLklav. fiovkopaL 8' evLavTov €7rt(rxa)i^ 
 30 avTos a-oL irepl Stv rJKd) 8r/Ad)o-at.^' 
 
 who sends 
 him to the 
 King. 
 
 He escapes 
 the Athe- 
 nian fleet 
 which is 
 besieging 
 Naxos. 
 
 He writes 
 to Arta- 
 xerxes 
 (who had 
 recently 
 succeeded 
 Xerxes) 
 [465] men- 
 tioning his 
 services to 
 Xerxes 
 after 
 Salamis. 
 
8o 
 
 Themistocles, 
 
 I. 138. 
 
 Artaxerxes 
 
 receives 
 
 and 
 
 honours 
 
 him. 
 
 Themis- 
 tocles' 
 originality 
 and force 
 of cha- 
 racter. 
 
 His death 
 and burial. 
 
 Bao-tXci/s hiy ws A^yerat, iOavfiao-i re avrod ttjv biavoLav 138 
 Koi iK€\€V€ TTOLelv ovTO)?. 6 6' iv T<a xpovi^ OV €TT4aX€ 
 TTJs Hcpa-ibos y\(a(r(rqs Sera ibvvaTo Karfvofjac koX t&v 
 CTrtrT/^ev/xaro)!/ r^y ;(<opas* a(f>LK6fX€vos b€ fiera rov eviavrbv 
 yiyvcraL Trap' avr^ ^eyas /cat o(70$ ovbeis tjo) FiW-qvoav 5 
 bid T€ r^z^ TTpovirdp^ova'av a^Loaa-Lj/ kol tov 'EWrjviKOV 
 iXiribaj rjv vTreTidci avrio bov\(a(r€LVj fidKiara be diro tov 
 TT^lpav bibovs (vv€t6s <t>aCi;€(T6aL, . ' ■ 
 
 Hv yap 6 0€iJiL(jTOK\rjs ^epaiorara bi] (f)V(T€(as Icr^vv 
 brjXiaaras koI bLa(f)€p6jrra)s tl €S ovto pLoWov kripov a^ios lo^ 
 6avpid(raL' oiKcia yap ^uz^co-et, /cat ovt€ irpopLaOoip ^^ . o-vnivj^^^^ 
 ovbev ovT €TTLiJLad<aVf T(jdv re itapaj^jprnia bC kXaxtirrris 
 ^ovKris KpoLTiCTTos yv(opL(t)v Kal T<av fJL€W6vT(t)v eTTt TrXe'ia'- 
 TOV TOV y€vr](rofi4vov apLoros elKacrTrfs. Kal h pikv p.€Ta 
 X€ipas ^xoi, Kal c^-qyrjaraa-daL olos r€, &v 5' aireLpos etr/, 15 
 Kplvai LKav&s ovK cLTrriXXaKTO' to re afxetvov r) x^^P^^ ^^ 
 rw d<f)av€L ert irpo€(opa /xdAtora. Kal to ^vpLirav eiirclv, 
 <^V(rea)? jikv bwdfJieL /LteXeVr/y 8e fipaxvTrjTi KpoLTLoros bri 
 ovTos avTOcrx^bid^CLV to. bioirra iyev^To- 
 
 Noo-Tjo-as be TeKevra tov fiioV Xiyova-i. be rtres fcat 20 
 eKOva-iov (jyapfxdKiD diioOaveiv avTOVy dbvvaTOV vofxia-avTa 
 elvaL eiTLTeXea-aL ^aaiXel h VTreo^ero. pLvrjpielov fxev ovv 
 avTOv ev Mayvrja-Ca eort r^ ^Aa-iavrj ev rj dyopa' TavT-qs 
 yap rjpxt ^^^ X^P^^' bovTos ^acrtX^cos avT(D Mayvrja-iav 
 fxev dpTOV, rj 'jrpO(T€(f)epe irevrriKovTa TdXavTa tov evLavTov, 25 
 Adp.ylraKov be dlvov (eboKei yap iroXvoivoTaTov T(av t6t€ 
 elvaijj MvovvTa be oyjcav. tcl be oara (jyacrl KOfjLKrBrjvai avTov 
 ol T:po(Tr]KovTes olKabe KeXevcravTos eKeivov kolL Tedrjvat 
 Kpv<t)a ^Adrjvaioiv ev t^ 'Arrt/crj* ov yap e^rjv OditTeiv wy 
 eTTt TTpobocrCq (\)evyovTos. to. [xev KaTa Tlavcraviav tov 30 
 AaKebaLfioviov Kal QepaaroKXea tov ^AOrjvalov, XapLirpoTd- 
 Tovs yevop.evovs t&v KaO^ eavTovs 'EAX^rcDr, ovtcos ere- 
 kevrqcrev. 
 
 / 
 
 I. 139, 140. 
 
 Final negotiations. 
 
 81 
 
 139 ^ AaKebo.ip.6v\.oi b' eirl fxev ttJs TrpairT/? Trpeo-^et^s roiaCra The Lace- 
 ^^^'^«C«i' J€ Kal CLVTeKeXeva-Orja-aj^ Trepl Tiav evaydv ttJs ^f^^^" 
 iXdcrem' ^jr^^ov be (l>OLT&vTes irap' 'AOrivaCov^ Hon Way mand the 
 re aTrarroraq^at eKeXevov /cat Atytz^az; avTovofiov d(jiieva.L, *?e^'"^ °^ 
 5 Kal fidXiord ye irdvTcov Kal evbrjXoTaTa irpovXeyov to TrepV blockade 
 ^^^y^P^^l iJ4>^cT^a p,^ hv yiyve^Oai TrJXe^oz., dL^he 
 
 ev a> eipriTO avTovs firj xPWOai roty Xt/xeVi rots ev rrj ^"^^F"- 
 'AdrjvaCcov dpxv t^V^e ttJ 'AttlkjJ dyopa, oi b' We^valoL iTgTnr/ 
 ''fe/^^'* '^'^i'^'^y^^ ^^^^ ^o ^/^7?>to-/xa KaOypovv, '^'^^''^a-''^^^^^"'^ 
 10 XovvT^s: eirepyacrCay Meyapeva:LTfis yrjs ttJs iepas Kal rT/y repeal ^of 
 dopLo-Tov Kal dvbpaiTobcav VTwboxr)J> tQv d(t>L(rTau.ev(ov. reXoy ^^^- ^^^' 
 Oe a(t)LKoixevaiv tQv TeXevTamv -npecr^eiav U AaKebalfiovos, decree'; 
 'PaiJ,(f)iov re /cat MeXrja-LTnrov Kal ' Ayqa-dvbpov, Kal Xe- 
 yovTcov dXXo iiev ovbev ^v irpoTepov elo^de'crav, avTa be ra8e 
 15 ort AaKeSat/zoVtot /SovXovTai ttjv elprivr]v elvai, etrj 8' hv and as an 
 et roi;y "EXXr^z/ay aiTovdfxovs dc^etre, Trot^o-az^rey ^KKXrjcriciv^he'^tnd^' 
 ol 'AOrjvaloL yv(op,as cr(t)L(TLv clvtoIs -npovTiBetrav, Kal ^eboKel pendence ^ 
 ttTTof Trept ttTTaz^rcoz; /BovXevcrafxevovs diTOKpLma-dai, *jat °^ ^^^^^^"' 
 TraptoWey aXXot re iroXXot IXeyoz;, eTr' dp.(f>6Tepa ytyyop^evoi 
 2oraty yz^oi/xaiy, Kal ^s XPV 'TToXefxelv Kal cLy fxrj ifXTrdbtov 
 elvai TO frjtpLo-p^ elprjvrjs dXXd KaOeXelv, koI TrapeXdoiv 
 UepLKXijs 6 BaveCiTTTOV, dvrjp KaT eKeivov tov xpdvov itpSi- Speech of 
 Tos^AdrjvaLOiv, Xiyeiv re Kat 7r/)dor<retz; Swaroiraroy, itaprivei, ^^''''''^^^' 
 rotate. 
 
 140 ^ ", Tijy p.\v yv(^ixrjs S> 'Adr^vaioL del rfjs avTrjs exoptai, jx^ We must 
 
 et/cetz; neXo7roz;z;??o-ioty, /catTrep etSwy rovy dveoiairovs ov V^^^^""^ ^"°' 
 , « ,''\ « , - / ^'^ ^ t' and accept 
 
 avrp opyp avaneieoiievgvs re iroXej^etz; |Xat ev t^ ^pyca the conse- 
 
 irpdaa-ovTas, irpbs bk rdy ^v^jiffophs K^Tds yvc^fxa^ rpeTT- '^''''''''• 
 
 5 ojievovs. opw 8e Kat vvv ofxola Kal -napairXriaLa ^u/x- 
 
 fiovXevTea /xot^oz/ra, Kat roi-y dz-aTiet^lo/xeVouy vp.Civ ilKaloi 
 
 Tols KOLvfj b6^a<riv, ^v dpa tl Kal (T(f>aXX(aiie6(i,rpor]6eli>, ^ 
 
 lir]be KaTopOovvTas ttjs ivveaecos pLeTaTroLela-daL. evbeyeTaL 
 
 yap ray ^vp.<f>6pas t&v irpayixdrcav ovx^rjcro-ov dfiaOias x^- 
 
B2 
 
 speech of Pericles. 
 
 I. 140, 141. 
 
 The Lace- 
 daemo- 
 nians reject 
 arbitration. 
 
 If for the 
 sake of 
 peace you 
 give way 
 about 
 Megara, 
 you may 
 as well do 
 all you are 
 told. 
 
 Our 
 enemies 
 have no 
 source of 
 wealth but 
 their own 
 labour ; 
 personally 
 brave, they 
 
 pyja-aL rj koI tcls biavoCas rod avdp(0TT0v' hkoirep koI rrji; lo 
 Tvxn^i oo'ci OLV Ttapa Xoyov ivp-Pfj, d(adaji€V alrLaa-daL. 
 
 AaKibaipLOVLOL be irporepov re brjXoi rja-av einPovXevovTes 
 rffxiv KOL vvv ovx rJKLo-Ta. elprjfxivoi^ yap bUas p-€V tS>v 
 bLa(t)6p(DV aXkrjXoLS bibovai, koI bexea-Oatt ix^iv be kKari- 
 povs h exofxevy ovre avrol bUas Trai -^rrja-av ovre r)fi(av 15 
 bibovToiv bexovraiy ^ovkovTai b^ TroXe/xo) fiaXXov r) Xoyois 
 TCL eyKXrifxara biaXvecrdaL, kol eirLTda-a-ovres ijb-q koI ovKeri 
 atrtwfxerot irapeLo-LV. riortSatas re yap airavLOTaa-BaL k€~ 
 Xevova-L Kal kXyivav avrovofxov a(\>ievaL Ka\ to Meyapeaiv 
 y\rri<pi(T\xa KaOaipeiv ol be reXevra'ioL otbe iJKovTes Kal tovs 20 
 "EXX-qvas Tipoayopevovcnv avTov6\xovs a<^ievai. vp.(av be fxr;- 
 beh vofjLLo-r] ire pi fipaxeos hv iroXepielv, el to Meyapeoiv 
 \lrri(f)L(rpLa fXTj Ka6eXoLp.ev, oirep pLoXicTTa TTpovxovTaLy el KaO- 
 aipeOeif], p.rj av yiyvecrdai tov iroXepiOv' pirjb^ ev vfuv avToh 
 ahCav vTToXCiTr]<T9e m bia fXLKpov eiroXepLrjo-aTe. to yap 25 
 fipaxv TL TovTo TTaa-av vp.GiV exei ttjv ^e^aCioaiv Kal ireipav 
 TTJs yrcojut7/s. oU el ^vyx^^p^^^Te^ KaX aXXo tl fxelCov evdvs 
 eiTLTaxOriaia-de o)? (^o/3<i) Kal tovto viraKova-avTes' aTi- 
 LcrxvpLO-dfjievoL be (raijyes av KaraoTTyo-atre avTols airb tov 
 L(T0v vplv pLoXXov TrpocrKJyepecrOaL. 3° 
 
 AvToOev br] b(.avori6r}Te rj viraKOveLV irpiv tl ^Xafirivai, r\ 141 
 c^ TToXefxriaopLfVy ws ep-oiye apLeivov boKel elvai, Kal ein. 
 iieyaXri kox eiA ^paxeia ofioiais TTpo(t>a(Tei [ir] el^ovTes p.y]be 
 ^v </)o/3(i) e$ovTes h KeKTrjpLeOa' ttjv yap avTr}v bvvaTai 
 bovXcoa-LV rj re fxeytorr; Kal eXax^o'Tx] StKatoxrts airb t^v 5 
 bp^omv Ttpb hJ.Kr]s toIs ireXas einTacr(Top.€vr]» 
 
 Ta^bk^Tov TToXefxov /cat t&v cKaTepoLs viMpxoVTOiv ws 
 ovK aaOevearepa e^op.ev^ yrwre \a^' eKaarov aKovovTes, 
 avTovpyoL re yap elat, TleXoTTovvriaLOL Kal ovre ibla ovt 
 ev Kotrw XPVH-^T^ eariv avTots, eireiTa ^qvCiov 7:oXep.u)v 10 
 Kal bLaTTOvTmv aireipot, hia to jSpa^^ecos avToi ei: aXX'qXovs 
 v-nb T^evias iiTKpepeLv. " Kal ol tolo^tol ovTe vavs .'jrXr]povvTes 
 
 1.141,142. B,C, 431. 01. 87.2. 8^ 
 
 « 
 
 ovre Tre^s crrpaTLas ttoXXolkls eKTrefxireLV bvvavTai, 0.1:0 roir cannot face 
 lbL(av re a/xa aTToVe? Kal airb t&v avT(av baTravwvres Kal r,ense'o{ a. 
 
 15 TTpoaeTL Kal 6aX6,(T(rr]s eipyofxevoL' al be^ Tre^tovoriat tovs ^o°§ and 
 TToXepLovs pLoXXov rj al fiiaioi e(r<f)opal avexovtrlv, (T(ofjLa<rC war. 
 re eTOLpLOTepoL ol avTovpyol t&v avOpdi'nuiv ^ XPW^^^ "^o- 
 Xepielv, TO jmer Tnarbv exovTes eK t(ov KLvbvv(t>v kclv irept- 
 yeveaOai, to b\ oy ^e^aibv p.7] ov 'npoavaXdcreiv, aXXoa^ 
 
 20 re Kav irapa bo^av, OTrep etKoj, 6 iroXepios avTols pirjKVvrjTaL, 
 pidxiJ f^^^.y^P M'? '"'Po^ ^Trai'ras '^EXXrjvas bvvaTol YleXoirov- 
 vrjo-LOL Kal pi ivfifxaxpi' avTicrxelv, TToXeixelv be /xr) -7700? 
 opLoCav avTLTTapacTKevrjV abvvaTOLj oTav pirfTe fiovXevT-qpCia They have 
 evl 'xpiofxeuoL Trapaxprjfid tl ofews eTTLTeX&a-Lv, irdvTes^ re coimcul^"^ 
 
 25 la-oxIf-qipoL ovTes Kal ovx b[x6(f)vXoL Tb e<|)' eavTov eKaa-Tos they are 
 
 ''& . '>t'"''f'' J \''^ ^^ 1 - \V > /, ■ \ V divided in 
 
 o-irevorj e^ (av (piXeL pirjoev eiTLTeXes yLyvea-dai» kol yap interests ; 
 
 ol fikv 0)9 pLoXLora TLULaypiiaaa-daC TLva BovXovraL, ol be ws ,^^f7 ^d^ k- «.C 
 
 rjKLora Ta oiKeta (pOeLpm, , xpowpi 1% ^vvLovtes ev y3pax.e*t^and^will 
 
 fxei; /utopto) (TKOirova-C tl t&v kolv&v, rw 6^ TtXeovL to, oueta ^^ 
 
 Zo TTpda-orova-LV. Kal eKaaTos ov^Trapa tt^v eavroO , a/xeAetai; and 
 
 y ,, f . ~t!'^ ^.^y-i/, A^VM^ ,-.^ iJ.j/ u.jj^ VJ ; . ' '-'T^ait 
 
 olerat pXayj/eiVy ueXeiv be . tlvl Kat aXX<p virep eavTov tl 
 
 "npoibeyf, (i)(TTe rw avrw vttd anavToav Ibia bo^da-uaTi 
 
 142 Xavuavecv to kolvov aOpoov (^0eLp6p.evov. }xeyL(Ttov be r?/ 
 
 rwr xpr/jLtarcoi; cnrdv^L KwXvcrorrat, oTav o-voXfj avTa ^roptfo- 
 
 fievoL bLapLeXX(i)(rLv' tov be 7roX4pi.o\\ ol KOipoLov iieveToL \,^ 
 
 Kal p.r]V ovb^ rj eTTtre^x^^^ ^"^^^ '"o vavTLKbvavTiav ol^lov They may 
 
 5 cl)oPr}67JvaL. Tr)v piev yap x^^^'^or k^ ev elpr\vri ttoXlv ^^^^ ^°^]' 
 
 dvTLTtaXov TiapacTKevda-aa-daLy ?; ttou ^^ev iroXepiLa^e KaTtions 
 
 y *■ »/««> / ./ against our 
 
 ovx W<^ov eKeLvoLs 7]pL(av avTeirLTeTeLxio-pievodv. (t)povpLpv territory 
 
 5' et iroLrjo-ovTaLi r^s fiev ^rjs fiXdiTTOLev av tl pLepos KaTa- but we can 
 
 i V » -c...^. ,.>A- , ^ ft, y , do the 
 
 war 
 "traits for 
 no man. 
 
 r/UK** 
 
 bpop.aU Kal avrofxoAtat?, ov pievTOL iKavov ye enTaL eTrtretX" same to 
 10 L^eLV re KoaXveLv rjpias TrXevcavTas es ttjv eKeivoav Kal ^V^* ^^ 
 ^^TTep l(rxvop.ev tols ^ vavcrlv dpiVvea-daL' 7rXeo« yap fjpieU our fleet 
 
 V ' -'/s 
 
 '^ ? 
 
 exopiev TOV KaTa yrjv eK tov vavTLKOv ep.neLpLa 
 Ik tov KaT TjTreLpov es to. vavTLKd. 
 
 G 2 
 
 Las rj eKet; 
 
 eKeiroi 
 
7 
 
 IT*"* 
 
 83 
 
 speech of Pericles. 
 
 I. 140, 141. 
 
 The Lace- 
 daemo- 
 nians reject 
 arbitration. 
 
 If for the 
 sake of 
 peace you 
 give way 
 about 
 Megara, 
 you may 
 as well do 
 all you are 
 told. 
 
 Our 
 
 enemies 
 have no 
 source of 
 wealth but 
 their own 
 labour ; 
 personally 
 brave, they 
 
 p^o-at 17 Kat raj hiavoias tov avep(OTTOV' bioir^p koL ttjv 10 
 Tvxn^i oo'CL CLV Trapa Xoyov ivpiPfj, €l<o6ap.€V alTLaa-dai. 
 
 AaK€baLp.6vioL be irporepov t€ brjkoL ^cav km^ovXevovTes 
 j)fuv Kal vvv ovx rJKLo-Ta. elprjixivov yap bUas fJ^ev T(^r 
 bLa(t)6paiv aWriKoLS bibovai koI bex^a-dai, ix^LV 6e eKare- 
 povs h Ixofxcr, ovT€ avTol bUas iroi yTrjaav ovre r)p.(ov 15 
 bibovToiv bixovraiy fiovkovrai b\ 77o\€fi<a ^xaXXov rj Xoyots 
 TO, iyKkrifxaTa biaXvecrOaL, kol eTTLTaa-crovTes ijbr] kol ovk4tl 
 atrtwfierot -napucTiv. Uoribaias re yap a-navia-raaSai kc- 
 XevovcTi Ka\ klyivav avrovofiov acjyLivaL Kal to Meyapcwi; 
 \jfri(j)L(Tixa KaOaipeiV ol 6e TeXevraloL otbe rJKovT€S Kal tovs 20 
 "EXX-qvas irpoayopevova-LV avTovopiovs a(^Uvai. vp.SiV 8e fx?]- 
 beh vo^jLLo-rj TTcpl Ppaxios hv TToXcfxelv, €t to Meyapioiv 
 y\rri<\)ia\xa /xt) KadeXoipL^v, oirep {laXiarTa irpovxovTaL, 6t Ka6- 
 aLpedeiT], /ut) av yiyvea-Oai tov iroAe/xor* tirjb" €V vpXv avTois 
 aWCav viroXiTTrjo-de m bia puKpov k'noXep.ricraTe. to yap 25 
 jBpaxv TL TovTO TTaa-av vp.Siv ex^t rr)r fiejBaCcDcrLV Kal irelpav 
 TTJs yv(op.i}S. oU ei $vyx(»ipW^T€, Kal aXXo rt p.€lCov evOvs^ 
 €TnTaxOri(T€(Td€ ws (t)6fi<D Kal TOVTO viraKOvaavTes' air- 
 la-xvpia-afxevoL be crac^e? av KaTaorrnraiTe avTols airo tov 
 taov v\xiv p.aXXov TTpoa^epea-Oai. ^ 
 
 AvToOev br] biavorierjT€ rj viraKOveiv TrpCv tl pXaprjvai, r) 141 
 6^ TroXe/XTjo-ofxer, ws e/xotye apLeivov boKei etrat, Kat eiri 
 IxeyaXrj Kal em l^paxeia ofioim Trpoc^ao-et /xt) el^ovTes /xr^5e 
 $vv (t)6p(a €^ovT€S h KeKTr]p.e6a' ti]V yap avTi]V bvvaTai 
 bovXcdo-LV rj re pLeyla-T-q Kal eXax^o'Trj StKatwcrts airo rwr 5 
 6pL0L(t)V TTpo .diKT]? Tols TTeXas eTTLTaa-aofxevrj. ^^ 
 
 To^de'roO -noXiixov kox t&v eKaTepoLS vMpyoVTUiv ws 
 ovK aa-eeviarepa e^ojuier, yv&T€ ^Ka6' eKacTTOV aKOVOVTes, 
 avTovpyol re yap elai YleXonovvricnoi kox ovre Ibia ovt 
 €v KOLv^ xP'jjutara eortr airroiSy eTretra, xpov^^v TroXe/xo)]; 10 
 Kal biaiTOVTrnv airetpot bta to J^pax^m avTol eir' aXXriXovs 
 v-no -nevias ki:i4>ipeiv:"' kal 01 Toio'i!)Toi ovre vavs .T:Xr]povvTes 
 
 I. 141, 142. B.C. 431. 0/. 87. 2. 
 
 83 
 
 '^X\ 
 
 A 
 
 4 •^J-V'-*:. 
 
 ovTe TteCas a-TpaTias ttoXXclkls eKirepLireLv bvvavTai, airo rOtv cannot face 
 lbi(»)v re a/xa anoVTes Kal airo t&v avT&v baTrav&vres , Kal ^^j^^^f ^^ 
 
 15 T^poa-eTL Kal 6aXda-(rr}s elpyofxevoL' al 8e7reptovtrtat rows lo°g and 
 TToXejjLovs piaXXov rj ai ^Caioi iacpopal di/^xo^^'^* o'w/xao't war. 
 re kTOLfxoTepoi oi avTovpyol t&v avOpcoircdv rj XPW^^^ t^^' 
 Xepielv, TO pi€v ttlotov exovTes €k t5>v KLvbuv<ov kolv Trept- 
 yevecrOai, rd 5e ov ^ejBouov fir} ov 'npoavaX(oa€LVj aXXo)? 
 
 20 re Kav irapa bo^av^ oirep eiKOj, 6 iroXefxos avTols p.r]KVvr]TaL. 
 H'^XV H'^J^y^P fita irpbs airavTas "EXXrjvas bvvaTol YleXoirov- 
 vrjo-LOL Kal pi ^vpLpLaxat avTLo-xdv, TroXe/xetr 5e pirj Trpbs 
 ofxoLav avTLTTapaa-Kevrjv abvvaToty oTav firiTe l3ovX€VTr]p[(a They have 
 €vVxp(ap.€voL irapaxprj^id tl o^im eTTtreXwo-ti;, Traz^rey re ^ounca^^"^ 
 
 25 l(T6\\fr](\}0i ovT€S Kol ovx o/xo<^vXot TO e</)' kavTov €Ka(TT0S they are 
 
 'S5 . 'A ♦ J \ '^ <>v 9 ^^ \< / /I \ V divided in 
 
 o-iT€VOri e^ (av (ptXet [xr)Oev eTrtreXey yiyvea-Oau Kal yap interests ; 
 
 ol pikv ws /xaXt(rra TLuuip-na-aa-OaC Tiva QovXovTai, ol 8e ws ,%/ ^^!^ -*^ 
 
 H . V , . 1^'^^-^ *^'/ /I* f- P'-- \"'^' -^laifemdney 
 
 TiKLora ra otKeta (pveipm. , vportoi re ^vviovte^ ev ppaY.et.and,,will 
 
 fi€v ixopiia (TKOtrova-L rt T(av koivodv, rw be irXiovL to, otxeta "j^^J^^ 
 
 so TTpaa-a-ova-iv. Kal eKacTos ov^irapa T-qv eaurov a/xeXetai; and war 
 
 V o\ f I f\ ^Y"^^" '^N y X V ■ « v"^ '« ^ n^aits for 
 
 oZerat pXa\lfeiv, ueXeti; oe rtrt Kat aXXo) vTrep kavTov rt no mnn 
 
 ... Jl J ^i-A ' ", •. . i- nT c vn--Wv,^,<, -.c.,.^ ..^..| no man. 
 Tipoioeyv, (tiCTTe ro) avro) vttx) aTravTcav tota oo^ao-uari 
 
 142 XavOdvecv to kolvov ddpoov ^OeipopLevov. /xeytcrror be r?/ 
 
 rcSr XP^f>taTw^ (TTrdvei KitiXva-ovTai^ oTav a-yoXfj avTa Trp^tfo- Z' 
 
 LafxeXXoio-LV tov oe iroXejiov ol Kaipol ov fxeveToL ., ,^ ^ 
 
 Kat /x^i; ov8' ^ e'T:LTeCxL(^s ovbe to vavTLKOv avT(ov ol^lov They may 
 
 5 (\)oPr]erivaL. Trjv fxev yap xaA.eTTOj/ Kot ev elprivrj ttoXlv ^^^^^ ^^^^' 
 
 dvTLTtaXov Trapaa-Kevdcraa-OaLf r] ttov ^rj^ev TToXepLLa Ye koll tiohs 
 
 »* ?/<«^ / , , acainst our 
 
 ovx V^^^ov eKeLvoLs rjfxiav arre7rtreretxto-/xez^a)z;. (f)povpLov territory 
 
 5' et TTOLrfo-ovTaL, rrjs fiev ^rjs fSXaiTTOLev dv tl fxepos KaTa- but we can 
 J. « V , -X. ^■■>- '.v^ , r t f y , do the 
 
 OpofiaLs Kat avro/xoXtais, ov jxevTOL LKavov ye ea-TaL eiTLTeLX' same to 
 
 10 [(eLV re KonXveLv rjuas irXeva-avTas es Tnv CKeLvoDV Kal f^^"** 5^ 
 
 fjirep Lo^vofxev rats vavaiv • apweadaL' irXeou yap rjfjLeLs our fleet. 
 
 exofxev tov KaTa yrjv eK tov vavTLKOv e/[X7retpta? rj eKelvoL 
 
 €K TOV KaT rJT^eLpov es to, vavTLKd, 
 
 G 2 
 
 *}f' 
 
 Mil 
 
 «« 
 
7 
 
 V 
 
 84 
 
 speech of Pericles. 
 
 I. 143, 143. 
 
 Sr-^ 
 
 Their navy 
 can never 
 equal ours, 
 which will 
 keep them 
 off the 
 seas ; and 
 a navy 
 cannot be 
 trained at 
 odd times. 
 
 They are 
 not likely 
 to win over 
 our alien 
 seamen by 
 higher pay : 
 if they do, 
 we can 
 man the 
 fleet our- 
 selves. 
 
 If they 
 ravage 
 Attica, we 
 can re- 
 taliate with 
 our ships ; 
 we have 
 land else- 
 where. 
 Treat the 
 city as an 
 island in 
 the sea ; 
 for the sea 
 is our's : 
 do not risk 
 a battle to 
 
 To 5e rns SaXaa-o-qs €Tn(TTr\ixovas yevia-Oai ov pqbim 
 avTOLS T:po^(r/€vri(T€TaL. om yap i^fxeis /xeXfrwrre? avTo 15 
 evOvs CLTTO T(av U-qbLK^v ki^ipyacrOe TT(as br] avbp^s y€U)pyol 
 Kal ov OakdiTcrLOL, koX -npoaiTi ovb\ ii^\€Tri<Tai kaaoium^ 
 bia TO vcp' W^v TToWals ^vavalv ad e<^op/xeicr^at, a^toz; 
 ^v Ti bp^€v ; \rpQ9fi^vyap6kLyas i(t)opp,ov(ras kIv 5ta- 
 Kivbvv€V(T€Lav, irXiiOei. rr^v apLaOiav OpaavvovTes, iroWakS 20 
 be dpyopievoL rjavxacova-L Kal h t(o jut) /xeXcrwrrt afvv- 
 (TcarepoL ea-ovrai Kal bC airro Kal OKvripoTepoL. to be 
 vavTLKOv Texvris €(ttIv axnrep Kal akXo rt, Kal ovk hbix^TaL, 
 OTav Tvxr]^ ^'^ irapepyov /uteXerao-^at, dXXa p.aXkov ixrjbev 
 €K€Lidi irdpepyov dXXo yiyvecrOaL. * ^^ 
 
 Elt€ Kal KLvri(Tai^T€S T(ov 'OXvpLTTLaa-LV rj AeXfpols XP'?" 143 
 pLCLTcov ixLo-e^ pLeiCovi. ireLp^VTO rjiiiav viroXafielv tovs ^ivovs 
 TQiV vavTcav, fj.r}\ovT(DV fxev r]\xGiV dvTLTrdXaiVy €(rpdvTa)V 
 avTSiv T€ Kal Tcov pieTOLKCDV, betvov av Tjr* vvv be Tobe Te 
 virapxeL, Kal oirep KpaTia-Tov, KV^epvriTas exop^ev iroXiTas 5 
 Kal Tr}V dXXrjv VTir^peaiav /nXelov^ .KaL,dp^lvovs 17 iraaa rj 
 aXXt] 'EXXds. Kal eirfVia KLvbvv<a ovbels av be$atT0 rwr 
 ievMv Ti]v T€ avTOV (pevyeLV Kal jutera ttjs ijcra-ovos a/xa 
 eXmbos, oXiyoiV 7]p.epS>v eveKa p.eydXov p^idBov SoVeco?, 
 eKeivois ^vvaytavi^ecrOai, f^"*,^* ^° 
 
 Kal TO. pkv UeXoTTOVvrja-CoDV Ijutotye TOuavTa Kal -napa- 
 i:Xri(na boKel €tmi, tcl be r}p.eTepa tovt(ov re &v7:ep^ eKeCvois 
 kp.ep.y\rdp.i]v dir'qXXdxOaL Kal aXXa ovk cltto tov Xaov p.eydXa 
 ex^iv, riv T e-nl Tr]V x^^paz; ^jLtwi; ttc^ twcrtr, ^fxets eiA 
 T?> eKeCvdiv irXev(T0vp.e6ay Kal ovkIti U tov 6p.oiov lorat 15 
 UeXo'T:ovvi]<Tov fiepos n r/xr/^^mt Kal tt]V 'Attlktjv airaaav 
 oi pev yap ovx e^ovo-LV olXXtjv dvTiXa^elv dpax^y w'^^^ ^' 
 eo-Tt yrj ttoXXt) Kal ev vrjcrois Kal KaT ijireipov. peya yap 
 TO Ti]S 6aXd(r(T7]S KpaTOs. Jft^exlraade be' el yap ^pev 
 r7;crta)Tai, TLves av dXr/Trrorepot ria-^^v ; Kal vvv XPV otl 20 
 eyyvTaTa tovtov biavo7]6evTas ti]v pev yrjv Kal otKtas d(/)et- 
 
 4 
 
 i 
 
 1.143,144. B.C. 4^1. Ol.Sy.2. 
 
 85 
 
 rat, TTJs be daXdaarjs Kal iroXeois (bvXaKiiv eyeiv, Kal save houses 
 UeXoTTovvqa-LOLs virep avrm' opyicrOivTa^ ttoAXo) irXeLocn 
 p.rj bLap,dxe(T0aL (KpaTrjcravTes Te yap avOis ovk eXdaaocri 
 25 p.axovp.e6a, Kal rjv (r(l>aX5>p^v, tcl tG^v ^vppdxoiy, oOev la- 
 Xyop,ev, TTpoaairoXXvTar ov yap rja-vxda-ova-L^ /x?/ LKavxav 
 rip,(ov ovT(t)v e-n avTovs (TTpaTeveiv), T-qv re oXocjyvpo-Lv prj 
 olKiSiV KoX yrjs TTOLeXaOai, dXka tG>v (rcapLaTcaV ov yap Tabe 
 Tovs avbpas, dAA' ol dvbpes TavTa KT&vTaL. Kal el ^p-qv 
 30 TTeia-eLV vpas, avTovs av e^eXOovras eKeXevov avTO. brjcdaat 
 Kai bel^ai IleXoTTOvvrjo-LOLs otl tovtohv ye eveKa ovx ^^"~ 
 KOVcreaOe. 
 144 IToAAa be Kal aXXa exo) es eXiTiba tov TTepiea-e&OaL, rjv I fear our 
 iOeXrjTe dpxvv Te /utr/ imKTaadai ^p.a iroXepovvTes Kal ^^H^^'''''^ 
 KLvbvvovs avOaipeTovs p.r] Tipoa-TiOeaOai' paXXov yap '7recf)6- 
 p-qpaL Tas oUetas rjp,<av apLapTias rj Tas rwr evavTioav 
 5 biavoias. 
 
 'AAA' eKetra p.ev Kal ev aAAo) Aoyo) apa rots epyoty Tell them 
 b-qXiad-qa-eTaC vvv be tovtols cltto Kptvapevoi aTroTreVV^co/xer, 1 mI ^^rkn 
 Meyapeaj p,ev otl edcrop.ev dyopa Kal Ai/xeVt, xPwOaL, rjv decree ' is 
 Kal AaKebaLp,6vL0L ^evqXaa-Las p.7] ttolQctl p.-qTe rjpCiv p^-qTe con^ary 
 
 10 T(ov TjpeTepoiv ^vp,pdx(*iv (ovTe yap UeXvo KcoAvet ev rats ^° *^^ 
 
 5 - V '«> \ V ^v /v r, » , , , treaty than 
 
 <n:ovbaLS ovTe Tobe), Tas be TroAets ort avTovopiovs d(f)ri- their * alien 
 
 crop.ev, el Kal avTov6p.ovs exovTes eo-Tretcrd/xe^a, Kal OTav ^<^^s,' that 
 KCLKelvoL rats avTcop dirob&a-L iroXeo-L p.71 orcbLcrL rots AaKe- are as 
 baLp.ovLOLs eTTLTrjbeLcas avTovop.eXa-OaL, dXX' avrots eKao-rots they were 
 15 w? PovXovTaL' bUas be otl e6eXop.ev bovvaL Kara rds before the 
 ^vvdriKaSy TToXep.ov be ovk ap^op.ev, dpxop^evovs be apvv- a^their^^ 
 
 ovp,eea. TavTa yap bUaLa Kal irpeiTOVTa apa Tnbe tv °^" f ^^ ' 
 , , , ^ r- J J and that 
 
 TToAet aiTOKpLvaa-aaL. we appeal 
 
 to arbitra- 
 
 144. 10. KcoXvH 61/ reus aTrovdaTs] Dionysius of Halicarnassus (a ^^°"' 
 critic of the Augustan age) reads kojXvu rats anovSais, and explains 
 Kojkvfi as = K<u\v(Tat. 
 
 144. 13. ToTs AaKeSatfxoyiois, perhaps a gloss on cr^tVt as suggested 
 by a scholium here. 
 
 I J 
 
 i 
 
 I > 
 
 14 
 
/ 
 
 il 
 
 86 
 
 Spartan ultimatum refected. 
 
 I. 144-146. 
 
 But war 
 must come. 
 
 The Athe- 
 nians reply 
 accord- 
 ingly. 
 
 War im- 
 minent but 
 not for- 
 mally de- 
 clared. 
 
 nhivai 8e yjpy] oti avayKi] iiokefi^lv' V ^^ cKovVtoi 
 ^aXXov Sexc^W^a, ^V«"o^ iyK€L(TO^ivovs Toh havriovs 20 
 e^ofXiV Ik re rwr fxeytVra)i; KivbvvoiV otl kol iroXet Kat 
 IbKOTT} fi€yL(TTaL Ttjixat irepiyiyvovTai, ol yovv iraripes ^fxwi/ 
 v7:oaTavT€s Mrfbovs, kol ovk oltto TO(r(ovb€ dpix(ofX€voL aXka 
 Kal TCL virdpxovTa UkiTTOvres, yvcopir} re TiAetoi^t^^ tvxii 
 Kal roV?? t^^^Covi V bwdfiei rov re ^dpfiapov d^^^cravTO^ 25 
 Kttt e? ra8e 7rpor}yayor avTa. &v ov XPI keCir^aeai, dXka 
 Tovs re exOpoh Travrl rpoiTiD dixvvea-dai kol rots €TnyLyvo- 
 juierots TTeLpaa-OaL avrd pir] eAao-o-co TrapabovvaL." 
 
 *0 fxer ne/3iK\r> rotaura eiTrei;, ol 8' 'A^rji^atot vop,LcraVT€S 145 
 ^pto-ra o-(|)t(n napaivdv avTov ^r](t)L(ravTO h f'^^'^fvez;, fca^ ^,.,^.->^ 
 rots AaKe8at/xoi;tots dir€KpCvavTO rf; eKetVou yrw/xrj,^ Kar 
 iKao-ra re ws l(t)pa(r€V, kol to ^p.TTav ovbev K^kevofxevoL 
 TTOLTiaeLV^kKrj 8e Kara rds ivvOriKas erot/xot eii^at bLakveaOai 5 
 Trept TMV €yKkr)pLaTG)V eTrt to-T] Kat 6/xota. 
 
 Kat ot juter diT€X(^PWCLV k-n oXkov Kal ovkIti wrepoz; 146 
 iirpea^evovTo, atrtat 8e avrat Kat 8ta(/)opat eyhovTO dp.- 
 (t>oTepoLS TTpo Tov TToXe/uiov, apfa/xemt ev^i/s aTio t^v h 
 'E'TTLbdp.vcD Kal KepKvpa' €TT€p,LywvTo be o/xo)? ei; avrats 
 Kat Trap akk-qkovs e</)otrcor, aKT/pi^Kro)? fxeV, aru7ro7rra)S be 5 
 ov- o-TTOvb(av yap $vyxvcns to. yiyvojxeva ^v Kal Trpo^acrts 
 TOV TTokepielv. 
 
 I 
 
 •*' 
 
 i-jf 
 
 INDEX OF PROPER NAMES. 
 
 (Founded on Bekker and Von Essen.) 
 
 -♦-♦- 
 
 N.B. — T/ie numbers refer to the chapters. Names of peoples mclude 
 names of cities and countries. 
 
 A. 
 
 Acarnanians, 5, iii. 
 
 Achaeans (Homeric'), 3. 
 
 Achaeans, iii, 115. 
 
 Acheron, 46. 
 
 Acherusian Lake, 46. 
 
 Acropolis, the, 126. 
 
 Actium, 29, 30. 
 
 Adeimantus, 60. 
 
 Admetus, 136. 
 
 Aegean sea, the, 98. 
 
 Aegina, Aeginetans, 14, 40, 41, 67, 
 
 105, 108, 139, 140. 
 Aesimides, 47. 
 Aetheeis, loi. 
 Aetolians, 5. 
 Agamemnon, 9. 
 Agesander, 139. 
 Alexander, 57, 137. 
 Ambracian Gulf, 29, 55. 
 Ambraciots, 26, 27, 46, 48. 
 Ameinocles, 13. 
 
 Amphipolis, 100 ( = Ennea Hodoi). 
 Amyrtaeus, no, 112. 
 Anactorians, 29, 46, 55. 
 Andocides, 51. 
 Anticles, 117. 
 Aphytis, 64. 
 Apollo, 13, 29 (25, 118, 123, 126, 
 
 134, 'the God.' See Delphi, 
 
 Pythian oracle). 
 Apollonia, 26. 
 Arcadians, 2, 9. 
 
 Archestratus, 57. 
 
 Archetimus, 29. 
 
 Archidamus, 79, 85. 
 
 Argilians, 132. 
 
 Argives, 3, 9, 102, 107, 135, 137- 
 
 Aristeus son of Adeimantus), 60-65. 
 
 Aristeus (son of Pellichus) , 29. 
 
 Aristides, 91. 
 
 Aristogeiton, 20. 
 
 Arne, 12. 
 
 Artabazus, 129, 132. 
 
 Artaxerxes, 104, 137. 
 
 Asia, Asiatics, 6, 9, 109. 
 
 Asopius, 64. 
 
 Athene (126, 128, 'the Goddess.' 
 
 See Chalcioecos'. 
 Atreus, 9. 
 Attica, 2, 9, 67, 71, loi, 109, 114, 
 
 125, 126, 138, 143. 
 
 B. 
 
 Beroea, 61. 
 
 Boeotians, 2, 10, 12, et passim. 
 
 Boion, 107. 
 
 Bolbe, Lake, 58. 
 
 Bottiaei, 57, 58. 
 
 Bottice, 65. 
 
 Byzantium, 94, 115, 117, 128, 131. 
 
 c. 
 
 u 
 
 Cadmeis, 12. 
 Caeadas, the, 134. 
 
 ' 
 
88 
 
 Index of Proper Names, 
 
 Index of Proper Names. 
 
 89 
 
 Callias (of Corinth), 29. 
 
 Callias (son of Calliades), 61, 62, 
 
 63. 
 
 Callicrates, 29. 
 
 Cambyses, 13, 14. 
 
 Carians, 4, 8, 116. 
 
 Carthaginians, 13. 
 
 Carystians, 98. 
 
 Caunus, 116. 
 
 Cecryphalea, 105. 
 
 Cephallenians, 27, 
 
 Cestrine, 46. 
 
 Chaeronea, 113. 
 
 Chalcidians of Euboea, 1 5. 
 
 Chalcidians of Thrace, 57, 58, 62, 
 
 65. 
 Chrlcioecos (Athene), 128, 134. 
 Chalcis, 108. 
 
 Chersonesus (Thracian), 11. 
 Chians, 19, 116, 117. 
 Chimerion, 30, 46, 48. 
 Cilicians, 112. 
 
 Cimon, 45, 98, 100, 102, 112. 
 Cition, 112. 
 Cleombrotus (father of Nicomedes), 
 
 107. 
 Cleombrotus (father of Pausanias\ 
 
 94. 
 Cleomenes, 126. 
 Colonae, 131. 
 Corcyraeans, 13, 14, 24-55, 57> ^8, 
 
 118, 136, 146. 
 Corinthians, 13, 17, 24, et passim. 
 Coronea, 113. 
 Crisaean Gulf, 107. 
 Croesus, 16. 
 Cyclades, 4. 
 Cyllene, 30. 
 Cylon, 126. 
 
 Cyprus, 9^, 104, 112, 128. 
 Cyrene, 110. 
 Cyrus, 13, 16. 
 Cytinion, 107. 
 
 D. 
 
 Danai, 3. 
 
 Darius, 14, 16. 
 
 Dascyleian Satrapy, 129. 
 
 Delos, 8, 13, 96. 
 
 Delphi, 28, 112, 118, 121, 126, 132, 
 
 134, 143. {See Apollo, Pythian 
 
 oracle.) 
 
 Derdas, 57, 59. 
 Deucalion, 3. 
 Diasia, the, 126. 
 Diotimus, 45. 
 Dolopes, 98. 
 Dorcis, 95. 
 
 Dorians, 12, 18, 24, 124. 
 Dorians (of Doris), 107. 
 Drabescus, 99. 
 
 £. 
 
 Echecratides, iii. 
 
 Edoni, 100. 
 
 Egyptians, 104, 105, 109, no, 112, 
 
 130. 
 Eion, 98. 
 Elaeatis, 46. 
 Eleans, 251, 30, 46. 
 Eleusis, 114. 
 Ennea Hodoi ('Nine Ways,'= Am- 
 
 phipolis), 100. 
 Ephesus, 137. 
 Ephyra, 46. 
 Epicles, 45. 
 
 Epidamnus, 24-29, 34, 35, 38, 146. 
 Epidaurians, 27, 105, 114. 
 Eratocleides, 24. 
 Eretrians, 15. 
 Erineon, 107. 
 
 Euboeans, 23, 89, 98, 114, 115. 
 Eumenides, the (tre/xvat 0€ot), 126. 
 Eurybatus, 47. 
 Eurymedon, the, 100. 
 Eurystheus, 9. 
 Eurytimus, 29. 
 Euthycles, 46. 
 
 G. 
 
 Gerania, 105, 107, 108. 
 Gigonus, 61. 
 Glaucon, 51. 
 Gongylus, 128. 
 
 H 
 
 Habronicus, 91. 
 Hagnon, 117. 
 Halieis, 105. 
 Halys, the, 16. 
 Harmodius, 20. 
 
 Helen, 9. 
 
 Hellanicus, 97. 
 
 H alien, 3. 
 
 Hellespont, the, 89, 128. 
 
 Helots, the, loi, 128, 132. 
 
 Heracles, 24. 
 
 Heraclidae, 9, 12. 
 
 Here, temple of, 24. 
 
 Hermione, 27, 128, 131. 
 
 Hermylians ( = Sermylians), 65. 
 
 Hestiaeans, 114. 
 
 Hipparchus, 20. 
 
 Hippias, 20. 
 
 Homer, 3, 9, 10. 
 
 Hystaspes, 115. 
 
 I. 
 
 Ilium, 12. 
 
 Illyrians, the, 24, 26. 
 
 Inaros, 104, no. 
 
 lolaus, 62. 
 
 lonians, the, 2, 6, 12, 13, 16, 89, 95, 
 
 124, 137. 
 Ionian Gulf, 24. 
 Isarchidas, 29. 
 Isthmus, the, 13, 108. 
 Italia, 12, 36, 44. 
 Ithome, 101-103. 
 
 L. 
 
 Lacedaemon, 18, 43, 57, 58, 67, 72, 
 
 90. 94» 95 » 109. 139- 
 Lacedaemonius, 45. 
 
 Lampsacus, 138. 
 
 Leagrus, 51. 
 
 Lemnos, 115. 
 
 Leocorion, the, 20. 
 
 Leocrates, 105. 
 
 Leogoras, 51. 
 
 Leonid as, 132. 
 
 Leotychidas, 89. 
 
 Lesbians, the, 19, 116, 117. 
 
 Leucadians, 27, 30, 46. 
 
 Leucimne, 30, 47, 51. 
 
 Libyans, 104, no. 
 
 Locri, Opuntii, 108, T13. 
 
 Locri, Ozolae, 5, 103. 
 
 Long Walls, Athens, 69, 90, 107, 
 
 108 ; Megara, 103. 
 
 Lycomedes, 57. 
 
 Ly sides, 91. 
 Lysimachus, 91. 
 
 M. 
 
 Macedonians, 57-62. . 
 
 Magnesia, 138. 
 
 Marathon, 18, 73. 
 
 Marea, 104. 
 
 Massilia, 13, 
 
 Medes, the, 18, et passim. 
 
 MT]5iKa, rd, 14, 41, 69, 73, 97, 142. 
 
 MrjdiKos 7ro'A.€/ios, 90, 95. 
 
 Megabates, 129. 
 
 Megabazus, 109. 
 
 Megabyzus, 109. 
 
 Megarians, 27, 42, 46, 48, 67, 103- 
 
 114, 126, 139, 140, 144. 
 Meiciades, 47. 
 Meilichios (Zeus), 126. 
 Melesippus, 139. 
 Memphis, 104, 109. 
 Mendesian branch of the Nile, no. 
 Messenians, loi (103). 
 Miletus, 115. 
 Miltiades, 100. 
 Minos, 4, 8. 
 Molossians, 136. 
 Mycale, 89. 
 Mycenae, 9, 10. 
 Myronides, 105, 108. 
 Myus, 138. 
 
 N. 
 Naupactus, 103. 
 Naxians, 98, 137. 
 Nicomedes, 107. 
 Nile, the, 104. 
 Nisaea, 103, 114, 115. 
 
 O. 
 
 Oeniadae, ill. 
 
 Oenophyta, 108. 
 
 Olympia, 121, 143. 
 
 Olympian Games, the, 6, 126. 
 
 Olynthus, 58-63. 
 
 Opuntii (Locri), 108 (113). 
 
 Oracle at Delphi. {See Apollo, 
 
 Delphi, Pythian oracle.) 
 Orchomenus, 113. 
 Orestes, in. 
 Ozolae (Locri), 5, 103. 
 
 I? 
 
 .^^^iL- 
 
V 
 
 \ 
 
 90 
 
 Index of Proper Names* 
 
 p. 
 
 Paleis, 27. 
 
 Pallene, 56, 64. 
 
 Pamphylia, 100. 
 
 Panathenaea, the, 20. 
 
 Pausanias (son of Cleombrotus),94, 
 
 96, 107, 114, 128-132, 135. 
 Pansanias (son of Derdas), 61. 
 Pegae, 103. 107, iii, 115. 
 Pelasgians, 3. 
 Pellichus, 29. 
 Pelops, Pelopidae, 9. 
 Perdiccas, 56-62. 
 Pericles, ill, 114, 116, 117, 127, 
 
 I39» 145- 
 Perseidae, the, 9. 
 
 Persians, 13, 14, 16, 89, 104, 109, 
 
 130, I37» 138. 
 Phaeacians, the, 25. 
 Phalerum, 107. 
 Phalius, 24. 
 Pharaaces, 129. 
 Pharos, 104. 
 Pharsalus, ill, 
 Philip, 57, 59. 
 Philoctetes, 10. 
 Phliasians, 27. 
 Phocaeans, 13. 
 
 Phocians, 13, 107, 108, iii, 112. 
 Phoebus, 132. 
 Phoenicians, 8, 16, 100, no, 112, 
 
 116. 
 Phormio, 64, 117. 
 Phthiotis, 3. 
 Piraeus, 52, 93, 107. 
 Pisistratus, 20. 
 Pissuthnes, 115. 
 Pitanate ^oxos^ 20. 
 Plataea, 130. 
 Pleistarchus, 132. 
 Pleistoanax, 107, 114. 
 Polycrates, 13. 
 Poseidon, 128. 
 Potidaeans, 56-68, 71, 85, 118, 119, 
 
 124, 139, 140. 
 Priene, 115. 
 Prosopitis, 109. 
 Proteas, 45. 
 Psammitichus, 104. 
 Pydna, 61, 137. 
 Pythian oracle, 103. 
 
 R. 
 
 Rhamphias, 139. 
 Rhenea, 13. 
 
 S. 
 
 Salamis, 73, 137. 
 
 Salamis (in Cyprus), II2. 
 
 Samians, 13, 40, 41, 115-117. 
 
 Sardis, 115. 
 
 Scyros, 98. 
 
 Sennylians, 65. 
 
 Sestus, 89. 
 
 Sicily, 12, 14, 17, 18, 36, 44. 
 
 Sicyon, 28, 108, iii, 114. 
 
 Sparta, 10 {AaKfSainoviwv 17 iroAts), 
 
 86, 128, 131. 
 Spartans, 128, 131, 132. 
 Stesagoras; 116. 
 Sthenelaidas, 85. 
 Stroebus, 105. 
 Strombichus, 45. 
 Strymon, the, 98, 100. 
 Sybota (harbour), 50, 52, 54. 
 Sybota (island), 47, 50, 54. 
 
 T. 
 
 Taenarus, 128, 133. 
 
 Tanagra, 108. 
 
 Taulantii, 24. 
 
 Thasians, 100, loi. 
 
 Theagenes, 126. 
 
 Thebes, Thebans, the, 27, 90. 
 
 Themistocles, 14,74,90,91,135-138. 
 
 Therme (Thessalonica), 29, 61. 
 
 Thesprotis, 30, 46. 
 
 Thessalus, 20. 
 
 Thessaly, Thessalians, 2, 12, 102, 
 
 107, III. 
 Thracians, 100, 130. 
 *Thracian border,' the (rcL lirl 
 
 QpaKTis), 56-60, 68. 
 Thrio (Thriasian plain), 114. 
 Thucydides (colleague of Hagnon at 
 
 Samos), 117. 
 Thucydides (son of Olorus), i. 
 Thuriatae, loi. 
 Thyamis, the, 46. 
 Thyrea, loi. 
 Timanor, 29. 
 Tlepolemus, 117. 
 
 Index of Proper Names, 
 
 91 
 
 f 
 
 Tolmaeus, 108, 113. 
 Tolmides, 108, 113. 
 Tragia, 116. 
 Troas, 131. 
 Troezen, 27, 115. 
 Trojan War, the, 9-11. 
 Troy, 8, II. 
 Tyndareus, 9. 
 
 W. 
 
 * White Wall,' the, 104. 
 
 X. 
 
 Xanthippus, in, 127, 139. 
 Xenocleides, 46. 
 Xerxes, 114, 129, 137. 
 
 Z. 
 
 Zacynthians, 47. 
 
 Zeus, of Ithome, 103; Meilichios, 
 
 126. 
 Zopyras, 109. 
 
 I J 
 
 \ 
 
V 
 
 90 
 
 Index of Proper Names. 
 
 p. 
 
 Paleis, 27. 
 
 Pallene, 56, 64. 
 
 Pamphylia, 100. 
 
 Panathenaea, the, 20. 
 
 Pausanias (son of Cleombrottis\ 94, 
 
 96, 107, 114, 128-132, 135. 
 Pausanias (son of Derdas), 61. 
 Pegae, 103, 107, iii, 115. 
 Pelasgians, 3. 
 Pellichus, 29. 
 Pelops, Pelopidae, 9. 
 Perdiccas, 56-62. 
 Pericles, iii, 114, 116, 117, 127, 
 
 i39» 145- 
 Perseidae, the, 9. 
 
 Persians, 13, 14, 16, 89, 104, 109, 
 
 130, I37» 138. 
 Phaeacians, the, 25. 
 Phalenim, 107. 
 Phalius, 24. 
 Pharnaces, 129. 
 Pharos, 104. 
 Pharsalus, iii. 
 Philip, 57, 59. 
 Philoctetes, 10. 
 Phliasians, 27. 
 Phocaeans, 13. 
 
 Phocians, 13, 107, 108, in, 112. 
 Phoebus, 132. 
 Phoenicians, 8, 16, 100, no, 112, 
 
 116. 
 Phormio, 64, 117. 
 Phthiotis, 3. 
 Piraeus, 52, 93, 107. 
 Pisistratus, 20. 
 Pissuthnes, 115. 
 Pitanate >^6xoSt 20. 
 Plataea, 130. 
 Pleistarchus, 132. 
 Pleistoanax, 107, 114. 
 Polycrates, 13. 
 Poseidon, 128. 
 Potidaeans, 56-68, 71, 85, 118, 119, 
 
 124, 139, 140. 
 Priene, 115. 
 Prosopitis, 109. 
 Proteas, 45. 
 Psammitichus, 104. 
 Pydna, 61, 137. 
 Pythian oracle, 103. 
 
 R. 
 
 Rhamphias, 139. 
 Rhenea, 13. 
 
 S. 
 
 Salamis, 73, 137. 
 
 Salamis (in Cyprus), 112. 
 
 Samians, 13, 40, 41, 115-117. 
 
 Sardis, 115. 
 
 Scyros, 98. 
 
 Sermylians, 65. 
 
 Sestus, 89. 
 
 Sicily, 12, 14, 17, 18, 36, 44. 
 
 Sicyon, 28, 108, in, 114. 
 
 Sparta, 10 {\(iKihanxovtwv ■q TroAts), 
 
 86, 128, 131. 
 Spartans, 128, 131, 132. 
 Stesagoras; 116. 
 Sthenelaidas, 85. 
 Stroebus, 105. 
 Strombichus, 45. 
 Strymon, the, 98, 1 00. 
 Sybota (harbour), 50, 52, 54. 
 Sybota (island), 47, 50, 54. 
 
 T. 
 
 Taenarus, 128, 133. 
 
 Tanagra, 108. 
 
 Taulantii, 24. 
 
 Thasians, 100, loi. 
 
 Theagenes, 126. 
 
 Thebes, Thebans, the, 27, 90. 
 
 Themistocles, 1 4,74, 90, 91 , 1 35-1 38. 
 
 Therme (Thessalonica), 29, 61. 
 
 Thesprotis, 30, 46. 
 
 Thessalus, 20. 
 
 Thessaly, Thessalians, 2, 12, 102, 
 
 107, 111. 
 Thracians, 100, 130. 
 * Thracian border,' the (rd kirl 
 
 &pdKT}i), 56-60, 68. 
 Thrio (Thriasian plain), 114. 
 Thucydides (colleague of Hagnon at 
 
 Samos), 117. 
 Thucydides (son of Olorus), i. 
 Thuriatae, loi. 
 Thyamis, the, 46. 
 Thyrea, 101. 
 Timanor, 29. 
 Tlepolemus, 117. 
 
 Index of Proper Names, 
 
 91 
 
 I 
 
 Tolmaeus, 108, 113. 
 Tolmides, 108, 113. 
 Tragia, 116. 
 Troas, 131. 
 Troezen, 27, 115. 
 Trojan War, the, 9-11. 
 Troy, 8, II. 
 Tyndareus, 9. 
 
 W. 
 
 ♦ White Wall,' the, 104. 
 
 X. 
 
 Xanthippus, in, 127, 139. 
 Xenocleides, 46. 
 Xerxes, 114, 129, 137. 
 
 Z. 
 
 Zacynthians, 47. 
 
 Zeus, of Ithome, 103; Meilichios, 
 
 126. 
 Zopyras, 109. 
 
 \ ' 
 
 
^J 
 
 
 ( 
 
 I 
 
 Cfaren^on (pvtee ^ene 
 
 
 
 THUCYDIDES 
 
 BOOK I 
 
 EDITED 
 
 ^V/T// INTRODUCTION AND NOTES 
 
 BY 
 
 W. H. FORBES, M.A. 
 
 BALLIOL COLLEGE, OXFORD 
 
 t 
 
 With Maps 
 
 PART II-^NOTES 
 
 AT THE CLARENDON PRESS 
 
 1895 
 
 r 
 
 
\^ "' \ 
 
 ^g^ 
 
 1' 
 
 I 
 
 bonbon 
 
 HENRY FROWDE 
 
 Oxford University Press Warehouse 
 
 Amen Corner, E.C. 
 
 (Jim ?)otft 
 
 Macmillan & Co., 66 Fifth Avenue 
 
 > 
 
 CONTENTS OF PART II 
 
 — ♦-♦ — 
 
 Notes on Text. ^^^^ 
 
 5-113 
 
 Map of the Piraeus . 
 
 Table of Dates, 480-431 ... 
 
 04 
 
 Appendix to Notes . 
 
 "5-137 
 
 Notes on Grammar . 
 
 139-155 
 
 Glossary . 
 
 157-169 
 
 Index of Greek Words and Grammar . . .170-174 
 General Index to Notes and Introduction (Part I) 175-183 
 
 ii 
 
 A 2 
 
 \ 
 
J 
 
 ^m 
 
 NOTES 
 
 -♦-♦- 
 
 it 
 
 t 
 
 
 J. J 
 
 BOOK I 
 
 THUcymDES- Introduction (ch. ,-23) is not a sketch of early Greek Object of 
 history leading up to the Peloponnesian War. It is only an elaborate the^!ntro- 
 prooi that Hellas was at no previous time so strong, and that no previous <i''«ion. 
 war was so great. True, the historian is continually passing beyond the 
 hmits of his meagre theme ; and ch. 18, .9 are a real history, in outline, 
 
 Ir V H n 'T °'' "■' ^"'- ^•" *^ comparative weakness of 
 early Hellas is the mam pomt throughout. 
 
 Thucydides* treatment of mythical or half-mythical stories, both in the Misleading 
 Introduction and elsewhere when he has occasion to mention them! treaten?^ 
 rests, not on any strict examination of them according to rules of of myths, 
 evidence, but on his own ideas of likelihood and human nature ^ 
 He accepts the probable and drops the improbable parts of the 
 old legends ; although the evidence is really the same for both. He 
 takes Mmos, Atreus, Agamemnon, Theseus, Pandion, as historical 
 personages and assigns prosaic instead of poetical motives to their 
 actions : Mmos has to protect his revenue, as the Athenian people 
 had: Atreus 'courts the multitude' like an Athenian demagogue- 
 Pandion, the old king of Attica (ii. 29), is much more likely to have found 
 a husband for his daughter in Daulis, which was near enough to Attica 
 for purposes of mutual defence, than in the distant Thrace : and so on 
 1 he Homeric ' catalogue ' is used as though it were a perfectly authentic" 
 though very likely exaggerated, piece of statistics. In fact, Thucydides dis- 
 tinguishes what is historical from what is mihistorical by his own estimate 
 of Its intrinsic character and not by the nature of the evidence. And 
 consequently he draws no line (the first thing that a modem historian 
 
 \ 
 
 Like Herodotus, and still more than Herodotus, Thucydides was 
 
 ?.^?h 'in tir^'r ""/ 'T ^°^«i^ti°g i°^P"lses. He shared the general 
 faith m the mythical antiquity, yet at the same time he could not believe 
 in any facts which contradicted the laws of historical credibility or 
 
 JJlf h % ^i°> ^^? \"^-^^' ^^^'^ th^ t^^^tment of legenda^ 
 times by Thucydides and other Greek authors is fully discussed. ^ 
 

 Book I. Notes. 
 
 tries to do) between legendary, semi-legendary, and historical times*, 
 but passes smoothly (ch. 12) from the legendary Trojan War to the 
 Dorian conquest of Peloponnese (a historical fact, though the details, 
 including the * return of the Heracleidae,' are legendary) and the earliest 
 Greek colonies ; and mentions in the same sentence (ch. 12) the coloniza- 
 tion of Ionia and that of Sicily. 
 
 These considerations will account for the puzzled feeling which arises 
 when we compare Thucydides' Introduction with the first chapters of a 
 modem history of Greece. They are alike in tone and character (they 
 are in a way more akin to each other than either of them is to the open- 
 ing chapters of Herodotus), but Thucydides' aim is narrower and his 
 criterion of truth is somewhat different. 
 The Intro- Concerning the times when there were no contemporary written 
 
 duction not records we may say roughly the times before the first Olympiad, 
 
 always to g ^^ ^^5^ foj. then first we have any sort of ground for believing such to 
 be trusted : ^^^^ existed 2— Thucydides knew no more than we do, because he had 
 no more evidence : and we are not bound by his, authority as a historian 
 of his own times to accept what he says about Minos or the Trojan War. 
 About these early times the accounts which he had before him must have 
 varied greatly^. We may imagine him taking some pains to choose 
 the truest (cp. oi rd aatpiaraTa UeXonovvTjaiojv fivrifxri napd tmv vporcpov 
 Sebcffji^voi, ch. 9), but he cannot be assumed to have compared and sifted 
 
 / 'I 
 
 1 It has been observed that Thucydides dates the settlement of Boeotia 
 and the Dorian conquest from the fall of Troy, but the visit of Aminocles 
 to Samos (ch. 13) and the foundation of the Lacedaemonian constitution 
 (ch. 18) from the end of the Peloponnesian War. But this does not 
 show that he drew a definite line between the two sets of events : it may 
 be mere accident that he has not, like Herodotus and Hellanicus, shown 
 that he believed himself to know the date of the Trojan War. In v. 1 12 
 he makes the Melians say that their city was founded ' 700 years ago 
 (i. e. about 1 1 16 B. c). In vi. 2 he says that the Sicels arrived in Sicania 
 (Sicily) about 300 years before the Greeks (i. e. about 1035 B. c). 
 
 '^ I. e. the lists of the victors, which may have been contemporary, or 
 may rest in part on contemporary evidence. But, as they can be traced 
 to no eariier authority than the Sophist Hippias of Elis, who lived at the 
 same time as Socrates (Plutarch, Numa, ch. i), the date of their com- 
 mencement cannot be taken as certain. See Professor Mahaffy, Problems 
 in Greek History, p. 58, 217 ff. ^ ^ 
 
 3 Herodotus gives an independent and not quite consistent account ol 
 the relation between Minos and the Carians (i. 171), and discriminates 
 between Minos the hero and the man Polycrates better than Thucydides 
 (iii. 122 ; cp. Grote, Part i. ch. xii.). The most varying accounts were 
 current in antiquity about the first settlement in Boeotia (see Grote, Part i. 
 ch. xviii., § 2), and Thucydides' words in ch. 12 look like an attempt to 
 reconcile two such accounts. Hellanicus, quoted by Strabo, viii. 5. 5, 
 makes the Lacedaemonian constitution coeval with the Dorian conquest; 
 Thucydides in ch. 18 puts its establishment long after. 
 
 6 
 
 1^ 
 
 i 
 
 Ch. I — 23. 
 
 all accessible authorities in a way that would satisfy a modem critic. 
 It must be remembered too that what he gives us is not popular 
 tradition in its simple form, but various popular traditions which 
 have already been interpreted, rationalised, harmonised, by poets and 
 chroniclers. 
 
 Here is a case in which we are not bound to follow Thucydides. He e. g. about 
 clearly implies in ch. 2 of the Introduction and elsewhere that among the the * Pelas- 
 early tribes of Greece only the 'Hellenes' of Thessaly spoke the Hellenic S^^"^- 
 language ; that the rest, among whom the Pelasgians were the most 
 widely spread, learnt it from the Hellenes, from whom originally they 
 were quite distinct ; and that the process was not complete until after the 
 Trojan War ^. Herodotus says somewhat the same thing in more guarded 
 terms (i. 56-58). But all this is probably a theory, and a mistaken theory. 
 Who the Pelasgians really were, or why they interested early Greek 
 historians so much, we can only conjecture ^ but z/ they were a wide- 
 spread race they cannot have been very different from the Hellenes : 
 there is nothing to show that the early Greeks were divided by sharp 
 distinctions of race and language. 
 
 If Thucydides' Introduction were our sole authority for the historical Inadequate 
 period preceding the Persian Wars, our acquaintance with it would be as an ac- 
 very imperfect. We should imagine that the Homeric monarchies were ^^^^^ o* 
 immediately succeeded by tyrannies, and should know nothing of the tt^i] 
 old aristocracies. We should have a very inadequate idea, if we judged 
 by his disparaging remarks on early land warfare in ch. 15, of the ancient 
 power of Argos, or of the extent to which Sparta and Athens aggrandised 
 themselves by successful fighting : Sparta especially by the conquest of 
 Messenia ; Athens by that of Chalcis. Again, if we knew no more of 
 the tyrants than Thucydides tells us, we should never imagine that Gelo 
 of Syracuse by his great victory over the Carthaginians and their 
 barbarian allies at Himera saved Sicily from a danger hardly less than 
 that which threatened Greece at the same time from the Persians. 
 From Thucydides alone we should know but little of the colonising 
 energy of early Hellas ; he clearly intends only to give a few instances 
 of it, for he says nothing here of the Aeolian and Dorian colonies in 
 Asia, or the colonies of Miletus and Chalcis, though he alludes to many 
 of them elsewhere. 
 
 ^ In iv. 109 a Pelasgian race is described as fiap^apoi UyXoiaaoi : in 
 ii. 68 the Amphilochian Argives, whose chief city was founded by Amphi- 
 Xochws from Argos after the Trojan War, all spoke a barbarian language 
 until some of them learnt Greek from the Ambraciot colonists of Corinth. 
 So Thucydides must have thought that the men of Argos who fought at 
 Troy spoke a different language from the Hellenes under Achilles. 
 
 '^ Grote, Part ii. ch. ii ; cp. Abbott, vol. i. 2. 2, 3 ; Oman, pp. 20, 21. 
 
 I A 
 
i 
 
 . V. 
 
 V 
 
 if 
 
 Book L Notes. 
 
 JnhVl^ ^^' "^T °f ?'° ^°"^ *^ '^''^ ^^"P^^^^ ^°^ ^ ^°rt °f -etherised 
 
 interest as the first extant attempt of a powerful intellect to deal with the 
 early history of a country as a whole and simply in a spirit of thoughtful 
 cnticism. It was a great advance upon previous writers to start with a 
 bias m favour, not of the past, but of the present. And (not to speak of 
 the conception of history set forth in ch. 20-22) Thucydides shows his 
 real greatness where-asin the general picture of primitive Hellas (ch 2^ 
 m the account of the growth of navies and of political confederacies' 
 and m the account of the rise and fall of tyrannies-he seeks to connect 
 a number of previously unconnected facts and to trace their causes and 
 effects: or where, rising above his general level, he tries to sift truth 
 from falsehood about legendary times by the use of the proper critical 
 means-the comparison of peoples contemporary with himself but still 
 in an early stage of growth (ch. 5), the evidence of archaeology (ch 8) 
 and of poetry, treated as evidence not of facts but of ideas and manners 
 (ch. 5). The use which he makes of the possibility that Athens and 
 Sparta might some day be in ruins (ch. 10) is a fine piece of historical 
 1 imagination. 
 
 1. 3. apSAfxcvos, 'making a beginning ': i.e. collecting materials, and 
 perhaps wnting down such a connected account of what was goinp on as 
 could be written at the time. Many passages in the History must have 
 been wntten long after the events to which they relate, and some after 
 the end of the War. 
 
 1. 4. dlioXoYciraTov t«v irpoYCY^vrific'vwv, ' memorable above all 
 preceding wars '.' 
 
 1. 4. T«Kfiaip6jt€vos, ' this he inferred, because.* 
 
 1. 5. Srt dKjidJovTc's T€ T5<rov 4s avlT6v, k.t.X. = 6'Tt n ^Kfid^ovr^s irapa- 
 CK^vr, rr, naor, rjaav ( = p€aav') i, avr6v, koX '6r, rd dWo 'EWvuocdy 
 
 I. 7. r6 ^\v iiOvs, K.T.\. = rd ti\v ^ms ^vviffrdfxeuou r6 5k koI Siavoo^- 
 f^^yov ivyiaraae<u, 'a part also thinking of taking sides * with Athens or 
 Sparta, like the Sicilian Greeks (ii. 7, iii. 86), the Cephallenians (ii. 30). 
 the Argives, and most of the Achaeans (ii. 9). 
 
 II. 7-9. KCvT,<ris yap avn,, k.t.X. Not ' this movement,' but (literally) 
 this, as a movement, was the most violent.' aCrrj = tovto by ' assimila- 
 
 tion of the gender \ Translate * this was the most violent movement.' 
 1. 8. fi€p€i Tivi implies an appreciable or considerable part, as in i 
 23 fxyos n <peupaaa ^ Xoi^^Hrjs v6aos, vii. 30 rcDv 5^ MvmXrjaaicpy uipol 
 n arrayaXwOrj. (Arnold.) Among the barbarian armaments set in 
 
 Ch. 1. 
 
 Thompson, Greek Syntax, § 127, «. 6. 
 
 V(ray, another reading, goes with dKfxdCoyrfs. 
 
 Thompson. § 26. i, Rutherford, First Greek Grammar, Syntax, § 51. 
 
 Ck I, /. 3 — Ch. 2, /. 7. 
 
 motion by the war were the army of Sitalces, said to number 150,000 Ch. 1,1. 8. 
 (ii. 98), and the King's Phoenician fleet of 147 sail (viii. 87). 
 
 1. 9. €Trt irXeio-Tov avOpwircuv is parallel to fifyiaTrj. This war (a) was 
 the very greatest disturbance which ever affected the Greeks and a con- 
 siderable part of the barbarians, and {d) speaking roughly, extended 
 furthest of any over the world : Kivrjais yap avrrj {a) fityiaTrj 5rj ky4v€T0 
 (b) km TrXuarov dydpcunwy ojs dneiy kytytro. (Appendix.) 
 
 1. 9. ws etiretv means, not ' so to speak,' as if used to qualify a 
 metaphor, but * it may be said,' implying that a statement is only 
 approximately true. Thucydides will not positively say that the influence 
 of (e. g.) the Persian War was not more widely felt. 
 
 1. 10. o-a<()«s \iikv €vp€iv, K.T.X., * although (Notes on Grammar, § 21) it 
 was impossible to make out their character clearly.' 
 
 1. II. dSvyara ^^dhvyaroy ^y^. 
 
 1. II . €K 8c T€Kp,T)pio)v wv €iri fiaKpoTaTOv (tkottoOvtC jjiot irwTTevo-at 
 |vp.paiv€i, K.T.X., * yet, from such evidences as I find that I can trust 
 when I carry my enquiry farthest back,' ' which, however far I go back, 
 I can still trust ' : i.e. from such evidence as is trustworthy about times 
 so distant; cp. ch. 21, 1. 7 dprjadai 5k -qytjadp^yos tK rwy km<pay€<TTdT<uv 
 OTffifiojy, ws TraKaid dyat, dnoxpajprous. Thucydides means such evidence 
 as the absence of a common name like Hellenes or the prevalence of 
 migration and piracy, contrasted with the evidence of traditions (like 
 those, e.g., of the wars against the men of Atlantis and the Amazons), 
 which, referring to times so remote, could not be trusted. 
 
 €771 ftaKporaToy a/coirovyri gives, not a reason for trusting the rcKpi-^pia, 
 but a circumstance in spite of which they may be trusted. 
 
 ofy is put by ' assimilation ' for a after aKonovyn ^ or for oh after 
 iriarevaai^, 
 
 1. 4. TTjs yap €|Jiiropias, k.t.X. The early Greeks were very ready to Ch, 2. 
 migrate, ov xaAcTrois diraviffTayro, 1. 10. For (A) trade and intercourse 
 were impossible : each little community was isolated, and so (B) they 
 kept to their own ground, and got out of it only enough to live on 
 {oaoy diro^^y) ; they had no motive to accumulate wealth for purposes 
 of exchange, nor had they capital invested in the ground in the shape of 
 vineyards or olive-gardens. So there was nothing to keep them in one 
 place, especially as (C) they could get the little they wanted just as well 
 anywhere else. 
 
 Clause A gives the reason for the first part of clause B. Clause B 
 begins with vcfiofifyoi t€, clause C with ttjs t€ xaO' ^fifpay. t€ after 
 yepiop^yoi is best connected with Kai before irepiovaiay. 
 
 1. 7. YTjv 4>VT€vovT€s, planting fruit-trees, opposed to growing com. 
 
 1. 7-9. £5t)Xov ov . . . dXXos d4)atpT|o-6Tai is parenthetical. Kal 
 
 1 Th. § 39. 6. a Rutherford, § 41. 
 
 ' Th. § 75, Goodwin, Greek Grammar, § 153 f?. 2. 
 
 ■ ' i ~ 
 
 { 
 
 ■^ - 
 
 an 
 
Book L Notes. 
 
 Ch. 2, 1.8. aT(ixi(TT<uv ajia ovroov, * especially as there were no fortifications * (' things 
 were unfortified'), ns and aXKos go together. 
 
 1. 9. dva^Kaiov, ' just sufficient,' * bare.' Glossary. 
 
 I. 10. 8t' avrro = 5id TOUTO. 
 
 1. 13. TJ T€ vvv 0€<r<raXia KaXovjicvT] Kal Boworia: 17 vvv KaXovfiivq 
 applies to both countries ^ 
 
 1, 16. Ticrv, particular persons (i.e. classes or families) in the more 
 fertile countries. 
 
 1. 18. €K Tov €m irXeioTov, 'from the remotest times,' /iV.'from that 
 
 which reaches farthest back.' 
 
 I. 19 ff. Thucydides has just said 'In early times, fertility was a source 
 of civil strife and depopulation.' He now confirms this seeming paradox 
 by the negative instance of Attica, in which poverty of soil actually en- 
 couraged population, {a) In Attica at all events (70VV, Glossary), which 
 was barren, there was no civil strife, and the population was stable. And 
 (b) what is more, Attica actually gained in population at the expense 
 of more fertile countries. 
 
 II. 20, 21. Kal irapaSeuYjia toSc toO Xoyov ouk k\6.\\.<rTiiV €o-ti, 8td 
 rds p,€TOiKias €S to. aXXa y.i\ 6(ioi(os av^y\^r^vQ.\,. 
 
 t68€ refers to the clause following, 5td ras furoiKias ks rd. aXKa ^ /x^ 
 onoiojs av^rjOrjiai. ovk iXaxia-roy = fxtyiarov (^Grammar, § 22). \Mth 
 av^i\9r\vai supply rfju 'Attiktjv. jjicTOiKta must mean * the presence of 
 niroiKoi,' and not * migration ' generally. ' And here is a very strong 
 proof by example of what I am saying, — in the fact that Attica, 
 because of the settlement of aliens there, advanced much more (m^ 
 ofioiojs. Grammar §25) in other respects (es rd dWa) ;' i.e. 'the 
 general progress of Attica in population and power, which was out .of 
 all proportion to the barrenness of her soil, is a strong proof of my 
 main point, the connection between fertility and unsettlement.' 
 
 1. 24. iroXixai Yi7v6fi€voi. Thucydides means that the ruling classes 
 in early Attica readily admitted aliens to their number ^ ; as seems also 
 to have been the case in early Rome. The words ' becoming citizens ' of 
 another state meant more to his readers than they do in modern days, 
 when ' naturalization ' is a mere matter of residence and legal formalities. 
 The extension of citizenship to aliens was one of the greatest difficulties 
 which presented themselves to ancient states, and one which Athens 
 never solved while Rome ultimately did. 
 
 1 Boeotia had formerly been called 17 Kadfxrjls yrj (i. 12), Thessaly, 17 
 AloKis (Hdt. vii. 176) : or according to later writers Alfiovia. 
 
 2 If Ullrich's conjecture bia rds neroiicqaeLS toL dWa be adopted, we can 
 translate ' that the migrations were the cause why the rest of Hellas 
 did not increase so fast': and the clause explains tov X070U. See 
 Appendix. 
 
 3 For the legends referred to, see Abbott, vol. i. 4. 4, ix. 6; Oman, 
 
 P-55- 
 
 10 
 
 1 
 
 I 
 
 Ch. 2, /. 9 — Ck 3, /. 18. 
 
 1. I. Twv TToAaiuv do-dcvciav, not 'the weakness of* (Ttjv daOfpeiav) Ch. 3. 
 but ' weakness in, the ancients.' 
 
 1. 5. clvai, sd/. SoKft. 
 
 1. 6. Kara «6vt| . . . dXXa t€ Kal to IT€Xa<rYtK6v is virtually the subject 
 to napexfoOai, being equivalent to €6vt] dWa t€ KaO' eicaara Kal to Uckaff- 
 yiK6v. ' Different tribes, and the Pelasgians most widely of all, gave 
 their own names to different parts of the country.' Grammar, § 27. 
 
 1, 8. tTraYojjicvwv, sd/. twv dvdpwirojv, ' when people called them in,' 
 7iot EAAt^j/os Kal TWV iraibwv avrov. 
 
 1. 10. r% 6(j,iXCa, 'through their intercourse' with the Hellenes 
 proper of Phthiotis. 
 
 1. 13. div6\Jia(r€v, sa7. "EWrjvas. 
 
 1. 16. OX) }XT]v ovhi, K.T.X. ' Nor indeed has Homer anywhere spoken 
 of " barbarians," because the word " Hellenes " had not yet, I think, got 
 separated off either ' (any more than the word ' barbarians ') ' in opposi- 
 tion as one name,' i. e., was not yet used as a collective name in opposi- 
 tion to ' barbarians ' *. dvrinakov is neuter, and in apposition with 
 "EA\rya?, which means not ' the Greeks' but 'the word Greeks.' 
 
 1 II. ii. 867 the Carians are called ^apfiapocpwvoi. Thucydides may 
 have forgotten the passage ^ : but his general assertion is quite true, and 
 is not necessarily contradicted by it, for $ap^ap6(pQjvos may have meant, 
 to the author of the Catalogue, merely ' speaking a strange language.' 
 There is no opposition between Hellenes and Barbarians in Homer : the 
 Trojans are not regarded as Barbarians, or as speaking a different 
 language from the Achaean?. But we have an approach to the later 
 d stinction in II. iii. 2, iv. 437, where the Trojan ai/zes speak various 
 languages and the clamour and disorder of the Trojan host is contrasted 
 with the silence and good order of the Achaeans. 
 
 1. 18. ol 8' ovv «s iKao-Tot ''EXXt)V6S Kara iroXeis t€, ocroi dXXT|Xcov 
 ^vviicrav, Kal gvjjiiravT€s vo-T€pov kXtjOcvtcs, k.t.X. ' To conclude how- 
 ever, those who in one way or another came to be called Hellenes, first 
 city by city in so far as at any given time (impf.) they spoke the same 
 Hellenic language, and afterwards collectively, did nothing, as one 
 people, before the Trojan War ^ 
 
 The kernel of the sentence is — not ol ws tKaaTOi "EWrjves, but — ol ws 
 (KaffToi kXt)6cvt€S "EXXtjv6s ovSev (irpa^av, * those who severally,' i. e. 
 one by one, successively, ' acquired the Hellenic name.' Thucydides 
 explains that, when he speaks of ' Hellenes ' before the Trojan War, he 
 means all those whose descendants afterwards bore the name, whether 
 or no they were at that time among the particular communities who, one 
 
 ^ For ov fi^v ov54 see Grammar, § 26. 
 
 2 Strabo, p. 661, xiv. 2. 28, notices the apparent contradiction between 
 Homer and Thucydides. 
 
 ' For 6' ovv and ws fKaaToi see Glossary ; for the aor. k\t]$4vt(s see 
 Grammar, § 7. 
 
 II 
 
-x- — 
 
 V - 
 
 If 
 
 Book L Notes. 
 
 Ch. 3, after the other, acquired from Hellen and his sons the Hellenic name 
 1. 18. and language. (Appendix.) 
 
 1. 19. ocroi oXXtiXwv |wi€o-av implies ' in times when, among those 
 who are now called Hellenes, only those who spoke Hellenic were 
 called Hellenes, and not those who spoke Pelasgian, etc' : oaoi has a 
 limiting force, * being only those who.' Cp. p. 7, footnote i. 
 
 1. 22. OaXdcrcrg i]8t] irXcicu xp<<^M-^voi, 'only when' or 'not until 
 they had begun to take to the sea more.' 
 
 Ch. 4. 1. 3. -^pSe, ' became ruler of.' Grammar, § 7. 
 
 1. 5. u>s €iK6s, * as was natural,' not ' as was fitting.* 
 . Uvat, gen. of purpose*. 
 
 1.6. 
 
 TOV 
 
 
 Ch. 5. With ch. 5 begins a long digression, extending to the middle of ch. 8 
 (4; vvv €Ti ediTTovffiv), where Thucydides returns to the epoch of Minos. 
 The digression gives some particulars of the rud^ state of the early 
 Hellenes ('who in many ways resembled the Barbarians of to-day') 
 and of the steps by which they passed out of it, Athens and Sparta 
 already, as in later times, taking the lead. 
 
 1. 4. oO Twv q8 waTtuTdTwv = Tcui/ dvvaTQJTaTMV (Grammar, § 22). 
 
 1. 6. 7r6X€<riv dreixiVTois (without the article) = ' cities which were 
 un walled.' 
 
 1. 7. Kara Kufias oiKovp,€vais means that the woAis, or community 
 under one ^aatkevs, consisted of a mere village or of several villages near 
 together but not contiguous. 
 
 1. 10. KoXws TovTo bpdv, 'well,* 'properly,* i. e. skilfully ; as in vi. 12 
 init. oh TO T€ ipevaaaOai KaXus xpn^f^l^v ^ 
 
 1. II. Ttts iruo-T€ts Twv KaTairXcovTuv, k.t.X., 'everywhere alike, in 
 the questions put to strangers landing, asking "whether they are pirates," 
 —implying that the persons asked were not in the habit of disowning 
 (or were not likely to disown) the occupation, and that those who were 
 concerned to know did not censure it.' 
 
 In the Odyssey (iii. 71) Nestor asks this question of Telemachus 
 after first showing him hospitality; and (ix. 252) the Cyclops of 
 Odysseus : in the Hymn to Apollo (1. 452) Apollo asks it of the Cretan 
 sailors whom he has brought to Delphi. 
 
 w ^uvoi, r'lVis 6ffT€ ; troeiv irXfiB' vypa KiXivOa ; 
 fj Ti KaroL TTprj^iv, fj fiaxpibicus dXdKrjffOe, 
 Old T€ XrfiaTTjpfs imilp aXa, rot r dkocavTai 
 xfwxd^ napOififvoi, KaKov aXKodaTroicTL <pepovT€5 ; 
 Though Thucydides' conclusion is fair enough, it is worth observing 
 that the question is more indirect than his blunt d \riaTai dffiv ; and 
 in two out of the three passages preserved to us is not asked by an 
 
 ' Th. § 148. 2. c. ; G. § 173. I. n. i, 262. 2 ; R. § 315. 
 ^ Cp. also v. Ill fin., vi. 41 med. 
 
 Ch. 3, /. 19 — Ch. 6, /. 13. 
 
 ordinary human being, or in the matter-of-fact way which Thucydides Ch. 5, 
 imagines. And Eumaeus in Od. xiv. 85-88 implies a different view 1. 11. 
 where he says that * even marauders fear the wrath of the Gods.' 
 
 Kol /xkv 8vafi€ve(s Kal dvdpatoiy 01 r ivl yairjs 
 dWoTpirjs I3a>ffiv nai a<pi Zfvs \TjfSa Sdni. 
 trXrjadfifvoi St t€ vrjas f0av oT/covSe Ptfcrdatf 
 Kol fx\v Tois ontdos Kpartpbv dios €V <pp€al mirru. 
 
 1. 8. €v Tots irpwToi, not ' first of all,* but * first,* or ' among the first,* Ch. 6. 
 * as soon as any.' Grammar, § 2. 
 
 1. 10. Kal ol irpeo-^vrepoi avrrois, k.t.X. aurois is 'dat. of interest 
 
 1 > 
 t 
 
 la 
 
 iit. * they Aad or saw their older men of the prosperous classes ceasing 
 to wear,' etc. 
 
 1. 10. 8id TO d|3po8iatTOv goes, not with iiravffavro — for not the giving 
 up but the wearing of the linen tunics was the mark of refinement — 
 but with x'T"'»'tts \ivovs (popovvns, k.t.K. : * Their older men of the 
 prosperous classes, in their refined way, used to wear linen tunics and to 
 fasten up their hair in a knot by inserting golden grasshoppers ; a 
 habit which they only gave up quite recently ' — i. e. after the Persian 
 Wars. 
 
 1. II. xi-Twvas Xtvotis. The x'Tcyi' (tunic or vest under the Ifmnov or 
 loose outer garment) usually worn at Athens at the time of Thucydides 
 was of wool and reached to the knee. The older linen tunic here spoken 
 of was probably the longer form of tunic reaching to the ankles or feet, 
 whence the lonians derived their epithet of kXnex'^TQjvfs ^. See Appendix. 
 
 1. 12. xpvaCiy TCTTiYcov. Aristophanes mentions these grasshopper- 
 brooches or hairpins as a mark of old-fashioned gentility (like wigs in 
 Scott's Antiquary) ^ Demos transformed (Knights, 1325, 133 1) appears 
 otus TTfp 'Apiarddrf irpoTtpov kol MiXridbri ^vvfaiTH . . . T€TTiyo(p6pas, 
 dpxoicp axvi^''''- XajxiTpos, and the principles of the SiKaios x6yos in the 
 Clouds (984) are taunted by his irreverent assailant as dpxoTa . . . Kal 
 reTTiycuv dvdfiiora. 
 
 The Kpdj^vXos cannot with certainty be identified with any of the 
 different forms of wearing the hair which appear on ancient monuments *. 
 
 1. 13. d<J)' ov, 'and in consequence of this habit,* i. e. the Athenians 
 who colonised Ionia carried the costume with them, as they did the 
 festival of the Anthesteria (ii. 15) '. 
 
 1 Th. § 118 ; G. § 184. 3, notes; R. § 149, 154. 
 
 "^ II. xiii. 685, where the Athenians seem to be meant, cp. 689 ; Hymn 
 to Apollo, 147, referring to the old Ionian gathering at Delos described 
 in Thuc. iii. 104. 
 
 ' ' Thae fallows that are the democraws, as they ca* them, that are 
 again' the king and the law, and hairpowder and dressing o' gentlemen's 
 VN igs — a wheen blackguards.' 
 
 * See however Diet. Ant., s. v. ' Coma,' vol. i. p. 497. 
 
 ^ Herodotus (v. 88), speaking of the corresponding 'Ionian* chiton 
 
 I 
 
Book L Notes, 
 
 Ch. 3, after the other, acquired from Hellen and his sons the Hellenic name 
 L 18. and language. (Appendix.) 
 
 1. 19. 8<roi oAXtiXwv |\>vCc(rav implies * in times when, among those 
 who are now called Hellenes, only those who spoke Hellenic were 
 called Hellenes, and not those who spoke Pelasgian, etc' : oaoi has a 
 limiting force, * being only those who.' Cp. p. 7, footnote i . 
 
 1. 2a. OaXd(r(r]Q fj5T| irXcito xp^K-^^oi, 'only when' or 'not until 
 they had begun to take to the sea more.* 
 
 Ch. 4. L 3. -Jipl*, * became ruler of.' Grammar, § 7. 
 
 1. 5. US eiKos, * as was natural,' not ' as was fitting.* 
 1. 6. ToO . . . Uvai, gen. of purposed 
 
 Ch. 6. With ch. 5 begins a long digression, extending to the middle of ch. 8 
 (^ vvv (Ti ediTTovffiv), where Thucydides returns to the epoch of Minos. 
 The digression gives some particulars of the rude state of the early 
 Hellenes ('who in many ways resembled the Barbarians of to-day') 
 and of the steps by which they passed out of it, Athens and Sparta 
 already, as in later times, taking the lead. 
 
 1. 4. ou Twv dSuvaTWTdrwv = Twi' dwaTcuTdraiv (Grammar, § 22). 
 
 I. 6. iroXeoiv dTctxioTois (^without the article) = ' cities which were 
 nnwalled.* 
 
 1. 7. Kard Kcu^as oiKovp,€vais means that the woAts, or community 
 under one 0aai\fvs, consisted of a mere village or of several villages near 
 together but not contiguous. 
 
 1. 10. KoXws TovTo 8pdv, 'well,* 'properly,' i. e. skilfully; as in vi. 12 
 init. oh TO T€ i//€vaaa9ai KaXws xpffjaifiov ^ 
 
 1. II. rds irvo-Ttis twv KarairXcovTuv, k.t.X., 'everywhere alike, in 
 the questions put to strangers landing, asking "whether they are pirates," 
 — implying that the persons asked were not in the habit of disowning 
 (^or were not likely to disown) the occupation, and that those who were 
 concerned to know did not censure it.' 
 
 In the Odyssey (iii. 71) Nestor asks this question of Telemachus 
 after first showing him hospitality; and (ix. 252) the Cyclops of 
 Odysseus : in the Hymn to Apollo (1. 452) Apollo asks it of the Cretan 
 sailors whom he has brought to Delphi. 
 
 a; ^ilvoi, T'Vts kari ; troOiv vKuB* vypd K4\(vOa ; 
 ij Ti KarcL vprj^iv, rj puupiSioK dKaKria9€, 
 old T€ XrjiaTrjpfs imflp a\a, roi r aKoojVTai 
 tf/vxds irapdefifvoi, Kcucbv dWobaTroiffi (pfpovres ; 
 Though Thucydides' conclusion is fair enough, it is worth observing 
 that the question is more indirect than his blunt €l Kjiarai daiv ; and 
 in two out of the three passages preserved to us is not asked by an 
 
 Ch. 3, /. 19— CA. 6, /. 13. 
 
 ( 
 
 
 ordinary human being, or in the matter-of-fact way which Thucydides Ch. 5, 
 imagines. And Eumaeus in Od. xiv. 85-88 implies a different view 1. 11. ' 
 where he says that 'even marauders fear the wrath of the Gods.* 
 
 xal nlv Svffficvefs «at dvdpaioi, 01 r km yairfs 
 dkKoTpirjs fiSxriv xai c<pi Z€us \i]t5a S6r^. 
 ir\T)adfjL(vot 5e re vrjas i^av oTKovhi vUaQaiy 
 KoX fxkv Tois ontdoi Kpanpbv Seos kv <pptal mirret. 
 
 1. 8. «v Tois irpwToi, not 'first of all,' but 'first,' or 'among the first,' Ch. 6. 
 * as soon as any.' Grammar, § 2. 
 
 1. ID. Kal ol irpca^vTcpoi aurois, k.t.X, avrois is *dat. of interest*, * 
 ///. * they Aad or saw their older men of the prosperous classes ceasing 
 to wear,' etc. 
 
 1. 10. 8id TO dppo8iaiTov goes, not with kiravffavro— for not the giving 
 up but the wearing of the linen tunics was the mark of refinement— 
 but with x'T-wvas Xivovs (popovvrts, k.t.\. : ' Their older men of the 
 prosperous classes, in their refined way, used to wear linen tunics and to 
 fasten up their hair in a knot by inserting golden grasshoppers; a 
 habit which they only gave up quite recently '— i. e. after the Persian 
 Wars. 
 
 1. II. XLTwvas Xivovs. The x'^wi' (tunic or vest under the Ifidnov or 
 loose outer garment) usually worn at Athens at the time of Thucydides 
 was of wool and reached to the knee. The older linen tunic here spoken 
 of was probably the longer form of tunic reaching to the ankles or feet, 
 whence the lonians derived their epithet of kXKfxirojv^s \ See Appendix. 
 
 1. 12. xpvo-wy T6TTIYC0V. Aristophanes mentions these grasshopper- 
 brooches or hairpins as a mark of old-fashioned gentility (like wigs in 
 Scott's Antiquary) \ Demos transformed (Knights, 1325, 1331) appears 
 oUs TTfp 'ApiaTuSri trporfpov Kal UiXTidhrf ^vvfairu . . . T€TTiyo<p6f>as, 
 dpxaiv axhiMTi \afiirp6s, and the principles of the biKaios \6yos in the 
 Clouds (984) are taunted by his irreverent assailant as dpxata . . . koi 
 Tfrriyaiv dvdfifara. 
 
 The xpw^v\os cannot with certainty be identified with any of the 
 different forms of wearing the hair which appear on ancient monuments *. 
 
 1. 13. d<|)' ov, 'and in consequence of this habit,' i. e. the Athenians 
 who colonised Ionia carried the costume with them, as they did the 
 festival of the Anthesteria (ii. 15) «. 
 
 * Th. § 148. 2. c ; G. § 173. I. n. i, 262. 2 ; R. § 315. 
 ' Cp. also v. Ill fin., vi. 41 med. 
 
 12 
 
 I V"' -^'io * ^i ^ '^^- 3' ^^otes ; R. § 149, 154. 
 11. xni. 685, where the Athenians seem to be meant, cp. 689 ; Hymn 
 to Apollo, 147, referring to the old Ionian gathering at Delos described 
 m Thuc. iii. 104. 
 
 ' 'Thae fallows that are the democraws, as they ca' them, that are 
 agam the kmg and the law, and hairpowder and dressing o' gentlemen's 
 v\ igs — a wheen blackguards.' 
 
 * See however Diet. Ant., s. v. ' Coma,* vol. i. p. 497. 
 
 5 Herodotus (v. 88), speaking of the corresponding 'Ionian* chiton 
 
 '3 
 
Book I. Notes. 
 
 ClL e, 1. 15. jierpC^ 8* od «V07)Ti, K.T.X. Thucydides does not make it clear 
 1. 15. whether the Lacedaemonians adopted a simple form of dress, like that 
 of his own day, as soon as they gave up carrying arms (what rude kind 
 of dress they wore previously he does not say), or whether they first, like 
 the Athenians, adopted a more cumbrous dress and then took the lead 
 in adopting a simpler form. (Appendix.) 
 
 Ch. 7. 1. I. ocrat \i.kv, k.t.X. This clause (down to Uaaroi tVxvos) is really 
 subordinate to al h\ raXcuai, k.t.\., and anticipates ch. 8. * Whereas the 
 most recent cities,' etc. (Grammar, § 21.) 
 
 1. 6. citI ttoXv dvTto-xovo-av {oTavTiffxovaav), ' which long prevailed *.' 
 1. 7. €<|)cpov. The nominative is not offoi 6vt€s ov BoK&aatoij but * the 
 pirates of those days,' supplied from 5t<i r^f Xjiareiav. 
 
 1. 8. Twv aXX(i)v oo-ot = TWJ/ dW<uv tovtovs oaoi. OaXa<r<noi =» not 
 
 * on the coast,' but * sea-faring.' 
 
 Ch. 8. 1. I. ovx^<TO-ov \x\(rrai here = ndKXoy Xriffrai (Grammar, § 22). Not 
 
 * the islanders were no less piratical than the people of the mainland,' for 
 the preceding words refer to the islands as well as to the mainland ; but 
 
 * the islanders were of the two the worse pirates.' 
 
 1. 4. TWV Otjkwv dvaipeOeio-wv may mean * when the graves were taken 
 up/ i. e. ' dug up ' ; or ' when the goffins were taken up ' (Classen) ^. 
 
 1. 6. T^ . . . oTcevQ TWV oirXwv |wT€Oafji|X€vxi = * by the fact that their 
 arms were buried with them.' t| trKtvi] twv o^Xwv probably means 
 
 * their equipment in the way of arms,' not * the fashion of their arms ' : 
 for a/cev-fi in Thuc. is always concrete, not abstract. 
 
 What the peculiar Carian mode of burial was is not known. Thucy- 
 dides here employs one of the most useful methods of later * ethno- 
 graphical ' research ^. 
 
 worn by women, implies that it was originally brought, not from Athens 
 to Asia Minor, as Thucydides says, but vice versa. For he says that it 
 came ' from Caria not from Ionia.' On a matter of this kind Herodotus 
 is at least as good an authority as Thucydides. 
 
 ^ Most MSS. read avriaxovaax. But this would mean that the oldest 
 cities * after long holding out ' against the pirates removed from the 
 coast to inland sites, — a very unlikely thing. 
 
 ^ The phrase is used in the same connection iii. 104 init., v. i. 
 
 ' So Bent, Cyclades, ch. 16, argues from the numerous graves in 
 Antiparos to the existence of a large prehistoric population, not Phoeni- 
 cian, in the Cyclades. In the Classical Review, vol. iii. No. 9, he 
 points out that the multitude of Phoenician graves in the Bahrein 
 Islands of the Persian Gulf confirms to some extent the traditions in 
 Herodotus and Strabo connecting the Phoenicians with those regions. 
 
 Plutarch, Solon, c. 10, mentions various modes of burial, the use of 
 which in Salamis was made an argument in the quarrel between Athens 
 and Megara for the possession of Sie island. 
 
 j 
 
 ^1 
 
 i 
 
 Ch. 6, /. 15 — Ch. 9, /. II. 
 
 I. 1 3. ws TrXovcriwT€pot latn-wv -Yv-yv6p.cvoi is not a mere repetition of Ch. 8, 
 /ittAXov ribt] T^u KTrjffiv ruv XPVI^'^^^ iroiovfifvoi : ws implies ' consider- 1. 13. 
 ing that they were wealthier than they had ever been before ' (Classen) ; 
 
 i. e. that they now had something to lose. 
 
 II. 1 3, 14. €<|)i€ji,€voi Yoip5 K.T.X. yap introduces the means by which the 
 wealth just spoken of was gained, the submission of weaker to stronger 
 communities, which made enterprises like the Trojan War possible. 
 
 1. I. *AYa(i€p,v«v T€, K.T.X. irpovxojv, tcaTciXrjfxfjLivovs, are emphatic Ch. 9. 
 (Grammar, § 10). * Now Agamemnon succeeded, I think, in mustering 
 the expedition because he was the most powerful man of his day, and 
 not because the suitors of Helen were bound to follow him by the oaths 
 which Tyndareus had made them swear.' 
 
 Tyndareus, the supposed father of Helen, had made all her suitors 
 swear to defend against wrong the man of them whom he should choose 
 to marry her : the place where the oath was believed to have been 
 administered was still shown near Sparta in Pausanias' time, the 2nd 
 century a. D. (Pausanias, iii. 20. 9). 
 
 1. 4. ol Tcl o-a4>€<TTaTa, k.t.X., ' those of the Peloponnesians who have 
 received the truest accounts from their predecessors by tradition.' IleXo- 
 trowno-Cwv is gen. after ol roL aa<piaTaTa 5(5eyfjL4voi. (Appendix. For 
 T^ aa(pk=' the truth,' see Glossary, and for the possible reference to 
 Hellanicus here see Introduction II. to Part i, p. Ixxii). 
 
 The story of Pelops is as follows : — Pelops, son of Tantalus, came 
 from Lydia to the Peloponnesus (then the * Apian Land'), where he 
 became king of Pisa in Elis. His daughter Nicippe married Sthenelus, 
 son of Perseus and king of Mycenae ; where their son Eurystheus in due 
 time succeeded to the throne. 
 
 Pelops was also the father of Atreus, Thyestes, and Chrysippus. Atreus 
 with his brother Thyestes slew Chrysippus ^ out of jealousy, was banished 
 by his father from Pisa, and took refuge with his sister s son Eury- 
 stheus at Mycenae. Eurystheus, having in vain demanded from the king 
 of Athens the surrender of the children of Heracles, attacked Attica, but 
 was defeated in a battle at the Scironian rocks and killed. So Atreus 
 became king of Mycenae. 
 
 1. 7. TT^v ctrwwiJLCav, k.t.X., * that he being only an immigrant . . . 
 nevertheless had the naming of the country, and that afterwards still 
 greater fortune fell to the lot of his descendants.' o'x^"'* ^vvevex^rjvaiy 
 Tvyx"^^^^' "■apaXa/Scrr, KaTaarrjuai, — all depend on Xiyovai. 
 
 1. II. €irtTp€i|/avTOs Eupv<r06O)S. The change of subject and the 
 departure from chronological order appear clumsy. But Thucydides is 
 
 ^ A scholium here gives a different version, Pehps killed his own son 
 Chrysippus, and Atreus fled in fear for his own life. Thucydides' words 
 will bear either interpretation. There are many other variations in the 
 legend, and we cannot tell exactly which the historian adopted. 
 Grote, Part i. ch. vii., traces the growth of the story. 
 
 15 
 
 
 ^ .^>4iiL uJ^'-.-'ik-j.O' . 
 
Book L Notes. 
 
 Ch. 9, not telling the old legend over again for its own sake ; he is marking 
 
 1. 11. emphatically the circumstances which favoured Atreus. * Eurystheus 
 
 was dead — Atreus was his uncle — Eurystheus had left Mycenae in charge 
 
 of Atreus. Now Atreus had come to Mycenae because he had been 
 
 compelled to fly from Pisa,' etc. 
 
 1. 1 9. Kttl vatmKw TC ap,o. t€ meaning * also ' occurs in Hdt. and perhaps 
 the dramatists ^, never elsewhere in Thucydides. We may here neglect 
 the T« as one of several unaccountable instances of t€ in Thucydides ; 
 or we may read Koi vavriKw Zk afia. For Kal . . . 5€, Kal . . . 5( afia, * and 
 moreover/ or * and in fact,' op. i. 132, 1. 21 ; ii. 36 init. ; vi. 71 fin. ; 
 vii. 56 med. 
 
 1. 20. ov XttptTt TO irXeiov r\ (|>6^ = ^o^w rb irXuov ij xaf>iTt. Grammar, 
 § 24. 
 
 1.22. 'ApKdox irpocrirapaorxwv : II. ii. 612-614. 
 
 1. 24. €v Tov aKT|irTpov . . . TQ irapaSocci, in the place about the 
 * Handing down of the Sceptre' : II. ii. 108. 
 
 1. 26. avTtti 8i ouK fi,v iroXXal eiTjorav, 'would not be *' many " ' : i. e. 
 would not be called * many ' by the poet. Not * would not have been 
 many ^' 
 
 1. 27. ciKd^eiv hi xp^ ^^ TavT'Q tq o-Tparciqi, k.t.X., i.e. 'if the 
 expedition to Troy was not very great, much less can any previous 
 action have been so.' KaC, Grammar, § 19. 
 
 Ch. 10. 1. I. on p,€v . . . €1 TV . . . depend on <n](icia>. * The argument that 
 Mycenae ' (judging from the present appearance of its site) * was but 
 a small place, or the insignificant appearance which some of the cities of 
 the heroic times may present, give no solid .ground for doubting that 
 the armament was as great,' etc. (Appendix.) 
 
 •fjv refers to the supposed small size of Mycenae in the times of the 
 Trojan War. It might have been argued — ' Mycenae and other places 
 (Pylos, Amyclae, Orchomenus, etc.) must have been small because they 
 have left such scanty traces. Therefore they cannot have sent out so 
 large a fleet.' Thucydides gives up this argument and refutes it, 
 although it supports his general conclusion. 
 
 Mycenae was not inhabited when Thucydides wrote : later historians 
 tell us that it was destroyed by the Argives about thirty-five years be- 
 fore the beginning of the Peloponnesian War : recent excavations show 
 that the site was re-occupied before Roman times. The famous Lion 
 Gate and massive walls on the Acropolis, the sepulchral chamber com- 
 monly called the * treasury of Atreus,' and the recent discoveries of buried 
 
 ^ Hdt. (i. 58, 125 ; vii. 175 ; viii. loi) ; Aesch. (Choeph. 489) ; and 
 Soph. fAj. 1 310, CI. 1416). See note in Jowett. 
 
 ^ What is really meant by the * many islands ' in II. ii. 108 we cannot 
 say : perhaps, after all, only the small islands near what was later called 
 Argolis. The line does not agree with the description of Agamemnon's 
 realm in the Catalogue, ii. 569 fi". 
 
 16 
 
 Ch. 9, /. 19 — Ch. 10. /, 18. 
 
 bodies and treasure (Abbott, vol. i. 3. 12) show that the fame of the Ch. 10, 
 place was based on fact : and we are surprised that Thucydides speaks L 1. 
 of it as giving a mean impression of the heroic age. Pausanias likewise 
 describes the site without any expression of admiration (ii. 16. 5), though 
 he ranks the similar ' Cyclopian ' walls of Tiryns with the Pyramids (ix. 
 36. 5). Strabo (viii. 6. 10) actually says KaT€<rKd<l>er}ffav vrrd 'Apyeiajv, 
 &aT€ vvv firjb' txvoi (vpiaKeadai rfjs yivKrjvaiojv TroAcwy. But the remains, 
 such at least as are contiguous, occupy but a small space, viz. the Acropolis 
 (a triangle having a base of about 1000 feet and sides of about 800 feet), 
 and a ridge of rock beneath it about half-a-mile in length. Curtius 
 (Peloponnesus, ii. p. 400) describes the insignificant appearance which, in 
 contrast with Argos, Mycenae presents : the Acropolis being at first sight 
 hardly visible against the high mountains which rise close behind it. 
 
 1. 4. AaKcBaijiovicov ydp, k.t.X. ' The only Hellenic ruin of any note 
 that survives at Sparta is a spacious theatre. The prophecy, therefore, 
 of Thucydides, with respect to the probable remains of Athens and of 
 its rival city, has been fully verified. No one who looks upon these 
 fragments would suppose that the city to which they belong had ever 
 held the sway of Greece ' (Wordsworth's Greece, p. 419). 
 
 1. 6. KaTao-K6VT|, * buildings.' Glossary. 
 
 1. 8. Twv ir€VT€ Tcis 8vo pioipas : two-fifths of the actual area, not * two 
 of the five divisions.' For the language of Thucydides always implies 
 the ordinary division of the Peloponnese into six parts ; Argolis, Achaea, 
 Elis, and Arcadia, besides Laconia and Messenia. 
 
 1. 9. Ttis . . . |vp.irA<n]s ^y**^''^'" ^^^^ assertion that Sparta had the 
 leadership over the whole of the Peloponnese was most likely written 
 after the final defeat of Athens. For Thucydides can hardly have 
 left out of sight the case of Argos ^ and Argos was never during the 
 war under the leadership of Sparta, except for a few months in 417, 
 but either neutral or an ally of Athens. 
 
 1. ID. o{5t€ |vvoi,Ki<r6€torT]s 'ir6X€ws. Wc should expect T^s 7r(JA€ow. But 
 the meaning is, not ' since the city (Sparta) is not built continuously,' 
 but * when a city (as in the case of Sparta) is not built continuousl^r.' 
 
 1. 13. 4>aCvotT' &v vtroBmrripa, scil. 1) Suvajuty avrrj^, €1 kprjjxoj6tirj. 
 
 1. 14. ciKaj^corOai av is governed by oip.ai above, 1. 6. 
 
 1. 15. a-ir^ Ttjs <}>avepas 6\|/€Ci>s, * from the notable or striking appear- 
 
 ance 
 
 3 » 
 
 1. 18. \i.fyi<r'n\y ji,€v ytviirBai. The clause with p,€v gives the con- 
 clusion which follows from the preceding words : the clause with 81 
 gives the more important conclusion about to be drawn : ' that the army, 
 
 ^ After Aegospotami, much more after the end of the war, Argos cannot 
 have been independent of Sparta. Yet her position is not certain : she 
 
 sent no troops under Sparta to the siege of Athens !,Xen. Hell. 11. 
 nor, if we trust Pausanias iii. 9. i, with Agesilaus to Asia in 396. 
 
 2.7) 
 
 ' Cp.i.i'J fJvfjTfKoiv^ <l>avfpdv fXTjSlv KaTfpfd^cadaiyi.^J,!. 20; iv.iimed. 
 
 B 17 
 
M 
 
 Book L Notes, 
 
 Ch. 10, while greater than any before it, fell short of those of our own day.' The 
 1. 18. statement, if meant literally, is exaggerated ; see note on 1. 33 below. 
 
 1. 20. r\v ciKos, scil. arpaTidv, not iroirjffiv. 
 
 1, 21. 'ir€'irotTjK€, ' the poet has made the fleet consist of,' etc. 
 
 1. 25. avT€p€Tai hi, K.T.X. Thucydides means that the distinction be- 
 tween the rowers in a trireme and the fighting men (im^arai or others), 
 so familiar in his time, when the fighting men only served as rowers in 
 cases of emergency (iii. 18 fin. ; vi. 91 med.) was unknown to Homer. 
 
 1. 27. Toloras -ydp, k.t.X. Iliad ii. 719-720. 
 
 1. 30 and 1. 31. «xovTas, ^(XXovTas, grammatically agree with irfpivioK, 
 but really refer to the fleet generally and = fitWSvrojv avrcuv, ovb' tx^^T^^' 
 
 1. 32. X-[i<mK<uT€pov, 'more like piratical craft than like ships of war,' 
 i. e. those of Thucydides' own day. XriariKouTepov may mean ' without 
 decks ; and deep in the hold that the crew might be better concealed.' 
 (Schol. here.) 
 
 1- 33. ov iroXXoC. The number on Thucydides' estimate would be 
 102,000, a far larger host than any single Greek force sent out during 
 the Peloponnesian war^, except that of Lysander to which Athens 
 yielded. But the context shows that Thucydides is comparing it with 
 the combined forces of the whole of Hellas : and the land forces of the 
 Peloponnese alone are estimated at 100,000''. Herodotus says (ix. 30) 
 that the Greek army at Plataea numbered just 110,000. 
 
 Ch. 11. 1- 3- oo-ov TjXiaJov, ' only as great as,' * not larger than.' 
 
 1. 4. S-qXcv 8€* TO Yap cpv(Aa ... * and it is clear that they did win 
 a pitched battle ; for otherwise they would not have built ' — i. e. would 
 not have been able to build — ' the fortification.' 
 
 The only such fortification mentioned in the Iliad is the wall built by 
 Nestor's advice in the tenth year of the war (II. vii. 436 ff.). We must 
 remember that Thucydides probably, like Herodotus (jj. 117), knew 
 the * Cypria,' one of the so-called ' cyclic ' epics, telling the story of the 
 Trojan War down to the point at which the Iliad begins '. Either, then, 
 Thucydides may have forgotten that the fortification formed part of the 
 story of the Iliad {not of the Cypria), and therefore occurred in the tenth 
 year of the war : or the Cypria or some other poem may have repre- 
 sented the camp as having been fortified immediately on landing *. 
 
 ^ See vi. 31 init., v. 60 med. ; cp. 68. In vii. 75 med. the mere 
 remains of the Athenian armament leaving the camp at Syracuse £ ^ter 
 the battle in the harbour amount to 40,000 : but this number must in- 
 clude many non-combatants. 
 
 ^ Beloch, Bevolkerung der Griechisch-Romischen Welt, p. 153. 
 
 * From this or some similar source he must have derived the idea that 
 the Achaean army tilled the Chersonese to obtain supplies, for it does 
 not occur in the Iliad; cp. the mention of 01 TroirjToi in the plural, 
 ch. 10 and end of ch. 11. 
 
 * The scholia here take this view : their author or authors may have 
 had access to epics now lost. A*axi7 (icpdTr]aav'\ ry rrjs diro^daeais ds 
 
 18 
 
 \ 
 
 Ch. 10, /. 20 — Ch. 12, /. 12. 
 
 1. 5. <)>a(vovTai 8' oti8' cvravOa : 84 *in apodosi.' Ch. 11, 
 
 1. 13. TToXiopKC^ 8* dv, K.T.X. * And again, if they had besieged Troy in 1. 6. 
 the way of a blockade ' or * had engaged in a steady blockade, they 
 would have taken it,' etc. iroXiopKijji irpoo-KaGcJop-evot is opposed to 
 p.dxTI KpaTovvT€s. Had the whole Achaean force remained before Troy, 
 and not been broken up, they might easily have taken Troy in one of 
 two ways, (a) by superiority in the field and by an immediate assault (as 
 Achilles thought of trying to do after the fall of Hector, II. xxii. 378 ff.), 
 or again, they would have taken Troy sooner and more easily than they 
 did if (d) they had established a regular blockade and prevented any 
 one going out or in. 
 
 This seems to be the meaning intended ; but we should expect 1j k&v 
 itoXiopKia irpoaKofif^ufXfvoi instead of trokiopKiq. S* Siv irpoffKaOe^ofifvoi *. 
 
 1. 16. Kal aviTd Y* 8t^ TavTa, 'and, what is more, the Trojan War 
 itself.' 
 
 L I. ^^ TC Yc^p avaxcop-noas, k.t.X. rf, Kai, distinguish the troubles con- Ch, 12. 
 nected with the return from Troy, as in the legends of Teucer, Diomede, 
 Amphilochus (ii. 68), etc., from other changes which had nothing to 
 do with the Trojan War : d<p' a>v refers to both. Tds 'Tr6X€is, the well- 
 known cities so founded, distinct from kv rafs irSXtaiv. 
 
 1. 6. ^y Zk avTutv, k.t.X. The Homeric Catalogue (II. ii. 494-510) re- 
 presents the Boeotians as sending to Troy fifty ships from nearly all the 
 great cities of Boeotia, and therefore as fully settled there before the 
 Trojan War. The tradition followed here by Thucydides, that the 
 Boeotians did not settle in the country called Boeotia till sixty years after 
 the fall of Troy, is inconsistent with the Homeric tradition : the idea of 
 a * division ' of the Boeotians having preceded the main body may be an 
 attempt, not very successful, to harmonise the two (cp. p. 6, footnote 3). 
 
 1. 7. d<i>' Siv Kai, * some of whom also.' 
 
 1. 12. iToXias ... TO irXeioTov. * Italy,' in Thucydides' time, meant 
 Bruttii and southern Lucania '. The chief Peloponnesian founders of Sici- 
 lian and Italian cities were the Corinthians who founded SjTacuse and, 
 through Syracuse, Camarina, the Megarians who founded the Hyblaean 
 
 rijv ^rjpdv twv vewv, h 77 UparfaiXaos iriimi. rb yap epvfja] epv/m Xeyei 
 vvv ovx oirep €v r^ rj' Xiyd^Ofiijpos yiviaOai, dXXd irporcpov puKponpov 
 Sid rds ru)V 0ap$dp<uv liriZpopids. dXXd Trpbs y€<upyiav'] Sjv ijytiTO *A«a/tas 
 Koi 'AvriXoxos. 
 
 ^ The interposition of the clause oX ye xal om dOpSoi fX€p(t rqi del 
 -napovTi dvreixov makes Se less harsh. Other renderings have been pro- 
 posed (see Jowett), but are not more satisfactory. The place may be 
 corrupt in some way: Kriiger proposed to omit the first elXov and 
 6€ after iroXiopKia. 
 
 ^ Antiochus ap. Strabo vi. i, 4 : Thuc. vii. 33. Antiochus did not 
 include Tarentum in Italy; though Herodotus, iii. 136, does : Thucy- 
 dides does not include lapygia and Messapia. 
 
 B 2 
 
 19 
 
> 
 
 Book L Notes, 
 
 Ch. 12, Megara and, through Megara, Selinus : the Achaeans who founded 
 1. 12. Sybaris and Croton, and some Lacedaemonians who founded Tarentum. 
 1. 14. €o-Tiv & x«pia- Chiefly the colonies of Corinth in W. Hellas; 
 Corcyra, Leucas, Ambracia, and others. 
 
 Ch. 13. 1. 2. cTt ^aXXov r\ YTpoTcpov refers back to ch. 8. 
 
 1. 3. Twv trpoo-oSwv fiftjovwv YvYvop,ev(i)v defines more closely the in- 
 crease of wealth just mentioned : the incomes of particular citizens grew 
 larger and enabled them to become tyrants, according toThucydides' view. 
 
 1. 4. cm ptiTots Y€pa(ri irarptKai PaatXeiot, * hereditary monarchies en- 
 joying {lit. existing on the condition of) fixed prerogatives ' : these were, 
 according to Aristotle (Pol. iii. 14, 12) the offices of general and judge, 
 and the regulation of sacrifices. We may add the Homeric Offuares or 
 dues, II. ix. 156 Kcu 01 vtro aictinrfxp Knrapds rfk^ovm Sffuaras. 
 
 Thucydides says nothing of the aristocracies which as a rule followed 
 the heroic monarchies, and which were in many cases overthrown by the 
 tyrants who professed to protect the people against the nobles. But he 
 is not giving a history of eariy Hellas : he is confuting the prevalent 
 belief that great deeds were done in early Hellas : he may therefore 
 have passed over the aristocracies because there was no widespread 
 belief, as in the case of the kings and the tyrants, that they had done 
 great deeds. 
 
 1. 15. y6.p refers to the general subject of the preceding sentences, 
 * Corinth naturally had the first real navy, for she was always a great 
 commercial city.' 
 
 1. 16. d€i 8tj iroT€ cjiiropiov elxov, * must from the very first have had 
 a centre of commerce there.' 
 
 1. 19. Tois iraXatois -ifoitjrais. Hom. II. ii. 570 
 
 a<pvu6v re K6piv6ov (vKrijjLevas re KKfawds, 
 
 1. 23. a\t.^6ripa, both by sea and by land. 
 
 1. 29. *PT|V€iav IXwv : cp. iii. 104 init. 
 
 1. 30. *u)KaTis T€ Moo-o-aXiav oiKifovres, k.t.X. Hdt. i. 166 mentions a 
 doubtful victory won by the Phocaean fugitives, after the capture of Pho- 
 caea by the Persians (about 546 B. c), over a Carthaginian and Etruscan 
 fleet. But the foundation of Marseilles is placed on good authority 
 about fifty years eariier : so the victory or victories {kviKow) here mentioned 
 as coeval with its foundation, if Thucydides is correct, are also eariier. 
 
 Ch. 14. 1. I. SwaTwraTa ^dp, k.t.X. yip gives the reason, not for what 
 has just been said, but for the writer's saying it. < I mention these 
 navies, for they were the strongest in Hellas.' So ravra ydp reXevraxa 
 below, 1. 7. 
 
 1. 4. irXoiots naKpoi5. These vessels are called ^uuepa, opposed to 
 arpoyyijKa, ' round S' to indicate their build and use in war, and nXoia 
 
 i 
 
 Cp. Hdt. i. 163 ol II ^ai/ccuies ovroi yavriXiijoi /MKp^ai npuToi 
 
 ao 
 
 Ch, 12, /. 14 — Ch. J 6, /. 5. 
 
 not vrjfs, to indicate their comparatively small size and rude construe- Ch. 14, 
 tion. v^€5 fxaKpai would have suggested triremes. 1. 4. 
 
 1. 10. €1 Ttv€S uXXot e. g. the Thasians {veas vavmjyfvfifvoi fxaxpas, 
 Hdt. vi. 46), Lesbians (iii. 39), Naxians {irXoia fioKpd voWd, v. 30), and 
 Sicyonians (vi. 92). 
 
 1. 10. Ppaxca, * only a few.' Yet Herodotus, vi. 89 (cp. 132), 92, says 
 that the Athenians had fifty ships of their own besides twenty which they 
 borrowed from the Corinthians (Thuc. i. 42), and the Aeginetans seventy: 
 and this was before the advice of Themistocles to the Athenians. 
 
 1. ii. d\|/€ T€ d<|>' ov, literally 'it was late since,' a blending of* it 
 was late when,' 6\f/4 re ^v endSri, and * it is not long since,' ov no\vs 
 Xpovos karlv acp^ ov. 
 
 1. 12. AiYivT|Tavs iroXcjiovvTos. Hdt. vi. 87 ff. It is uncertain 
 whether this war, which lasted several years, began before (as Hdt. vi. 
 94 implies) or not till after the battle of Marathon : the building of the 
 ships (Hdt. vii. 144) was in any case shortly before Salamis, in the 
 archonship of Nicodemus, B. c. 484, or more probably 483 ^. 
 
 1. 13. ato-irep Kal cvavp-dxTio-av, ' with which they actually fought at 
 Salamis.' Grammar, § 18. 
 
 1. 4. cirnrXeovTes ydp rds vrjorovs KaT€orTp€<|>ovTO seems to refer to the Ch. 15. 
 
 colonies of Athens and Corinth, and the conquest of Salamis by Athens. 
 
 1. 6. Kara yr\v 8i iroXeiJios, k.t.X. The order of the words and the 
 emphatic use of Kai with hvvapus and kyivovTo (Grammar, § 20) should 
 be noticed. * Wars by land, at least wars by which anything like power 
 was gained ^, none arose. All that did arise were border wars between 
 particular states : foreign and distant expeditions of conquest the Hellenes 
 never undertook.' — Such border wars were the Sacred War in which 
 Cirrha was destroyed, and the wars of Sparta with Messene, Argos, and 
 Tegea (cp. p. 7). 
 
 1. II. OLvroi, * of themselves,' 'spontaneously.' Grammar, § 3. 
 
 1. 14. XaXKiSccov Kal 'EpcTpicwv. The Milesians helped Eretria, the 
 Samians Chalcis (Hdt. v. 99). Later writers ^ mention the Thessalians 
 and the Chalcidian colonies in Thrace as also helping Chalcis. The 
 date of the war is unknown, it may have taken place about 650 *. 
 
 1. I. €ir€Y€VfTO 8*, K.T.X. "ictiffi sccms (from the position of t€ after Ch. 16. 
 SXkoii) to be governed by kveytvero, but is really governed, as the 
 sentence finally stands, by hTTeaTpdrtvae. Grammar, § 30. 
 
 1. 5. Aapcios hk vo-Tcpov ... Kal Tds vT|<rovs. The statement that 
 
 ^'EWiivojv exp'flffavro . . . evavrikXovTO S^ ov arpoyyvXriffi vrjvai, dXXd 
 v€VTr)KovT€poi(Ti, and Hdt. vii. 97 iTnTayorfd, irKoia piaKpd. 
 
 ^ Aristotle, Athen. Polit. 22, 7 and Kenyon's note. 
 
 ^ For another possible rendering see Appendix. 
 
 '^ Plutarch and Aristotle (perhaps not the philosopher) ap. Plutarch. 
 
 * Busolt, vol. i. (1st ed.) p. 314. 
 
 21 
 
Book L Notes, 
 
 Ch 16, Cyrus enslaved the cities on the mainland and Darius the islands is 
 1. 6. somewhat misleading, for Chios and perhaps Lesbos had already sub- 
 mitted to Cyrus, though it is true that none of the Cyclades had done 
 so Chios and Lesbos were reconquered after the Ionic revolt, and 
 other islands were conquered between the Ionic revolt and the battle 
 of Marathon ». All of them except a few of the Cyclades were com- 
 pelled to fight under Xerxes at Salamisl 
 
 Ch. 17- 11. 1-3- T^ «<!>' lavTwv, 'their own interest' : croijia, 'their personal 
 safety ; see Glossary: Sc' d<r<t>aA.£as .Jkow. 'managed in the way of 
 caution 1. e. governed on a safe policy * : &a<p^ua, ' security/ is often 
 used where we should say ' caution.' 
 
 1. 5. ol yap «v^iK€X£9, -ctA. ydp explains the necessity for the inser- 
 tion of the qualification €i y,^ ci tv upds TrfpioUovs, k.t.X. 'For the 
 tyrants m Sicily (who did fight against their neighbours) attained the 
 greatest power of any.' 
 
 ^* ^^' xlC' ^'^"t>''^)^ "^^ '"^"'' Tvpaw*v0.Ccn,s. * for a long time before 
 Athens Pisistratus seized power at Athens in 560; but Cypselus at 
 Corinth m 655, Orthagoras at Sicyon in 670 (according to the re- 
 bngtefore '''^ ""^'"^^ °" Aristotle) ; Phidon at Argos perhaps 
 
 11 2, 3. ol TrXctcTTOt Kal TcXcvratot irX^ t«v cv ^ikcXC^i. The words 
 01 TrX€i<rTot naturally suggest the question, Who were the other tyrants? 
 1 e^those who were not put down by Sparta ? The answer is given by 
 trMv ^v ^ 2iK.Xt<ji, which goes with T.X.vraiot alone, not with 
 irXcccTTot : Ka. r.X.vraTot ^X^u rcuv iv ^./..A/? being parenthetic. 
 
 1. 4. T Ydp AaKcSatficov, k.t.X., i. e. Sparta, after passing through a 
 
 longer period of faction than any other city of Hellas, enjoyed a longer 
 
 penod of stable government, arao-tdcracra probably refers to the tradi- 
 
 lonal quarrels (Hdt. vi. 52) between the two hereditary kings, cuvojx^el 
 
 to the establishment of the constitution ascribed to Lycurgus 
 
 1. 10. KaeCaracrav (impf.) does not come after d<|,' ov but is parallel 
 to arvpa^evTos ^ and refers to the time when the tyrants were pu 
 down by Sparta. (Abbott, vol. i. xiv. 7.) ^ 
 
 t^'c^rl^^'^^T^'^Tt""'" '^^^"" ^Y^-avTo. 'took the lead of 
 the Greeks who formed the confederacy.' Grammar, § 7. 
 
 * Hdt. i. 169, cp. V. 30 fin. 
 ^ Hdt. vi. 31, 44, 96-99. 
 
 onlv a^if vif^;. Thucydides may mean by 'the islands ' the Cyclades 
 only as in vii. 57 aird U pyjawy K«w Koi ■'ApSococ ^al nuwc U f' 
 
 ''5^^l!r a^A^'i^f ^^^^^^^ ~- °' 
 
 in. § 309, A. 3 fin. G. § 191, IV. I. d. 
 aa 
 
 y 
 
 Ch. 17, /. 1 — Ch. 19, /. 6. 
 
 1. 17. €iri6vT»v Twv M'fjBwv is subordinate to BtavotjOcvTCS . . . Kal Ch. 18, 
 dvao-Kcvao-d(icvoi, and the two latter words to is tos vavs «(ipdvT€s 1. 17. 
 vatnaKol c-ytvovro. Grammar, § 11. 
 
 1. 21. ol . . . diro<rrdvT6S PacnXtws "EXXTjves are those cities on the 
 coast of Asia and in the islands which revolted from the King after 
 the war ; ol IvjiiroXep-Tio-avTes are those who fought in the confederacy 
 against him (cp. twv ^vniroXffirjadvTwv 'EWrjvojv above), chiefly Corinth 
 and the other Peloponnesian cities which were not, like Argos, neutral. 
 irpos *A0Tjvaious is true chiefly of the former, irpos AaKeSavjiovtovs of the 
 latter. The sentence refers only in part to the same persons as dirci><rd- 
 ji€voi at the beginning of it, which should be diruaafxivoiv, Grammar, § 30. 
 
 1. 23. 8i6<t>dvT), stood forth strongest 0/ all: Sia-, in distinction to 
 the rest. 
 
 1. 25. 8i€vex®«vT6S, seei. 102 fin. 
 
 1. 26. ciroXcfjnjo-av, see i. 107. 
 
 1. 2. Tovs |v|jipixovs is governed by «xovt€S, not by t|Yovvto, which Ch. 19. 
 usually takes a genitive. 
 
 1. 2. Kar oXiyapxiav bt, k.t.X. = 6€paTr€vovT€s bi oirw Kar dXiyapxiav 
 iToKiTevaovai, kmrrjduajs a(piaiv avrols (to the Lacedaemonians) iwvov: 
 the emphatic words are put first. 
 
 Cp. V. 81, where the Lacedaemonians make the government of Sicyon 
 (already their ally) more oligarchical, and overthrow the democracy of 
 Argos (which had just been forced into alliance with them). But there 
 were exceptions to this line of policy : Megara was allowed to remain 
 a democracy for some time, though an ally of Sparta and watched by 
 a Spartan garrison (iv. 66) : Mantinea (Thuc. v. 29) was also a demo- 
 cracy, and probably Elis. 
 
 1. 5. Kal xpTilAo-Ta Tois irdo-t Td|avT€S <t)6p€tv : rots iraox cannot include 
 Chios and Lesbos, for these were independent allies of Athens, and paid 
 no tribute : it is meant to include, not Chios and Lesbos, which are still 
 excepted, but those among the Athenian allies which had originally 
 contributed ships but were deprived of them and compelled to pay money 
 like the rest. 
 
 1. 6. Kal €7€V€To avTois, K.T.X., * And (so) the power which Athens 
 wielded as her own {ihia) in this war came to be greater than what she 
 bad when she flourished at her strongest with the unimpaired forces 
 of her confederacy at her side : ' i. e. the force which the Athenians 
 (avTofs) had got into their hands by making their allies subject and 
 tributary ^ as just described, was greater than the forces of Athens and 
 her confederates together while the latter were independent. 
 
 ihia is opposed to iurd rrjs ^viMfiax'tas : dKpai<pvqs means * before the 
 independence and power of the confederates was interfered with by 
 Athens.' Athens in fact was stronger as the head of an empire, than 
 
 /xfi^flov] iK TWV <f>6pa}v 5ijXov6ti (Schol.). 
 
 33 
 
Book L Notes. 
 
 Ch. 19, she had ever been as the leader of a confederacy: a fact to which 
 1. e. Thucydides frequently recurs, i. 97 ; 1 18, 1. 7 ; ii. 36 init. See Appendix. 
 
 Ch. 20. 1. I. tA \Kh o(lv iroXatd TOUxCra tOpov, xoXeird 5vTa iravrl IJtjs 
 T«K|ij,p£<p m<rT€0<rat. ' Such/ i. e. so unimportant as compared with the 
 prwAt, Mid I find the events of early times, although their nature 
 makes it difficult to trust each several piece of evidence': literally, 
 ' being difficult for any one to trust every piece of proof one after the 
 other':— because, as Thucydides proceeds to explain, men take so 
 little pains to report facts correctly. 
 
 XaXeird ovra mcrrtvo-oi = x<^f ^ra ovra ware rtva marfvaaiK l^r\s 
 does not necessarily mean 'in regular order'; wavrl TCKjnjpcip does 
 not mean, as often translated, 'every link in the chain of evidence.' 
 For Thucydides does not establish the weakness of early Hellas by 
 a c^atn of proofs each dependent on the other and forming a single 
 connected argument ; but by a series of independent arguments confirm- 
 ing each other. 
 
 The sentence is taken up again at the beginning of ch. 21. all that 
 intervenes being parenthetic. 
 
 ^' 3- ^K-oicos dliao-avCoTws, 'with the same carelessness about testing 
 what they hear,' as if the events were not told of their own country 
 
 1. 6. Tvpawov ovTo d7roeav€tv, ' that Hipparchus was tyrant when he 
 was killed.' Grammar, § 10. 
 
 1. 8. a8€X4>ol ^o-av avrov, * were only his brothers.' 
 
 1. 9. Uiivji T^ ■f|p.«'p,j goes with viTOTOinf|<ravTes, * conceiving a sus- 
 picion on that very day all in a moment,' because they saw one of the 
 conspirators talking familiarly to Hippias, vi. 57. n is the subject 
 of p.€nijv€<r0at : KaC emphasises irapaxp-nfjia. 
 
 ^ 1. II. PovX6ji€voi 8i irplv |vXXTi<|)eTJvai 8pdcravT€'s ti Kal KtvSw€v<rai, 
 * wishing, before they were apprehended, to do something worth risking 
 their lives for,' or 'not wishing to take their chance of death without 
 first doing something,' i. e. before they were apprehended. 
 
 rrpiv ^v\\T](peijvai follows not KtvSvvfvaai but Spdaavris ri (Gram- 
 mar, § 10), which expresses what they wanted to do. Similarly the 
 author of the 'Aerjvaicvv noXirtia describing the same event, 18, 3, says 
 $ov\6fjicvoi Ti bpdaai irpb ttjs avWrfifxojs ^. 
 
 1. 15. Kal ol d[XXot''EXXTjv«s, opposed to 'Aerjvaiwv to irXfjeos above. 
 
 ^ Cp. ill. 13 (Peile m Shepherd and Evans) roiaiiTas ^xo^res irpodxxaus 
 Kat aiTias.^ . aaipus filv roh diKovovai yvcvvai djs utcdTOj^ (Spdaaufv 
 Where ca^us yvojvai is not ' plain to perceive,' but ' plain to our hearers 
 so that they can perceive something else.' So here xoAtTrd Sura maTev- 
 a<u IS not ' hard to believe,' but ' making it hard to trust ' the rc/r^^pta. 
 for Kai{^ so and not otherwise') see Grammar, § 18 : for the strong 
 sense oiKiv^w.vca, see Glossary. For the emphatic bpdaavr^, compare 
 111. 53 aa<pa\((jT(pov doKu thai flnovras ri HivSvvevuvr to say a word 
 before we face our doom.' 
 
 Ch. 20, /. I — Ch. 21, /. 6. 
 
 1. 17. \ii\ \iiq. ^T|<|><|) trpo<rrt6€a0ai, scil. r^v yvwfir]v or favrSv. It is Ch. 20, 
 probable though not quite certain that Thucydides is here criticising 1. 17. 
 Herodotus. Herodotus mentions the Uiravdrrji \6xos as present at the 
 battle of Plataea (ix. 53) ^ And in describing the prerogatives of the 
 Spartan kings he says (vi. 57) that when they were absent from the 
 meetings of the yipovres or senate, the two members of the senate most 
 nearly related to them * had their prerogatives, giving two votes and a 
 third for themselves (Jx^^^ ^^ '''^^ ^aaiXiaiv yepea, dvo xprjcpovs riOffievovs, 
 TpiTrjv di, r^v koivrwv). But this, though not clearly expressed, probably 
 means that each proxy gave one vote, and then voted on his own 
 account : not that each gave two votes for each of the kings and then 
 his own. So that there is no exact correspondence between the two 
 authors in this point. There are, however, several other places^ in 
 which Thucydides introduces without any obvious motive details which 
 are at variance with statements in Herodotus. This makes it more 
 likely that Herodotus is referred to as mistaken about *the division 
 from Pitane ' : the mistake about the vote of the Spartan kings, if not 
 really made by Herodotus in vi. 37, may have been read into his words 
 by Thucydides ; it may also have occurred in some other writer or in 
 common belief. 
 
 1. 19. ovTws draXaCircDpos, k.t.X. Aristoph. Danaides (Fragm. 254, 
 Kock) ovrojs avrois ardkaiv^pojs fj troirfcns dieKfiro. The date of the 
 Danaides is unknown ; but the resemblance between the two passages 
 cannot be accidental, and Aristophanes must have taken the phrase from 
 Thucydides, not Thucydides from Aristophanes. » 
 
 1. I. ^K 8c, K.T.X., answers to the beginning of the last chapter, rci fxlv Ch. 21. 
 ovv iraKaia, k.t.K. 
 
 1. 2. ovK &v dp,apTdvoi is the main verb of the whole sentence ending 
 with diroxpwvTws (1.8), and vo|jiC{cov, irto-revcov, and T|YTjcrdp,6vos depend 
 on ovK hv dfiaprdvoi and are parallel to each other. * But a man will 
 not be wrong if he accepts my conclusions . . . about the times of which 
 I have been speaking, and does not prefer the exaggerations of poets or 
 the attractive legends f ' prose writers, but makes up his mind that,' etc. 
 
 1. 4. XoYOYpd<|>oi here means prose writers, writers of \6yoi, not of 
 (trrj^ and is opposed to ttoitjtcu. The word has various other meanings, 
 * historians,' * professional writers of speeches,' etc. ; but it never in 
 any ancient author is used as a special name for the Greek chroniclers 
 or historians who preceded Herodotus, though modem writers have often 
 given it this sense (G. Curtius, Kleine Schriften, Part ii. pp. 240 ff.). 
 
 1. 6. avrwv, gen. after rd iroXXd. dmoTcos is loosely used : ' in such 
 a manner as to become incredible,' not * incredibly.' 
 
 ^ He had himself visited Pitane, one of the villages which made up 
 the city of Sparta (iii. 55). 
 
 i. 89, 1. 16 ; 126, 1. 17 : ii. 8 med. 97 fin. 
 
 as 
 
/ 
 
 Book I. Notes. 
 
 Ch. 21, 1- 7- *•* Twv €7ri(|>ave(rrdTci)v (n\\itiii}v, * from the clearest indications * 
 1, 7. available. The reader must content himself with the conclusions whicl^ 
 can be made out from the more obvious facts about so remote a past. 
 
 1. 8. ws TToXatd ctvai, * for a state of things so long past,' refers to the 
 subject of €vp^a$ai, viz. the facts about early Hellas. For the infinitive 
 cp. (Kcjv eJvai, etc. ^ 
 
 1. 9. cv u &v iroXf |iw<n, * as long as they are at war/ opposed to 
 navaafxeyajv 5( : £i/ 4^ is an adverb of time, not a relative pronoun agree- 
 ing with t6v rrapovra iroKffwv. 
 
 Ch. 22. ^* 2* *^ avr^, sci/. kv t^ voXtfup. 
 
 1. 3. cfA.01 T€ «v avTOS TjKovo-a, K.T.X. tDi', set/, rr^v oKfK^uav avr^v 
 tKeivwv a, k.t.K. 
 
 1. 4. dXXo6ev, ' from any quarter,' not * from any other quarter,' just 
 as in the well-known use of dXkos. 
 
 1. 4. ws S' &v (SoKow ejtoi, K.T.X. av goes with ctVcrv and ixdkiara 
 with (86kovv d.v drruVj not with rd S^oj'Ta. 
 
 1- 5. rd Scovra, ' what was wanted,' what was appropriate to each 
 occasion, i. e. what to the best of Thucydides own judgment the circum- 
 stances called for ; under the limitation only of keeping to the * general 
 sense of what was actually said.' ^a. hkovra then means the best argu- 
 ments for peace or war, or for severity or mercy to revolted allies; the 
 most appropriate praise or blame for Athens or Sparta, Thebes or 
 Plataea, etc., etc., on any given occasion. 
 
 Thucydides here promises very little real or minute accuracy in his 
 
 * speeches ' : contrast a;s . . . kloKow kfwi with ovS' ws c'jiol €86k€i, * not 
 according to my own ideas,* below, 1. 9, where Ire is~spealang"of facts. 
 
 It has been well remarked that we can see what Thucydides meant 
 by ^ ^vfjLirdaa yvw/xi] of a speech from those passages in which he gives 
 a mere outline of what was said on a particular occasion, e.g. ii. 13 : 
 vi- 47-49' 72 : vii. 5, 21, 48 : viii. 27, 45, 48, 76. 
 
 1. 7. rd 8' Ipya twv 'irpax0€VTa)v is opposed to oao \6y<f ctirov above, 
 
 * the facts * or realities * of what was done and suffered.' 
 
 1. 9. dXX' ols T€, K.T.X. , i. e. dAX' -q^iajaa 'yt>d(p€iv rd €pya (ji6vov) oU. 
 ^ ols TC avTOS irapTjv ( = auTos t( TTapayevSficvos) and Kal €ire|€X9wv are 
 
 parallel to each other (Grammar, § 29). <I wrote of what I had seen 
 myself or (of what I learnt from others) only after careful inquiry.' 
 cire^cXdwv, having the sense of ' careful inquiry ' (Glossary) and being 
 supported by irw0av6p,evos just above, takes irapd twv dXXwv after it. 
 
 1. 13. cKarcpfp, dat. after cvvoias. 
 
 1. 14. TO [ii\ |jiv6w8es avrwv. firj (not ov) speaks of the book as it 
 would appear to a hearer, * the absence of legend which may be noticed.' 
 
 Ch. ai, /. 7 — Ch. 23, /. 12. 
 
 1. 15. TO a-a^h o-Koireiv = ' to contemplate the exact truth (Glossary) Ch. 22, 
 of the past.' twv |1€XX6vtwv is not * of the future,' opposed to twv 1. 15. 
 Yevo)x4vwv, but governs €O"€<r0ai, * of that which at some future time 
 (itot4 a(»Ots) is likely, as human things go ^, nearly or quite to resemble 
 the past.' 
 
 1. 17. w<{>^Xifta KpCvciv avTd. The construction is tovtovs {scil. oaoi 
 0ov\riaovTai, k.t.X.) Kpivuv abrd w(l>4\ifjux ftvai, apKovvrais kfiot ?£«: 'that 
 t/iey should pronounce my work to be of use will satisfy me.' 
 
 1. 18. KTfjfia cs del, * an abiding' or ' everlasting possession,' opposed 
 to a * prize composition which is heard and forgotten,' lit. * composed 
 for the immediate hearing.' Such competitions were familiar at Athens, 
 ranging from the contests for dramatic and dithyrambic prizes to the 
 disputations of sophists (like that in Plato's Euthydemus), to the 
 lookers-on at which Cleon compares the Athenian public in iii. 38 fin. 
 
 The History is * a possession for ever,' among other reasons, because 
 it will serve as a guide to the future. Compare ii. 48 fin., iii. 82 init, 
 where Thucydides says that future plagues or revolutions may resemble 
 those of Athens or Corcyra. 
 
 1. I. TWV 8^ TTpoTcpov IpywY takes up the argument from the end of Ch. 23. 
 ch. 21. 8c is here a weak S* ovv (Glossary). 
 
 1. 2. 8v«iv vavp,axCaiv. The battles are Artemisium and Salamis ; 
 Thermopylae and Plataea, or Plataea and Mycale. KpCo-iv with the gen. 
 = ' its decision which consisted in.' 
 
 But Thucydides' arguments here are special pleading : the Persian 
 War was greater and more important than the Peloponnesian. It has 
 been noticed that Thucydides incidentally expresses a truer feeling 
 when he says of the Spartans on Sphacteria, yiyvofxevoi iv ry axn^ 
 ^vfiiTTUfMTi, ws p,tKp6v fiCYdXu ciKdo-ai, T& (V QcpfionvXcus (iv. 36). 
 
 1. 3. TOVTOv 8^ ToO iroXc(iov |iT)K6s T€ ficya TrpovPij. * This war had 
 a length which went on far,' i. e. this war was very long protracted. 
 
 1. 6. T|pT|p.w6T]o-av . . . viro pap^dpwv. Colophon, and partly (vii. 30 
 fin.) Mycalessus : viro o-4>wv avrwv, Plataea, Thyrea, Leontini, Hyccara : 
 oiKT|Topas p-CTcPoXov aXurKojicvai, Potidaea, Aegina, Scione, Melos> 
 Sollium and Anactorium : <t>VYai dvOpwn-wv, as of the Corcyraean and 
 Lesbian oligarchs, the Boeotian and Megarian democrats and many 
 others, including the historian himself. 
 
 1. II. ovK diTio-Ta KaTto-nj, i.e. stories formerly 'repeated on hear- 
 say,' but rarely confirmed by facts, about earthquakes, eclipses, etc., 
 were now credited, because such things happened within men's own 
 experience. 
 
 1. 12 <rtiay.(av tc ircpt . . . -^Cov t€ €KXcii|fcis, 'what was reported 
 
 1 Th. § 146. 2. «. 3 ; G. § 268; R. §§ 340, 341. 
 
 26 
 
 ^ Not * in all human probability,' which conveys a different shade of 
 meaning. 
 
 37 
 
 1 
 
Book I, Notes. 
 
 Ch 23, about earthquakes ;~eclipses of the sun (which were reported),'a trifling 
 1. 14. vanation in the construction. 
 
 1. 13. 'TrvKv6Ttpai TTopd Td Ik to€ uplv xp6vov fiV7,fiov€v6fi«va. As 
 a matter of fact there were six noticeable solar eclipses visible at Athens 
 dunng the twenty-seven years of the War; four or perhaps five during 
 the thirty years preceding it ; and five during the earlier period 49:5-46:^ 
 some of them more remarkable than any during the War itself As we 
 do not know that all the visible eclipses were actually noticed, and as 
 the difference m the numbers is so small, we are not justified in claiming 
 scien ific accuracy for Thucydides' statement : he probably records the 
 
 fuTh^f '""rrtr* ^"' '^' ^^'''^ ^'^^ °^^y ^^^^^ ^^^'^wo edlpses 
 ust before the War were counted as 'falling upon Hellas together with 
 It, show how easily the popular impression may have arisen. From 462 
 to 435, twenty-seven years had passed with only three (perhaps two) 
 noticeable eclipses. There was an eclipse both in 434 and 433 no 
 
 Corinth and Corcyra, and no doubt regarded as ominous of worse troubles 
 to come : and during the first eight years of the War there followed three 
 more. The great eclipses of 493-463, remembered from the preceding 
 generation, were probably in Thucydides' mind when he speakT of 
 traditions of eclipses rarely confirmed by facts but now accredited ^ ' 
 
 ,hl' 'K^^^^^A ^'^°'- ^^ d^«"ghts, and of famines resulting from 
 them, Thucydides gives no instance. 
 
 1. 16. |i€pos Tt, ' a great number.' See on ch. 1. 1. 8. 
 
 k K°' ^^^ .^^o^<*s aXoxriv, i. e. < after the recovery of Euboea ' in 
 446 by Athens when the island had revolted, ch. 114. 
 
 1. 23. tV K^ Yap dAT,0«o-TdTT,v ^p6<|,a<rtv, k.t.X. For yrp6<pa<Ti, see 
 Glossary, -n^v -npo^o^y seems intended to be predicated of toOs 'Aen- 
 vacovs j..YaXovs YVYvo^c'vovs { = rb roh 'AOrjuaiovs f.,ydKov, yiyv.aea!), 
 but as the sentence proceeds rohs 'AS^jvaiov, becomes the subject of 
 avay-cdcrat ; Grammar, § 30. < For (and this was the truest cause, though 
 
 and the alarm which it caused the Lacedaemonians, that forced them 
 1. a 6. airCat, ' grievances,' see Glossary. 
 
 Corinth, Corcyra, and Epidamnus (Ch. 24-55). 
 
 Sn" anct^tTdi"'"' "" ""?"' "'^ ''' "°^'^^ "^^ P^^^^ by ties of 
 Greek ^'^^°' f'^'"'''' "^^g^> Partly by ties of interest and sentiment • not 
 
 and modern necessarily by any political or constitutional tie at all. No Greek citv 
 ' colonies.' ^^s thought to have a right to govern any of her colonies, simply because 
 
 
 f«r f^ I V" ^PPe?^!^- For the facts contained in the note and 
 for the Appendix. I am indebted to the kindness of Mr. W. E Aummer 
 M.A., Astronomer to the Mersey Docks and Harbour Board ^^"°'°'^'' 
 
 38 
 
 Ch, 33, /. 13 — /. 26. 
 
 they were her colonies. There are cases indeed in which a political 
 relation existed between a * metropolis ' and a colony ; Corinth sent 
 magistrates of some kind annually to Potidaea (i. 56), and many cities 
 which were supposed to be colonies of Athens were also her de- 
 pendencies. In these cases, however, the colonies were not only colonies 
 but something more. 
 
 In modern times, a political connexion of some kind is necessary to 
 constitute a colony. In the case of our own Empire, there remain the 
 machinery and appearance, if not the reality, of a control over the 
 colonies : for this might be substituted a system of federation which 
 would equally form a political bond; or the colonies might become 
 independent, and would then cease to be called * colonies ' : meanwhile, 
 any citizen of Canada or New South Wales is ipso facto a citizen of 
 Great Britain, and vice versa. But in Greece no constitutional form 
 whatever united Corinth and her colony Syracuse ; a citizen of Syracuse 
 was not on that account a citizen of Corinth. According to Greek 
 ideas, the United States would have been just as much * colonies ' of 
 Great Britain after the War of Independence as they were before. 
 
 The obvious and natural common-places about the reciprocal duties Ties of 
 of mother-countries and colonies may be illustrated from Hdt. iii. 19, sentiment, 
 where the Phoenicians refuse to sail against their Carthaginian ' children ' 
 at the bidding of Cambyses ; from Hdt. viii. 22, where Themistocles 
 reminds the lonians in the fleet of Xerxes of the ' injusrice ' which they 
 are committing in making war upon their * fathers ' (cf. Thuc. vi. 82 
 fin.) ; and from Plato, Laws 754 A : * the city which founds a colony 
 is father and mother to it ; and though there has been and will be 
 again many and many a quarrel between colonies and founders, yet 
 young colonies, like young children, will love and be loved by the 
 parent state.' 
 
 The Corinthians (ch. 38) claim from Corcyra not only ' due respect ' 
 {ra ilK6ra davfia^faeai), but acceptance of their leadership {enl ry ^y(- 
 fiovfs (Tvai) : meaning that they expected their colonies to follow their 
 lead in matters of peace and war. This is the nearest approach to a 
 political connexion. But there were obviously no means except actual 
 violence of enforcing the claim. 
 
 That Thucydides fully shared the feelings of his countrymen on this 
 matter is clear from the tone of vii. 57, 58. Just before describing the 
 crisis of the Sicilian Expedition, when enumerating the cities engaged on 
 both sides, he dwells emphatically on the cases in which colonists fought 
 against their mother cities, and on the circumstances which drove them 
 to do so. 
 
 Harder for us to appreciate are the ancient religious usages which Ties of 
 connected colonies and their founders. religious 
 
 (i) The sacred fire in the Prytaneum of the colony was kindled from °sage : 
 
 29 
 
•Jl 
 
 1^ 
 
 (3) The 
 founder. 
 
 Book L Notes. 
 
 (i) The the hearth of the Prytaneum in the parent state *. The origin and mean- 
 sacred fire, ing of the ceremony is obscure, but it was probably connected with the 
 sacredness of the domestic hearth in the life of the family, and implied 
 that the special Gods of the old city were also the Gods of the new, and 
 that the life of the new city was a continuation of that of the old ^ 
 (2) The (2) It was the regular custom to consult the God at Delphi before 
 
 oracles. a colony was sent out : to the neglect of the ceremony by Dorieus before 
 he set out from Sparta to Sicily Herodotus (v. 42) traces his subsequent 
 misfortunes. In Thucydides iii. 92, the Lacedaemonians consult Apollo 
 before founding Heraclea, and the God sanctions the enterprise which 
 turns out a total failure. 
 
 (3) The oiKicTTris or leader of the colonists bore a religious as well as 
 a merely practical character. When a city which was herself a colony 
 founded a colony in her turn, the oecist was generally summoned from 
 the original mother city (i. 24). Thucydides carefully mentions an 
 exception to this rule in the case of Catana founded from Naxos : the 
 citizens of Catana chose an oecist themselves (vi. 3). And in vi. 3-5, in 
 his account of the foundation of the various Siceliot cities he generally 
 gives the name of the oecist. In v. 11 we are told that, after the victory 
 and death of Brasidas, the people of Amphipolis, whom he had de- 
 livered from the * Athenian yoke,* made him their oecist instead of 
 Hagnon (the Athenian general who had founded Amphipolis fifteen 
 years before), and yearly offered sacrifices to him and celebrated games 
 in his honour'. 
 (4) Sacri- (4) We know from an inscription* that the people of Brea, an 
 nces, &c. Athenian colony in Thrace, founded shortly before the Peloponnesian 
 War, were bound to bring an ox and two sheep to be sacrificed at the 
 Panathenaea ; and a scholium on Aristophanes (Clouds, 386) says that 
 every Athenian colony brought an ox on the same occasion. This is 
 
 ^ The only direct authorities for this custom are some scholia on 
 Aristides, who himself wrote in the second century a. d. ( Aristid. Pan. 
 p. 103), and an anonymous article in a lexicon (Etym. Magnum, npv- 
 ravfia) ; but the fact is sufficiently attested by Hdt. i. 146, where he de- 
 scribes the Ionic colonies in Asia as oi avb rov Ttpvravrjiov twv 'Adrjvaicuv 
 6pnr)6ivT(s : and it is probably referred to as part of the founding of a 
 colony in Ar. Av. 43, where Peisthetairos and Euelpides, on their way 
 to settle among the Birds, take fire with them in an earthen vessel as 
 well as the other necessaries for sacrifice — Kavovv txovre Kal x^rpay koI 
 fxvpfHvas. Cp. Virg. Aen. ii. 296. 
 
 " Coulanges, La Cite Antique, Book iii. c. 5, 6. Cp. Polyb. ix. 27, 8 ; 
 Strabo, iv. 1.4. 
 
 ' It is possible, though not likely, that Hagnon was dead at the time 
 and that similar honours had been paid to him. 
 
 * C. LA. i. 31. 
 
 30 
 
 Ch. 24—31. 
 
 the nearest parallel to the customs alluded to in Thuc. i. 36 as neglected 
 by the Corcyraeans. 
 
 We can now better understand that, when Corcyra refused Corinth 
 these customary marks of respect, it was something more than a mere 
 act of rudeness : it was an offence against Greek religious feeling. 
 
 The peculiarity in the case of Epidamnus was that both Corinth and The double 
 Corcyra had a certain claim upon its loyalty as a colony. It would g^|^^^° 
 appear from Thucydides that the question was considered a difficult one ^ P^ 
 at the time. We find elsewhere some distant parallels to the troubles 
 which arose from it. Potidaea (i. 57), though part of the Athenian 
 empire, was a colony and in some sense a dependency of Corinth ^ 
 Plataea was considered to be a colony of Thebes (cp. iii. 61), and on 
 this circumstance the Thebans founded their claims to its alliance ; but 
 it preferred to ally itself with Athens. In v. 51, 52, the Boeotians, to 
 save Heraclea from falling into the hands of Athens, take possession of 
 it themselves, much to the indignation of the original founders the Lace- 
 daemonians : though their oecists had grievously mismanaged it *. 
 
 Corcyra is said to have been founded by Corinth either in 734 or in Previous 
 705 : and Herodotus, when speaking of the savage enmity between ^^^^°^^^^° 
 Periander, tyrant of Corinth, and the Corcyraeans (rather before 585), ^^^Y^^- 
 says ' the Corcyraeans and Corinthians have been quarrellmg with one 
 another ever since the island was settled ' (iii. 49) . In 664 the first Greek 
 sea-fight was fought, Thucydides tells us (i. 13), and it was between 
 Corinth and Corcyra '. 
 
 Under what circumstances Corinth and Corcyra joined in founding 
 Epidamnus we do not know: the date is given as 625, in the times of 
 the tyrants Cypselus or Periander, but on the late authority of Eusebius. 
 Once at least the two cities united with good effect, when their joint 
 intercession saved Syracuse, daughter of Corinth and sister of Corcyra, 
 from subjection to Hippocrates of Gela*. And we read with pleasure 
 
 ^ Anactorium (i. 55), like Epidamnus, was founded in common by 
 Corinth and Corcyra : Chalcis and Molycrium (i. 108, iii. 102), like 
 Potidaea, were colonies of Corinth and subjects of Athens. 
 
 2 In Thuc. vi. 4, 5 we have colonies founded jointly by two cities — 
 Gela by Rhodes and Crete :— Zancle by Cyme and Chalcis in Euboea:— 
 Himera by the Chalcidians of Zancle and some Syracusan exiles. In 
 such cases it mwA have been necessary, in order to avoid future quarrels, 
 to make some definite arrangement or compromise about the institutions 
 of the new state : and accordingly Thucydides tells us that at Gela the 
 Dorian institutions of theRhodian founder prevailed, and at Himera the 
 Chalcidian, though the language was partly Dorian. 
 
 =» A full account of their quarrels, which are related to have been 
 struggles for independence on the part of Corcyra, will be found in 
 Abbott, vol. i. II. 12, 14; 12. 12-19. . ^. ., , .. c 
 
 * About 492 B. C, Hdt. vii. 155. See Freeman*s Sicily, vol. 11. p. nb. 
 
 31 
 
 I 
 
 I 
 
/ 
 
 Character 
 
 Book L Notes, 
 
 (Plutarch, Timoleon, c. 8), that about ninety years after the present 
 quarrel Corcyra sent two ships with the little squadron despatched by 
 Corinth under Timoleon, and so took part in the deliverance of Syra- 
 cuse and Sicily from tyranny and from the Carthaginians. 
 
 What we know of Corcyra confirms the disagreeable impression con- 
 of the Cor- yeyed in the Corinthian speech (Thuc. i. 37) ; especially the story of the 
 cyraeans. gj-g^t ardais. Herodotus (vii. 168) gives a lively description of the 
 hypocritical conduct of the Corcyraeans in the Persian War. They 
 promised help in the warmest terms to the envoys of the united Greeks : 
 and then sent sixty ships to cruise off the Laconian coast and join the 
 Persians if victorious. After the victory of the Greeks they declared 
 that the N. E. winds had prevented them from weathering Cape Malea. 
 Thucydides in i. 1 36 seems to intend a contrast between the ingratitude 
 of the Corcyraeans towards the fugitive Themistocles and the generosity 
 of the Molossian Admetus. 
 
 Corcyra was a democracy at the time of the ffraffis ^ ; whether it was 
 so at the time of the war with Corinth, there is no positive evidence to 
 show. It is natural in any case that in a wealthy mercantile com- 
 munity the richest class should have had great influence : this may 
 give a sufficient reason why the Corcyraeans took part with the exiled 
 oligarchs, and not with the people, of Epidamnus (i. 26, 1. 12, note). 
 
 Form of 
 govern- 
 ment. 
 
 Chrono- 
 logy of 
 Thuc. i. 
 
 24-55- 
 
 Corinthian defeat near Actium . . 435 (or beginning of 434 ?). 
 
 Embassies to Athens and despatch of first ) Soon after midsummer, 
 
 Athenian squadron to Corcyra j 433' 
 
 Despatch of second Athenian squadron and ) 433 (last half) or 432 
 
 battle of Sybota ) (first half). 
 
 The date at which the first Athenian squadron of ten ships was sent 
 to Corcyra, immediately after the Corcyraean and Corinthian embassies, 
 is known from an inscription ^ to have been thirteen days after the be- 
 ginning of the archonship of Apseudes, summer 433 — summer 432. We 
 should naturally infer from Thuc. i. 46 that the battle of Sybota followed 
 very soon afterwards ; but this, though probable, is not quite certain : as 
 the language of ch. 56 may point to a later date. See p. 52. 
 
 Ch, 24. 1. I. 'EmSajivos €<rTi iroXis. Not * Epidamnus is a city' but * There 
 is a city, Epidamnus * : cp. KvKuv ^v 'OKvfimov'ncrjs, i. 126. 
 
 1. 4. Twv d<|>' TIpaKXfovs, i. e. a man of the great ruling family of 
 Corinth, overthrown by Cypselus, better known as the Bacchiadae. 
 
 * iii. 81 rrjv fikv alriav tiri<p(povT(s rois rbv Sfj/xov KaraXvovffiv. 
 
 * C. I. A. i. 179 and iv. Part i. 179 (see Appendix to ch. 51, 1. 11). 
 
 32 
 
 
 Ck. 24, /. I — Ch, 25, /. 17. 
 
 1. 9. u)S X«YCTav probably refers to crt) iroXXd, and diro iroXefiOw -nvos Ch. 24, 
 goes with €<J>0dip'ria-av. 1. 9. 
 
 1. 2. ev diroptp €ixovto GcorOai to irapov, * were at their wits' end,' Ch. 25. 
 (///■. were held in a perplexity) ' how to deal with the affair.' 
 
 1. 6. -fiYeiJi^vas : Glossary. 
 
 1. 14. ovT€ "ydp €V itavTiYvp€<n rats KOivats 8i86vt6S Y^pa rd vo|u- 
 I6]ifva 0VT6 Kopiv6i(p dvSpl irpoKaTapxojicvoi twv Upuv. The participles 
 SiSoyTfs, vpoKarapxififvot, irfpicppovovvrfs, have no finite verb following 
 them. The sentence should strictly speaking have ended with some words 
 meaning * had incurred the anger of the Corinthians ' ; alriav tlxov irpos 
 Toiv KopivOiojv, or the like ; but it is left unfinished, and a new beginning 
 made in navTuv oZv tovtojv (yKX-^fiara ixovns oi Kopivdioi, ch. 26 init. 
 
 The Kotval iravijyvpeis are the four great Games, especially, we may 
 suppose, the Isthmian held at Corinth. There may have been other 
 religious gatherings at Corinth which were attended by her colonists, 
 similar to the Great Dionysia or the Panathenaea at Athens. The ' privi- 
 leges ' would be places of honour (TrpofSpiai, Schol. here), animals for 
 sacrifice presented by the colony to the mother city ^, the sending of 
 0€ojpoi to Corinthian festivals ^, or the like. 
 
 The meaning of KoptvOtcp dvSpl irpoKaTapx6p.cvoi twv Up&v is quite 
 uncertain. Karapx^oOai r&v UpSiv is a technical term for the cere- 
 monies usual at the commencement of a sacrifice ; lustration, sprinkling 
 the victim's head with barley-grain or meal, and cutting a lock of hair 
 from its forehead. dv8pi is probably a * dative of interest,' dependent 
 in meaning on the irpo- in TrpoKarapx^fJifvoi : and we may translate 
 ' not giving a first place to a representative of Corinth when they began 
 their sacrifice.' The 'man of Corinth' may have been a Corinthian resi- 
 dent, or any Corinthian who might happen to be present at the public 
 sacrifices of the city of Corcyra. (See further in Appendix.) 
 
 1. 1 7. Kal \pr\[L6L'rwv 8wdp,ci ovt€S . . . ojxota rots *EXXt|v«v irXovoxw- 
 tAtois. The words will hardly construe as they stand ; 6p.oia must be an 
 adverb, * equally,' and has nothing to depend on. Koi kv may be read 
 for Koi or dfioToi for ofioia. 
 
 Kai before xPVh^"^^^ Swdfici answers to Kai before rg h voXf^ov 
 -rrapaffKfvrj^ and both clauses give the reason for ir(pi<ppovovvT(s avrovs. 
 * The Corcyraeans thought little of the Corinthians, because they were 
 
 ^ Diod. xii. 30. 4 rovs be Kepicvpaiovs fuaovvres 8ici t6 fiovovs rwv 
 drroiKwv /x^ rrffiveiv tcL Karudiafieva Upeia t$ ftrjTpovoXu (cp. Thuc. v. 
 53). Of course Diodorus is no authority for such details ; but we may 
 use him to illustrate the possibilities of the case. Cp. also Aristides 
 Eleusin. p.4i6(Dind.), dwdyfiv Si koI TOvs''EXXr)vas dirapxds rojvKapTr&v 
 tKdaroTf 'AO^ya^e m fiTjTpotroXei a<pojv t€ avrajv Kal twv Kapnuv rwv 
 'Ad-qvaiwv rri iroXu (in allusion to the story of the introduction of corn- 
 growing byDemeter and Kore). See p. 30 (4) for closer parallels. 
 
 ' Kriiger, who compares Thuc. vi. 3 init. 
 
 C 33 
 
(\ 
 
 Book I. Notes. 
 
 Ch. 25, just then strong in pecuniary resources (as much so as the richest of the 
 1. 17. Greeks), and were more powerful (than the Corinthians) in military 
 
 force.' 
 
 It is very unlikely that Corcyra was as rich as Athens ^ : but it is not 
 implied here ; for Thucydides may be comparing Corcyra not with his 
 own city, but only with the other states of Hellas (Jowett). 
 
 1, 19. vavTiK^ 84 Kal -rroXv Trpotx*^ €<mv 5t6 €iTaip6ji€voi, Kai 
 •card Ti\v twv *aiAKwv irpoevoCKTimv, ' and in their navy they at times 
 flattered themselves ^ that they were very far superior, not forgetting either 
 that they had been preceded in Corcyra by the Phaeacians, who were 
 famous for their seamanship.' 
 
 The ancient belief that Corcyra was the Homeric Scheria has nothing 
 to rest upon in the Odyssey. From iii. 70 we see that Alcinous had a 
 sacred rtficvos in Corcyra, i. e. was worshipped as a hero there. 
 
 The minute difficulties of the passage are not, after all, important : 
 and do not obscure the general sense. Corcyra, proud of her mythical 
 renown and material prosperity, and at times aspiring to a leading 
 place among the Hellenic powers, neglects the ceremonial compliments 
 to the mother city which were consecrated by Greek religion, while 
 Corinth, irritated by the presumption of her ungrateful colony, is glad to 
 seize the opportunity of doing her an ill turn. 
 
 Ch. 26. 1. 4. <i)povpovs. Glossary. 
 
 1. 5. ApoUonia is on the coast of Illyria, about forty-five miles below 
 Epidamnus and some three hundred miles from Corinth by land. 
 
 1. II. Kar €irT|p€tav goes with ckcXcvov. 
 
 1. 12. Td(|>ovs T€ oLtroSciKyvvTes Kal ^vyyivtiav. * It was the Epi- 
 damnian oligarchy who were principally connected with Corcyra, from 
 whence their forefathers had emigrated, and where their family burial- 
 places as well as their kinsmen were still to be found, while the Demos, 
 or small proprietors and tradesmen of Epidamnus, may perhaps have 
 been of miscellaneous origin, and at any rate had no visible memorials 
 of ancient lineage in the mother island.' (Grote, c. xlviii.) 
 
 1.17. Kal Tovs 'IXXvptovs irpoo-XapoYTts. /cat = ' also': the Illyrians 
 are the Taulantians of ch. 24. 
 
 * Cp. Xen. Hell. vi. 2. 9 1^ ovSffuds yap noXfOJS itX-qv yf ^AOrjvan/ ovTf 
 vavs ovT€ xP'7MaTa ir\fiova av ytveaOcu — in the mouth of a Corcyraean 
 asking help from Athens in 373. In Thuc. viii. 45 fin., the Chians are 
 invidiously called by Alcibiades * the richest of the Hellenes.' 
 
 ^ As the words stand, knatpufifvoi (* being uplifted ') is best taken in 
 the sense * thinking proudly ' ; followed first by infin. Trpo4xfiv and then 
 by /card, t^v irpotvoiieqaiv, (a) ' flattering themselves that they were 
 superior at sea and (d) pluming themselves on the fact that they had 
 been preceded by the Phaeacians.' But this is very doubtful Greek. 
 There is probably some corruption of the text. 
 
 34 
 
 Ch, 25, /. 19 — Ch. 28, /. 18. 
 
 1. 4. cirl T^ i<nj Kal &^oC<3i t6v povX6p,€vov Uvat, ' that any one who Ch. 27. 
 liked might go and have similar and equal rights,' probably with the 
 other colonists ; a necessary announcement, as Corinth was an oligarchy. 
 
 1. 6. -ircyTTiKovTa Spaxp-cLs . . . KopivOias. The Corinthian drachma was 
 equivalent in weight to about 6d. of our money ; its purchasing power 
 was of course greater. (Diet. Ant. s. v. Pondera, ii. pp. 451, 452.) 
 
 The money thus paid down in lieu of personal service was no doubt 
 spent in defraying the expenses of the expedition : the result must have 
 made it a dead loss to the depositors. 
 
 1. 8. €8€T|0Ti(rav bk Kal twv Me-yap^oiv, K.T.X. Corinth, we see, could 
 make war on her own account with Corcyra, and get help from other 
 members of the Peloponnesian confederacy without sanction from 
 Sparta or from the federal assembly : similarly Corcyra could retaliate 
 on Elis for helping Corinth by burning the Elean docks at Cyllene 
 (ch. 30), without involving herself in war with the confederacy. 
 
 1. 2. n€Td AaK€8aip,ovicov Kal StKtKovCcov irpco-pewv. irpia$(OJv cannot Ch. 28. 
 mean accredited * ambassadors ' from these states : for the Lacedae- 
 monians cannot formally have declared the Corcyraeans in the right 
 against their own allies the Corinthians. The irpea^fis can only have 
 been private persons, willing to lend their influence whatever it was 
 worth to the Corcyraean government and to testify afterwards if neces- 
 sary to what had been said on either side ^. 
 
 1. 5. cl 8€ Tt dvnirotovvTai, sal. rfji 'EirtSd/xvou. ri is adverbial. 
 
 1. 6. als dv, K.T.X. = 7rap' ah &v 5i/cas dovvai ayupor^poi ^vti^Sxnv. 
 
 1. 8. "nOcXov 8^ Kal T^ €v A€X<t>ois |iavT€i<|p tiriTpe^/at. Either the 
 Corcyraean^ had not heard that the oracle had already taken a side by 
 telling the Epidamnians to give up their city to Corinth : or, if they 
 had, they must be supposed to have off^ered arbitration merely as a 
 means of getting out of the affair with dignity. 
 
 1. 9. 'ir6X€|i,ov 84 ovK efwv irowiv, ' but they warned the Corinthians 
 not to {lit. would not allow the Corinthians to) bring on a war' {voiuv 
 irSkffxov, not * make war,' iromaOai iroXtfxov, Grammar, § 6). 
 
 1. II. TWV vvv ovTwv, the Corinthians and other Peloponnesians, whom 
 as Dorians, the Corcyraeans are still willing to call their ' friends,' as 
 opposed to the Athenians whom they threaten to join. 
 
 1. 18. airovSds 84 iroi-fiorao-Oai. It is best to retain Si with all the 
 MSS. and supply ttokiv ravra after kroTfioi ttvai. * They were also 
 p\ Dared, they said, to enter upon arbitration on condition that the forces 
 on )Oth sides at Epidamnus remained where they were, but made an 
 am .stice until the award was given.' But the Corinthians would hear 
 of nothing but the unconditional withdrawal of the Corcyraeans from 
 Epidamnus, their own garrison remaining there. 
 
 ^ Schol. iVa avTois ojffi jxaprvpts tSjv \6y<uv^ ^ iva avrovs aiSiaOwaiv oi 
 Kopivdioi. For -npia^us see Glossary. 
 
 C 2 
 
 35 
 
Book 1. Notes. 
 
 Ch. 29. 1- 4- 8i<rxiXiois oirXtrais. Why the remaining looo (ch. 27 fin.) were 
 not taken, we do not know. 
 
 1. 13. dir€povvTa |jit\ irXeiv «m o-(|>&s, i.e. warning them that any 
 farther advance would be deemed an act of aggression, and would be 
 resisted. 
 
 1,13. j;€v|avT€s Ttts iraXaid?, 'bracing* or strengthening the old 
 ships, probably with new cross-beams from side to side ^ ^finivvyu, 
 Cvyov, generally imply 'joining by a cross piece.' 
 
 1. 21. Tovs eirf|Xv6os, the Ambraciots and Leucadians of ch. 26. 1. 3. 
 
 Ch. 30. 1- 9- "^^^ TC xpovov T^v irXcto-TOv |i€Tcl tt\v vavfuixCav means * for 
 most of the rest of the season ' (or, time available for naval operations) 
 * after the sea fight,' and before the winter. 
 
 1. 12. ir«pi6vTt T<p Ocpci. irepiiuvTi t^ dipu should be read with one 
 good MS., * at the turn of the summer,' or * when the summer was drawing 
 to an end ' (Appendix), to 0«pos tovto at the end of ch. 30= * for the 
 rest of this summer.* The whole chapter refers to the same summer 
 as that in which the battle was fought, 435 or 434 B. C. 
 
 Ch. 81. 1. I. Tov S' «vvavTov irdvTa tov |i.«TeL tt^v vavfiaxCav Kol tov v<rr€pov, 
 i.e. if the battle was in 435, summer 435 — summer 433 : if it was in 
 434, which is much less probable, part of 434 and part of 433 ^. 
 
 1. 2. dpYD (|>(povTCs, * carrying on with passion' (Classen), not 'irri- 
 tated by.' 
 
 1. 5. ^MT^ ir(C6ovT(s is subordinate to aYcipovrcs : Grammar, § 11. 
 
 this time. 
 
 CORCYRAEAN AND CORINTHIAN EMBASSY (32-43). 
 
 Critical "When the quarrel between Corinth and Corcyra broke out, the 
 
 position of * Thirty Years' Peace ' had lasted about ten year^. The power, and 
 affairs at yni\x it the unpopularity, of Athens was steadily increasing. She had 
 about five years since, after a desperate struggle, reduced Samos, one 
 of her few remaining independent allies, to subjection. The revolt of 
 Samos had almost led to a general war. The representatives of the 
 Peloponnesian confederacy had met at Sparta, and a vote had been 
 taken on the question, whether Samos should not be assisted and the 
 power of the 'tyrant city* overthrown. Corinth, from whatever motive, 
 had taken the side of peace, and Athens had been allowed to punish 
 
 ^ (djwvfu would have been used had the reference been to vwo^wfMra 
 (Diet Antiq. ii. 224 a) or cables fastened round a ship from stem to 
 stem. Nor is the reference here to Cxrfd in the sense 'benches* (see 
 Cartault, La Triere Ath^nienne, p. 42.) The benches of triremes appear 
 to have been removeable, and replacing them in ships before they sailed 
 out would be a matter of course and not worth special mention. 
 
 ^ See p. 32. 
 
 i^ 
 
 Ch. 29y L 4—Ch. 31, /. 5- 
 
 her own ally. But it would be a very different matter if Athens meddled 
 with the allies of Sparta S— above all with Corinth, the real working 
 leader of the Peloponnesian confederacy, who had hated Athens (i. 103 
 -fin.) ever since the two disastrous and humiliating defeats which she 
 had sustained from her some twenty-five years back. 
 
 Hence the difficulty of the question which was now brought, not as 
 it would be brought in modern days, before a few experienced statesmen 
 meeting in private, but before some thousands of Athenians assembled 
 in the Pnyx. Corinth had got into a quarrel with a strong neutral 
 power which was a colony of her own, had been badly beaten, and was 
 preparing to revenge herself; could Athens assist that power and mortally 
 offend Corinth without bringing on at once 'the war' which was im- 
 pending over Hellas ? j <- • 
 
 The most definite questions discussed in the Corcyraean and Conn- 
 thian speeches are (1) Which city has right on its side in the war about 
 Epidamnus ? (2) Will Athens violate the Thirty Years' Peace by lettmg 
 Corcyra become her ally ? (3) Will Athens risk immediate war thereby ? 
 (4) Is the accession of Corcyra worth the risk ? 
 
 (1) Corinth would appear to have been thoroughly in the right down 
 to the pomt at which Corcyra proposed arbitration. Corcyra, after 
 refusing to help Epidamnus herself, could not fairiy blame Connth for 
 doing so ; and by attacking Epidamnus and the Corinthian settlers and 
 garrison, she made it impossible for Corinth not to fight. 
 
 But Corcyra when threatened with war was ready to make all but 
 complete amends for her precipitate action. She offered to submit the 
 question to arbitration— and to arbitrators who were certam to be 
 favourable to Corinth ^ When this offer was rejected, she expressed 
 her willingness to raise the blockade of Epidamnus if the Connthian 
 settlers and garrison were withdrawn, or to suspend hostilities if they 
 would do the same. This last offer the Corinthians quite leave out of 
 sight when they deal with the point at the beginning of ch. 39. They 
 apparently wanted the Corcyraeans to withdraw from Epidamnus while 
 they themselves remained in possession. The Corcyraeans on the other 
 hand seem to have been thoroughly alarmed by the menaces of Connth, 
 and to have really wanted a good excuse for retreating. 
 
 (2) A scholium on ch. 35 says that the Athenians were justified in 
 accepting the alliance of Corcyra according to the letter, but not accord- 
 ing to the spirit of the Peace \ And this is about the truth. The 
 
 The rights 
 of the 
 case : — 
 
 (i) as to 
 the quarrel 
 about Epi- 
 damnus : 
 
 (2) as to 
 the duty of 
 Athens 
 
 1 Upiv 8r) fi bvvafus reuv 'A9rjvou(uv aa<pws vpfro Koi rrjs (vfxnaxiai avrwv 
 fiwTOvro. rort 8* ovKkn avaax^rov kvoiovvro i. 1 18, 1. 12. 
 
 » Ch 28 hUat ^BiXov lovvai fv U€\oirow'qC(i> rrapd iroXtaiv als &v 
 
 3 To tJL^v prjrdv b KtpKvpaios rifv bl diayoiav 6 Kopiveioi. 
 
 37 
 
Book I. Notes. 
 
 war. 
 
 under the Treaty allowed any neutral state to join which confederacy it pleased, 
 terms of and Corcyra was a neutral state. But the treaty did not fairly cover 
 t e eace. ^^^ ^^^^ ^^ ^ neutral state actually at war with a member of one of 
 the confederacies. So far the argument of ch. 40 is justified. — But when 
 the Corinthians imply (see note on aWov avriv a-noarepwv ch. 40. 1. 6) 
 that Corcyra, simply because it was their colony, was not a neutral 
 state in the sense of the treaty, they prove too much ; for many of the 
 neutral states, e. g. the Sicilian cities, were colonies of cities which had 
 taken sides already, and it cannot have been intended to prevent them 
 from joining which confederacy they pleased. 
 
 (3) Risk of (3) The Corinthians naturally warn the Athenians of the danger of 
 immediate bringing on war at once if they receive Corcyra. But as a matter of 
 
 fact, the outbreak of hostilities over Potidaea, and the most energetic 
 action at Sparta on the part of Corinth, were necessary before Sparta 
 could be worked up to fight. So it is clear that the decision of Athens, 
 in which we seem to recognise the caution of Pericles, though it brought 
 war nearer, did not of itself make war inevitable. 
 
 (4) Value (4) Corcyra did very little after all for Athens in the war ; but this 
 of the Cor- was partly owing to circumstances which could not have been foreseen. 
 alHan^ To begin with, 70 out of 1 10 ships were disabled in the sea-fight of 
 
 Sybota ; they might have been saved if the second Athenian reinforcement 
 had come up a few hours earlier. The Corcyraeans, moreover, could 
 not be expected to be very active when 250 of their citizens were 
 hostages in the hands of the Corinthians. However, they sent 50 ships 
 to join the Athenian fleet of 100, which ravaged the Peloponnesian 
 coast in the first year of the war (ii. 25 init.) ; otherwise, until the 
 great araais of 427, they did nothing for Athens. In 426 they sent 15 
 ships for a short time to help Demosthenes in his attack on Leucas 
 (iii. 94, 95). The troubles of 427 and 425 were productive of nothing 
 but annoyance to Athens. In 415 Corcyra formed the rendezvous for the 
 disastrous Sicilian expedition. It sent 15 ships and some hoplites with 
 Demosthenes and Eurymedon ^ And Thucydides, in his list of the forces 
 which took part in the battle in the harbour at Syracuse, mentions 
 the Corcyraeans who, fighting against their Corinthian founders and 
 their Syracusan kinsmen, followed the Athenians * under a decent ap- 
 pearance of constraint, but gladly, because they hated Corinth.' 
 
 Ch. 32. 11. 3» 4- ava8t8A|at, Glossary, irpwrov answers to lircixa Sc, and 
 
 ItdXicrra jicv to ci h\ jii^. 
 
 * The Dorian paean raised by the Corcyraeans and Argives in the 
 Athenian army, being mistaken for that of the enemy, helped in the 
 discomfiture of the Athenians on Epipolae (vii. 44 fin.). 
 
 38 
 
 1.6. 
 
 ei 
 
 Ch. 32, /. 3— a. 32,^ 1 4. 
 
 . TovTcov jiTiB^ . . . icaTao-T^aovo-t, * if they have no prospect Ch. 32, 
 of establishing': Grammar, § 13. 
 
 1 o t€tOxt|K€ 84, K.T.\. ' But wc havc had a practice which proves 
 to be at once, as towards you, in view of our request, inconsistent 
 iXi^iia strictly = ' the expression of our need,' Grammar, § i), and at the 
 present crisis, in view of our own interests, disastrous.' 
 
 1 14 Kal ir€pUaTTiK€v, k.t.X. For au)<t)po<mrn, ^vcoiiti, see Glossary. 
 
 \. 16. <|>atvo^iH (participle, not adjective) is opposed to 8oKov<ra 
 and loosely joined with ir€pt4<rTi,K«v, ' has come round to show itself 
 folly and weakness ' ; i. e. * has changed its character and proved to be. 
 
 1 1 7 T V a^v o(iv, K.T.X. For v^\v olv, ' now ' {not ' nay rather ), see 
 Glossa^r. Tr|v vavjtaxCav, a free use of the ' internal ' or cognate ace. 
 after avfoxrAixfOa KopivBiovs. 
 
 1. 21. iJic'^as 6 kCv8wos, k.t.X., ' we may expect the worst if we are to 
 fall into their hands.' Glossary, /c»V5u./os. ^ 
 
 1. 22. Kal bYYvuiiit, 6t ixt| ,i6Td KaKCas 86^5 8i j^aXXov a^apri<^, 
 
 K T X 
 
 ' ' a^ a€Td KaKCas, not in a mean and selfish spirit, such as the " 
 
 Corinthi^s impute to them, ch. 39- ^o^^^ ^i^P^^*' "'^^ ' ^^ ^^ ^"°^ 
 of judgment,' but ' because we have proved mistaken m our opinion. 
 For their 'previous inaction' was the error of judgment, not their 
 * bold change of policy.' ' If, not from base motives but rather because 
 our expectations have been disappointed, we boldly take a course in- 
 consistent with our former inactivity.' &t^apri<^ is dat. of cause with 
 ToktAuffiiv. See Appendix. 
 
 1. 24. diTpaYiioavvxi : see Glossary. 
 
 1 I ^ IwTVxCa is not merely ' the occurrence,' but ' the occurrence Ch. 33. 
 at a particular time.' 'Our request, coming at such a time, will be 
 an admirable thing for you in more ways than one if you grant it. 
 
 1. 4. cVccra ^.pl roiv jt^YCcrTcav, k.t.X. 8t. must be supplied again after 
 i^Ja. KaTaO^taOe is a correction for KardOr^ae. ^ and u,s &v ixoXtara 
 KaTae^crOe = d;. Av f^AKiffra KaraB^loB^, Karadetade av. KaroBrjceae. has 
 also been proposed, and gives a better parallel to voirja^ce^. 
 
 .ararieeaecu x-P^- i^ (^''^O ^o 'invest' an act of kmdness m the 
 hope of getting it repaid with interest. , . ,, ^^^. 
 
 1 4 L &v Wara y..r d^tjxv^crrov jtapTt^pCov = ' m the way most 
 certain to leave a witness in our memories for ever.' The gravity of the 
 dSger from which the Corcyraeans hope to be delivered will perpetually 
 
 1 Th. 83B; G. 159; R- 7i»72- 
 
 3 ?Le'Ire tracef of '.arae«a^. in three MSS.(.ara0^c.ac or ^ra- 
 ^a^., with , as a correction in the place of two l^"ers) ,«;s &. ^^^^^^ 
 eliaB^coM only mean ' in whatever way you store up, which makes no 
 
 sense here. 
 
 39 
 
Book I. Notes. 
 
 Ch. 33, recur to their minds, and will be a standing witness to the generosity of 
 1. 4. Athens. 
 
 1. 8. ci -Jjv *(i«is Av . . . 8vva|uv, k.t.X., ' if a powerful state, whose 
 accession you would have valued above much money and gratitude,' 
 i. e. * for whose assistance you would have given any sum and would 
 have been grateful into the bargain/ 
 
 1. II. cs \ikv Tovs iroXXovs dp€TT|v> • a name for generosity (Glossary) 
 with the world.' 
 
 1. 12. ols 8' iira^wivr* x<ipiv. The future means * from those whom 
 you are about to help.' 
 
 1. 17. YvwfiTjs AjtapTdvet, 'he misses a right judgment,' or as we say, 
 ' makes a mistake.' 
 
 1. 18. 4>6p<^ T4> v(iCT€p«, ' through fear of you ' ; like h r^v v/xtT^pay 
 Imxuprjffiv just below. 
 
 1. 22. |Mi8^ 8vovv <|>0d<Toi aftdpTOHnv, ^ KaKwcrat Ti^as tJ <r4>as avrovs 
 ^ePaCAcracrOai. Literally, ' and that they may not miss two things (that 
 is), the securing them in time,' 1. e. 'and that they may secure while they 
 can one of two advantages,— either crippling us' (by destroying the 
 Corcyraean fleet), 'or strengthening themselves' (by frightening the 
 Corcyraeans into joining them). Cp. note on ch. 44. 1. u. 
 
 <|)0d<rat is an explanatory infinitive after 8voiv dfjidpTCixriv. But as 
 Kriiger says, we should expect fir^bi hvoTv dfiaprojai <pe6.aai. 
 
 With 8voiv meaning ' one of two,' commentators compare i. 122 ovk 
 icffxtv Sirm Td5< rptuy raiv fi€yiaT<uv (vpupop'Mu dnriWa/crai, d^vvfffias -fj 
 HaXoKias fj dfxeXfias \ ' Not to miss both of two ' = ' to secure one of two.' 
 
 1. 25. irpo€mpovXev«tv avrois |iaXXov ^ dvTcmPouX€V€iv, ' forestall 
 their attack instead of being content to retaliate.' Glossary, €mfiov\€v(iv. 
 
 Ch. 34. 1. 5. «s 8^ T|8iKow takes up d8iKov|i4vT) just above. 
 1. 8. Tt T€ic|xT|ptov, ' a clear warning.' Glossary, tk. 
 
 1. 9. fK TOV CvOcOS goes with 8€0}A€VOI.S. 
 
 Ch. 35. 1. 8. el . . . etplovox, ' if they are to ... try lo exclude us ' : if it means 
 ' exclude us,' there is an inconsistency with iruaOivToiv v/juvv below. 
 
 1. 12. ovx OTTMS KwXxrral . . . Y^vrjo-^o-ee, 'so far from trying to stop 
 them ' (' to say nothing about your trying to stop them ^ '). 
 
 1. 14. TJv ov 8iKaiov = ^v ov diKcuSv kari -aipiopdv avrovs vpoa\a^€iv : 
 and with kuXvciv, ircfji'ireiv supply biieai6v iari. 
 
 KaKfivuv KQ}\vuv, ' as well as refusing help to us ' ; Kai fjtuv itifnruv, 
 'as well as helping them.' iren-irciv td<f>eXCav refers to secret or 'semi- 
 official ' assistance, thus implying less than dir6 to€ irpoilKivovs Poti0€iv. 
 
 1. 18. vKircCirop.cv, 'intimated.' 
 
 1. 20. -fjouv, ' were shown to be,' the past tense referring back to ch. 
 33, 1. 19. o-a<^€{rTdTT] Tr(o"rts, * the plainest possible assurance.* 
 
 ^ Also Soph. El. 1319; Andoc. i. 20. 
 ^ R. § 411. 
 
 40 
 
 a. 33, /. 8— a. 36, /. II. 
 
 1 20. Kal odToi, K.T.X. The Corcyraeans argue that they will be kept Ch. 35, 
 faithful to Athens by fear of the vengeance of the Corinthians, powerful 1. 20. 
 enemies whom they would have irretrievably offended by desertmg them. 
 
 1. 22. oix SjtoCa ^ dWorpicoatt, ' it is a very different thing to reject it. 
 
 1. 23. The infinitive cav depends on some such idea as dei implied m 
 ovx ofioia 1) dK\oTpi<vai9 = ^(Taov Scf dWorpiovv vavrtfc^v iv,xfiaxiav. 
 
 1 2 yy^Ti^ rh ,iiv 8€8vas a^roO, k.t.X. An over-scrupulous Athenian Ch. 36. 
 objects that, if he receives the Corcyraeans into alliance, ^^^ ^1\^^^, 
 broken the treaty, and a bad conscience will make him afraid . No, 
 replies the Corcyraean, 'your scruples, with the Corcyraean fleet on 
 your side, will dismay not you but the enemy. And your conscious- 
 ness of rectitude, without the Corcyraean fleet, though it may re-assure 
 you, will create very little alarm in him.' The hesitating Athenian, 
 the proper subject of the sentence, is sarcastically identified with his own 
 feelmgs of anxiety or confidence ; the words may be thus paraphrased 
 ^yvwTOJ Bti fjy p.lv Icxvv hv, x^-^'P "^''^^ ^^5'^^' ^^^' ^''«»'^^°»'^ Z^^^-^f 
 ipo&ijau, fiv U p.^ be^afievos daeev^s ^ irpds Icrx^ovras rohs kx^povs, k&u 
 Oapah, dSfcarfpos avToTs iarai. Grammar, § 12. 
 
 YV(;m>, ' let him be assured ' : Glossary. t6 8€8i6s refers to the same 
 'fear' as (^o/SffTcu /xi) rdy airovhds \iari, but to a further stage of it, the 
 supposed anxiety of the Athenians after accepting the alliance of 
 
 Corcyra. , , ... 
 
 1. 5. d8€l<rTepov €<t6ji€vov, 'less alarming* than if it were strong, 
 i. e. ' not alarming at all ' ; dhzkar^pov really = dSf^s /xaXAov. 
 
 1 7. Srav . . . t6 a^Ka ircpiaKomiv €v8oid?Ti, k.t.X. oTav, with a 
 negative idea such as oh rd KpaTLora irpovowv preceding, may be trans- 
 lated ' as long as V ^ 
 
 1 8 TO awCKa ircpwrKoirOv = ' looking anxiously to the immediate 
 consequences,' i. e. the advantage which might be taken by Sparta of 
 the alleged breach of the treaty. 
 
 1. 9. |i€Td \iiyiaru>y Kaipwv, ' with the greatest advantages to one 
 side or the other ; i. e. with the most momentous consequences to you 
 
 for good or ill. „ , , .. » 
 
 1 10. TTis T€ Ydp iToXCas, K.T.X., ' lics wcll for the coastmg voyage, 
 or simply ' for the voyage,' to Italy and Sicily \ Glossary, jmpdTrXous. 
 
 Athens already had political interests in Italy and Sicily. 1 en 
 years earlier she had taken a leading part in the foundation of Thuni, 
 and within a year after the Corcyraean embassy she made alliances with 
 Rhegium and Leontini (C. I. A. iv. Part i. 33, 33 a). ^ 
 
 1. II. n€XoirovvTi<TCois 4ir€X0€iv, ' come to help the Peloponnesians. 
 
 1 vii 18 gives an instance of such feelings ; the Lacedaemonians were 
 ill at ease during the first part of the war because they thought they 
 had broken the treaty. ^ Cp. i. 141 »l- 23 ; 142, 1- 2. 
 
 ' For the gen. see Th. § i n ; G. § 168, n. 3 ; R. §§ 90, 97- 
 
 41 
 
Book /. Notes, 
 
 Ch. 36, 1. 1 2. t6 t« €v6cv8€, scil. vavriK6v. The subject of trapairciiil/ai is to 
 1. 12. x^p'^o^f i' c- Corcyra : * to assist the despatch of.' 
 
 1. 14. Ppaxvrdrcp 8' &v K€<)>aXaCcp, k.t.X. tois t€ |vp,7raox Kal Ka6* 
 «Ka<rrov is in apposition to ^paxvrdrcf) K€<fxi\ai(ff and rwdf, and = rots rt 
 (vfiiram koi toTs Ka$' iKaarov (Grammar, § 27). * By this, the shortest 
 possible summing up, which is the whole and each particular of what 
 we have to say, you may learn not to reject us.* 
 
 1. 15. TpCa ^kv ovTa X6yov d|ta, k.t.X. It is difficult to say by 
 what verbal idea the accusative rpia 5vra vavriKo. is governed : hardly 
 by naOiTf, supplied from ^dOoir' av, or by w€pi6\pea6e. The sense is 
 plain enough : ' there are only three navies worth mentioning in Greece ; 
 and if you let two of them,' etc. There is probably some slight error 
 in the text. Classen and others take ovra with d^ia and supply kari. 
 But can Thucydides have omitted (ari and inserted ovra ? 
 
 I. 19. vav|jiaxT|cr€T€, * you will have to fight ' two navies at once. 
 
 1. 20. irXciocn, 
 owTi side.' 
 
 vavori Tats wfA€T€pais^, 'with more ships on your 
 
 Ch. 37. !• !• *I^ our opponents had kept to the point, we should have done 
 the same ; as they have not done so, we must reply to their wanton 
 attack ' — is a regular common-place with Thucydides in the opening 
 of a reply. Cp. the Athenians in i. 73, the Thebans in iii. 61, the 
 Athenians at Camarina in vi. 82. 
 
 I. 3. p,VTjcr0€VTas . . . irepi dp.(|>OTcp(i)v . . . otmo Kod . . . icvai, * to touch 
 upon both points before we proceed': Grammar, § 10. 
 
 II. 5, 6, d|t<uoriv, (reasonable) ' claim.' \i^^[.<vt (mere) 'request.* ivo . . . 
 do-<)>aX(o-Tcpov irpockSTJTc, * that you may have a more solid appreciation 
 of the claim which we are going to make.' jit^ dXoyfoTws is to be 
 ttiken closely together ; * and may have a good reason for rejecting.' 
 
 1. 8. t6 before 8« = a more emphatic avrb [kviTi\^iv<mv avrd) or 
 TOUTO : cp. i. 81, 2 Tois di dWrj yrj kari iroAAiJ ^. 
 
 1. 8. |vp.(iax6v T€, K.T.X. T6 (as the words stand) answers to ovt( before 
 irapaKa\ovvr(s^, and ov8i fiapTvpa = ' not even as a witness' against 
 them, i.e., an ally who might possibly denounce them later. 
 
 1. 10. irapoKoXovvres, i.e. when they claimed the assistance of their 
 ally in some unjust action. The Corcyraeans knew that they would be 
 always doing things in which they could not without shame ask an 
 ally to help them : and, if he did consent to help them, his knowledge 
 
 * Most MSS. read ^/ifr^pats, 'with ships more by (the addition of) 
 ours,' * with a navy reinforced by ours.* 
 
 =* Th. 36. 1 ; G. 143; R. 1-3. 
 
 ^ There is no parallel to re followed by ovre, though ovt€ is some- 
 times followed by t€. Here, however, the construction may be defended 
 because ^vfi/taxov rt ovdtva = ovrf ^vpLfiaxov riva. Or re may answer to 
 Kal ^ v6Xi% avrwv afia and a comma may be substituted for a full stop 
 after vapcucaXovvTfs aiax^vf<^Oai. 
 
 43 
 
 Ch. 36, /. 12— Ch. 38, /. 7. 
 
 of their proceedings (even if he offered no opposition to them at the Cll 37, 
 time) might be awkward for them afterwards. A- ■>■"• 
 
 1. II. airrdpKT, e«<nv Kti[Kiyn\. Oiaiv is a cognate accusative, KUfiivv 
 being in sense a passive of Ti^jy/ii. ^%x * ^ 
 
 1. II. irap€X" avTOVS 8iKaaTds iv pXdirrovcrC Twva naXXov tj KaTd 
 twkKas >CYV€o-eai, ' enables them to act as arbitrators {hi. jurors) 
 when they injure others, instead of arbitrators being appomted accord- 
 ing to (previous) agreements.' -iiyyta^ai, scil. ^iKaark^. 
 
 We may suppose a Corinthian or Lacedaemonian merchant-vessel to 
 be driven into Corcyra by stress of weather. The Corcyraean authorities 
 exact extravagant harbour-dues, or the inhabitants cheat or misuse the 
 'crew. If the same thing had happened in any other Greek state, there 
 would have been fuv^^/ccu or ^v/i/3oXa (cp. note on 1. 77), providing tor 
 such cases, in force between it and the state aggrieved, and jurors would 
 have been appointed, in accordance with these agreements, to try the 
 point. But Corcyra, owing to her distance from other Greek cities 
 her fertility, and her trade with the Illyrian coast and perhaps with 
 Italy, seldom needed to send her ships into other Greek ports ; and 
 therefore, needing no protection for her own citizens, had never entered 
 into such covenants, and could do as she pleased. 
 
 1. 14. KdvTovT<P = 'quae cumitasint.' ^ ^ 
 
 1. i:;. ohx *""« /^^ Swa8iK^mo(rtv k-vkpois . . . dW or:<^ Kara iiovas 
 d8iK«^i. The aorist implying ' any crime at all,' goes naturally with 
 the negative clause; the present, implying 'habitual crime, with the 
 positive clause : ' not to avoid complicity in the crimes of others, but 
 to pursue their own criminal courses by themselves.' 
 
 1 17. itXIov UioiTx-v, 'get an advantage,' opposed to ' commit violence. 
 *v 84 ^ov Tt ^poaXdpo,<nv is not a third possibility added to the other 
 two, but sums up the consequences of both, ' and that, whatever gam they 
 may make (by force or fraud), they may not be put to shame. 
 
 1 2 d4,€aTa<n, not here ' have been in a state of revolt,' but ' have Ch. 38. 
 renounced all ties with us.' Or rather, the Corinthians unfairly speak 
 of the hostility of a colony in terms appropriate to the revolt ot a 
 
 dependency. ^ . , , 4. ^^u 
 
 1 4 oi8* avToC <t)aiJi€v, k.t.X. alnoi goes with KaroiKtaai, not with 
 
 d>ou€V : ' that we too did not found Corcyra to be insulted by her. 
 1. 6. al dXXat dirouKCtti include Syracuse, Ambracia, Anactorium, 
 
 Leucas, SoUium. . 
 
 1. 7. lidXwTTa vir^ diroUcov cTTcp^ V«^<^» ' ^^ .^^f metropolitan city 
 
 is regarded with so much affection by her colonists/ 
 
 ^ It seems probable in itself and from this passage, that Corcyra 
 served as a kiAd of emporium for the goods of the Adnatic coa^t, to 
 wMch the ships of other Greek cities resorted Cp. in. 74, ^vhere xp^^j^^ 
 rXAd ki.n6(L are said to have been stored m the houses round the 
 d7opd of Corcyra. 
 
Book I. Notes, 
 
 Ch. 38, !• 9- &v . . . Airapco-Koificv, following €i . . . ccrficv, is nearly equivalent 
 1. 9. to an indicative ; ' it cannot be with justice that they alone are dis- 
 satisfied with us.* Grammar, § i6. 
 
 1. 9. ov8' cirurTpaTcvo|i€v cKirpctrus p-i^ Kal 8ia<|>ep6vTa)S n dSiKov- 
 |i€voi. * And that we are not making war upon them in this exceptional 
 way without being signally wronged by them.' knurr parevofifv, as well 
 as &v dvapiaKoififv, is governed by BtjXov otv (1. 7). The Corinthians 
 admit that their action in making war upon one of their own colonies is 
 irregular and needs excuse. k/cnpenSfs and Siacpepovrajs are emphatic ^ 
 
 1. 10. KoAov 8* -fiv, ei Kal T|)jiapTdvo|X€v, * and even if we had been in 
 the wrong, it would have been the honourable course for them to bow 
 before our anger,' etc.^ 
 
 1. II. -fip-iv 8' aioxpov, K.T.X., is meant to imply 'and if they had 
 shown a conciliatory spirit we should not have used force at all.' 
 
 1. 15. €Trl niuapiq,, to help Epidamnus (Glossary), ^iq. goes with 
 
 k\6vT€S. 
 
 Ch. 39. 1- I. icai ^aai 8t|, k.t.X. nportpov, before taking Epidamnus, not 
 before attacking it, which would not have been true : see ch. 28. 
 
 1. I. Tiv Y« o^ Tov irpovxovra Kal €k tov d(r<|>aXovs 'irpoKaAovji€vov 
 XcYCiv TV 8oKeiv 8ci, k.t.X. t6v goes not with ttpovxavra but with 
 -npoKoKovnivov, which is qualified by irpovxovra kcu (k tov da(pakovs. 
 
 * But an offer of arbitration cannot be taken seriously from one who is 
 in a commanding position and has nothing to lose by it ; but only from 
 one who,' etc. \€y uv ti = to speak to the purpose, opposed to ovdlv 
 \4y€iv. 
 
 1. 3. dXXd TOV cs to-ov Td T€ €pYa 6p,oC(i>s koI to-us Xd^ovs irplv 8t- 
 aybm^co-Oai KaOioravTa. ovtoi 8* ov irplv iroXiopKctv to xc^piov, k.t.X. 
 
 * He only offers arbitration in a real sense, who makes his actions 
 fair equally with his words before he enters on the contest,' i.e. on an 
 arbitration. ' But the Corcyraeans offered arbitration, not before they 
 blockaded Epidamnus, but only when they saw that we meant to inter- 
 fere.' This last sentence, to correspond in form with the first, should 
 have run * But the Corcyraeans blockaded Epidamnus ' (did not * act as 
 well as speak with fairness ') • before they offered arbitration =*.* 
 
 * Ullrich's conjecture (vcarparfvofjifv, scil. &v supplied from dvap4- 
 OKoififv dv, accounts better for p.jj with dbiKovpifvoi, and gives a rather 
 easier sense: *nor should we be attacking them in this exceptional 
 way,' etc. (Schol. ti yap fxr) fihtKovjxiea irfpKpavw^, ovk dv trpo^Kw 
 karpanvoixiv.) As the text stands, /x^ dSiKov^evoi = iv ^ {x.^ ddiKovfi^ea. 
 For another interpretation see Appendix. 
 
 * For Kokov ^y, see Th. 198. 2 ; G. 222. 2 ; R. 282. For d Kai, see 
 Th. 226, where it is shown that the distinction often drawn between d 
 K<u, ' although,' and koX ti, * even if,' does not hold good. 
 
 ^ K we interpret vpiv diayojvi^faeai by vpiv irokiopKuv, and translate 
 * before appealing to arms,' the meaning will be 'he who makes his 
 
 44 
 
 Ch. 38, /. g—Ch. 40, i' 7- 
 
 It is simplest to take b.ay<.ui^.cTe<u of an appeal to arbitration, not to Ch. 39, 
 arms ; disregarding as merely verbal the parallelism of npiv b.ay<.yiC^<je<u 1. 3. 
 and irpiv iroXtopKuv. (See, however. Appendix.) 
 
 \. ^ i^.M\y^<ravro, not 'when they thought,' but 'when they 
 conceived,' or ' perceived.' Grammar, § 8. , , ^ • i. 
 
 1 6 Ti .«TP-Js •rip ""n' nafi<TXoyro. ' put forward the fa.r show 
 of arbitration,' i. e. made their plausible offer of arbitration. 
 
 1 u irdXai 8J Kotv<i<ra»Tas ■rijv SOvajLLV, K.T.\. ' They should long 
 ago haVe given you a share in their power, if they now expect you to 
 share the consequences "(of their exercise of U). 
 
 l..,,note. 4YWiTo«SJ^4«.»,K.T.X. These words must represent 
 someaiing like oOJ' i^S* XPn- '^ iy>^VI^ro,y d^croxo^ "f^"' °"J™ 
 ^yr^ rl. M«Td n, ^p&iu, r^7«y rS. fop-n-poio.. «o..<u.«. nor ought 
 you, who have no share in the crimes charged against the Corcyraeans, 
 lo sLare in all the consequences of their actions.' But the ^ause -s no 
 worth the trouble spent upon it: the only matter of mterest is how it 
 got into any of the MSS. (Appendix). 
 
 1. 5. «ts iirl pXiPi, JTipo.v t<«»<nv, i. e. those who, like the Cor- Ch. 40. 
 cyraeans, are at war already with a state belonging to one of the wo 
 confederacies, and who join the other confederacy m order to injure 
 
 ''^7^^M^ 5<ms v-ii «XXo« oi-rdv iirowpiv, k.t-X. The cUuse in 
 the" treaty is meant to apply only to states which want ;°J-^«^« 
 safetv and can do so without • defrauding another state of their services, 
 (for ar.r.pS., see note on ch. 69, 1. 3)- Corcyra was bound, as a 
 colony of Corinth, to side with her mother city m matters of external 
 ™licy, and by joining the Athenian league she was defrauduig Coring. 
 1 T Ll sir s y.^ rots 8.Ja,x^o«, .1 .rco+povoOat, jrAX.^ov .vT .4«r 
 J' J.t<,«i. The «eaty, again, only covers the case of states ' which wll 
 ?ot Involve in war those who receive them if the latter are sensible 
 "e 'supposing prudence on the part of the latter.' It would always be 
 a dangers sip, requiring the utmost caution, f- Athens or Sparta 
 to receive a new ally, and thus disturb the existing balance of the two 
 confel racies. Still,'there were cases in which -h a„ aU^ce .^ould 
 not involve in war a sUte which was prudent and did not let the acces 
 s°on of s renl, or the wishes of their new ally, tempt them to infringe 
 rStrof the other confederacy >. But if Athens received Corcyra. 
 
 actions and words alike fair '-who o^f '^"bitration whichin that c^ 
 is a fair arbitration—' before he appeals to arms vi.e. seizes an uniair 
 advantage) But then ^piv 8.a7a»..'?«r»a. merely repeats rhv « '"^ ^^ 
 T^T^%i.r. ; for thrmeaningis riy U Uov ^0^X070- «a».<rra.r. 
 
 •The Corinthians 2e of course speaking in general terms; but an 
 
 45 
 
i 
 
 Book L Notes. 
 
 Ch. 40, no subsequent prudence on the part of Athens could avert war. (For 
 1. 7. another interpretation, see Appendix.) 
 
 1. 15. KopivOiois ji€v Y* tvo-irovSoi <o-t€. Because the Corinthians, 
 as allies of Sparta, were included in the Thirty Years' Peace. 
 1. 18. 2ap.Cb>v dirocrrdvTwv, i. 115- 117, and p. 36. 
 1. 22. <}>avciTai Kal d twv vp,eT€p(i>v, k.t.X. The Lesbians had long 
 been dissatisfied, and, at some time previous to the war, asked Sparta to 
 assist them in a revolt (iii. 2. 13). The Potidaeans, Chalcidians, and 
 Bottiaeans revolted about a year after the present time. 
 
 I. 22. ovK iXiiarcrfiij 'quite as many.' Grammar, § 22. 
 
 Ch. 41. 11.1,2. 8iKai«jMiTO, Glossary, iropaiv^oxv, as well as d^ituffH', governs 
 XapiTos (cp. ai napaivfffets ruv (waWayS/v, iv. 59). 'These are our 
 positive pleas . . . ; we would also counsel you to show toward us 
 a gratitude which we may reasonably claim.' 
 
 II. 3, 4. t)v ovk cx^po'*- ovT€s, K.T.X. pXAirTciv = wish, or try, to injure. 
 ^-nxxpTJaOat, 'to use each other's services,' without claiming them as 
 the repayment of a debt. ' Not being friends who freely give and take.' 
 Jowett. 
 
 1. 5. Tov AiYivTjTwv vTttp Tcl MtjStKcL Tr6X€p,ov : see on ch. 14, 1. 1 2. tcL 
 MrjSiKd may mean Salamis only and not Marathon (^Appendix). 
 
 L 14. €ir€t Kal xd oiK€ia, k.t.X., ' and no wonder, when the immediate 
 excitement of the strife makes them neglect iheir own interests.' 
 
 Ch. 42. 1- 5- "^^ jttXXov ToO iroXc^jiov, not 'the future of the war,' but 'the 
 probability of war ' ; ' whether war will come or not.' 
 
 1. 9. 8id Me-yapfois probably refers to the revolt of Megara from the 
 Lacedaemonian to the Athenian alliance, caused by the attacks of the 
 Corinthians about 461 (ch. 103, 1. 10). The Corinthians (to whom Megara 
 had gone back in 446, ch. 1 14) remind the Athenians that they have 
 once before encouraged Corinthian allies to revolt. We do not know that 
 the ' decree against the Megarians ' (ch. 1 39), which has been thought 
 to be referred to, had been passed at this time {middle of 433). 
 
 1. 14. 8td KivSvvuv, /it. 'in the way of dangers'; 'by entering on 
 a dangerous course ' (cp. 81' d<T<pa\€ia5 ch. 17, 1. 3). 
 
 Ch. 43. !• I- TrepnreiTTWKOTes ols . . . avTol TrpociTrop.cv, k.t.X., i.e. inpi-nfvro}- 
 k6t€s TovTois a irpodnofitv, ' now that we have fallen under the rule 
 which we ourselves laid down.* 
 
 instance may make their meaning clearer. If Leontini or Rhegium 
 joined Athens (n. on ch. 36, 1. 10), this would not involve Athens in 
 a breach of the treaty if Athens had the prudence not to let them 
 persuade her to attack Syracuse. The kind of ' prudence ' intended is 
 shown by the refusal of the Athenians to kill the Corinthian messenger 
 at the request of the Corcyraeans, ch. 53, 1. 11. 
 
 46 
 
 Ch. 40, I. 15—0.49, '•4- 
 
 1 2 oux ^cro-ov, ' rather more ' : Grammar, § 22. ^ c a ^^' ^^' 
 
 1. 4. IvjiimxCav, 'offensive and defensive alliance.' cmp-axiav, de- 
 fensive alliance. 
 
 1 C. €1 Vdp €m KoplvOoV €K€X«VOV, K.T.X. ^ ^ 
 
 ' <r<piacl (the Corcyraeans) is governed by ^/.trXeiV : supply avrovs 
 (the Athenians) after kK^X^vov, which cannot take the dative a<^«rt. 
 
 ' For (supposing the Athenians to have made an offensive and de- 
 fensive alliance) if the Corcyraeans had proceeded to require them to 
 attack Corinth, they would thereby have become involved in a breach 
 of the treaty.' The words, though expressing the motive of the Athe- 
 nians, are spoken from the point of view of Thucydides : hence u ,k,\^vov, 
 iXvovT dv, not d K€k€voi€v . . . Xviceai dv. . ^ • ^ 
 
 1. o. kUK^i ydpd... -nSX^fios Kal fi»s '^<Ti(r9ai avrocs. Kal m is not 
 'even in that case '-'even if they allied themselves with Corcyra 
 (for the meaning must be, ' even if they did noi ally themselves with 
 Corcyra ') : but ' in any case,' ' as matters stood.' Glossary, hoc cu$. ^ 
 
 III The opposition between irpocVOai KopiveCots and gv^Kpovciv 
 a^h-ovs dXX^Xots shows that the Athenians were afraid that Corcyra 
 would submit to Corinth with little or no resistance. 
 
 1 4. AaK.8avHL6vtos 6 KC,«.vos, son of the great statesman, who is Ch. 45. 
 said to have named him thus from his own friendship for Sparta (Plut. 
 Cim. 16). Compare the name of a Lacedaemonian m iv. 119, 122 
 
 'Mrivaios n€ptK\€i5a. 1. 1 • 4.« 
 
 1 7 4s Tuiv €'K6£va,v Ti x«pf"v, ' to some of the places belongmg to 
 the' Corcyraeans,' i. e. Epidamnus (Schol.) or the Corcyraean territory 
 on the adjoining mainland (iii. 85). 
 
 1 ,1. -,r6Xts (.^^p a<nov KctTat, k.t.X. Why is this mentioned ? Ch. 46. 
 Probably because there was no town, but only a roadstead, at Chimenum 
 itself • Ephyre is mentioned as the town to which the harbour belonged, 
 ^.r si Kcd Q^afjiis rrorayi6s simply means ' there is also another river, 
 the Thyamis.' cDv Irr^s, ' between which rivers.' ^ . ,. ' 
 
 We may rewrite the passage thus, ' Chimerium, where the Connthians 
 stationed themselves, is a roadstead near the town of Ephyre and close 
 to the promontory also called Chimerium, which lies between the mouths 
 of the Acheron and Thyamis : the former running through Thesprotis and 
 the Acherusian lake ; the latter separating Thesprotis from Cestrine. 
 
 1 7 The Zacynthians (who were allies of Athens) seem to W Ch. 47. 
 joined the Corcyraeans since their reception by Athens, as the Cor- 
 cyraeans had previously held aloof from both confederacies. 
 
 1. 4. Tw iraXaiw Tp6,Ta., k.t.X., ' still equipped for action in a some- Ch. 49. 
 what clumsy way, which was the ancient fashion.' ^ 
 
 1. 4. -fiv Tf f, vavjiaxCa Kapr.pd, rfj y.^^ rix^ o^x ojioCcs, uefo^iaxti? 
 8^ T^ irX€ov irpo<r4>€p^s o{i(7a. ' The battle was stoutly contested, not 
 
 47 
 
 y^ 
 
Book L Notes^ 
 
 Ch. 49, so much in point of skill, but rather as resembling an infantry engage- 
 
 1. 4. ment.' ' Not so much in point of skill, as after the manner of a land 
 
 fight, which it much resembled.' Jowett. Strictly speaking, some idea 
 
 like * being contested ' must be supplied with rtxyv ^om Kaprepa ^v : 
 
 a battle could hardly be said to be Kaprepci rixv-r). 
 
 1. 6. irpocr^dXXoicv . . . dircXvovTO, opt. and impf, of* repeated action' 
 in the past ^. 
 
 1. 7- VTTO T€ irXT|0ovs Kal ©xXov Twv vcwv, Kal ftdXXov Tt TTwrrevovTCS, 
 K.T.X. vTTo vX-ffOovs and maTfvovTts are parallel clauses in different 
 constructions, both giving a reason for oii ^Sicus dwfkvovTo, 'because 
 of the numbers and crowding of the ships, and because they trusted.' 
 Grammar, § 28. 
 
 1. 9. KaTaordvTts cjaAx^vto, * settled down and fought,' 1. e. * fought 
 steadily,* or ' made a regular battle of it.' 
 
 1. ID. SicKirXoi. Glossary. 
 
 11. 1 4, 1 5 . (Ji(ixT)S . . . o vK fjpxov, * would not strike the first blow ' ( Grammar, 
 § 6). Tf\y irp6ppT)<rtv twv 'AdTjvaCwv, 'their instructions from Athens.' 
 
 1. 29. SicKCKpiTO ovScv €Tt, i. e. no more distinctions were observed 
 between threatening and actually striking the Corinthian ships. 
 
 1. 29. |w€irco-€v €s TovTo dvdYKT)s w<rT€, K.T.X., /«V. 'things came to 
 such a pitch of necessity that.' Thucydides describes with emphasis and 
 highly wrought expression what was practically the first blow struck 
 in the Peloponnesian war : ' And now the Athenians, seeing the distress 
 of the Corcyraeans, began to help them with less reserve. They had 
 at first refrained from actually charging a Corinthian ship. But as 
 soon as the Corcyraeans turned and fled outright and the Corinthians 
 pressed hard upon them, then every man set his hand to the work in 
 earnest ; all distinctions were forgotten : the hour had come when 
 Athenians and Corinthians were driven to fight.' 
 
 Ch. 50. 1- 2. &s KaToSvo-cuxv (for the opt. see on irpoaffaWoifv, ch. 49, 1. 6). 
 KaraSvuv here, as the context shows, means ' sink to the water-line,' 
 not sink outright : so Hdt. viii. 90. It means more than * disable,' 
 cp. vii. 34 med. Karitv fiev ovSt/iia dnkus, kirrd 54 rivts dirXoi kyivovTO, 
 carr'nrpojpoi kfi0aW6/x(vai koI dvappayetacu rds irapf^eipfaias. 
 
 1. 3. -irpos 8i Tovs dvOpwiTovs CTpdirovTO <)>ovcv<iv SiCKirXcovTCS p,aXXov 
 TJ (uYpciv. 
 
 <pov(vfiv is the rare infinitive of purpose ^, after irpos tovs dvOpomovs 
 WpdvovTo (perhaps assisted by tr/ws, which suggests the construction 
 "wpbs TO (povfviiv TOVS dv$pwnovs iTpanovTo) '. ZiiKvXtovT^s has not the 
 strict technical sense. 
 
 ' Th. § 210 B ; G. § 229 ; R. § 297 ; cp. § 283. 
 * G. § 265; cp. R. 336. 
 
 ^ Kriiger compares vi. 69 fin. fiaxovntvoi tttpi tc ttjs dXXoTpias olKtiav 
 cxttv fcai T^jv oiHfiav fif} /SAd^ai ^aadjfxfvot. 
 
 48 
 
 Ch, 49, 1' A—CL 51, /. i5- 
 
 1. 7. 4iT€i8t\ |w€Vi|av dXX^ois, ' when they had once engaged,' goes Ch. 50, 
 with the following, not with the preceding clause. ^ !• "• 
 
 1. 7. ov ^(jiSCcos Ti\v Sidyvoxny «irovovvTO S-rrotoi 6KpdT0wl\ cKparowTO, 
 
 * found it hard to distinguish by any visible difference (in appearance 
 or equipment) between those on the winning and those on the losmg 
 side' : lit. to distinguish what kind of men were conquerors or con- 
 quered ^ The meaning is, that the Megarians and Ambraciots on the 
 Corinthians' own right wing, who, though actually defeated, 'were on 
 the conquering side,' were indistinguishable from the Corcyraeans 
 
 (Stahl). . . . ^ 
 
 1. 8. vavjiaxto ^dp at;Tti . . . jteYCcrni 8t\ twv irpo cavrtis. Cp. notes 
 
 on ch. 1, 11. 4, 7-9. ^ . 
 
 1. 17. 5<rai ^(Tov XoiiraC as distinguished from rats irXoiitots means 
 
 the ships which had not been engaged in the battle. 
 
 1. 21. Kal ol KopCvOtot e|airlvTjs irpvijivav cKpovovxo, when the Corm- 
 thians, etc' 
 
 1. I. iTpoi86vT€S, 'catching sight of them.' Ch. 51. 
 
 1. 4. €K Tov d<|>avovs. The Athenian ships may have been hidden 
 from the Corcyraeans (who were puttmg out from their own coast, ch. 50, 
 1. II) by Amphipagus, the S. E. headland of Corcyra. 
 
 1. 6. vti€s cKctvat ImirXccvoxv, ' yonder are ships coming up ! ' (not 
 kKfivai at vrjis). 
 
 1. 9. lriU<na h vvKxa is used because the full expression would be 
 
 ' lasted till night and then stopped.' 
 
 1. II. £v i|px« rXovKwv T€ 6 Acdypov Kal 'AvSokC8tis 6 Aewydpov. 
 A contemporary inscription ^ shows that the aTpaTrjyoi commanding 
 the squadron were Glaucon and two others, probably Metagenes and 
 Dracontides : not Andocides. It has been noticed that Thucydides says 
 ^PX€, and does not use the word aTparriySs. But we cannot lay much 
 stress on this : and the authority of the inscription must be preferred to 
 that of the historian. 
 
 1. 12. 8id T«v v€Kpwv Kal vavaytwy. This is not said merely for 
 the sake of picturesque effect as it might be in a modem historian, 
 but probably indicates the obstacles which delayed the advance of the 
 Athenians, and made its rapidity (oO TroAAy tiartpov fj &<f>er)aav) more 
 remarkable. Cp. Hdt. viii. 12, speaking of the Persian fleet after the 
 first battle off Artemisium and the storm which followed ; ol 5^ v€«pot 
 Kot Td vavTiyia f^€<popiovTO is rds 'A<p€Tds, Kal irtpi re rds irpcfpas tSiv 
 viwv dXiovTO Kol krdpaaaov tovs Tapaovs twv Karrkoiv. 
 
 1. 15. lyvwo'ttv Kal wpjiiaavro. Both verbs probably refer to the 
 Corcyraeans. <rrpaToiT€8evo|A€VOts just above (1. 10) therefore means 
 
 1 Not ' which side (oirc^rcpot) were winning or losing,' for that was 
 
 clear 
 
 =» C. I. A. i. 1 79 and Suppl. iv. Part i. The text is given in the Appendix. 
 
 D 49 
 
Book I. Notes. 
 
 Ch. 51, * preparing to occnpy their naval station ' ; and denotes a move- 
 1. 15. ment previous to wpfiuravTO. 
 
 Ch. 52. 1. 8. aixtMiXwTuv T€ irepl «J>uXaKTis . . . Kai €m<rK€v^v ovk ovoxiv. Cp. 
 note on afiafxafv n irepi . . . ^\iov tc €K\fiip€i5, ch. 23, 1. 12. 
 
 1. 10. Tov hk oiKaSc irXov ftoAXov SiearKoirorn' oirQ KO(ii<rOif|<rovTai. 
 The genitive depends on the clause oirr] KofjiKrOTio-oyTai as if on a sub- 
 stantive, 'they considered about their voyage home (this point) how- 
 to get back ' (irepi, or To5f , tov ttXov, oiqi, K.r.\.) \ 
 
 Ch. 53. 1. 2. ov€v KTjpvK€£ov. The herald's staff was a rod surmounted by 
 garlands, or, later, serpents on each side (frequently represented on 
 Greek works of art in the hands of Hermes, Talthybius, etc.) ^ The 
 Corinthians sent their men on this perilous errand without a *flag of truce,* 
 in order to avoid admitting that they were at war with Athens : thus 
 they would put the action of Athens in a more odious light (ch. 55, 1. 13). 
 1. 4. irok(\iov apxovTCS Kal o-irov8ds Xvovt€s, * in commencing 
 hostilities and breaking a treaty ' (not necessarily ' the treaty ' cp. on 
 ch. 67, 1. 5). 
 
 1. ID. oo-ov t-mJKovo-cv, 'all who were within hearing.* itraKoixu 
 implies hearing from a distance or as a crowd might hear (ii. 36 fin.). 
 
 1. 14. ei n^ ovv aXXoo-€ iroi ^ovXccrde trXetv. The Athenians 
 would understand that dXXo(r€ €i ttoi povX6fi€0a in the mouth of the 
 Corinthians just above, 1. 7, really meant * back to Corinth.' 
 
 Ch. 54. 1. 4. rd . . . vavdyia Kal vcKpovs dveiXovro. Classen remarks that 
 the power of picking up the bodies of the dead without asking for a 
 truce was a more doubtful criterion of victory on sea than it was on land. 
 
 Ch. 55. 1. 9. irpwToi ovT€s rfis ir6X€&>s. The 800 slaves must have been rowers, 
 the 250 free men were probably Im^arai. It has been thought unlikely 
 that * the greater part ' of the freemen taken should have been ' among 
 the most influential men of the city ' ; but perhaps the richer men 
 served as marines and the poorer in the land army which was not 
 engaged (ch. 47, 1. 7). Cp. Hdt. vi. 15, speaking of the Chians at the 
 battle of Lade : irapeixovro . . . i/f'as kKardv, Kal ^ir* iKdo-rrjs avrcW 
 av8pas r^aaapaKovra twv aarun/ XoydSas km^arfvovras. The terrible 
 consequences of the capture of these prisoners are told in iii. 70 ff. 
 
 1. 12. aiTia 8^ avTT| irptorr) kyky^o tov iroXcp^ov tois Kopiv9iois €S 
 Tovs 'AOT]vaiovs. «s Tovs 'AOrjvaCovs goes with alria, not with toO 
 iroXc^ov. ' This was the first ground for the war which the Corinthians 
 had against the Athenians.' 
 
 ^ Kriiger (Grammar 47, 10, 8) compares i. 68, 1. 7 rSjv keySvTuv 
 fidWov xmivoun ws %v(Ka raw avrois i8i(j, bia<p6p(uv Xkyovciv : Plato 
 Gorgias, 517 ovdkv iravofitda . . . dyvoovvr€s aXKriXcuv, o ri Xkyo/Jifv. 
 ' Diet. Ant. Caduceus: Baumeister, Denkmaler, vol. i. p. 681. 
 
 50 
 
 Ch. 52,/. S—Ck 55,/. 12. 
 
 Quarrel with Corinth about Potidaea (56-65). 
 
 Potidaea, like Corcyra earlier, and Plataea later, became a cause of 
 war because both sides had certain claims upon it. It is said to have 
 been founded by Periander, the famous tyrant of Corinth. The inhabi- 
 tants seem to have paid six talents (more than ^1,200) tribute annually 
 to Athens, which about 436 B. C. was raised to fifteen talents. Olynthus 
 and the Bottiaei, living in and near the town of Spartolus, were also 
 tributaries of Athens ; and the tribute of Spartolus had been raised 
 about the same time as that of Potidaea. 
 
 The Chalcidian cities, situated on the peninsulas of Pallene and 
 Sithonia and a small part of Acte, had been founded from Chalcis 
 and Eretria in Euboea, in the days of their greatness, perhaps about 
 
 700 B.C. 
 
 The Bottiaeans, though they acted so readily with the Hellenes of 
 the Chalcidian cities, and though there were strange traditions of their 
 partially Athenian origin S are not known to have been a Hellenic race, 
 but were probably akin to the Thracians. They had lived originally 
 in Bottia or Bottiaea at the head of the Thermaic Gulf, had been 
 expelled by the Macedonians, and had settled near Olynthus, their new 
 home being called Bottice. 
 
 The Hellenic or half- Hellenic monarchy and barbarian people of 
 Macedonia,— destined within less than a hundred years from this time to 
 overthrow the power both of Athens and of Persia— now first appear in 
 the story of Thucydides. It was the natural policy of Athens, in the 
 interest of their tributaries on the coast, to weaken the growing strength 
 of the Macedonian kings as much as possible, and to support their 
 internal or external enemies; as in this case they had, at some time 
 previous to the battle of Sybota, alienated Perdiccas by supporting 
 Derdas (probably a kind of vassal prince) and Perdiccas' own brother 
 
 Philip against him. 
 
 Perdiccas' action in strengthening Olynthus might ultimately have 
 proved fatal to the ambition of his successors, if the Greeks had had 
 the wisdom to maintain Olynthus and the neighbouring cities, which 
 she twice gathered round her in a kind of federation, against the power 
 of Macedon-if Sparta had not fought against her in 379 and Athens 
 had not delayed helping her till too late before her fall in 347. 
 
 Potidaea. 
 
 The Chal- 
 cidians. 
 
 The Bot- 
 tiaeans. 
 
 Perdiccas. 
 
 Olynthus. 
 
 1 Plutarch, Theseus, xvi. Qu. Gr. xxxv. quotes a statement from Aristotle, 
 that the Bottiaean maidens at their sacrifices sang "lan^v els 'AOrjvas : 
 and also a story, in explanation of the custom, according to which they 
 were partly Cretans, partly descendants of the Athenian children sent from 
 Athens to Minos and spared by him. 
 
 D 2 
 
 51 
 
Book I. Notes. 
 
 Chrono- The battle of Potidaea, according to Thuc. ii. 2, took place about 
 
 logy of six months before the surprise of Plataea by the Thebans *, that is to say, 
 Thuc. 1. about September, 432. We have seen (p. 30) that the battle of Sybota took 
 ^ ^' place either soon after midsummer 433, or between then and the middle 
 
 of 432. If the former date is correct, as is more probable^, the words 
 at the beginning of ch. 56 (jjutcL ravra 5' evdvs koi raht (vvf^rj y€vi<T$au) 
 are rather misleading ^, and must be interpreted by the opening words of 
 ch. 57 ravra 5^ vpdsrom TlonSaidras ol 'AOrjvaioi irpoirapfcrKevd^ovro (vOvs 
 fxfrcL r^v Iv Kfp/cvpq, vavfiaxiav : the battle of Potidaea was about a year 
 after the battle of Sybota, but the original demand of the Athenians 
 which led to it followed 'immediately': then came the long negotia- 
 tions (fK iroWov irpdaffovrfs, ch. 58, 1. 5) of Potidaea with Athens and also 
 with Sparta ; then the expedition of Archestratus who * found Potidaea 
 already revolted ' : forty days after the revolt the Corinthians arrived, 
 and soon after the Athenian force moved from Pydna to Potidaea. 
 
 Ch. 56. 1- 7- TO cs naXXT|VT)v Tctxos Ka0€X6iv. In iv. 51, the Athenians, owing 
 to similar suspicions, demand the destruction of a new fortification 
 from their sole remaining independent allies, the Chians. 
 
 The Athenians, being strong on the sea, wish Potidaea to be 
 defenceless on the side towards the sea: contrast viii. 16, where the 
 Teians and their allies destroy the wall which the Athenians had built 
 on the landward side of Teos (Classen). 
 
 1. 7. €'Rx8-r)p,iovpYovs. These officers may have had the same admini- 
 strative authority in Potidaea as the kiriaicovoi in the subject cities of 
 Athens or the apiwarai in those of Sparta. 
 
 The simple Srjfiiovpyds occurs as a name for magistrates, of what 
 precise nature we cannot tell, at Mantinea (Thuc. v. 47), and (in inscrip- 
 tions) in many cities throughout Hellas *. 
 
 1. II. ol, ra, cttI ©p^Ktis, the fringe of Greek cities on the coast of 
 Thrace. See Glossary, kvi idpdicq^. 
 
 Ch. 67. 1. 18. |i€t' SXXuv ScKa cannot be right : for we never hear of more 
 (xrparryyoi than the regular number of ten ; and the word is never used 
 
 ^ The difficulties caused by this date both here and i. 125, 1. 7 (see 
 note) have suggested the possibility of some MS. error in iKrqf fiTjviy 
 ii. 2. But if (BKrqi fx-qvi is wrong, we cannot tell what is right. 
 
 ^ Freeman, History of Sicily, vol. iii. p. 624 : ' One must suppose 
 either the action at Korkyra or the action at Potidaea to have taken 
 a longer time than one would think at first sight. Of the two alter- 
 natives I prefer the second.' — See also Appendix to ch. 51, 1. 11. 
 
 ^ Compare the use of the word dpri in iii. 3 init., 68 fin., to indicate 
 intervals of three and four years since the beginning of the war. Such 
 expressions are natural if written towards or after the end of the war. 
 
 * Gilbert, Handbuch der Griechischen Alterthiimer, ii. p. 327. 
 
 53 
 
 Ch. 56, /. 7— CA. 61, /. 9. 
 
 by Thucydides, speaking of Athenians, in any but its technical sen.e^ Ch 57, 
 The five crrpar^^oi sent out soon afterwards (ch. 61. 1. 5) belong to the 1. 18. 
 Tme year ofoffice, which would make sixteen in .XXr.aa&po. (5 which 
 r^ight have been mistaken for ZUa), or SuocV. have been proposed. 
 
 1. I. noTcBa^arav 8i .^,x4.avTes ^^, k.t.X. The four claus^f of J^^^ Ch. 58. 
 long sentence, introducing the main verb 1. 9, -^^ ^^ '^^.^ ZZs 
 (and ending severally at-v.coT.pC?«v j.,,8^,-T4tc.pCav, jv f^TJ'-^i;^;"^ 
 iXov and-4s T^v 'AttvkV ^crpaXrtv). would be perfectly regular if 
 Sr^ov in the ITcond of them were omitted. If l^po^-v (which 1^ 
 inTn the MSS.) be genuine, the second clause must be construed as 
 a uarenthesis (the comma after KopivOCwv being omitted). 
 
 ^^i:^^:L the negotiations here described took place be^een th 
 original demand on Potidaea (ch. 56, 1. 6) and the sending of Arches- 
 
 tratus to enforce it. , , . » • j > 
 
 1 e TivrpovTO, 'found for themselves =' obtained. 
 
 •but rtt fleefinTended to attack Macedonia was to sail just as much 
 
 against themselves'.' , , , .v tt„i,„„ 
 
 1 •? Td Ti\n rSi^ AoK€8aii«)vt»v : probably the Ephors. 
 
 1 , ; rfsla^roO vfls rfls M^ySovias, the so-called ' partitive' genitive \ 
 .t X«7^«^av/to cultivate and live from ' (Glossary ; not 
 nece^ri y^to iriabit.' Perdiccas allowed the new inhabitants of Olyn- 
 thu^^ d»w ^eir supplies from the fertile region lying N. of the city. 
 
 1. 6. KaTa<rr4vT« iiroMiiowv : see note on i. 49. ^- 9 above. Ch. 69. 
 
 , 8 «v*ap T.VS noTvSatdTocs M ^o« 4mT<,S«os. TfAp refm to Ch. 60. 
 JaipaT4«!notto the intervening sentence Kaxd ;|,Alav « >-^;^-'^-J 
 wUdi is subordinate to the preceding. Adeimantus the father of 
 Iristus, was the commander of the Corinthian fleet at Salamis. 
 
 1. ,. i, dn'W> -^ '"^"-^ ^ d+^oraotv, ' the news of the revolt Ch. 61. 
 likelv t?at the Athenians sent fresh troops when they heard that the 
 
 1. 9. dva-YKaCav, Glossary. 
 
 . But two very good MSS. omit al before !»} Kwchoviav, '*idi ^^« 
 a simple" mlSin^, 'the fleet was sailing as much agamst them as 
 
 against Macedonia.' t, c ,^t 
 
 2 Th. § 96: G. §§ 161, 170- R- § ^°^- 
 
 53 
 
Book L Notes. 
 
 Ch 61, 1. 12. A glance at the map will show how unlikely it is that the 
 1. 12. Athenians, who were in a hurry to reach Potidaea, went to Beroea on 
 the way. Beroea, moreover, was in Macedonia ; which makes the words 
 diravCcrravTat ck rtis MaKcBovCas just above very awkward. Besides, 
 as the text stands, the Athenians committed an unaccountable breach 
 of faith in attacking the town ; the order of the words (KdKci0«v cm- 
 arTp«i|/avT€S Kal ireipdo-avres irpwrov rot) x^p^ov) is eccentric; and 
 finally Gigonus, the next place mentioned, is sixty miles from Beroea, 
 and could not possibly have been reached in three days' slow march 
 (KttT* oXCyov h\ TTpotovTes TpiTtttot d<|)iKovTO c's rtywvov, 1. 1 8). 
 
 Pluygers' most ingenious conjecture, €nl^Tp4\l^ay\ for kmarpiifavrts, 
 does not explain the detour to Beroea : and unfortunately we do not 
 know where Strepsa was; but only that it was a tributary of Athens in 
 the Thracian district. In fact there is a slight presumption against its 
 having been near the Thermaic Gulf and three days' slow march from 
 Gigonus, for it is not mentioned by Herodotus in his list of Greek cities 
 round the Thermaic Gulf (vii. 133) ^ Nor is Brea, which was sug- 
 gested by Bergk for Bipoia, known to have lain between Pydna and 
 Gigonus ; in fact, the little evidence there is points to its having lain 
 among the Bisaltae, a long way to the East. 
 
 Other conjectures might be mentioned. But the matter is not very im- 
 portant ; we may be content to suppose that the Athenians attacked 
 without success an unknown town between Pydna and Gigonus, which 
 must have been one of their revolted tributaries, and may have been 
 Strepsa. If the name of the town lurks in €m<rrp«4»avT€S, ' Beroea ' may be 
 a mistake for some city on the coast to which the Athenians went by 
 sea from Pydna (Therma has been suggested) : proceeding, after the 
 attack on the * unknown town,' by land (icard yfiv, 1. 13). 
 
 Ch. 62. IL 2, 3. irp^s 'O\vv0<p Iv Tw loOix^. irp^s 'OXvv0ov, 'on the side 
 toward Olynthus,' should be read, with two good MSS., for irpds 
 'OXwOtp 3, ' close to Olynthus.' 
 
 1. 3. Kal dvopdv Igw xiis iroXews circiroiTjvTo. ' The city' is Potidaea, 
 not Olynthus. The object was to prevent the troops leaving the camp 
 and dispersing into the city to get what they wanted— a common, and 
 often disastrous, tendency in Greek armies. 
 
 ^ Cobet, Nov. Lect. p. 382. 
 
 » Muller-Stnibing (Neue Jahrbucher, 1 883), who conjectures ktfi ^K&^bav 
 Campsa or Scapsa bemg mentioned in Hdt. vii. 123. But Campsa was 
 probably less than three days' march from Gigonus (Stahl). 
 
 3 upbs '0\{>ve<p is inconsistent with kv ry iaeix^. ' And Aristeus 
 cannot have drawn up his own troops « close to Olynthus " and those 
 of the Chalcidians, etc., *'in Olynthus," for in that case (a) he would 
 have left Potidaea, which was his base of operations, undefended ; and 
 (<>) he could not have carried out his intention of placing the Athenians 
 between two fires: kv fiiaw Troi€iv avruv tovs iroXfuiovs, 62. 1 15' 
 (Jowett). ' ' *• ^ 
 
 54 
 
 Ch. 61, /. 12— a. 65, /. 9. 
 
 1. 7. 'I6Xaov dvO' a(rrov Karaar^aas dpxovra, i.e. lolaus was to Ch.^62, 
 aovera Macedonia in the absence of Perdiccas. ,. ^u 1 -j- 
 
 T^o. XaXKtS^as 84 Kal to^s H^ l<r0».ov Sv,.,.dxovs, the Chalcidians 
 and the other allies of Potidaea beyond the isthmus, i.e. the Bottiaeans. 
 
 1. 12. 4trl <r<t>as : against the troops under Aristeus on the isthmus. 
 
 1. 3. 6^oT.><r€ . . . xo)p Vas go together ; ^ which way to choose for Ch. 63. ^ 
 
 ^ f 6''::!;^xt-l^^^ TV X.XV B.a ^s eaXd.cn,s. x.X^, a break- 
 wat'er oTheap of stones, thrown down under a sea-wall to protect it 
 fTom the waves (so a scholium here 0, sloping down like the front of a 
 horde's hoof, wh nee the name. In vii. 5^, viii. 9°, the top of the x^A;^ 
 rcTearly above water, irapd here probably means by the side of the 
 breakwater in the shallow water. The shallowness of the sea round 
 Potidra^^^^^ ^dkated by the story in Herodotus viii. 1 29 : Artabazus 
 fhe PerLn general, tri^d to get into Potidaea through the sea wh^h 
 owing to an^nusu;i ebb 'had become a swamp' {rjyayos): the sea 
 rose again and all his men who could not swim were drowned. 
 
 L 20 airuiv, the Athenians themselves as distmct from their allies. 
 
 1 8 4>opuCa,va rdv 'AaunrCov, the same who three years later won Ch. 64. 
 the'two great victories at the mouth of the Corinthian gulf. 
 
 1 , 4^v a^ TV d^a mXcmow^cro. ^ ^o ^dXc^ov yiyyr^ra. Ch. 65. 
 
 Aristeurseems to have rated at its true value the prospect of a speedy 
 
 "f^Vl^tX::^^ -take the measures which 
 came afttr thisTwhich we^e -dered necessary by the^^^^^^^^^ of the 
 
 J. ^^r^f v.ic T^lnn * wishine to do the best he could. 
 ^rr'^;;ltv' '.^.JXX^^ s'^^W- Sermyle appears to have 
 remained faithful to Athens. 
 
 The Lacedaemonian Assembly (66-87). 
 The Peloponnesian war was a struggle, not, as we are apt to think of ™ of 
 it between two great cities, but between a well- organised empire and a ^ Pl^^ 
 ooseW-knU confederacy. Athens was the head of ^e empire, and P^^^^„^ ^ 
 Xls m ant the sovereign people assembled in the I^y''- '-^f ^ the war. 
 ^resent by one great man. Of the confederacy, Sparta was officially the 
 C Corinth las the life and spirit. Had Athens wished to begm the 
 
 1 There seems to be no ancient authority for deriving this n'e"|j°g °f 
 \ rt ^J^n«- ^law ' The ends of a breakwater may project like 
 
 Jlt^s'r 'rsTat t^ntrlce to a harbour but need -t do so. 
 ^Lpi^vXiwv (from SepMuAtciJO is the nght form. The Mbb. vary 
 
 between 'EpptvXiwy and ^€pp.v\i<uv. 
 
 S5 
 
Book L Notes. 
 
 war, a speech from Pericles and a vote in the assembly would have been 
 enough; it would not have been necessary to consult her allies or 
 subjects, Corcyra or Chios or Miletus. As it was, the impulse to war 
 came from Corinth : and Corinth had to persuade, first the Lacedae- 
 monian government and assembly, and then the general assembly of the 
 representatives of the free allies, when the Lacedaemonian authorities 
 had consented to summon them. This assembly represented conflicting 
 interests (cp. p. 92), and every city in it, large or small — Pellene or 
 Lepreum, as well as Corinth, Thebes or Mantinea — had an equal vote. 
 
 First then the Corinthians stir up the Lacedaemonian government 
 to fulfil the promise of invading Attica which it had given to Poti- 
 daea. Thucydides speaks, as his manner is, in general terms of *the 
 Corinthians,' 'the Lacedaemonians,' *the allies,' without explaining who 
 are meant by these terms, how far their action was formal or informal, 
 and how far it required the sanction of the councils or people of their 
 respective states. We only know that * the Lacedaemonians ' means the 
 five Ephors acting by themselves or in concert with the Senate which 
 included the two Kings. The Assembly, consisting of all citizens over 
 thirty years of age, had little power, and might be overruled by the 
 Ephors, though on an occasion like the present, when there was a differ- 
 ence of opinion between a King and an Ephor, its decision must have 
 been, as Grote points out (Part II, ch. vi), of real importance. 
 
 It must be remembered that the speeches of the Corinthians and the 
 
 Athenians were delivered, not before an assembly of the representatives 
 
 of the Peloponnesian confederacy; that came later (ch. 1 19-125) — but 
 
 before the ordinary Lacedaemonian assembly : Archidamus and Sthene- 
 
 laidas speaking after the Athenians, Corinthians, and other strangers 
 
 had withdrawn. 
 
 The Corin- The point of the Corinthian speech is : ' Athens is no longer content 
 
 thian with oppressing her own allies ; she is attacking yours — ourselves the 
 
 speech. Corinthians ; our colonies Corcyra and Potidaea ; Megara/ 
 
 The famous comparison between the Athenian and Spartan characters 
 should be read with the narrative of ch. 89-117 fresh in the memory. 
 For the last forty-eight years the Athenians had pursued various objects 
 with untiring energy through success and failure : the Lacedaemonians 
 had mostly let their allies fight their battles for them ; and had only 
 been stirred to action outside the Peloponnese when their * metropolis * 
 in Doris or their rights over the temple at Delphi were assailed. 
 
 The contrast drawn by the Corinthian orator between the two peoples 
 has nothing to do with the contrast— so often present to the modem 
 mind, and suggested by the English equivalents of veojTfpoiroiot, apxcuS- 
 Tpoira, Tci dKivrjra v6fUfm — between 'conservative' and 'liberal* or 
 * progressive ' tendencies in legislation or in the development of a con- 
 stitution. The Corinthians are thinking of ' foreign affairs ' and of the 
 
 56 
 
 Ch. 66, 1. i^Ch. 67, /. 9. 
 
 executive branch of government, especially in diplomatic, military, and 
 naval concerns : and they contrast Spartan routine in these departments 
 with the readiness of Athens to adopt new ways of doing things, new 
 allies, and the new practical expedients which she had learnt from her 
 wide experience. Governments like those of Philip of Macedon, or 
 Sulla, or Julius Caesar, in ancient times ; and in modern times Prussia 
 under Frederick II or Bismarck and Moltke, and France under the 
 Convention or Napoleon I, however different from each other, would 
 all be v€(uT€poTroioi in the sense in which the Corinthians use the word. 
 
 1. I. ncXoTTOWTioxoi in 1. I and 1. 5 means the Peloponnesian con- Ch. 66. 
 federacy. Athens had a 'casus belli ' against the Peloponnesian con- 
 federacy owing to the action of Corinth. But there was, so far,-a«tual 
 war between Athens and Corinth only ; for Corinth had acted(F 
 not in concert with the rest of the confederacy or with Sparta fl 
 and her action might conceivably be disowned by the rest. 
 
 1. 2. -irpocrYe^^vtivTO, in addition to the Athenian alliance with 
 Corcyra and the battle of Sybota, ch. 55 fin.^ 
 
 1. 5. Stv o-irov8As t€ X€Xvk6t€S dev. airovdds may be general, * a Ch. 67. 
 treaty,' or may refer to the Thirty Years' Peace, being used as a kmd of 
 proper name without the article ^. , *i\ 
 
 1. 7. Kpv<|)a 66, sctl. vp€a&iv6ixivoi (insert a comma after Kpv<pa Sf). 
 The Aeginetans had been conquered (ch. 105) and become tributary 
 members of the Athenian empire twenty-four years before this time (456). 
 What were the provisions of the Thirty Years' Peace on which they 
 based their claims to ' autonomy ' we do not know ^ Nor do we know 
 how the treaty was supposed to forbid the exclusion of the Megarians 
 from Athenian harbours and markets; Pericles (ch. 144) treats the sup- 
 position with contempt. , , , *\ \ 
 
 1. 9. iTpo<rirapaKaXI<ravT€S twv gvp-jjidxcov t€ Kai €i Tts Tt aXXo 
 l<t>Tj -fiSiKfio-eai vira 'AeT]vaCo)v. It has been thought strange that the 
 Lacedaemonians should summon any one but their own allies. But 
 the Aeginetans (just mentioned) were not members of their alliance ; and 
 
 » irpo67€7€vtivTo would mean ' such were the first grievances, or 
 ' grievances which had arisen thus far ' : cp. ch. 23. o -d c ^ 
 
 a So iraThp, it6\is, and other familiar words (Th. §§ 46-48, K. §10;. 
 There is no exact parallel to the case of avovM, but there may be mdica- 
 tions of such a use m Thuc. i. 53, 1. 4 (see Jowett's note), 55, 1. 13 ; 1^, 
 1 II * 123, 1. 10, and V. 36 init. 
 
 ' 3 The payment of tribute was not by itself inconsistent with 'auto- 
 nomy.' Busolt. vol. ii. 556. illustrates this claim on the part of Aegma by 
 the special terms which in the Peace of Nicias were guaranteed to the 
 revolted cities of Thrace, rh hi it6\u5 <pipo<,aas rov <popov rov cir 
 'ApiareiSov avrovofiovs thai (v. 18). 
 
 67 
 
Book L Notes. 
 
 Ch. 67, they may have been willing to hear complaints from other subjects of 
 L 9. Athens besides the Aeginetans ^ s^ 
 
 1, 14. Xip,€v(Dv T€ 6tp7€<rOat, see note on i. 139. 
 
 Ch. 68. 1. I. tA rturrhv vjias <5 AaK€8at|i6vu>i . . . dirurror^povs €S tovs 
 oXAovs, tJv Ti Xey^K-^v, KaOurTijoav. 
 
 The point really is * you Lacedaemonians trust each other so much 
 (in home affairs public and private) that you are inclined to trust your 
 enemies too.' But Thucydides gives a more antithetical turn to the 
 phrase ; ' You trust each other so much that you are inclined to distrust 
 us others (i. e. your allies), if we have anything to say (against your 
 enemies whom you trust).' 
 
 So with Bekker's punctuation the words must be construed. But then 
 TJiucydides' meaning is very imperfectly expressed. It is better to 
 punctuate with Poppo diriffTorepovs, h tovs dWovs ^v ri \('Y<ufi€y, 
 KadiffTTjffi, and translate * makes you inclined to distrust, if we have 
 anything to say against others.' For the order of the words, cp. (with 
 Kriiger) iii. 37 init. SicL -ycip rb Kad' ^fx^pav dSth kou dvim^ovXfvrov 
 irpds aX\r]\ovs, Kal €S tovs ^vjip-dxcvs rd avrb (X^'"'^' 
 
 1. 4. d|xa0i<^ irXeovt, * more than you would otherwise have had.' 
 * This unsuspicious temper may give you dignity {ooxppoavvijj Glossary), 
 but it makes you blunder in your conduct of foreign affairs.' 
 
 1. 6. OX) irepl wv cSiSdo-KOftcv, k.t.X., * instead of ever taking the 
 trouble to see what we were continually trying to point out to you, 
 you preferred to suspect personal motives on the part of the speakers,' 
 
 1. 6. Ti\v |iA^oxv ciroi€i<re€ means inavedvin '^ with a slightly 
 heightened force, * you would not learn.' 
 
 1. 7. Twv X€y6vtu)v, genitive after the clause ws tvtKa, k.t^., * suspected 
 this in the speakers, namely that,' etc. See on ch. 52, 1. 10. 
 
 1. 14. Ti 8€i p.aKpTi'yop€iv, &)v, set/, ^fids, Siv, /c.t.A., ' why should we 
 speak at length, when you see some of us,' etc. 
 
 1. 15. TOVS p-^v 8€8ovXo)|ji€vovs, especially Aegina, Corcyra : tois 8«, 
 Corinth herself, Megara : iv(ip,<ixoi$, Potidaea and her allies. 
 
 1. 16. €ic TToXXov 'irpo'irttp€aK€vao-p,€vovs : i. e. their aggressions have 
 been made upon a deliberate plan ; they will all be of use to them in 
 the event of a war with the Peloponnesian confederacy. 
 
 1. 1 7. ov -ydp &v KcpKvpdv t€ viroXap6vT€S, k.t.X. The Corinthians 
 calmly ignore their own quarrel with Corcyra and the fact that Corcyra 
 herself had applied to Athens ; also that Potidaea was an Athenian 
 tributary which they themselves had induced to revolt. 
 
 1. 20. TTpos Td «irl ©pjjKTjs diroxp-no^ai, i. e. ware dvoxfyqaOai avTOis 
 (rors ivl epaKrjs), not rS/ x«f"V> Potidaea. Lit. * as regards the cities 
 
 Ch. 67, /. 14— Ch. 69, /. 26. 
 
 on the Thracian coast, for making the best of them ' as dependencies. ^^-^^^ 
 Cp. for the construction note on ch. 50, 1. 3. 
 
 1. I. t6 t€ trpwTov answers to h t68€ t€ deC, not to Kal vcrTcpov, Ch. 69. 
 
 which is subordinate to Td irpwTov. 
 
 1. 3. diToaT€povvT6S, ' dcfraudiug ^ ' not ' depriving ' ; diro(yT€p«i/ and 
 its derivatives are regularly used with the odious sense of ' cheat/ ^ 
 
 1. 6. avTo 8p9l, set/. SovKovtcu. «tw6p Kai, not * especially if (oXAtws 
 T€ Kcu). • If at the same time he enjoys a reputation for generosity as 
 the champion of Hellenic freedom.' eiirtp KaC shows that & 8vvdn€vos 
 above, though general in form, really means ' Sparta.' ^ ^ 
 
 1. 8. jidXis 84 vvv T€ "" |vvf|X0o|i€v, koI ov8€ vvv em <t)av€pots. em <t>av€. 
 pois is not exactly * with a clear issue before us,' but ' on a clear under- 
 standing.' They had not made up their minds yet whether Athens was m 
 the wrong : they should by this time have taken for granted that she was. 
 
 1. 9. xpV, nearly equivalent to kxpw av, is said, not only of ' some- 
 thing which ought to have happened, but did not,' but of ' something 
 which ought to be happening now, but is not.' So here, xp^v ydp ovk 
 €l d8iKovji€0a In <rK0ir€rv = * we ought not to be still considenng as we 
 are, whether we are wronged ^' 
 
 1. 10. ol 7dp 8p«vT6s pepovXeviJie'vot, k.t.X. ol Sp&vTis, Uhe active 
 party,' i. e. the Athenians referred to under a general form of words, like 
 the Spartans in 6 dvmfifvos travffai above. 
 
 1. 10. PePovXevjievoi is opposed to ov 8i€Yv«K6Tas. rj^ goes with 
 $($ov\€Vfjihoi, and Kal oi, fxiWovres is opposed to ^efiovX^vn^voi ^St?: 
 cp. ch. 42, 11. 7, 8 (pavepdv ^x^pav vdrj ml oh fxiWovaav irpds KoptvOiovs 
 KT^iaaaeai. ^St; must not be taken with Suyvo}K6ras as if the meaning 
 were irpds oHiroj St€yvojfc6ras, * against men who have not yet made up 
 
 their minds.' , ^ . o 
 
 1. 12. otq. 68^ . . . Kol Sti KttT dXC^ov go together : Grammar, § 28. 
 1. 1 3. ol6p,€voi, ' as long as they think.' 
 1 14. Yv6vT«s, ' when they see.' 
 1. 17. 8iirXaoxov|i€VTjv, pres. *when it is being doubled, 'fast 
 
 doubling.' , , 
 
 1 18 do-<t>aX€ts, ' men that can be relied upon, 'sure men. 
 1 19 2)v dpa, K.T.X. = dAA' ifjuvv dpa {Sjv may = dAA' airSiv as well as 
 
 Kal avrSiv) : Xdyos, ' reputation ' : t^yov, ' reality,' or true character. 
 1 23. ovTOi with eiTcXeeiv. Grammar, § 3. , • u 
 
 1. 24. irpds iToXX^ 8waTa)T^povs, k.t.X., 'because you close with 
 
 them when they are far stronger than they were.' 
 
 1. 26. irepl a{mp Td irXeCco <r<t>aX^VTa, lit. ' stumbled over himself, or 
 
 ^ Bekker may therefore 
 three good MSS., though most 
 « R. §§ 189, 199. 
 
 58 
 
 be right in retaining re after ^u/x/xdxcwv with 
 nost editors, taking Koi = * also,' omit it. 
 
 1 Shilleto, note ad loc. . ,. r n ^^-,«e 
 
 a It is not necessary to alter re to 76 : vvv before re really means 
 ' late ' : bxpk re Kal ovk kitl (pavfpois is the idea. 
 =« Th. § 198. 2, 3 ; G. § 222. n. 2 : R. § 282. 
 
 59 
 
Book L Notes, 
 
 Ch. 69, * tripped himself, up ' : so * owed his fall more to his own blunders 
 1. 26. than to you/ 
 
 1. 27. Tois ap.apTT|(icuriv avrwv, e.g. the Egyptian expedition; the 
 Athenian action with regard to Boeotia (see notes on ch. 1 11, 1. 3; 113). 
 
 1. 29. ol vficTcpai cXmScs. See on </)oj8(j; ry vfi€T(p<f, ch. 33, 1. 18. 
 
 1. 29. 8id r6 TTtoTevcrai goes closely with dirafxiaKfvovs. ' For as to 
 hoping in you, we all know that people have been ruined in that way 
 before now ; their confidence had left them quite defenceless.' Thasos 
 (ch. loi), Euboea(ch. 114) are cases in point. 
 
 1. 30. €ir* fxOpif., * in a spirit of enmity, and not rather of reproof.' 
 
 1. 3 1 . <|>CX(av dvSpwv, * is meant for friends who,' etc. 
 
 Ch. 70. 1. I. c[|ioi. Not * we, if any one, are worthy,' but 'we, if any one, 
 are the right persons to ' — because Corinth had suffered most. 
 
 1. 2. Tcliv 8ia<|>€p6vTCi)v, probably 'interests,' not 'differences' as in 8m- 
 <f>4povTa5 below. A Greek reader would not have noticed the use of 
 the same word in different senses, any more than in ch. 78, 11. 11, 12 
 {\v€iv and \vf<Tda4). 
 
 1. 4. vjiiv depends on 6 dywv tarai. 
 
 1. 6. v«0T€poirotoi, cp. i. 102, 1. 10. 
 
 1. 7. ToL virdpxovTd t€ (tu^civ, supply o^us in an ironical sense from 
 the preceding words. 
 
 1. 8. TdvaYxata, not * what is necessary,' but * what is barely sufficient,' 
 * indispensable.' Glossary. 
 
 1. 8. «|iK€crdai, ' come up with,' ' rise to.' 
 
 1. 9. irapd yyuiy.y\v KivSwcvraC, * venturesome beyond their better 
 judgment.' yv^jfuj must have the same sense as t^s yvoj/xrjs just below. 
 
 1. 15. T^ «iT€X0€iv, 'aggression,' involving absence from home. 
 
 1. 17. Kal viKcofxevoL €ir' cXdxLO'TOv dvamirrovo-iv. dvaTrtVT^ti' generally 
 means to 'fall backwards' : here, as the antithesis to knl irXeiaTov i^epxov- 
 Tcu shows, it means ' fall back,' * give ground.' Instances are the 
 perseverance of the Athenians in the wars against Aegina (ch. 105) 
 andSamos (ch. 117), the colonization of Amphipolis after the disaster of 
 ch. 100, the battle of Oenophyta 'on the sixty-second day' after Tanagra 
 (ch. 108), the repeated attacks on Sicyon (ch. 108, iii). 
 
 1. 17. tn 8^ Tois \i.kv o-w^ao-iv dXXoTpKordrois, k.t.X., * they treat their 
 bodies in their country's cause, as if they had nothing whatever to 
 do with them (i.e. throw away their lives as recklessly as if they 
 belonged to some one else), but their spirit (or their wills) they treat 
 as most peculiarly their own to be used in her service.' The yvwfxrj 
 of an Athenian is the spirit just described, the spirit of enterprise, 
 audacity, and unfailing hope. He would give up his body to wounds 
 or death, but would jealously guard, and never give up, the best qualities 
 of his heart and will \ yvwurj is not exactly ' mind ' ; the word is used 
 
 ^ Or (perhaps better) ' their bodies they put at the disposal of the 
 enemy : over their spirit they retain the most perfect mastery.' 
 60 
 
 Ck 69, /. 27— Ch. 71, /. 2. 
 
 too much of infeileaual quBlities, whereas Thucydides is thinking chiefly Ch. 70, 
 of the wi/l : * spirit' is slightly ambiguous. Glossary, yvdjfM-q. 1. 17. 
 
 1 20. Kol d [ikv dv 4mvo^<TavT€S \i-f\ «|«Xe«flrtv, k.t.X. For kiiXOwaiv 
 with ace. see Glossary {kuf^iivai). The three clauses describe the feel- 
 ings of the Athenians, (i) when their plans are never carried out at all, 
 (2) when they succeed, (3) when they fail. 
 
 1. 21. dXCya . . . TVX€tv irpd^avr^s, 'that what they have just done is 
 little' ; hence as Classen ' that they have done but little this time'; or 
 ' that they have really done little,' i. e. ' have done^ little after all.' 
 1. 22. Tov, after ireCpcji, ' in attempting anything.' 
 1. 23. c-irXTipwo-av, 'iterative' aor.^ ^ 
 
 1. 28. -iiYeio-Oat (as well as KTacrOai) is governed^ by 8td to, and 
 ■fiyuadai itself governs T|<rvxtav dirpdYjiOva as well as aWo ri. 
 
 Pericles, in ii. 38, 39 fin-, gives a picture of the Athenians exactly 
 opposite to that given of them by the Corinthians here: ical fi^v teat tuv 
 vliV(ov irkdaras dvaira{>\as r^ yvufiv iiropiffdniOa, dywai fiiv 7« « «*' ^'''^'^^ 
 buTTjaiois vofiiCovT^s, /f.T.A.,and Kairoi d ^(^dvplq fiaWov fj ^6voyv ii^Xery 
 . . . kei\oiix(v Kivdvv€^€iv. The oligarchic author of [Xen.] Athen. Polit. 
 (iii 2) says that the feasts at Athens threw all business into arrears.— 
 The Corinthians colour their descripUon of Athens by way of a lesson to 
 their hearers the Lacedaemonians ; who had thrice during the Persian wars 
 neglected their duty in order to keep a festival-the new moon at Mara- 
 thon, the Camea before Thermopylae, the Hyacinthia before Plataea. 
 
 Towett quotes some interesting parallels to the thought. ' Burke, 
 Speech on American Taxation (of Lord GrenviUe), « He took public 
 business, not as a duty which he was to fulfil, but as a pleasure which 
 he was to enjoy." The same thought occurs, a little exaggerated, m 
 the " Letter to a Noble Lord." Speaking of his own son, Burke says. 
 " He was made a public creature ; and had no enjoyment whatever but 
 in the performance of some duty." , • i. • 
 
 'Cp. also Shakespeare, Macbeth i. 4, "The rest is labour, which is 
 not used for you " : and Goethe, Pandora (end) : 
 '' Prometheus— ^^s kiindest du fur Feste mir? Sie lieb ich nicht; 
 Erholung reichet Muden jede Nacht genug. 
 Des echten Mannes wahre Feier ist die ThatM"' 
 
 1. 2. Kal otc<T«e T»iv ^crvxCav, k.t.X. * Instead of respecting your Ch. 71. 
 neighbour's rights, and defending your own in a manly way, you thmk of 
 nothing but his suscepribilities and your own immediate mterests. Such 
 
 / 
 
 
 » Bekkerted. 1821) quotes a curious application of the passage from 
 Origen, c. Celsmn, viii^392 A^^^"* ^* -\ ^^ Q.lovii^raai..v^. o.&..v 
 BkKovrU ^t\oy6v ti irpdrrotev, /*^ fx^raKati^dvovr^sr^v SfJi^oT^Xwy eoprcvv 
 kopr^ ydp, &s <pv<T'i ns tcai rwv 'E\Kr)ViKS,y ao<poiv, icaKws K^o^, ovdiv 
 aWo kariv, ij rd rd diovra irpdrrctF. 
 
 61 
 
I 
 
 Book L Notes, 
 
 Ch. 71, is the general meaning. There is an awkwardness in the expression : 
 1. 2. for the position of ov before rovrois (not before oUaSi) shows that the 
 sentence should really have concluded, dAA(i rovrois o\ hv aXKovs rt fiij 
 Xwwaiv /ecu avrol d/xvv6fJi€vot ft^ ^XdnTouvrai, or the like. Literally, * You 
 hold that peace lasts longest, not for such men as on the one hand do 
 (only) what is just with their armed force, but by their spirit on the other 
 hand show clearly — in case they are wronged — that they will not put 
 up with it ; but you measure out^'equality X)n the basis of not annoying 
 others, and yourselves avoiding^ ^actaaT harm by self-defence' (i.e. 
 defending yourselves only against actual harm) ^. 
 
 1- 3. TQ irapao-KctrQ, * with their material force.' 
 
 1. 4. TQ Y^wfi-Qj ' by the spirit or character which they show.' 
 
 1. 4. tJv dSiKwvrai in sense follows /x^ kmTp4\povT€s. 
 
 1, 5. «Tri T^, * on the principle of.' 
 
 1. 6. TO icrov vefjieT€, * You deal out to your neighbours what is fair,' 
 i. e. • observe fairness in your dealings with them.' See further in 
 Appendix. 
 
 1, 9. OLvdYKT) 8' woirep tcxvtjs oel tA i'myi.yv6\i€va Kparctv, i. e. wff-rrfp 
 Tfxyrjs (as in the case of an art) ovtu Kai tovtqjv tcL kiriyiyvofxfva : * the 
 last improvement in the conduct of affairs, as in an art ' (we might say 
 a manufacture or a business) * must always prevail.' r^x^rji is an ex- 
 tension of the primary sense of the genitive ^ : Itl. ' within the sphere of 
 art'; or we may supply rd kmyiyvofitva. For t^x^ (oot 'fine art') 
 see Glossary. 
 
 1. 10. rd dKCvTjra v6|ii|ia. vofjufjux means not laws, but usages, *the 
 traditions of government ' : cp. Glossary, vofws. 
 
 1. 1 1 . irpos iroXXa S«, k.t.X. * Those who have to meet many calls must 
 employ many new (Iwj-) devices.' 
 
 1. 14. ii^xpi* • • • Tov8€ wpCorOb) v|ui)v ^ PpaSvTQS = /ACXP* fovde npo- 
 €\6ovffa wpiffdco, cp. note on ch. 51, 1. 9. 
 
 1. 15. w<nr€p tiirc8€|a<r0c, only with noTtSaidrais, cp. ch. 58, 1. 7* 
 
 1. 18. irpos €T€pav Ttvd ^vp.p.axCav Tp€\|nr|T€, probably the alliance of 
 the Argives (Schol.) : Argos was the only state outside the Pelopon- 
 nesian alliance, except Athens, which stood on a level with Sparta. 
 Eleven years later the Corinthians, dissatisfied with the Peace of Nicias, 
 did ally themselves with Argos. This highly probable allusion gives 
 
 * Cp. Seeley's Life of Stein, vol. i. p. 231, * Prussia allowed Napoleon 
 to introduce a French army into the heart of the Empire' (1803), * and 
 Haugwitz wrote ..." The King is determined once for all to show to 
 all Europe in the most open manner that he will positively have no war 
 unless he is himself directly attacked" This does indeed assert in words 
 that Prussia had still spirit enough left for a war of self-defence : but 
 when self-defence is so rigidly interpreted as to exclude the defence of 
 one's nearest neighbours and of those whose safety is intimately involved 
 with one's own, it becomes almost a word without meaning.' 
 
 » R. § 86. 
 
 62 
 
 CA. 71, /. 3—/. 26. 
 
 more point to o5t€ |wTj0e<rr4povs, 1. 24; for Argos, unlike Corinth or Ch. 71, 
 
 Sparta, was a democracy. ^ . ^ . j ^* ■^®* 
 
 1 19 o<ni irp^s e€wv, K.T.X., 'neither before the Gods who witnessed 
 our oaths, nor before men who take notice of our actions^ ' ; * whose eyes 
 
 areupon us' (Jowett). « ^w o i <• *u * 
 
 1. 23. ovT€ Ydp So-ia &v wototjxev |i€TaPaXXo|i€vot. Supply m that 
 
 case,' i. e. ^ovXofihojv vfxcjv TrpoOvpuuv thai. Otherwise there would be 
 
 a contradiction with Sp«|X€v 8' &v d8tKov oi&ky above. 
 
 1. 26. lifTJ cXdo-ao) €gtiY€i<reav. |tT\ «Xda<ra> is proleptic : * strive that 
 
 the Peloponnese may not be weaker under your leadership.' 
 
 The speech of the Athenians is, as they observe with much dignity Position 
 themselves, in no sense an answer to the Corinthian or other attacks. |^^^° °P 
 They rightly decline to plead their cause before the citizens of Sparta, ^^^^^:^^^ 
 and content themselves with arguing that the strong and wide-spread ^^^^i, 
 feeling against their empire » is unreasonable. They do not attempt to 
 establish any community of interest between themselves and their allies ; 
 to show, as Nicias does (vii. 63), that the allies were benefited by Athenian 
 rule, or even to point out, as Thucydides himself does (i. 99), that the 
 tributary allies were themselves to blame for their dependent position. 
 They speak' only of their own services in the Persian war; of the 
 voluntary offer of leadership to them by the allies, and of the historical 
 necessity which had forced empire upon them. They plead, almost as 
 frankly as in the Melian dialogue itself, the laws of human nature which 
 make it inevitable that the strong should rule and that the weak should 
 grumble, and which make the appeal to justice a mere hypocrisy. And 
 they employ the paradoxical and by no means conciliatory argument 
 that their allies were in fact spoilt by overkindness. In the concluding 
 appeal to arbitration under the terms of the Peace, repeated finally by 
 Pericles (ch. 144), they are on ground which cannot be shaken, as the 
 Lacedaemonians themselves felt when the war began to turn against 
 
 them (vii. 18). 
 
 The prediction (end of ch. 76), afterwards realised, that the Spartan 
 dominion would prove worse than the Athenian, probably represents 
 not what was said at the time, but the experience of the Hellenic worid 
 in 404-396*. 
 
 1 vphi avepammv rwv cuffOavonivojv cannot mean * intelligent men ' : 
 alffOavSfMevoi t^ ^At«f<?, v. 26, is no parallel. ^ ^ , , 
 
 2 Thuc ii 8 1) 8€ tvvoia irapa voKv iiroiei ruiv avepuircuv fxaK\ov «y rovs 
 Ao/f€8aiuoWow, dXAws t€ Kal TrpouirSvron^ on t^v 'EAAdSo iXtvQtpovaiv, 
 
 3 Compare throughout Euphemus' defence of the Atheman empire 
 at Camarina, vi. 82-85. 
 
 * See Grote, ch. Ixxii. 
 
 63 
 
Ji 
 
 Book I, Notes. 
 
 Historical But was any speech of the kind ever delivered before the Lace- 
 doubts, daemonian assembly at all? Thucydides' narrative (ch, 73), taken in 
 its natural sense, implies that while the assembly was going on the 
 Athenians heard of the Corinthian and other speeches, applied for 
 leave to speak themselves, obtained it, and came forward. This is 
 not impossible (especially if the assembly took up more than one day), 
 but it is very unlikely. We can hardly suppose that Thucydides has in- 
 vented the whole affair as a device for introducing as early as possible 
 a telling apology for the Athenian empire ; he may however be writing 
 from an imperfect report, or an imperfect recollection, of the manner in 
 which the Athenian remonstrance was delivered. 
 
 There is nothing suspicious in the accidental presence of the Athenian 
 envoys at Sparta at this juncture. Various matters of business must have 
 continually been arising between the two states. There is a similar 
 incident in Xen. Hell. v. 4. 22 ; where some Lacedaemonian envoys 
 happen to be at Athens at the time when Sphodrias, the Spartan harmost 
 in Thespiae, is bribed by the Thebans to invade Attica. 
 
 Ch. 72. 11. 1-3. Twv Si *AOT]vaC(i)v €Tvx* Y^P 'wpeo-peia . . . ical us -ncrOovTO twv 
 Xoyuv, K.T.X. TWV 'A$r}vcu(uv is genitive under the influence of npfc^eia 
 following ; and kcu is used before ws -qoOovto as if 'yap had not preceded. 
 Cp. ch. 115,1. 13 tSjv h\ 'Xafiiaiv ?jaav ydp rivts^, /c.t.A. Grammar, § 30, b. 
 
 1. 4. TWV \i^y iyK\r\ii6iTbiv ir«pt, k.t.X. Partly because they were not 
 bound to answer these charges before the Lacedaemonian assembly 
 (ch. 73 init.) : partly no doubt because a premature and unauthorised 
 answer might have compromised Athens in subsequent negotiations. 
 
 1. 13. ei Tt li-fj diroKuXvoi does not apparently differ in meaning from 
 C( fxri Ti diTOKa}\voi. 
 
 1. 14. liTv«vai, come before, or into, the assembly, opposed to irapcX- 
 66vT€S, coming forward, * rising ' to speak. 
 
 Ch. 73. !• 4« o^ Y*P """ttp*^ SiKooTttts ^^tv, k.t.X., ^pMV and tovtojv are gen. 
 after diKaarai^s — 'you are not a court to try our case or theirs, that we 
 should defend ourselves before you.' 
 
 1. 7. ytipoy povXevoTTjoOe (aor.), * take an ill-advised resolution.' 
 
 1. 8. Tov iravTos X6yov, k.t.X. * The general outcry that has been raised 
 against us,' or, in modem phrase, ' the general prejudice against us.* 
 
 1. 10. tA iraw iroAaul, such favourite topics as the victories of 
 Athens over the Amazons, and over Eumolpus : her kindness to the 
 Heracleidae (Schol.), etc. 
 
 1. II. wv aKoal p.dXXov X6y<*v, k.t.X., 'for they are attested by mere 
 
 ^ In this parallel passage there is no * irregular' xai before (vv$ifi€voif 
 1.15; but the meaning would have been clearer if anything had there 
 been one. 
 
 64 
 
 Ch, 72, /. I — Ch. 74, /. 8. 
 
 hearsay, not by the eye-witness of those to whom we are about to Ch. 73, 
 
 speak.' ^* ^^* 
 
 1. 12. 5<ra ovrol Jvwo-t*, ' all that you know as well as we.' 
 
 11. 12,13. €1 Kal 8t' oxXov jwlXXov t<rrai del irpoPoXXofjitvovs S * even 
 if (p. 44, footnote 2) as we are always talking about them, we are likely 
 to find {tffrai) that they are a positive annoyance to you ' {paWov, an 
 annoyance and not a pleasure). irpo^aWofitvoiSy according to this 
 translation is ' dat. of interest ' with tarai, not dat. after 5i* oxJ^ov. Such 
 is probably the meaning, but the Greek as it stands will hardly bear it. 
 (See Appendix.) 
 
 The sense * an annoyance to us because we are always putting them 
 forward ' is too arrogant for the opening of a speech, and does not suit 
 the tone of the following words. 
 
 1. 14. -Jjs TOV \ihf tpyov, K.T.X., * in the reality of which,' etc. 
 
 1. 17. \iaprvpiov Kal SriXwacws : a setting forth in evidence, a formal 
 protest. fmpTvpofiai, i. e. * call to witness,' often = * protest.' 
 
 1. 19. MapaOuvi t€ p,6voi irpoKtv8vv€vorat t^ Pappdpcp, k.t.X. rqi 
 ^apfidpqj is dative because irpoKivdvv€vffai involves ndx^adai. For fi6voi 
 fipoKivZvvivaai compare the famous adjuration Dem. De Cor. 208 (263) 
 /*d Tov^ MapaOSwi vpoKivhwivaavras rwv trpoySvuv /fot rovs kv IlXa- 
 ratais irapara^afxivovs Kal rovs kv IBaXapTvi vavfiaxnffavTas. 
 
 1. 23. dSwATwv &v 6vT0i)v, * when it would have been impossible '* ; as 
 in ch. 1, 1. II dbvvara ^v. 
 
 1. 25. 6jioCas, i. e. * what it was before.* 
 
 1. 5. vovs \iiv yt €S -wis T€TpoKocrtos 6XiY<p cXAo-CTOvs 8vo ftoipwv. If Ch. 74. 
 
 the text is correct ^ Thucydides has put into the mouth of the Athenian 
 speaker a violent exaggeration. Rather less than f of 400 would be 
 nearly 266 ; but no writer says that the Athenians had more than 200 ships 
 at Salamis. Aeschylus gives the whole number of ships as 310 (Persae, 
 1. 338). Herodotus says 378 (viii. 48) *, of which the Athenians sent 200, 
 including twenty which they lent to the Chalcidians. Ctesias says the 
 number of Athenian ships was no out of a total of 700 (Pers. 26) ! 
 
 1. 8. v|Ji€is 8t\ p-AXvo-Ta eTip,if|<raT€ dvBpa |€vov, k.t.X. Whereas the 
 Spartans usually discouraged strangers. See Hdt. viii. 1 24 : Themistocles 
 
 ^ Classen's suggestion Trpo^aWo/xeva removes all difficulty. But if 
 genuine, how did it get corrupted into irpo^aWonivois ? 
 
 ^ Herodotus (vii. 139) expresses the same opinion in very strong 
 terms. Had not Athens stood firm, Sparta would have been lost: 
 Athens (not Sparta) was the deliverer of Hellas. 
 
 ' Four bad MSS. read rpiaKoaias : a reading which would remove all 
 difficulty and agrees with the estimate current in t!ie Orators, e.g. Dem. 
 De Cor. 238 (297) rpiaKOfficov ovffuiv twv iraaaiv, rds Suvcoaias ^ 'tr6\is 
 irapeax^To. rpiaKoaias is too like a correction to be confidently accepted : 
 but possibly it may be genuine, and rfrpaKoaias may be a thoughtless 
 correction by some one who remembered Herodotus' number, 378. 
 
 ♦ The separate items of his catalogue make up only 366. 
 
 E 
 
 65 
 
Book L Notes. 
 
 Qh. 74 was presented with an olive-wreath and with the finest chariot in Sparta, 
 L 8. and escorted on his departure by a picked corps of 300. 
 
 1. 26. ovBh &v cTt «8€t vfias, k.t.X., 'you would not any longer 
 have had to fight/ because it would have been no good — two ideas 
 which often run into each other ^. 
 
 Ch. 75. 1. 1. Sp' agioC €(rp,€v, K.T.X., here, *do we not deserve ... not to be— - 
 
 i, e. do we deserve to be— so very odious in men's eyes, merely because 
 we have an empire ? * 
 
 1. 2. Tvwfitis |w€<T€a)s, *our sagacity of judgment,' or ' the good sense 
 of our resolution.' -^viifirjs is genitive after ^vvtaeus. 
 
 1. 2. dpx'qs depends on km<p06v<us hiaKuaOai ^. 
 
 1. 5. TcL viroXowra tov papPApov, ' what was still to be destroyed of 
 the Barbarian power,' i. e. his posts in Europe, and his power of injuring 
 the Greek cities on the coast of Asia, or of attacking Greece again. 
 
 1. 7. «! avTov Bk Tov tpyov, k.t.X. Here the Athenians enter upon 
 the real difficulties of their apology. What they had received at the 
 request of the allies was the iiy€ fiovia— the leadership of a free con- 
 federacy — not the dpxn or government of tributaries. 
 
 1. 7. TO TrpwTOv corresponds to Kcd ovk d(T(pa\h in kSuKCi (Ivai (1. 9). 
 The Athenians were first driven to turn their ^ye/iovia into an dpxv 
 properly so called by * motives of fear, honour, and interest,' and after 
 that they could not endanger themselves by relaxing the strictness of 
 their rule (with dve'vTas, supply avTijv, r^v apx^Vy from 1. 8 above). 
 
 1. 10. Kat Tivtov Kal tjStj diroo-TcivTCDV KaT€O-Tpap.pi6V0>v, * and what is 
 more, after we had had to reduce some who had revolted.' diroaTavToiv is 
 subordinate to KaTfarpafifxivQJv ; Grammar, §11. Kai before rjSr] qualifies 
 the whole sentence : Tjdrj goes with KaTearpafifihuv. 
 
 1. 13. Kal -ydp dv . . . €Yiyvovto, * would have been,' not ' would now 
 be'; Grammar, § 17. 
 
 1. 14. Twv [liyiKTruiv irtpi kivSvvwv, ' when the greatest danger^ were 
 concerned,' i. e. in the face of the greatest dangers. 
 
 1. 14. Td |vji4>€povTa . . . €v TtO€<r0ai, * to make the best of the advantages 
 which offered.' The expression is overloaded ; rd irapovra €v riecaOai 
 would have been more natural. In the corresponding place, vi. 83, the 
 Athenians say iraai Si dv€m<p6ovov t^v -npoOTjKovaav aarrrjpiav kKiropi^taOai. 
 
 Ch. 76. 11. 3> 4- dirfix^Tlo^e €v rg -fiYCfioviqi . . . XvTrrjpovs Y€vop.€vovs toIs 
 |vfX|idxois. dinixOTjaOc refers to the unpopularity which the Lacedae- 
 monians would have had to incur in the natural course of things, had they 
 
 * Cp. a similar use of xpi?, "i. 53 init. vpoKa-rr^yopias n rjixwv ov npoyt- 
 yfvrjfievr)^ ^ xM din-fnTuv : * which we must answer ' almost = * which we 
 can answer' : ii. 51 init., iv. 34 fin. 
 
 ^ Th. § loi ; G. § 173. I ; R. § 100. i. All but five bad MSS. have 
 dpxv^ T€, but 76 is clearly right. 
 
 66 
 
 Ch, 74, /. 26— O. 77, /. 1. 
 
 remained active leaders of the whole confederacy : Xvinjpovs yevofiivovs Ch. 76, 
 refers to the vexatious measures which would further have been forced 1. 3. 
 upon them by their impopularity itself. 
 
 1. 13. T^ SiKaCcp Xo^cp vvv XPV^^^* ^ot 'the just argument' but *the 
 argument from justice,' opposed to 6 dn(i tov ^vfJi(p€povTos Xoyo^. 
 
 1. 14. TOV p.1^ itX«ov €X€tv dirtTpdircTO. /tij expresses more fully the 
 negative implied in direTpdnero *. 
 
 1. 15. xpj\a'6i.n.€voif * indulging.' 
 
 11. 1-3. Kal kXaffffovfjLivoi ydp h reus ^v\ipo\aiaxs irpbs robs (vfifMxovs Ch. 77. 
 Ukm^ Kal trap* ijiuv avrois kv roh dfioiois v6fwis irotTio-avTCS rds xpifffis 
 <f>i\odiKfTv hoKovpLtv. 
 
 Kai before kKaaffovfievoi is not * and,' but emphasizes tXaffffovfifvoi, 
 * for the very reason that we put ourselves at a disadvantage,' just as Kai 
 in the preceding line emphasizes kx tov kmciKovs, 'through our very 
 moderation.' Kai before nap' ^puv avTois = * and ' ; and introduces an 
 explanation of (\affaovfxcvoi. troirjffavTfs, ' having instituted,' not noioij- 
 fxtvoij ' holding ' : Gri^mmar, § 6. ' For, just because we waive our advan- 
 tage in our suits with our allies, regulated as these suits are by treaty, 
 and have instituted courts to try them before our own juries ^ and under 
 impartial laws, we have a reputation for chicanery.' (vfx^oXq^ai Sikoi, 
 either 'suits relating to contracts' {^vp^6\aia) or, more probab^j ' suits 
 conducted in accordance with a treaty' {^vfi^oXov) =SiKai dnb ^uf^^6\<uv. 
 
 The best explanation of this passage is as follows : — Cases between 
 Athens or an Athenian citizen on the one hand and a subject city or 
 a citizen of a subject city on the other hand appear to have been tried 
 according to fixed regulations (j^vfx^oXa or ^vfi^oXai) at Athens by 
 Athenian dicasteries. To suits thus tried was extended the phrase SiKoi 
 diro (vpi$6\(uv \ usually applied to suits between the citizens of two in- 
 dependent states, relating in great part to matters of commerce, and tried 
 according to the terms of a previous treaty. But see Appendix. 
 
 The expression of the Athenian speaker here, €v tois ^vpi^oXaiais irpds 
 Tovs Jvfijidxovs SiKais, shows that he is not referring to the well-known 
 arrangement by which criminal suits involving certain penalties (e. g. all 
 capital cases), and probably some civil suits, between citizens of the 
 
 1 Th. § 298 A; G. § 263. I, § 283. 6; R. § 332. 
 
 ^ Cp. trapd SiKaffTOxs vpuv, ch. 73> !• 5- 
 
 » UKai dvb ^vfipoXwv^ or ^vpi^oXai, seem to be mentioned on imperfect 
 inscriptions relating to Selymbria, a subject ally of Athens (C. I. A. iv. 
 Part i. 61 a) : and to Mitylene after its reduction (C. I. A. iv. Part i. 
 96) : as well as on a later one relating to an independent ally Phaselis 
 (C. I. A. ii. II). This confirms a statement of Hesychius kbiKa^ov 'Adrj- 
 vaxoi dnb (rv/x^6\ctiv tois virr)K6oi5' koI tovto ^v x^^X^irov : another lexicon 
 (Bekker, Anecdot. I. 436. i) says 'Adrjvatoi dirb avpSoKuv thiKa^ov toTs vvt]- 
 Koois. ovtojs 'ApiffTOTiXrjs. Cp. Pollux, viii. 63. 
 
 £ 2 
 
 67 
 
Book L Notes, 
 
 Ch. 77, subject states, had to be brought up to Athens for trial ^ This arrange- 
 1. 1. ment was indeed the real grievance and the reason why the Athenians 
 were considered litigious : but it could hardly, even by a cynical speaker, 
 have been produced as evidence of Athenian moderation : it is probably 
 referred to below in the words i^v ri irapa rb fx^ oUaOai XPV^^ ^ Y^wji-ji 
 ^ Svvdfiu TTJ dicL TTiv apx^v Kcd oirwaovv kkaaaojOwciv. The Athenian 
 speaker only points out that cases between Athenians and allies were 
 not settled as they might have been by Athenian officers on the spot, 
 but decided by law before Athenian law courts according to fixed 
 agreements : the allies forget this concession and think only of their 
 grievances, including the decision of their own suits, in some cases, at 
 Athens. 
 
 1. 4. dXXoOi irov, 'in certain other places/ This cannot refer to the 
 Peloponnesian confederacy, the members of which were not inrqKooi. A 
 scholium rightly says olov nepcais, 2/fi/0(us. We may add the Cartha- 
 ginians and Thracians, and compare viro . . . tov Mrjdov Suvorepa 
 TovTcov -naaxovrts ^veixovro below, 1. 18. The Persians, Scythians, and 
 Carthaginians are cited as ruling powers by Socrates (Xen. Mem.i. 1. 11). 
 1. 6. 8i6ti tovto ouk oveiSi^CTai* ^ial«rQai y6,p, k.t.X. ' None of 
 them thinks what the reason is why this reproach is not brought against 
 others. The reason is that,' etc. 
 
 1. 7. ol Bk ci9io-p.€voi, K.T.X. ol is not the article but the pronoun : * but 
 they, accustomed as they are, etc' Cp. note on ch. 37, 1. 8. 
 
 1. 8. irapd to jat^ otco^ai xp'f]vai. ovk oI/mi XPV^o.i (cp. ov<pr)/xi xpv^at) 
 = *I think it wrong.' Accordingly vapcL t6 /x^ oUadai xp^'^a* = * re- 
 gardless of their impression that it is wrong,' i. e. that they are treated 
 with injustice. 
 
 1. 9. r\ yvwfixi r\ SwAjiei t^ 8td tt\v dpxT|v> * through a decision ' of 
 the Athenian people in the Assembly, or in the dicasteries, * or through 
 the power which our empire gives us ^.' A subject city might be com- 
 pelled to dismantle a fortification or to pay higher tribute, or might have 
 its trade interfered with by a decree of the assembly, or one of its citizens 
 might lose a case which had been tried at Athens against a member of 
 the same or another city. Or again (pvvd/jici) an Athenian ffrpaTrj-^os 
 or kirioKoitos might levy troops, make requisitions, suppress oligarchical 
 clubs, etc., and it would be unsafe to offer any resistance. 
 
 1. 9. Kal 6irw<roOv, ' in any way whatever,' i. e. ' however slightly.' 
 1. 10. ou TOV irXcovos fJiT^ o-T€pio-K6p,€voi ^L^w tx^vonv, dXXd ToO 
 «v8€ovs xa^^-TtoTepov 4)€pov(nv, k.t.X. * Instead of being grateful to us 
 
 ^ In many cases, perhaps in all, formal treaties, regulating {inter alia) 
 the trial of these suits also, were made with the allied states; we 
 possess portions of several such agreements, being those with Chalcis, 
 Miletus (C. I. A. iv. Part i. 27 a, 23 a), and Erythrae (C. I. A. i. 9), 
 Abbott, vol. ii. pp. 346, 371, 372. 
 
 ^ Lit. * which we have because of our empire ' (see on i. 83, 1. 4). 
 
 68 
 
 a. 77, I' A—Ch. 78, /. 14. 
 
 for not depriving them of the greater part (of their rights), they are more 9J^- ^7, 
 irritated about their wrongs than if,' etc. 
 
 1. II. TOV €v8€ovs, lit. ' their inferiority ' or position of disadvantage in 
 certain points : rod kvSeovs is opposed not to tov -nXkovos, but to rov 
 irXiovos fii) (TrepiaKSufvoiK /ii) aT€piffK6fi(voi = u fifj arfpiaKOVTOi. 
 
 The genitive rod kvSfovs depends on xaA-cwwrepov <p€povffiv. Cp. ii. 
 62 med. xa^f'Tws <p€puv avra/v, ' to be vexed about them.' 
 
 1. 15. TO \i.kv 7dp diro tov laov 8oK€t trXioviKTfia-Bai, k.t.X., ' for 
 the one appears to be a case of cheating between equals, the other, an 
 act of coercion exercised from a stronger position.' v\€ov(KT(iaeai, 
 KaravayK&C^aeai are best explained as equivalent to ir\fov€KTrjna thai, 
 dvdyKTj (Tvai (Jowett) : they are, as it were, infinitives of the impersonal 
 verb, ' there is an act of cheating,' etc. 
 
 1. 23. ola vir€8€C|aT€ refers to the outrageous conduct ofPausanias, 
 i. 130. €i'ir€p . . . Yvwo-eae*, * if you mean to carry out a policy like 
 that which,' etc. : Grammar, § 13. 
 
 1. 5. €S rvxas . . . ir«piiorTao-0ai, wv taov T€ a'n(\o\i.€v Kal oiroTepws Ch. 78. 
 Jo-Tat €v d8T|X<p Kiv8w€V€Tai. wv urov, K.T.X., 'from which we and 
 you are equally removed,' i. e. ' to which you are as much exposed 
 
 6iroT€pws €o-Tai is dependent on €v d^X<i). S>v goes with kv d^\q) 
 as well as with d-nixofJ^^^ - ^H- ' and about which we are in the dark— - 
 as to which of the two ways things will go— when we take the risk' : 
 i.e. *A prolonged war is apt to turn out a mere affair of chances: 
 neither of us is safe from them, and which side they will take we 
 cannot tell when we make our venture.' 
 
 1 12. KaTd tV |vv0^khv. This shows that the Thirty Years Peace 
 contained a provision by which disputed points were to be referred to . 
 
 arbitration. . , 
 
 1. 14. d|xvv€aeav iroX^jiov dpxovTas, *to repel your aggression : 
 
 Grammar, § 6. , , , • u ir 
 
 1. 14. Tai>rxi xi ^v v<|)TiY^i<re«, ' following your lead,' i.e. by repelling 
 your attack, in whatever way it may be made, with equal energy. 
 
 The speech of Archidamus is full of personal dignity and political Speech 
 wisdom rightly applied: and is all the more impressive when we re- ot^Arc 1-^ 
 member that a Spartan king had very little of his own way because g^g^ ' 
 of the power and jealousy of the ephors; and that Archidamus' own 
 counsel was rejected. He makes the obvious and reasonable suggestion 
 that the next thing to be done was to send an embassy to Athens and 
 complain of the definite grievances brought forward by the allies. 
 
 I Stahl in order to preserve the antithesis between rov irX^oi'os and 
 ToC kvb€oisy takes tov hd€ovs = Tov kKdrrovos, ' the small part' of their 
 rights which they lose, and supplies anpiaKdiitvoi with it. 
 
 69 
 
Book L Notes, 
 
 This would at all events gain time, of which Sparta stood in greater 
 need than Athens ; and Sparta need not positively commit herself to 
 war just yet (Ati7T€ irSXefJiov dyav drjXovvTas fxrjO* us imrpixf/oixiv, ch. 82, 
 1. 4). His forecast of the war, a natural but not altogether true one, may 
 be compared with that of the Corinthian envoy in ch. 1 20 flf. and that of 
 Pericles in ch. 141 fif. (see p. 107). 
 
 Ch. 84 is a picture of the Spartan character, not a direct reply to the 
 Corinthian attack : * We have not been trained,' he says, * to criticise our 
 enemies ' : and * we must not trust to the hope that they will make mis- 
 takes.* The Corinthians had not criticised, and certainly had not under- 
 rated, the Athenians' power of fighting : some of Archidamus' words 
 might seem more in place as an answer to the Corinthians' next speech, 
 ch. 1 20 ff. But in fact he is replying, like the Athenians, to the general 
 prejudice against his countrymen — whether in the minds of open enemies 
 or of * candid friends.' The well-known national character of Sparta is 
 supposed to be present to the mind of the hearer (or reader) throughout : 
 and this explains the abruptness with which Archidamus passes from 
 one trait of the model Spartan to another. ' Our dilatory ways have been 
 the secret of our greatness. No compliments and no reproaches shall turn 
 us from our path. We are obedient to orders, and our discipline gives 
 us that sensitive spirit of honour which is the essence of bravery : we 
 are obedient to our laws, for our education has taught us neither to 
 criticise nor to disobey them. We may not have the useless ability of 
 an Athenian or Corinthian orator : we may not be able to criticise our 
 enemies' weak points so well ; but we can take advantage of them on 
 the battle-field. Our wisdom is to know that our neighbour's character 
 is much the same as our own, and that the future is incalculable (' a few 
 strong instincts and a few plain rules ')^ We take for granted that 
 our enemy is no fool, and we do our best to be ready for him. Fine 
 distinctions of national character are of no real use : one man is much 
 the same as another : if there is an advantage on either side, it is on 
 ours, because our training is simple and severe.' 
 
 Ch. 80» 1. 2. Tovs €v TQ avru -^XikC^l 6p«, scil. voXXuiy ijdrj Trokfjiuv kfLvtipovs 
 Svras \ 
 
 Archidamus probably came to the throne as early as 469 ; hence 
 he may have taken part not only in the war with the Helots after the 
 
 * Compare the noble lines of Ion of Chios (fr. 63, Nauck) : — 
 
 ov yap koyois Aojccuva irvpyovrat tt6\is 
 d\k' €VT Siv "ApTjs vfoxfLos (fiTrear) arparqi 
 ^ov\ij fjiev dpxd, X<*V ^' firf^fpydC^Tcu: — 
 and Thuc. v. 66, 69 fin. 70. 
 
 * Cp. ch. 78, 1. 10 ovff vfids 6pwT€s, scil. Iv roiavr-Q aimpri(^ ovras. 
 
 70 
 
 Ch. 80, /. 2— a. 82, /. 6. 
 
 earthquake, and in the battle of Tanagra, but in the eariier wars with Ch. 80, 
 Argos and Arcadia (see Table of Dates opposite p. 85). L 2. 
 
 1. 4. QYaOov Kal ao-<|>aXis vojtCcravTa is parallel to direipCiji, and is 
 to be taken with i'niOv\kr\<Tai rov tpyov. 
 
 1. 6. irpos jiiv Yctp tovs ncXoirowTjcrCovs Kal acrrvy^lrovas, k.t.X. 
 The 'Peloponnesians' include the 'neighbours,' the Argives, Arca- 
 dians, and Eleans*. oXkti here = ' manner of fighting,' not, as often, 
 
 ' prowess.' 
 
 1. II. Kal oxX(p oo-os, K.T.X., refers to the mass of the Athenian 
 population who served as seamen, and who might have been (though 
 as a matter of fact they were not, iv. 94) used as light-armed troops. 
 Hence the words do not contradict on toTs oirkois avruv koI tS> TtXridfi 
 i,ir(p<pipofifv below, which refer to the heavy-armed forces of the two 
 confederacies, not to the population of Athens. 
 
 1. 15. ^ireixOtivov. kn^iyiffdai (cp. 82, 1. 21, 85, 1. 3.) means, 'to be 
 in a hurry,' 'to let ourselves be hurried by . . .,' not ' to be provoked.' 
 
 1. 18. ovre ev koiv^ (Xo\k€v (not kv r^ koiv^), ' we have none in a 
 common fund,' referring to the fact that the Peloponnesian confederacy 
 had no regular treasury or system of tribute like the Athenians \ 
 
 1. 5. 8€T|<r€t Kal TOVTOis vaval Poti0€iv. kcu qualifies tovtois : ' it will Ch. 81. 
 be necessary to support them also with our fleet,' besides ravaging 
 Attica, etc. The inaccuracy in the use of kcu is very slight, because the 
 sense of ' help ' is not prominent in fiorjOeiv : see Glossary. 
 
 1. 8. pXai|i6|ji€0a TO irXeco, ' we shall suffer more than the enemy.* 
 
 I. I. ov |it\v ov8«, 'not however that': Grammar, § 26. The con- Ch. 82. 
 struction is ov k(K€v(u (u/^as) dvaiae^TCJS kav t€ avrovs ^Karnuv rovs 
 ^vixfidxovs ripMV xal fx^ KaTcupupdv avrovs km^ovXwovras avrols. 
 
 II. 4, 5. Kdv TOVTto Kal Td fjji^Tep' aCrrwv ^iapTV€o-eai. iv ro<n<f here = 
 ' meanwhile.' rd ^'/xcVep' avruv k^afrri^aeai is simply ' to make full 
 preparation on our own part.' The two ways in which this is^to be 
 done are indicated by (a) ^iz/i/idx^v re irpoaaycuyv, {b) «ai rd ahruv d/ia 
 kKTTopL^wn^ea, 1. 10, 'let us develop our own resources to the utmost, 
 meaning those of the confederacy as opposed to aid from external allies. 
 
 1. 6. Kal *EXXt|v«v Kal papPdpwv . . .^ vavTVKoO 4\ xP^t^arwv. The 
 Greek allies are probably the cities of Sicily (ii. 7)» the barbarians 
 are the Persians. A Persian envoy had been at Sparta with money 
 about twenty-three years hack (ch. 109) : Sparta and perhaps Athens- v/ 
 Thucydides' words are ambiguous— thought of getting help from the Kmg 
 
 1 Hence the reading of the better MSS., rohs darvyiirovas, is very 
 
 ""^^ Aristotle, however, Pol. ii. 9- 3^ oire ydp iv tS ko,vS> rrjsv6ke6js 
 kanv oiUv, seems to have taken this place (and ch. 141, 1. 10) m the sense 
 ' we have none in our treasury.' 
 
 71 
 
Book I. Notes. 
 
 Ch. 82, just before the outbreak of the war (ii. 7), and Sparta tried to do so 
 1. 6. two years later (ii. 68 ; cp. iv. 50). The same idea was familiar at Athens 
 in 426-5 (as we see from the * Acharnians '), and there is some reason, 
 independently of Thucydides, to think that Athens, as well as Sparta, 
 tried to get the King's help early in the war^ It is noticeable that 
 Thucydides represents Archidamus as commending this policy. 
 
 1. 18. ovx ^o-o-ov, 'the more so' : Grammar, § 22. 
 
 1. 22. opdrc oTTcos HT|, K.T.X., * see that we do not come off with more 
 dishonour and embarrassment to the Peloponnese than we shall inflict 
 on Athens,' or * than we are said to be involved in now.' 
 
 1. 24. Kal iroXeuv Kal iSiwtwv, * of cities as of individuals.' 
 
 1. 25. €V€Ka Tuiv i8ici>v, ' to support the interests of individual members 
 of the confederacy,' like Corinth. 
 
 1. 26. cmrpcirws 0«o-9at, * to settle creditably,' hence * to terminate 
 with credit.' 
 
 Ch. 83. 1. 2. €ioi ydp Kttl cKcCvois, k.t.X. Not *they have as many allies 
 paying tribute as we have,' for the Peloponnesian allies paid no regular 
 tribute (i. 19), but ' they have as many allies as we, and they pay them 
 tribute.' 
 
 1. 4. 8air<lvT]S, 8t' tjv rd oirXa u><)>€Xci. There is really very little 
 difference in meaning between 'expenditure by means of which arms 
 avail' (St* ^s), and 'expenditure because of which arms avail' (8(* ^i'), 
 i. e. ' command of money, which is the secret of success in fighting.' 
 
 1. 7. otircp h\ Kal Twv diro|3aiv6vTO)v, k.t.X., i. e. oiirfp €^o/x€V Itt' dfx- 
 (poTfpa rd itXiov t^s curias tSjv aTTo^aivovTcuv , * the greater share of the 
 responsibility for the consequences in either direction,' for good or ill. 
 
 I. 8. Ti awTwv, * some of the consequences,' by a litotes (Classen), as 
 we might say, *let us, while we have time, give a little forethought to 
 them,' meaning, * as much as we can.' (Glossary, ns.) 
 
 Ch. 84. 1. 3. *^oX ap.a, K.T.X., i. e. it is our ' tardiness and procrastination * 
 which have so long given to the city in which we have part her 
 freedom and her great name. 
 
 II. 4, 5. Kal SvvaTai iidXiora, k.t.X. toOto and 8t' avT6 both refer 
 to TO PpoSv Kal licXXov. ' These qualities may above all others be 
 really good sense and wisdom.' Syvarai — 'can,' not 'means,' as the 
 addition of fJvai shows. 
 
 ' The jest in the ' Acharnians ' is a very much better one if an embassy 
 was really sent, and not merely talked about : and a passage in Strabo 
 (i. 3. i) makes it possible that Diotimus, son of Strombichus (Thuc. i. 45 ; 
 archon in 428), went on an embassy to Susa (MUller-Striibing, Aristo- 
 phanes, p. 699 ff.). Whether the mission of Callias, son of Hipponicus, 
 to Susa (Hdt. vii. 151) belongs to this period (see Herbst, Auswartige 
 Politik Spartas, pp. 47-51) is very doubtful. 
 
 72 
 
 Ch. 8a, /. 18— CA. 84, /. 19. 
 
 1. 9. dv€iT€Co-0T]jji€v, iterative aor. (cp. eirXrjpcoaav, ch. 70, 1. 23). Ch. 84, 
 
 1. II, TO p.€v tn al8tt>s ax»<t>pocrvvT|S irXetoTOv itcTcx^i., aurxvvT|S Be 1. 9. 
 
 cu\|;vxia, k.t.X. 
 
 rd fi^v, scil. iToXffUKoi Tbe speaker argues from aaxppoavvij ( = rd 
 fvKoajJLov) to alhws or alax^vri^ (respect for the opinion of others), and 
 from aiax^vq to fvif/vxia- ' Men loyal to discipline are sure to be sensi- 
 tive to reproach, and men who are sensitive to reproach are sure to be 
 brave.' The connection is slightly obscured to us, because aidws, not 
 ffoxppoffvvr] from which the argument starts, comes first ; also because 
 the neuter or passive verb /x€T6x« is used, and not an active verb, rd filu 
 on aoxppoavv-q alhw kyLiroul irXciffrov, aiax^vr) hi (inf/vxiay, or the like. 
 Literally, * We are warlike, because a sense of shame has a great deal 
 to do with (i.e. is largely made up of) a spirit of loyal obedience, 
 and bravery with a sense of shame.' More freely, ' because a spirit of 
 submission to authority goes far to inspire men with a sense of 
 honour, and a sense of honour to make them brave.' Cp. Glossary, 
 a<o<ppo<s'vvr]. 
 
 'The connection of ideas recalls the familiar passage of Burke: 
 " Never, never more shall we behold that generous loyalty to rank and 
 sex, that proud submission, that dignified obedience, that subordination 
 of the heart {o<u(ppoavvri), which kept alive, even in servitude itself, the 
 spirit of an exalted freedom. ... It is gone, that sensibility of principle, 
 that chastity of honour, which felt a stain like a wound, which inspired 
 courage while it mitigated ferocity." {aiSojs and fini/vxia.) 
 
 * The idea of the connection between aiddfs and the discipline of an / 
 army is as old as Homer ; U. v. 531 — | 
 
 aWofifvajv 8' dvSpuu irXhves a6oi ^^ ir€(pavTai.* (Jowett.) 
 
 1. 14. Kal \i-f{ Td dxpeia |vv€toI OYav ovt€S, k.t.X., i. e. Kal iraid^vd- 
 
 fiiVOl C&CTf pirj, K.T.X. 
 
 1. 16. dvop,oi(i>s, 'not so well,' contrasted with /caAws. cpycp is 
 adverbial, not dat. after kneiUvai. tire^wvai is to 'follow up' our 
 criticism in action, or simply, ' to go into action ' (Glossary). 
 
 1. 17. irapairXTio-iovs, 'like our own.' Kal Tas, k.t.X., 'and that the 
 chances which befal men cannot be precisely set forth' (lit. distin- 
 guished) ^ ' in speech ' ; i. e. that it is no use drawing distinctions be- 
 tween our national character and that of the Athenians, or calculating 
 in a speech the chances of a war. 
 
 1. 19. JpYw irapao-K€va56|ji€0a is opposed to X6y<p Staiperds above. 
 TrapaffKcvaCofjLfOa gives a much better sense than -napaaKiva^wixida. Archi- 
 damus is here describing Spartan theory and practice : not till ch. 85, 
 
 ^ ooxppoavvTj, aiffxvvrj are qualities, or feelings ; t^ fVKoafiov, aldojs 
 are habits : there is no particular stress here on the distinction. 
 
 2 Cp. Hdt. vii. 50, where biaipUiv is used in a similar connexion : 
 'Aprd^ave, oIkotms piiv av ye tovtoov %Kaara Siaipiai' drdp /ijjre irdi'ra 
 (f>op€o, fiijTC irdv dfioioji kiriXiyfo. 
 
 73 
 
Book I. Notes, 
 
 ^^'lo** ^* ^' ^^^^ ^^ proceed to formal exhortation (Stahl) ^ But KaC (as the 
 1. 19. text stands) is feeble : we should expect koX yap, * and rightly, for as a 
 matter of fact confidence should not be placed in the prospect of their 
 mistakes,' etc. 
 
 For the thought, compare Moltke's maxim, *Act on the supposition 
 that the enemy will make the move best for himself.' 
 
 1. 23. Scrrts €v TOis dvayKaiordTots iratBcvcTai, 'who has had as little 
 superfluous education as possible,' so as not to be tcL dxpfta ^weros 
 dyav (Glossary). Or, * who is trained under the strongest compulsion,* 
 i. e. * in the severest school.' 
 
 Ch. 86. 1- 4- Pov\tvaw\itv, aor. ' let us come to a decision.' Grammar, § 8. 
 So oirojs fi^ . . . x^'jpo*' BovXiva-qaOi^ ch. 73, 11. 6, 7. 
 
 1. 6. ircjiTTCTe |i€v, k.t.X. The case of Potidaea, as being of more 
 pressing importance, and involving the honour of Lacedaemon, is dis- 
 tinguished from the other matters about which Corinth, Megara, etc., 
 had complained. 
 
 Speech of 
 
 Sthene- 
 
 laidas. 
 
 The short speech of Sthenelaidas is to be compared with that of 
 the Syracusan arparrjyos in vi. 41, who like him, but in more official 
 and refined language, closes a debate by saying that it is time for deeds, 
 not words. These two speeches (and the dialogue with the Ambraciot 
 herald in iii. 113) are far more dramatic than anything else in Thucy- 
 dides. We can readily understand that Sthenelaidas represented a large 
 body of public opinion at Sparta, which seems constantly to have been 
 divided into a peace and a war party (cp. iv. 108 fin. ; v. 36). He may 
 well have been one of the magistrates who promised help to Potidaea. 
 
 Ch. 86. 1- 4- KaiTOt, * but surely.' Glossary. 
 
 1. 7. ■f]v cr(o<|>povw(Jicv, * if we behave like reasonable men.' Glossary, 
 1. 12. avTOvs pXa7rTO|Ji€vovs. avrovs probably refers to the allies, 
 agreeing with ovs, in spite of the intervening clause ov8i Si/ccu? koI \6y015 
 ZiaKpiria. The accusative is assisted by the partially active sense of 
 this clause. * And we must not decide about them by words and arbi- 
 tration, unless they are being injured in word too.' 
 
 Ch. 87. 1- I- «w€t|rri4)i5€v avTos €<|)opos wv. What the order of precedence 
 among the five ephors was, or why Sthenelaidas presided on this 
 
 * Stahl feels so forcibly the awkwardness of the passage that he 
 supposes a line, tv €t5oT€s prt. (K&xiara r^ rvxxi ^iriTpfTTfiv, or the like, 
 to have fallen out before koI ovk «£ tKiivcuv, the original sense having 
 been * we always make preparations in act as against a prudent enemy 
 {knowing that we should leave nothing to chance\ and \that\ we should 
 not place our confidence in the prospect of their mistakes,' etc. This 
 suggestion exactly meets the difficulty of the expression, though in the 
 absence of any mdication of a hiatus in the MSS. it cannot be accepted 
 with confidence. 
 
 74 
 
 Ch, 84, /. 2^—Ch, 87, /. 19. 
 
 particular occasion, we do not know. A scholium on ch. 86 says * kv Ch. 87, 
 StaSox^ T€ ?taav.'' From Thuc. ii. i init., v. 25 init., we see that one of 1. 1. 
 them gave his name to the year. 
 
 Thucydides certainly seems to mean that the * division ' by going to 
 different sides was a novelty introduced on this critical occasion by 
 Sthenelaidas : else why does he describe it so elaborately 1 
 
 1. 18. Twv TpiaKOVTOvrCSttV <rirov8wv irpOKcxwpTjKVtwv. irpoKexcoprj- 
 KViSjv must mean * which had gone on only so far,' scil. Is rovro rd 
 Itos. The word expresses imperfectly the idea that the Peace had not 
 run its full time : it is however sufficiently supported by phrases in the 
 Inscriptions like SfKOLTT) ■^fJiepa rrjs -npyravfias kaeXriXvOvias. 
 
 1. 19. jterd rcL EvpotKd, after the revolt and recovery of Euboea, 
 ch. 114. The course of the narrative is now broken off until resumed 
 inch. 118. 
 
 Rise of Athenian Power (Ch. 88-118). 
 
 Thucydides has thus far been explaining the avowed causes of the 
 war. He now goes on to the real cause — the alarm of Sparta at the 
 growth of Athenian power. This growth had two stages. First, the 
 fortification of Athens and the rejection of Spartan headship by all the 
 allies outside the Peloponnese put the Athenians at the head of a great 
 confederacy. This is the subject of ch. 89-96, Thucydides taking up 
 the narrative where Herodotus had dropped it. He then goes on to the 
 second stage and tells us how the Athenians so improved their position 
 as to become masters of an empire (ch. 97-118). 
 
 Where the narratives of Herodotus and Thucydides meet, there are a 
 few slight or apparent inconsistencies, {a) If we had only Thuc. i. 89 
 before us, we should infer that Leotychides and the Peloponnesians sailed 
 home immediately after Mycale, whereas Herodotus (ix. 114) describes 
 them as accompanying the Athenian fleet to the Hellespont, though they 
 went away before the siege of Sestos. {d) Thucydides naturally calls 
 the lonians and Hellespontians, who were fighting at the side of the 
 Athenians, their fu/x/xaxot : Herodotus, whose narrative is not quite 
 coherent at this point— for he has just told us how the Athenians 
 rejected the proposal of the Peloponnesians to transport the lonians to 
 Greece (ch. 106), and we should expect him to tell us what became of 
 the lonians — mentions the formal reception into the alliance of the Islan- 
 ders alone, (c) It has been inferred, perhaps wrongly, from Herodotus' 
 description of the blockade at Sestos that it was over before mid- 
 winter^; Thucydides i. 89 («oi ernxfifMaavrts €t\ov avr-qv) implies that 
 
 Plan 
 of ch. 
 88-118. 
 
 Discrep- 
 ancies 
 between 
 Herodotus 
 and Thu- 
 cydides. 
 
 * Hdt. ix. 117, 121 /card to Itos tovto. But Herodotus seems to 
 reckon the year from spring to spring : see Abbott on vi. 31. 
 
 n 
 
The action 
 of Sparta 
 about the 
 fortifica- 
 tions of 
 Athens. 
 
 Chrono- 
 logy of 
 ch. 89-97. 
 
 Book L Notes, 
 
 it lasted till the spring, {d) Herodotus says that Mardonius, when he 
 burnt Athens the second time, * made every part of the walls, houses and 
 temples that had been left standing into a heap of ruins ^ ' Thucydides 
 rather goes out of his way to say that some small part of the wall and 
 some houses were left ^. This may possibly be an intentional correction 
 of Herodotus' strong expression. 
 
 Sparta, it must be remembered, was at this time the head of the 
 Hellenic confederacy which had just defeated the Persians ; Athens 
 was a member of the confederacy. This gave Sparta a right to * re- 
 commend ' the Athenians not to rebuild their walls : her action, though 
 irritating enough, was not quite so insolent as it appears. 
 
 Moreover, there was a curious vein of sentiment on the subject in 
 ancient Greece, which has at times re-appeared in the modem world ^. 
 Sparta herself was unwalled, and Plato, constructing an ideal city 
 (Laws vi. 778 D), objects on principle to walls, because they make the 
 citizens cowardly. Aristotle, Polit. vii. 11. 8, refutes him : 'the cities 
 which prided themselves on this fancy have been confuted by facts ' ; he 
 has been thought to refer to the extreme danger of Sparta herself after 
 Leuctra, when however the Thebans did not dare to attack the city. 
 
 But, lest we should underrate the effrontery of the Spartans in making 
 the demand, and of their allies (among whom we can easily suppose 
 the Corinthians to have been foremost) in urging them to make it, we 
 must also remember that the Peloponnesians had taken very good care 
 to fortify the Isthmus of Corinth against the Persians, and had twice 
 imperilled the common interests, and neglected those of the states beyond 
 the Isthmus, by their eagerness to secure themselves thus — once before 
 Salamis (Hdt. viii. 40, 60), and once before Plataea (Hdt. ix. 8, 9). 
 
 The battle of Mycale was in 479. The ' Athenian Constitution ' (23, 5) 
 tells us that the tribute paid by the Athenian allies was first fixed 
 in the archonship of Timosthenes, i.e. between midsummer 478 and 
 midsummer 477, probably in the winter between these two years, or 
 the early part of 477. 
 
 ^ Hdt. ix. 13 Ma/)5ovtoy . . vrrt^fX'^P^^ (fiirpfjffas re ras *A9^vas, koi ft 
 Kov ri opdov ^v Twv Tfixfojv ^ Twv oi/ajfiCLTcuv TJ Tuv IpwVy vavra Kara^aXwv 
 KOI avyxouocis. 
 
 ' Thuc. i- 89, 1. 15 Kcu T^v TToKiv avotKoSofiiiv irap€(TK(vd^ovTO Koi ra 
 rfixV "^ov T€ yap rrfpi^okov ^pax^o. daTrjKH, teal oIkiox aX fikv iroWal 
 TrfvrojKeaav okiyai Si irepirjaav, iv als avrol kaKrjvrjffav ol Swarol tSjv 
 HipaSiv. 
 
 ' Heine, Franzosische Zustande, Part II, ch. xxx, mentions the oppo- 
 sition of Louis Blanc and other extreme Republicans to the fortification 
 of Paris by the government of Louis Philippe in 1 841, on the pretext that 
 ' the Revolution ' should not trust to such * material defences ' : but should 
 imitate the Convention, which had ' decreed victory ' instead of taking 
 precautions against defeat. 
 
 76 
 
 Ch, 89, /. I — Ch, 91, /. 2. 
 
 We have, then, the end of 479 for the siege of Sestos and the begin- 
 ning of the rebuilding of Athens and her walls. The two went on 
 simultaneously, for the rebuilding began • immediately' after the Persians 
 had left Attica (ch. 89). The next summer (478) was taken up by 
 Pausanias' conquest of Cyprus and Byzantium. 
 
 1. I. -JiXOov €Trl Toi ttpa.yyjo.rok «v ols TiugT|0Tjo-ov, 'came to the task,' Ch. 89. 
 or * attained the position, in which they rose to greatness,' i. e. became 
 the head of a confederacy which they made into an empire. 
 
 1. 12. ws €ica<rTou Glossary. 
 
 1. 14. o6€vvTr€g«O6VTO = 6/f€r0€»'-eir6t viti^iOivro^. The places of refuge "^ 
 were Salamis, Aegina and Troezen, Hdt. viii. 41. 
 
 I. 15. KaTaorK€VT|v. Glossary. 
 
 II. 17, 18. kv als ovrol €<rKif|vtio-av, k.t.X. : 'in which the Persians of 
 the highest rank had lodged.' Grammar, § 5. 
 
 1. 5. 8 irplv ovx virfipx^v, scil. irX^^oy, not merely vaxntKlv : cp. ch. 14. Cll. 90. 
 
 1. 7, «t<rrf|K€i ", scil. rcL T€ixv» supplied from the general sense. 
 
 1. 8. TO |Ji^v povX6p,€vov, K.T.X. Grammar, § 12. 
 
 1. 9. €S Tovs 'A0Tjvaiovs goes with to fxev $ov\6fi€vov Koi vnoirrov ttjs 
 yvQjfvjs, not with ov drjKovvTfs. us 8i tov Pap^dpov, k.t.X., goes with 
 •q^iovv above, and is parallel to to fxlv ^ovKdfxfvov . . . ov drjXovvTfs : 
 * but on the ground that the barbarians,' etc. Grammar, § 29. 
 
 1, 19. apwo-iv (aor.), a conjecture of Bekker's : all the MSS. have 
 cupojffiv (pres.) '. dvaYKotoriiTOV, Glossary. 
 
 1. 20. Tous €v T^ TToXew, probably opposed to those who were away 
 at Sestos with the fleet. For a question about the reading see Appendix. 
 
 1. 24. inrctirwv, * intimating.' TSXXa, ace. after npd^ot. 
 
 1. 25 ff. ov» trpoa^ii. irpos ras dpx^s refers to a formal and official visit. 
 Sit6t€ Tis avTov IpoiTo TWV €v TcXci ovTwv, to casual questions in the 
 market-place, or the like : tcis dpxds, probably the ephors : ol €v TcXei 
 ovTCS may include others, e. g. members of the senate : to koivov is 
 more general, ' the government.' 
 
 1. I. 8wl 4)tXiav avrov: Themistocles had been an honoured guest Ch. 91. 
 at Sparta about a year earlier : see on ch. 74, 1. 8. 
 
 1. 2. TWV 8c dXXwv d<()tKvovjji€vwv, K.T.X. The article cannot be trans- 
 lated in English ; it merely points the contrast between Themistocles and 
 everybody else who came from Athens. Cp. the well-known use of the 
 
 1 Th. § 75n; G. § 153.11.3. 
 
 * Most MSS. have ^wdaT-qKU, which, if genuine, means little more 
 than (larrjKU, ' ^vv adding an idea of strength or firmness ' (Jowett). 
 
 ^ ecus hv aipwaiv would mean not ' until they have raised,' but * until 
 they find they are raising the wail to a sufficient height,' and may very 
 well be genuine. 
 
 11 
 
a a 
 
 
 
 O 9 ( 
 
 o o o o » 
 
 ^ l«/.aorav is difficult. Kriiger brackets it, thinking it to have been 
 
 oTrhl '. T^' ^ ' r^^ '1"^.^ ^^'''^^^ ^^^^^--- ^^ it may be part 
 of Themistocles words (5n being supplied as in 5r. T.Te/vJrm 1 i6 
 
 above) meanmg ' tie Athenians said when they sent me to Sparta/ 
 
 fr. Ar^A . f P?^'^^'^ however that, as the words stand, nai iSia has 
 to do duty for mil ISt'ct re, Cp. ch. 132, 11. 7, 8. ' 
 
 78 
 
 000 
 
 Ch. 91, article with numerals, expressing a definite part of a whole, e.g. ch. 116, 
 1. J. II. I, 2 TTXfuaavTW i^auaiV ^^^^ovra . . . rats |i^ iKKaCS^Ka ra.v v,wv ovk 
 
 1. II. 'Apt(rr€(ST]s 6 Av«n^Axov. If Aristides the Just was an ac- 
 complice in the trick played on the Lacedaemonians, we may be sure 
 that no other Greek saw much harm in it. Aristides may not have 
 known exactly what Themistocles was going to do at Sparta (h^urriuv 
 TaXXa on avro, ran,, rrf^a, ch. 90, 1. 24). but it is no great reflection 
 on him to suppose that he 'could have given a very good guess ' 
 
 1. 16. €VTov0a S-fi <|>av€puis et^cv, k.t.A. Themistocles in his reply 
 still affects to take the Lacedaemonian embassy as intended merely to 
 offer advice. He does not directly expose their unfriendly purpose : he 
 merely says, *We do not want advice from you. we can decide for 
 ourselves. 
 
 1. 22 fiv€v ^'kcCvcuv l<pa<Tav yy6vrts ToA^ifjcrat, 'we took our resolve, 
 and acted on it boldly without consulting you K* 
 
 1. 23 ov8€vas voTcpoi YvcifiT, 4»avTivai refers to the advice of The- 
 mistocles to fight in the straits, in opposition to Adeimantus and 
 otners. 
 
 1. 24. Kal vvv dfiuvov ^Tvai, ' and so too now.' 
 
 1. 25. Kal 18(9, K.T.X., i.e. ml d,<p(\i,A(i,rfpov thai rots noXirais, (1) iSiq 
 {2)Ka, « Tovsjrauras (vfxf^dxovs, * more advantageous to the people 
 of Athens on their own account and relatively to their allies generally ' • 
 th^ second clause is explained by the words which follow. Themis- 
 tocles does not mean that the walls would be 'advantageous to the 
 
 lt\ ^^f ^^ ^^'^ *^^ Athenians would be placed on an equality 
 with their allies (Classen) I ^ ^ ^ 
 
 1. 27. 6jtot6v Tt ^ lo-ov, < of equal weight or worth ' ; there is prac- 
 tically no difference between the words. 
 
 ^ 1. 28. ■?) TrAvras oOv dTCLxCcrrovs ?<|>t, xp^vai ^jtftaxctv really means, 
 you Lacedaemonians had better destroy your own fortification at the 
 Isthmus (see p. 76). The Lacedaemonian embassy had only suggested 
 the demolition of all fortifications outside the Pehponnese. 
 
 Ch. 92. 1. 3. Yvc&jiTis ^apatv*V.i 8ti0cv t^ Kotv^, i.e. W. r^ ^i^^^v 'n^pa^v.lv 
 ^opTeT' '^'""''^^^ ^^ °'^"' *° ^^SS^^t ^° idea to the Athenian 
 
 Ch. 93. 1. 5. troXXaC T€ cTTiXov. k.t.X. Fragments of such sepulchral monu- 
 
 y 
 

 1 
 
 Ch, 91, /. II — Ch. 93, /. 7. 
 
 ments have been found among what are probably the remains of the Ch. 93, 
 Themistoclean walls : e. g. — L 5. 
 
 (C. I. A. i. 479) ^TJiM ^'[X]ow TraiSos toSc . . . KaT]edr}Kiv^ 
 
 483) *AvTld6T0V 
 
 KakkoJviSrjs kiroiei 
 6 Aeiviov. 
 IV. i. 477. b.) ^rjfM trar^p K\6ij3ov\os diro<p6ifi(vq) Bfvo(l>a.vT<ff 
 
 OfJKf rob* dvT dptrrjs i)dk (rao(ppoavvr]s. 
 perhaps IV.ii.477.h.)''Av0/)(u7r€, 6[s] (rT«x<[t]5 'f**^' ^^^^ <ppaalv {(pptaiv) 
 
 aX(\)a fievoivSfv, 
 arrjOi ical otieripov {oXicTfipov) arjixa Qpdffojvos tScui'. 
 1. 6. \iiil<av yelp 6 ircpCpoXos, k.t.X. t^s TroXewy goes with rrfpi.^o\os, 
 not with fjLfi^Qjv. 
 
 1. 7. irivTa o^jtoius Ktvot)vT€s t|it€Cyovto, * in their haste (Grammar, 
 § 10) they laid hands upon everything alike.* kivuv is often used of 
 that which under ordinary circumstances ought not to be touched, as 
 a reserve fund (ii. 24), or the treasures (i. 143, vi. 70), or holy water 
 (iv. 98), of a temple. 
 
 Thucydides says that the wall of the Piraeus built by Themistocles The fortifi- 
 after Salamis was of solid stone, with no mortar or rubble inside. Now cation of 
 there are still considerable remains of walls round the Piraeus S not ^^ Piraeus- 
 indeed of the Themistoclean walls which were destroyed after the end r 
 
 of the Peloponnesian war^, but of the walls built by Conon in 393, Thucy- 
 which stood until the capture of Athens by Sulla in 86. A small part dides. 
 of these remains, and that the most important part (marked WALL 
 on the map opposite), on the flat ground north of the Piraeus towards 
 the mainland whence an invading enemy would come, answers exactly to 
 Thucydides' description of the earlier wall ; it is of solid stone and over 
 25 feet thick. But most of the other remains ' are just what Thucydides 
 
 ^ G. von Alten in Curtius and Kaupert, Karten von Attika (1881) ; 
 C. Wachsmuth, Stadt Athen. ii. 1, p. 13 ff. (1890). 
 
 ^ That some traces of them remained is implied (independently 
 of Thuc. i. 93, 1. 17) by Xen. Hell. ii. 4. 11 kird dl fxiyas 6 kvk\os wv 
 TToWrjs (pvXaK^s k^oKCi SeiffOai. 
 
 2 Von Alten says positively that the remains of the inland wall on 
 the flat ground are solid, and that the wall round the coast is not : he 
 says little of the remains on Munychia. West of the solid part of the 
 wall as far as the harbour no traces of the wall survive. Wachsmuth 
 says that the fortifications of Eetionea are solid in some places and not 
 in others. Mr. W. J. Woodhouse, of Queen's College, Oxford, who has 
 specially examined the remains of walls on Munychia, kindly informs 
 me that there is no trace anywhere of a solid wall of the age of Themis- 
 tocles : the walls which remain are everywhere filled in with earth or 
 pieces of stone. 
 
 79 
 
Doubtful 
 nature of 
 Themis- 
 tocles* 
 policy. 
 
 Political 
 importance 
 of the 
 Piraeus. 
 
 Book L Notes. 
 
 says the wall of the Piraeus was not : they consist — like part of the 
 wall of Athens itself and other Greek fortifications — of two outer faces 
 of stone, and the intermediate space is filled with rubble and earth. And 
 a curious circumstance makes it probable that any earlier wall on the 
 same site was constructed in the same way. The two outer faces are 
 built into trenches hewn in the rock : the rock between the trenches (on 
 which the rubble and earth lie) is not cleared away. Had the earlier 
 wall been solid, the rock between the trenches must have been cut 
 away for the foundation : — supposing always that the earlier wall was 
 on the same site, as it probably was, for the site is carefully chosen for 
 defensive purposes. 
 
 Thus it is highly probable that Thucydides examined, after the 
 overthrow of Themistocles' wall, only the most important part of it, 
 which was solid, and erroneously concluded that it was all solid. Still, 
 as the wall itself has perished, we cannot be quite certain on the point. 
 And after all he only speaks of rov UupaiSis rd Koiird (ch. 93, 1. 9) : if 
 the part previously fortified by Themistocles was Munychia^ and if 
 Thucydides was thinking mainly (as the tone of the passage indicates) 
 of the landward defences, the inaccuracy is small. 
 
 The conception of Athenian power, put forward by Themistocles 
 and afterwards enlarged upon by Pericles (ii. 62), is a magnificent one. 
 But Athens appears to have suffered from relying too exclusively upon 
 her maritime power. Her attempts to strengthen herself by conquest or 
 alliance on the mainland towards the north were not sufficiently ener- 
 getic or sustained; and Demosthenes, shortly before the battle of 
 Chaeronea, was forced to try and supplement the policy of Pericles, 
 when it was too late. For this is really the meaning of his boast in 
 the De Corona, that he had 'fortified Attica — not merely Athens 
 or the Piraeus ^ — not with stone or brick but with infantry and cavalry, 
 ships, and cities, and strong places, and harbours, and men to defend 
 them.' 
 
 The policy of Themistocles was supposed in antiquity to have had a 
 political as well as a military significance, and Themistocles may have 
 thought of politics as well as war when he • considered the Piraeus more 
 useful than the upper city.' fidWov drjfWTiKol ol tov Utipaid o'lKovvTfs twv 
 TO darv (Aristotle, Pol. v. 3. 15 ; cp. vi. 7. 2 ^ «€ ^tX^ bvvafxis koi vavriic^ 
 d-qfiOKpari/c^ Trdfiirav, showing that a sailor force was connected with 
 democracy in Greek politics 3). The oligarchical party at Athens after- 
 wards plotted to prevent the completion of the Long Walls. There 
 
 ^ Hippias had attempted to fortify Munychia. Athen. Polit. 19, 2. 
 * Dem. deCor. 299, 300 (370, 371) tovtois irtixiffa ttjv x^P^^j ovxl 
 rov kvkKov rov Ileipaiw ouSc rov aanus. 
 
 ^ But to this rule there were striking exceptions, e. g. Corinth and Aegina. 
 
 80 
 
 Ch. 93, /. 10 — /. 18. 
 
 is an interesting passage in Plutarch showing the ideas of later times 
 (Them, xix.) effuffroKXrjs 5* ovx, ois ' kpiaro<pdvrjs 6 KM/xiKds kiyei, ry 
 Tr6\fi rdv Ufipcud irpocffjui^fv (Equit. 815) aX\d r^v ttoXiv k$fj\l/€ rov 
 ntipaiw, Hal r^v y^v rrjs eaXdaffrjs- S koi rbv dfjfiov rjv^rjffe nard rojv 
 apiarojv, koi Opdaovs hiirK-qaev, (h vavras nat KtXivards koX Kv^ipvqras 
 rijs dvvdiJifQ}^ oupiKOfiivrjs. 
 
 1. 10. viriipKTO 8' avToO 'irp6T€pov «irl Ttjs ckcCvov dpx4\s ^s Kar Ch. 93. 
 cvvavTOV 'A0T]va£ois ^pS€v, i. e. Iiri rfjs Ueivov dpxv^y fr kviavrbv nvarjs, 
 fjv, K.T.X., ' a beginning of it had been made during the yearly office of 
 archon, which he held at Athens.' But see Grammar, § 30, c. 
 
 The date of Themistocles' archonship is probably 482, the year fol- 
 lowing that in which he persuaded the people to build ships (i. 14) ^ ^ 
 
 1. 13. Kol avToOs vavTVKOvs 7€Y€VTi}i€vovs jicya irpo4>€p«iv 4s to ktt|- 
 (TtKrOai 8vva(jiiv. The emphatic avrovs is opposed to t^ x^^P^o" above. 
 irpo<pip(iv is best taken as neuter : * the situation was excellent, with its 
 three natural harbours (Piraeus, Munychia, and Zea), while the Athe- 
 nians themselves having become a naval people had great advantages 
 (he thought) for the attainment of power,' and therefore could make 
 full use of a first-rate harbour ^. 
 
 1. 15. Kol T-i^v apx'»\v €v0vs ^vyKart<rK€vai€v, ' and (thereby) at once 
 helped to lay the foundation of the Athenian empire,' the rise of which 
 Thucydides is tracing, (vOvs refers to the time indicated in iireicre S^ 
 Kcu rod IlupaiSfi rd Xonrd . . . o'lKoBopifTv. 
 
 1. 17. oir€p vvv €Tt 8'qX6v ccttv irepl tov neipaia. The walls of the 
 Piraeus were destroyed by order of Lysander after the surrender of 
 Athens in 404. This passage is most naturally explained of the appear- 
 ance which the ruins of the wall, * down at the Piraeus,' presented to the 
 eye of Thucydides after his return from his twenty years' exile. 
 
 1. 18. «vavT(ai dXXriXais = 'meeting and passing each other' on the wall' 
 as it gradually rose. Two waggons (or a number of pairs of waggons ?' 
 went along the top of the wall in opposite directions, laying the stones 
 (which were deposited on the ground below), and taking up more at 
 
 1 Athen. Polit. 22, 7, and Kenyon's or Sandys' note. 
 
 « The sense would be slightly improved by taking jrpo(pipuv active, 
 in the sense of * promote, advance,' governing avrovs uavriKovs ytydnj-^ 
 fifvovi, and by supplying as a subject * the possession of a good harbour.^ 
 But ■npo<pip€iv is neut. in Thuc. (except in the sense of • bring forward' 
 or ' mention ') and the active use is rare generally. 
 
 ' The average width of the ancient cart-tracks cut in the rocky roads 
 in many parts of Greece is given (C. Wachsmuth, Stadt Athen, ii. i, 
 p. 18) as I -60 metres, or rather over five feet : the breadth of the exist- 
 ing wall of the Piraeus varies from five feet in the narrowest place at 
 Eetionea to just under ten feet in the narrowest part of the coast- wall, 
 about sixteen feet at Eetionea and twenty-six or twenty-seven feet at the 
 most important place, referred to at the foot of p. 79. 
 
 F S£ 
 
 u\ 
 
Book I. Notes, 
 
 Ch 93 each end. We may suppose that there were sloping wooden construc- 
 1.18. ' tions \ or mounds of earth for carting or pulling up the stones, which 
 were raised higher against the end of the wall as it rose ; and smaller 
 ones to get the waggons over the edges of the new layers of stone =». 
 
 1, 1 8. €VTOS U ovT€ xaXil ovTC TTTiXos V" ^"'^'^^ mcaus * inside the 
 outer face of the wall ' (rd ^(ueiv, below). There was no rubble 
 (between the two outer faces of stone) and no mortar (between the stones 
 themselves) ^ but simply great blocks cut square {lit. angular or squared 
 in the way of cutting), and fitted together. 
 
 1. 20. <n8^pcp . . . Kol iJioXvpStp, iron clamps kept in their places by 
 melted lead poured round them. 
 
 Ch. 94. 1. 6. «v TB8e T^ ^Y€jiovC<j, i.e. under the leadership of Pausanias: 
 before the Athenians had taken the place of the Spartans as leaders 
 (i)7«Aio»'€s) of the non-Peloponnesian allies. 
 
 Between ch. 94 and 95, comes, in the order of events, the narrative 
 of ch. 128, 1. 16— ch. 130; the details of Pausanias' treachery, luxury, 
 and violence. 
 
 Ch. 95. 1. 4. Kard TO ftrfy«v«s, i.e. as their mother-city ; cp. ch. la, 11. 11, 12. 
 1. 5, ol 8^ 'AOT^vaioi, K.T.X. * The Athenians accepted their proposals 
 and took the matter up, with a determination to endure Pausanias' con- 
 duct no longer, and to settle the affairs of the confederacy as seemed best 
 
 for their interests.' 
 
 1. II. Kal TVpawt8os jj-oAXov 64>aCv€TO p-tjiTjais ^ o-TpaTTjYCa *. * His 
 
 behaviour was not like that of a general, but an affectation of despotism.* 
 
 A subject to i<paiv€To must be supplied from the previous sentence. 
 
 1. 15. 6v»6weTi : he was punished (by a fine or the like) for his wrong- 
 
 1 iv. 112 init., where some of Brasidas' troops get into Torone not by 
 the gate but Kara doKovs Terpayouvovs, atervxov rq> T€ix«t imrruKOTi Kal 
 olKoSofxovfJievqi rrpos ki9<uv dvoXic^v irpoaKcififvai. 
 
 2 The only other interpretations possible, and very weak ones, are 
 (a) * two waggons used to bring up the stones from opposite sides of the 
 wall,' i.e. the wall required twice as much * plant,' for the conveyance 
 of material, as an ordinary wall : and {d) * two waggons which met and 
 passed each other brought up the stones ' which were then laid outside 
 the two waggon-tracks, and the space between filled up with solid stone. 
 We may fairly blame the historian, if the sentence is not a gloss, for the 
 obscurity vdth which so simple a matter is stated. For a full discus- 
 sion of the place, see C. Wachsmuth (Stadt Athen, ii. i. pp. 13725), 
 who alters the text to avoid the supposition of an error in Thucydides ; 
 and (better) W. Jiideich in Neue Jahrbiicher, 1890, i. p. 723 ff. 
 
 3 The meaning fl^iay also be, that there was neither rubble nor loose 
 earth between the two outer faces. 
 
 * One good MS. has ^ arparrrtuh ' Ws action as general was more like 
 an affectation of despotism.* 
 
 8a 
 
 Ch. 93, /. 18 — Ch, 96, /. 9. 
 
 doings towards particular persons ; referring to dSt/cta ttoXX^ KaTrjyoptiro Ch. 96, 
 avTov above, ev^ui/o; may mean * punish,' as well as ' call to account.' L 15. 
 
 1. 3. €Ta|avas t€ eScv, k.t.X., i.e. ira^av ras iroKeis As 15ft xPiy^"^^ ^^ ®^' 
 vapkx'^'-v fat ^5 ihu vav% irap^xdv. 
 
 1. 4. •Trp6(rx'njAa -ydp ^v explain irpos tov pdpPapov. d(jivva<r0ai S>v 
 JiroOov, sctl. kKuvojv a HiraOov, * to take revenge for their sufferings.' 
 
 1. 5. €XXT]voTap,Cai . . . dpx^, * the Hellenotamiae as an office,* the 
 office of Hellenotamias. The name, * controller of the treasury to the 
 Hellenes ' was a standing witness to the universality of the alliance and 
 the independence of the allies, in theory at least ; cp. 'EAAai/oSkcu, the 
 judges at the Olympic games. Sophocles held the office in 443, as we 
 know from an inscription (C. I. A. i. 237). 
 
 [2]0[*]0KA[H2] KOAn[NH0EN HEAAHNOTAMIA]2 HN. 
 
 1. 6. 01 «8€xovTo TOV <t>6pov : (popos not * tax,' but * tribute.' The 
 word became so odious that when the second Athenian empire was 
 founded, avvra^is, * contribution,' was substituted for it ^. 
 
 When the tribute was diverted from federal purposes and treated 
 simply as a branch of Athenian revenue, of which it formed far the 
 largest part, the Hellenotamiae, who received it, became, under the 
 control of the Ecclesia and Council, one of the chief financial Boards 
 at Athens '■'. 
 
 1. 8. -Jiv 8' o irpwTOS <|>6pos TaxO€ls T€TpaK6(n,a TdXavTa Kal I|tj- 
 KovTtt, i. e. 6 <p6pos 6 rrpwros raxB^U, the tribute as it was first assessed. 
 The lists (giving the quotas of ^th. paid to Athen^) from which the 
 amount of the tribute is calculated ^, do not begin till 454, and are not 
 at all complete until about 447-440. The largest sum which we can be 
 certain from the lists was paid is 432 talents. Now, from this figure 
 we should a priori expect a much smaller amount of tribute than 460 
 talents at the foundation of the confederacy in 478-7 before the expul- 
 sion of the Persian garrisons from Thrace, or the battle of the Eurymedon, 
 which liberated Caria and Lycia from the Persians. But considering 
 how little we know about the intervening period, that Thucydides gives 
 the sum not ' paid ' but * assessed,' and that the amount is not unreason- 
 able in itself, we have no sufficient ground for rejecting it. See further 
 in Introduction iii. to Part i. 
 
 1. 9. Tap,i€i6v T€ AtiXos ^ avTots. The old custom of holding a 
 festival for the Ionian race at Delos (iii. 104), and the central position 
 of the island, made it a natural place for the purpose. The treasury was 
 removed to Athens at some time unknown before the outbreak of the 
 war, perhaps in or a little before 454, when the lists begin *. 
 
 Harpocration, s.v. (TvvTa(ts: cp. C. I. A. ii. 17, containing the 
 terms of the new alliance, 1. 21 fx-qre <l>6pov (pcpovri. 
 2 Headlam, Election by Lot at Athens, p. 131 ff. 
 * See Abbott, vol. ii. Appendix I. 
 
 F 2 
 
 * lb. p. 369. 
 33 
 
Book L Notes, 
 
 Ch. 97» !• 2. Too-d8€ cir-fiXOov. roa6,bi refers to the whole scope of the narra- 
 tive which follows : we should say simply ' made great advances.' 
 
 1. 4. & hfviHTO refers to rrpayfiaTcuv, ' by their management of affairs 
 which they had with the Barbarian,' etc. 
 
 1. 6. neXoirowTjo-iwv tovs a€l 'npoKrrvyx&vovras «v iKdo-Tcp, * such of the 
 Peloponnesian powers as from time to time on various occasions crossed 
 their path,' e. g. the Corinthians on the occasion of the defection of 
 Megara (i. 103). 
 
 The general meaning is 'The Athenians, although at first merely 
 " primi inter pares," by arms and policy gradually improved their posi- 
 tion to an extent which the following digression will show.' 
 
 1. 7. auTO, refers to roo-dS^. 
 
 1. 10. For Hellanicus see Introduction ii. to vol. i. 
 
 oaircp Kal tjij/aTO, ' who did touch ' (or as our idiom has it — 
 cp. (ypai//a just above — 'has touched) upon them.' For Kai see 
 Grammar, § 20. 
 
 1. 12. dir68ci^iv txti, scil. ravra supplied from tovtojv. 
 
 Incom- 
 pleteness of 
 Thucy- 
 dides' 
 treatment. 
 
 The aims 
 ofAthenian 
 external 
 policy. 
 
 The Period between the Wars (Ch. 98—118, 1. 16). 
 
 The period between the Persian and Peloponnesian wars is intrinsic- 
 ally as important and interesting as the Peloponnesian war itself. Had 
 Thucydides or Herodotus dealt with it in detail, the Eurymedon, the 
 Egyptian expedition, Ephialtes, and the revolt of Samos would have 
 been as real to us as Salamis, the Syracusan expedition, Cleon, and the 
 revolt of Lesbos, are now. 
 
 As it is, Thucydides has given us a mere sketch of the most definite 
 events in the external affairs of Athens : saying nothing about the 
 motives or policy (cp. notes on ch. 105, iti) of the expeditions which 
 he records, nothing about the internal affairs of the Peloponnese, and 
 scarcely anything about the internal politics of Athens. He seems to 
 have intentionally kept to his strict purpose of filling up a gap in history 
 by a kind of skeleton chronicle, which, valuable as it is, is very unlike 
 the rest of his work, and which we must supplement from other, and 
 often less trustworthy, sources, and indeed from our imagination, if we 
 are to form a living picture of the history of the time. 
 
 A table of events and dates will be found opposite, which may assist 
 the reader in connecting this part of Thucydides with the more con- 
 tinuous and complete story as read in modern histories of Greece. 
 
 The thread of Thucydides* own narrative will be best disentangled 
 by bearing in mind that Athens had during this period four great 
 objects as regards external policy : (i) the liberation of the Aegean and 
 its shores from Persian influence and from such minor enemies as the 
 pirates of Scyros and the Barbarians of Thrace ; (2) the extension of her 
 influence north of the Corinthian gulf, especially by the subjugation of 
 
 84 
 
„* »» 
 
 00^*00 o» a t a 9 a°a 
 
 f 
 
 Da/g A them and the Barbarians. 
 
 480 
 479 
 
 477 
 
 475 
 
 471 
 
 469 
 
 466 
 465 
 464 
 
 463 
 462 
 
 461 
 
 460 
 
 459 
 
 457 
 456 
 
 454 
 453 
 
 451 
 
 450 
 
 A thens and her allies. 
 
 Salamis 
 
 Plataea and Mycale 
 
 Capture of Eion 
 
 Athens and the Peloponnese. 
 
 Battle of the Eurymedon 
 Artaxerxes succeeds Xerxes 
 Disaster at Ennea Hodoi 
 
 Egyptian expedition 
 
 Annihilation of Athenian 
 army on the Nile 
 
 449 
 446 
 445 
 440 
 
 439 
 
 437 
 
 435 
 
 433 
 432 
 431 
 
 Expedition to Cyprus 
 Death of Cimon 
 
 Foundation of Athe- 
 nian Confederacy 
 
 Reduction of Naxos 
 Revolt of Thasos 
 
 Reduction of Thasos 
 
 Lacedaemonians promise uiva- 
 sion of Attica. Earthquake 
 and revolt of Helots 
 
 Breach with Sparta. AUisJice 
 with Argos and Megara 
 
 Tribute lists begin 
 Greater development 
 of Cleruchies 
 
 War with the Peloponnese 
 Blockade of Aegina 
 Tanagra. Reduction of Aegina 
 
 Five Years' Peace 
 
 Athens and the northern 
 Greek states. 
 
 Alliance with Thessaly 
 
 Revolt of Euboea 
 Recovery of Euboea 
 
 Revolt of Samos 
 
 Reduction of Samos 
 
 Foundation of Am- 
 phipolis 
 
 Revolt of Megara and T'elo- 
 ponnesian invasion of Attica 
 Thirty Years' Peace 
 
 Tanagra. Oenophyta. 
 Submission of Boeotia 
 and Phocis 
 
 Internal affairs of Athens. 
 
 Ostracism of Themistocles? 
 
 Coronea. Loss of Boeo- 
 tia and Phocis 
 
 Peloponnesian War 
 
 Quarrel between Corinth 
 
 and Corcyra 
 Battle of Sybota 
 Battle of Potidaea 
 Surprise of Plataea 
 
 N.B.— From 477 to 435, none of these dates are absolutely fixed except 465-464, 462, 454, 451, 445, 440» and 437 
 
 Changes in Areopagus 
 Ostracism of Cimon ? 
 Influence of Pericles begins 
 
 Oligarchical plots with Sparta 
 Long Walls. Recall of Cimon 
 
 Internal affairs of the 
 Peloponnese. 
 
 War of Sparta with 
 Tegea and Argos ? 
 awoiKiaiJios of Elis ? 
 
 Date. 
 
 480 
 479 
 
 477 
 475 
 
 471 
 
 Accession of Archida- 
 mus. War with Arcadia 
 
 469 
 
 466 
 465 
 464 
 
 463 
 462 
 
 461 
 
 460 
 
 Thirty Years* Peace be- 
 tween Sparta and Argos 
 
 Help refused to Samos 
 
 459 
 
 457 
 456 
 
 454 
 453 
 
 451 
 
 450 
 
 449 
 
 446 
 
 445 
 
 440 
 
 439 
 
 437 
 
 435 
 
 433 
 432 
 431 
 
 Part II. To follow p. 84. 
 
• 
 
 c « ( 
 
 t 8 <■ 
 
 • • < 
 
 • • • e < 
 
 c 
 
 e I 
 
 t t I 
 
 a c e o 
 
 t 
 e e 
 
 Ch. 97, /. 2—1. 12. 
 
 Boeotia ; — here Athens failed, with disastrous consequences for the 
 future : — (3) The keeping in check of her enemies in the Peloponnese, 
 especially of Sparta and Corinth ; the enmity of Athens and Corinth ex- 
 plains the activity of Athens in the Corinthian gulf: — (4) The organisa- 
 tion of her empire, and the strengthening of the really vital points of 
 her dominion in or close to Attica — by the construction of the Long 
 Walls, the conquest of Aegina, and the recovery of Euboea. The one 
 weak point was Megara which, in spite of many efforts, she lost and failed 
 to recover : had Megara and the passes of Geraneia been permanently 
 held, the invasion of Attica would have been impossible and the course 
 of history changed. 
 
 The interval between the Persian and the Peloponnesian Wars may 
 be divided into three periods. The first, of 20 years, during which 
 Athens and Sparta preserved the appearance of friendship, extends from 
 480 to 461. The second, of rather more than 15 years, extends from 
 the quarrel arising out of the dismissal of the Athenian force at Ithome, 
 461, to the Thirty Years' Peace, 445, and includes 9 or 10 years of war 
 between Athens and the Peloponnesian powers, followed by a five years' 
 truce. Lastly, we have the 14 years (445-431) during which the Thirty 
 Years' Peace was kept. 
 
 Thucydides blames Hellanicus for being * loose in his chronology ' : 
 meaning probably that Hellanicus was wrong about the order of events 
 or gave a false impression of the interval between them. At least these 
 are the points to which Thucydides himself pays attention : he does not 
 here absolutely fix the date of a single event during the period except 
 the Thirty Years' Peace and the revolt of Samos. 
 
 Apart from these, the only fixed dates in the period are (i) that of 
 the death of Xerxes and accession of Artaxerxes, which is fixed by 
 various evidence agreeing pretty well to 465 : (2) that of the attempt 
 to colonize Ennea Hodoi, when 10,000 men were killed at Drabescus, 
 which by a comparison of Thuc. iv. 102 with other writers we can assign 
 to 465-4^ : (3) a peace between Argos and Sparta (451, Thuc. v. 14^ : 
 (4) a few dates for internal events at Athens given in the * Athenian 
 Constitution,' and that of the beginning of the tribute-lists. 
 
 The 'Athenian Constitution' puts the foundation of the Athenian 
 confederacy, as we have seen, in 478-7 ; and the curtailment of the 
 power of the Areopagus in the archonship of Conon (462-1). The 
 
 ^ Thucydides here says that there were three attempts to colonize 
 Ennea Hodoi, the second commencing thirty-two years after the first in 
 which Aristagoras fell, and the third which was successful being in 
 the twenty-ninth year after the second. The date of the third (the archon- 
 ship of Euthymenes, 437-6) rests only on Diodorus and a scholium on 
 Aeschines, but it agrees well with Herodotus' account of the death of 
 Aristagoras (v. 126, cp. Stein's note on v. 33. i). 
 
 85 
 
 Chrono- 
 logy of 
 Thuc. i. 
 97-118. 
 
 Fixed 
 points 
 m it. 
 
Book I. Notes. 
 
 latter event is not mentioned by Thncydides, but the date suits well 
 with his narrative. For in 462-1 Cimon would have been absent at the 
 blockade of Ithome, and Plutarch (Cimon, c. 15) plausibly assigns the 
 attack on the Areopagus to a time when he was away from Athens. 
 
 But are we to accept the statement of the * Athenian Constitution ' 
 that Themistocles was at Athens in 462-1 and took part in the attack 
 on the Areopagus? If so, Thucydides (i. 137, 1. 19), in saying that 
 Artaxerxes had 'lately' come to the throne when Themistocles wrote 
 to him upon arriving in Asia, speaks loosely (cp. however p. 52, n. 3\ 
 and must be wrong in asserting that the Athenian fleet which Themis- 
 tocles escaped during his flight was blockading Naxos. For the revolt 
 of Naxos (i. 98) precedes the disaster at Drabescus and this we have seen 
 was almost certainly in 465-4. We cannot without further evidence 
 accept the story, especially as it is suspicious on other grounds '. 
 
 Ch. 98. 1. 4. ^Kwrav avToC : Grammar, § 4. The settlement was not an 
 ordinary colony but a ' cleruchy,' i. e. the Athenians (avrot) who received 
 lots of land in it remained full Athenian citizens. 
 
 1. 8. irpwn) T€ avTT), k.t.X. * This was the first allied city which, 
 contrary to recognised principles of right, was enslaved,' i. e. became 
 tributary and fell under the control of Athens in internal as well as ex- 
 ternal affairs. Thucydides' use of the invidious word kSovKwdr] shows 
 that he shared the ordinary Hellenic sentiment about the absolute right 
 of every city to complete independence, a sentiment which goes far to 
 account for the brilliant but short-lived character of Greek political 
 liberty. 
 
 1. 9. Twv oXXwv is gen. after kxaffT^. ws IkAo-tq iwf^t], * as it befel 
 each,* i. e. in different ways. 
 
 Ch. 09. I- 3« ctrpao-o-ov, * dealt with them,' not kirpaaaovro, * exacted the tribute.* 
 1. 4. oiS^ ^ovXo^icvois, * and who certainly did not wish.' 
 
 irpoo-dYOVT€S rds dvAYKas, ' applying coercion ' : the plural is used 
 
 merely because coercion was applied on many distinct occasions. 
 
 1. 5. Kal dXXa>s is connected with what precedes, not with what follows." 
 1. 6. 0VT6 ^w€crrp6.rtvoy dird tov itrov, i. e. * the Athenians no longer 
 
 joined in expeditions as equals among equals ' j in joint expeditions 
 
 the Athenians no longer merely supplied one out of several contingents. 
 1. 10. TO Ikvovjicvov dvdXa>p,a, lit. * the expense which fell to them,' 
 
 * the due expense,' i. e. a sum equivalent to the expense of furnishing 
 
 their proper number of ships. 
 
 Ch. 100. 1- 5- «^^ov . . . Kat 8i€<J>0€ipav go closely together. 
 
 €s rds 8iaK0<rlas ^ implies that they captured or sunk the whole 
 fleet, amounting to 200 triremes. 
 
 * Abbott, vol. ii. Appendix 11. Sandys on Athen. Polit. 25, 3. 
 
 ^ The MSS. are divided between r^s ndaas « rds hiaicoaias and rds 
 
 86 
 
 Ch. 98, /. 4 — Ch, io:j, /. 3. 
 
 1. 8. d ^v€p,ovTO, * of which they enjoyed the profits ' : Glossary. Ch. 100, 
 
 Kal vavo-l |i€v, k.t.X. There is a change of subject from vavai 1. 8. 
 irXevcrayTes to tTt[i^avr«s (referring to the Athenians at home), and 
 again from viftipavrfs to cKpdxqo-av avroC. Grammar, § 30. 
 
 1. 13. auToC simply opposes the colonists to the previous inhabitants : 
 Grammar, § 5. 
 
 1. 16. ols TToXejitov ^v ^, * who were threatened by.' 
 
 1. 5. TWV irepioCKwv, i. e. the movement among the ffelois spread to Ch. 101. 
 only two townships among the Perioeci or free Lacedaemonians who 
 were excluded from citizenship. Their revolt would have been a more 
 serious matter than that of the Helots. 
 
 1. 6. -irXeio-TOt h\ TWV EIXwtwv €-y€VovTO, k.t.X. irKfiffToi is predicate, 
 01 TWV ■ndKaiSiv Mfaarjviav . . . dnoyovoi subject ; but we may translate 
 ' the Helots were mainly composed of the descendants,' etc. 
 
 1. 7. t6t€, * in former times ' : see Glossary. 
 
 1. 8. -Q Kal M€o-<rr|vi,ot €KXT|0Ti<Tav ol irdvT€s, * whence all who revolted 
 were called Messenians,' is probably intended to justify expressions like 
 • the Messenians of Naupactus,' *the third Messenian war,' etc. 
 
 1. 9. irpds |t«v ovv . . . Ka0€to-Ti?|K€i . , . ©doxoi 8i . . . k.t.X., * while the 
 Lacedaemonians were thus engaged in war with the men in Ithome, 
 the Thasians,' etc. 
 
 1. 10. w(A,oX67ii<rav . . . Tctxos t6 Ka0€X6vT€s, k.t.X. This is one of 
 the passages which indicate that the aorist participle does not necessarily 
 denote a time prior to the time of the main verb (Grammar, § 9). 
 Cp. similar phrases in 108, 1. 12 ; 115, 1. 3 ; "7^ 1- ^S- ^ 
 
 1. 12. Ta|d|ji€voi probably governs dirodovvai and (piptiv. Cp. 117, 
 1,15. The Thasians arranged to pay a fixed sum at once and to become 
 tributary allies (paying (pdpos) in future, probably instead of contributing 
 ships. 
 
 1. 2. gvfijidxovs. The Athenians were still the allies of Sparta, Ch. 102. 
 because the old alliance against Persia under the headship of Sparta 
 had never been formally abandoned. We find the Plataeans (who also 
 sent help to Sparta on this occasion, iii. 54) appealing to it some thirty- 
 five years later. 
 
 1. 3. irXT|0€t ov»K dXCytp. 4,000 hoplites, if we can trust Aristophanes' 
 probably exaggerated account (Lys. 1143)- 
 
 traffas h SiaKoalas, 'two hundred in all,' the latter implying nothmg as 
 to the total number of the fleet. There is no trustworthy evidence 
 about the number, which later writers exaggerate. 
 
 ^ Some editors read ^v/jLiravres for ^vfiirdvTcuv just above, on the 
 authority of Valla's translation (omnes interempti sunt) and because 
 other authors (including Hdt. ix. 75) attribute the destruction of the 
 colony to the Edonians only. 
 
 87 
 
Book /. Notes. 
 
 Ch. 102 1- 5- TotsSi iroXiopKias (JXiKpas Ka6€<m]KvCas tovtov cvBcd k^fxlvvro' 
 
 1. 5. * pt? Y^P ^^ *^°^ '*'° X<»»ptov. 'Whereas they (the Lacedaemonians), 
 
 finding themselves engaged in a long blockade, perceived that they 
 
 lacked skill in siege-operations ^ ; else they would have taken the place 
 
 by assault ' (instead of having to be content with a tedious blockade) '. 
 
 1. 9. pCiji oux TiXio-KeTO (impf.), 'was no nearer being stormed.' 
 
 1. II. T|'YT]o-Aji€vot, 'considering,' or 'remembering, that they were 
 aliens.' 
 
 1. 12. ve(i)TepC{€iv here signifies nothing less than 'going over to the 
 enemy.' Glossary. 
 
 1. 15. ovK «itI tw p€XTCovt Xoycp, ' not for an honourable reason ' ; the 
 article and the comparative are used because there is a contrast between 
 o fifkriaiv \6'^os and u kokiuv \6yos implied in the next clause. 
 
 Ch. 103. !• ^- ScKdnp 6T€i. If this is correct, Thucydides must be supposed to 
 anticipate the course of events by some six years in order to finish off the 
 siege of Ithome ; and to return in vpoatx^PV^^^ '*"* M.(yaprjs below to 
 the point at which he has arrived at the end of ch. 102. The Megarian 
 alliance with Athens certainly belongs to the same time as the Argive ; 
 and this was probably about four years after the earthquake at Sparta, 
 and the Helot rising. But we should almost certainly, with Kriiger, 
 read rfraprq) for Se/fdry. See Appendix. 
 
 1. 14. c<^povpow auToC, ' put an Athenian garrison in them,' as in 
 Pegae (ch. iii), Mende (iv. 130) : perhaps from a distrust, in this case 
 well founded (ch. 114), of their new allies. Grammar, § 4. 
 
 Ch. 104. 1. 2. MapcCas TT]S vrrip ^dpov ir6Xco}s. ' The city of Marea oppo- 
 site the island of Pharos.' Marea is close to the spot where Alexandria 
 was afterwards founded. 
 
 Ch. 106. !• I- vavo-lv diropaortv cs 'AXias. The quarrel with Sparta and the 
 alliance with Megara now led to a regular war between Athens and the 
 Peloponnesian confederacy. The town of Halieis (' Fishermen ') lay on 
 the South point of the Argive peninsula : some of the inhabitants of 
 Tiryns, lately expelled by the Argives, are said to have taken refuge 
 there. The Athenians as we may infer fi-om Thucydides' brief words. 
 
 ^ Compare Hdt. ix. 70, about the storming of the Persian camp after 
 Plataea : irpoff(\6uvrojv Si tSjv AaKf^aifxovicov Kanar-qKii oipi Tnxoiia\irj 
 ippojfXiviaripTj. tous n\v ycLp dirrjanv 01 'AOijvcuoi, 01 5' ijfivvovTo, Kal ttoW^ 
 nXiov (txov TQiv AaKfSaifioviojv axTTf ovk (itiaTa^ivoJv rfixofiayfav dis 
 Si 0(pi 01 ^Adrjvaioi -npoorjKdov, vvrco Stj iaxvp^ eyivfTo Tdxof^axir} /cai 
 Xpovov (irl TToWov. rikos Si dptTr] n Kal Xmapl-Q kirf^ijaav 'AOrjvaioi rov 
 Tfixfos K€u fipiitov, T^ 5^ katxtovro 01 "EWrjvfs. 
 
 * Or Toh 8t may refer to the Athenians who on their arrival proved 
 deficient in their reputed skill. 
 
 88 
 
 Ch. 102, /. 5 — Ch. 109, /. 16. 
 
 made an attempt to establish themselves there, or to gain the place for Ch. 105, 
 their new allies, the Argives ; Corinth and Epidaurus, in the absence L 1. 
 of an Athenian fleet in Egypt, resisted, and war began. 
 
 1. 1 3. KarcXa^ov, scil. KopivOioi fifrd rwv ^vfxn&xoiv, not Ufkoirow^aioi. 
 
 1. 19. ol . . . trptar^vraroi Kal 01 vctoTaroi. Not necessarily those 
 below or above the age for military service ; i.e. under eighteen or over 
 sixty : the words need only mean the irepiiroXoi, men of eighteen to 
 twenty, usually employed in training or on garrison duty within the 
 frontier, and men of fifty to sixty, who were not often called out. 
 
 1. 22. iv6\i\.<ray avrol cKdrcpoi, k.t.X., j«7. iKanpoi kv6fii<jav^avro\ ovk 
 tXaaaov Ix^iv : ' each side deemed that they had the advantage themselves.' 
 
 1. 6. NiKojAT|8ovs, K.T.X., i. e. Nicomedes, son of Cleombrotus, com- Ch. 107. 
 manded in lieu of the King, Pleistoanax, son of Pausanias ; Pleistoanax 
 being still a minor. 
 
 1. II. dircxwpovv, 'thought of retreating.* 
 
 1. 12. 'A9T)vaioi . . . €p,cXXov KtoXvaciv = ' tAey knew that the Athe- 
 nians meant to stop them.' 
 
 I. 13. vav<ri TTCpiTXevo-avTes. It would seem that the Peloponnesian 
 forces had crossed the Corinthian gulf by sea (from Corinth ?). They 
 cannot have come by the Isthmus (unless it were by a surprise) for 
 ■^Tfpav'ia . . . k(ppovpuTO dfl vno ^Adrjvaicuv, 1. 16. 
 
 1. 16. Kal TOTC |J<r6dvovTO auTOvs, k.t.X. tot^ is opposed to dei, ' and 
 on this occasion in particular.' 
 
 1. 21. «poi?|0T)aav, merely = ' marched out ' : Glossary. 
 
 1. 22. Twv dXXwv gv|i|Adxuv ws iKacrroi, 'contingents of their other 
 allies.' 
 
 1. 24. vop,C(ravTcs hi diropciv, k.t.X. vofiiaavrfs (not kiriarpanvaav) 
 and vTto\l^i(^ are the emphatic words : Grammar, § 10. 
 
 1. 5. 'Aerjvaioi U 8evT€p^ Kal lgT]K0OT^ V^P? K«Td ttjv jidxtiv, k.t.X. Ch. 108. 
 
 The troops who were victorious at Oenophyta were only the sur- 
 vivors of those defeated at Tanagra. For the expedition to Tanagra 
 had been a levy en masse {travS-qnu) of those who were not engaged at 
 Aegina and in Egypt, and ' the slaughter had been great on both sides.' 
 1. 16. TO vcwpiov TO AaKcSai^ovCwv : Gythium, on the Laconian Gulf. 
 
 1. a. iroXXal IScai iroX^p,(i}v, i. e. alternations of victory and defeat, Ch. 109. 
 and of land and river fighting, concluding with the accidental loss of 
 nearly fifty ships (c. no). 
 
 1.9. TOY Zutrvpov. Zopyrus was the hero of the capture of Babylon 
 (Hdt. iii. 160). 
 
 1. 13. Ti^v vTJo-ov, between a branch of the Nile and a canal {r^v 
 Biojpvxa). 
 
 1. 16. rfis vif|aov Td iroXXd i)ir€ipov, sctl. irroirjet. 
 
 89 
 
Book L Notes. 
 
 Ch 110. 1. 3. iToX€jjiT|<ravTa would imply a confusion between the * Greek 
 cause' and the 'Greek forces.' But Cobet's correction -noXturiaavrMv 
 should probably be accepted. 
 
 Ch. 111. 1- 1- Tov 0€crcraXwv PocriXccos. Echecrates was probably the last king 
 of united Thessaly ; at least we hear of none after his death (cp. Thuc. 
 ii. 22 ; iv. 78), until the time of Jason of Pherae. 
 
 1. 3. vapa\a^6vTcs Boiojtovs koi ^(UKcas ovras |vp,|i<ixovs, ' their new 
 allies ' ; a rash course, which may in part account for the disaffection and 
 speedy loss of Boeotia and Phocis. 
 
 1. 10. €lxov 8' avTolrds nTiyds, see note on ch. 103, 1. 14. 
 
 1. 13. iTapaXaP6vT€s 'Axaiovs, 'taking some Achaean troops with 
 them.' -napdkaii^&vo} is continually used, as in 1. 3 above, of a fleet or 
 army ' taking up ' contingents of allied forces. Hence Achaea must 
 have on or before this occasion joined the Athenian league. 
 
 1. 14. riis 'AKapvavCos is genitive after Oivi&bas, not after irlpav. 
 
 Ch. 112. 1. 9- iTX€v<ravT€S virip 2aXojiivos . . . havy,6.\r\<r(xv , * after setting sail 
 they fought off Salamis/ etc. 
 
 Ch. 113. 1. 2- Twv 4)€vy6vtwv, i. e. members of the anti-Athenian and oligarchi- 
 cal party, who had left or been expelled from the Boeotian cities when 
 the Athenians conquered Boeotia : cp. 1. 10 baoi tt/s out^s yvoj/xr^i ?jaav K 
 
 Aristotle, Pol. v. 3. 5, supplements Thucydides' account by telling us 
 the internal causes of the change : the democracy in Thebes * after the 
 battle of Oenophyta ' was badly administered and the rich despised 
 the anarchy into which it fell. 
 
 1. II. Tovs hk {wvras IXapov. Anxiety to recover these prisoners, 
 such being always a powerful motive in the Greek states where it may 
 be said that • everybody knew everybody else,' and the political disaffec- 
 tion of the Boeotian cities, account for the great effects produced by 
 a defeat so small in itself compared with that of Tanagra. 
 
 1. 14. ol dXXot irAvTcs may mean * the rest of the Boeotians,' or ' the 
 Phocians and Opuntian Locrians ' who had been conquered at the same 
 time with the Boeotians and now regained their independence. 
 
 Ch 114. 1- 6- KopivOiovs Kot 2iKvo)viovs Kal 'EmBavpiovs. Corinth and 
 * Epidaurus had been recently at war with Athens, and the Sicyonians 
 had been twice attacked in their own territory and defeated. 
 
 1. 10. ©piwje, to the deme Thria or Thrio, in the 'Thriasian plain,' 
 near Eleusis. 
 1. 13. direxwRtjo-ov. Pleistoanax was suspected of having been bribed 
 
 to retreat, ii. 21. 
 
 1. 16. avTol Tt^v yiiv «<rxov. See note on ch. 98, 1. 4. 
 
 Mn 1. 6 [koI aySpaiToZiaavT€s], bracketed by Bekker, is only in a few 
 oftheMSS. 
 
 90 
 
 Ck no, /. 2—Ch, 1x8, /. lo. 
 
 1. 3. diTo86vT€s . . . 'Axatav. See note on ch. iii, 1. 13. For Nisaea Ch. 115. 
 and Pegae, see ch. 103, 1. 12-14. Troezen on the North coast of the 
 Argolic peninsula must have been occupied by an Athenian garrison 
 at some time since the outbreak of the war in 459. 
 
 1. 12. «s A-qp-vov. Lemnoswas occupied by Athenian icXrjpovxot, and 
 therefore appeared a safe place to deposit the hostages in. 
 
 1. 15. Tois BwaTcoTdrots, ' the most influential,' and so in a political 
 sense * the leading aristocrats' or party of the dwarol : who were not, of 
 course, under the present circumstances 'the most powerful men ' in Samos. 
 
 1. 16. (Ixt 2(ipS€is, * held Sardis,' i. e. was satrap of Lydia, of which 
 Sardis was the capital. 
 
 1. 21. TOVS dpxovras ot ^aav impd o-<|>Ccriv: these may have been 
 the Athenian administrative and judicial officers' called tmffKoiroi, now 
 engaged in regulating the new democratical government at Samos. 
 
 1. 14. €irl Kavvov Kal KapCas, ' in the direction of Caunus in Ch. 116. 
 Caria.' 
 
 1. 15. €ir' avTovs irXiowjxv probably means 'against the Athenians/ 
 not * to help the Samians.* 
 
 1. 2. d4>pdKTC|) T^ OTpaToircScp €m'iT€<T6vT€S, i.e. on the blockading Ch. 117. 
 fleet which was not protected by palisades or the like. 
 
 1. 3. rds dyTavayofJitvas ivU-qaav, ' the ships which were putting out 
 to meet them,' implying that the Athenian ships had not time to get into 
 proper order of battle. 
 
 1. 8. \ifTaL 0ovkv8l8ov Kal "Ayvwyos Kal ^op|iCci)vos. Who this 
 Thucydides was is not known : Hagnon was the founder of Amphipolis ; 
 Phormio was the famous admiral. An immense number of ships was 
 sent at different times against Samos, 215 in all. 
 
 1. 16. MO-ircp Kal 'Trp6Tcpov. The Byzantines ' became subject as before,* 
 unlike the Samians who had been independent allies before, and now 
 became subjects for the first time. 
 
 1. I. ov iroXXois €T€<n,v t>o-T€pov. 439 — 435 or 434. 
 
 1. 8. avToC, Athens herself, as opposed to her dependent allies. 
 
 1. ID. ovT€8 p,€v Kal irpd Tov p-T^ Tax€is uvai. There is no apparent 
 reason why fxrj, which simply negatives rax^is, should be used instead 
 of ov '. 
 
 Ch. 118. 
 
 ^ Aristoph. Birds, 1050 : cp. Abbott, vol. ii. 10. 10. 
 
 ^ * It may be difficult to find a better explanation of the anomalous 
 fx-q than . . . that tov h^ Tax«s iivcu had a more natural sound than rov 
 ov rax^h Uvat, although neither tov nor the negative has anything to 
 do with the infinitive. So some people say between you and I merely 
 because 7^M and me sounds vulgar.' Goodwin, Syntax of Greek Moods 
 and Tenses, § 685. 
 
 91 
 
Book L Notes. 
 
 Assembly of the Allies at Sparta. 
 
 Ch. 118, 1. i6. avTots y.hf ovv, K.T.X. See ch. 87. The narrative after a long 
 1. 16. digression goes back to the decision of the Lacedaemonian assembly 
 after the speech of Sthenelaidas. 
 
 1. 21. avTos «<|)Tj |vXXTJ\|;«<rOai : aitrSs goes with IvWiixpiaOaiy not 
 with iiprj. 
 
 Kal iTapttKaXov|i«vos Kal dKXT)TOS. A God would often promise 
 help on condition that certain vows or sacrifices were offered to him. 
 Pan (Hdt. vi. 106% while declaring that he is and will be a friend of 
 Athens, complains that the Athenians pay no attention to him : Apollo 
 (Livy xxiii. 1 1 ) tells the Romans by what rites they are to obtain his 
 help in the Second Punic War. Here Apollo promises unconditional 
 help. 
 
 Ch. 119. 1. 2. Twv irp^o-pccDv, * representatives' or * deputies' (not in our sense 
 * ambassadors') of the allied states. Glossary, irpeff^fvrqs. 
 
 Cll. 120. < We have nothing to say against the Lacedaemonians this time : for 
 Corinthian they have done their duty as the head of a confederacy : they have 
 speech. p^id due attention to their own interests by discussing and resolving 
 upon war in their own assembly, and they have taken thought for the 
 common interests of the confederacy by calling us together. Neither 
 need we urge to war those members of the confederacy who know by 
 experience what the Athenians are (Megara, Boeotia, Phocis, Epidaurus, 
 Sicyon, etc.). But to those who may think that their interest in the 
 question is but slight, we would say two things. First, interest as well 
 as honour demands war. Secondly, you need not fear that you are 
 embarking on an enterprise of unlimited extent. We are quite aware 
 that no success will justify us in prolonging ihe war a moment longer 
 than is necessary.' 
 
 For the correct forecast of the war contained in the remainder of the 
 speech, see below, p. 108. In c. 120 we notice a trace (a) of the influence 
 of commercial motives on politics (xaA.€7rcuT€/>a*' e^ovffi r^v KaraKOfxiS^v 
 TUiv upaiojv /cat -ndkiv dvriKrjipiv 5)v 17 daXaaaa ttj "qirupq; diSojaiv), and 
 (d) of the division of interests between the maritime members of the 
 Peloponnesian confederacy and those situated inland or remote from 
 the highways of traffic. Some of the latter (e. g. Tegea and Mantinea) 
 may have formed the minority who voted against the war ^. 
 
 Ch. 120. 1. 3. xp^ y^9 "^^^ Tj-ycfjiovas, k.tA. * This time we cannot blame 
 
 * The inability of the Athenians to get at these inland states is the 
 point of the joke in Aristoph. Eq. 798, where the ' extension of the jury 
 system to Arcadia ' is the promised reward of Athenian perseverance. 
 
 92 
 
 Ch, 118, /. 16 — Ch. 121, /. 17. 
 
 the Lacedaemonians ' = * we can only praise the Lacedaemonians ' : Ch. 120, 
 hence yap. * For the duty of the heads of confederacies is, while giving I. 3. 
 a just share of attention to their own interests (as the Lacedaemonians 
 have done), to guard the interests of the whole,' and thus merit their 
 place of honour, rd iSut, tcL Koivd, answer to Koi avroi, Kal -^fxas above. 
 v€fx€tv = ' manage \' ' attend to.' Kal €v dXXois = * generally,' ' on ordinary 
 occasions,' i. e. where it is not a question of ra koivol irpoaKoireiv, * where 
 their privileges and not, as here, their duties are concerned 2.' (Jowett.) 
 
 1. 8. ciScvai xp-f], K.T.X. XPV governs fx^ kokow KpircLs . . . that and 
 irpoaUxfoOai below. povXetlccrOai (1. 14) is governed by xpfj', or by 
 yyeiadai involved in irpoahtx^adai, * to remember that they are deli- 
 berating.' KttKovs Kpirds (1. 11), careless or indifferent judges. 
 
 1. 16. cl |jiT| dSiKoivTO, * if they are not wronged.' The optative is 
 used only because avSpaiv aoxppovwv karlv ^avxcL^^iv = dvSpes aducppovfs 
 i)(Tvxa^oif:V dv. Grammar, § 15. 
 
 1. 24. dpovXoT€pci)v TWV cvavTiwv TvxdvTwv. TU7xdi/o; is occasionally 
 found in prose, as here, with an adjective and without a participle ^. 
 
 1. 26. €v6v)i.ctTai Yap ovScls ofioia, k.t.X. 'What a man purposes 
 in his confidence is very unlike what he practically goes on to do ' or 
 ' what he really does *.' The single phrase ipytp €iT€|€pX€Tat (Glossary) 
 is opposed to (v$vfiuTai : rp iriaTfi and €py<v do not precisely corre- 
 spond. 
 
 II 
 
 1. 2. oTav d|j,w(dfi€9a, aor. not pres. 
 
 L 7. «Kd(rrois, each member of the confederacy. 
 
 1. 10. wvTjTq ydp 'A0T]valwv f| Svvaps |iaX\ov r\ oiKcCa, k.t.X. ojvtjr^ 
 - hired, mercenary {noi * capable of being bought '). Svvafiis is first 
 concrete, 'forces,' then, when supplied with j) ^fierfpa, abstract, 
 * power * ; as the words rots aijpuiai rd irX^ov iaxvovaa ^ rots xP'^M'w*' 
 show, ^aaov &v rovro iraOoi refers, not to oivrjrrjy but to vvoXa^tiy oioi 
 r (ff/iivy * is not so liable to this danger.' 
 
 1. 1 3. cl 8* dvTCcrxotiv, * but supposing them to hold out.' Grammar, 
 
 § 14- 
 
 1. 17. o 8' cKcivoi Imo-TTifiTa irpovxovtn, k.t.X., * the superiority which 
 skill gives them, we must acquire {KaBaipircov) by practice *.' 
 
 Ch. 121, 
 
 * Cp. viii. 70 med. rd 6* dKka (V(fiov Hard Kpdros rr^v ir6\iv. 
 
 ' irpo-y in vpoaKowetv, expressing * forethought,' does not answer to 
 irpo- in vporifxuvrai. 
 
 ' rvxovra, the reading of some inferior MSS., is very likely right, 
 ' meeting with enemies who are better advised.' 
 
 * opiola gives as good a sense as the correction optola. 
 
 ' Ka$aip€T€ov might also mean * destroy,' * cancel,' as in ch. 118, 1. 15 
 above, but the opposition to oitK dv ytvoiro makes the meaning ' attain,' 
 though rarer, more suitable here. Stahl compares Hdt. vii. 50 ficydXa 
 ydp -npriyiiara payaXoiai KivSvvoiai kdiXu KaraipUadai, KaOaiperoy would 
 mean 'we can,' not must, 'acquire.' 
 
 93 
 
Book L Notes, 
 
 Ch. 121, 1. 19. xpTijittTa 8' w<rr* txtv^ cs avrA, oto"oji€v refers to the mainten- 
 1. 19. ance, not to the establishment of a fleet ; the latter has been dealt with 
 already, II. 7-9. 
 
 1. 23. auTots TovTots, * suffer by means of this same wealth,' * see our 
 own property used to our hurt.' 
 
 Ch. 122. 1. 4. €irl ^TjTots, ' on stated terms/ * according to programme.' 
 
 1.6. €v CO 6 p,€v euop-y-TiTws avTtp irpoo-oiJiiXTioras, k.t.X. hi w, ' and this 
 being so.' P«Pat6T€pos, * safer than the hasty man.' ovk cXdo-a-u goes 
 with 'ir€pl avT6v, ' through his own fault as much as anything ' ; or, as 
 we say, ' the man who retains his self-command in dealing with war is the 
 safest: he who loses his head has ^«(v himself to blame for his disaster*.* 
 op^i] is excitement or * flurry ' generally ; not only loss of temper. 
 * If you do not keep cool, you will miss the opportunities which cannot 
 be foreseen, but which always come in the course of a war.' 
 
 1. 9. dvTtirdXovs, not ' enemies ' but * equals in strength.' oicrrdv &v 
 ■fiv, * we might put up with it,' means, as the opposed clause, wart, d 
 fi^ Kal dOpSoi, K.T.K, shows, 'we might sit still.' 
 
 1. II. Kai dOpooi Kal Kard €0vt], k.t.X., *both the whole confederacy, 
 and every race (Dorians, Aeolians, Achaeans, etc.), and every single 
 town in it ' (darv, locally, not ttoXis, which would mean every political 
 community) ^. 
 
 1. 16. vrro jtias KaKoiroOctv refers, not to the prospective miseries of 
 political slavery, but to the way in which the confederacy was at the 
 present moment letting itself be ill-treated (' bullied ') by Athens. «v ^ 
 f\ hiKaitos, K.T.X. *And, things being so, we cannot but be thought 
 (8oKoifi€v dv) either to be getting no more than we deserve (i. e. to 
 keep still because we know we are in the wrong), or to be submitting 
 out of cowardice ; and showing ourselves inferior to our fathers,' etc. 
 
 1. 23. ov -ydp 8t| 'it€<j>€vy6t€s Tavra, k.t.X. ' For we cannot suppose 
 (i. e. we strongly suspect) that you have shunned these errors only to 
 take up with that most calamitous spirit of contempt (the only other 
 possible explanation of your patience) which,' etc. 
 
 1. 24. KaTa4)p6v'qo-iv . . . d<|)po<rvvTj. The meaningless play on words 
 is an instance of the element of weakness in Thucydides' writing, due to 
 the influence of contemporary rhetoricians and sophists. See vol. i. 
 
 Intr. ii. 
 
 1. 24. KiX(tipr\Kare is addressed to the assembled allies : though here, 
 and throughout this part of the speech, the Corinthians are thinking 
 mainly of the Lacedaemonians. 
 
 Ch. 123. 1. 2. ircpl 8 J Twv €ir€tTa hcXXovtwv, k.t.X. * With a view rather to 
 
 * Or, reading ircpt avT6v (rbv tioXt^iov) or vtpl avrwv (these matters), 
 each with a good MS., * he who loses his head over a war gets most 
 
 falls.' ^ ^ , , . . . V V 
 
 ' Cp. vi. 44 med. rwy trSXiajv ov t^xpiihav avrovs dyopa ovSe ocret. 
 
 94 
 
 Ch. 121, /. 19 — Ch. 125, /. 7. 
 
 the future, we must work hard in the service of the present.* km- 
 Ta\anra)puv, lit. ' toil over,' spend our labour in meeting the needs of 
 the present. 
 
 1. 3. TrdTpiov Yap T|p,iv . . . €l dpa . . . irpo4>€peT€ : similarly the speaker 
 changes from the ist pers. kwfxfv, d^iov/xev, to the 2nd K^xooprjKaTi above ^ 
 
 1. 8. auTov, with (v\\rj\pfa6ai, not with viroaxofievov. 
 
 1. 10. tt>(|>€Xi9, 'motives of advantage.' Grammar, § i. 
 
 1. 10. o-TTOvSds ... as Y€ may be *the treaty which,' or *a treaty, 
 which,' etc. See on ch. 6'j, 1. 5. 
 
 Ch. 123, 
 L2. 
 
 1. 2. T|)j,(dv Td8€ Koiv^ irapaivovvTCdv. As the whole speech is ad- Ch. 124. 
 dressed, in form at least, to the allies (avSpts ^vfifiaxoi, 1. 10 below), 
 r\\L(av . . . Koivfj must mean *we, in the name of Corinth.' 
 
 ciircp PePaioraTOV to ravTa |v|Ji({>€povTa Kal TroXecn Kal i8uoTa4,s 
 €ivai, K.T.X., 'seeing that it is most assured that this course (war : ravra 
 = rdSf above = rd noXfiAuv^ is to our interest both as states and as indi- 
 viduals,' not ' to the interest both of states and individuals ' generally ^. 
 
 1. 5. ov -irpoTtpov -fiv TovvavTiov, ' for times have changed.' (Jowett.) 
 The reference is to the boasted superiority of Dorians in war or to the 
 expulsion of the lonians from Peloponnese in consequence of the Dorian 
 invasion : — ' legendary ' to us, historical to the Corinthians and Thucy- 
 dides : — not to any previous siege of lonians by Dorians. 
 
 1. 7. ci ■yva>crOT]a6(ji€6a, * if it is to go abroad that.' Grammar, § 13. 
 
 1. 1 2. TT]S . . . 8td -irXeiovos €ipT|VT]s is opposed to to atrrCKa 8civ6v, 
 * setting your hearts upon the peace, though still distant, which it will 
 bring,' lit. ' at a longer interval.' 
 
 1. 14. ov\ 6p,oio)s dKivSwov. Remaining at peace, in our case, 'is not 
 (really) so safe ' as making war for the sake of ulterior peace. 
 
 1. 7. cviavTos p.ev ou SicTpCpT], IXa^crov 81. About six months Ch. 125. 
 passed between the battle of Potidaea and the surprise of Plataea (ii. 2) 
 and nearly three months (eighty days, ii. 19) between the surprise of 
 Plataea and the invasion of Attica. Between the battle of Potidaea 
 and the time at which Thucydides has now arrived, the allies had been 
 invited to address the Lacedaemonian assembly and had dispersed again, 
 the Delphic oracle had been consulted, and the assembly of the allies 
 had been convened. So the time spoken of in IXaororov 8c, if the dates 
 given in our present text of Thucydides are correct, is only seven or 
 eight months : and the clause must be taken to lay stress on the rapidity, 
 not the slowness, of the Peloponnesian preparations. ' They could not 
 
 * But many good MSS. read vp.lv. 
 
 ^ But it is better to read ravrd (a correction in one good MS.), 
 
 smce 
 
 community of interest (to ravrd ^vpupepovra eJvai) is the safest ground of 
 action for states as for men,' — therefore, help against Athens those whom 
 it is your interest to help. 
 
 95 
 
Ch. 126, 
 
 Cylon, 
 Pausanias, 
 Themis- 
 tocles. 
 
 Greek re- 
 ligious 
 ideas. 
 
 Book /. Notes. 
 
 fight at once, bnt they meant to have no delay ; delay, however, there 
 was, but not of a whole year ^' 
 
 Negotiations before the War (126-146). 
 
 If Thucydides had always written as he has done in ch. 126-138, 
 no one would ever have called him ' harsh ' or * obscure ' or even ' con- 
 cise.' * Some, admiring the perspicuity of the narrative about Cylon, 
 have said, "here the lion smiled" {Xiaiv (yiXaatv hTav6a),' remarks 
 a scholium on 1 26-7. The grace and sympathy with which the stories 
 of Cylon, Pausanias, and Themistocles are told, and the manner in 
 which Thucydides strings them on the thread of the negotiations between 
 Athens and Sparta, passing easily from one episode to another without 
 regard to the order of time, remind us of Herodotus. The fate of 
 Themistocles has nothing to do with the beginning of the Peloponnesian 
 war, and is related simply as a parallel to that of Pausanias. The con- 
 cluding words of ch. 138 show how deeply Thucydides was moved by 
 the tragic interest of the story, and the similarity between the life and 
 death of the two great traitors who had once saved Hellas. ' Such was 
 the end of Pausanias the Lacedaemonian and Themistocles the Athenian, 
 the two most famous Hellenes of their day.* 
 
 These chapters also bring vividly before us the ancient feeling about 
 the sacredness of suppliants, the * corporate responsibility ' of a city 
 polluted by a crime, and the means by which the pollution might be 
 removed: compare the Oedipus Tyrannus, and the alarm caused at 
 Athens by the outrages on the Hermae and the Mysteries. — There is a 
 curious passage in Lycurgus the orator, in which he expresses approval 
 of the execution of Pausanias, and thus shows greater zeal for the 
 honour of the Gods than Apollo himself, who insisted on the expiation 
 of the deed *. 
 
 It is strange that the Spartan government should, even as a prelimi- 
 nary to more serious negotiations, have made diplomatic representations 
 to Athens about the connexion of Pericles with the Alcmaeonidae 
 
 ^ This rendering of ikaaaov Ik has been supported by Hdt. vii. 39 tt\v 
 tilv a^irfv oil Xa^npeai, kXaffaoj SJ t^s o^iv^, where, as the context shows, 
 the meaning is * considerably less than your deserts.' But, though not 
 impossible, it is very harsh ; going by the present passage alone we 
 should certainly translate * a whole year did not elapse, but nearly a 
 whole year,' implying more than seven or eight months. This is the 
 second time in Bk. i in which a difficulty is caused by the words iKrq) firjvi 
 in ii. 2, and we are led to suspect their genuineness. Cp. p. 52, footnote i. 
 
 * Lycurg. c. Leocr. 129, p. 166 koI -ndaiv tmarjfxov k-noi-qaav t^v Ttfxcu- 
 otav, on ou5' a'l itapa ruv OfiJiv kniKovpiai rois trpidurais ^orjOovaiVf uKorojr 
 ovhlv 'yctp Trpdrtpov ahiKovaiv ^ ttc/x tovs Oiovs dcf^ovai, rSiv narp^av 
 vofUfuuv avTovs diro(JT€povvT(S. 
 
 96 
 
 Ch. 126, 1. 5—/. 18. 
 
 or should have expected to produce any impression whatever on the 
 minds of men who were by this time tifrjeiijs rjKieiov a-nrjWafntvoi 
 IxdXXov. They probably judged of the Athenians by themselves, and we 
 know from Thuc. v. 16 med., that the irregular restoration of the 
 Spartan king Pleistoanax was used by his enemies, whenever anything 
 went wrong, to work upon the scruples of the people, ws bid riiv Uiivov 
 KaOohov irapavofir)$H(Tav ravra ^vfifiaivoi. 
 
 1. 5. TO dYos cXavveiv rfjs OeoO, ♦ to drive away the curse of the Ch. 126. 
 
 Goddess,' by expelling the men who had brought her curse upon the 
 land. 
 
 1. 7. KiiXwv -fiv, * there was one Cylon,' etc. See Abbott vol. i. 9. 
 15, 16 ; Oman, p. 104 *. 
 
 1. 13. *OXv(xirta ToL Iv IIcXoTrowTioxp. There was a festival called 
 the * Olympia ' also at Athens, and in Macedonia. 
 
 1. 16. lavTW Ti irpooTiKeiv, ' had some connexion with himself,' ' was 
 after a manner Ais day.' 
 
 1. 17. ovT€ €K€ivos €Tt KOT€v6T|<re . . . ovK €8t|Xov, ' hc did not stop to 
 make out, and the oracle never told him,' or ' left untold.' 
 
 1. 18. €<m yap koI 'A6i]vaioi8 Aidaxa & KoXctrai Aios copri^ MeiXixiov 
 ficYCoTTj, 'for the Athenians also have a Diasia, which is called *the 
 greatest festival of Zeus Meilichios.' So the words must be translated 
 as they stand: but the sense required is, 'The Athenians also have 
 a festival of Zeus, the Diasia, in honour of Zeus Meilichios, which 
 is called "the greatest festival of Zeus.'" In this and the following 
 passage the explanations of commentators may have got mixed with 
 the original text. Aidma implies, by its derivation, ' feast of Zeus ' ; 
 so that the want of logic in the Kai (implying that the Olympian 
 festival was also called Aidaia) is hardly felt. We must either leave 
 out MctXixiov or suppose that there were other festivals of Zeus Meili- 
 chios besides the Diasia. 
 
 The Diasia was an old festival which had already lost some of its 
 importance since the time of Cylon, perhaps because newer worships, 
 e. g. of Dionysus, and of Demeter and Persephone, had become popular \ 
 
 ^ The first complete sentence of [Aristotle] Athen. Polit. § i (Kara- 
 ffwaOkvTos 5^ rod a7o[u]s [av]To\ fi(v (k twv rd<pQJv c^t^X-qdrjaav , to hi 
 yevos avTwy ecpvytv da^vyiav) puts the banishment of those implicated in 
 the death of Cylon's adherents before the legislation of Draco, which 
 is assigned on late authority to about 621. Hence the attempt of 
 Cylon may be assigned to 632 or 628 ; it was in any case in an Olympic 
 year, as Thucydides' narrative shows. See further n. on ch. 126, 1. 39. 
 
 ^ A. Mommsen, Heortologie, pp. 379-386. In Aristophanes, Clouds 
 407, S64, the Diasia appears in a more homely light as a festival at 
 which Strepsiades gets singed by the bursting of a haggis which he 
 meant to enjoy at a family party ; and at which he buys his little boy a 
 toy-cart with the first obol which he ever got for sitting on a jury. 
 
 G 97 
 
if. I 
 
 Book I. Notes, 
 
 Ch. 126, Meilichios, * gentle ' or • reconciled,' was a title given to other deities 
 1.18. as well as to Zeus. The epithet may be euphemistic like Ev;i«i'i5«s^ 
 
 1. 20. irav5THi€i means that the festival was kept by the whole people 
 together ; not by particular clans or demes, or by the whole people in 
 their several districts. 
 
 1. 2 1. Wjiara €irix«pta '. A scholium here says that these were ' cakes 
 made into the shape of animals.' If this is correct, itokXoi may refer to 
 the poorer citizens, and we may compare, with Arnold, Hdt. ii. 47, where 
 * the poorer Egyptians sacrifice dough figures of swine to the Moon ^.' 
 
 1. 21. opOws Yiyvwo-Keiv, 'that he understood correctly' the mean- 
 ing of the oracle. 
 
 1. 26. awoKpAxopo-i SiaOcivai, i. e. the archons were to be solely respon- 
 sible for the blockade and for disposing of Cylon and his followers when 
 taken. This detail is mentioned, because it shows that the guilt of 
 what followed lay with the archons and not with the Athenian people. 
 Megacles the Alcmaeonid was one of these archons, according to 
 Plutarch, Solon, c. la. 
 
 1. 27. t6t€ St, K.T.X. In later times, the functions of the archons 
 were mostly transferred to the aTparrjyoi and other magistrates who 
 were elected, and not, like the archons, chosen by lot. 
 
 Herodotus says (v. 71) that 'the heads of the Naucrari*, who then 
 administered the affairs of Athens, raised up the suppliants, who were 
 to be liable to any punishment short of death, but as for their 
 slaughter, the Alcmaeonidae are charged with that.' So his account 
 
 1 Xen. Anab. vii. 8. 4-6, relates how he came back from the famous 
 Retreat so poor that he had to sell his horse ; how he met a sooth- 
 sayer who was led by bad omens to ask him whether he had sacrificed 
 during his absence to Zeus Meilichios, ' as I used to do for you all at 
 home ' ; how Xenophon confessed that he had not, but promptly did so, 
 and how on that very day money came for himself and his army and 
 he recovered his horse through the kindness of some friends. 
 
 ' Pollux, an encyclopaedic writer of the end of the second century 
 A. D , says (i. 26) to. 5^ dpwfMTa Kal (also) Bvfuaixxira KokuTcu' Govkv- 
 SiSrji S' avTci (iprfKfv oiyvd dvfMTa irp6s (in opposition to) rcL atfuiaaovTa 
 Kot (j<parr6iiiva. Hence some editors read dXA* ayvd Ovfmra in the 
 text of Thucydides here. Plato, Laws 782 C, uses the expression d7v<i 
 evfiara. Pollux may have quoted Thucydides by a slip for Plato, 
 as he quotes Xenophon for Thucydides (iv. 121 (Totviow) in iii. 152; 
 but if so, he must have misunderstood Plato, who is referring, not to 
 incense (dvnidfw.Ta) but to meat-offerings and drink-offerings. 
 
 3 Diet. Ant. s.v. 'Sacrificium,' pp. 582, 583, gives interesting instances 
 of the substitution of lifeless for living sacrifices, or of animals and 
 things for human beings. 
 
 * ol TrfWTcivies tSjv vavKpdpoiv. The * naucrari ' were financial officers ; 
 one for each of the forty-eight 'naucrariae,' or divisions of the four 
 old tribes (Athen. Polit. 8, 3; Abbott, vol. i. 9. 16). 
 
 98 
 
 Ch. 126, /. 20 — Ch, 127, /. 8. 
 
 differs from that of Thucydides. He is probably giving the version of Ch. 126, 
 the story least unfavourable to the Alcmaeonidae, whom he elsewhere 1. 27. 
 vigorously defends from the charge of Medism. 
 
 1. 32. Iirl Tov Pa)p,6v : probably the altar of Athene Polias in the 
 old Erechtheum, the most ancient sanctuary of Athene at Athens, 
 destroyed in the Persian war. 
 
 1. 36. Ka9€^op,€vovs 5e rtvas, k.t.X. iv ttJ irapoS^;, * as they were being 
 led by,' and all the words preceding it, go with KaOe^ofievovs, not with 
 dicxpV<^ovTo. ' Some of them too, who took sanctuary in the presence 
 of the Awful Goddesses at their altars^ as they were passing by, they put 
 to death.' €V t^ irap68(p could not be said of the murderers, who must 
 ha.ve/o/lo7ved their victims to the altar, not killed them in passing. The 
 altar of the Eumenides was probably that at their famous shrine near 
 the Areopagus, west of the Acropolis. 
 
 1. 39. ijXaa-av \lIv ovv, k.t.X. Thucydides gives the facts very briefly. 
 The first expulsion of the Alcmaeonidae appears from the detailed 
 account in Plutarch, confirmed by Athen. Polit. § i, cited above, to 
 have taken place some years after their crime. The second expulsion 
 mentioned by Thucydides was that of Cleisthenes and others in 508, 
 quickly followed by his recall and the completion of his political reforms 
 (Abbott, vol. i. 15. 19, Oman, p. 160). Thucydides has no occasion 
 to mention the intermediate exile of the Alcmaeonidae after the final 
 establishment of the power of Pisistratus, because it had nothing to do 
 with the guilt attaching to them. For the connexion between Pericles 
 and the Alcmaeonidae, see further in Appendix. 
 
 1. 41. p,€Td 'AOrjvaicov o-Tao-taJovTwv, 'with a party of the Athenians 
 who were at strife with the rest,' i. e. Isagoras and the aristocratic party. 
 
 1. 42. Tovs T€ |;uvTas, K.T.X. ' Both banishing the living, and they took 
 up and cast out the bones of the dead ' : a slight change of construction. 
 The Athen. Polit. § i shows that rufv T€$yeujTouv rd bard dviXovns below 
 was true of the first and not only of this second expulsion. 
 
 1. 2. SrjOcv here emphasizes the words vfhich folloiv it. 
 
 1. 8. Ayuiv TT^v iroXiTcCav, directing the whole affairs of the city. 
 
 Ch. 127. 
 
 Thucydides takes up the story of Pausanias where he left it at ch. 95, Ch. 128. 
 after his first recall from the Hellespont in 478, but immediately Chrono- 
 digresses into a fuller account of his treasonable correspondence with ^^SX ^*. 
 the King and of the arrogance which led to his recall. Pausanias 
 
 The dates of his departure from Sparta in the ' ship of Hermione,' of J ' 
 his expulsion from Byzantium (put, on weak authority, about 470), and 
 of his second recall are quite uncertain. If the denunciation of Themis- 
 tocles to the Athenian government followed soon after Pausanias' death, 
 
 ^ kv Toh fiajfj-ois adds nothing to iirl tSjv atfu/uv Oiwv and is probably 
 a gloss, as suggested by Dobree. 
 
 G 2 
 
 99 
 
Book I. Notes. 
 
 as we may perhaps infer from ch. 135, his death was not earlier than the 
 
 ostracism of Themistocles, which is assigned on late authority to 471 : 
 
 this gives at least seven years of residence under suspicion in Sparta, 
 
 Byzantium, Colonae, and Sparta again. 
 
 His rela- ^^ Thucydides' narrative the personal interest prevails over the his- 
 
 tions to torical, and we seek in vain for an answer to the question. What were his 
 
 Sparta and exact relations with the Spartan government ? and what were the circum- 
 
 Athens. stances of his expulsion from Byzantium by the Athenians ? He went 
 
 out without the authority of the ephors {lUa h\ avro^ . . . dv(v Aa/cfScu- 
 
 Ixov'kuv . . .ov KfkfvadvTcuv avTOJV, ch. 1 28, 11. II, 12 ; 131, 1. 3), but he 
 
 was all the time a Spartan magistrate (as regent and guardian of 
 
 Plistarchus; ch. 132, 1. 4 ; note on ch. 131, 1. 14), for how else should 
 
 he have read a aKvraXr) or secret despatch to which Spartan officials 
 
 only held the key (ch. 131, 1. 9) 1 He seems to have wished, as far as he 
 
 could without actually breaking with the home government, to assume 
 
 the position of a private adventurer, such as Histiaeus maintained for 
 
 a time before him, and Alcibiades later. 
 
 The words (k tov Bv^avriov ^iq, vn 'Adrjvaiwv (KirokiopKijdfis (ch. 131, 
 1. 4) imply a forcible expulsion, of which we should like to know more, 
 but we have no right to assume, on very doubtful and indirect evidence, 
 that he installed himself in full possession of Byzantium and was regu- 
 larly besieged by the Athenian forces K Thucydides uses the same strong 
 word {kitvoXiopierjaay Xt/io)) of his starvation in the temple of Athene. 
 
 Ch. 128. 1- I- TO diro TaivApov d-yos, * the pollution coming upon them 
 from — incurred upon — Mount Taenarus.' diro Taivapov just below is 
 local after dvaarrjaavrfs, * raising them up from,' implying a pledge of 
 
 safety. 
 
 1. 26. o TiY€jn2)v TTjs SirApTqs, ' commander of the forces of Sparta.' 
 
 Glossary. 
 
 1. 28. "yvwp.T]v iTOiovp,ai, * I propose.' Glossary, s.v. yvd/firjv irouTaOai. 
 
 Ch. 129. 1- 3' Aao-KvXmv, of Dascylium. 
 
 1. 6. tt\v o-<|>pa-yiSa diro8ci|ai, ' show him the royal seal,' that is to 
 say, through the messenger whom he sent. The same ceremony is 
 mentioned in connexion with the reading of a letter from the King, 
 Xcnophon, Hell. v. i. 30, vii. i. 39. 
 
 1. 12. €u€pYeaCo ^ means the kindness which the King owed to Pausa- 
 nias ; hence the genitive tuv dvSpSw, ' Not only is a kindness in return 
 for the men whom thou sentest safely over sea to me from Byzantium set 
 down as thy due in a record in our house for ever.' 
 
 ^ See Abbott, vol. ii. p. 262, note. 
 
 ^ Cp. ch. 128, 1. 16 (vipytaiav b\ cltto rovbi vpwrov is /SacriA^'a /car- 
 (9€To: 137, 1. 24 Kcu fJLOi fvfpyeaia oipiikirai. 
 
 iOO 
 
 Ch. 128, /. 1 — Ch, 132, //. 7, 8. 
 
 1. 13. avdypaiTTos refers to the Persian custom mentioned in Hdt. Ch. 129, 
 viii. 85 (vcpyirrjs ^aaiXios dv(ypd(pT], and in the Book of Esther 1. 13. 
 ii. 21-23; vi. 1-3^ 
 
 1. 5. 8td TTJs ©pijKTjs. The Persian garrisons had not yet been ex- Ch. 130. 
 pelled from Thrace : Pausanias may have communicated with them ; in 
 any case he behaved as if he were a Persian governor, like Boges or 
 Mascames (Hdt. vii. 106, 107), and were holding Byzantium under the 
 King, and not for the Greeks. 
 
 1. 7. Karcxctv tt\v Sidvoiav, * restrain his ambition.' t^ Yvwit-p below, 
 * in his intention,' goes with l/i€AA«. 
 
 1. 2. dveKdXco-av, translate, * had recalled him.' Thucydides re- Ch. 131. 
 capitulates after a long digression. 
 
 1. 9. TOV K-qpvKos \i'f\ XeCirecrOai, * to come back at once along with 
 the herald.' 
 
 1. 14. TOY ^acrvXca hpdaai tovto, * to the king himseli^' much more 
 to Pausanias, who was only the king's cousin and guardian, airov may 
 easily have dropped out before r6v. 
 
 1. 2. ovT€ 01 i\^poX ot5T€ T| irdcra -^6X15. The distinction corresponds Ch. 132. 
 to the private and public charges against Pausanias already mentioned, 
 ch. 95 rujv fjiiv ISiq. vp6s riva dSiKTjixdTcov €v6vv9i], rd 8k fieytara diro- 
 \v€Tai fi^ dSiKuy. 
 
 I. 7. \i-f\ lo-os PoviXecrOat elvat rots irapoiioxv, * that he wished to rise 
 above — was not contented with — his position ' as a magistrate of a free 
 state. A departure from established usage was no trivial matter in 
 a powerful Greek citizen : the constitution of the rr6\i9 was unstable 
 to a degree which it is hard for us in a great modem state to realize. 
 
 II. 7, 8. rd T€ dXXa . . . Kal otl = Kal rd t€ dWa . . . Kal ort^ The 
 distich was the work of Simonides. The bronze stand which supported 
 the tripod (and which Thucydides does not distinguish from it) still 
 exists in the hippodrome at Constantinople, having inscribed on it the 
 names of the cities which joined in the Persian war '•\ It is eighteen feet 
 high, in the form of three serpents twisted together ; a place where the 
 surface of one of the coils has apparently been scraped flat may possibly 
 be a trace of the erasure of Pausanias' inscription. 
 
 ^ ' On that night could not the king sleep ; and he commanded to 
 bring the book of records of the chronicles, and they were read before 
 the king. And it was found written, that Mordecai had told of Big- 
 thana and Teresh, two of the king's chamberlains, of those that kept 
 the door, who had sought to lay hands on the king Ahasuerus.' 
 
 ^ Cp. p. 78, footnote 2. 
 
 ^ See Hdt. ix. 81 ; Gibbon, Decline and Fall, vol. iii. c. 17 ; Rohl, 
 I. G. A. 70 ; Abbott, vol. ii. 5. 16 ; Hicks, Manual of Gk. Inscriptions, 11,^ 
 
 loi 
 
Book L Notes, 
 
 Ch. 132 1- 14- TO yXv ovv tXcyttov . . . TOt) ji^TOi Ilava-oviou. ixlvroi means 
 1. 14. that, even after the offending inscription had been erased, Pausanias 
 remained under a cloud. 
 
 1. 17. Kttl TovTO . . . Kal «ir€t8T|, 'not only did this action (tovto) 
 look like a crime on the part of Pausanias, but when he had become 
 involved in the present charge' (iv tovt<p) \ etc. 
 
 1. 18. TToXXtp (xaWov irapoixoiov irpaxO-rivat €<|)aiv€TO t^ irapovtrn 
 SiavoC^i, 'the action received a far darker colour from its likeness 
 to his present design,' /it. ' seemed to have been done much more like 
 his present design.' Of course the inscription on the tripod could not 
 *seem like his present design' at all, before the latter was formed, so 
 that ttoAAq) fidWov is slightly incorrect ; but Thucydides only means 
 'seemed much more treasonable, as his present design was.' 
 
 1. 21. Kttl V S^ oStcos, ' and it really was so' (note on ch. 9, 1. 19). 
 
 1. 29. irovSiKoL iroT€ &y avrov Kal in<rT6TaTOS «K€ivcp, * a former 
 favourite of his, and most trusted by him,' avrov and eKtipqi both 
 referring to Pausanias. 
 
 1. 32. Kttl irapairotTj<rdp,€vos a<(>paYi8a, k.t.X. Kai joins, not Seiffas 
 and irapaTroiijadfjifvos, but fiT]vvTi)s yiyvfrai and \v€i rcis imffroXas, 
 though \vfi Tois firi<TTo\ds in point of time precedes firjvvr^s yiyvfrou. 
 
 Ch. 133. 1. I. t6t€ 8i ot €(^opoi, K.T.X. The main verb of the whole sentence 
 is -QaOovTo navra aa<pS3S. The circumstances which led to the discovery 
 are expressed in a series of genitives absolute, tov dvdpunov drrb vapa- 
 ffKfvrjs (by arrangement) olxoM^ov koI aKTjVTfaafiivov . . ., Kal Tlavaaviov 
 
 (XdoVTOS Kal epOJTUVTOS. 
 
 1. 3. TOV dvOpwirov is not genitive after irapaffKfvrjs. SiirX-fjv 8ia- 
 
 4»pdYjtaTt = ' divided by a partition.' 
 
 1. 5. €S TJV TWV [t€] €<|>6p<i>V €Vt6s TlVaS €KpV\|;€. 
 
 Tf can have no grammatical connexion with the Kai beginning the 
 next clause, which is completely outside and independent of the short 
 relative clause is fjv .. . l/fpu^e. It should be neglected in translation ^. 
 
 1. 10. irpoTifiTjOetTj €v lo-tp is an ironical contradiction in terms : *his 
 preferment was to be treated like the rest, and be put to death.' 
 
 1. 13. moTiv €K ToO Upov 8i86vTos TTjs dvaoTAo"6(os, 'offering him 
 a pledge in the form of raising him from his place in the sanctuary.' 
 
 Qy^^ \^ 1. 1 1 . ev8ov ovTa TrjpT|o-avT€S auTov Kal diroXa^ovTCS €i<rci>, • Making 
 sure that he was within, and cutting off his retreat.' 
 
 * Kal r6T€, a correction for Kai tovto (Struve), gives a better opposition 
 to Kal (vu5^ ky TovT<p KaOfiOTqKu. It also avoids the awkwardness of 
 TOVTO and kv Tovrcp referring to two different things. 
 
 ' It may very well have been written because Thucydides thought 
 for a moment of the presence of the ephors and Pausanias in the same 
 place ; although he did not complete the expression of the idea by 
 writing ^A^€ koI ■qpdrra for (A^o^toj koI I/wtwvtos in the next clause. 
 
 102 
 
 Ck. 132, /. 14 — Ch. 136, /. 18. 
 
 1. 14. ai(r66fji€voi T€ cldyovoxv . . . Kal €|ax9cis, k.t.X. t€ . . . koI and Ch. 134, 
 
 the repetition i^dyovaiv, €^ax^€ts mean, ' no sooner had they perceived 1, 14. 
 it and brought him out, than he straightway died.' 
 
 1. 1 7. cireiTa cSogc 'irXi]o-iov wov KaTOpv|ai, i. e. near the Caeadas, 
 which was a ravine near the city like the ^dpadpov at Athens. 
 
 1. 23. dv8pidvTas 8vo. These two statues (of Pausanias) were still 
 to be seen at Sparta in the time of Pausanias the geographer and anti- 
 quarian (iii. 17. 7), more than six centuries later. 
 
 1. 7. ydp explains ve/inovat which follows, not truadfVTis. The cir- Ch. 136. 
 cumstances of Themistocles' ostracism can only be conjectured; 471 is 
 probably the date. For the different versions of his story, none of which 
 are preferable to that in Thucydides, though some of them are earlier, 
 see Intr. ii. to Part i ; Abbott, vol. ii. 7. 12, 13. 
 
 Argos, it should be remembered, had incurred suspicion by remaining 
 neutral in the Persian war, and was about this time engaged in war 
 with Sparta, as were other states in the Peloponnese (Hdt. ix. 35). 
 Hence the Spartans had very good reason for objecting to the residence 
 of Themistocles there and his visits to other places. 
 
 1. 2. &^ avTwv cvep-yerqs. According to a scholium on this passage, Ch. 136. 
 he had prevented the Greeks from destroying Corey ra for her neutrality 
 in the war with Persia; according to Plutarch (Themist. 24) he had 
 decided for Corcyra when called upon to settle a dispute with Corinth. 
 
 1. 6. KaTd irvoTtv tq \uipo{.y\ : lit. * according to inquiry which way he 
 was going.' 
 
 1. 6. KOTd Tt diropov, 'in consequence of a difl&culty'; an accident, a 
 flooded river, or the like. 
 
 1. 12. ouK d|u>i, ' claims,' or * requires, of him not to,' etc 
 
 1. 13. Kal ydp &v vir' ckcCvov TroXX^ dcrOevccrrcpov iv t^ trapovri 
 KaKws irdax^i^f yevvaiov 5^ dvax rovs ofwiovs diro rov laov TifXQ)p€7a9at. 
 * I,' says Themistocles, ' might suffer, in my helpless condition, at the 
 hands of otte far less strong than you ^ ' {irn dvdpos iroXA^ dadivtaripov 
 1j (Kfivos kffTi), 'whereas honour bids us revenge ourselves upon our 
 equals only when we are equally matched ' : i. e. it is ungenerous to 
 take at a disadvantage those who are as good as ourselves (fellow 
 Greeks and freemen, or, men of similar standing in other states). 
 
 1. 16. xpc^^s Ttvos Kal ovK (S TO o-w(ta cwl^CTdai cvavTUi>6t)vai, 'in 
 the matter of a request.' evc/ca is generally found governing such 
 genitives. r6 goes with au^fadai, not with aaifia. (Shilleto.) 
 
 1. 18. o-umiptas dv Ttjs ^i'^X'HS diroorTeptjaai, may here mean * would 
 meanly refuse him the preservation of his life ' : see note on ch. 69, 1. 3. 
 
 * But da6(vi<TT(pos (1. 14), which is found as a correction in one MS., 
 gives a far simpler and better sense. 'If you ill-treat me now, you ill- 
 treat one far weaker than yourself.' 
 
 103 
 
 M 
 
Book 1, Notes. 
 
 Ch. 136, 1- 19. w<rir6p Kol «X"v avT^v cKadc^cro, Kal iifyurrov ^v tKCT€V|ia toOto. 
 
 1. 19. The first nai is not connected with the second, bnt goes with wotrfp. 
 
 Kox fiiyiarov . . . tovto is parenthetic. Kal v<rT€pov follows aviarrjal t(. 
 
 Ch. 137. 1. 4. TT^v 'AA€|dv8pov, as we should say * in Macedonia,' of which 
 Alexander was at this time king. 
 
 1. 22. Tov croy irarcpa €in6vTa «|xoC. Themistocles talks as if he stood 
 in the same relation to Greece as the Great King to Persia. 
 
 1. 25. Ypdvl/as T-rjv ck 2aXa|xivos rrpoayyikaxv tt)s dvaxwpTJo-ccjs. 
 These words probably refer to a message sent by Themistocles imme- 
 diately after the battle of Salamis to the King, * warning him to retreat ' 
 as quickly as possible, for fear the Greeks should break down the 
 bridges over the Hellespont. We know nothing of such a message except 
 from Plutarch and other late authors ; but Thucyd ides' words here imply 
 that he believed something of the kind to have taken place. The 
 passage cannot without difficulty be supposed to refer to either of the 
 messages said by Herodotus to have been sent by Themistocles to the 
 King — one before the battle of Salamis, warning him that the Greek 
 fleet meant to retreat, and one from Andros (not Salamis) telling him 
 that he might retreat at his leisure. See Appendix. 
 
 1. 26. Tjv \|;€v8u)s irpoo-ciroiTio-aTO. It was true that Themistocles had 
 dissuaded the Athenians from going and breaking down the two bridges 
 over the Hellespont : how then can Thucydides say that he falsely 
 claimed the credit of saving the bridges ? Because he had, to begin 
 with, urged the whole Greek fleet to go and break them down ; the 
 Spartans and Corinthians rejected the proposal, but the Athenians 
 wished to go by themselves : then, and not till then, Themistocles 
 dissuaded them. The credit which he claimed really belonged to the 
 Spartans and Corinthians. (Hdt. viii. 108-110.) 
 
 Ch. 138. 1. I. TTiv BiAvotov. *The character' of the man as shown in the 
 letter and in the boldness of his action. 
 
 1. 6. TOV 'EXXtivikov €Xm8a, ^v t»ir€T(06i avr^ SovXwattv = ti)!/ \Kmla 
 ipf vTTfTidei avT(f, 8ov\6ja€iv t6 ^EWtjvikov. tov *£XXt)vlkov, * about all 
 the Hellenes.' SovXaxretv (act. not neut.), 'that he,' Themistocles, 
 •would bring them into slavery to the King.' 
 
 1. 9. TJv Y<ip o 0€p,t<rTOKXTjs, K.T.X. The reader should observe 
 (a) the emphasis on <pv<Tf<us, which is the keynote of the whole passage, 
 and the rough and almost clumsy energy of expression in 5ia(f>€p6vrQ}s 
 Ti h avrb fidWov kripov a^ios 6av/maai ^ : (d) the elaborate antithesis 
 in the sentence tojv re irapaxpvt^ . • . ovk dirrjWaicTo. 
 
 ^ Cp. ii. 60 fin. ft fJioi Kal fifaais ^ovfi€voi fxdWov hrfpocv npoauvai 
 avrd 1^ where ' even in a moderate degree more than others ' is like * in 
 a special degree more than others ' here) : iv. 3 fin. Tip 8i Sid<pop6v n 
 (SoKfi €tvcu TOVTO rb x<upiov kTtpov fidWov : viii. 68 med. rrapiax^ ^^ 'f^* 
 o ^pvvtxos kavTbv irdvTwv diaifxpovTus irpoOvfjioTarov h ttjv oKiyapxioLV. 
 
 104 
 
 Ch, 136, /. 19 — Ch. 138, /. 24. 
 
 11. 9, 10. -fiv Y«ip . . . STjXwo-as, * was a man who had displayed ^' 
 
 1. II. ovT€ irpo|taO<ii>v is avTTJv ovS^v ovt' cirifiaOcjv. * By his native 
 wit, which was imassisted by knowledge acquired either previously or 
 at the time.' km- = ' after the occasion for action had arisen.' Themis- 
 tocles would take the right course without previous knowledge of the 
 circumstances and without 'getting them up' on the spur of the moment. 
 He 'saw into the heart of the situation,' and did not have to go round 
 asking questions about people's characters or otherwise making sure 
 of his ground \ 
 
 1. 13. Twv irapaxpt]p.a is governed by yvdufituv : twv |xcXX6vtcov by 
 (UaaTrjs. ' No one could more ably judge of the present with less 
 time for thinking : no one could better guess the secrets of the remotest 
 future' ('of the future to the utmost of what was coming '). 
 
 1. 14. Kal & }ikv \i.frd x^ipas Ixot, Kal (^r\yi\a-a<rOai olos rt, k.t.X. 
 * Whatever he had in hand,' and therefore knew something about, is 
 rather imperfectly and indirectly opposed to &v avupos (irj, ' what he had 
 no experience of.' 'He could explain to others what he was doing, 
 and was not unable to pass a sound judgment on what he had never 
 done himself.' Thucydides often has in mind the distinction between 
 ability to do a thing and to explain it {h^rjyriaaadai) ; and again, 
 between ability to originate a course of action, and to give a sound 
 judgment on it when proposed by others '. 
 
 1. 16. TO TC a|ji€ivov Ij x^^pov «v Tw a4>av€t cti irpoctupa [idXiaTa, 
 i. e. the better result which would follow from one line of action — the 
 worse result which would follow from another — when he had to choose 
 between them : the prospective advantages or disadvantages of a given 
 policy (Jowett). 
 
 1. 18. 4>^o-C(i)S n,€v 8vvd|i,ei jxcXcnis S€ PpaxvrtjTt, *by force of intel- 
 lect ; with little time for preparation ' : two different senses, as we 
 should express it, of the dative. 
 
 1. 24. 86vTOS ^aoxXcus avT^ MaYvrjo-tav . . . Adfiij/aKov . . , MvovvTa. 
 Lampsacus was on the coast of the Hellespont ; Myus was very near 
 the sea and close to Miletus. How can Artaxerxes have * given them ' 
 to Themistocles at a time later than 465, long after Ionia and the 
 Hellespont had been fi-eed from the Persians ? The simplest explana- 
 tion, though we know nothing positive, is that the revenues of cities 
 
 Ch. 138, 
 1. 9. 
 
 ^ Or a comma may be placed after @iniaT0K\ris and drjXwaaSy and 
 Kai may emphasize diacfxpovTcos. 
 
 * It seems to be over-refining to suppose that Thucydides intends by 
 these words to contradict Herodotus' story (viii. 57), according to which 
 Themistocles did not realize the importance of the Greek fleet remain- 
 ing at Salamis until it was suggested to him by Mnesiphilus. 
 
 "* Cp. for the first, ii. 6o bs ovdtvbs oiofjuii ^aaojv fii^ai yvwvai r€ Ta 
 HovTa KoX kpfjiT}V(v<Tai raOra : and for the second, ii. 40 Kal avTol iJToi 
 Kpivofifv ye ^ (vdvfMVfifda 6p6a/s rd vpdyftaTa. 
 
 105 
 
Book L Notes. 
 
 Ch. 138, which were at the time in the hands of the Greeks were assigned to 
 1. 24. Themistocles, to be enjoyed by him when he could conquer them for 
 the King ^ We know (Thuc. viii. 5), that after the Sicilian expedition 
 the King demanded from a satrap the tribute which he had been unable, 
 'because of the Athenians/ to exact from the Greek cities in his satrapy. 
 This shows that the Persian court maintained, in theory at least, its 
 right over the Greek cities. See further in Appendix. 
 
 There is no difficulty about Magnesia, the only town from which 
 Thucydides mentions a definite sum of money as coming in to Themis- 
 tocles : for Magnesia on the Maeander, above Myus, is some twenty 
 miles from the sea. 
 
 1. 2 7. o(|;ov, anything besides bread *. 
 
 Ch. 139. The ' Megarian decree ' was a measure of great importance ; for the 
 
 Serious Megarians might, by commercial disadvantages, have been induced to 
 
 demands rejoin the Athenian alliance, the passes of the Megarid might have been 
 
 of Sparta, permanently occupied, and a Peloponnesian invasion by land rendered 
 
 impossible. The precise date of the decree is unknown, but it must 
 
 have been passed between the Thirty Years' Truce (445) and the autumn 
 
 of 432, when the Megarians complained of it at Sparta (i. 67), and was 
 
 probably passed not long before the outbreak of the war (Aristoph. 
 
 Ach. 515-539)- 
 
 There is a story (Plut. Pericles, 30, and other late authors) of an 
 Athenian herald, Anthemocritus, who was sent to demand reparation 
 from the Megarians, and so roughly handled that his subsequent death 
 was attributed to them. There was apparently a statue of Anthemo- 
 critus at Athens commemorating his fate. The silence of Thucydides 
 need not cause any difficulty. He describes the matters of Potidaea 
 and Corcyra at length because they led to actual fighting : he dismissed 
 the affair of Megara (equally a pretext for the war) in a few words 
 because it did not. 
 
 1. 10. TTJs Upas Kal TTis dopio-Tov. We do not know whether the 
 • consecrated ground ' and the * uninclosed ground ' were the same or, as 
 the repetition of the article rather indicates, different. a.6piaTos again may 
 mean ' not inclosed as private property,' or * not included in the 
 boundaries either of Attica or Megara ' ; a * neutral zone.' 
 
 ^ Busolt. vol. ii. pp. 394, 395 ; so Abbott, vol. ii. p. 286, note i. 
 
 " There is a curious illustration of the wide meaning of the word in 
 Xen. Cyropaedia, i. 2. 11, where the young Persians, on their hunting 
 expeditions, have as o^ov to their bread, either the game or venison 
 which they take, or the * cress ' which they have brought with them. 
 {jnax Q-^ov h\ TOVTO Ixoi'O'**' oi tjjKikovtoi 6 Ti av $Tjpd<Toiffiu' fi dk firj, to 
 KapSafiov). 
 
 106 
 
 Ch. 138, /. 27 — Ch. 139, /. 22. 
 
 1. II. dv8pair68b)V t»Tro8oxT|v ^^^ have no warrant for seriously Ch. 139, 
 connecting this passage with the story in Aristophanes, Ach. 525, about 1. 11. 
 Pericles and Aspasia's slave-girls stolen by the Megarians ; one of the 
 many pieces of scandal current about Pericles, or perhaps a mere joke 
 of the poet, not intended to be believed. 
 
 1. 14. wv 'irp6T€pov ciuOccrav, is explained by (poiTwvns in 1. 3 above. 
 The Lacedaemonians had sent several embassies. 
 
 1. 22. irpwTOs 'AOrjvaCcov, k.t.X. Pericles has already been mentioned, 
 ch. 127. But he is more formally introduced to the reader, as Athens' 
 * greatest orator and statesman ' by way of preface to his first reported 
 speech. 
 
 We have already had in Book i two forecasts of the coming war : one The three 
 from Archidamus (ch. 80-83), and one from the Corinthians (ch. 121, forecasts 
 122). We now have a third from Pericles. A comparison of them with P* ^® ^ ^^ 
 the actual course of the war will show with what dramatic propriety 
 Thucydides has put before us the reasonable fears of Archidamus, the 
 reasonable hopes of Pericles, both belied by the event, and the sagacious 
 and accurate estimate of the Corinthians. 
 
 The Peloponnesian war was an equal and protracted struggle, in which 
 first one side then the other was brought to the verge of overthrow by 
 unforeseen and often accidental disasters ; such as the plague, the occupa- 
 tion of Pylos and the loss of the Spartans on Sphacteria, the battle of 
 Delium and the loss of Amphipolis, the Sicilian disaster, the near 
 approach to civil war at Athens in 411 ; the Peloponnesian defeat at 
 Cyzicus ; the help given to Lysander by Cyrus, and finally the almost 
 incredible carelessness or treachery which brought about the catastrophe 
 at Aegospotami. 
 
 Now the speeches delivered at the beginning of the war, though in 
 places they are coloured and made more definite by Thucydides' know- 
 ledge of subsequent events, are not allowed by him to anticipate any- 
 thing which could not in some measure have been anticipated in 432. 
 They may very well * keep to the general sense of what was actually 
 said * : in any case they do not correspond in all respects with the 
 actual course of events. 
 
 (i) Archidamus assumes as a matter of course that his hearers are un- (i) Archi- 
 willing to engage in * a long war ' : and he never contemplates the possi- damus. 
 bility of the Peloponnesians making up their deficiencies in ships and 
 money during its course, although he urges them to do so before they 
 begin it. Now we know that, thanks to the Syracusans and Corinthians, 
 the Peloponnesians raised their navy to an equality both in numbers and 
 skill with that of Athens. And of financial difficulties (though this 
 may be accidental), we hear less on their side than on the Athenian side. 
 In the same way, Archidamus takes for granted that no serious attempt 
 
 107 
 
(ii) Peri- 
 cles. 
 
 (iii) The 
 Corin- 
 thians. 
 
 Book I, Notes. 
 
 will be made to raise a revolt among the Athenian allies. He is antici- 
 pating the action of men like Alcidas, and his ridiculous dash across the 
 Aegean to relieve Mitylene (iii. 29. 33), not men like Brasidas and his 
 march through Thessaly to Chalcidice (iv. 78). 
 
 (ii) Just as Archidamus in his forecast of the war takes for granted 
 that the Spartan character and mode of warfare will remain, for good 
 and evil, what they have been in the past, so does Pericles (i. 140-144) 
 promise success to Athens only if his own cautious policy is maintained : 
 * I dread our own mistakes more than the designs of the enemy ' (ch. 144)- 
 And he says many things which were true, but which, as it happened, 
 were not decisive. The Peloponnesians were hampered by the difficulties 
 of which he speaks — want of unity in their confederacy (which at one 
 time, after the peace of Nicias, fell to pieces), defective seamanship, the 
 sloth by which they lost so many chances; but they persevered and 
 brought the war to a triumphant close in spite of them all. Pericles 
 maintains that an tirtTCi'xtats cannot do so much harm to Athens as the 
 Athenians can do to the Peloponnesians by ravaging the coast. It is 
 true that such incursions (combined with other disasters) almost 
 brought the Spartans to despair in 424 (iv. 55). But the mischief 
 thus done is not to be compared with the blow inflicted on Athens 
 by the fortification of Decelea in 414. When however the Spartans 
 fortified Decelea and maintained a permanent garrison there till the end 
 of the war, it was under circumstances which Pericles would have re- 
 garded with horror could he have foreseen them : the best part of the 
 strength of Athens had been imperilled and lost in Sicily ; the most im- 
 portant cities in the empire were disaffected or had revolted ; and (after 
 411) there was a revolution or an angry and unreconciled oligarchical 
 party at home (ii. 65 fin.). 
 
 Lastly, neither Archidamus nor Pericles (either here, ch. 141, 1. 31, or 
 in the Funeral Oration, ii. 39) are represented as fully realising the 
 immense advantage which the Peloponnesian confederacy possessed, at 
 some of the most critical points of the war — Delium, Mantinea, and 
 above all in the night battle at Epipolae, vii. 43 fin.) — in the numbers 
 and steadiness of the Boeotian and Spartan infantry. 
 
 (iii) The speech of the Corinthians (i. 120-124) seems to be intended 
 by Thucydides for a forecast as nearly accurate as possible of the 
 actual result. Archidamus and Pericles are only so far coiTect that in 
 the first ten years of the war neither side could conquer the other. The 
 Corinthians foresee more remote contingencies, they lay stress on the very 
 things which proved decisive — the superior numbers and discipline of the 
 Peloponnesians, the possibility of revolt among the Athenian allies and 
 of an €iriT€txt<ris : they point out the necessity and possibility of improve- 
 ment in seamanship ; and while admitting the difficulty they insist on 
 the value of unity among the various members of the league. Their 
 
 108 
 
 Ch. 140, /. 4 — /. 25. 
 
 anticipations, largely through their own exertions, were realised, and their 
 prediction that a single defeat at sea would overthrow Athens, though 
 not literally correct, proved not far wrong ; and is a striking instance, if 
 it was not actually spoken, of the dramatic art of Thucydides. 
 
 We do not know that, except under the peculiar circumstances of 
 the Sicilian expedition (vii. 13) the Athenian navy suffered much from 
 desertion (i. 121). Lysander (Hell. i. 5. 4) asks Cyrus to increase the 
 pay of the Peloponnesian seamen on the ground that it will induce the 
 Athenian sailors to desert. 
 
 Nor is it certain how the Peloponnesians succeeded in paying their way 
 durmg the war before they gained the help of Cyrus. We never hear of 
 the loans from Delphi and Olympia suggested by the Corinthians. 
 Probably their other suggestion was adopted, and although no regular 
 'tribute' was imposed (i. 19) payments in money and kind, such as 
 Thucydides occasionally mentions, were levied from the allies ^ when 
 required. 
 
 1. 4. TTpos h\ rds SvH'<l>op<is, k.t.X. Not * misfortunes ' but ' what Ch. 140. 
 happens ' to them ; much as in t^s (vfKf>opcLs ruv irpayfidTouv below. 
 
 1. 7. Tj \ir\tk KaTop0o€vTas, k.t.X., * or equally, if they succeed, not to 
 claim,' etc. 
 
 1. 8. cvScx^Toi Y<lp, IC.T.A. y&p explains why failure does not always 
 condenm a policy. * For the course of events may well be quite as 
 wayward and unintelligible as the minds of men ' (to whose unreasonable 
 changes of temper Pericles has just been referring) * and this is the 
 reason why we usually charge upon fortune all that contradicts our ex- 
 pectations ' : i. e. because so much happens which cannot be accounted 
 for by any known cause. 
 
 1. 23. €1 KaeaipcOeiTj, jiij &.y -yiyveaGai tov iroXcp.ov is in 'oratio 
 obliqua * explaining 6iT(p, for it is what the Lacedaemonians say when 
 they ' make so much of the decree ' : * telling us that if it were rescinded, 
 the war would never come.' 
 
 1. 25. aiTiav, ' self-reproach ' : Glossary. 
 
 TO yop Ppaxv ti, k.t.X. * For this one small point means all that 
 can confirm and that can try your resolution: if you do what they 
 want,' etc. Thucydides says * confirmation and trial,' not (which might 
 seem more forcible) ' trial and confirmation ' because as the following 
 words show, he really means 'confirmation or overthrow'' of your 
 purpose 2 : ' trial ' suggests * failure. ' 
 
 Pericles is represented by Thucydides as exactly divining the intention 
 
 * Thuc. ii. 10 ; vii. 18 ; viii. 2. There is also evidence of such payments, 
 perhaps however at an earlier date, in an inscription (see Appendix). 
 
 2 Such apparent inversions cannot really be explained by a phrase 
 like ' h) steron-proteron ' : there is generally some logical or rhetorical 
 reason for them. 
 
 109 
 
Book L Notes. 
 
 Ch. 140, of the Lacedaemonians : they had made up their minds to fight, what- 
 1. 25. ever concessions Athens might make (ch. 126, 11. 1-3). 
 1. 38. Kttl TOVTO, 'this first point.' Grammar, § 19. 
 
 Ch. 141. 1. I- avriOcv 8t\ 8iavoT|eT]T€, k.t.X. ZMvoriOriTi takes two different con- 
 ' structions after it— first xmaKovuv, then /xr) u^ovris, the participial con- 
 struction expressing the firmer resolution * not to yield.' Grammar, § 29. 
 
 1. 5. diTo Twv ojiotwv, masc, ' coming from equals ' : irpo 8CKt]S, before, 
 i. e. without, offering or accepting arbitration. 
 
 1. 7. Ttt 84 Tov iroXt'iAov, K.T.X. , ' as to the prospects of the war, and 
 as to our respective resources generally.' 
 
 1. 9. avTovp-yoi, i. e. not keeping slaves, but working on their farms 
 with their own hands. 
 
 1. 10. o<Jt' €v Koiv^, ' nor in any public treasury' : cp. note on ch. 80, 
 
 1. 18. 
 
 1. II. 8i.a TO ppax^ws, k.t.X., 'because they are too poor to do more 
 than carry on war in person, against each other (i. e. without employing 
 mercenaries, and within the limits of the Peloponnese) and for short 
 
 periods.' 
 
 1. 12. ovTC vaOs ir\Tipo{ivT€S, k.t.X. Unffitreiv governs vavs as well 
 as ffTfXLTids. v\r]povvT(s = TrXrjpovvres avrds. 
 
 1. 13, diTOTwv i8to)v, k.t.X. They cannot send out a succession of 
 fleets and armies : they will have to spend their own money (not receiv- 
 ing state pay) at the very time when their farms are suffering from their 
 absence ^ They will be cut off from commerce by our cruisers, so that 
 nothing can be imported by sea. They will be unable to accumulate money 
 (as we have done) : forced exactions will be their only resource : these 
 never come to much, and will be very unpopular. A population of 
 yeomen will fight bravely enough in the field, for they are not afraid of 
 death ; but they will soon tire of the expense of war, and be anxious 
 lest their resources should be exhausted before victory comes within 
 
 sight. 
 
 1. 19. cLXXws T€ K&v iropa 86|av, k.t.X., 'especially are they likely to 
 be anxious about the drain upon their resources if they find that the war 
 in which they are engaged goes on longer than they expected ; as it 
 very well may.' The clause dkXojs t€ Kavj k.t.X., is a reflection of the 
 speaker's, not, like irpoavaXwauv, part of the fears of men like the Pelo- 
 ponnesians, in which case there would be an absurd contradiction in 
 terms : * they are afraid that their money may all be spent, especially 
 if the war goes on longer than they expect, which is very likely.' 
 
 1. 21. p-dxn H-^v 7^P V-^^ ' • • 'n'oX€p,€iv 8<. Contrast what Tacitus, 
 Annals ii. 88, says of Arminius, * proeliis ambiguus, bello non victus.' 
 
 Ck 140, /. 28— O. 142, /. 17. 
 
 1. 23. d8vvaToi, STav, k.t.X. orav with a negative preceding may be Ch. 141, 
 translated * as long as.' Cp. on ch. 36, 1. 7. i. 23. ' 
 
 1. 31. Tt irpoi8€iv, 'exercise a little forethought' : see Glossary, ti%. 
 
 1. 32. T^ auT^ iird airdvTwv I8i(ji 8o|aor(iaTi. vvb oTravrcw and i'&'g 
 depend on the verb implied in the verbal substantive do^dafJuiTi. 
 
 1. 5. TTJv )ikv Ydp xoXeirdv, k.t.X. ' For the one (set/, an kmrdxiffii) Ch. 142. 
 it is difficult to establish in the form of a rival city, even in peace : much 
 more so in a country exposed to hostilities, and when we, just as much 
 as they, are established in fortifications of our own against them.' r^i/ 
 fx(v yap is answered by rb 84 rijs OaXdffarjs kviCTqfiovas yeviaOat (1. 14) : 
 iroXiv dvTinakov (in apposition to r^v fiiv) is opposed to fppovpiov 6' ti 
 noiriaovTaiy ' if they are only going to raise a fort.' 
 
 An kmTuxiais might take two forms : {a) a regular city, founded as 
 a rival to, and check upon, an enemy's city : {b) a mere detached fort ^ 
 
 1. 6. €v iroXcfiCiji does not mean exactly * in an enemy's country ' ; a rival 
 city would not necessarily be that ; but ' in a country exposed to the 
 attack of an enemy,' because war is going on : the ordinary meaning of 
 the word being qualified by the opposition to kv iipqvrf ^ 
 
 1. 7. ovx ^o'O'ov cK€ivois ^jiwv dvTetnTCT€ixurfi€V(ov refers either to the 
 fortified cities of the Athenian empire and allies, Naupactus, Amphi- 
 polis, Corcyra, Plataea, which ' held the field ' already, and were a 
 standing threat to any new city which Sparta might endeavour to set up : 
 or to the fortifications of Athens herself, which made Athens more of 
 a * rival city ' to the unfortified Sparta than any new city would ever 
 be to Athens. (Appendix.) 
 
 1. II. djivv€<r6ai, 'defend our new ImnixKris^ — as the Athenians had 
 to do at Pylos. The next sentence explains why they may hope for 
 success in the operations by land, as well as by sea, which the erection of 
 a fort on Peloponnesian territory would involve. (Appendix.) 
 
 1. 12. «p,iT€ipCas is genitive after irXt'ov : tov KUTd yr\y is genitive after 
 (fiTTfipias. ' We have more experience of land-service from our naval 
 service than they of naval operations from their warfare on the mainland.' 
 k^TTupia refers to the occasional descents on land which had formed part 
 of the operations of Athenian navies. 
 
 1. 17. ov84 iicXcTTJo-ai €ao-6|X€voi. kaaS/xfvoi is passive in sense. /x€\€- 
 TTJerai means the continual cruising about, which was necessary to keep 
 
 1 Cp. iii. 15 01 54 dXXoi ^vfifiaxoi /SpaSc'w? t€ ^vviXiyovro, kox kv 
 Kapirov ^vyKOfud^ ^aav kcu appwaTii} rod aTpartvdv. 
 
 no 
 
 * Instances of the first are Naupactus (i. 103), Heraclea (iii. 92, 93), 
 Anaea and Antandrus (iv. 57, 75). Instances of the second are Pylos 
 (iv. 3), Delium (iv. 90), Atalante (ii. 32), and a place on the Laconian 
 coast, fortified by Demosthenes (vii. 26). 
 
 2 Thus Naupactus, though garrisoned by Athens in the friendly terri- 
 tory of the Locri Ozolae, was exposed to the attacks of the Aetolians ; 
 and Heraclea founded by Sparta in Trachis, to those of the Oetaeans 
 (iii. 93, 102). 
 
 Ill 
 
Book L Notes. 
 
 Ch. 142 crews and ships effective.. How much the word can mean may be seen 
 1. 17. from iii. 115, where the Athenians send out forty ships to active service 
 in Sicily partly 'because they wanted to exercise their fleet,' 0ov\6- 
 fi(voi ixfK(rr}v rov vavriKOv iroifiaOou. 
 
 1. 21. «v T<p p.T^ \t.fX.truivrt. Grammar, § 12. 
 
 1. 22. TO 8€ vavTiKov, K.T.X. * Sca-craft is a matter of trained skill 
 like other things.' 
 
 1. 24. oTav Tvxxi, * at odd times.* 
 
 Ch. 143. 1- I. KivTio-avTcs, cp. note on ch. 93, 1. 7. 
 
 1. 3. €apdvT«v, K.T.X., means *//' or 'when* we citizens and our 
 fxtroiKoi embark : for this was only done on exceptional occasions 
 (iii. 16). Pericles does not mean that the sailors in the fleet were 
 mostly citizens. 
 
 1. 4. vvv 8€, K.T.X. * The argument is (a) that the pilots of the fleet * 
 (' and this is the main point ') * are Athenian citizens, (d) That the sailors, 
 whether citizens or not, are the best and most numerous in Hellas, and 
 that therefore the possible loss of a few hired sailors will not matter. 
 And {c) that the $evoi themselves will be less likely to desert because of 
 the danger of fighting against so superior a force.' (Jowett.l 
 
 1. 7. iiri t4» KivSvvw, * in face of the danger.' 
 
 1. 8. THv . . . avrov <|)€vy€iv. Entering the Peloponnesian service 
 would entail banishment from any city in the Athenian empire. 
 
 1. 8. jierd Tr\s tjcrcrovos apxi cXtrCSos. This is a natural utterance 
 in the mouth of Pericles ; but Thucydides elsewhere says that at the 
 beginning of the war no one in Hellas thought that the Athenians could 
 possibly hold out more than three years (vii. 28 med.). 
 
 1. 9. ji^YoXov (tiaOov is genitive after iouiojs, and 6\ly<av ^(xcpwv after 
 fuydXov fuadov Soafojs. 
 
 1. 13. dXXa ovK dird rov lo-ov p,€-ydXa, * others quite on a different 
 scale,' i.e. very much greater. * Not equally great ' means in English, 
 ♦ smaller,' -in Greek either * smaller ' or * greater.' Grammar, § 25. 
 
 1. 15. ovK€Tt €K Tov ofioCov JcTTai, K.T.X., * it wiU uo lougcr be the 
 same thing,' i. e. ' it will be quite a different thing.' In is here logical, 
 not temporal. 
 
 1. 24. ovK IKdaa-oax \La\ov\iida, *we shall have to fight against as 
 large an army.' Grammar, § 22. 
 
 1. 28. ou "ydp TdSe tovs dvSpas, dXX' ol dvSpcs ravra KTwvTai. Cp. 
 a story of the siege of Valenciennes in the French Revolutionary War, 
 1793. ' Un bourgeois tres riche, apprenant la chute de sa cinquieme 
 maison, demanda si quelqu'un etait blesse. Rassure k cet egard, il dit 
 en riant : Voila qui est pour le mieux ; les hommes font les maisons, et 
 les maisons ne font pas les hommes *.' 
 
 Ch. 142, /. 21-— Ch. 146, /. 6. 
 
 1. 6. Kal Iv dXXtp X6y<p, no doubt the words of Thucydides. not of Ch. 144. 
 Pencles : a reference to the speeches in ii. 13, 62 ff. 
 
 1. 8. V Kal AaK€8aijt6vtot ^vTjXaaCas H irouoo-i. Strangers were 
 not forbidden to reside at Sparta altogether ; but their residence there 
 was restricted m some way : probably the Ephors might expel tiiem 
 
 whenever they thought advisable K For the act. iroLwc see Grammar, 
 § 6. 
 
 1. 10. KcoXv€i, impersonal, 'For nothing in the treaty forbids' (/*/. 
 It does not forbid in the treaty) ' our decree against Megara any more ' 
 than^ your exercise of the right of expelling strangers.' This use of 
 KoiKvu, an extension of the common ohUv KojXiu, is paralleled by Aris- 
 toph. Birds, 463 hv hiaixarr^iv ov KojKiiu : Liddell and Scott compare 
 Aristotie, Phys. 3. 3, 5 oire fxiav dvoiu riiv avTi)v dvai koj\{,h\ 
 
 1. 14. aiTovojt€t<reai is used ironically instead of irokiTivuv. Cp. ch. 
 19, 1- 3. ^ 
 
 1. 16 dp|o^€v, dpxoji^ovs. ' We do not mean to strike the first 
 blow, but if you take up arms we shall retaliate.' Grammar, § 6. 
 
 1. 4; o{l8^ K€X€v6,x€vot .roiV,cr€iv, 'that they would do nothing upon Ch. 145 
 dictation, or on compulsion ' : ///. ' because they were ordered.' 
 
 1. 6. <rirov8u>v ydp |vYXv<rts, k.t.X., ' the situation was such as to Ch. 146. 
 
 abrogate the treaty, and to give sufficient cause for war.' 
 
 mt^rcov dp,rii ylyu^rac, dAAd l£ dp,Tf}s xPlt^ra Kal rdAAa dyadd rots 
 avdpajnois anavra ml I8ia ml drjfxoaia. 
 
 ' Something of the kind is implied by the constant u?e of the plural 
 (furjXafTiac by the use of the present active iroidiai in this passage 
 ( enforce from time to time '), by the use of the words ^(rny '6r€ in ii ^q 
 and by other places where the practice is mentioned. See Diet. Ant. i zl! 
 ^ Ihe reading of Dionysius of Halicamassus (Thuc. Propr. 7.) ovt€ 
 yap .Kuvo Ha>\vu rats anoySoTs oUre r65€, if correct, must have the same 
 meaning, there is no hindrance to the one or the other by the treaty* • 
 «cyAv€t cannot = Kcok^erac as Dionysius interprets it, nor can hojkLu 
 
 ^ Louis Blanc, History of the Revolution, vol. xi. p. 36. There is a 
 parallel of a different kind in Plato, Apology, 30 B \iywy on ovk kK 
 
 112 
 
 H 
 
 113 
 
APPENDIX TO NOTES. 
 
 -♦♦- 
 
 Book I. 
 
 K(vTi<ns yap aOrri y.€yi<rr7i 8ii\ rots "EXXtio-iv €*y«v«to Kal ^ipet, nvl Ch 1 
 Twy PappApwv, its tk €ltr€tv Kal €'iri trXtlarov dv0ptiira>v. j 
 
 «irl ttXcuttov dv0p<GTr«v is usually taken as parallel, not to tif-yiarq, ' ^' 
 but to T015 'lEWrjffiv and fifpei rtvl rwv 0ap0dpa}v, implying that 
 these two classes formed ' a very large part of mankind.' If the words 
 are taken thus, (y4v€T0 only, and not ficyiarrj kyiviro, may be supplied 
 with tUpfi Tivl rwv 0apBdp<uv and kirl irXaarov dvepdunav (Arnold) : * it 
 was shared by many of the Barbarians, and might be said to affect even 
 the world at large.' 
 
 Kal iTapA8€tYjia t68€ tov X6yov o^k IXAxurr^v kan, 8id rds jjictoikCos Ch 2 
 €S Td dXXa ,xii\ 6p.oCa)s aOltjOTivaf « ydp ttjs dUrjs 'EXXdSos, k. t. X. n 3*0 2 1 
 
 The sense given by Ullrich's correction, 8id rds |Ji6ToiK^(r€is rd dyU^o ' ' 
 H ojtoiws av|Tj0fivai, is better : ' that the rest of Greece did not increase 
 so fast because of the migrations,' a repetition, needed for the sake of 
 clearness, of Thucydides' main thesis, tov \6yov : t68€ will then be ex- 
 plained by U ydp r-ris dXXiis 'EXXd8os. 
 
 The MS. reading cannot be translated so as to give the same sense, 
 * that Greece in its other parts did not increase as fast as Attica because 
 of the migrations ' : not only because fxeToiKicu means ' settlements of 
 resident aliens ' and not merely ' migrations,' but because, as the sentence 
 stands, lijv 'hmiajv and not 'Hellas' must be the subject of av^rjerjvai. 
 
 ol h'o^&s ?KaaToi*'EXXT|V6s Kard iriXcis re, ocrot dXX^Xwv ^wUtrav, Ch. 3. 
 Kal IvfiiravTes vorepov kXt]0€vt€s, k. t. X. 
 
 We may also translate, * The several Hellenic tribes, I mean all who, 
 while dwelling in separate communities, understood each other's language* 
 and who afterwards had a common name.' Thucydides would then be 
 explaining his anticipatory use of the term * Hellenes ' for all who after- 
 wards bore the name : and would imply that he conceived the Pelasgians 
 and other tribes who * gave their own names to different parts of Greece ' 
 to have spoken the same language as the original Hellenes. But (a) in 
 two other places (iv. 109 ; ii. 68, cited on p. 7, footnote i) he clearly 
 imphes that the Pelasgians and the Amphiiochians (colonized from Argos 
 
 H2 115 
 
 1. 18. 
 
Book L Appendix to Notes. 
 
 Ch. 3, soon after the Trojan War) spoke a 'barbarian language' : and {b) there 
 1. 18. is no difficulty as a matter of Greek, in taking "EAAT^vts as predicate to 
 * K\r]d(VTes and so referring ocrot d\Krj\<uv ^vvUaav to the gradual spread 
 of the Hellenic language under the influence of the Hellenes proper 
 of Phthiotis. Otherwise we might suppose that Thucydides had not 
 formed a consistent and definite idea on the question. It was disputed 
 in antiquity, as we know from Hdt. i. 57, whether the Pelasgians spoke 
 a Hellenic or a barbarian language. 
 
 Ch. 6, Full discussions of this passage, in connexion with what is known or 
 
 1. II fr. conjectured about early Greek dress, will be found in Helbig, Das 
 
 Homerische Epos (pp. 115-121, 162-170); Studniczka, Beitrage zur 
 
 Geschichte der Altgriechischen Tracht, p. 18 ff. See also Iwan Muller s 
 
 Handbuch, vol. iv. Privat-Alterthumer (§§ 42-56). 
 
 Two or three other passages in ancient writers describe the old Ionian 
 dress. Pausanias (i. 19) ascribes something of the kind to Theseus 
 {XiTO/va txovTos avTOv noSrjprf Kal ir(iT\fyn€VT}s Is (virpcirfs oi ttjs KOfirjs), 
 and tells how on his arrival at Athens he was ridiculed for his girlish 
 dress. In a fragment of Asius, an early epic poet, quoted in Athenaeus 
 xii. 525 f., the festival of the Samian Here is described :— 
 
 ol S' auTcws (poiTCffKov, oiTus irXoKdfiovs KTtviaaivTOf 
 els "B/w/s rifievos, ncnvKaa/xfvoi iiyiaai KaXoh, 
 Xiovfois Tf X''^'^<^* "^^^^ x^ovos fvpeos (Tx^v^j 
 Xpvatiai d€ K6pvfx0ai kir' avrwv, riTTiyis us' 
 Xcurai 8* ippoiovr dvffxo) xP»'0'«'o*5 ^"^ dffffMOis. 
 A Samian inscription of the fourth century mentions KieQves AvSioi 
 and TfTTt7€s (mxpvffoi among the treasures of the same goddess. 
 
 Duris of Samos, fr. 50 (circ. 300 B.C.), after giving the story contained 
 in Hdt. V. 38, says avroi t€ fKo/xcuv, ai Si ywcuK€S kKiipovro, kox rots fiiv 
 dvSpciat TTohrjpiis ^ffav oi x^rojves, at 8k fvvalKfs i^pMov rah A<vpiais 
 aroXnh. Athenaeus, xii. 512 c, gives a rhetorical description from 
 Heraclides Ponticus (a pupil of Aristotle) of the luxury combmed with 
 bravery of the old Athenians. 
 
 Some fragments of the 'Chirons' of Cratinus (238, 239, 231. Kock, 
 Fr. Com.) help us to complete Thucydides' picture of the Athenian 
 gentleman in the ' good old days ' — 
 
 338 fjuiKctpios ^v 6 TTph rov ^lOS 
 PpoToTffi irp6s rd. vvv, ov (Jxov dv5p€S 
 ayav6<ppov(S ^dv\6y<p ao<f>iq fiporuiv irepiffffOKaWtis. 
 239 d-ndKov h\ atavfjifipiov ^ p68ov ^ 
 tcpivov irap' ovs (ddK€i 
 fieroL x«P<'' 5€ firjKov exuv aKiiruvd r TjySpa^ov. 
 
 231 oh ^V fJliyiCTTOS OpKOS 
 
 anavri Koyq) kvqjv, iirfira x^?". ^^^irs 5' laiyuv. 
 
 1 ' Covered,' or Ikov e conj. ' reached to.' 
 
 1x6 
 
 Ch, 6, /. 1 1 — Ch. 10, /. J. 
 
 Helbig, Das Homerische Epos, pp. 11 6-1 21 discusses at length the Ch. 6, 
 ancient monuments of various kinds on which the long and short 1. 15. 
 forms of chiton appear. The former is found on some of the earliest 
 Spartan reliefs, as well as on Corinthian and other Dorian vases : hence, 
 he thinks, Thucydides means that the more luxurious form of dress was in 
 vogue among the richer classes of Lacedaemonians for some time, and 
 was then given up in favour of a simpler dress. Neither on Dorian nor 
 on Ionian monuments does the long chiton prevail exclusively : it is the 
 dress of the greater Gods, old men, persons celebrating festivals, and 
 the like, and is always accompanied by the short chiton as the ordinary 
 dress. 
 
 ol rd. <ra<|)€<rTaTa ITeXoirowTio-Cwy . . . 8«8eYp,€voi. The imitations of Ch. 
 the^ phrase by Dio Cassius, fr. 5. 13, 5 ol rd <Ta<p(crTaTa ^a^ivcav { 
 flSores, and by Dionysius Hal., Ant. Rom. 5. 18 oi rd 'Pojjxaiojv aaxpiarara 
 i^rjTaKOTfs, do not necessarily show that these writers took neKowovvrjaicuv 
 as gen. after rd aafpfaraTa, ' the most accurate traditions (among the 
 traditions) of the Peloponnesians.' For a writer may imitate a phrase 
 of a favourite author which ' nms in his head ' without thinking precisely 
 of the construction. Much less does it follow that the words oug-Af 
 to be so taken. 
 
 Kal oTi \ikv MvKTivat jiiKpov ^v, ^ d n twv t6t€ Tr6Xio-px vvv ji-q Ch. 10, 
 dgi6xp€(*>v 8oK€i elvai, k.t.X. 
 
 fiiKpov -fiv has been explained ' was a small place before its destruc- 
 tion by Argos.' But, for Thucydides' purpose, it is immaterial whether 
 Mycenae existed at the time or only its ruins. The argument which he 
 is refuting is drawn from the appearance of the sites of cities, whether 
 the cities are standing or not (Poppo). 
 
 Classen may be right in taking ft ti tuv tot€, k.t.K. as parallel to 
 VLvKTJvai and as making up, with Mvicfjvai, the subject of ^v : on {Mu/r^vat 
 T€ /cat rd oAAa raw rhn nokiffixdTajv oaa vvv fxfj d^toxpeco 8oK€t etvat] 
 fiiKpd ^v. But the use of tl in the second clause in place of on may 
 merely serve to mark off from Mycenae, the centre of Agamemnon's 
 power, an indefinite number of other cities. ' 
 
 The destruction of Tiryns and Mycenae by the Argives rests on late 
 and somewhat contradictory accounts in Diodorus and Pausanias : but 
 Herodotus' mention of Mycenaeans at Thermopylae and Mycenaeans 
 and Tirynthians at Plataea (vii. 202, ix. 28: cp. vii. 137 and note on 
 Thuc. i. ch. 105, 1. i) shows that the cities survived till after the 
 Persian War. It has been maintained (Professor Mahaffy in Herma- 
 thena, iii. 1879, P- 60 ff., 277 ff.) that the non- occurrence at either place 
 of remains belonging to the period 660-460 shows that they had really 
 been destroyed at a much earlier period, and that the * Mycenaeans ' and 
 ' Tirynthians ' spoken of by Herodotus must have been the descendants 
 of the expelled inhabitants (like the ' Messenians ' of Naupactus in 
 
 117 
 
 1. I. 
 
Book L Appendix to Notes. 
 
 Ch. 10, Thucydides) settled at the time of the Persian War in some other part 
 1. L of Greece. But the last supposition cannot be accepted without strong 
 evidence that the natural meaning of Herodotus' words is impossible. 
 And Professor Percy Gardner (New Chapters in Greek History, 1892, 
 p. 94) says * Of course if it could be proved from archaeological evidence 
 that Mycenae and Tiryns were entirely ruined long before the Persian 
 Wars, we should thus be compelled to correct Pausanias ; but this is not 
 the case. Even if no remains belonging to the seventh and sixth 
 centuries had come to light in the upper part of the citadel, they 
 might still remain undergroimd in the lower part of the citadel which 
 has not yet been explored. But as a matter of fact a Doric capital has 
 already been found at Tiryns, which is given by Mr. Ferguson to about 
 B.C. 600.' 
 
 Ch. 16 icard. yfjv 5€ iroAf^tos, oOev ns Kai Svvafjiis irop€Y€V€TO, oiidels 
 1. 6. ivyiarri. 
 
 These words may also mean, not ' whence any power accrued,' but 
 ' which brought any considerable force into the field.' irapayiyvo/mi 
 is very common in Thucydides in the sense * come into the field,' and is 
 never used by him in the sense of irpoffyiyvofiai, * accrue.' On the other 
 hand -nafxiyiyvofiai is found in the sense of npoayiyvofiai in other Attic 
 prose authors (see Liddell and Scott) : and the use of 6d€v here (hot 4* or 
 k(p' 6v) and the parallel in sense with lax^^ ^^ nepKTroirjtravTo o/juus oxjk 
 iXaxnar-qv just above are in favour of the interpretation ' power accrued,' 
 Stahl proposes to read vepuyiverOf a slight change which removes all 
 difficulty. 
 
 Ch. 19 "^^^ cYcvcTO auTots €S TovSc TOY ir6X6|xov -q iSCa irapao-KcvTJ |xci$(i}v 
 1 g t] u)S rd KpdTwrrd itot€ jji€tcI dKpai4>vovs ttjs |vp.p,axias TJv0T]o-av. 
 
 The interpretation given in the Notes (Stahl, partly after Herbst) is 
 the best which has been offered of this disputed passage. The only 
 objection to it is that the words rci KpaTiard irore look as if Thucydides 
 was stating a kind of paradox : they seem to indicate a time when the 
 power of Athens might reasonably be supposed to have been greater than 
 it was just before the Peloponnesian War. Whereas it is not at all sur- 
 prising that Athens was stronger after the reduction of her independent 
 allies than before. 
 
 It is worth while to mention the older interpretations which are free 
 from this objection. 
 
 (a) Thucydides may intend to say either that the Athenian forces 
 alone or that the forces of the Athenian empire and the Lacedaemonian 
 confederacy separately were greater than those of both together and their 
 allies, while the alliance against Persia remained unbroken. But it is 
 almost incredible as a matter of fact that this can have been so. The 
 land-forces of the Athenian empire cannot have approached the numbers 
 who fought at Plataea ; much less can the actual naval force of the 
 
 ii8 
 
 Ch. 15, /. 6 — Ch. 23, /. 13. 
 
 Peloponnesian confederacy have approached the number of ships which Ch. 19, 
 fought at Salamis — even if we suppose that Thucydides did not accept 1. 6. 
 Herodotus' total of 1 10,000 for the former and 378 for the latter, and allow 
 for the probability that some of the marines engaged at Salamis were 
 also engaged at Plataea and not with the fleet at Mycale. Moreover 
 the words ficr aKpaupvovs rrjs fv/x/iaxms after the repeated mention of 
 the (vfifiaxoi of Athens and Sparta refer much more naturally to the 
 ^vfifiaxoi of Athens than to the alliance against Persia, which Thucydides 
 has described by the terms opLouxpua and ^vfxiroXefiriaapTes. 
 
 (b) ' The Athenians were stronger at the beginning of the war than 
 when their body of allies was unimpaired,' i. e. before the revolt of 
 Boeotia, Phocis, and Megara in 447-6. But these events are not present 
 to the mind of the reader : there is nothing about them in the context, 
 and Thucydides nowhere marks them as an epoch in the history of 
 Athenian dominion. Nevertheless these chapters (18, 19) are so brief 
 and allusive, and would be so obscure without an independent know- 
 ledge of the events related (see notes on 18, 1. 4; 19, 1. 5) that this 
 rendering may after all be correct. 
 
 Mr. W. E. Plummer, M.A., writes in answer to inquiries : * It is Ch. 23, 
 interesting to compare the statement of Thucydides with the results 1. 13. 
 derived from the Lunar Tables now in use, which represent well-observed 
 phenomena with considerable accuracy. The lunar eclipses recorded by 
 Ptolemy in the Almagest as occurring between the dates 523 and 383 B. c. 
 are all fairly well represented, as well as those before and after these 
 dates. No large error can therefore be admitted in the representation of 
 the phenomena of the less satisfactorily recorded eclipses of the Sun. 
 Admitting the accuracy of the astronomical data we find in the thirty 
 years preceding 432 B. c. that the Athenians were not likely to have 
 noticed and remembered other solar eclipses than those of 
 
 B.C. 433, March 30. 
 
 „ 434, Oct. 4. 
 
 „ 439, Dec. 27. 
 
 „ 455, May 31 \ 
 
 „ 458, Aug. 2. 
 The first of these (if not the second also) is so near to the date of the 
 Peloponnesian War, occurring too after the hostilities between Corinth 
 and Corcyra had actually broken out, that popular feeling and Thucydides 
 as well may have reckoned it among the troubles which * fell upon Hellas 
 together with the war.' It is doubtful whether the eclipse of 439 could 
 have been seen at Athens, but it might have been seen in the Mediter- 
 ranean and the Greeks could have heard of it. 
 
 ^ * With regard to the eclipse of B.C. 455, May 31, I am indebted to 
 the Rev. S. J. Johnson, Vicar of Melplash, Bridport, Dorset, for calling 
 my attention to the fact that the penumbra passed over Greece.' 
 
 119 
 
Book I. Appendix to Notes. 
 
 Ch. 25, /. 14 — Ch. 32, /. 22. 
 
 Ch. 23, But the question may be raised whether rd tK rod rtpiv xpt^rou 
 1. 13. fjaniftov€vofi€va does not include all times within living memory : and in 
 the period from 493 to 463 we have the following eclipses which might 
 well have been remembered or recorded : — 
 
 B.C. 463, April 30. 
 „ 478, Feb. 17. 
 „ 480, Oct. a. 
 „ 488, Sept. I. 
 „ 493, Nov. 24. 
 Of these, although the eclipses of 463, 478, and 488 were far more 
 impressive than any at the time of the Peloponnesian War ; yet the 
 number (if we reckon in the war the eclipse of 433 and exclude a very 
 considerable one which occurred four or five months after the conclusion 
 of peace, on Sept. 3, 404) falls short by two of those that could possibly 
 have been observed during the war. 
 For this latter period we have — 
 
 B.C. 433, March 30 (?) 
 „ 431, Aug. 3 (Thuc. ii. a8). 
 „ 426, Nov. 4. 
 
 „ 424, March 21 (Thuc. iv. 52). 
 „ 418, June II. 
 „ 411, Jan. 27. 
 „ 409, June I. 
 We do not know whether adverse meteorological conditions prevented 
 the observation of many of these eclipses, but it is only fair to assume 
 that such conditions would operate equally in the two cases, and there- 
 fore it would seem that Thucydides' remark applies rigorously to the 
 period immediately preceding the war, and happens to apply as a matter 
 of fact to an earlier period, though we cannot be sure that Thucydides' 
 remark is based upon accurate observation or tradition.' 
 
 Ch. 25, 0VT6 ^dp «v 7ravi]Yvp€ox rais Koivais 8i86vt€S ycpa rd vofJit{6|ACva 
 1. 14. ®^* KoptvOiw dvSpl irpoKaTapx6p.€voi twv lepuv, k. t. X. 
 
 The * dative of interest,' KopivOiqi dvSpi, is very awkward ; and Goller's 
 interpretation accepted by Arnold but rejected by later commentators 
 may after all be right : Kopivdi<p dvdpi may be dative after did6vT€f yfpa 
 rd vofu^o/xeva. ' They neither gave the customary privileges (to the 
 Corinthians) in the religious festivals common to Corinth and Corcyra, 
 nor did they give them to a representative of Corinth when they com- 
 menced {trpo-, or ' by commencing through him ') ' the initiatory rites 
 of sacrifice ' at the public festivals of Corcyra. 
 
 There is no parallel which really throws light on the meaning. 
 II. iii. 273 :— 
 
 dpvojv €K /c€<pa\(0jv rdfivf rpixas' avrdp liiiira 
 
 KTipVKfS TpWQW Kol *AX0.l^V VflfiaV dpiffTOlSf 
 
 quoted by Classen, describes a covenant, not an ordinary sacrifice. 
 
 130 
 
 Classen's explanation, founded on this passage and on a scholium to Ch. 26, 
 irpomrapx6fi€voi {5i56vTf5 rds Karapxds) is 'giving the hair cut from 1. 14. 
 the victim's forehead to a Corinthian that he might throw it on the 
 sacrificial fire.' 
 
 Another scholium says €$os ydp ^v dpxicp^as U ttjs /xTjrponSKfw 
 Xan&dvfiv : the writer seems to have taken dvhpi KopivOiq) as = 5*' dvSpbs 
 KopivOiov, which it cannot mean. 
 
 ir€pi<|)povoOvT€s 6i auTovs koI xpj])i.d.r<ay 8wd|xci ovtcs Kar' iKttvov 1. 16. 
 Tov xpi^vov o\iola Tots *EXXif|v<i)v irXovo-ion-drois Kai tq €S iroXep.ov 
 iropaaKcvg SwaTwrcpoi. 
 
 The received text may be construed, but only by supposing a very 
 clumsy order of words and an involved thought, ' being more powerful 
 than the Corinthians both in pecuniary resources, equally with the 
 wealthiest of the Hellenes, and in military power' : or else by supplying 
 (rather harshly) Svvaroi with ofioTa from dwaruTcpoi below. So Herbst 
 (Zu Thukydidcs, Erklarungen, 1892, vol. i. p. 19), who ingeniously 
 explains tois 'EWrfpcuv nXovaKuraTois of the Corinthians themselves, and 
 points out the climax in the three clauses, 61x01a, SwaTwrtpoi, koX voXv 
 vpoix^^^' 
 
 Or we may change, with Stahl, dpioia to 6pioi<^ (a reading of which 
 a trace may be preserved in It. Vat. opioid), * being more powerful than 
 the Corinthians both in their pecuniary resources — which were equal to 
 those of the wealthiest of the Hellenes — and in military power.' But 
 the order of the words is still objectionable. 
 
 irepidvn, or irepiidvn, t^ Oepei. Ch. 30 
 
 The probabilities of the case, and the words tov xP^^ov tov trXuarov 1 j 2 
 above and to Oipos tovto, end of ch. 30, make it unlikely that mpuovTi 
 T^f 04pu can refer to the next year, * when the summer came round.' 
 
 Nor can the words mean ' when the summer came round after the 
 spring in which the battle took place*; for depos in Thucydides includes 
 spring as well as summer. 
 
 There is no difficulty in the use of the dative participle as a predicate, 
 if TTfpiovTi Tqf Oipu, ' in what remained of the summer,' be retained, cp. 
 Hdt. vii. 20 irifjiirTq) bi iTf'i dvop.^v(f) (aTpaTrjXdref : Thuc. iii. 20 (iruSr) 
 T^ T« (TiTq) imXitrovTi ftrU^ovTO : vii. 9 €v 8( t^ avr^ Otpu TfkfVTOJuri. 
 And nepiovTi leaves us more time for to dtpos tovto below : Herbst for 
 this reason decidedly rejects the reading irfpiiovTi. But tov xpovov t6v 
 ttKuotov above, and /i^x/" ov, leading us to expect mention of a definite 
 point of time, are strongly in favour of TrtpuSvTi. 
 
 TiipiiovTi Tq/ hiavT^ occurs in Xen. Hell. iii. 2. 25, but the difficulties 
 of reading and interpretation there are similar. 
 
 Kol IvyYvwfjnj cl \i.r\ jtcTd KaKias 86|t]S 8i p.dXXov d|jiapT(<ji t^ Ch. 32, 
 irpdrepov dirpaYP-oawQ «vavTia ToXp,(u^€v. j^ 22. 
 
 bS^rjs dfjiapTia cannot mean, as often translated, ' because of an error of 
 
 121 
 
Book L Appendix to Notes. 
 
 Ch. 32, judgment/ i.e. because of the Corcyraeans* previous policy of isolation : 
 1. 22. it c^° o°^y ^^f*^^ ^^ the ' disappointment of their expectations ' when 
 they discovered the consequences of their policy {kox inpikarriKiv i^hoKovaa 
 iiy^iv irpoTfpov aojippoavirrj . , . vvv d0ov\ia Kal aaOtvua <paivonivrf). For 
 the ' dative of cause/ which is seldom much more than the ' dative of 
 circumstance ^/ can only be used of a direct, not of an indirect, cause. 
 We can say for instance r^v (vfi/Mxiav inravoia iroiovfiai^ * because I 
 change my mind/ but not r^v ^v^^ax^o-v afxapriq. -noiovfiai, * because I was 
 wrong/ for the words would then mean, not that the previous neutrality, 
 but that the alliance itself was a mistake. 
 
 Ch. 38, o^' «Trt<TTpaT€iJO|i6v cKirpcmos \iy\ Kal 8ia(|>€p6vT(dS ti dSiKOVfjievoi. 
 
 1 q Another interpretation makes the Corinthians, instead of admitting 
 
 that their action in making war is exceptional, deny that it is improper ; 
 and supposes a not unnatural confusion of thought in the second part 
 of the clause ; * nor do we make war upon them unbecomingly, as we 
 should be doing if we were not signally wronged by them.' This satisfies 
 the meaning of (Kirpfnais better (cp. iii. 55 med. ev fievroi tw iroXffJUf) oitSiv 
 iKTrpiTTiartpov xmb ^fiaiv ovn (iraOere ovt€ (fifWrjaarf) and there are two 
 pretty clear instances of a similar confusion in Thucydides ^. But the 
 order of words (not ovd' (Kirpciruis kmarpaTdjofifv) and the use of Kai 
 before dia<p€p6vTojs make it more likely that the charge implied in €«- 
 vpeircvs is admitted by the speaker. kKirpfircvs contrasts the hostility 
 between Corinth and Corcyra with the friendship between Corinth and 
 her other colonies just referred to. 
 
 Ch. 39 Q^a Tov es to-ov tA t€ tpyo. h\ioLoiS Kal toOs Xoyovs irplv 81- 
 j 3 aY(»vi^c<7dai KaOicrravTa. ovtoi 8' ov irplv iroXtopKtiv to x'>>P^ov, k. t.X. 
 
 If we interpret diayavi^eaOai in the natural sense as in the footnote, 
 * before appealing to arms/ the whole clause becomes obscure and over- 
 loaded : for, instead of the simple * who offers arbitration before fighting/ 
 
 * In Thuc. i. 11, 1. 2 rrjs Tpo<f>^s dnopia . . . rbv arparhv iXaaaoj 
 ^yayov, we have this commoner use : in Thuc. iii. 98 fin. Aij/jioadfyrjs 
 5i mpi HaviraKTov . . . vn€\u(p6i], rots ir^npay/jLtvois <po^ovfXivos rovs 
 ^hOrjvaiovs we have the strict dative of cause. 
 
 ^ iii. II med. afia fxiv yap paprvpia} ixpQiVTO fi^ hv tovs ye iao^rjipovs 
 &Kovras 6t ixq ti -qSUovv oh eTrrfeaav^ ^varparfveiv. * They pointed to 
 the fact that a city which had an equal vote with them would not join in 
 their expeditions unwillingly, as would be the case unless those whom they 
 attacked were in the wrong.' iv. 86 med. ovlii daa<prj r^v (XevOfplav 
 vofu^oj iTTKpepeiv, d rh ndrpiov irapus to irXfov rots oXiyois ^ to iXaaaov 
 ToTs ndai SovXuaaifn. 'And I do not consider that I am bringing you 
 liberty in a questionable form, as I should do if I were to enslave 
 the many to the few or the few to the people.' {da<^aKTi with a few 
 MSS., or dv (TacpTJj may be read here.) 
 
 122 
 
 Ch, 38, /. 9 — Ch. 39, /. 15. 
 
 we have ' who makes his actions fair equally with his words before Ch. 39 
 fighting/ i.e. who makes his words fair before his actions are unfair, i o 
 that is before fighting. 
 
 As a parallel to the misleading correspondence in sound without 
 a correspondence in sense between npiv Siaycot/i^fadai and nplv iroXiopKuv 
 we may quote vi. 60 ^t^aioTepav yap avTof aojTrjpiav ehai ofioXoy^aavTi 
 fifT dSeias, ^ dpvrjOevTi Sid Siktis eXdeiv, where not dpvrjdivTi but hid tiiajs 
 kXdiiv corresponds in sense to o/xoXoy^aavTi. 
 
 There is no reason why Siayojvi^effOai, a word of quite general mean- 
 ing, dyuv signifying originally a contest in the games, should not be used 
 of contending at law as well as contending in arms. There is however 
 a passage in [Dem.] de Halon. 8, where 5iayojvi^((r0at is opposed to 
 8iKd^€a9ai : rrws vfieis ovk . . . ImSfiKVVTe dnaaiv dvdponrois oti ovSi irtpl 
 kvbs avTuiv diayajvifiaOf, €i yc irfpl tS)V kv tjj OaXaTr-g^ ov <paTk to'xve"', 
 \Ji'i\ 8iaYcovi€i<rO€ dXXd ZiKda-earOe ; 
 
 On the whole it is impossible to decide with certainty between the two 
 renderings : this is one of the passages in which Thucydides has ex- 
 pressed a simple idea in an obscure and difficult way. 
 
 Of course the words cannot mean, as sometimes explained, that the 
 Corcyraeans should have given up Epidamnus before fighting : for they 
 could not give it up before they had got it ! The meaning might be 
 that they should have withdrawn their blockading force from it before 
 offering arbitration, or before 'proceeding to fight it out' — the original 
 demand of the Corinthians, ch. 28, 1. 13 ; but there is no reference, as 
 in that case there ought to be, to their non-compliance with thi 
 demand, in the sentence which follows here : ovtoi 5' ov irplv rroXiopKfiv 
 rd x^'pto'', K.T.X, 
 
 cYKXiifidrcov 8i |i6v&)v d|i€T6xovs ovtws t«v fierd xds Trpdleis tovtwv 1. 15, note. 
 111^ KOivcoveiv. 
 
 ixovuv is an awkward anticipation of oi/rcws twv fUTd Tas irpd^HS 
 tovtojv fi^ Koivojveiv. ' You ought not — when the grounds of accusa- 
 tion against them are thus the only things in which you do not share 
 — this being so (ovtojs) to share in the consequences of their actions. 
 There is a very harsh change of subject from the Corcyraeans, the 
 subject of the previous clauses, to the Athenians. 
 
 No MS. of any importance has the words except the Munich MS. 
 (Bekker's G). The Laurentian (C) has the word kyKKf^fidi^Qjv only: 
 as it omits kyKXrjixaToov at the beginning of the next chapter the 
 word may have been accidentally transposed (Croiset). In some of 
 the inferior MSS. in which the words occur they are on the margin 
 only. And the readings vary between iwvojv and fiovov, dfj-fToxow 
 and dfX€T6x<us. As it is no habit of the MSS. of Thucydides to 
 omit clauses simply because they are obscure, we may safely conclude 
 that Thucydides never wrote these words at all. (See further in Classen's 
 critical note.) 
 
 123 
 
Book /. Appendix to Notes. 
 
 Ch, 40, /. 7 — Ch, 51, /. II. 
 
 Ch. 39, Two alternative reasons may be suggested for their insertion in 
 1. 16, note, a few MSS. 
 
 (i) The Corinthians have just said 'The Corcyraeans ought not to 
 apply to you when (A) you who never shared their power will give them 
 aid, and (B) you who never shared their crimes will share their responsi- 
 bility. They should (C) have shared their power with you if you are 
 now to share the consequences with them.' Clause C answers in sense 
 both to A and B : at first sight it seems to answer to A only. The 
 words eyKXrjfidTOJv dk fiovojv, «. t. A., may be an attempt to supply a 
 fourth clause answering to B. 
 
 Or (2) the words may have arisen out of glosses, on some of the clauses 
 preceding, which were mistaken for part of the text, and added to and 
 altered so as to make some kind of sense. E. g. there may have been 
 a note kyKKrjfidTOJV afikroxoi on rStv dfiaprrjfidTajv diroyepofifvoi, and 
 another raiv /lercL rds irpd^us tovtojv KOivoivuv on Koivd koX rcL diro- 
 $aivovra Ix^*"- 
 
 Ch. 40, Kol oo-Tis ht\ Tots 8«|an€Vois, €1 <rb)<|>povovcrt, iroXc^ov avr' €ipT|VT|s 
 1. 7. irotT|o-€t. It is unnecessary to explain d aoKppovovai as an illogical 
 addition properly forming part of another sentence. The con- 
 fusion of thought thus attributed to the writer would be far greater 
 than in places like those quoted just above, p. 122, footnote 2. We 
 should have to suppose that Thucydides meant * the treaty only applies 
 to men who will not involve in war those who receive them {and lui// 
 not receive others)^ if they are prudent.' 
 
 The position of /xt; after, not before, oari's and the parallelism with 
 the preceding clause, oari^ fii) dWov avrdv diroaTepuy dff<paXuas Surai, 
 show that the Corinthians are thinking of the case of an ally who may 
 safely be received, and consequently not of the prudence which would 
 prevent the reception of an ally altogether, but of the prudence which 
 in some cases would make it safe to receive him *. 
 
 Ch. 41, Tcl Mt)8iKd clearly in one or two passages means the great war of 
 1. 6_ 480-479 only, and does not include Marathon. In i. 14, 1. 5 6\iyov t€ irpd 
 Twv Mi]5iK(vv Koi Tov Aapfiov Oavdrov, the addition of the words * before 
 the death of Darius ' (485) would be unmeaning if rd MrjdiKd included 
 the events of 490 as well as of 480 : and irpd rwv MTySt/cwi/ seems to be 
 explained by trpb t^s Bip^ov arpartias just below. 
 
 ^ It is possibly worth suggesting that «£ aoxppovovai may mean, not 
 *if they are prudent,' but, like fiv aojcppovufifv in the speech of 
 Sthenelaidas, i. 86, 1. 7, ' if they are honest ' and do their plain duty to 
 their new allies, not trying to back out of their engagements. If the 
 word can bear this sense here, when the context suggests so strongly that of 
 * prudence,* the meaning will be clear, ' not one who will involve those 
 who receive him, if they are honest men, in war.' 
 
 134 
 
 Cp. i. 23, 1. I Twv di vpoTfpov ipyojv fiiyiffrov ktrpdxOrj rb M.i]diK6v, Ch. 41, 
 where the reference is clearly as the context shows to the events of 1. 6. 
 480-479 only. 
 
 Hence in i. 41, 1. 5, the words Trpbs rbv AiyivrjTOfv i/irep rd MrjSiKd 
 TToXttiov do not settle the vexed question as to whether the war referred 
 to between Athens and Aegina began before the battle of Marathon or 
 not. 
 
 In i. 73, 1. 12 however T<i hi MjjhiKa ica\ oaa avrol ^vvi<tt€, opposed to 
 rd irdvv iraXcud, includes Marathon which is mentioned below. In no 
 place does rd Mijdiicd include any of the battles with the Medes later 
 than 479 : cp. i. 69, 1. i t6 n irparrov kdaavTfs avrovs rr^v vokiv pard rd 
 tHrjdiKd Kparvvai. 
 
 The inscription relating to the two Athenian fleets sent to Corcyra, Ch. 51, 
 C. I. A. 179, vol. i. with Miiller-Striibings additional filling-up,C.I. A. 1. n. 
 179, vol. iv. Part i., is as follows : — 
 
 A. I ['A$r]vaioi dvrj\]Q}(Tav « K6pK[vpav rdde, 'Eirl *A] 
 
 [\f/iv5ovs apxo]vTos koI iirl t^s ^ovXrjsj ^ K- 
 [piTidSrjs ^auvov'\ TuOpdaios irpajTOs kypafM/xd- 
 [t€i;€, rapuai] Upuv xPVf^'''^^^ ^V^ 'AOrivaia- 
 
 5 [s €/f K(p']afji€(uv teal (wdpxoyTcs, ots 
 
 [KpaTTjs NauTJcuvos Aapirrrpivs iypapLpanvi 
 {TTapiboaav'\ arpaT-qyols is K6pKvpav rois 
 [np^jTois €K]iT\fovai, AaKeSai/xovio) AaKid- 
 [5]7, UpojTfa] Ai^oovfT, Aioripup Evaivvpitt, 
 10 [firl TTJs . . . y'lridos wpvTavfias vpwrijs irpv- 
 [ravevovaijs, r'\pets Kai ZUa i^fxipai kafKrjXv- 
 [evias ] PT(i). 
 
 B. ['Etti 'Aif/fvSovs] dpxovTOS /ecu kirl r^y $ov\rjs, 
 [^ KpiTidSrjs] <^a(iyov TuOpdaios rrpwros €- 
 
 ^5 [ypf^f^P^T(V€, Tap.]icu UpSjv xPVt^'^'"^ "^V^ *A- 
 
 [Orjvaias, ]rf5 'Epx^evs Koi. (vvapxov- 
 
 [t€s, oJs EvOias AijaxP^^^^ ^AvoupXvffTios 
 [jkypafjifidTfvfj irapQSoffay (TTparrjyois h K6p- 
 
 19 [/fypov Tors SeuTf'plots kfcirXiovai, VKavKcovi 
 \}k KfpapLiojv, M€Tay]4v€i KotXef, Apajcovri- 
 [Sri Bar^Ofv, enl rfjs] AlavriSos irpvraveias 
 [. . . . r}s(j^) TrpvTav(vovar}']5 t^ T€\€v[Taia r^pif' 
 [pa TTJS TTp/uravuas ? . . .] 
 
 ^ Six talents; ir€i'r€(n) TdKavTa{T) + rd\avTov{T). 
 
 ^ The imperfect state of this word and of the name of the Piytany in 
 1. 10, gives rise to the chronological difficulty discussed on pp. 32, 52. 
 If we fill up irpuTTjs here and AiavriSos there, the two fleets were dispatched 
 at an interval of about three weeks. If we fill up t/httjs dyhSrjs or 
 
 ^25 
 
Book I, Appendix to Notes. 
 
 Cll. 71, *<** oUaBf r^v ^avxiav ov rovroit rwv dvOpwirajv lirt trXeiarov apKuv 
 1. 2. o^ o-^ "^ A*^*' irapaffKiv^ bUaia irpaaaojai, t§ 8^ yvufi"^, ^v aSiKuvrai, S^Aoi 
 &ai fi^i fniTp4tf/ovrcs, dAX' cirl t^ jjit^ Xvirciv t€ oXXovs Kal avrol 
 dfivv6|Jievoi |iT^ pXdiTTeaOai. to {(Tov vi/xfTf. 
 
 cTTi Tw jit^ XvTTfiv, ic.T.X., may also mean *on the principle of not 
 annoying others and not incurring damage by defending yourselves,* 
 i. e. ' and putting up with anything sooner than face the expense and 
 loss of self-defence ' ; a satirical and exaggerated description of Lace- 
 daemonian sloth. But this would probably have been expressed by (irl 
 r^ firjT€ \vtr€iv dWovs fi'^Tf aifTol dfivvofifvot $K6.irT€a6ai ^ : as the sentence 
 stands nrj is so placed as not to influence dfivvofifvot : the Corinthians 
 do not deny that the Lacedaemonians sometimes fight in self-defence. 
 
 There is much to be said for Classen's translation : * You attach an 
 equal value to not annoying others and to avoiding the damage which 
 would be incurred in defending yourselves ' : you go on as if the two 
 principles were identical and make the former an excuse for acting on 
 the latter. But t^) fifj Xxmuv dWovs, not M r^ /x^ Xxnruv dWovs, would 
 be required ^. 
 
 For TO taov vefi€T€ as translated in the Notes, *you measure out 
 equality' or 'deal out international justice,' cp. vi. i6 med. Td taa v€fiwv 
 
 TOL Ofioid dvTO^iOtJTOJ. 
 
 Cll. 73, ci Kal 8i* oxXov (jiaXXov corai del irpoPaXXofxcvois. 
 
 11. 13, 13. These words can hardly be anything but an apology for the repetition 
 of the old story of the Persian War. But there are objections to every 
 way of getting this meaning out of them. The rendering suggested in 
 the Notes, according to which v/uv is supplied after Si' 6x>^ov ecrrai and 
 vpo^aXXofxivois is a dative of interest referring to the Athenians, might be 
 defended by iv. 10 med., where a dative of interest is used close to a verb 
 which ought to govern it but does not : v-noxoifyqaaai Sf, Kain^p xa^-CTrdv 
 ov tvTTopov fffrai : * if we give ground, we shall find that the position 
 though difficult (in itself) is easy to the enemy".' But it is hard to 
 believe that in either place Thucydides would have written in so am- 
 biguous a manner. 
 
 (vdrrji here, we must fill up AfojvTidos there (the only other tribe whose 
 name has the right number of letters) ; and the interval was much 
 longer (Holzapfel, Berliner Studien, vol. vii. 3, 88). A *Prytany' was 
 the tenth part of a year, i. e. about five weeks, during which the members 
 of a given tribe formed the Standing Committee of the Coimcil of 500. 
 
 * Wilkins, Speeches from Thucydides Translated, ad loc. 
 
 2 As in the parallels quoted by Classen, iii. 3 init. fiu^ov fifpos vefxovres 
 Ty fi7) fiov\(a9ai d\r]07J dvai : iii. 48 init. /irjTf oikto) tiXkov vfifjLavres firjrt 
 kmuKfia. 
 
 ' The place in iv. 10 is quoted and the difficulty of the dative specially 
 remarked on by Dionysius of Halicamassus (Thuc. Propr. 12), so that 
 we cannot be confident that the text is corrupt. 
 
 126 
 
 Ch, 71, /. 2—Ck 77, /. I. 
 
 Kriiger and Stahl, both excellent authorities on grammatical points, Ch. 73 
 take irpofiaXXon€voi5 in a passive sense referring to the persons who would n^ 12 13 
 be expressed by a dative after the active verb irpo&dWoj, ' to men who * ' 
 are always having our exploits flung in their faces.' They rely on the 
 analogy of mo-Tcvo/xai and isolated uses of kmTifxuficu, Isocr. 12. 149 (160), 
 and dir€i\ov/xat, Xen. Symp. 4. 31. But this passive use of irpo^dwo/juu 
 is very doubtful, and as Boehme says, the idea would inevitably have 
 been expressed by rrpo^aWofXfva. 
 
 Perhaps it is best to cut the knot by reading irpo0a\\6fji€va, and 
 supposing that irpo^aWofiivois is a mere slip of the pen by some early 
 copyist. 
 
 Kal €Xacrcrovp.€voi -yo^P «v rats |v|i,poXaiais irpos rovs fvp^^tdx^vs Ch. 77 
 SCKais Kal Trap* T|jitv avrots «v Tots ofioCois v6fiOis irotT|<ravT€S rds 1. I. 
 
 KpCo-€lS <t>lXo8lK€lV SoKoOfJlfV. 
 
 Something is known about the institution commonly called hUcu dird 
 <TVfx06\a}v 1 : something is also known about the judicial arrangements in 
 force between Athens and her subject allies ^ But it must be admitted 
 that the evidence for asserting that the name diKcu dirb oru/x/SdXoa/ was 
 applied to trials in which Athens and her subject allies were concerned, 
 though it has a certain weight, is far from conclusive. It is therefore 
 impossible to say with confidence whether the Simi ^vfi$6\aiai spoken of 
 in Thuc. i. 77 were St/cat dird avfi^okojv, or * suits relating to contracts,' 
 * civil suits.' 
 
 The word <TvfM$6\aios^ may be derived either from aipL^oXov (or 
 ffv/x0oXr})j an agreement between two states for regulating trials of cases 
 between them or citizens of them, or either state and a citizen of the 
 other ; or else from (Tvfi06\aiov, a contract. 
 
 The places in the Inscriptions mentioned in the Notes on p. 67, foot- 
 note 3, as evidence of the existence of <Tv/ji$o\a between Athens and her 
 dependent allies are too fragmentary to be quite satisfactory. 
 
 ^ See Inscriptions cited p. 67, footnote (3) ; also Hicks, Manual 
 of Greek Inscriptions, pp. 43-45 (Aeanthia and Chalcis, fifth century), 
 pp. 1 27-1 29, p. 250 § 6, p. 255 {(TvveriKai between Teos and Lebedus, end of 
 fourth century) ; Aristotle, Politics, iii. 1. 4; 9. 6, 7 ; Demosthenes or Hege 
 sippus his contemporary, de Halon. 9-13 (very important) ; [Andoc] 
 c. Alcib. 18; [Aristotle] Athen. Polit. 59. 6; Harpocrat. s.v. ivfi0o\ai 
 
 " [Xen.] Polit. Athen. i. 16-18 (important; translated in Part i. 
 Introd. ii. p. lix) ; Antiph. de Caed. Herod. 47 : Thuc. here and viii. 48; 
 and Inscr. cited on p. 68, footnote i ; also C. I. A. IV. i. 22 a; Ar. 
 Av. 1 420-1 460 ; Athenaeus, ix. p. 407 B. 
 
 ' Hesychius has a notice, (vfi$o\ifUuas dUas' '\ttlkoI rd xard avfx- 
 Bo\[ai'\a: whence Cobet, Nov. Lect. p. 168, reads |fu/x)3oXt/iaiatj here for 
 (vfi^okaiats. But as Hesychius does not quote Thucydides by name we 
 cannot use his words as an argument either way. 
 
 127 
 
 \'' 
 
 
Book I. Appendix to Notes. 
 
 Ch. 77, C. I. A. IV. i. 6i a, referring to Selymbria after its revolt and reduction 
 1. 1. by Alcibiades, is as follows * : 
 
 oaa V a]AAa ^v/x/3oAa[t]a nporov ^v tois l- 
 [didn-ais irp]oy tovj i5idrra[s] fj iSta/xT; irpos r6 k- 
 [oivdv ^ (to/) /cot] I'd) irpds i5iojTT)[v'\ ^ lay ti dA[A]o 7/7- 
 {.vrjTai, dia]\v(iv ir[p]^y dAAT/Xow 6 ri 8* &v dfi<piaPi]- 
 [raiat, 5//fa]s (Tvai diro (v^^6\<uv. 
 These words do prove our point for one subject city. The treaty 
 provides for the settlement of existing business contracts {^vn$6\cua) by 
 SiKoi oLTrd ^v/x06\qjv, which ^vfM0o\a had therefore been in force between 
 Athens and Selymbria before its revolt, when it was a dependent ally. 
 
 C. I. A. IV. i. 96, referring to Mitylene after its reduction, contains the 
 words — 
 
 [. . . diJKOs 5i5ov[T€(or a)y irpos 'AOi]v[ai(uv roiis (irtaKorrov- 
 s Ka]Td Tcis ^u[/xj8o]A(is at ^(Ta[v npd tovtov tov xp6vov\ 
 Without laying stress on the inserted words np6 tovtov tov xp^vov, the 
 words at ^aaiv] show that the reference is to (vfji0o\ai in force before 
 the reduction of Mitylene when it was an independent ally : that they 
 were to continue in use for the future and for new law- suits is only 
 a probability. 
 
 The positive statements from Hesychius and the other lexicons, 
 quoted on footnote 3 to p. 67, which, if true, would prove the point, 
 may be inaccurate references to [Aristotle] Athen. Polit. 59. 6. Speak- 
 ing of the OffffiodiTat, the last six Archons, the author says Kal to, avfx- 
 /SoAa TO. npoi t^s woAfis ovtoi Kvpovai Kal tcLs Siieas tcls a.n6 tojv avfi^okojv 
 (ia&fovai. The statements in the lexicons, one of which refers to the 
 authority of Aristotle, may be taken from this passage : and if so, they 
 are unfounded. For they clearly refer to the notorious grievances of the 
 subject-allies under the^frj^ Athenian empire ; this is shown by the words 
 Tols vmjKoots in two of them, for the allies under the second empire were 
 not vnrjKooi, and by the words in the citation from Hesychius, Kal tovto 
 7Jv xdKcTTov. But the passage in the Athen. Polit. describes the state 
 of things existing when the treatise was written: i.e. soon after 328. 
 It cannot therefore refer to the first empire which had long vanished, 
 or even to the second, which the Athenians had been forced to relinquish 
 in 338 after the battle of Chaeronea, with the exception of the cleruchies 
 in Samos, Lemnos, Imbros and Scyros ^ ; rcls TroAeis must therefore refer 
 
 * Adopting Stahl's filling up of the first line (De Sociorum Athenien- 
 sium ludiciis, Miinster, 1882). Kirchhoff reads r<i 8^ d]AAa ^v/z/SoAa [r^d 
 vpoTov iv TOis i\ StcuTotsl. But ^vfi^oXa «v toi^ ISiarrais makes no sense. 
 
 ^ The restoration tovs imaKo-novs cannot be considered certain. — It is 
 difficult to gather anything certain from C. I. A. ii. 11, referring to 
 Phaselis, partly owing to gaps which have to be filled up : partly from 
 the doubt whether it refers to a normal or to an exceptional case. 
 
 ' Athen. Polit. 62. 2. 
 
 128 
 
 Ch, 77, /. I. 
 
 wholly or mainly to independent cities with whom the Athenians Ch 77 
 contracted avfi^oXa. The statements in the lexicons probably, therefore, 1 *i ' 
 refer to some other passage in Aristotle, and may stand for what they * * 
 are worth, confirmed as they are by the fragmentary inscriptions above 
 quoted. 
 
 Such is the external evidence for the theory that hUai dirb av^^6\<uv 
 were in force between Athens and her subject-allies in the time of 
 the Peloponnesian war. There are, however, objections to the 
 theory, chiefly arising from what we know about b'iKai dirb avti^6\(uv 
 generally. 
 
 (i) In all cases known to us they were between independent states, 
 such as Carthage and Etruria, Athens and Macedonia. This, however' 
 is not conclusive \ The phrase may in the case of Athens have been a 
 form mtended to conciliate the subject-allies and preserve the shadow of 
 independence. As Athens probably had d'tKai dirb avfi/36ka}v with her 
 independent allies while they retained their independence-Samos, 
 Chios, and Lesbos— and as all the allies were originally independent, 
 the circumstances of the case and the inscription relating to Mitylene 
 quoted above suggest that the name dUai dnd avfx06\tw was retained 
 when they were reduced to subjection. The expression in formal 
 treaties of the terms on which they were to be connected with Athens 
 for the future (footnote i to p. 68) proves that some show of independence 
 was maintained. 
 
 (2) The usual rule with SiKai drr6 avfi^oXaw was that they were tried 
 in the defendant's courts It is difficult to suppose that if an Athenian 
 or the Athenian state sued a citizen of Abdera or Naxos or Ephesus 
 the case was tried in the latter city^ and such a practice is inconsistent 
 with nap* ^fxtv avToh in this passage of Thucydides as here taken (see 
 below). 
 
 (3) In the defence composed by the orator Antiphon for the Mityle- 
 naean charged with the murder of Herodes (§ 78), the speaker is repre- 
 sented as saying, in proof of the loyalty of his father to Athens, that he 
 did not like others quit Mitylene for the lands of ' your enemies ' on the 
 
 ^ [Dem.] de Halon. 12, shows that avfi0o\a might be conceived of as 
 m force with a dependent and tributary state, such as the orator assumes 
 Macedonia to have been. 
 
 •■' This is a probable conclusion from [Dem.] de Halon. 13 dAA' B/kus 
 .... ovK (XvaiTfXfi avu^oXa iroir)aa/X(vov9 ovt (k MaK^Sovias irXeiv 
 AOrjvaCe SiKas Xrjipofxfvovs (i. e. as plaintiff ; SiKas Siduvai would be said 
 of the defendant) ovt ijfuv €h JAoKfdopiav. Cf. Diet. Ant vol ii 
 1- 734 b (3). 
 
 ' We cannot safely argue a priori that Athenians were more likely to 
 do wrong to, than to suffer wrong from, citizens of subject states, so 
 that Athenians would mostly be defendants m suits, and the majority 
 of trials would take place at Athens. We might argue with equal 
 plausibility that the litigious Athenians would constantly prosecute. 
 
 I 129 
 
 ' /■■» 
 
Book L Appendix to Notes, 
 
 Ch. 77 mainland and there * prosecute you ' (Athenians or the Athenian^ state) 
 1 1 ' under UKai av6 <rvfx$6Ko}v. The obvious inference is that no avfi^oKa 
 were in force between Athens and Mitylene— a direct contradiction to 
 the inference from the inscription relating to Mitylene above. 
 
 But the passage is rhetorical in tone and must not be pressed too 
 closely. It would bear a natural meaning if Sikcu diro avn^6\<uv could 
 be brought, as may well be believed, under more favourable conditions 
 by men who had become citizens of independent states than while they 
 remained subject allies of Athens. And what can Antiphon mean by 
 the * lands of your enemies on the mainland ' (unless it be Thrace) ? 
 Athens we know had no <TVfjL0o\a with Macedonia at this time ([Dem.] 
 de Hal. 1 2) : the independent cities of the Euxine were not * enemies ' 
 of Athens ; and the Great King cannot have had such treaties with 
 a Greek city. The words raiv vfuv iroXffiicuv must in any case be 
 rhetorical, as there could be no question of suits between Athens and 
 a city with which she was actually at war. A passage labouring under 
 so many difficulties cannot have a decisive weight. 
 
 So much for the doubt surrounding the theory which has been adopted 
 as the most probable in the Notes. 
 
 Thus far we have assumed that a/l suits arising between Athenians 
 and allies and tried according to fixed regulations were called biKai and 
 avfi$6\Q}v\ and we have had to meet the difficulty that these suits 
 cannot, like ordinary Sikcu d-nb avfi^oXajv, have been tried in the courts 
 of the defendant. But a quite different interpretation of the passage, 
 which removes this difficulty, deserves mention. A distinction is made 
 between the cases referred to in the two clauses : koI k\aa(Tovfx€vot h 
 rais ^vfx$o\aiais it pas tovs (vfMfjAxov^ biKas being referred to ^iKai dno 
 avfji^oXcuv in the ordinary limited sense between Athens and her allies ; 
 and Kai nap' Tjfuv avrois (V rois ofioiois vofiois noirjaavn^ toj Kpiaeis to 
 the trial at Athens of cases — whether with Athens or between their 
 own citizens — arising in the subject allies. In this case Kai — Kai must 
 answer to each other. The supposition is that there were liKai dno 
 avpL^oKoiv in the usual limited sense (hardly extending beyond the trial 
 of hiKai (finopiKol or mercantile suits ^) between Athens and her allies 
 while still independent, and that these suits were simply left on the 
 old footing when the allies were reduced to subjection (see above). 
 This limited class of suits requiring speedy settlement may very possibly 
 
 1 Such is the natural explanation of Pollux viii. 63, whatever his 
 evidence may be worth ; kfinopiKol di Kai ififjiTjVoi, at ruiv k/xn6p<uv ij ruiv 
 7r€pi kfxnofHOV dno avfi^okojv d4, 6t€ ol avfifuixoi fSiKa^ovTO. 
 
 ' The authority given for this is [Dem.] de Hal on. 12. Countries 
 so far distant from each other as Athens and Macedonia, if they had 
 diKai kfinopiKaiy did not need avfi$o\a. But it is obvious that no safe 
 conclusion can be drawn as to the limited nature of 5t«at dno avpi&6\<uv 
 between cities so closely connected as Athens and her allies. 
 
 130 
 
 Ck 77, /. i^Ch, 103, /. I. 
 
 have been tried in the city of the defendant even when he was a member Ch. 77, 
 of an allied state. We must then translate, ' For, though we {a) put 11' 
 ourselves at a disadvantage in such of our suits with our allies as are 
 regulated by treaty, and {b) have established ' (i. e. for the allies) ^ ' the 
 (well-known) courts at Athens itself under impartial laws, we are accused 
 of chicanery.' But there is no indication in the Greek of so important 
 a distinction between the institutions referred to in the two clauses : we 
 should expect at least (Xaaaovixtvoi fxlv -^dp—nap' -qnlv hi avrois. The 
 second clause looks far more like an explanation of the first, Tds Kpiaeis 
 being the decisions of the ^vfi^6\aiai SiKat themselves. 
 
 The same objection holds against referring (with Classen) the first 
 clause to suits with the still independent allies, Chios and Lesbos. For 
 the subject allies are referred to throughout chs. 76, 77, not the inde- 
 pendent allies. The Athenians are defending themselves against the 
 charges to which the subjection of their allies had exposed them 2. 
 
 T€ixi?€tv h\ irAvras iravSTjjiel tovs Iv rfj iroXci Kai avTOvs Kai Ch. 90 
 YvvaiKas Kol iraiSas. 1 * ' 
 
 A scholium on the passage runs— 7rai/ray navZr)p.ii\ rh ndvras, avrovs 
 Kai yvvaxKas Kai naidas. to dk navSrjfjifi, fxrjbfvos kv rais oiKiais vno- 
 Xunofiivov.^ Hence it has been supposed that the words Kai airohs Kai 
 yvvaiKas Kai naidas are a gloss which has crept into the text from this or 
 some similar note. No doubt there are many places where the occur- 
 rence of certain words both in our present text and in a scholium shows 
 that the author of the scholium could not have read them in the text, 
 and points to the source whence they arose ^. Here however the ex- 
 pression is a forcible one in itself, and the scholium may only mean that 
 the words Kai avrovs Kai -^vvaxKas Kai naidas in the text themselves explain 
 ndvras. 
 
 ol 5' h 'Idojixri S€K<iT<p ?T€t . . . ^wiprjaav npbs robs AoKeSaifjioviovs, Ch. 103 
 «.T.\. ^ 1 I 
 
 Kriiger's emendation TerdpTq) is highly probable. If dfKdrqj is right, 
 Thucydides anticipates the course of events by five or six years in order 
 
 ^ It is impossible to separate avrois from i^fiiv (with some editors) 
 and translate the word 'for the allies'; because avrois is required to 
 emphasize ^fuv, ' before our own juries.' 
 
 ^ A. Frankel, De Condicione, &c., Sociorum Atheniensium : a very 
 complete discussion of the whole subject, which has been followed in 
 many points, though not in all, in the above note. See also Diet. Ant. 
 vol. ii. s. V. Symbola. There is an interesting article dealing generally 
 with the judicial rights of the Athenian allies and the inscriptions or 
 passages which throw light on them, and taking in the main the view 
 of Thuc. i. 77 here regarded as less probable, by the late Professor 
 Morris, in the American Journal of Philology, v. (1884) p. 298 ff. 
 
 ^ See Marchant's Thucydides, Book ii. p."" xxxvii. 
 
 I 2 
 
 131 
 
Book I. Appendix to Notes. 
 
 Ch. 103, to complete the account of the siege of Ithome, going back when he 
 1. 1. ' has done so to the alliance of Megara with Athens, which must have 
 followed closely on the Argive alliance. But why should Thucydides 
 have hesitated to interrupt the account of the blockade of Ithome, as 
 he has done before (ch. loi), and as he interrupts the narrative of the 
 blockades of Thasos and Aegina and of the Egyptian expedition ? There 
 is no parallel in this section of his work to an * anticipation ' like this. 
 
 A far more serious objection to 56«dT(f> is that if it were genume, the 
 expedition of 1500 Lacedaemonians and 10,000 allies to Doris, which 
 led to the battle of Tanagra, must have taken place during the blockade 
 of Ithome— a display of energy on the part of Sparta worthy of Athens 
 herself, and quite incompatible with the language of Thucydides in 
 ch. 118, 1. 9 fjovxa^^v T€ T^ irXiov tov XP^^^^i ^•""^^ /*^»' ''<"' "^P^ "^^^ 
 fi^ Taxtrs Uvai €s tovs TTo\€fxov9, (i fi^ dya-YKCi^oiVTOy t6 di ti Kal TroXefxois 
 olKfiois k^fifryofjLfvoi. 
 
 Abbott, History of Greece, vol. ii. p. 322, further cites [Xen.] Rep. 
 Athen. iii. 11. The writer, an earlier authority than Thucydides, 
 pointing out the ill-success of the Athenians on the occasions when they 
 had given assistance to the aristocratic parties in foreign states, says : 
 orroacLKis 5' eirfx^ipTjffav aipiiffdcu tovs peKriffTOv?, ov cuvrjveyKtv avTois, 
 dAA* (VTos oXiyov xpovov 6 Srjuoi (dovKfvatv . . . tovto di ore iikovro 
 AaKfSaifioviovs avrl 'M.cffffrjviojy, hro^ oXiyov xp^vov Acuc€5aifi6vioi Kara- 
 <rTp€4;ap.€voi Meaarjviovs liroXifiovv 'A9T]vaiois. The words (vrbs dXiyov 
 Xpovov show that the reference is to the battle of Tanagra, not to the 
 beginning (more than thirty years after the help given to Lacedaemon) 
 of the Peloponnesian war, during the earlier part of which the treatise 
 was in all probability written. 
 
 It should be mentioned that Diodorus (xi. 64. 4) describes the blockade 
 of Ithome as lasting ten years : he may therefore have read ScKarq) in 
 Thucydides, but we cannot be sure, and as a historical authority he 
 is worth little, and outweighed by Pausanias, who (iv. 24. 7) speaks 
 as if the settlement in Naupactus of the garrison of Ithome followed 
 immediately on the dismissal of the Athenians and the Argive alliance. 
 
 If S€KdT(p be retained, it is still quite certain that in what follows 
 Thucydides goes back five or six years to the events immediately 
 succeeding the dismissal of the Athenians. For the intervals of time 
 mentioned by him give over twenty-eight years between the Argive 
 alliance and the beginning of the Peloponnesian war : hence the Argive 
 alliance was earlier than 459 B. c, and this does not allow ten years 
 for the blockade of Ithome which began about 464. 
 
 132 
 
 Ch. 126, /. 39. 
 
 GENEALOGICAL TABLE OF THE ALCMAEONIDAE. 
 
 Megacles, Archon at the time of Cylon's attempt 
 
 (? 632 B.C.). 
 
 Cleisthenes 
 of Sicyon. 
 
 Agariste 
 (Hdt. vi. 127, 
 
 130. 130- 
 
 m. 
 
 Alcmaeon, General in the war with 
 Cirrha (?), circ. 590; enriched by 
 Croesus (?) (Hdt vi. 125. But Croesus 
 did not begin to reign till 560}. 
 
 Megacles, leader of the *Parali,' 
 and opponent of Pisistratus (circ. 
 560) after whose second restoration 
 he went into exile (Hdt. i. 64). 
 
 I 
 Cleisthenes. Said to have bribed the Pythia 
 to effect the overthrow of Hippias and the re- 
 storation of the Alcmaeonidae (511 B.C. Hdt. v. 
 62, 66; Athen. Polit. 19). Banished by the 
 Spartans at the instigation of his rival Isagoras, 
 who was soon overthrown by the people. Clei- 
 sthenes returned and carried out his political 
 reforms (508 B. c). 
 
 Hippocrates. 
 
 Megacles 
 
 Dinomache pi. Cleinias 
 
 I 
 Alcibiades. 
 
 Xanthippus ni. Agariste 
 
 N.B. — No ancient writer mentions the return of the Alcmaeonidae 
 after their first banishment {d€i(pvyia). Plutarch (Solon, 11) says that 
 the records at Delphi called Alcmaeon the general of Athens in the war 
 with Cirrha. If this be so, they must have been recalled by that time, 
 i. e. about 590 b. c. 
 
 See Abbott, Herodotus v. vi. p. 137 ff., p. 316 : and Prof. J. H. 
 Wright's excellent study of Cylon and the earlier history of the 
 Alcmaeonidae, reprinted from Harvard Studies in Classical Philology, 
 vol. iii. 1 892. He gives reasons for thinking (i) that Cylon was a young 
 man when he made his attempt, which therefore occurred not long after 
 his Olympic victory (640, if we can trust the lists of victors), perhaps as 
 early as 636: (2) that rrpxndvfis was an old name for dpxovTfs, and 
 that the discrepancy between Herodotus and Thucydides may have 
 arisen from the use of the word vpvrdvHs for the Archons in the 
 authority used by Herodotus and from a misinterpretation of it by 
 Herodotus who added rwv vavKpapav. 
 
 133 
 
 Ch 126, 
 
 1. 39. 
 
Book L Appendix to Notes, 
 
 Ch 137, "Ka£ jioi €i€pY€<rCa 64>€CX€Tai" (Ypdx|;as r^w Ik SaXajitvos irpo- 
 1. 25. Ay7«^<^v TTis dvaxo)p^<^««s Kal Tt^v t«v 7€<t»vp«v, V »|;6v8uis irpoa- 
 €irouT|<raTO, t6t€ 8i' avrov oil 8tAXv<nv). 
 
 The words ti)v . . . irpoiL-^-i^Xaiv rrjs 6yax<^fyf]o^c^s might in themselves 
 mean either *the previous notice to the King ^ of the retreat ol tne 
 Greeks ' or * the warning to the King to retreat \' 
 
 It is however quite impossible that the words can refer to the famous 
 notice of the intended Greek retreat sent by Themistocles to mislead the 
 King before the battle of Salamis. This interpretation is excluded 
 by the sharp opposition between the harm which Themistocles did to 
 Xerxes while Xerxes was attacking him and the good he did him when 
 Themistocles was safe and Xerxes in danger\ The former message, 
 if Themistocles meant to admit his responsibility for it at all, must be 
 among the nXfTara KaK& for which he apologizes. 
 
 But Thucydides speaks of a message /r^w Salamis 'warning the 
 King about his retreat.* Herodotus speaks of a message from Andros, 
 telling the King that he might retreat at leisure, as Themistocles had 
 dissuaded the Greeks from breaking down the bridges at the Hellespont. 
 
 Which is right? , , , r c i • 
 
 Plutarch ^Themist. i6, cp. 28) says that after the battle of Salamis 
 Themistocles sent to the King, apparently from Salamis itself-Andros 
 is not mentioned— warning him to retreat as quickly as he could, since 
 the Greeks intended to make for the Hellespont and break down the 
 bridges: he, meanwhile, would try to delay them. This account 
 exactly fits in with Thucydides' incidental reference, and may represent 
 what really happened. Herodotus may very well have got hold of 
 a mistaken account. His imputation of treasonable motives to Themis- 
 tocles message is improbable in itself, and may indicate that his whole 
 account is coloured by the natural feelings of patriotic Athenians after 
 the open treason of Themistocles at a later time ^ 
 
 It must be admitted that Plutarch's authority as an independent 
 witness is worthless. For m the Life of Aristides, 9, he agrees in the 
 essential point with Herodotus, i. e. he says that Themistocles told the 
 King not that the bridges would be broken down, but that he had dis- 
 suaded the Greeks from breaking them down. But that in the passage 
 from the Life of Themistocles he is following some earlier account is 
 indicated by the fact that nearly all the other late writers (three of 
 them earlier than Plutarch at the end of the first century A. D.) who 
 
 1 They could not so well mean ' the notice to the King about his 
 retreat,' i. e. that he might retreat at leisure. ^ ,. 1. a.. • 
 
 2 We need not therefore discuss the further question whether Themis- 
 tocles can have hoped ' barbato imponere regi ' by representing his first 
 message as meant for the best. 
 
 3 See Abbott, Hist, of Greece, vol. ii. 4. 22. 
 
 134 
 
 Ch, 137, /. 25 — Ch, 138, /. 24. 
 
 retail the story agree with Thucydides and Plutarch's Themistocles : — Ch. 137, 
 Cornelius Nepos, the friend of Cicero (Them. 5. 9), Diodorus (xi. 19. 5) 1. 25. 
 and Trogus in the so-called epitome of him by Justin, ii. 13. 3-7 
 (Diodorus and Trogus lived in the Augustan age), Frontinus, ii. 6. 8 (end 
 of first century A. D.), Polyaenus, i. 30. 3 (middle of second century). 
 Herodotus' version is found however in Aristides the rhetorician, vol. ii. 
 p. 293 (Dindorf), towards the end of the second century, quoting from 
 a Socratic dialogue of Aeschines, the disciple of Socrates. 
 
 We may therefore take the words of Thucydides in the sense indi- 
 cated by Plutarch, and reject the story of the message as given by 
 Herodotus. 
 
 5(Jj/Tos 0a(Ti\€<us avT<p Mayvrjaiav fi^v dprov, fj irpoffecpepf TrevrffKOvra Ch. 138, 
 rdXavra rod kviavTOv, A6.\i,}\iaKoy 8^ otvov (c86k€i yc^P itoXvoiv^totov 1. 24. 
 Twv t6t€ elvai), Mvovvxa 8^ 6\j/ov. 
 
 The suggestion, originally made by Kohler*, that the King made 
 Themistocles a present of Myus and Lampsacus though they were at 
 the time in the hands of the Greeks, to be enjoyed by him when he could 
 get them, is by far the least unsatisfactory explanation of this puzzling 
 statement. For if the fact was so, we can understand better than on any 
 other theory why Thucydides after his manner (see Introd. iii. to Part i.) 
 leaves the statement unexplained. Busolt quotes as a parallel the case 
 of Myrina and Gryneum. These were, like Lampsacus, Aeolian cities 
 on the sea-coast which are known to have paid tribute to Athens. But 
 Xenophon says that they were presented by Xerxes to Gongylus the 
 Eretrian who (Thuc. i. 128) took Pausanias* letter to him, and — a fact 
 about which Xenophon cannot have been mistaken — that they were 
 in the possession of Gongylus' son when Xenophon himself returned 
 with the Ten Thousand (Xen. An. vii. 8. 8 ; Hell. iii. 1. 6). 
 
 Several other explanations are possible, but they present great 
 difficulties. 
 
 (i) The statement may be simply false. It has been suggested that 
 Thucydides took it hastily from Stesimbrotus of Thasos (Introd. ii. Part i.) 
 or some other source hostile to Themistocles ; whose political enemies 
 no doubt took a pleasure in filling in the details of his subserviency to 
 the King. Thucydides' evident admiration for Themistocles and the 
 obvious regret with which he records his apostasy is strongly against the 
 supposition. And the statement, if not a malicious invention but 
 a mere error, was a very obvious one, which Thucydides, interested as 
 he was in the beginnings of the Athenian league (i. 89 01 and 'I<uvias 
 Kot 'EWrjanovTov ^vfjifiaxoi ^Stj d(pi<TTr]K6Tfs dno ^aaiKiais) was unlikely 
 to make or to repeat. 
 
 (2) Improbable as it seems in face of the words just quoted, we cannot 
 
 Abhandl. der Berlin. Akademie, 1869, p. 114. 
 
 135 
 
Book L Appendix to Notes. 
 
 Ch. 138, pronounce it absolutely impossible that the liberation of the Greek 
 1. 24. cities on the coast of Asia was a slow process, and that a few places in the 
 position of Lampsacus and Myus remained in the King's power for 
 fifteen or twenty years after the formation of the Delian league. The 
 Ionian cities at least were unwalled (Thuc. iii. 33) ; and Colophon, which 
 was close to, though not on, the sea and had been a tributary of 
 Athens, fell into Persian hands owing to internal dissensions in 430 b. c. 
 Thucydides (iii. 34) only mentions the fact incidentally: if he had passed 
 it over and if we found a stray notice implying that Colophon belonged 
 to the King in that year, we should not be disposed to believe it. Again 
 Thucydides (ii. 97) informs us that the Greek cities in Thrace paid 
 tribute to Seuthes, who succeeded Sitalces in 424 b. c, as well as his 
 own barbarian subjects ; probably during the weakness of Athens after 
 the Sicilian expedition. Something similar may conceivably have been 
 the case on the coast of Asia in the early days of the league. 
 
 Hdt. vi. 42 says of the settlement of the Ionian cities by Artaphemes 
 after the revolt, <p6povs ira^f tKaaroiai^ o\ tcarcL X^PV^ 8iaT€K4ov<Ti cx^J^Tts 
 (K TOVTOV Tov xpovov alfi (Ti Kal (s €fi^ ws kr&xQrjcrav k^ 'ApTa<{>4pv€os. 
 It is quite impossible that the tributes were paid, though no doubt 
 (Thuc. viii. 5) they were recorded in the King's books or the like : but 
 Herodotus' words taken as they stand imply more than this, and point 
 to something which we cannot fully explain in the relation of the Greek 
 cities in Asia to the Persian King. 
 
 (3) This passage of Herodotus might suggest that the quotas of 
 defaulting Greek cities were raised from other parts of the satrapies to 
 which they belonged, and that what Themistocles really obtained from 
 the King was the sum at which Myus and Lampsacus were assessed. 
 But if this were so, Thucydides quite misrepresents the state of the 
 case. He speaks, not of the revenues of these cities, but of the cities 
 themselves, assigned to Themistocles 'for wine and meat,' according 
 to the well-known Persian practice ^ : and he alludes to the fruitful 
 vineyards of Lampsacus {kduKti ycip iro\voiv6TaToy twv totc uvat) as the 
 reason why Lampsacus in particular was presented to him. 
 
 Ch. 140, There exists a copy of an inscription ^ itself lost, said to have been 
 
 footnote I. found at Tegea, but in the Spartan dialect, recording contrilJutions of 
 
 money as well as ships, and apparently provisions, ' for the war ' (vottov 
 
 nSkffiov). The Melians contribute twenty minae, so that the inscription 
 
 ^ Xen. An. i. 4. 9 at 5i Kaifiai, tv ah kaicrjvoWy YlapvadriSos ^aaVj tts 
 CuvTjv deSopifvai: Plato, Alcib. i. p. 123 B x^/x^v irdw iroW^v Koi 
 dyadrjv - . . ■^v Ka\(iv tovs kmxojpiovs ^wvrjv ttjs ^aaikfojs ywaiKds' 
 ftvai 8^ Kal d\\r]v ^v av KoXfiaOai KaXvrrrpav, k.t.K., Kal ovofiara ^x^tv 
 (KaoTovs tSjv roirojv dirb (Kdarov roiiv Koffpuuv. 
 
 2 Rohl, I. G. A. 69 ; Hicks, Manual of Greek Historical Inscriptions, 
 43. The names [Xjioi and 'Ecpiaioi in the inscription are uncertain and 
 so do not help to fix the date. 
 
 136 
 
 Ch, 140-O. 142, //. 5-1 1. 
 
 must be earlier than 416 when Melos fell into the hands of the Ch. 140, 
 Athenians. It may, however, be earlier than the Peloponnesisn War : footnote i. 
 Busolt ascribes it to the time of the Persian wars. 
 
 Thuc. ii. 7 speaks of fixed sums of money which were demanded from 
 (but never that we know of paid by) the Sicilian allies of Sparta; 
 ii. 10 mentions requisitions of provisions (tA fmr-qSeiaoTa eUds tirl t^odov 
 (Kdrjfxov ix^iv), and vii. 18 mentions requisitions of iron for the fortifica- 
 tion of Decelea. And Agis (viii. 3), opptrjOeb arpar^ rivl l/c AcKeXdas 
 rd T€ Twv (vpLpMxo^ 7]pyvpoX6yr)a€V h to vavriKuu. 
 
 These indications are slightly confirmed by definite mention of sums 
 of money paid or about to be paid by the allies of Sparta in Plut. 
 Apophth. Lac, Archidamus 7, Diod. xiv. 17. 
 
 T^v n^v Yclp xO'^^'n'ov Kal €V elpTjvx) iroXiv dvTiiroiXov irapao-Kcvdo-a- Ch. 142, 
 aOai, ■?! TTov 81^ €v TroXt^iq. t€ Kal ovx ^a-<rov ckcivois T][i(ay avTemxe- 1. 5. 
 reixicTfjievcdv. 
 
 It is better to suppose some definite reference as suggested in the 
 Notes than to take the words as a vague threat, meaning no more than 
 * two can play at that game ' : * much more will it be hard in a country 
 exposed to attack, and when we are (as I presume by that time we 
 shall be) fortified in a ir6\is avrinaXos opposed to Sparta.' 
 
 But there is something unsatisfactory in supposing (with most editors) 
 noXiv avTiiraXov to be in apposition with tt?!/, or in making r^v an 
 *accusativus pendens,' * as to the one, it is difficult to establish an 
 opposition city.' It is possible that voXiv dvTinaXov, * an equally- 
 matched city,' may be the subject, not the object, to vapaaKfvdaaadai : 
 in that case, just as kv troXffua answers to (v ciprjvri, so ovx ^(xaov ijpuav 
 dvTftriTfTeixKrptivuv, 'when we are better^ fortified against them than 
 they against us ' (whether in Athens herself or in the fortified cities 
 of the empire) will answer to -noKiv avriiraXov. We lose, it is true, 
 the opposition (solid in fact, but imperfectly expressed) between tt6\iv 
 avriiraXov and (ppovpiov. But the first clause may very well refer to 
 (iriTfixKTis in the widest sense of the word, while <ppovpiov, * a mere fort ' 
 (implying a fort such as might be built by the enemy in Attica or 
 by the Athenians in the Peloponnesus ; cp. the following words : ttjs pikv 
 7^s fiXdiTTouv dv Ti ptfpos, and irXtvaavTas ts ttjv tKeivaiv), may define 
 more precisely, and with some contempt, the general term tTriTfixKris. 
 
 rats vav<rlv djxvveaOai is generally translated 'retaliate with our 1. 11. 
 ships.' But then the words merely anticipate ^/xefs kirl rrjv kKuvojv 
 nXtvaov/x€0a, ch. 143, 1. 14. 
 
 * ovx ^crffov = /xdXXov : Grammar, § 22. 
 
 J37 
 
 \ 
 
NOTES 
 ON THE GRAMMAR OF THUCYDIDES 
 
 WITH ILLUSTRATIONS CHIEFLY FROM BOOK I. 
 
 -♦4- 
 
 The name of a thing is sometimes used for the idea of it, or for § i, 
 the expression of the idea. E.g. dipiTq (i. 33, 1. 11) = reputation for g^^jg^j^^- 
 generosity ; XP**« (i- 32, 1. 10) expression of need, request; nuij (i. 75, tives. 
 1. 9), love of honour; uj(p(\ia (i. 75, 1. 9 ; 123, 1. 10), motives of expedi- 
 ency ; d<T<l>d\€ia (i. 17, 1. 3), regard for safety, caution. 
 
 €v Tots irpwTOi. Not * the very first,' but simply * first,' or ' as soon § 2. 
 as any' (i. 6, 1. 8). So tv toTs -nKHarai (iii. 17 init.) * as numerous as Adjectives, 
 any,' or * among the most numerous.* 
 
 These phrases are nearly equivalent to the ordinary superlatives, 
 irpwTot, irXiiaTaiy to which they are often parallel. And just as fiiXriaTos 
 may mean either * best,' or * very good,' TikiiaTos ' most,' or * very 
 numerous ' ; so (v tois irpSJToi, h toTs irKuaTaif etc., may have a stronger 
 or a weaker sense, as the following passages will show. 
 
 In viii. 90 init. 'Apiarapxcs, dr^/> €v rots |idXioTO koi I/c irXiiarov 
 kvavrios r^ ^VH-Vy the meaning must be, * a very great enemy of the 
 people ' ; not * the very greatest enemy,' for, as a matter of fact, there 
 were greater enemies of the people. So iii. 1 7 init., vii. 24 med., viii. 
 68 fin. Here we have the weaker sense. 
 
 In Plato Symp. 178 B, we have the stronger : ovt<u iroKKaxodiv dfioXo- 
 yurai u "Epois €V tois TTpco-pvraTOS eivar irpeafivTaTos 5^ u)v, fxeyiffTOiv 
 orfaQwv -fj^uv ahios iariv. Plato has just quoted the line of Hesiod, 
 
 irpwriaTOV pitv "E/xura O^Sov ixrjTiaaTO -navTuv, 
 *the oldest,' or 'as old as any.' So Thuc. iii. 8i fin. 
 
 As to the origin of the phrase, the existence of the weaker sense 
 shows that iv tois Trpunoi cannot stand for ev tois irpwTois irpcuToi. 
 Probably a participle should be supplied with the article from the 
 context ; cp. viii. 68 fin. kv tois (xr/KaTaKvovai rdv dfjfxov TrpwTos ^y. 
 
 Masculine or neuter nouns being the commonest, and the expression 
 having come into use with them, the masculine or neuter, tois, was 
 
 139 
 
 I 
 
Notes on Grammar, §§ 2-6. 
 
 retained even with feminine adjectives or participles ; hence expres- 
 sions like kv ToTs irKuaTui 5?) vrjts iii. 17 init. 
 
 § 3. auTos, * himself/ sometimes means * by himself, of himself,' and sj 
 Pronoims. ' volimtarily,' ' spontaneously,' or the like. 
 
 Cp. i. 15, 1. 10 ov ycLp ^wtarijKfaay irpbs ras fi^yiarai woXfts virqKooi, 
 oifd' av ovTol dir6 t^s iffrjs koivcLs arparuas iiroiovvro : * uncompelled. 
 
 i. 69, 1. 23 avrl rod €TT€\dfiiv avTol aiivvicdai ^ovXfaOf fiakXov kmdv- 
 ras : ' instead of taking the aggressive.' 
 
 § 4. Two uses of the emphatic avros have a historical bearing : (a) 
 avToi often means the Athenians or Lacedaemonians opposed to their 
 allies, resident aliens, or others. It is used, e.g., in cases where they take 
 the precaution of garrisoning allied cities or strong points in them 
 
 * themselves.' 
 
 1. 103, 1. 12 Kal effxov 'A6r]vaiot Meyapa kol Urjyds, kqi to. paKpa 
 T^ixv (^Koh6p.rjaav Mtyapevai . . . Kal k<ppovpovv avToi (see note). So iv. 
 113 fin., 130 med. 
 
 Cp. i. 143, 1. 3 ka^dvTOJV avrwv t€ koX tuv parolKajv (citizens and 
 metics). 
 
 i. 98, 1. 3 ^Kvpov . . . "fjv (p/covv AoXorrfs, iivhpatrSZiaav Kal ppKiaav avroi, 
 may be explained thus {avroi = ' as Athenian citizens,' i. e. cleruchs) or 
 as in § 5. 
 
 § 5. (^) o-vroi is also applied to conquerors who turn out the previous 
 occupants of a town or fort and occupy it ' themselves.' 
 
 Cp. i. 100, 1. 13 tSjv filv ^T^vvia u5wv avroi eKpdrrjaav, hs ttxov 'H5<uj/ot : 
 i. 114, 1. 15 'EffTtcuas 8' i^oiKiaavns avroi r^v yijv taxov. 
 
 i. 89, 1.17 kv ah avroi kaKrjvTjaav oi Svvarol rwv TLcpauv may be ex- 
 plained thus, or the meaning may be 'just the chief men,' * the men of 
 the very highest rank ' : cp. i. 7, 1. 3 kn avroTs roTs aiyiaXois, ' right 
 down on the beach' : ii. 3 fin. <pv\a^avris tri vvKra koI avro rb ncpiopOpoVf 
 
 * the moment of the dawn.' 
 
 § 6. The middle is used not only of anything done to or in the interest 
 Verbs : of oneself, but also of that which proceeds from oneself, of an action^ 
 Middle not a mere event. 
 
 Voice. 'pjjjs t dynamic ' use of the middle as it has been called ^ explains 
 several differences between the meanings of the same verb in the active 
 and middle voice. E.g. apx^iy voXkfxov, * to fight first of two armies,' 
 
 * This force of the middle is given in Rutherford, §§ 190, 194 ; there 
 is a good list of various verbs differing in act. and middle in Thompson, 
 § 1 29. See also Kriiger, Grammar, § 52, 8 ; Barton and Chavasse, Thuc. 
 Bk. iv. Appendix iii. 
 
 140 
 
 Notes on Grammar y §§ S-j, 
 
 * to strike the first blow' : dpx^oQai troXefiov, 'to begin fighting ' : i. 144, 
 1. 16 TTo\ip.ov h\ ovK dp^ofJLfv, dpxopi€Vov9 Si dfxvvovfJifOa. 
 
 Cp. ii. 8 init. dpxojjicvoi . . . irdvrfs d^vrtpoy dvriXafi^dvovraif * when 
 they are making a beginning.' 
 
 iT0i€iv irdKcfiov or vav/xaxiav, in i. 28, 1. 9 iroXtfiov d( ovk ftojv noifiv, 
 ii. 86 fin. ^ovK6p.€voi kv rdx^i r^v vavfiaxiav troirjaai, means not ' to fight,' 
 but * to cause a war,' of the authorities of a state — ' to bring on a sea 
 fight,' of the commanders of a fleet. Cp. iv. 91 fin. Uayuvdas 6 Alo- 
 Xdbov. . . . &ov\6p.(vos r^v ixdxrjv iroiTjo-ai . . . i-nnOi roiis Boiojtovs Ikvai 
 kvl roifs *AOi]vaiovs Kal rbv dywva iroietcrOai. 
 
 kKKX-qaiav iroieiv is * to summon an assembly,' kKKXjjffiav irouiaOai, ' to 
 meet in an assembly.' In viii. 76 knoirjaav S^ Kal kKKkrjaiav (v6vs 01 
 arpariairat, the sailors of the fleet at Samos who have revolted from the 
 Four Hundred, not only meet in the assembly, but are the only authority 
 who can convene it : Thucydides describes them as ' convening ' it. 
 
 In i. 77 kv Tofs ofioiois vofxois -aoi-qaavT^s ras Kpiaeis is not 'conducting 
 the trials' {rroiovpicvoi), but ' having constituted the system of trials' or 
 ' the courts ' : cp. Xen. Hell. v. 2. 35 rois AoKeSai/xoviois edo^e . . . 'Iff/xrpfiq. 
 Kpiaiv iroiTJaai. 
 
 Similarly in i. 144, 1. 8 ijv koI AaKcSaipcovioi (cvijKaaias fi^ iroiwat 
 firirf fipLwv fxrjre rwv r]pi€repojv ^vnpdx<xv, ' do not order the formal ex- 
 pulsion of ; TToiuvrai would mean ' formally expel.' 
 
 There are cases where it is not clear why the active or the middle is 
 used: e.g. ii. 15 med. Kal (vvoiKia k^ kKcivov 01 ^AOrjvaioi tri Kal vvv r^ 
 6€^ kopr^v 5Tj/jior€\TJ -rroiovai (not iroiovvrai) : perhaps ' hold ' as a people, 
 not ' keep ' as individuals. 
 
 The aorist indicative usually speaks of a past event without regard § 7, 
 to the time which it occupied, or rather considers it as having occu- Tenses 
 pied a single point of time (even when it really occupied more, e.g. Aorist. 
 i. 13, 1. 26 rijs T€ Kad' kavroifs QaXdaa-qs Kvpcp irok€fxovvr€s kKpdTr\a-6.y 
 riva xpovov). 
 
 But in the case of verbs which in themselves denote a continued action 
 or a permanent state, e.g. fiaaiXeveiv, to be a king, dpx^v to be a ruler, 
 the aorist sometimes indicates the point of time at which the action or 
 state began. 
 
 E.g. i. 4, 1. 3 ^p^6, 'conquered'; i. 18, 1. 15 ol AaKeSaifiSviot rSiv 
 |v|i'n-oXcp.i)a-dvTa>v '^kXyjvav -^yfio-avTO, * took the lead of the Greeks 
 who had formed the confederacy ' ; cp. vi. 2 med. o/xopoi rots ^Kavois 
 oiK-qo-avTCS ^vpiravrfi pikv ''Ekv/xot cKXTjO-qo-av, * they settled near the 
 Sicani, and all together took the name of Elymi.' 
 
 In i. 3, 1. 1 8 Oi . . . cuf iKaaroi "EAATyvey . . . K\rj$4vr€s = ' those who 
 came to be called Hellenes,' not, * who were called Hellenes.' 
 
 Kriiger (Greek Grammar, § 53, 5, 1) quotes a good instance of this 
 idiom, ovStls . . . evpeOrjatrai Kd\?uov . . . ka^uv Evayopov r^v ^aaikf'iav. 
 Kal Tovrois kKfiPoos av ris ptaKiara maT€v<T€i€V, et . . . k^erd^nv kmx^ip'fiddfy 
 
 141 
 
f. 
 
 Notes on Grammary §§ 7-9. 
 
 oiTctii cKaaros €Tvpdw€v<r€v Isocrates ix. 39 (43, 44). Here ervpav- 
 vivaiv is shown to mean * became tyrant ' by the words \a^aiv t^v 
 
 § 8. This 'inceptive* aorist requires particular notice with verbs of 
 thinking or considering. 
 
 E.g- i- 39, 1. 5 «ff€t5^ ijyqaavTo ^fxas oit 7r€pi6ip€cr6ai, * when they 
 realised that we would not endure it ' : 
 
 102, 1. 10 dX\o<pvkovs afia ^yrjadfjifvoi, not 'thinking' but * bethinking 
 themselves ' or ' remembering, that they were aliens ' : 
 
 124, 1. 9 vofuffafTcs kv dvdyKTjv d(pixOcu, * making up your minds that 
 you have no choice ' : 
 
 138, 1. 21 dSvvarov vofuffavra civcu (TriTfkiffai ^a<xi\(i a vniffx^TO, 
 * finding it impossible.' 
 
 Under the same head probably falls the use of $ov\fiu<u, ^ovXfvofiai 
 in the aorist for ' coming to a conclusion,' ' forming a plan,' * making up 
 one's mind ' : 
 
 i. 73, 1. 6 onus A*^ ^c^diojs ir^pl fxefdXuv irpayfidrojv . . . x^ipov Pov\€v- 
 arjaOe : 
 
 85, 1. 2 /iT^S' fireixOivres Iv $pax(t fiopi<f} ^fiepas nfpii iroWuv (TUfxaTOiV 
 Kol x/"7/*oTa;i' koi it6\€aiv koX bo^r^s fiovXfvaojfiev, dXXd KaO' "fiavxiov. 
 
 § 9. There are four places in Thucydides i. where the use of the aorist 
 Aorist participle presents a difficulty, because it seems to denote an action 
 
 participle, subsequent to, not prior to, the action of the main verb: i. 101, 
 1. 10 ©daiot. h\ Tpirq) trei 7ro\topKovfi(voi djfxoKoyrjaav 'AO-qvaiois reix^s 
 Ti KaGeXovTCS Koi vavs irapaBovTCS, xp^J/^^a t6 00a (thu ditohovvai avriKa 
 Ta|dp.€voi /cat rb koinbv <f>tpuv, ttjv re i^iTdpov koi rd /xiraWov d4>€VTes : 
 cp. 108,1. 12 wfjLoXoyrjffav . . . ruxv t€ irepi€\6vT€S koi vavs iropaBovTCS 
 <p6pov T€ Ta|dp,€voi : 115, 1. 1 airovdds ktroi'qaavro . . . d'iro86vT€s NtVoxav 
 KOI Tlrjyds, k.t.X. : 1 1 7, 1. 1 3 irpoaex'^PV^^^ op.oXoyic^, rfix^STf Ka0€\6v- 
 T€S Koi ofxrjpovs 86vT6S KOI vavs irapa86vT€S /tat xpv/^'^°- • • • Ta|dp,€voi 
 diToSovvai. 
 
 These passages are alike in meaning, and are partly to be explained 
 by the natural idea that the treaty in each case did not come into full 
 operation until the conditions had been fulfilled. But the phrase could 
 not have been used were it not that the aorist participle is in some 
 cases independent, in point of time, of the verb ; denoting a simultaneous 
 or even later action, which is * timeless,' or past only from the point of 
 view of the speaker or writer. This is the case (a) in certain common 
 
 * This * inceptive ' use of the aorist is mentioned in the Grammars : 
 e.g. Thompson, § 140, i, and note 6; Goodwin, § 200, note 5 (b) ; Ru- 
 therford, § 208 : but it is of such importance that a note on it here seems 
 desirable. It frequently colours the meaning of an aorist where it is too 
 subtle to be reproduced in translation. 
 
 142 
 
 Noies on Grammar ^ §§ 9-11. 
 
 constructions, <pOdaai ?i\6i or €<p$aff€v (kBo/v, trvx^v kXdwif, rrtpiopdv t^v 
 yrjv TfiTjOucrav, etc.^ : {d) in a few isolated'passages. Professor Goodwin 
 quotes a decisive one from Herodotus vii. io6 KariXirre 5^ aifSpa 
 Toi6vb€ MaffKdfirjv yfvSfifvov — referring to a later action on the part 
 of Mascames. Cp. Thucydides ii. 68 init. ""Apyos to 'AfxtpiXoxitov kox 
 ' Afi<pi\ox}av Tr)v dkkrjv (KTiaf fifrd rd TpooiKd oiKaSe dvax<»p^<TCis . . . 
 *Afi<pi\oxos 6 'AfM<piap€a} . . . ofxuvv/jiov t^ kavTOv varpiht "Apyos dvop.d- 
 cras : and iv. 1 1 2 init. Koi. 6 Bpaaidas Idtbv rb (vvOrjfia tdu bpofiq}, 
 dvaffTfjffas rdv arparbv ifi^orjaavrd re d9p6ov kou iKirKrj^iv noWrjv rdis 
 kv TTJ rroXu irapaax^vra : here f/x^orjcravra is subordinate to dvaar-qaas 
 and simultaneous with it or later in point of time. 
 
 The leading idea in a sentence is often expressed, not by the finite § 10. 
 verb, but by a participle which is in form subordinate to it. Emphatic 
 
 E.g. i. 19, 1. I Kot 01 fikv AaKcSai/xSvioi oifx ifiroTikets €Xovt€S <l>6pov participle. 
 Toiis ^vfifxdxovs ^yovvTo : * the allies who were under the Lacedaemonian 
 headship were not liable to tribute.' 
 
 20, 1. 5 "Imrapxov otovrcu . . . Tvpawov ovra dvoOavHv, 'was tyrant 
 when he was killed.' 
 
 20, 1. 1 1 ^ov\6iJi€voi . . . SpdcravTcs ti koI icivSvvivaai, * wishing to do 
 something worth the risk ' (see note). 
 
 93, 1. 7 irdvTa o/Aoicos kivovvt€s ^irdyovro, * in their haste they spared 
 nothing whatever.' 
 
 107, 1. 24 vojiio"avT€S Sc diropfiv oirri hUXOoxnv ImaTpdnvaav avrdis, 
 not * thinking that the enemy were at a loss they set out against them ' 
 — for the starting of the expedition has been already mentioned ; but 
 
 * the expedition was made under the impression that the enemy were 
 at a loss.' 
 
 See also notes on i. 9, 1. i ; i. 145, 1. 4 ovbev KcXcvofxcvoi iroi-qauv. 
 vi. 16 med. is a good instance : ^ rd lo-a vcfjicov rd o/toTa dvra^iovTOjy 
 
 * or, if he claims equality, he must concede it.' 
 
 "With ovTQ} fcai this use is particularly emphatic, i. 37> 1. i dvayKaiov 
 . . . (iVTjo^lvTas irpu/Tov kcu "fjfJids irfpl dfjKporcpojv ovto) Kal km rbv dWov 
 \6yov Uvai, * we too are compelled to deal with both points before we 
 proceed with our plea.' 
 
 Participles are often subordinate to each other, as well as to finite § H, 
 verbs. When two or more participles unconnected by a conjunction Participles 
 are used in connection with the same verb, their relation to each other subordi- 
 must be carefully noticed in translating : — nate to par- 
 ticiples. 
 
 ^ See Goodwin, Syntax of Greek Moods and Tenses, §§ 143-152, for 
 a full discussion of the subject; Rutherford, § 220, for a different view ; 
 also Goodwin, Grammar, § 204, note 2 ; Thompson, § 140, note 5 ; 
 F. Carter, in the Classical Review, vol. v. pp. 3 ff., 249 ff., and on the 
 other side R. Whitelaw, id. p. 248. Many instances quoted do not apply. 
 
 143 
 
Notes on Grammar^ §§ ii, 12. 
 
 i. 18, 1. 17 o? *A$rivcuoi im6vT(uv rS)v Mi75a>r SiavorjOivTes eK\iirfiv r^v 
 ttoXlv koX dvaaKfvaadufvot ks rds j^aus kfi^avrts vavriKoX tyivovro, ' the 
 Athenians, on the approach of the Medes, resolved to leave their city 
 and removed their goods, and finally, going on shipboard, became 
 seamen.' Here ImovTOJv ruiv MtjSojv is subordinate to the participles 
 which follow, and SiavoT]6(VT€s . . . Kal avaaKivaaafxivoi is subordinate to 
 (fi$dvT€s vavTiKol ifivovro. 
 
 i. 31, 1. 4 €/< T€ auTjJs liiKonomrqaov ay fipomfs /cot t^s dWrjs 'EWdSos 
 (phas, fiiffdQ ireiOovTfs, 'whom they attracted by offers of pay.' 
 
 i. 49, 1. 16 ol ydp Kepuvpaioi fiKoai vavalv avrov^ rpfrpdufvoi koi Kara- 
 hi6}^avT€S (TTTopdSas h t^v jjireipov ft-^xpi- rod aTparoiriSov irXfvffavTfS 
 avTuv Koi iviK^dvTis hfirprjaay . . . rds aicqi/d^ kpfqfiov^ : here Tp€\pdfi€VOi 
 and Karadiu^avTis are subordinate to trXfvffavrfs and kn€K0dvT€s. 
 
 i. 75, 1. lo Kai Tivojv KOI ijdr] diroardvTonf KareffTpafififvoov, 'when some 
 had actually revolted and been reduced.' 
 
 i. 143, 1. 3 fjifj ovrcuv ijixSiv dvTiirdXojv^ la&dvTOJV avrwv re koI tuiv 
 HfTotKoiv, hiivbv dv jjy, ' if we were not a match for them luhen we 
 embarked^. ^ 
 
 §12. 
 
 Neuter par- 
 ticiple for 
 abstract 
 substan- 
 tive. 
 
 Thucydides is particularly fond of a peculiar use of the neuter parti- 
 ciple of intransitive verbs. 
 
 i- 36, 1. 3 yvwroi TO yi\v ScSios avrov iffxvv ^xov tovs havriovs fidWov 
 <po^rjaov, TO 5^ Oopo-ovv fji^ be^aixivov daOfvis ov, k.t.X., * his fear, . . . 
 his confidence.' 
 
 i. 90, 1. 8 TO fllv PovX6|l,6VOV Kot V1T01TT0V TTJS yVUfJLTJS OV drjXovVTfSy 
 
 * the meaning and the mistrust of Athens in their proposal.' 
 
 i. 142, 1. 20 TToXXcus 5€ (yavfflv) elpyofifvoi ^avxaffovffi koI fv r^ /x^ 
 ficXcTuvTi d^vviTUT^poi €ffovTcu, ' with Want of practice.' 
 
 iii. 10 init. Iv yap t^ BuiAXAo-o-ovti rrjs yvuiiqs teal al Siacpopal rwv 
 (pyaiv KadlaravTai, ' in divergencies of principle.' 
 
 Perhaps iii. 43 med. XP^ 5^ itpbs rd p-iyiara Kal €v t^ toiwSc 
 d|totivTt^ finds vfpaiTfpca irpovoovvras Xeyfiv vp£iv tSiv hi bXiyov uko- 
 rrovvTuv, ' although such sentiments prevail.' 
 
 V. 9 med. €<us ovv . . . rod tmamivai irXiov ^ toO ^.cvovtos . . . r^v 
 Zidvoiav exovatv, kv rqt dv^tfievqf avTwv rrjs yv^ifirjs Kal irpiv ^vvraxOrjvai 
 fidkXov rijv So^av, k.t.X., ' while they are thinking more of slipping away 
 than of standing firm.* 
 
 vi. 24 init. TO filv im.Bv\LOW rov irXov ovk k^i^piOrjaav virb rod bxXudovs 
 
 T^5 VapaCKfVTJS. 
 
 vii. 68 init. diroirXTJffai ttjs yv6jfxr]s to 6v(iov(Jievov. 
 Such expressions seem to arise, partly from Thucydides' love of per- 
 sonification, partly from a desire to express abstract ideas in as concrete 
 
 * There is a very subtle analysis of various ' accumulations of partici- 
 ples ' in Kriiger, Greek Syntax, § 56, 15. 1-6. 
 
 - Reiske and Kriiger propose and most edd. read d^tovv ri, 
 
 M4 
 
 Notes on Grammar, §§ 12-14. 
 
 a form as possible: the participle employed is one more appropriate to 
 persons than to things. And in all the cases, an abstract substantive, or 
 the mfinitive of the verb employed, might quite easily take the place of the 
 participle. Hence it will not do to explain the usage from * the difficulty 
 of expressing abstract ideas.* It is an experiment in language, to which 
 we see an approach in simpler phrases like ii. 6i init. kv r^ i/xfHpq, 
 dae^vu Trjs yv(i;firj9 ; ii. 87 init. Trjs yvi,tir}s rb {jl^ Kard Kpdros vinrjeh, 
 €Xov 56 Tiva kv ahTo) dvriXoyiav, and ru i/Troirroi/, rb dvufifvov rrji yvdjfirjs 
 m 1. 90, V. 9 quoted above : in these however adjectives or passive 
 participles are generally used : ii. 87 shows the transition to the use of 
 an active participle. 
 
 Bohme, on i. 36, quotes parallels from Antiphon, Tetral. i. 3, 3 -rb 
 evtioifiivov T^s yv^ixrjs, de Caed. Herod. § 73 rb ifi^repov dvvd^evov ... 
 rb rwv ix^pwv BovX6,iivov, Plat. Phaed. 72 B rb dveydptffOai . . . yiyvo- 
 nfvov kK rov KaOivSovros f = Tov KaOeridciv). There are several instances 
 m Sophocles, chiefly in the later plays \ Cp. also Xen. Mem. ii. 6. 23 
 rrjv opyriv kwXvuv (is rb fifra/JifXTjaofifvov irpoUvai. 
 
 €t with fut. indie, and a present tense or its equivalent in the 
 apodosis^, is always an expressive construction implying a shade of 
 contempt, indignation, fear, etc. 
 
 i. 32, 1. 6 €t* 5^ rovroiv fxrjSfv aa<ph KaTao-TTjo-ovox, /x^ opyi^faOai -fjv 
 drvxaxTiv, * if they cannot hope to establish.' 
 
 i. 35, 1. 4 Kol 5€ivbv (i roiffSc fxlv dv6 n rwv handvbwv eo-rai nXrjpovv 
 rds vavs, k.t.X., * if they are to be allowed to man.' 
 
 i. 124, 1. 7 €1 yv<o<r9y]a-6\iiea ^vv(Xe6vT€s fikv dfivveaOai Si oii roXfxuvrfs, 
 • if it is to go abroad that.' 
 
 i. 141, 1. 2 €t iroXe/jL'^aopKv, 'if we mean to fight.' 
 
 There are one or two really ' irregular ' conditional sentences in § 14. 
 Thucydides, where d with the optative in the protasis is followed by Optative 
 a (present or future) indicative in the apodosis. (not indie.) 
 
 i. 121, 1. 13 /xt^ T€ viKri vavfiaxias Kard rb eUbs dXiaKovTaf fl 5' dvr- ^^er el. 
 <<rxotf V, fifXfrrjcrofifv Kal i^ficis kv nXkovi XP<^^V rd vavriKa. 
 
 The confident tone of the speaker makes the alternative of the Athe- 
 nians continuing to resist very faintly present to his mind, or (which in 
 
 §13. 
 
 Condi- 
 tional sen- 
 tences : «i 
 with fut. 
 indie. 
 
 See further Campbell's Sophocles, vol. i. Introduction, § 30 A 
 and cp. Thompson, § 150 A, note 2 ; Kriiger on Thuc. i. 36. 
 
 ^ In 111. 47 init. tt biaipOfpun rbv S^fiov tov MvnXrjvaiojv . . . dSiKTiafTf 
 Tovs fv€pyhas Krfivovres is different: here there is a future in the apodosis 
 and d Sia<pefpuT€, ' if you really kill, if you will kill,' is like kdv 8ia- 
 <pe€ipr}T€, but more energetic. The cases above are variations of the 
 (i ri €x«, biSojffi construction : this, of the kdv ri €X]7, h^au. See 
 Goodwin, § 221 note, § 223, note i ; Thompson, § 194, i, 2 : and 
 cp. Rutherford, § 285. 
 
 K 
 
 H5 
 
Notes on Grammar, §§ 14-16. 
 
 this case comes to the same thing) very improbable : hence €t St 
 dvTtVxotev instead oir^v l\ a.vr[ax<^<y*- ' 'suppose they hold out ' instead 
 of ' if they hold out.' 
 
 ii. 39 fin. KaiTOi ei ^Ov/xia fiaWov rj ttovojv fxfXeTT} Kot n^ fiira voixcav 
 TO ttXuov -fj rpoiTOJV dvSpda^ «0€Xoi}jl€V kiv5vv(v€iv, irfpiyi'yv^Tai fjixiv roh 
 T€ ftiWovffiv dkycivois fx^ TrpoKCLfivhv, Kal h avrci kXOovm /z^ droXfiorcpovs 
 TOfv ufl fioxOovvTuv (palvfffdaiy k.t.X. Here fi eO'Xoifjtfv (if genuine) ^ 
 is used with a touch of irony, 'but if (whate^er our Spartan detractors 
 say) we should still prefer to face danger with a light heart, we have the 
 advantage of,' etc. 
 
 § 15. Two other places may be explained on the same principle : for in 
 
 Indie. =^ both ei with the optative is used of a case which the speaker is only 
 
 optative supposing, and which he is strongly contrasting with the actual case. 
 
 with dv. But a simpler explanation is preferable, because the clause with ci 
 
 and optative /^//^wj, and does not precede the clause with indicative. 
 
 i. 120, 1. 16 dvhpSjv ycLp cr<u(f>p6v(uv piiv kariv, ci \ir\ dSiKoivro, ■^avx<i- 
 ^€iv, d'yaOwv di dStKovfihovs (k p\v fiprjvrjs TTokffxuv, k.t.\. Here dvdpSfv 
 a(u<pp6vojv kanv . . . iiavxd^fiv = dv^pis auxppoves jJcuxaC^'^" ^.v. 
 
 iii. 9 med. Kai ovk dSiKos avrrj j) d^iojcls kffTiv, d rv\oi€v npbs dWriXovs 
 01 T€ dcpiffrdfifvoi Kat d(p' uiv SiaKpivoivro iaoi pikv r^ funri ovns koX 
 €vvoia, K.T.X. Here kou ovk ddiKos avTrj ^ d^iojcris kariv = Kai ovk &v 
 ddiKous TUVTa d^iojffeiav ol "EXX-qves, fi tvxokv, k.t.X. So that here there 
 is no real irregularity. 
 
 In vi. 34 med, €t 5^ ft?) boKoi-q (ImdioOm avTols) toTi kcu vtroxoipfioai 
 ijixiv h Tdpavra : although the clause with d and the optative precedes, 
 the same explanation holds good, because tanv vjroxa}pv^(u "hl^^ 
 obviously = vvox^potpev dv. 
 
 § 16. The apparent irregularity of an indicative in the protasis, and 
 
 Optative an optative with dv in the apodosis vanishes when we remember that 
 
 with dv = dv with the optative (whether in a conditional sentence or not) is con- 
 
 indic. stantly equivalent to an indicative of some kind ^. Such sentences are 
 
 of the €t Tt lx€«, 5<5cu(rt form, and bear only a superficial resemblance to 
 
 the €*/ Tt exoi, SiSoiT) dv form. 
 
 i. 38, 1. 7 KCU SrjXov oTi fl Tois vXfoaiv dpeffKOVTes ffffifv, TOiab 
 av puivoti OVK opOm ditapiaKoipav, where ovk 6p6u>s dirapfffKoifxcv dv is a 
 
 ^ The best MSS. vary between idiXopiev and iOfXaipev, but Dionysius 
 of Halicamassus, Thuc. Propr. 12 (in the Augustan age) comments 
 on fOeXoififv in a manner which shows clearly that he read it. 
 
 ^ Not necessarily to a future indicative ; much less to an expression 
 of ' politeness.' 
 
 Cp. 8oKoIpi€v di', ch. 122, 1. 17, not 'we shall be thought,' but 'we 
 must be thought' ; and see Thompson, § 196 ; Goodwin, § 226, 2. 
 
 146 
 
 Notes on Grammar, §§ 16-19. 
 
 slightly more argumentative form of ovk 6p9(vs dvapiaKonev, 'it cannot 
 be right that they alone should be dissatisfied with us.' 
 
 i. 142, 1. 7 tppovptov S' ei TTOffjaovTcu, ttj^ pl\v yrjs PXairroiev dv ti n4pos 
 KaTadpofxais Koi ai,TOfioXiai9, ' if they go and build a fort, then they may 
 injure a good part of our land,' etc. 
 
 ii. 60 fin. wo-t' ei fioi Kal fxeaw ^yovptevoi paXXov eTepoov irpoaeivai avTa 
 iroXefieiv eireiffOriTe, ovk &v eiKOTOJs vvv tov ye dSiKeiv aiTiav (pepoifirjv, i.e. 
 oifK eiKos (an, tov ye dSiKetv epie vvv alTtav (pepeadat. 
 
 iii. 40 med, ei ydp ovtoi 6p9m dneaTrjaav, vpieTs dv ov xP^ojv dpxotre, 
 i.e. oifK dpa xpTj vfias dpxeiv, ' you must be wrong in holding empire.' 
 
 In three of these four instances the words dpOm, eiKoTus, xP^mv, sug- 
 gest indicative sentences ^ : i. 142, 1. 7, is like the cases mentioned 
 p. 145, footnote 2. 
 
 dv with impf, in the apodosis of a conditional sentence may § 17. 
 refer to past as well as to present time ; although the imperfect always dvwith im- 
 has some special force: e.g. i. 75 fin. Kal ydp dv ai diroffTdffeis -npbs perf. indie. 
 vixds eyiyvovTo, ' for our allies who revolted would (always) have revolted 
 to you 2.' Cp. note on ch. 44, 1. 5. 
 
 Kai, 'also' or 'even' (ov5e, pirjSe, *not ... either,' or 'not even'), § 18. 
 is in Thucydides, as in other Greek authors, constantly used to emphasize Particles. 
 a leading idea, and must be carefully noticed in translation. KaC, ovhi, 
 
 «at ('also') may imply ' accordingly,' * consequently,' 'actually,' or emphatic, 
 the like. 
 
 i. 14, 1. II 6\p€ T€ d^' o5 'AOrjvaiovs ©epiKTTOKXfjs eveiffev . . . rds vavs 
 noiriffaffdai ata-nep koI evavpiax^ffav (' actually'). 
 
 i. 20, 1. II 0ovX6fievoi Si nplv ^vXXrj<pe^vcL SpdcravTes ti Kal Kivdvvevaai, 
 {lit.) 'so and only so to take the risk.' 
 
 ii. 93 med. us U eSo^ev avrois, Kal exoupovv ev'^vs, 'the plan having 
 been adopted, they accordingly started at once ' (' this plan they promptly 
 executed '). 
 
 When Kai is used, as in the instances just given, with the latter § 19. 
 of two ideas (the latter in the order of time or thought, a result, con- KaC em- 
 clusion, or the like), there is no great difficulty. But it is sometimes used phatic w ith 
 with ihe/ormer of two ideas, — with the antecedent, not the consequent, ^he afife- 
 Where we should say, ' Because a man has had a piece of unexpected '""'"' 
 fortune, he craves for still more.' Thucydides says (iv. 17 fin.) del ydp 
 tov irXeovos eXniSi opeyovrai 5id Td Kal rd irapSvTa aboKrjTOJS evTvxrjaai : 
 where Kai might be accurately but clumsily translated * to begin with.' 
 
 Where we should say * We must gather from the character of Aga- 
 memnon's expedition what earlier expeditions too were like,' Thucydides 
 
 cedent. 
 
 * For other instances, see Thompson, § 200; Goodwin, § 227, i. 
 2 Th. § 197, G. § 222, R. § 281. This is often forgotten in trans- 
 lating. 
 
 147 
 
 K 2 
 
Notes on Grammar, §§ 19-21. 
 
 says, ' from the character of this expedition to begin with ' ; tiK&^iiv 5^ 
 vpn Kttl ravrr] rrf arparuq oia ^v ra irpo avTrjs i. 9, 1. 27. ^ 
 
 i. 140. 1 27 ois d £u7Xcuf>i^<^€T6, Koi &X\o Ti /icrCov €{,eh imTaxOria^o^^ 
 ij, <p6&V ^<^^ 'To*^^'' viraKoiaavrts, ' if you are going to agree to this, then 
 (§ 18) you will promptly have something greater demanded of you, 
 under the impression that this Jirst concession was made through fear. 
 So iv 62 fin. Tt/m;pi'a 7dp o{,k iiirvx^i hiKaiw, tri Kal AbiKiirai, * vengeance, 
 because it is taken upon a wrong, is not therefore as fortunate as it ougnt 
 to be.' This idiom is very common, especially in the phrase wott^p mi, 
 and can hardly ever be literally translated. 
 
 Very often i'oth ideas, both clauses of a sentence, antecedent and con- 
 sequent, are emphasized by Kai . . , , -^ 
 
 i. 77, 1. 22 uTTfp oJa Kal t6t€ irph rbv ^rjhov . . . vv(b€i(aT€, ofxoia 
 Kal vvv yvdjafaOf : here we can translate Kai only with vvv, not with 
 TOT€, * now too,' ' once more.' 
 
 i. 83, 1. 7 oiiTfp 8e Kal ruiv dno^aivuvTwv rb irXiov W aiKponpa rtjs 
 at'Ti'as i^ofiiv, olroi Kal KaO' ^avxiav Tt avruu npoiSajfXfv, ' let us who will 
 have to bear the responsibility degin by considering the consequences, 
 or * as we shall bear the responsibility, so let us consider the conse- 
 quences.* 
 
 § 20. A peculiar use of kox (' even \ emphasizing the word which follows 
 Kai em- it, is best translated by italics or ' at all.' ^ 
 
 phatic= i. 15. 1- 6 Kara yrjv Se 7r(5\«/iOS, oOfv rts Kal Svvanis vapfytvero, oy5«y 
 
 ' at all.' ^vviarr)- navrcs 5€ ^aav, offoi Kal kyivovro, irpds 6n6povs roh (r<p(T(pov'S 
 
 l«a<rTO(S, ' anything that amounted to power,' ' all that occurred at all.' 
 Cp. i. 20, 1. 17 rov UiravdTTjv Koxov . . . hs ov8' iyivtro nwiroTf, 
 ' which never even existed at all.' 
 
 i. 97, 1. 10 TovTOJV 5* oairtp Kal Tj^paro kv tt) "Attik^ (vyypacpfj 'EXXd- 
 yiKos, 'Hellanicus who really did touch upon this period,' whereas others 
 
 did not. 
 
 Cp. vi. 38 fin. Ti Kal fiovXfffOf, S> vtwrepoi, 'what can you want? 
 * what ever do you want,' implying that they ought not to want any- 
 thing ^ 
 
 § 21. 1*^ . . • 8€. Of two clauses introduced by fifv and Sf, the first 
 u^ and 8«' is sometimes subordinate to the other, and /xtV must be translated 
 ' although,' * while,' * whereas.' Thus in i. i, 1. 10 rd yap rrp6 avrSiv . . . 
 aa(p^s |i€V tvpiiv . . . aUvara rjv, U 8€ TfKurjpiojv uv em naKpSrarov cko- 
 rrovvri fioi mffrfvaai ^vfi^aivu ov fitydXa vofxi^oi yiVioOat, It was not of 
 course the uncertainty of early history but the weakness of early times 
 which, in spite of that uncertainty, convinced Thucydides of the com- 
 parative greatness of the Peloponnesian war. 
 
 1 Cp. Kruger, Greek Grammar, § 69, 32, 16 ; Riddell's Apology, 
 p. 168. 
 
 148 
 
 Notes on Grammar, §§ 21-23. 
 
 Tn i. 7» !• I "^^v 5^ Tt6\i<uv oaat, p,^ vtijrara tpKiaOrjcrav^ k.t.X., the 
 corresponding at 8i rraXaiai is four lines further down. * Only the cities 
 latest founded were built close to the shore ; the ancient cities (of which 
 I am speaking) were established inland.' 
 
 iii. 94 fin. rb yap tOvos p,iya |iiv ttvai to twv AiroiXuv koI fidxipiov, oIkovv 
 Bk KarcL KWfias drHX}aTOV$ . . . ov xctX^irdj/ dii€(f-aivov . . . Karaarpacp^vat, 
 ' the Aetolians, numerous and warlike though they were, dwelt only in 
 unwalled villages and would not therefore be difficult to conquer.' 
 
 ovx ^ffaov, ' not less,' often, though not always, implies fidWov, § 22. 
 more' (pi/x ^crffov dXXd fidWov). So ovx ^Kiara may — fidKiara^ : Negatives. 
 oil TWV dSvvaTcuTdTocv (i. 5, 1. 4) = rwv SwaraiTdTuv. This is an ex- ov»x r\a-(rov. 
 tension of the very common idiom by which, e.g. in i. 25, 1. 22 Kal ^aav 
 ovK d^vvaroi means * they were anything but weak.' 
 
 This use is proved by passages like i. 82, 1. 17 /ii^ ydp aWo ri 
 vo/xi(TT]r€ T^v yrjv avTujv ff ofirjpov txft*', Kal ov\ -Tjo-crov oa<^ d|icivov 
 i^iipiyaaTai.. 
 
 i. 68, 1. 10 iv 61s irpoarjKei ^/xas ovx TJ^tcrra (iirttv, oaqj koX ^y\.<Tra. 
 tyKkrinaTa tx^A***'^' 
 
 In i. 54, 1. II OVK kxdaaovs xtXtW is shown a few lines further down 
 to mean, in exact figures, 1050. 
 
 But in i. 33, 1. 14 d<T(pdk(iav koI k6(T/ju>v ov\ ■fjao-ov did6vT€s fj \r}if/6fi(Voif 
 the Corcyraeans cannot intend to say that they offer to Athens security 
 and honour in a higher degree than they hope to receive them ; the 
 meaning is simply ' not less.' 
 
 So with ov Toaovrov . . . oaov, * not so much . . . as,* or * not ... § 23. 
 but.' ov TOO-OV- 
 
 In viii. 45 med. ov roaovrov irtviq, oaov iva avruv fi^ oi vavrai, Ik tov...oo"ov. 
 rrfpiovaias v^pi^ovTes, k.t.X., the meaning is ' fwt from poverty, du( to 
 check extravagance.' 
 
 But on the other hand, i. 127, 1. 4, the Lacedaemonians indirectly 
 demand the banishment of Pericles vofxi^ovTfs tKitfaovros avTov ^qov 
 <T<pi(Ti trpoxc^pfiy Td dvb rwv 'AOrjvaiojy ov fMiVTOi too^ovtov ^XTrt^oj' va$uv 
 dv avrbv tovto oaov diaffoXijv oiaciv avTw irpos t^v troXiv, k.t.X. Here 
 ov roaovrov must mean *not so much,* because the words voixi^ovTis 
 (KireaSvTos avrov would have no sense at all unless the Lacedaemonians 
 had thought it just possible for their demand to take effect. 
 
 In i. II, 1. I aiTiov 8' ^i* ovk ij oXiyavOpamia tooovtov oaov 1) 
 dxpntutTia, the meaning is ju«t the same as in English * not so much the 
 want of men as the want of money.' 
 
 ^ Cp. Hdt. ii. 43, and elsewhere, ovx ff*'0"»"a dXXd fidXiaTa. 
 
 ' In i. 44, 1. 2 ovx ^(^cFov probably = /iaXXoi' : cp. fitTeyvctiaav, 1. 3; 
 
 so ovK tXdaacti i. 40, 1. 22 : cp. fidXXov 1. 23. 
 
 149 
 
Notes on Grammar, §§ 23-27. 
 
 § 24. Similarly oh fxdWov , . . i^, ov t6 -nXiov . . . ff may mean * not so 
 ov udXXov much . . . as,' or 'not . . . but.' 
 
 _ fj. In i. 9, 1. 20 ov x^P'"^* "^^ itXuov fj (p6^<i) means that Agamemnon 
 
 succeeded in getting together the expedition against Troy * not mainly 
 by favour but (mainly) by fear.' 
 
 In i. 83, 1. 3 /cat €aTiv 6 iroXefxos ovx onXuv t6 ir\iov dAAd darrdvrfs, 
 the meaning is simply * not so much as.* 
 
 In V. 8 fin. ov /ioAXoi/ is clearly ^ ' not . . . but ^' 
 
 §25. 
 
 ovx ijJioios, ovx oo'oSj ^'^•^' The corresponding English expressions 
 
 * not like,' ' not as great as ^ * usually mean * smaller than,' * less than ' ; 
 
 * the enemy's fleet is not like ours ' or ' not equal to ours ' means that 
 it is smaller. In Greek, ovx ofMios, ovx o<ros, ovk laos, may mean either 
 ' smaller ' or * greater.' 
 
 Cp. i. 51,1- I ravras ovv (jcis vavs) irpo'iSovTes ol Kopivdioi Kal vrro- 
 ToirqffavTfs dir* 'AS-qvuv (hai ovx oo-as kwpojv dXXd irXeCovs, *not the 
 number (only) which they saw but more.' 
 
 i. 132, 1. 5 v-noxpias h\ iroWoLs rrapux^ • • • H-^ ^^°^ ^ovXeaOai (7vai rots 
 irapovaiv (d\Ad nu^ojv rwv vap6vr<uv) ; so vi. 16 med. ovU 76 dbiKov l(p' 
 kavT^ fiiya (ppovovvra fjir) Xaov €ivai. 
 
 i. 143, 1. 13 aXXa OVK diro tov lorov fieyaXa clearly means ' other and 
 far greater advantages.' 
 
 But in i. 73, 1. 25 US ovkIti ai/ru ofxoias ovarjs rrjs Svvd/xccus, 'not like 
 what it had been ' means kss. 
 
 § 26. ov iJi^v ov5€ has {a) a weaker and {b) a stronger sense : (a) ' nor again,' 
 ov ll^v ' (^) * ^ot however that.' For (a) cp. i. 3, 1- 16 ov fi^v ovde 0ap^0dpovs 
 ovhi. (iprjKi: vi. 55 med. ov /i^v ou5' &v Karaax^iv fxoi SoKfT iron 'Iiririas 
 
 TO Trapaxprjf^ p<}dio}s T^v rvpavuida. For (d) cp. i. 82, 1. I ov /x^v ovSk 
 dvaiad^TWS avrovs k(\€voi tovs . . . ^vfifMXovs i^jwv kdv ^Xdirreiv, ' not 
 however that I would have you tamely permit them to injure our allies ' : 
 ii. 97 fin. ov fi-^v ovb' €s 7^v d\KT)v evfiovXiav Kal ^vveaiv ntpl raiv -napov- 
 Tooy €5 TOV fiiov oAXots oixotovvrai. 
 
 V 27. Adverbial phrases like Ka6' tKaarov, Kaff €Kd<TT0vs, km trXkov are 
 Koff Ikuo-- oft^° ^^^ either as parallel or as actually equivalent to a case of a 
 TOV, etc. substantive, a nommative, dative, or accusative ' : a similar construction 
 used as ' is not unfrequent in Herodotus (see Stein on Hdt. i. 9, 1. 11). 
 substan- 
 tives. — — " 
 
 ^ Thuc. vii. 36 med. hofuaav ^dp 01 ^vpojcuaioi — irpbs kavTuv iafadai 
 is interesting as a study of these negative constructions. 
 
 2 In fact oaos means not ' as great as ' but * of the same size as ' : cp. 
 i. 2, 1. 6; II, 1. 3 ; and notes. 
 
 3 See Kriiger, Greek Grammar, § 60, 8, who compares such simple 
 
 150 
 
 Notes on Grammar, §§ 27-29. 
 
 i. 3, 1. 5 KaTd (OvTj Si &\\a t€ Kal to UeXaayiKov firl TrXnarov d(p' 
 kavTuiv {8oK€i) T^v fiTuvv/juav irapix^aeai. Here KaTa ttOvrj dXXa is 
 a nominative, and equivalent to tOvr] aXXa KaS' Uaara. {Kara ievri 
 might be explained as adverbial, and an indefinite subject, * the old in- 
 habitants of Hellas,' supplied with Trapix^rdai ; but the comparison of 
 other passages shows that this is unnecessary.) 
 
 i. 36, 1. 14 $paxvTdr<i> 5' dv Ki<paXai(^j tois t€ ^vfinaai Kal Kad' tKaarov, 
 Toih'' dv fxr) TTpoiaOai ^fids /xdOoiTe. Here Ka9' iKaoTov = toTs Kad' (KaffTov. 
 
 Cp. ii. 64 med. Koi noXe/xots fX€yiaTOis dvT€Oxoti€V irpos t€ ^vymavTas 
 Kal Kad' €Kd(TTovs ( = 7rpoj (Kdarovs). 
 
 vii. 8 init. dyyiXXojv noXXdKi^ fikv Kal aXXore KaO^ eKaara tuv yiyvo- 
 fiivanf { = €KaaTa tSjv yiyvo/xepoov or Td yiyvofiiva KaO' (EKaara). 
 
 vii. 64 med. koI ivevuHaOe Kad' kKaarovs t€ Kal ^vfiiravTcs. (Here 
 KaO' (KdcTovs = €KaaToi ^) 
 
 Thucydides is fond of dovetailing as it were his clauses into each § 28. 
 other by inserting into one clause a word or words belonging to an Order of 
 adjoining clause : or of separating two parallel clauses by part of an- words, 
 other clause ^ 
 
 E.g. in i. 70, 1. 25, where it might seem clearer to write Kal ravra 
 irdvTa fxcrd novcvv Kal kivSvvqjv Si' oXov tov alSivoi jnoxdovffi, Thucydides 
 writes Kal ravra /xerd irovav irdvra koI kivSvvqjv Si' 6\ov tov aiSivos 
 fioxOovai . 
 
 Cp. i. 37> 1- ^4 '^^^ rovro) to cvirpfTrh dairovSov ovx '^''^ M ^vvaSiK-q- 
 (TOiffiv fTcpois TTpoptpX'qvrai, dXX' ottms KaTd novas dSiKuai, k.t.X. 
 
 ii. 1 5 init. tirl ydp KcKpouos Kal rwv irpwrtov ^ao-iXcuv ^ 'Attikt) is 
 0T)o-ca del KaTd iroXfis t^KUTo. 
 
 Thucydides, like Tacitus, is fond of expressing two parallel clauses § 29. 
 in two different constructions, each regularly subordinate to the same Variation 
 main word '\ of con- 
 
 Cp. i. 63, 1. 6 Kal naprjXOe trapd t^v xV^^^ ^'« "^V^ OaXdaaijs PoXXo- stmction. 
 |i.ev6s T€ Kal xaXeirws — where a participle and an adverb are parallel to 
 each other and both subordinate to iraprjXdf. 
 
 So in i. 49, 1. 7 ov ^aSictis direXvovTo vit6 re irXiridovs Kal oxXov tuv 
 vfS>v, Kal p,dXX6v rv mo-revovres rots tirl tov KaTaaTpwfiaTos oirXiTais Is 
 
 expressions as ^vv€0ori$ijaav us UKoai /xdXiaTa iinriasy SU<pdiipav els 
 oKTaKoaiovs. 
 
 '■ Cp. ii. 77 fin., v. 68 init., vi. 15 fin., 67 fin., vii. 75 init., viii. 50 fin. 
 
 * Classen (Introd. p. Ixxxii) who quotes several instances from i. 69. 
 Cp. i. 21, 1. 2, and note. 
 
 ^ There is no question here of irregularity or ' change of construction ' ; 
 which only occurs where two constructions are used inconsistently to 
 express one idea : see § 30. 
 
 151 
 
Notes on Grammar, §§ 29-30. 
 
 T^v piicrjv, where if no trX-qOovs and martvovTts both give in different forms 
 the reason for ou pqSiojs dncKvovTo. 
 
 i. 22, 1. 9 (see notes) is a more complicated case: d\K' ots n avrus 
 iraprjv (ji^iojaa ypdtpfiv), Kal napd ruv dWajv oaov bvvarbv dxpt^dq. ircpi 
 iKaarov kne^€Kd6jv. Here the constructions would have been parallel if 
 avrds t< trapaffvofievoi had been written for ois avrbs iraprjv or d irapd 
 Tuv oAXwv kn(^rj\6ov for irapd rwv dWojv (irc^ehdwv. 
 
 Other instances in Book i. are — 
 
 69, 1. II Kal (TTtffTo fi€da otoL 68^ 01 'AOrjvaioi Kol ort Kar* oXiyov x<y- 
 povaiv ivi Tovs iT€\as, lit. ' by what steps they attack their neighbours, 
 and that ihey do so by degrees.' 
 
 90, 1. 6 i\^[ovv avToif? ^ "^fi^'C^"' . . . rd (ikv fiovXofJifvov koj, vitoittov 
 TTJs yvajfxTjs ov 5rjKovvT€ ^i 6^ rov fiap^dpov . . . ovKav exovTos,K.T.\., 
 
 * they requested them n ^ to build walls, not revealing their suspicions, 
 but only on the plea that,' etc. 
 
 141, 1. I avroOiv hr} hiavo-qOrjrt ^ vnraKOveiv irplv ri BkaPrjvai, ^ . . . ftrj 
 6i|ovT6s, * resolve either to submit ... or never to yield.' The construc- 
 tion diavorj$r]Te /xtj u^opTfs is not found elsewhere, so that this instance 
 approaches an anacoluthon. 
 
 § 30. Anacolutha or changes of construction. 
 Changes of (^) There are a good many very slight changes of construction or 
 construe- grammatical irregularities in Thucydides which present no difficulty 
 tion : (a whatever ; any reader who is thinking more of the sense than the words 
 slight : -will pass them over without notice ; and they have seldom been referred 
 
 to in the Notes (e.g. 10, 11. 30, 31 ; 16, 1. i ; 126, 1. 42). 
 
 Such are i. 49, 1. 1 2 al 'ArTiKal vijcs . . . fidxrjs ovk ^px^^f deSidrfs oi 
 ffTpaTrjyoi T'^v irp6ppr](ny tuv ^ kQrjvalcav. 
 
 i« I3» !• 5 vavTixd rt e^rjpTVfro j) 'EAAay, Kal t^s OaXdaarjs /ioAAov 
 dvTfixovro {scil. ofHWrjues). 
 
 i. 57, 1. 8 dfdius T€ enpaaaev «s t€ ttjv AaK€8aip,ova ircp.irwv otto;? 
 ir^X(/iOS yfVTjrai avTvis irpds TleXoirovvijffiovs, Kal tovs KopivOtovs irpoo"- 
 etroiciTO T^s IIoTiSaias evfKa dnoaTaafus. 
 
 i. 59, 1. 5 enl T^v MaK(8oviav, k(f oiT«p Kal to irpoTtpov k^iirffiirovTO. 
 
 (if) real 
 breaks in 
 construc- 
 tion. 
 
 (^) Sometimes however such irregularities cause some difficulty in 
 making out the sense^ especially when they involve changes in the subject 
 of a sentence. . Such difficulties are certainly commoner in Thucydides 
 than in Plato ^ or the Orators, even contemporary orators like Antiphon 
 
 ^ Some parallels in Plato will be found among the instances quoted in 
 Riddell's Apology, Digest of Platonic Idioms, §§ 270-286. But they 
 are much more like deliberate and artistic imitations of the easy flow 
 of conversation — not always in accordance with grammatical rules, but 
 nearly always graceful and transparently clear. 
 
 T52 
 
 Notes on Grammar, § 30. 
 
 and Lysias : and we do not find them in what we have of other contem- 
 porary prose writers, the philosophers, Gorgias, Critias, the ' De Repub- 
 lica Atheniensium,' etc. ^ We find more analogies to them in Aeschylus 
 and Sophocles. They seem (apart from the chance of corruption in 
 the MSS.; see p. 155 {c)) to arise chiefly from the character of Thucy- 
 dides' mind, partly also from the fact that, being what he was, he 
 ' wrote in an ante-grammatical age.' This means of course, not that 
 the facts and tendencies just beginning to be formulated in rhetorical and 
 grammatical rules did not exist, but that the interest in these rules and 
 their embodiment in formal treatises had not begun to react upon expres- 
 sion, i.e. check either conscious experiments in ]^guage or unconscious 
 forcing of language in the attempt to ex"^ 
 
 Such places are ch. 18, 1. 20 koiv^ t< u MdfMtvoi rbv $dp0apov, 
 vffTfpov ov iro\\(f huKpiOrjaav irpos tc 'AOrjvaiov^Kal AaKcSaifioviovs oi rt 
 diroaravTes paaiKfois "EWrjves koI 01 ^VfiirokffX'qaayTfs. This is not a 
 mere case of widening or contracting the subject, like i. 49 quoted 
 above ; ' those who revolted from the King ' were not among those 
 who ' repelled the Barbarians,' in fact they fought on the Barbarian side. 
 
 So in 100, 1. 8 ff. Kal vaval jxtv iirl Qaaov irXcvaavTfs 01 'Adrfvaioi, 
 K.T.\., 01 'Aerjvaioi, the subject of the long sentence which follows, means 
 (a) an Athenian expedition, (3) the Athenian people, (c) a larger Athe- 
 nian expedition. 
 
 Under the same head come several passages in which the form of the 
 sentence changes under the writer's hands. It is perhaps misleading to 
 speak of a mixture of two constructions, because that may be taken to 
 mean that two constructions were definitely present to the mind of the 
 writer : but such places are a confusion of two constructions, and — though 
 this is one of the points on which no certainty i^ possible and people 
 will never agree— it is probable that Thucydides sometimes forgot how 
 he had begun his sentence before he finished it. He knew what he was 
 going to say when he began, and he knew what he had said when he 
 was ending, but he did not know or care exactly how he had said it. 
 This seems a more natural explanation of many places than correction 
 of the manuscript reading (even where correction is easy), or than the 
 supposition of some unusual or awkward construction. 
 
 Two clear instances in Book i. are ch. 25, 1. 14 ff. ovrti ydp \v rravrj- 
 yvpcai rats Koivais SiSovTfs ytpa rd vo/xi^ofjifva (ot KepKvpatoi) ovre Kopiv- 
 
 ^ Dionys. Hal. De Thuc. Hist. Jud. 51 irpd^ Si tovs (ttI tuv dpxaiov 
 fi'iov dvaipepoPTas t^v QovKvdlSov 8id\(KT0v, <hs 5^ totc dvOpwirois ovaav 
 (TvvTjdr), ^paxvs dirtxptj p^oi kuyos Kal aa<pTis, on, iroWa/v ytvof/evuv 
 'Adrjv^ai Kard tov HfKonovvqcnaKbv noXt^ov ^rfTopoov t€ Kal (pi\o(T6<p(uv, 
 oudeh avTU/v KixpV^'- TOLVTTi TTj Stak(Krq), ov8' 01 ntpl 'AvdoKiSrjv koi 
 'AvrKpaivra Kal Avaiav prjTopes, ov9' ol irtpl Kpiriay Kal 'AvTiadivrj koX 
 Bfvo<pwvTa, ^ojKpaTiKoi. (k 5^ tovtojv dndvTOJV drjKos kariv du})p np&ros 
 (iTiTtTTjSfVKOJS TavTTjv TTjv (pfiTjvdav, iva SiaWd^Tj Tobs dkXovs avyypafpfis. 
 
 ^53 
 
(c) con- 
 fusions 
 arising 
 
 Notes on Grammar, § 30. 
 
 e'lcpav^pi rrpoKarapxofifvot ruv UpoJv, . . . -afpLippovovvrf^Zl^avrov^, k.t.X. 
 ... irdvTOJV ovv rovruv l-^KX-qnara Ixovres oi Koptvdioi tncunov I? t^v 
 'Enidanvov aayavoi ttjv aj(f>€\iav : and ch. 7 1 , 1. 2 ff. Kal oUaOe ttjv ^(^^xiav 
 
 ov TovTois Tojv dvOpuiTuv kiTi v\uaTov dpKHv o\ dv, K.r.X d\X €iri ru> 
 
 1x^1 \viT(iv T€ dWovs KOI avTol duvvofifvoi fx^ fiXd-nnaBai rb laov vi/xfTf. ^ 
 A more doubtful instance isch. 23, 1. 23 r^v fxlv ydp dKijeeaTaTrjv rrpo- 
 (paaiv, dipaveardTTju «€ \6-y(v, rots 'Adrjvalovs ijyoOfxai fX€ya\ovs yiyvonivovs 
 Kal (fiu^ov Tiapixovras rois AaKcSaifiOviois dvayKaaax (S to iTo\(fiftv. We 
 may easily save the grammar by taking vp6<paaiv as an ' accusativus 
 pendens ' or an accusative * in apposition to the whole sentence,' but it 
 is simpler to suppose that irpoipaaiv was meant for the predicate of the 
 sentence which afterwards receives another predicate in dvayKaaai ks to 
 
 no\€fi(Tv. 
 
 Three other less difficult passages illustrate the same principle, viz., 
 the use of a construction suiting, not the expression actually used in 
 the preceding words, but another way in which they might have been 
 
 expressed. ^ , 
 
 In i. 35, 1. 2 1 Kal vavTiKTJs Kal ovk TjnupwJi^os rrjs ^Vfifiaxias bibofievrji 
 ovx bfioia j) dWorpiuais, dWd fidKiara fiev, u bvvaaOf, fxrjUva dkXov €dv 
 KeKirjadai vads, it is difficult to help supplying Scf, from the sense of the 
 preceding clause, with (dv ^. 
 
 In i. 72, 1. I TcLv bl 'AdT]vai<uv hvxf ydp rrpfafitia irporcpov kv tt} AaKf- 
 daifiovi rrfpl dWuv vapoiaa, Kal ws ^adovTo tuv \6yuv, eSo^ev avrots 
 irapiTTjTea h roiis AaKeSaifioviovs eivai, the omission of Kai, which is used 
 as if yap had not preceded, would improve the strict grammar but 
 not the expression (cp. iv. 132): the words that follow contain one or 
 two more slight irregularities such as those mentioned above (a). 
 
 Finally in ch. 132, 1. 32, Thucydides could not have written dv^p 
 ' ApyiKios /iT}VVT^s yiyvtrai, Kal irapaTroLrjaafxevos acppayida \vei rds kmaro- 
 Xds : for Pausanias' slave opened the letter first and revealed the plot 
 afterwards. But the long participial sentence which follows fiijvvT^s 
 yiyv€Tai, explaining the fears of the slave for his life, makes the koi quite 
 natural, for it connects ' in sense, though not in grammar,' the fears of 
 the slave with the opening of the letter to which they led. 
 
 (c) There is a third class of expressions which cannot fairiy be ex- 
 plained in this way : for they involve not merely negligence of expres- 
 sion, but actual blundering and confusion of thought. Such an instance 
 
 1 Stahl's objection *ex ovx ^A*ota ad dWd nihil aliud repeti potest 
 quam ufioiov kariv ' sounds conclusive, unless we read the whole context 
 and realise the circumstances : then it does not. It is a far harsher 
 explanation to take idv as infinitive in an imperative sense, on the 
 strength of one very dissimilar passage in v. 9 med. av b\^ Kktapiba 
 varepov . . . aiipvibiajs rds rrv\as dvoi^as €iT€Ke€iv, Kal iirdy^QBai us Taxtara 
 ivfi/uiai. 
 
 Notes on Grammar, § 30. 
 
 is the sentence inserted by some MSS. at the end of i. 39 kyKkfjixdroov from cor- 
 5c fiovuv dfifTuxovs oijTcvs rSiv fitrd rds irpd^ds tovtoov fxrj KOivojvfiv. If it ruption of 
 were in all the MSS., we should still have a right to say that Thucydides MSS. 
 cannot have deliberately written it as it stands, any more than the 
 sentence at the end of v. 1 1 1 xal kvOvfxuadf iroWaKis ort irepl narpidos 
 fiov\(V€ad{, '^v fiids iripi Kal is fiiav fiovXijv Tvxovadv re Kal p.^ Karop- 
 duoaaav tarai (or lari). Such places are not ' anacolutha,' they are 
 hopeless confusions: though our certainty that they are mistakes of 
 some kind does not make it possible to say with confidence how they 
 got into the text or what Thucydides wrote. 
 
 Now and then too, in places where the meaning is perfectly clear there 
 will be some inaccuracy of expression hardly worth discussing at length, 
 but more likely to be the result of error than to be an exact copy of 
 what Thucydides wrote. Such places in Book i. are ch. 25, 1. 17 
 dwdfifi ovTfs opoTa: perhaps 36, 1. 15 rpia fxev vvra \6yov d^ia rois 
 "EWrjai vavTiKa: 91, 1. 22 e<pa(Tav (see note"), 93, 1. 10 enl ttjs kKiivov 
 dpx'qs ^s Kar' hiavrbv 'AOrjvaiois ^p^fv : for Themistocles cannot really 
 be said, because the archonship was an annual office, to have held it 
 ' annually ' : 1 10, 1. I ovtoj fxlv rd rwv 'EAAjyvcuv npayp-ara hpddprj, e^ err) 
 iTo\€piT)aavTa (Cobet, iroXefirjadvTav)^. This last passage suggests an 
 important limitation to the possibility of explaining by 'anacoluthon 
 passages which present difficulties of grammar or meaning. There 
 cannot really be a ' confusion between the Greek cause and the Greeks ' 
 within so few words, any more than in ii. 29 med. Triprjs Se ovtc to avrb 
 oi/o/xa €x^''' )8ttO"t^«'^s T^ rrpojTos iv Kpdrei 'OSpvawv kykviTo, Thucydides 
 is likely to have changed the construction between ix"^ and kyhiro^ 
 and left the participle Ix^wj' ' hanging in the air ' without a finite verb. 
 
 ^ Hdt. vii. 9 fin. ovk is rovro Opdaeos dvrjKfi rd 'EWrjvuv irprjyfxaTay 
 is a much more natural expression, and occurs at the end of an impas- 
 sioned harangue; hence it cannot be said to support irokiixriaavra in 
 Thucydides. 
 
 155 
 
GLOSSARY. 
 
 -♦■•- 
 
 airCa (blame), applied to states or 
 factions = grievance (i. 66, 146; 
 iii. 13) ; applied to individuals 
 — self-reproach (i. 140 ; iii. 53). 
 
 dvaYKaios, may mean, not 'neces- 
 sary ' in the sense of ' requisite,' 
 but ' connected with a position of 
 necessity ' : i.e.* what one is 
 forced to do^ or * what one is 
 forced to be content with! 
 
 E. g. i. 2 T^s /fad' ijukpav dvayicaiov 
 rpcxp^s, 'food just sufficient for 
 each day ' ; i. 61 (vfi^aaiv voi-qaa- 
 fi€voi Kal ^vfifjiaxio.y dvayKoiav, 
 * a forced alliance ' ; ii. 70 
 $fKij(T€QK TTfpi dvayKcuas = ' under 
 stress of famine ' ; i. 90 w<tt€ 
 dirofxdxfffOai €k rod dvayKaio- 
 rdrov vipovs, 'from a position just 
 high enough and no more,' * the 
 most barely sufficient height'; 
 i. 84 kv Tois dvayKaiordrois 
 TToidfvtrai, see note. Cp. v. 8 ; 
 vi. 37 ; vii. 60, 69. 
 
 dvaSiSdcTKciv, ' to convince ' of 
 something in opposition to a 
 previous opinion or feeling ; i. 32 
 SiKaiov . . . Toifs firjTC (vfpyfaias 
 fi€yd\i]5 firire ^Vfifiaxias npov- 
 <p€CKonkvrjs IJKOvras irapd tovs 
 
 iTfKas iiTiKovpias . . . Serjaofjitvovi 
 dvaSidd^ai irpwrov . . . w?, k. t. A. 
 The word is used absolutely in 
 this sense viii. 86 ol €k r^s 
 Afj\ov dird tuv TiTpaxoaiuv 
 ■npia^iVTai, ovs rore (ir€fjaf/av 
 impa/xvOrjaofifVovs xal dyaSi- 
 dd^ovras rovs kv r^ ^dfiqj, *tO 
 correct the ideas of, explain the 
 real state of affairs to, the 
 democrats at Samos. 
 
 dvairciOciv is used in much the same 
 way ; i. 1 26, of Cylon, rov% cpiXovs 
 dva-neiaas, overcoming the objec- 
 tions of his friends : cp. i. 84 
 ovZXv fidXXov dxOfffOeuTfs dvi- 
 Treiadrjfiev, * we are not pro- 
 voked into changing our ideas! 
 
 dirpayiAOcruvT], ' abstinence from 
 business ' is one of those neutral 
 words which have acquired a 
 strongly coloured and almost a 
 party meaning. At Athens, 
 where democracy and the cha- 
 racter of the people made it 
 the rule and not the exception 
 to be a politician, dirpdyfjuvv, 
 dnpayfioffWTj, were applied 
 specially to abstinence from 
 public business, and were natu- 
 
 157 
 
Glossary (aTrpayfioavvr] — aperri). 
 
 rally used as complimentary or 
 uncomplimentary terms accord- 
 ing to circumstances : either 
 ' quiet sensible folks, who mind 
 their own business,' or, in 
 Swift's ironical phrase, 'igno- 
 rant and ill commonwealth's- 
 men, preferring their own ease 
 and sloth before the general 
 improvement of their country.' 
 In Thuc. ii. 40, Pericles alludes 
 satirically to the favourable use 
 of the word ^ : fiovoi ycip ruv . . . 
 ixi]hiv TuvSe /i6T€X0»'Ta ovK dtrpay- 
 fxova d\\' dxpfiov vofu^ofXfv. 
 
 The word is generally applied 
 by Thucydides not to individuals 
 but to states or policies in a 
 state : retaining its associations 
 of praise or blame, generally 
 blame ^ : and referring to ' non- 
 interference ' with the affairs of 
 other states, indifference to 
 foreign affairs, a policy of in- 
 activity^ ' indolent neutrality ' 
 
 (i. 32)- 
 
 In. i. 70 iiavxiav drrpayfiova 
 
 is ' a life of peace and quiet- 
 ness^ generally, opposed to 
 aaxo^'io-v kmirovov, ' toilsome 
 business.' 
 
 dpcTT], the most general word for 
 ^goodftess,^ answering to dyaOo^. 
 * Virtue' or * bravery' are some- 
 times but seldom the right trans- 
 lation : ' merit,' * character,' 
 ' worth ' are nearer : but it is used, 
 as ' govod,' ' goodness ' often are, 
 with special reference to the good 
 qualities which make people 
 serviceable to others: it is the 
 complement of o(u<ppoavvr). 
 
 It is often used of states or 
 public men, to denote conformity 
 to the Greek standard of public 
 or international duty; hence 
 'honesty^ or 'honour' in i. 37, 
 where it is immediately preceded 
 by a»'8p€sd7adot,and is explained 
 
 by Zihovai /cat bcx^H-^^^^^ "^^ ^'^' 
 Kaia ; and in iii. 10 nfT dpfTrjs 
 SoKovaT]^ €s dWrjKovi. It also 
 means 'generosity ' or ' goodness ' 
 in the narrower sense, as in ii. 40 : 
 iv. 19 : XhQ goodness or * upright- 
 ness' of Brasidas in iv. 81 : the 
 * virtues ' or ' faithful services ' 
 {dptTox) or patriotism of the 
 Plataeans in iii. 53. S^j 57- 
 
 Some difficulty is caused by 
 the application of the word to 
 Pisistratus and his family, vi. 
 54; and to Antiphon, one of 
 the leaders in a conspiracy 
 which was carried out by 
 treachery and wholesale assas- 
 sination, viii. 68. No doubt in 
 both places Thucydides is em- 
 phasizing an opinion of his own 
 with a certain bravado against 
 the more popular view. But 
 when he says koL ktr^Trjbfvaav 
 knl -nXfiarov 5i) rvpavvoi ovroi 
 dpir^v Koi ^vv€criv, he means 
 that 'for tyrants' the Pisis- 
 tratidae acted generously and 
 uprightly in public life and, as 
 he goes on to say, respected the 
 political rights of the citizens. 
 Antiphon again * was one of the 
 very best men in Athens ' {dv^p 
 'Adrjvaiojv rZv KaO' kavrov dp^rri 
 ovdevos vffTfpos) in force of cha- 
 racter and professional ability, 
 and could do his friends more 
 
 1 Cp. Aristoph. Knights 261, Clouds 1007, Birds 44. Socrates, Apol. 31 C, 36 BfT., 
 practically defends himself against the charge of anpaynoavvr) in public life. 
 
 2 Cp. ii. 63 ; vi. 18. 
 
 158 
 
 Glossary {ap^rrj — yvdnxT]). 
 
 service than any one else by 
 writing speeches for them. Be- 
 tant rightly classes this passage 
 with i. 2 hi dpfT^v yrjs : ii. 37 
 dn' dp€Trjs irpoTifxaTai (capacity, 
 ability). 
 
 In ii. 45 dp(Trjs irepi ^ ipoyov 
 (character for good or evil), we 
 have an approach to the use in 
 i- 33> when dpcrrj — ' reputation 
 for generosity ^' 
 
 |3otj06iv and its compounds do not 
 necessarily imply 'going to the 
 rescue,' but may be applied to 
 any forward movement of an 
 armed force : — considered of 
 course ' as going to the help of 
 your city or your side, though 
 even this vestige of the primary 
 meaning at times almost dis- 
 appears. 
 
 Cp. in i. 105 0oT]6(tv toTs 
 Meyapcvaiv, with ol 'Adrjvaioi 
 €KpOT]0T|CraVT€S €K T(OP Mfydpocv 
 rovs T€ TO rponaiov laravras 8ia- 
 <p6(ipovai, 'advancing': and in 
 i. 107 f^orjdrjaav rots Acopuvciv 
 with (0or]9rj(jav tir' auTovs ol 'ABrj- 
 vouoi TravSr] fifty and fTrearpaTcvcrav 
 avToTs below in the same sense. 
 In iii. 24 ol pikv ovv HiKonov- 
 vrjaioi Kara xaopav kyivovrOy rrjs 
 BorjBcias travadpLfvoi. ^orjdcia is 
 the 'pursuit' of the Plataeans. 
 
 yiyyuxTKto (pres.) means, not ' I 
 know,' but * I perceive ' or ' I 
 resolve ' : though the future or 
 past tenses or the present, when 
 it denotes repeated action, or 
 
 when ' know ' = * come to the 
 knowledge of, ' may often be 
 translated by ' know.' 
 
 In i. 36 yvwTQj is ' let him 
 understand' or 'make up his 
 mind' \ so i. 43, 141 : in i. 8, 
 yvojaOevTfs — * knmvn ' or ' re- 
 cognised' : ini. 126 Sokoiv dp6u>s 
 ytyvw(TK(iv = ' thinking that he 
 rightly understood' the oracle. 
 
 In i. 70 t dv yvwai or Sjv 
 dv yvS)ai = ' their plans' ; in i. 
 120 TToAAa KaKws yvojadivra = 
 ' many had plans ' : in i. 77 iivtip 
 . . . ufioia Kai vvv yvcuaeade — 
 ' if you mean to take similar 
 resolves,' i.e. 'to pursue the 
 same policy ' (cp. on yvQj\xt] be- 
 low) : i. 91 dvfv (Kfivcov €(paaav 
 yvouTfs ToXfjLrjaai, ' we made up 
 our minds and dared without 
 you.' 
 
 YvwjjiTi may refer ^ either (1) to the 
 intellect, 'fnind,' 'intelligence,^ 
 or, (2) to the will, ' spirit ^ ' re- 
 solution.' Further, it may refer 
 not only to a general quality, but 
 to a particular action (3) of the 
 intellect, ' an opinion , a judg- 
 ment,' or (4) of the will, ' z. re- 
 solve,' * an intention,' ' a policy.' 
 These distinctions are useful in 
 understanding the meaning of 
 the word in particular places, 
 though they cannot always be 
 applied precisely. 
 
 In i. 22 T^y ^vfjindarjs yvcufxrjs 
 TUiv X^x^fi'Tcuj', yvwfj.Tj = ' mean- 
 ing' ' intention ' : in i. 32 T77 
 Tov ireKas yvuprf ^vyKLvSvv(V€iv, 
 
 * Cp. Grammar § i, and Soph. Phil. 1419 (Heracles) : 
 
 ocrou5 TTor^cra? «cai fiiefeAfltoi/ n6vov<; 
 aOdvoiTOv dptT)}!' taxov, w? ndpecd' opai'. 
 
 2 See Classen's excellent analysis, In trod. p. Ixi. 
 
Glossary {yviaixt] — 8* ovv). 
 
 ' the policy * of a neighbour ; in 
 i. 78 dAAorptcuj yv&fjuus Kal 
 e-fK\-qfJuiat trfiadfVTts, ' by other 
 people's opinions {ox principles) 
 and accusations.' In i. 70 (see 
 note, 1. 17) -iVtiiyLT] is opposed to 
 aw\Wi, but means * spirit ' in the 
 sense of * resolution, energy,* 
 rather than * mind.' 
 
 In. i. 70 ttapa yvojfirjv KivZv- 
 V€VTaij . . . rrjs yvwfirjs firjSl roTs 
 $€0aiots maT(v<rai, yvu/xrj is 
 opposed to Svvafus and means 
 'wisdom,* * judgment': in i. 77 
 7}v Ti . . . yvufiri i] 5vvdfX€i r^ 5icL 
 T^vdpx^v . . . (\a<Tffa}6(uai,yva}fiT) 
 may be ' a resolution^ * a vote^ 
 or ' an exercise of our superior 
 intelligence^ as hwaym is * an 
 exercise of our superior power,' 
 
 In. i. 33 yvcvfXTjs afxapravd, 
 
 * he comes short of wisdom ' or 
 
 * of a right judgment^ 
 
 In i.91 ovhivb% vffTcpoi yvufjiTi 
 <pavrjvai, ' wisdom ' or * counsel^: 
 in i. 75 yvufirjs ^wtatajs (t^s 
 rori) : ' for the sagacity of our 
 judgment,'' ^vvftris being ab- 
 stract and yvQjfirj concrete. 
 
 In i. 71 T$ yvQjfii^, * dy their 
 spirit "* or * by the temper which 
 they show^ is opposed to trji 
 irapaffKfvy, 'in the use of their 
 force.' 
 
 yvwjiTjv iroietcrOai, to propose : i. 
 128 yvujfiTjv TTOiovfiai, ei nai aol 
 SoKfT, Ovyarepa t€ t^v a^v yfjfjiai, 
 /f.T.A. : so ii. 2 ; vii. 72. In iii. 
 36 TTCpi 5c Tcvv dvdpaiv yvwfxas 
 (irotovvTo, 'they made proposals* 
 = * they deliberated ' : like yvdj- 
 fias <r<pi<Xiv avrols irpovriOfaav i. 
 
 139- 
 
 70VV, * at least,' ' certainly,' intro- 
 160 
 
 duces a reason for a foregoing 
 statement, not absolutely con- 
 clusive, but going some way to 
 prove it. E.g. i. 10, * Homer 
 says in the Catalogue that the 
 Boeotian ships contained 1 20 men 
 and the ships of Philoctetes 50 ;' 
 
 StjXu/V, W9 kfiol SoKfly TCiS fJLfyi- 
 
 aras Kal (Aax^O'Tay dWojv yoiiv 
 fieyfOovi nipi . . . ovk (fUfrjcdrj. 
 
 SicKirXotis, ireptirXovs. The great 
 object in an ancient sea-fight 
 was to ram the enemy's vessel 
 in flank or astern, not prow to 
 prow. The object of the BUkitXovs 
 (breaking the enemy's line) and 
 irfpiirkovs (dashing round an 
 enemy's ship or ships) was to 
 charge him with this advantage. 
 The words should therefore be 
 translated, ' breaking the line 
 before striking ' or * rowing 
 round before striking.^ 
 
 8iKaio)p,a(i.4i), SiKaitoo-is (i.141), 
 a claim founded on right (in the 
 opinion of the person putting it 
 forward): the distinction between 
 biKaiMfM, 'claim put forward,' 
 and diKaiojffis, ' act of claiming,' 
 can hardly be rendered in Eng- 
 lish. 
 
 SiKaiw (i. 140) * / have a 
 right to demand^ is rather 
 stronger than d^iw; cp. v. 26 
 T-^v Zid fiiaov ^v/x^affiy ct ris /ij) 
 d^iujCTfi voKcfiov vofxi^dv^ ovk 
 opdojs btKaiwffu : * if any one 
 chooses to maintain ... he will 
 be wrong in his contention^ 
 
 8' ovv marks a return from a longer 
 or shorter digression : * however 
 that may be^ ii. 5 fin. : ' So then^ 
 Uo conclude however,' i. 3, where 
 
 Glossary (8' ovv — €mpov\€V€iv), 
 
 S' ovv winds up a long argument 
 after a short digression : * any- 
 how, in any case,' i. 109 : ' how- 
 ever,^ i. 63 (a conjecture for 
 701)1/), after a slight break in the 
 narrative. 
 
 €ir€|icvai, €iT€|c\6civ. The com- 
 monest meaning of these forci- 
 ble but difficult words is 'to 
 take the field,' ' go out to battle.' 
 They are used, with a participle, 
 of vigorous action in pursuit or 
 the like, i. 62 irptxpav to KaO' 
 kavTovs Kal kiri^rjXGov ZiwKovns 
 inl iroXv, 'followed up the pur- 
 suit a long way,' cp. iii. 26 
 €iT(^rj\6ov rd iroWd rifivovrfs, 
 'carried devastation far and 
 wide over marly all the country* 
 They are used (absolutely or with 
 a dat. or cognate ace.) of follow- 
 ing up a victory, iv. 14 : — (^(p- 
 Xovrai (or, as some bad MSS. 
 read, im^(pxovrai) is similarly 
 used in i. 70 Kparovvrh t€ tSjv 
 (X^P^^ <"■« -rrXucTTov k^fpxovrai : 
 cp. iii. 108, where there is a 
 similar difference of reading : — 
 of the active prosecution of in- 
 quiry, i. 2 2 -napd tSjv akXcuv oaov 
 ZvvaTbv dKpifida vifk iKaarov 
 (ir(^€\$ajv ' : of pursuing pun- 
 ishment or vengeance to the 
 utmost, iii. 38, 40, 82 ; vi. 38 : 
 of pushing an accusation vi- 
 gorously"^, iii. 67: and in a 
 curious passive sense of endur- 
 ance to the utmost, v. 100. 
 
 There is a difficulty in three 
 places where the meaning may 
 either be the simple one of 
 ' going into action ' or that of 
 ' vigorously carrying out ' a pur- 
 pose implied but not actually 
 expressed in the context : i. 84 
 11^ rd dxp€ia ^vvfrol dyav ovrts, 
 rds t5)v TToXipLiojv irapa<TK€vds 
 \6yqj KaXuis fji€/i<f>6fi€vot dvofwitus 
 €pyq) enf^Uvai, * back up our 
 tvords but feebly in action,' lit. 
 * carry out our purpose in action 
 in a way unlike our words ' : 
 i. 120 kvOvfiuToi yap ouSets ofxoia 
 T^ marei koI tpycp kirf^epx^Taty 
 ^carries out his purpose in 
 action ' : v. q kyoi t€ Sct^w ov 
 ■napaivkaai ofos t« ^v fiaXXov 
 rots TTfkas ij Kal avros cpyqj 
 fiTf^fXOiiv, '■ carry out my own 
 advice^ ' do as I say myself.' In 
 all three places ipy(^ is adverbial, 
 not dative after kirf^iivai. 
 
 ciriPovXcvciv must often be trans- 
 lated by some other word than 
 ' plot,' which is naturally used 
 in English of individuals or small 
 bodies of men, not of the ' in- 
 trigues * or • hostile designs ' of 
 states as km0ovK€vo) often is. 
 Moreover ' plot ' implies secrecy, 
 whereas km^ovXfvoj is often used 
 of a perfectly open proceeding, 
 though the ultimate design of 
 it may be disguised. 
 
 E. g. ii. 5 kvtfiovXfvov rois If ai 
 rrjs TToXfus roiv liXaraiwv : vi. 88 
 
 1 Schol. ipevviav. Cp. Plato, Rep. 437 A Iva firi avayKo^iayLtBa Traaa? rd? TOiaurac 
 a>x<^i(r^>jT7}<rei? €n-«ft6»T«$ koX fiefiaioviievoi m ovk aXriBeli ovcras fJirjKvvetv, Soph. 
 Fr. 659 (Dind.) : 
 
 oAA ou yap av ra Beia KpvirTovrutv Btlov 
 fiaOoi^ av, ovS' el iravr cTre^eA^ois (TKontav. 
 
 2 In the orators eire^ievai means simply to prosecute : see Liddell and Scott. 
 
 L 161 
 
Glossary {(TtL^ovXeveLv — koI &s). 
 
 o , . . Twv ^vpaKoaioJV . . . vpfff- 
 fids Toiii . . . 'iToAiorras afxa 
 irapair\4ovT€s iirupSjvro iniduv 
 fi^ vfpiopdv rayiyvofifva vtrb ra/v 
 'Adr]vai(uy, cus /cat fKeivois ofiolcvs 
 im^ov\€v6fifva. Compare i. 82 
 kin0ovXfvovTas fifj KaTa(pa}pdv, 
 with i. 140 AaKfSoufxovtoi de rrpo- 
 Tfpov re hrjXoi ^aav km$ovk€vov- 
 Tcr ^fiiv KOI vvv ovx Tjieiara. 
 
 So, in iii. 39 ri dWo ovroi fj 
 iitifiovXivaav rt Kai kiraviarrjaav 
 fidWov ^ aTtiar-qaav ; the stress 
 is on the unprovoked and aggres- 
 sive character, not on the secrecy, 
 • of the Mitylenaean preparations 
 for revolt. 
 
 f|Y«tiwv, T)7f/z<5v(s = (i) the leaders 
 of a confederacy, e.g. the Athen- 
 ians or Spartans (i. 25,38, 120; 
 iii. 67, etc.), (2) the leaders of 
 an armed force; but in various 
 special senses. In ii. 1 1 n]Y«H«v 
 is used, in a speech, of persons 
 who are called oTpaTTi'yoi as 
 the more technical term in the 
 narrative (ii. 10 fin.). In i. 128 
 Pausanias uses it of himself as 
 a finer word for arparrj^us, * com- 
 mander '; often of the commander 
 of allied troops in a barbarous 
 or foreign country, ii. 95 ; iii. 
 105, 107 ; vii. 58 med. : cp. i. 4. 
 
 ©p^KTjs (tcL €irt, ol cm), *the 
 Thracian border/ means the 
 Greek colonies which fringed 
 the coast of Thrace. The same 
 meaning might have been ex- 
 pressed by QpoKtufTai on the 
 analogy of 'XiKiXiSnai, 'AfjLvpa- 
 Kiunai, K.T.k., the Greek inhabi- 
 tants of Sicily, Ambracia, etc. 
 iiri in rd im Qpq,Kr]i may mean 
 * bordering on' (v. 34 Ainpeov . . . 
 
 162 
 
 KflflfVOV iirl TTJS AaKOUVlKTJS KOI 
 
 rrjs 'HAct'as) or may be used 
 as with the gen. after verbs of 
 motion, meaning * towards,' ' on 
 the way to.' 
 
 Thucydides does not happen 
 to use the expression of any 
 place E. of Thasos, but that it 
 might have been used of any 
 place on the Thracian coast is 
 shown by Herodotus, vi. 33 
 (ial di iv TJ7 Evpdnrrf atSf rov 
 'EWrjffTTovTov XepffSvrjffos t€ . . . 
 teal IlepivOoi /cot rd reix^a rd (tri 
 Qpr}tKr]5 Kol ^rjKv^pirj n /cot 
 Bv^dvnov. 
 
 koCtoi, though it sometimes, like 
 dXXd, directly opposes two con- 
 ceptions (i. 10, iv. 85), often 
 implies no opposition to the 
 preceding words, but merely 
 carries on the argument : * but 
 surely,' * yet surely.' Cp. i. 86 ; 
 ii. 39, 64 ; iii. 39 ; vi. 80. 
 
 KaTaorK«vf| = ravra oh KartffKfva- 
 arai ri. Hence in i. 10 rrjs Kara- 
 aKfvrjs rd (bacprj, * the foundations 
 of the buildings,' KaraaK€vrj = 
 * that with which a site is fitted 
 out or furnished ' ; in ii. 5, 14, 
 16, 38, 65, 97; vi. 17, 31, 46 
 it means that with which a 
 house or palace, estate, ship, 
 temple, country is fitted out ; 
 furniture, stock or farm-build- 
 ings, ornaments, treasure, means 
 of defence. 
 
 Kal ws, ' even in that case ' some- 
 times = * in any case^ and refers 
 to a case not mentioned in the 
 context but indirectly implied in 
 it : sometimes even the opposite 
 of * the case ' just mentioned. 
 
 Glossary {koI &s — ve^KLv). 
 
 See note on i. 44, 1. 9 : and com- 
 pare viii. 5 1 Kal ol /xiv rdv rei- 
 Xiaixov T6 vap€ffK(vd(ovrOy xal 
 l/f rod roiovrov Kal a»s fxeWovaa 
 (' even if nothing of the kind 
 had happened ') ^a/xo^ Qdaaov 
 irfixi<TOij. 
 
 In vii. 74 Kol &s has the 
 natural meaning * even thus,' 
 i. e. * after waiting till the morn- 
 ing': in iii. 33 ; viii. 56, 87 the 
 meaning may be * even thus,' 
 but * in any case ' gives a better 
 sense. 
 
 kCvSwos, Ktv8uv€v<i), may be ap- 
 plied to all degrees of danger 
 from the greatest to the least : 
 but in a few passages of Thucy- 
 dides the words are used where 
 we should have expected some 
 stronger word, and imply im- 
 minent peril of destruction. 
 Kivbvvos is properly not * danger' 
 but • putting to the risk,' 
 'taking the chance of some- 
 thing, and so * crisis ' : hence it 
 may mean in any particular 
 context 'risk of the worst.' 
 
 So i. 20 0ov\6fX(voi Sh rrplv 
 (vK\T]<p$^vai Spdaayres ri Kal 
 KivSxn/€vaai : KtvSvvevffoi means 
 *tahe the chance of death ^ not 
 of capture which Harmodius 
 and Aristogeiton took for 
 granted : i. 32 ficyas 6 Kivhwos 
 ii kffofifOa vir* avrots, ' we may 
 fear the worst if we once fall 
 into their hands ' ; not ' there is 
 great danger of falling into their 
 hands ' : iii. 59 hon Kal rov 
 0iov 6 KivSvvos (TYus fitr avrov, 
 the Plataean speakers are in 
 * danger of their lives ' already, 
 but mean that when they have 
 finished their speech the ques- 
 
 L 2 
 
 tion of life or death will be 
 finally decided. 
 
 So ii. 1 1 €s Kipbvvov riva ^^fiv, 
 ^find themselves in some critical 
 position ' ; cp. ii. 100 : ii. 24 -mpX 
 rov avTov kivSvvov, * in case of 
 the same crisis, "* i.e. an attack 
 on Athens by sea : iii. 28 et t* 
 dwofiovouOi^aovTai rrjs ^vfi^dfffoos, 
 KivdwcvaovTfs, ' their position 
 would be critical,^ i. e. * they 
 would be in great peril.' 
 
 (iiv ovv in Thucydides does not 
 mean * nay rather ' ; the two 
 particles have each a distinct 
 meaning, yiiv answering to a hk 
 (or ixkvroi) following, and ovv 
 connecting what follows with 
 what precedes : as \ikv can 
 seldom be translated, the ex- 
 pression means simply ' so 
 then^ * therefore^ 'now,' or the 
 like. E.g. i. 32 r^v yilv ovv 
 y(vofikvr}v vavfJiax^av, K.r.X.: 
 i. 49 ravrrj /x^v ovv ol KopivOtoi 
 Kfii ol (vfx/xaxot -qaauvro, ' in 
 this quarter then^ 
 
 v«(i€iv, vffxeo-Oai, mean strictly 
 speaking to enjoy, reap the 
 fruits of; not necessarily to 
 inhabit or to possess ; though of 
 course ol vk/jiovres or ol veftofifvoi 
 are often used of the actual in- 
 habitants or possessors; as in 
 i. 2, *■ cultivating' : i. 84, 'enjoy 
 the blessings of '. i. 100, 'enjoyed 
 the profits,' of markets and 
 mines. 
 
 The precise meaning may 
 be seen from i. 58 roX^ r 
 €K\inov<Ti rovrois rijs eavrov yrjs 
 rrjs MvySovias irtpi r^v B6\fir]v 
 Xinvrjv i5a;Ke Vf}ji«cr6ai, ecus dv 6 
 irpbs 'AOrjvaiovs iroXf/xos -^ '. ' to 
 
 163 
 
Glossary (v4fi€Lv — vofMo?)* 
 
 live from ' ; the Chalcidians 
 dwelt in Olynthus but had the 
 use of land belonging to Per- 
 diccas ; vcfxtaOou limits tdcuKt. 
 The distinction between vifxfiv 
 and oUfiv is clear from v. 42 
 firjdfripovi oiKfiv rb xojpiov dXAd 
 Koiv^ vifiiiv: cp. ii. 27 ; iii. 88 ; 
 the distinction between vffitaOai 
 and (x^'^ or KiKTijadai is clear 
 from the sense of passages like 
 V. 31 'HAetW irapaKKrjdiVTOJV 
 imd AftrpiaTUfv ks ^vynuixi-O-v km 
 T^ ijfuaiia r^s 7^s /cat Xvaavrojv 
 rbv iroKffJiOi/, 'H\€toi t^v yrji' 
 vefjLo/jiivois avrois Toh Aftrpfa- 
 rais TaKavTOV era^av r^ Att tw 
 '0\vfxmq) diTO<p€p(iv ; cp. iii. 68 
 kvffiovTo @rj$aiai, some Theban 
 citizens farmed the land from 
 the Theban state ; iv. 92 ; v. 41. 
 
 V€OS, V€a>T€pos, v6{i>T€pi{a). vioVj 
 vfwTcpov, have in Pindar, Aes- 
 chylus and Herodotus begun to 
 acquire the meaning 'strange,' 
 * evil.' Hence innocent- looking 
 words like v«uT€pi^(o, to in- 
 novate, 'act with some degree 
 of novelty,' are used in Thucy- 
 dides and later writers by a 
 quaint litotes for all kinds of 
 violent or revolutionary actions 
 on the part of individuals or 
 states ^. Here as in many other 
 cases the impossibility of trans- 
 lating adequately is apt to make 
 us insensible to the delicacy and 
 subtlety of the Greek expression. 
 Such phrases are often used 
 of the revolt of an Athenian 
 dependency or the reduction of 
 
 a free dependency to subjection, 
 i. 58,97; iii. II ; iv. 51, 108; 
 of a revolt of the Helots and 
 the possible overthrow of the 
 Lacedaemonian state, iv. 41, 
 55, 80; V. 14; of deserting an 
 alliance and going over to the 
 enemy, i. 102 ; ii. 73. 
 
 In i. 132 ovh' a»s . . . -q^iwaav 
 viwr€p6v Ti itoiuv h avrov, 'to 
 take any unusual measure against 
 Pausanias ' means to put him in 
 prison: in v. 50 «6o/f€i ri viov 
 iatadai, ' something serious was 
 expected,' means the forcible 
 breaking up of the Olympic 
 games by the Lacedaemonians : 
 in vii. 87 at vvkt^s (myiyv6fJi(vat 
 TOvvavTiov pLfrorrojpival Koi \f/v- 
 Xpal rfj fi(Ta^o\7J es aadkvuav 
 €v«xyr€piCov, ' the autumn nights 
 were cold and the extremes of 
 temperature engendered violent 
 disorders'*' relates to the mi- 
 series of the Athenian captives 
 in the quarries at Syracuse ; in 
 ii. 6 piijdiv vfujTfpov iroifTv irepl 
 ruv dvSpMv, ' do nothing rash 
 about their Theban prisoners,' 
 — not to kill them on the spot. 
 
 v6p.os, vop-ijiov, irapovojji€tv, k.t.X. 
 vofws (which does not occur at 
 all till Hesiod, though we find 
 fvvofua in Hom. Od. xvii. 
 487) means originally not law 
 but custom ; and long after 
 it had become common in 
 the sense of * law ' it was used 
 in all manner of less formal 
 senses, custom, institution, un- 
 written law, princij>le, etc. 
 
 Glossary (vofjLos — Trpen-ySevr^s). 
 
 1 ♦ The l.indlord hoped we should have a fortunate journey, and meet with no 
 novelty on the road. A " novelty " in Spanish countries means a misfortune.' Tylor, 
 Anahuac, p. 34. 
 
 ^ Jowett's translation. 
 
 164 
 
 Often we cannot say whether 
 the law referred to was written 
 or unwritten ; e.g. i. 24 ; ii. 52 ; 
 iii. 37 (cp. ii. 37 aKpodaei . . . 
 rSrv vofiojv Koi pidXiara avrwv 
 taoi dypa<poi ovt(s, k.t.\.). 
 
 vSfUfJia in i. 71, 77; v. 105, 
 refers not to laws but to the 
 ways and traditions of Athenian 
 or Spartan administration, see 
 pp. 56, 57, and note on i. 71 , 1. 10. 
 rdv voi^ov in i. 77 (cp. iii. 46) 
 is ' the reign of law ' in the deal- 
 ings of Athens with her allies. 
 
 vofxos and its derivatives are 
 frequently applied to unwritten 
 rules of international morality, 
 i. 85 kirl de rdv Sidovra (difcas) ov 
 irpoTfpov vopufjiov ws en ddiKovvra 
 Uvai : iii. 58 6 5^ vofxos rots 
 "EKXrjffi fi^ KTcivciv tovtovs. 
 
 In ii. 37, iii. 62, vofioi or ol 
 vopLoi = ' institutions ' or * a con- 
 stitution ' : i. 40 Tov v6p.ov fji^ 
 KaOuTTiivat uxttc tovs erepcuv 
 d(piaTa/x(vovs ^x^^^^ — * l^ ^^' 
 tablish the precedent^ 
 
 In i. 132 Tojv Kadearwrojv 
 vopdfjuuv = only * established cus- 
 toms ' : in V. 105 TOV vofiov (ov 
 tiv Kpar^ dpxfiv), is a principle 
 or rule of conduct : in vi, 16 
 v6fiq) pi(V yap rifir^ rd TOiavra, 
 vofjLos means no more than 
 * common sentiment,* almost 
 ' convention ' : in iii. 9 to na- 
 Btarbs rols "EWrjai vofupiov is 
 the sentiment commonly enter- 
 tained towards states who desert 
 old allies for new. 
 
 irapdirXovs, like irapairXfiv, seems 
 everywhere in Thucydides to 
 mean *a coasting voyage,' see 
 vii. 50, where fv t& irapdv\q>, 
 vapaiT\€V(TavT€s are used of a 
 
 voyage along the N. coast of 
 Libya, and irfpaiu6fVT€5 of 
 crossmg to Sicily. 
 
 In i. 36 T^s T€ ydp 'IraXias 
 Kox XiK€\ias Kakus vapdnXov 
 K€iTai (^ KopKvpa), cp. i. 44, 
 this meaning seems inappro- 
 priate, as the voyage to Italy 
 and Sicily was not a * coasting 
 voyage * after Corcyra ; and 
 irapdrrKovs might be translated 
 
 * reaching by sea ' as irdpodos in 
 iii. 92; iv. 82, 108, means 
 'reaching by land.' But here 
 too rrapdnXovs probably means 
 
 * the way to Sicily along the 
 coast of Greece ' as far as Cor- 
 cyra, opposed to the direct 
 voyage from the Peloponnese 
 across the ' Sicilian sea ' ; cp. 
 vi. 13 Toiiy ^iic€\i6jTas olarrcp 
 vvv opois xpc^A'^^ous -rrpos ■fjfMs . . . 
 T9) T€ *lovi<^ Kokirq) napd y^v rjv 
 Tis vKi-py Kcu T<v ^iK(\iKaf 8td 
 ir€\dyovs. 
 
 irpeo-pevrfis, plur.trpcaPets, is used 
 in a much wider sense than our 
 
 * ambassador ' or even ' envoy.' 
 Every Greek city was in theory 
 an independent and sovereign 
 state : yet many of them, as in 
 the Athenian empire and the 
 Peloponnesian confederacy, were 
 bound by closer political ties 
 than the ' countries ' of modem 
 Europe are. 
 
 Thus vpiff^fis is used not 
 only of ' ambassadors ' between 
 e.g. Athens and Sparta, but 
 of * commissioners ' sent from 
 Athens to her independent allies 
 (to Mitylene, iii. 3, 5), or 
 of a ' deputation * from a depen- 
 dent ally to Athens (from Po- 
 tidaea, i. 58, or from Mitylene 
 
 16a 
 
 Ml' 
 
Glossary {-np^crfi^vrris — <7a</)7}s). 
 
 after its capture, iii. 28, 36, 49) : 
 and it is the regular word for 
 the 'deputies' or 'representa- 
 tives' of the Peloponnesian 
 allies who formed the council 
 of the confederacy. 
 
 Further, rrpea^eis is applied 
 to *a deputation' sent by the 
 oligarchical conspirators at Sa- 
 mos to the home government, 
 viii. 49, 53 ; and is used of 
 ' commissioners ' sent by the 
 oligarchical government at 
 home to the revolted fleet at 
 Samos, viii. 76. iip4a^€is may be 
 sent simultaneously from the 
 victorious and the defeated and 
 exiled party in a revolution, as 
 at Argos, v. 82 ; they may be 
 sent from or to, not a govern- 
 ment, but a general in command 
 of an expedition, iii. 32 ; v. 84 ; 
 vi. 81 ; viii. 32 ; or they may be 
 sent in secret to an enemy to 
 make complaints or propose 
 defection, i. 67 ; viii. 5. 
 
 Once more, -npia^us is used 
 of persons not officially ac- 
 credited at all ; i. 28, 1. 2, where 
 see note : cp. ii. 67, where a 
 citizen of a neutral state (*Ap- 
 'ffio^ ISiq UoWis), who is not 
 actually called a npfa^fVTqs, ac- 
 companies Spartan and Corin- 
 thian envoys who are seeking 
 help from the King. 
 
 irpta^iVTTjs must not be con- 
 founded with KTipv^ : irpea^us 
 were not inviolable even in the 
 states to which they were sent, 
 cp. iii. 72, where the Athenians 
 
 imprison the irpea^ds from the 
 new oligarchical government in 
 Corcyra. A formal * embassy ' in 
 our sense was accompanied in 
 time of war by a * herald ' ; cp. 
 the phrase rerjpvKa /cat Trp(a$fiav 
 fjL^ rrpoa^iX^aOai (ii. 12; v. 80). 
 
 irp6<|>acns is twice used emphatic- 
 ally for the real, as opposed to 
 the pretended, motive or cause \ 
 i. 23 r^v ix\v yap a\rjBfararr]v 
 irptxpaaiv, dtpavfaTarrjv Si ^oyqt, 
 K.T.X. : vi. 6 kipicfJifvot fjikv rfj 
 oXrjOfffTdT^ irpoipdafi t^s irdarjs 
 ap^fiv, ^orjQuv h\ dfJM €virp(Tra>s 
 ^ov\6p.ivoiToh kavTOJv^vyyfyiffi. 
 
 In other places, iTpoipacns 
 means, quite as emphatically, 
 ' pretext,' ' excuse ' : e. g. vi. 33 
 ■np6<paffiv fi€v 'EytaTaiuv ^v/i- 
 piaxiLC^ Koi AfovTivojv KaroiKiaci, 
 t6 8i d\rj6h ^iK(\ias (iriOvfiia. 
 
 In others again where there 
 is nothing in the context to 
 colour the proper meaning, it 
 is simply ' plea ' or ' motive * 
 alleged truly or falsely: e.g. 
 i. 133 epwTwvTCs TTjv vp6<paaiv 
 T^s t/f€T€taj : iii. 13 roiavras 
 (XOVTfS irpo<pda(is Kal airias . . . 
 diriaTTjfJKV. 
 
 aa4iT|s means * manifest,' ' clear,' 
 ' certain,' but with the article, 
 t6 aaipts, it means ' the truth ' : 
 i. 22 eaoi 5€ ^ovK-qaovrai rSiv rt 
 yevofjifVQjv to ffatph okovuv, 
 K.r.\. : iii. 29 ^ov\6yitvoi 5^ to 
 aa<p€S eibivai KaT€ir\(vaav « 
 "Efxfiarov rrjs 'Epvdpcuas . . ., 
 
 1 The idea in these places probably is ' if they had openly said what they really 
 meant' ; of course n-p6<^aais cannot mean 'real motive.' Cp. Dem. De Cor. 156 
 (201), probably an imitation of Thucydides, on rijv niv aArjd^ irpo^ao-ii' ruv Trpayfidrwv 
 . . . airexpuiTTeTO. 
 
 166 
 
 Glossary (o-ac^ijs — a-cDCJypoovvr]). 
 
 irv66fi€voi S^ rb aa<ph efiovXtV' 
 ovTO fK rS)v -napovTOJV : vi. 60 
 rbhl ffa<ph oidfh ovre t<5t€ ovrt 
 
 VOT€pOV €X** (ilTflV 7T€pl TUV 
 
 bpaadvTOJV rb ipyov . . . & b\ 
 drjfjios 6 Twv 'A9T)vaiQ}V dapavos 
 Ka0wv, ojs (p€TOy rb aa<pis, k.t.X. 
 
 (Betant). 
 
 <T(a\ia, o-wfJiaTa (' lives,' ' men,* 
 * persons ') is used in Thucydides 
 with the associations of — 
 
 (i) personal service ; i. 121 roh 
 oojfxaai Tb irXiov iax^ovaa fj rois 
 Xpripiaaiv : i. 141 aufiaai t€ 
 troipi6Ttpoi ol ai/Tovpyol raiv dv- 
 Opwirojv ^ xPVh^^'^ TToKffiuv : 
 
 (2) ii/e ox personal security ; i. 17 
 Tvpawoi . . . rb k<p' tavruv piovov 
 irpoopwpifvoi 6S T€ TO oSjpua Kcd fS 
 rb rbv tSiov oTkov av^fiv, k.t.K., 
 i. 136 Kal dfxa aitrbs filv tfceivcf) 
 XPfias Tivbs Kal ovk Is t^ oupia 
 (T<v^((T$ai fvavTiciiOTJvai : 
 
 (3) personal enjoyment or in- 
 dulgence : vi. 15 <l>o0TjO€i^T€5 yap 
 avTov (Alcibiades) oi ttoWoI rb 
 fifyfdos rrjs re Kard to kavTov 
 acD/xa vnpavofiias h rfjv diairav : 
 — This may also be the meaning 
 in i. 17 quoted above : — 
 
 (4) personal equipment', vi. 17 
 ovhils . . . ovT€ rd iT(pl rb awfxa 
 oitKois k^rjpTvrai ovt€ rd kv TrJ 
 X^P^ vofju/iois KaraffKivcus. 
 
 o'Ci>(|>po(rvvT], (ra>4>p(i)v, a(o<f>pov€iv. 
 
 The original idea of these words 
 is * sound-mindedness.' They 
 are applied in Thucydides {a) 
 
 rather to states than to indi- 
 viduals^, {d) rather to intellec- 
 tual than to moral virtue. Often 
 we can hardly avoid the trans- 
 lation ' wisdom ' or * prudence ' : 
 but a<u<ppoavvq means more than 
 these : it is the wisdom or pru- 
 dence which not only sees the 
 right course, but is not drawn 
 away from it by any violent 
 feeling. There is perhaps no 
 Greek word which it is so im- 
 possible to translate by any one 
 English word ' : and whether an 
 English word is right or wrong 
 in any particular place depends 
 on the colour given by the 
 context. 
 
 aoj(ppoavvr] in the Corcyraean 
 speech, i. 32 ^ SoKovaa ^piwv 
 trpoTipov a(u<ppoavvT], to fi^ kv 
 dWoTpia ^v/Mfxaxia Ttj rov ireXas 
 yvupxi ^vyKiv5vv€V€iv : cp. i. 37 
 (paal 5^ ^vpLfiaxiav bid rb (T&<ppov 
 ovbfvus TTO} S(^aa$ai = the discre- 
 tion or wise moderation or calm 
 good-sense which leads a country 
 to renounce the advantages of an 
 alliance in view of the embarrass- 
 ments to which it may lead. 
 
 In i. 84 aoj(ppoavvT] epuppwv, 
 the name given by Archidamus 
 to what the Corinthians called 
 sluggishness, is ' true good sense 
 and discretion ^.' Further on, 
 in the words rb phf on aiSus 
 aaxppoffvvTjs TrKiTarov /i€Tcx*<» 
 and ^vv ^^^^^^'''V''^ aci}<ppov4- 
 ffTfpov (iraid€v6fi(voi) rjwffTf (twv 
 vofjiojv) dvr]KovffT€iv (note, 1. 11), 
 
 1 2tt><|»po(7vt/Tj is the characteristic virtue of an aristocratic form of government, iii. 
 62, 82 ; viii. 24, 53, 64. 
 
 2 ' Self-control ' (compare iyKpareia) is really a modem equivalent, not a transla- 
 tion, and emphasises an idea which is latent in the Greek. * Soberness ' comes nearest. 
 
 3 Jowett's translation. 
 
 167 
 
Glossary (craxppoavvr} — Tore). 
 
 Glossary (roVe — w? eKaoro?). 
 
 (xaxppoiTvvrf is * dutifulness ' or 
 *the spirit of loyalty'' which 
 knows its place and submits to 
 discipline ^ 
 
 Kox dir'auTOv aaxppoffvvTjv €x<T€ 
 in i. 68 means * your simple 
 confidence in other people gives 
 you sobriety (as a state) : i. e. it 
 makes you dignified in your 
 action ; you are calm when 
 others would be restless and 
 
 * alarmist.' 
 
 In i. 79, where it is said of 
 Archidamus dvijp koi ^xjvirbs 
 80KWV (Tvai Kal aw<ppojv there is 
 a slight contrast, as between 
 two qualities which are not 
 always combined, * both able 
 and prudent * or ' wise ' ; i. 1 20 
 avhpSiv aaxppovojv kanv, d fi^ 
 aZiKoivro, ^crvx^^dy — ' reason- 
 able men will remain at peace ' : 
 (I aQ}<ppovov(Ti in i. 40 is * if they 
 are discreet ' : but it is not 
 easy to see exactly what Stheni- 
 laidas means by ^v aoxppo- 
 va/fi€v in i. 86 : he is certainly 
 not recommending prudence or 
 discretion. The simple mean- 
 ing, * if we are of a sound mind,' 
 here implies either, ' if we 
 behave like reasonable men,' 
 or ' if we are honest ' or * true- 
 hearted ' : or, as we should say, 
 
 * if we do our duty.' 
 
 TcxvTj is used in Thucydides of the 
 
 * professional skill ' of the physi- 
 cian (ii. 47) or, as often, of the 
 seaman. In i. 71 dvayKT] S* 
 wairep T^xvqs dci rd kmyiyvofifva 
 Kpaniv, uavfp T(\vq^ — * as in 
 
 a profession'' : in 142 — to hi vav- 
 riKbv rix^V^ fffrlv watrfp Kal aX\o 
 Tt, — rixyv^ lariv = ' is a matter 
 of trained skill, ' 
 
 Tkxyi nieans not ' art,' which 
 suggests what we call * the fine 
 arts/ but 'the arts'; Itnnicrj, 
 yfQjpyi/crj, larpucfj, and so on. 
 
 Tip,copia in Thucydides has the 
 older meaning ' help,' as well as 
 that commoner in later writers, 
 
 * vengeance ' or * punishment ' : 
 cp. i. 25,38, 124, etc. 
 
 Tis. Ti is used, chiefly in the 
 phrase rt avrwv, with some em- 
 phasis or irony, as we say 
 
 * a little ' when we mean ' a good 
 deal.' 
 
 i. 34 Kcd vfiiv iaro} ri TiKfirf- 
 piov Sl irpoi ^f^ds Tovs ^vyyfveis 
 Spuffiv, * a pretty clear indica- 
 tion ' ; i. 76 a^Aous y hv ovv 
 oi6fji(9a TcL Tjfxkrtpa \a$6vTas 
 Sfi^ai dv fiaXiara et ti utrptd^o- 
 fxfv, ' whether we are reasonable 
 or not ' : i. 83 oi'irfp 5^ koX rwv 
 diro^aivovTOJV to ir\4ov kir* dn<p6- 
 T€pa TTJs ahias t^ofxiv, ovtoi kcu 
 Kaff -^avxiav ti avrSjv npoidcvfify, 
 ' take a little thought for the 
 consequences.' 
 
 t6t« frequently in Thucydides 
 cannot be translated * then,' but 
 refers to an earlier occasion pre- 
 sumed to be in the recollection 
 of the reader and nearly always 
 mentioned previously — often a 
 long way back — by the writer : 
 *once^ or * as mentioned above* 
 
 i. lOI ifKiiaTOi h\ Tonf EIKiSjtojv 
 kyivovTO ol Twv iraXaiZv Mfff- 
 arjviojv t6t€ ZovXwBivTOJv d-no- 
 yovoi is one of the strongest 
 instances. We may suppose that 
 T0T6 had come to have an idio- 
 matic sense, * priore illo tempore' 
 or ' noto illo tempore ' : or we 
 may refer t<5t€ to some slight hint 
 of time (as here to TraXai&v) in the 
 preceding or following words : 
 see Jowett on viii. 62, 3. 
 
 (^povpoC means not only a garrison 
 in a fortified place, but troops 
 sent to protect any town or dis- 
 trict : e. g. Leucadia in iii. 94 ; 
 in V. 2 (ppovpoi is used of the 
 Athenian force blockading 
 Scione. Thus in i. 26 (ppovpoi 
 are sent from Corinth to Epi- 
 damnus before there is any 
 fear of the place being blockaded 
 by the Corcyraeans. <ppovpdv 
 <f>aiv(iv is a regular phrase in 
 Xenophon for ' proclaiming a 
 levy' at Lacedaemon. 
 
 US «Ka<rTos, ws cKao-Tot, * severally,'' 
 
 * gradually,* ^ in various ways,'' 
 differs in meaning according to 
 the context : from which a verb 
 is to be supplied. 
 
 oo in 1. 3 ot ovv (OS 
 iKaoToi "'EXkrjv€s . . . k\i]6€VT(s 
 = ol (tt;? iKaaroi (K\rj6T]aav 
 "EXXrjvfs) K\rj$€vr€s "EXXTjves, 
 'those tribes who one by one 
 acquired the name of Greeks ' : 
 i. 15 KaT* dXXrjXovs 8^ (jlcLXXov 
 ajs (EKaffTOi ol daTvyetToves kiroXi- 
 fiovv, ' made war independently.' 
 
 The origin and meaning of 
 the phrase may be gathered 
 from passages in which a verb is 
 actually supplied : Hdt. i. 29 
 d-niKviovTai h ^dpSis . . . dXXoi tc 
 ol irdvTfs (K T7]s *EAA<4Sos aocpi- 
 ffTCu ... els iKacTTOs avTuv dniK- 
 v4oiTo, Kal 8^ Kal ^6x<uv : Thuc. 
 i. 98 : V. I Kol ol fx\v ArfXioi 
 'ATpafifiVTiov ^apvaKOV Sovtos 
 avToTs fv Trj 'Aaia cuKrjaav, ovtods 
 wy iKaoTos wpfirjTO : i. 93 ot 
 ydp difikXioi TtavToicov XiOcav 
 viTOKCiVTai Kal ov ^vvupyaa piivojv 
 iUTiv ^, dXX' ws iKaffToi noTe 
 irpoff€<p€pov. 
 
 1 In Xen. Oecon. 7, 14, where the young wife says inov 6' e<f>ri<rev 17 /m^n^p fpyov 
 eliai o-toM^pofcii/, and the husband replies, vox na At", St yuiat, koi yap Ktii eftoi 
 6 iraTTjp, the meaning is simply ' to be good.' 
 
 168 
 
 169 
 
Greek Words and Grammar. 
 
 GREEK WORDS AND GRAMMAR. 
 
 '**- 
 
 N.B. — The Arabic numerals refer to the pages of Part II ; the Roman 
 numerals to the pages of the Introduction to Part /. 
 
 Accusative, cognate, or internal, 
 39, 43 ; * accusativus pendens,' 42. 
 
 Anacoluthon, 151 fF. ; see Construc- 
 tion, changes of. 
 
 Antithesis, imperfect, 105. 
 
 Aorist, inceptive, 1 1, 12, 22, 74 ; j^^ 
 141-142; iterative, 61, 73; op- 
 posed to present, 43 ; used of con- 
 tinuous action, 141; = English per- 
 fect, 84 ; = English pluperfect, 101 ; 
 aorist participle, time indicated 
 by, 87; see 142-143. 
 
 Article, substantive without the, 11, 
 12, 17, 50, 57 ; points a contrast, 
 77, 88 ; position of, 44, 103. 
 
 Assimilation or attraction, 8, 9, 77, 
 
 . 83. 
 aytiv, 99. 
 
 dyos, TO TTJs 6fov, 97. 
 
 dSwara — dSvvarov, 9. 
 
 aiaddveadai, 63. 
 
 airia, 28, 109 ; see 156. 
 
 aKTaiai TroXfts, xci. 
 
 dWo9(v, 26. 
 
 aXAo?, 93. 
 
 dWorpios, 60. 
 
 av with optat., 16, 44, 94 ; see 146- 
 
 147 ; dif with impf. indie, 47, 
 
 66 ; see 147. 
 dvafKaios, 10, 60, 74; see 156. 
 dvatiM.aKfiv, 156. 
 dvanddeiy, 156. 
 dvamirreiv, 60. 
 
 170 
 
 dvirjfxt, 66. 
 
 dviarrffu, dvaaraaiSy lOO, 102. 
 
 dvritra\os, 94, III. 
 
 d^ios, 60. 
 
 d^icuffts, 42. 
 
 dopiffTOS, 106. 
 
 dvopov, 103. 
 
 airoaT</)6ri/, 45, 59, 103. 
 
 dirpdyfiCtiVy dirpayfioavvr], 156, 157' 
 
 apa ; 66. 
 
 dperrj, 40, 139; see 157; xxviii, 
 
 XXX. 
 
 apTi, 52. 
 
 a/)x«'»'j dpxiaOai, 8, 113; J^^ 141. 
 
 da<paK-qs, da<pdKfia, 59, 139. 
 
 affTu, distinguished from TroAts, 94. 
 
 dru\iaT(xJV ovtojv, 9. 
 
 avTOKpdrcop, 98. 
 
 auToj, position of, 43, 59, 89, 92, 
 
 95 ; special uses of, 21, 77, 86, 87, 
 
 88, 91 ; see 140. 
 d<piaTaadai, 43. 
 
 Plaios, cxxix. 
 
 0OT]6€iv, ^orjOua, 71, 89; see 158. 
 
 ^ovXivojy 142. 
 
 Comparative, uses of the, 41, 58, 88, 
 
 94, 102. 
 Conditional sentences, 47, 93; see 
 
 146-147- 
 
 Construction, changes of, 21, 28, 
 
 33> 50^62,99, 102; see 152 ff. 
 
 Constructions, blending or confusion 
 of, a I, 48, 58; see 153. 
 
 Constructions, parallelism of dif- 
 ferent, 26, 48, 71, 77, no; see 
 151-152. 
 
 yap, reference slightly obscure, 15, 
 20, 22, 53, 93, 109; anticipatory, 
 103. 
 
 ycpaSj 20. 
 
 yiyvojaKw, 159. 
 
 yvwpLtjy 60, 60-61, 62, 66; see 158- 
 
 159- 
 yvwfirjv iroLfiffOai, loo; see 159. 
 
 yvwfjirjs afxaprdveiv, 40 ; see 1 59. 
 
 yovvj 10 ; see 159. 
 
 Dative, of circumstance or cause, 11, 
 39; see 122; of interest, 13, 65, 
 1 26 ; other senses of, 42, 65 ; 
 different senses of, parallel, 105. 
 
 'Dynamic' use of middle, 140. 
 
 Sf, 19 ; =5' ovVy 27. See p.€v. 
 
 5(iv, 66. 
 
 brjBfVj 99. 
 
 8T)/xiovpyoi, 52. 
 
 Std, with gen., 22, 46 ; with accusa- 
 tive, 68. 72 ; in composition, 23. 
 
 Siayojvi^cffdai, 44-45, 122-123. 
 
 diaipfTos, 73. 
 
 SicL irKdovos, 95. 
 
 8ia(p€povTa, 60. 
 
 SiiKirKuv, 48; SUkitXovs, T59. 
 
 5t/fat aTTo ^Vfi06\ajv, SUai (vfi^6\aicu, 
 43, 67, 127 ff. 
 
 diKCUQjfJui, diKaicuffis, SiKcuSf, 159. 
 
 SovXow, in political sense, 86. 
 
 5' ovv, 159-160. 
 
 dvvafiis, 93. 
 
 SwaTos, in political sense, 91. 
 
 <av,35- 
 iyyvrara, Ixxvii. 
 
 61, with optative, and indie, in apo- 
 
 dosi, 93 ; see 145-146 ; with 
 
 future indie, 39, 40, 69, 95 ; see 
 
 145- , , 
 
 €( Kai and kox 6(, 44. 
 
 ilKO^, 12. 
 
 uvip Kai, 59. 
 
 (Kiivos, without article, 49. 
 
 fKTTOKlOpKUV, 100. 
 
 ktCTrpeirus, 122. 
 
 in Tov knl irkeiffTOV, 10. 
 
 iWrjvoTafjuaif 83. 
 
 fv (V, 26, 94. 
 
 (V Tois ir\«(Trai, 140. 
 
 (V rois trpaiToi, 13; see 139-140. 
 
 fUTovrq), 43, 71. 
 
 kitaKov<Uy 50. 
 
 errdyeadai, ^1. 
 
 tire^iivai, lir€^f\6€iv, 61, 73 ; see 
 160. 
 
 Im^drai, 18, 50. 
 
 fin^ov\€V€iv, 40 ; J^^ 1 60. 
 
 dTTiSrjiJuovpyoi, 52. 
 
 €7r(€Vat, 64. 
 
 Iirt, 62 ; in composition, 62. 
 
 km QpqKTjs, 01, rd, 52 ; see 1 6 1. 
 
 |7r|/iax«i, 47. 
 
 km Tr\(iaTov, 9, lO. 
 
 knl 7r\iov, etc., used as cases of sub- 
 stantives, 151. 
 
 kiriffKonoi, 91. 
 
 kniTfixK^ts, 108, III, 137. 
 
 km<pav€is, ol, cxxiv. 
 
 kmxpfjoOai, 46. 
 
 (pyqf, 160. 
 
 6Ti, 112. 
 
 €vrjd€ia, cxxi. 
 
 €vevv<u, 82-83. 
 
 €V^VS, 52. 
 
 €vpi(TKopai, 53. 
 
 Future, force of, 42, 112; with «t, 
 39, 40, 69, 95 ; see 145. 
 
 Genitive, absolute, with substantive 
 to be supplied, 10, 1 1 ; objective, 
 12; —'in return for,' 100; so- 
 called 'partitive,' 53, 62 ; of pur- 
 pose, 12; of reference, 41, 66, 
 69, 103; dependent on relative 
 or (US clause, 50, 58. 
 
 Glosses, 75, 78, 82, 90, 97, 99, 124, 
 131 ; cp. Part I, iv ff., 24, 72, 85. 
 
 * Hysteron proteron,' 109. 
 
 Imperfect, force of, 88, 89 ; with dv, 
 147. 
 
 * Inceptive' aorist, 141-142. 
 Infinitive, of purpose, 48; othet 
 
 senses of, 24, 69 ; loose construc- 
 
 171 
 
Greek Words and Grammar, 
 
 Greek Words and Grammar. 
 
 'A 
 
 tions of, 40, 41 (cp. 154), 43, 58- 
 59> 93; for imperative, 154. 
 
 ifvyvvfu, 36. 
 iwwvtu^ 36. 
 
 ■^uaQai, 45, 88, 142. 
 ^Yf/iwv, 92-93, 100 ; see 161. 
 
 BefuffTfs, 20. 
 
 Qpafcrjs, 01 em, toL (iriy 52 ; see 161. 
 
 epiai^f, 90. 
 
 t/cvovfjifvov dvaXoifta, to, 86, Ixxxvi- 
 
 Ixxxvii. 
 iffou, ou« dTrd Tov, 112; j^^ 1 50. 
 
 KaOaipereos, KaOaipcros, KaOaipuv, 
 
 93; 
 
 «ad' iKaarov, etc., used as cases of 
 substantives, 151. 
 
 leadiaraadai, 48. 
 
 Kai, 'even,' 67 ; 'actually,' 21 ; *at 
 all,' 21, 84, 148; 'so,' 24; with 
 wairfp, 104 ; ' when,' 49 ; with an- 
 tecedent, 16, 110, 147-148; with 
 antecedent and consequent, 40, 
 148; anacoluthic, 64; slightly 
 inaccurate, 71 ; qualifies whole 
 clause, 66. See 147-148. 
 
 Koi . . . Sf, 16. 
 
 Kal tl and €i Kai, 44. 
 
 «ai vvv, 78. 
 
 KCUTOl, 161. 
 
 /fcu ws, 47 ; j-^^ 161-162. 
 
 Kcucovpyos, cxxix-cxxx. 
 
 ifa\cys = skilfully, 12. 
 
 koXms Keiadai tivos, 4I. 
 
 KaTcL tdvrj = eOvrj Kad' iKaara, 1 1 ; cp. 
 
 42. 
 Karahvw, 48. 
 KarapxioBai, 33. 
 KaraaKfvTi, 17; see 161. 
 KarariOfadai xapiv, 39. 
 KrjptvKiiov, 50. 
 icii'Sui'os, ^D/Swevcu, 162. 
 iicfi'fri/, 78. 
 ic\7j9(is, Ka\ovf/.fvos, Ixxxvli. 
 
 K0iv6v, TO, 71. 
 
 KpareTv, 49. 
 Hpw&vKos, 13. 
 «fa;Av«, 113. 
 
 172 
 
 'Litotes,' 163. 
 
 Long sentences analysed, 9, 16, 53, 
 
 102, 154. 
 \oyoypd(poi, 25, xliv. 
 X070S, 64. 
 
 MSS., possible omission in, 74 ; 
 
 probable errors in numbers, 52- 
 
 53> 65, 88, 96, 131-132 ; obvious 
 
 errors in MSS., 155. 
 Middle voice, see 1 40-141. 
 Mapadojvofiaxfii, xiii. 
 fxaprvpiov, 65. 
 l'(\fTdv, III, 112. 
 fi€v, S(, 9, 14, 17, 87,95-6 ; see 148- 
 
 14^. 
 /ji^v ovv, 39, 162. 
 fxevToi, 101-102. j5 
 
 fxepos Tl, 8, 28. 
 
 fteffa, TO., TUfv TToXiTufv, cxxiii ff. 
 fifTcL xf<pas excJ', 105. 
 fi(T€Xfiv, 73. 
 fiiTOiKia, 10, 115. 
 li^XP'' "^ovhi upiado), 62. 
 /ii7, 26, 67, 91. 
 M7;5</cd, Td, 46, 124-I25. 
 fjiox0i]p69, cxxx. 
 
 Negative, redundant, 67. 
 
 Nominativus pendens, 123. 
 
 vfnuv, v€fi(aeai, 53, 87, 93, 126; 
 
 see 162-163. 
 v(UT€pi(€iv, 88 ; see 163. 
 vofju^eiv, 142. 
 vofxos, v6fjUfiov, K.T.X., 62 ; j^^ 163- 
 
 164. 
 
 ^€vr)\aaia, 113. 
 ^i5/i/3oXa, 43, 127. 
 ^VfifioXaiai bUai, 67, 1 2 7. 
 j^Vficpopai, 109. 
 ^vvTVXta, 39. 
 
 *Only,^ to be supplied in English, 3, 
 
 9, 12, 18, 152. 
 Optative of repeated action, 48 ; 
 
 after ft, with indicative in apo- 
 
 dosi, 93; see 145-146; with dv, 
 
 t6, 44, 94; see 146-147. 
 Order of words, 59, 99, 102 ; see 
 
 151 ; emphatic, 23, 58. 
 ot de, 68 ; tois Se, 88. 
 
 olKiffT-qs, 30. 
 
 ^pyv, 94 ; opyfi <t>epfiv, 36. 
 
 oaos, 9,18; see 1 50. 
 
 oGTis, =05, Ixxvii. 
 
 oTav = ' as long as,' 41 , 1 1 1 . 
 
 ou8f, fxrjbe, 11, 42 ; see I47. 
 
 ovK dird TOV laov, 112 ; see 150. 
 
 ou« eXdcaoyy, 112; see 149; ou/t 
 
 €Ado-or<yj 94. 
 
 ou/!f lAdx'ffTOJ/, 10. 
 
 oux ^p-oiois, fjiT) ofjioiojs, lo ; j^^ 150. 
 
 ovx offos, 150. 
 
 ou fidXXov fi, 1 50. 
 
 ou yi-^v ov5c, 71 ; j^^ 150. 
 
 ov , . . Td vXiov . . . ij, 16 ; j-^^ 
 
 ou ToaouTov . . . oaov, 149-150. 
 
 OVTOJ Koi, 143. 
 
 ov Tuv ddvvaTOJTaTOJV , 12. 
 
 ovx TiKiOTa, 149. 
 
 ovx ^<Joov, 14, 47, 72 ; see 149. 
 
 ovx orroos, 40. 
 
 o^oj', 106. 
 
 Parallelism of different constructions, 
 26, 48, 71, 77, no; j^^ 151-152- 
 
 Parentheses, 9, 19, 22, 24, 53, 74. 
 
 Participles, emphatic, 15, 24, 42, 
 45, 89 ; see 143 ; subordination of, 
 22, 36, 66; see 143-144; loose 
 construction of, 39; predicative, 
 in dat., 121; peculiar use of neu- 
 ter participle, 144-145 ; aorist 
 participle, 142-143. 
 
 Plural, force of, 86 {tus dvdyKas) ; of 
 neuter adjectives, uses of, 8, 9. 
 
 Possessive pronoun representing ob- 
 jective genitive, 40, 60. 
 
 Pregnant expressions, 49, 62, 75. 
 
 Present, force of, 59, 77, 91. 
 
 Proleptic use of words, 25, 63. 
 
 rrayrjyvpis, 33. 
 
 •napayiyvofjiai, 118. 
 
 TrapaXapi^dvoj, 90. 
 
 irapd-nXovs, 41 ; see 1 64. 
 
 vapiXdiiv, 64. 
 
 vdpohos, 99, 164. 
 
 w€/H, 66 ; Ttipl avTov, 94 ; inpi air^, 
 59-60. 
 
 VfpuoVTl TQf BlpU, 36, 121. 
 
 iFfpinXovs, 159. 
 tTipinoXoif 89. 
 
 vXtiffTai, €v ToTs, 140. 
 
 vXiov ix^iv, 43 ; irXioi, to, irXfov, to, 
 
 71 ; see ov to nXiov . . . ij. 
 wXoia ficucpd, 20. 
 jrot€ri' and iroiuaBai, 35, 58, 67, 113; 
 
 see 141. 
 TTouladai yvufxrjv, 100. 
 ■noXffjua, ^, III. 
 noXis dvTinaXos, in, 137. 
 wovrjpos, cxxx. 
 
 Ttpd.aa€iv and ttpdaffiadai, 86. 
 irpia^us, 35, 92 ; see 164-165. 
 Trpo-, in composition, 93. 
 TTpodyycXais, 134. 
 -npo^dXXo/jiai (? passive), 127. 
 rrpo^ovXoi, Ixxxiii, cxxii-cxxiii. 
 vpoKaTapx^aOai, 33. 
 wpos, with dat. or gen., 54. 
 vpoaridiadai, 25. 
 irp6(l>aaii, 165. 
 irpo(pep€iv, 81. 
 irpvTdvfis, 126, 133. 
 ■npoiToi, kv Tois, 13 ; see 139-140. 
 
 Redundant expressions, 66, 104. 
 Relative, force of, 59, 69; attrac- 
 tion (or assimilation) of, 9, 77, 83. 
 
 Sense of words, varied in the same 
 
 passage, 60. 
 Subject, change of, 87, 153. 
 Superlative, 8, 139. 
 aa^rjs, t6 aa<pis, 27; see 165-166. 
 CKevri, 14. 
 aKVTaXr), too. 
 
 anovdai, without article, 50, 57, 95. 
 CTpaTTjyoi, 52-53, xi, xiii, xc, cxiii, 
 
 cxv. 
 cvfxfioXojv, S'lKai diro : see ^Vfx06Xatai 
 
 diKai. 
 atvra^is, 83. 
 a(f>dXX<u, cxxviii. 
 aSjfia, 166. 
 aojippoavvT], ooxppovHv, awppoiv, 73, 
 
 134; see 166-167. 
 
 T«, Tc . . . Kai, 9, 78, 102, 103 ; 
 
 T€ . . . OVTi, 42. 
 
 rdiaaOai, 87. 
 
 TfXevToof es, 49. 
 
 TiXt}, Td, 01 €v TtXei, cxvi. 
 
 rixy^i 63 J see 167. 
 
Greek Worda and Grammar. 
 
 ri$((T$ai, 73. 
 
 ■ri/irj, /39- 
 
 Tifjuupia, 167. 
 
 T/s, Tt, 10, 73, III ; see 167. 
 
 rd 5€, 43. 
 
 TOffocSf, 84. 
 
 TOT€, 167-168. 
 
 Tiryxa»'<w, 61, 93. 
 viro^cjfjLaraj 36. 
 
 VCTTfpOV TrpoTfpOV, I 09. 
 
 <pav(p6sj 17. 
 
 (popos, 83 ; (popov relets, Ixxxvii ff. 
 
 <Ppovpoi, 168. 
 
 (ftVTfVflV, 9. 
 
 Xtipiv KaToriOtaOaij 39. 
 
 X»7^'7, 55- 
 
 XP€ta, 39, 43, 139. 
 
 XP^, XP^*'. «XP^»', 59> 66. 
 
 ort^TT?, 93. 
 
 ws, 15, with infin., 26. 
 
 a;s fi-nuv, 9. 
 
 ws (EKaaroi, 86, 89; J^^ 168. 
 
 ws (/fat ws), 47 ; see 161-162. 
 
 dxpeXia, 95; j<?^ 139. 
 
 GENERAL INDEX 
 
 TO NOTES, APPENDIX, GLOSSARY (PART II), 
 AND INTRODUCTION (PART l). 
 
 -♦-♦- 
 
 N.B. — T/ie Arabic numerals refer to the pages of Part II; the Roman 
 numerals to the pages of the Introduction to Part I. 
 
 Acanthus, cxi. 
 
 Achaea, 90, ciii. 
 
 Adeimantus, 53. 
 
 Aegina, old war with Athens, 3i, 
 125, c; position under Thirty 
 Years' Peace, 57 ; massacre of 
 Aeginetans, xxxi; supposed resi- 
 dence of Thucydides in Aegina, 
 XX, xxi. 
 
 Aeneas Tacticus, xcix. 
 
 Aetna, xvi. 
 
 Alcibiades, descent from Alcmaeo- 
 nidae, 133 ; name Lacedaemo- 
 nian, xxxix; Alcibiades and 
 Nicias, xiii, cxxiv, cxxviii. 
 
 Alcinous, 33. 
 
 Alcmaeon, 133. 
 
 Alcmaeonidae, 98, 99, 133. 
 
 Aliens, admission of, to citizenship, 
 to; 'alien acts,' 113. 
 
 Allies, Athenian, 33 ; disaffection 
 among, 46 ; policy of Athens 
 toward, 53, 63 ; the allies and 
 the oligarchs, cxix-cxx. See Con- 
 federacy of Delos; Athenian 
 Empire. 
 
 Ambassadors, 35, 64, 164-165. 
 
 Ameinocles, Ixxii. 
 
 Amphilochia, 7, 115-116. 
 
 Amphipolis, 30, 85, ciii, cvi, cxxix ; 
 failure of Thucydides at, xi-xii, 
 xxiii-xxiv. 
 
 174 
 
 Anaxagoras, li, liii-liv. 
 
 Anaximander, liii. 
 
 Anaximenes, liii. 
 
 Andocides, general against Cor- 
 cyra(?), Thucydides probably 
 mistaken, 49 ; cp. 125, xcii-xciii. 
 
 Andocides the orator (probably 
 grandson of foregoing), account 
 of the 'terror' in 417 compared 
 with Thucydides, cxii; his name 
 not given by Thucydides, cxvi. 
 
 Antandrus, xci. 
 
 Anthemocritus, 106. 
 
 Antiochus of Syracuse, 19, xliv, 
 Ixxv-lxxix. 
 
 Antiphon, possible influence on 
 Thucydides' style, xxi, xxxv; 
 praised by Thucydides, 157-158, 
 cxix, cxxx ; conduct of his party 
 condemned, cxix-cxx. 
 
 Apollo, oracles of, 30, 93, 96. 
 
 Apollonia, 33. 
 
 Arbitration, 35, 37, 44, 63. 
 
 Arcadians, 16, 92. 
 
 Archidamus, 69, 70-71 ; his forecast 
 of the war, 107-108; his death 
 not mentioned by Thucydides, 
 civ. 
 
 Archilochus, the poet, censured by 
 Critias, Ixiii. 
 
 Archons, 98. 
 
 Areopagus, attack on the, 85-86. 
 
 175 
 
 »ii.. 
 
 : i 
 
General Index, 
 
 General Index, 
 
 M\ 
 
 *■■• 
 
 Argilus, Ixxxvii. 
 
 Argos, foundation of Amphilochian 
 Argos from, 7 ; neutrality of, 165 ; 
 Argos and Sparta, 17, 62-63, 85, 
 103, cvii. 
 
 Aristeas of Proconnesus, xlii, xliv. 
 
 Aristeus, 53, 55. 
 
 Aristides, 78 ; tribute fixed by, 
 Ixxxvii. 
 
 Aristocracies, ancient, passed over 
 by Thucydides, 20 ; aristocratic 
 feeling in Plato and Thucydides (?), 
 cxxx. See Oligarchy. 
 
 Aristophanes, allusions to Thucy- 
 dides, 24, xv(?) ; general relation 
 to Thucydides, Ixxxii ; the Diasia, 
 97 ; Pericles, 107 ; pay of dicasts, 
 cxiv ; illustrations of Thucydides, 
 I3> 72, 87, 92 ; politics of Aristo- 
 phanes, cxix, cxxiv; mention of 
 books in, Ixix-lxx. 
 
 Aristotle, Politics, historical illus- 
 trations of Thucydides, 20, 76, 
 80, 90, 127 ; misunderstanding of 
 Thucydides in (?), 71. 
 
 [Aristotle], 'ABrjvaiojv noKirda, dates 
 in, 76, 85-86; Themistocles, 86 ; 
 Cylon, 97, 99 ; SiKai diro <Tvfi06\anf, 
 128-129; differs from Thucydides 
 about Harmodius and Aristogei- 
 ton, Ixxxii ; about the Four Hun- 
 dred, Ixxxiii, cxii, cxix, cxxii- 
 cxxiii ; confirms Thucydides by 
 not mentioning constitutional 
 changes earlier in the war, cxiii. 
 
 Armies, Greek, numbers of, 17, 118- 
 119, cvii-cviii ; organisation of, 
 c\'i; character of, 71, 108, cvii. 
 
 Artaxerxes, 85, 105, Ixxiv. 
 
 Asiatics, character of, from Hippo- 
 crates, Ixiv. 
 
 Aspasia, 107. 
 
 Asius, 116. 
 
 Assembly, Athenian, 37, cxiii, cxxiii, 
 cxxxi ; Lacedaemonian, 56. 
 
 Athenian empire, Thucydides' di- 
 gression on the rise of the, 84-85, 
 cxvii ; began as a * leadership ' 
 only, 66 ; contrasted with the 
 Peloponnesian confederacy, 55- 
 56, Ix-lxi; rule of allies under, 
 68 ; Athenian justification of, 63 ; 
 
 176 
 
 forces and defences of, 71, 108- 
 109, III, 112; judicial system, 
 67-68, 127 ff.,lx; financial system, 
 83, Ixxxvi-lxxxviii ; map of, Part 
 I, p. 56. 
 
 Athenian empire, the second, 83, 
 128-129. 
 
 Athens, foreign policy of, 60, 80, 
 84-85 ; cause of war with Pelo- 
 ponnesians in 461, 88-89 ; in 433, 
 106; military force of, 71, 89, 
 108 ; prose literature at, xlii-xliii. 
 
 Athens and Sparta, compared or 
 contrasted, 12, 55-57* 61, 107- 
 109, III, Iviii; lingering alliance 
 between, after the Persian war, 
 76, 87, Iviii. 
 
 Atreus, 5, 15. 
 
 Attica, early history of, 10. 
 
 Autonomy, 57, 86, 113. 
 
 Bacchiadae, the, 32. 
 
 Ballot, the, cxi. 
 
 Barbarians, use of the word in 
 Homer and Thucydides, 7, 11 ; 
 interest of Thucydides in bar- 
 barians, XXV. 
 
 ' Benefactors of the King,' loo-ioi. 
 
 Beroea, 54. 
 
 Boeotarchs, the, cxi. 
 
 Boeotia, 6, 10, 19. 
 
 Books, booksellers, in the fifth cen- 
 tury, Ixviii-lxx. 
 
 Bottia, Bottiaea, Bottiaeans, Bottice, 
 
 5 1; 
 
 Brasidas, capture of Amphipolis, xii ; 
 honoured as ' oecist ' of Amphi- 
 polis, 30, xxiv. 
 
 Brea, 30, 53. 
 
 Breakwaters, 55. 
 
 Burial, ancient customs of, xxxviii- 
 xxxix, interest of Thucydides in, 
 xxiv ; used as * ethnological ' ar- 
 guments, 14. 
 
 Cadmus of Miletus, xliv. 
 Carians, 11, 14. 
 
 Cart-tracks, width of ancient, 81. 
 Catalogue, the Homeric, 5, 19. 
 Chalcis, war with Eretria, 2 1 ; agree- 
 ment with Athens, 68, xcv. 
 Chalcidians of Thrace, 51. 
 
 Charraides, cousin of Andocides, 
 
 cxvi. 
 Charon (the historian), xlvii, Ixxiv. 
 Chians, the, 23, 50, 52 ; interest of 
 
 Thucydides in, xxiii. 
 Chroniclers, early Greek, xliv-xlv ff. 
 Chronology, Thucydides' ideas of, 6, 
 xxi ; uncertainty of early chrono- 
 logy? 6, Ixxix ; beginnings of. Hi ; 
 chronology of period between 
 Persian and Peloponnesian war, 
 76-77* 85, 88, 131-132 ; of life of 
 Pausanias, 99-100; Themistocles, 
 86 ; of Corcyraean and Corinthian 
 war, 32, 36, 52, xciii ; of revolt 
 of Potidaea, 52 ; of preparations 
 for Peloponnesian War, 95-96. 
 Cicero, hasty citation of Thucydides, 
 xxxiv ; illustrates Thucydides, cxx. 
 Cimon, xxxv, xxxviii, Ivii, cxxiv. 
 Citizenship, 10. 
 Cleisthenes, 133. 
 Cleon and Thucydides, cxv, cxix, 
 
 cxxv-cxxvi, cxxix ff. 
 Cleruchies, 86, Ixxxv, cxvai. 
 Colonies, 7, 28 ff., 43, xxv. 
 Colophon, 136. 
 Comedy, Old, 116, cxx. 
 Commerce, Greek, 43, 92. 
 Compromise between oligarchy and 
 democracy, commended by Thucy- 
 dides, xxiii, cxxiii. 
 Confederacy of Delos, foundation of, 
 75> 76 ; removal of treasury, 83 ; 
 tribute paid by, 83, Ixxxvi-lxxxvii. 
 See Athenian empire. 
 Confederacy, Peloponnesian, the, oli- 
 garchy and democracy in, 23 ; in- 
 dependent action of members, 35, 
 57; refusal to help Samos, 36; 
 division of interests in, 92 ; rela- 
 tion to Athenian allies before the 
 war, 36-38, 45-46 ; action of, in 
 the war, 108; finances of, 71, 
 109, 136-137; contrasted with 
 the Athenian empire, 55-56, Ix- 
 Ixi ; later Spartan dominion, 63, 
 xvi, cii. 
 ' Constitution of Athens' [Aristotle]. 
 
 Sec [Aristotle]. 
 * Constitution of Athens,' [Xenophon], 
 illustrations of Thucydides from 
 
 M 
 
 61, 127, 132 ; date and authorship, 
 xlii ; extracts from, lix-lxii. 
 
 Constitutional changes, rare at 
 Athens, cxiii. 
 
 Constitutional details, dwelt on by 
 Thucydides, cxi flf. ; neglected by 
 Thucydides, cxv-cxvii. 
 
 Corcyra, 29 fF. ; character of the 
 Corcyraeans, 32, 34 ; Corcyra 
 and Corinth, 37 ff. ; Corcyra and 
 Athens, 37-38, xcvi; Corcyra and 
 Themistocles, 103; wealth and 
 forces of Corcyra, 34, 38, 50 ; 
 constitution of, 32 ; commercial 
 position of, 43 ; Athenian expe- 
 ditions to, 32, 49, 125, xcii-xciii ; 
 Corcyraean revolution, xxv, xxix- 
 XXX, xcix, cii, cxxi. 
 
 Corinth, ancient commercial and 
 naval importance of, 20, Ixxii ; 
 Corinth and Corcyra, 29 ff.; Co- 
 rinth and Athens, 46, 48, c; Corin- 
 thian policy and speeches, 55-56, 
 58, 61, 92, 108. 
 
 Cratinus, 116, cxix, cxx. 
 
 Cratippus, xxxvi-xxxvii. 
 
 Critias, Ixii, Ixxi. 
 
 Cyclades, the, 22. 
 
 Cylon, 97, 133. 
 
 Cynicism, attributed to Thucydides, 
 xxviii, xxxi. 
 
 Damastes of Sigeum, Ixxiii. 
 
 Dates, early, uncertainty of, 6, Ixxix. 
 
 Decelea, 108. 
 
 Delos, 83. 
 
 Demagogues, cxxxi. 
 
 Demes, xxxviii. 
 
 Democles, li. 
 
 Democracy, at Athens, cxiii, cxxxi ; 
 at Argos, 63 ; at Corcyra, 32 ; at 
 Epidamnus, 34 ; at Syracuse, 
 cxxi, cxxii ; among allies of 
 Sparta, 23 ; characteristics of 
 Greek democracy, Ixvi, cxi ; 
 connexion of democracy with 
 sea power, 80 ; contrasted with 
 oligarchy, cxx, cxxiii-cxxiv ; 
 appreciated by Thucydides, cxx- 
 cxxi ; criticised by Thucydides, 
 cxxi-cxxii. 
 
 Democritus, Ixv-lxviil. 
 
 177 
 
General Index, 
 
 General Index. 
 
 Demosthenes {^the orator\ illustra- 
 tions of Thucydides from, 65, 80, 
 165; [Dem.]deHalon., 123, 127, 
 129, 130. 
 
 Demosthenes (the general), xc, xcii, 
 cvi-cvii, cxxvi-cxxvii. 
 
 Demostratus, cxvi. 
 
 Desertion of seamen, 109. 
 
 Diasia, the, 97. 
 
 Dicasts, pay of, cxiv. 
 
 Didymus, xxxvii. 
 
 Digressions, in Thucydides, 12, 75, 
 84, 92. 
 
 Diodorus, illustrations of Thucydides 
 from, 33, 132, 135, civ. 
 
 Diodotus, speech of, xxxi, Ixv-lxvi. 
 
 Diogenes of ApoUonia, liv. 
 
 Dionysius of Halicamassus, on the 
 life of Thucydides, xx ; on the 
 peculiarity of Thucydides' style, 
 153; 'various readings' in, 113, 
 146, xxix, cp. 126; on early 
 Greek chroniclers, xliv-xlv. 
 
 Diplomacy, ancient, 37, 50, 57, 64, 
 78, 96-97, cxi. 
 
 Discrepancies between Thucydides 
 and Andocides and the Orators, 
 cxii, cxvi ; Homer, 11, 13, 18, 19 ; 
 Hellanicus, 6, Ixxvi ; Herodotus, 
 6, 13-14, 25, 75, 98-99, I04(?), 
 133. 134-135 ; [Aristotle] 'A^^- 
 vaionf UoXireia, Ixxxii-lxxxiii, 
 cxxii-cxxiii ; the Inscriptions, 
 Ixxxviii, Ixxxix, xcii-xciii. 
 
 Dorians and lonians, 95. 
 
 Drachma, the Corinthian, 35. 
 
 Draco, 97. 
 
 Dress, old Athenian, 13, 116 ; Athe- 
 nian and Lacedaemonian, 14, 117. 
 
 Early history in Thucydides, 5-8, 9, 
 
 10, 12, 20; possible sources for, 
 
 Ixxi-lxxx. 
 Eclipses, 27, 28, 1 19-120. 
 Eetionea, 81. 
 Egesta, xcvi, cxvii. 
 Elections, ancient and modem, cxiii, 
 
 cxxiii. 
 Empire, Athenian. See Athenian 
 
 empire. 
 Empires, Barbarian, 68, xxv. 
 Envoys, 35, 64, 164-165. 
 
 178 
 
 Ephors, the, 56, 69, 74-75, cxv, cxvi. 
 
 Ephorus, Ixxiv. 
 
 Eretria, war with Chalcis, 21. 
 
 Erythrae, 68. 
 
 Esther, Book of, illustration of 
 Thucydides from, 100. 
 
 Eucles, xi, xl. 
 
 Eucrates, Ixxxix. 
 
 Eugaeon of Samos, Ixxiii. 
 
 Eumenides, the, 99. 
 
 Eupolis, cxx. 
 
 Euripides, Ixxix-lxxx, cxxiii-cxxiv, 
 cxxx 
 
 Eur3niiedon, battle of the, 86-87. 
 
 Expeditions, mentioned by Thucy- 
 dides and in the Inscriptions, 
 Ixxxix-xc, xciii-xciv. 
 
 Festivals, at Sparta, 61. 
 
 Finance, how far dealt with by 
 Thucydides, cv ; finances of the 
 Peloponnesian confederacy, 109, 
 136-137; Athenian financial in- 
 scriptions, Ixxxv-lxxxix. 
 
 * Flag of truce,' 50. 
 
 Fleets, early Greek, 19, Ixxii-lxxiii. 
 
 * Fortune ' (tux'?). conception of, in 
 
 Thucydides, 109, xxviii, cxxvii ; 
 
 in Democritus, Ixvii. 
 Fossils, noticed by early Greek 
 
 writers, li. 
 Founders, of colonies, 30. 
 Four Hundred, revolution of the, 
 
 Ixxxiii, cxii-cxiii, cxix-cxx, 
 
 cxxii-cxxiii, cxxv. 
 ' Funeral oration ' of Gorgias, Iv- 
 
 Ivi ; of Pericles, cxx ; of Pericles 
 
 over those who fell at Samos, 
 
 lix. 
 Funeral rites. See Burial. 
 
 Generals, Athenian, 52, 53, xi, xiii, 
 xiv, xc, cxxv, cxxvi. 
 
 * Gentes ' (yivrj), xxxviii- xxxix. 
 Geographical descriptions in Thucy- 
 dides, 47, xcvi-xcix. 
 
 Gongylus, I35. . 
 
 Gorgias, xlii, Iv-lvi. 
 
 Grote, on Thucydides' treatment of 
 myths, 5 J on parties at Epidam- 
 nus, 34 ; argument from ' the 
 silence of Thucydides,' disproved 
 
 by an inscription, Ixxxviii ; on 
 Thucydides and Nicias, cxxvi ; on 
 the demagogues, cxxxi. 
 Gryneum, 135. 
 
 Hagnon, 30, 91. 
 
 Halieis, 88, xcv-xcvi. 
 
 Harmodius and Aristogeiton, con- 
 spiracy of, 24, Ixxxii-lxxxiii. 
 
 Hecataeus, xlv-xlvi, li, Ixx. 
 
 Helen, 15. 
 
 Hellanicus, 6, 15, 85, xiii, xlii, 
 xliii, xlviii-1, li, Ixxi-lxxii, Ixxv, 
 Ixxvi-lxxvii. 
 
 Hellenes, use of the word, 7, 11-12, 
 115-116. 
 
 Hellenotamiae, 83. 
 
 Helots, 87, Ixxvii. 
 
 Heraclea, 30, iii. 
 
 Heraclitus, Iii, Ixx. 
 
 Heralds, 50, 165. 
 
 Hermae, mutilation of the, cxii. 
 
 Hermippus, earliest authority for 
 connexion of Thucydides with the 
 Pisistratidae, xxxv. 
 
 Hermocrates, speech of, Ixv. 
 
 Herodorus of Heraclea, treatment of 
 myths in, li. 
 
 Herodotus and Thucydides do not 
 belong to different * ages,' xliii ; 
 date of Herodotus' History, xli ; 
 included by Thucydides among 
 \oyoypG<poi (prose authors), whom 
 he disparages (?), xliv ; criticised 
 by Thucydides (?), 25, 76; differ- 
 ences between them where they 
 overlap, 75-76; Herodotus used 
 by Thucydidfs in his account of 
 early Greek navies (?), Ixxiii. 
 
 Herodotus and Thucydides, treat- 
 ment of myths, 5, 6 ; Minos, 6 ; 
 Pelasgians, 7 ; Ionian dress, 13- 
 14; respective merits of Athens 
 and Sparta in Persian War, 65 ; 
 Cylon, 98-99, cp. 133 ; Themisto- 
 cles, 104, 134-135 ; a place 
 where Thucydides resembles 
 Herodotus. 96. 
 
 Herodotus, meaning of * Italy* in, 
 19 ; Aeginetan war, 21 ; duties of 
 colonies, 29 ; conduct of the Cor- 
 cyraeans, 31, 32 ; imPdrai at 
 
 Lade, 50 ; Mycenae and Tiryns, 
 
 117-118 ; tribute paid by cities in 
 
 Asia to the King, 136 ; Wi @p<^ktjs, 
 
 161. 
 Hestiaeans of Euboea, xcv. 
 Hippias and Hipparchus, 24, 80, 
 
 157, xxi, Ixxxii-lxxxiii. 
 Hippias (the Sophist), 6, Iv. 
 Hippocrates of Cos, xxvii-xxviii, 
 
 xliii, xliv, Ixiii-lxiv. 
 Hippys of Rhegium, li, Ixxiv-lxxv. 
 Homer and Thucydides, 3, 5, 11, 1 2— 
 
 13, 16, 18, 19, 20, 73, xxii. 
 Hyperbolus, ostracism of, cxiv- 
 
 cxv ; tone of Thucydides about, 
 
 cxxix-cxxxi. 
 
 Imitations of Thucydides in late 
 authors, 117. 
 
 Inscriptions, 32, 49, 125 (Corcyra) ; 
 83 (tribute) ; loi (Persian War) ; 
 127-128 (SiKai dirb (TVfM$6\Q}v) ; 
 ^ 36-1 37 (Peloponnesian Con- 
 federacy). See Ixxxiv-xcvi. 
 
 Inscriptions, forgery of, xxxviii. 
 
 lolaus, 55. 
 
 Ion of Chios, 70, Ivii-lviii, Ixxi. 
 
 Ionian dress, 13, 11 6-1 17. 
 
 lonians and Dorians, 95. 
 
 Isagoras, 99, 133. 
 
 Islands, conquest of, by Persia, 22. 
 
 Isocrates, Ixviii. 
 
 Italus, Ixxv. 
 
 * Italy,' ancient meaning of, 19 ; 
 Antiochus on the settlement of, 
 Ixxv-lxxvi ; connexion of Athe- 
 nians with, 41. 
 
 Lacedaemonians, festivals of, 61 ; 
 unskilful in sieges, 88 ; secrecy of 
 their executive, cvii; dress, 117, 
 Ixii ; cups, Ixxii. See Sparta, 
 Confederacy (Peloponnesian). 
 
 Laches, trial of, civ. 
 
 Lampsacus, 105-106, 135-136. 
 
 Legends and legendary times, treat- 
 ment of by Thucydides, 3-6, 16, 
 xxi-xxii : by other early writers, 
 li ; confusion of legendary and 
 historical, 3-6, 95, xxxi. 
 
 Lcmnos, 91. 
 
 Leontini, 41, 46, xcvi. 
 
 M 2 
 
 179 
 
 il 
 
General Index, 
 
 Lesbians, the, 23. 
 
 Lesbos, revolt of, difficulties in 
 
 Thucydides' account, ci-cii. 
 Letters in Thucydides, c. 
 Literature, early Greek Prose, xli- 
 
 xliii, Ixix-lxx. 
 
 * Logographers,' the so-called, 25, 
 
 xliv flf. 
 Lucian, xix. 
 
 Lycurgus (the legislator), 22. 
 Lycurgus (the orator), 96, cxvi. 
 Lysias, 153, xliii, cxvi. 
 
 Macedonia, 51, 129, 130, Ixxxix, xc, 
 xcv. 
 
 Magnesia, 106. 
 
 Maps, ancient, xlv ; map of Athe- 
 nian Empire, Part I, p. 56 ; of 
 Chalcidice, p. 33; of N.W.Hellas, 
 p. 15 ; of Piraeus, Part II, p. 79. 
 
 Marathon, 65, 124-125, xiii. 
 
 Marcellinus, xix, xxxiii-xxxvii. 
 
 Marea, 88. 
 
 Marines (iTrt/Sdrat), 1 8, 50. 
 
 Markets, 54. 
 
 Massilia, 20. 
 
 Megacles, 98, 1 33. 
 
 Megara, 85 ; Megarians, the, 57, 
 cxi, cxxi ; ' Megarian decree,' the, 
 46, 106. 
 
 Meilichios, Zeus, 97-98. 
 
 Melissus, liv. 
 
 Melos, xxxii, Ixxxix. 
 
 Messenians, 87, Ixxvii. 
 
 Methone, xcv. 
 
 * Middle party,' the so-called, cxxii- 
 
 cxxv. 
 Miletus, 68. 
 
 Miltiades, xxxv, xxxviii. 
 Minos, 5. 
 
 Mitylene, 67, 128, xxxi, ci-cii. 
 Mnesiphilus, 105. 
 Munychia, 79, 80. 
 Mycenae, 16, 11 7-1 18. 
 Myrina, 135. 
 Myths. See Legends. 
 Myus, 105, 135-136. 
 
 Names, Greek, 47, xxxix. 
 
 Natural phenomena mentioned by 
 
 Thucydides, xxvi ; by other early 
 
 writers, li. 
 
 180 
 
 Naucraries, 98. 
 Naupactus, iii. 
 
 Navies, early Greek, 21 ; Athenian 
 and Peloponnesian, 107, 108, 109, 
 
 112. 
 
 Nicias, Thucydides' view of, xxx, 
 cxxv-cxxviii ; party of, cxxiii- 
 cxxiv ; Nicias' letter, c ; Peace 
 of Nicias, cvi, cxxvii. 
 
 'Non-interference,' 157. 
 
 Oecists, 30. 
 
 Oenobius, proposed the recall of 
 
 Thucydides (?), xl. 
 Oenophyta, 89. 
 Oligarchy, at Athens, lix-lxxii, cxvii, 
 
 cxix-cxxi ; see P^our Hundred ; 
 
 at Corinth, 35 ; at Epidamnus, 
 
 34; at Megara, cxi, cxxi. 
 Olorus, xxxviii, xxxix. 
 Olympia, 97. 
 Olynthus, 51, 53, Ixxxvii. 
 Omens, 98, xxiii. 
 Oracles, 30, 35, 92, 97, xxiii. 
 Origen, reference to Thucydides in, 
 
 61. 
 
 Paches, 108, civ. 
 
 Paean, the, 38. 
 
 Pan, 92. 
 
 Pandion, 5. 
 
 Parties at Athens, cxviii-cxxv; party 
 politics, how far neglected or not 
 by Thucydides, cxi-cxviii. 
 
 Pausanias (the geographer), illustra- 
 tions of Thucydides, 15, 103, 116, 
 132 ; on the recall of Thucydides, 
 xxxix-xl; confirmed by an inscrip- 
 tion, xciv. 
 
 Pausanias (son of Cleombrotus), 
 96, 99-100, loi ; his letter to the 
 King, c. 
 
 Pelasgians, 7, 11, 115-116. 
 
 Peloponnesian War, sufferings in, 
 27 ; causes of, 36-37 ; general 
 character of, 107 ; forecasts of, in 
 Thucydides Bk. i, 107-8. 
 
 Pelops, 15, xlviii, Ixxii. 
 
 * Pentecontaety,' the (period between 
 the Persian and Peloponnesian 
 Wars), 84-86. 
 
 Perdiccas, 51, xlv, ciii. 
 
 General Index. 
 
 Periander, 30. 
 
 Pericles, 107, xxii, Iviii, cxx ; his 
 forecast of the war, 109 ; funeral 
 orations, lix, cxx. 
 
 Perioeci, 87. 
 
 Persians, the, help sought from them 
 by Greeks, 71-72 ; Persian War 
 underrated by Thucydides, 27 ; 
 gifts of cities or districts by the 
 King, 136. 
 
 Phaeacians, 33, xlix. 
 
 Pherecydes (of Leros), xlii, 1. 
 
 Pherecydes (of Syros), xliv. 
 
 Philistus of Syracuse, Ixxxii. 
 
 Phocaeans, 20. 
 
 Phormio, 55, ciii, civ-cv. 
 
 Phr)michus, assassination of, cxvi ; 
 manner in which Thucydides 
 speaks of him, cxix-cxx, cxxx. 
 
 Piracy, 12, 17. 
 
 Piraeus, walls of, 79-80 ; harbour of, 
 81. 
 
 Pisistratidae, xxxv. See Hipparchus, 
 Harmodius. 
 
 Pisistratus, 157. 
 
 Pitane, \6xo^ of, 25. 
 
 Plague, the, xxii, xxviii-xxix, Ixv, 
 
 Plataea, 31 ; fate of, xxxi -xxxii ; site 
 and siege of, xcvii-xcix. 
 
 Plato, on walled towns, 76 ; on read- 
 ing, Ixix ; aristocratic feeling of, 
 cxx, cxxx ; anacolutha in, 152. 
 
 Plutarch, Thucydides' monument, 
 xxxvii-xxxviii ; ancient modes of 
 burial, 1 4 ; the policy of Themis- 
 tocles, 81 ; the Alcmaeonidae, 133; 
 message of Themistocles to the 
 King, 1 34 ; suicide of Paches, civ ; 
 Nicias and Cleon, cxxvi. 
 
 Polemo, the antiquarian, xxxviii. 
 
 Politics, ancient and modem, 37, 56, 
 57, loi, 156, cxiii, cxxiii, cxxxi. 
 
 Pollution, ancient feelings about, 
 96. 
 
 Pollux, 98. 
 
 Potidaea, 31, 51-52, 55, xciv. 
 
 Praxiphanes, story about Thucy- 
 dides (?), xxxvi. 
 
 Prisoners, anxiety to recover, 90 ; 
 Athenian, at Syracuse, civ; 
 Spartan, at Athens, surrender of. 
 
 cvi, cxxvii. 
 
 * Probuli ' (irpo^ovXoi), difference 
 between Thucydides and the 
 ' A&rjvaiojv HoXtnla, Ixxxiii, cxxii- 
 cxxiii. 
 
 Protagoras, Iv. 
 
 Prytanes of the Naucrari, 98, 133. 
 
 Prytaneum, 30. 
 
 Prytany, meaning of, in dates, 126, 
 Ixxxix. 
 
 Quota-lists, 83. 
 
 Reading in antiquity, Ixxviii-lxxx. 
 Revolutions, Greek, xxix-xxx, cii, 
 
 cxii-cxiii. 
 Rhegium, 41, 46, xcvi. 
 Rhetoric, 94, Ivi. 
 Rhoeteum, xci. 
 
 Rome and Greece, 10, cxxviii. 
 Rubble, used in building, 80, 82. 
 
 'Sacred fire,' the, 30. 
 
 Sacrificial customs, 30,98, 1 20-1 21. 
 
 Sailors and democracy, 80; sailors 
 
 in Athenian fleet, 109, 112. 
 Salamis, number of ships at, 65. 
 Samos, revolt of, 36, 91, Ixxxvi, 
 
 Ixxxix ; Athenian democracy at, 
 
 cxx ; authorities for early history 
 
 of, Ixxii-lxxiii. 
 Sardis, 91, xlvii. 
 Scapte Hyle, xlv. 
 Scholia, on Thucydides, Part I, p. 1 7, 
 
 54, 85 ; Part II, p. 15, I7» 18, 23, 
 
 35, 37. 55. 63, 120. 
 'Scytale,' 100. 
 
 Sea-fight, Greek, 48, 50, 159. 
 Seal, royal, 100. 
 Selymbria, 67, 128. 
 Sepulchral monuments, 78, xciii- 
 
 xciv. 
 Sermyle, 55. 
 Seuthes, 136. 
 Ships, Greek, 20, 21, 36. 
 Sicels, the, Ixxiv. 
 Sicily, tyrants of, 22, 31 ; relations 
 
 with Athens and Sparta, 41, 112, 
 
 xcvi. 
 Slaves, 50. 
 Socrates, 157, Ixix. 
 Sophists, the, Iv, Ixv, 
 Sophocles, 83. 
 Sparta, ruins of, 17; early history 
 
 181 
 
w 
 
 General Index. 
 
 General Index. 
 
 of, 6, 7, 22 ; leadership of, 17, 55 ; 
 oligarchical policy of, 23 ; Spartan 
 character, 56, 70, xxii, cvii ; super- 
 stition, 97 ; Sparta and the forti- 
 fication of Athens, 76, c ; Sparta 
 and Pausanias, 100, loi : preroga- 
 tives of Spartan kings, 25 ; As- 
 sembly, 56 ; peace and war party, 
 74. See Ephors, Lacedaemonians, 
 Confederacy (Peloponnesian). 
 
 Spartolus, 51, xcv. 
 
 * Speeches' in Thucydides, 26, 42, 
 107-109, 113, c. 
 
 Sphacteiia, error in Thucydides* 
 account of, xcvii ; surrender of 
 prisoners from, cvi, cxxvii. 
 
 Stesimbrotus of Thasos, 135, Iviii- 
 lix, Ixxiii-lxxiv, 
 
 Sthenelaidas, 74. 
 
 Strabo, 11, 17, xlv, 
 
 Strepsa, 54. 
 
 Sybota, date of battle at, 32, 36, 52. 
 
 Syracusan expedition, 18, 38, xc, xci, 
 ciii, civ, cvi, cvii. 
 
 Syracuse, foimdation of, Ixxviii; 
 saved by Corinth and Corcyra, 31, 
 32. See Antiochus. 
 
 Tacitus and Thucydides, no, 
 cxxviii. 
 
 Tanagra, 89, 90, xciv. 
 
 Teians, the, 52. 
 
 Temples, xxv. 
 
 Theagenes of Rhegium, xli. 
 
 Thebes, 90. 
 
 Themistocles, character of, 78, 103, 
 105; policy, 80-81 ; messages to 
 the King, 104, 105, 134-135; 
 letter to the King, c ; honoured 
 at Sparta, 65-66 ; fortification of 
 the Piraeus, 79-80; trick played 
 on the Lacedaemonians, 78, c-ci; 
 archonship, 81 ; date of exile, 86 ; 
 difficulty about Persian revenue 
 from Greek cities, 105-106, 135- 
 1 36 ; different stories about him, 
 Ixxiii-lxxiv ; Thucydides' interest 
 in him, 96, 135. 
 
 Thcra, Ixxxix. 
 
 Thessaly, 10, 90, 
 
 Thirty Years* Peace, 36, 45, 57, 69. 
 
 Thrace, mines of, xiv ; to. i-nl QpaK-qs, 
 161. 
 
 Thucydides*, his descent, xxxvii- 
 xxxix ; facts of his life, 81, xi-xxi, 
 cp. xxv-xl. 
 
 Thucydides, his ideas and interests, 
 xxi-xxxii ; indications of personal 
 feeling in his History, 96, 157, 
 xiv, cxix-cxx ; absence of interest 
 in particular subjects, 56, 100, cvi ; 
 political position of, cxxiv (cxviii- 
 cxxxi) ; dislike of Cleon and 
 Hyperbolus, cxxii, cxxv-cxxvii, 
 cxxix ff. ; relation to * Sophistic ' 
 movement, Ixv ; sympathy with 
 ordinary Greek ideas, 29, 86, 
 xxiv-xxv; underrates importance 
 of Persian War, 27. 
 
 Thucydides, composition of his His- 
 tory, 8, xvi-xviii, cviii, cxviii ; 
 why * a possession for ever,' 2 7, 
 xxii ; his general method, cix-cx, 
 cxvii-cxviii ; ways of dealing with 
 early history, 5-8, 20; power of 
 generalizing or describing general 
 feelings and situations, 8, ex ; 
 digressions, 12, 75, 84 ff. (i. 100- 
 120), 92; use of authorities, 12-13, 
 Ixxi-lxxix ; seldom gives different 
 accounts, cviii, cxix ; * speeches' 
 in, 26, 42, 107-109, 113, c. 
 
 Thucydides, his great qualities, 8, 
 Ixxxiii, ex ; his chief defect, cix- 
 cx, cp. cxxxi-cxxxii ; omission of 
 necessary facts, Ixxxix, ciii, cp. 
 90, 91 ; of names of persons, cxvi ; 
 occasionally of motives of actions, 
 cvi-cvii ; possible explanations of 
 omissions, cvii-cix, cxvii-cxviii ; 
 improbable statements in, 64, 105- 
 106, cp. 135-136, c-cii ; errors, 
 79-80 (?), 49, cp. xcii-xciii, xcvi- 
 xcvii. 
 
 Thucydides, his style, impressive 
 passages in Book i, 48, 49, 74, 96, 
 cp. ex; anacolutha, 122, 124, 
 153 ff. ; misleading expressions, 
 
 21-22, 52, cp. xciii; artificial 
 expressions, 94, 123, Iv. 
 
 Thucydides, son of Melesias,xxxviii. 
 
 Thurii, 41. 
 
 Timaeus, xxxvi. 
 
 Timoleon, 32, 
 
 Tiryns, 17, 11 7-1 18. 
 
 Topography, difficulties of in 
 Thucydides, xcvi ff. 
 
 Torone, Ixxxviii. 
 
 Trade, Greek, 43, 92. 
 
 Treaties, recorded in Inscriptions 
 and by Thucydides, xciv-xcv; 
 in Inscriptions but not in Thu- 
 cydides, xcv-xcvi. 
 
 Tribute, of the allies, 51, 57, 83, 
 Ixxxv-lxxxix ; tribute from Greek 
 cities, claimed by the King, 105- 
 106, 13.S-136; paid to a Thracian 
 king, 136. 
 
 Tripod-stand at Constantinople, 1 01. 
 
 Trojan War, 6, xxii. 
 
 Tyndareus, 15. 
 
 Tyrannies, dates of, 22. 
 
 Ullrich, view about composition 
 of Thucydides' history, xvii. 
 
 Walled cities, feeling against, 76. 
 Walls of Athens, 76-77, 79, c-ci; of 
 
 Piraeus, 79, 81. 
 Warfare, ancient, cvii. 
 Wars, early Greek, 7, 21. 
 
 Xanthus, xlv-xlvi, xlvii-xlviii. 
 
 Xenophanes, li, liii, Ixx. 
 
 Xenophon, illustrations of Thucy- 
 dides from ; Corcyra, 34 ; Lace- 
 daemonian envoys at Athens, 
 64 ; Zeus Meilichios, 98 ; royal 
 seal, 100 ; Greek cities at the dis- 
 posal of the King, 135 ; irepuovn 
 rqj fviavT^y 121 ; u\f/ov, 106; 
 aai^povuv, 171 ; evidence in 
 Xenophon about use of books, 
 Ixix-lxx. 
 
 [Xenophon] * Athenian Constitu- 
 tion.' See * Constitution of 
 Athens ' [Xenophon]. 
 
 Zacynthus, 47. 
 
 Zopyrus (father of Megabyzus), 89. 
 
 Zopyrus (writer), xxxvi-xxxvii. 
 
 THE END. 
 
 1 Se£ Table of Contents, Part i. p. ix, and, for differences between Thucydides and 
 other authors, see Discrepancies. 
 
 182 
 
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