NO MASTER NEGATIVE . 93-80813 1 MICROFILMED 1993 COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY LIBRARIES/NEW YORK as part of the "Foundations of Western Civilization Preservation Project" Funded by the NATIONAL ENDOWMENT FOR THE HUMANITIES Reproductions may not be made without permission from Columbia University Library COPYRIGHT STATEMENT fSlr reproductions of copyrighted material. under certain conditions specif led in the law Hbrar^^^^^^^ photocopy archives are authorizea lo .u".n. = k. .^-^^^^^^^^^ .^ ,^3, 4,,^ reproduction. One of «hese specitiea cona phWopy or other reproduc^^^^^ P^?'.?fh°a'iCr"ryr^^^^^^^^^ use, accept coDv order if, in its judgement, tui •••-'-■ would involve violation of the copyright law. AUTHOR: GIUSTINIANI , SEBASTIANO TITLE: FOUR YEARS AT THE COURT . . . PLACE: LONDON DA TE: 1854 Restrictions on Use: COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY LIBRARIES PRESERVATION DEPARTMENT BIDLIOGRAPHIC MICROFORM TARGET Original Mnlcrinl ns Filmed - Existing Bibliograpliic Record f ■ i ioi ii K^i" g(i ^i ' i'»9»;m * .\iv^m ^m^^mW ^fmiFf 942.05 G44 ? Giustiniani, Sebastiano, 1460-1543. ^^0^* Four years at the court of Henry viii. ; selection of des- patches written by tlie Venetian ambassador, Sebastian (iiustinian, and addressed to tlie Signory of Venice, Jan- uary ILMh lolf) to July 2Gtli 1519. Tr. by Hawdon Brown ... J^ondon, yniith, Elder, & co., 1854. V. 19i^ m "Preliminary account of tlic Giustlnlan family, and of the early career of the writer of these despatches," by the translator: p. 1-30. 1. Ct. Ikit— Hist.— TTcnrv viii, 1509-1547. I. Brown, Rawdon Lub- lock, ISOJ-1883, ed. and tr. ' — ( Library of Congress U J-^8648 DA331.G5 -I Master Negative # TECHNICAL MICROFORM DATA REDUCTION RATIO: FILM SIZE:__3fe^>ALL IMAGE PLACEMENT: "lA (l^IA IB IID DATE FILMED: IS-x^ILj.:! FILMED BY: RESEARCH PUBLICATIONS. INC WOODDRIDGE, CT . Qv INITIALS t^O •*• 1 r Association for Information and Image Management 1100 Wayne Avenue, Suite 1100 Silver Spring, Maryland 20910 301/587-8202 Centimete 1 2 iJii niiliiiihiiil T Inches 3 4 5 iiiiliiiiliiiiliiiiliiiiliiii TTT 1 11 II I I 6 7 8 9 10 1.0 I.I 1.25 11 12 13 14 15 mm iiliiiiliiiiliiiiliiiii TTT llllllllllllllll U^ 2.8 |5^ 2.5 |56 3.2 2.2 l63 \t 36 £? r 2.0 i& ii u lUhbik 1.8 1.4 1.6 I I irr TTT MflNUFflCTURED TO PIIM STPNDRRDS BY RPPLIED IMAGE, INC. mi W '*♦ ilM^ 1^. n ^Wi LIBRARY kiiM\'»^ m 4^t' ^r* ^ » • I ' • I \ ;• FOUR Y£aRS I'll I ; . • • • ' . » • AT. tut ' 1 1 I • I . » • • • I COURT OF H^NRl' VIII. SELECTION OF DESPATCHES WRITTEN BY THE VENETIAN AMBASSADOR, SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN J > <» * »• AND ADDRESSED TO THE SIGNORY OF VENICE, JANUARY I2TH 1515, TO JULY 26tH I519. TRANSLATED BY RAWDON BROWN. IN TWO VOLUMES. VOL. L <. LONDON: SMITH, ELDER, & CO., 65, CORNHILL. 1854. \ • *•••• • • • • •. . • . •• : • • • • • : .* :;•*.. V. I SUMMARY OF CONTENTS. VOL. I. London : Printed by Stewart & Murray, Old Bailey. Introduction. Concerning the archives of Venice, and the antiquity of Venetian " Reports" --Earliest MSS. and printed copies of them existing in England -Impartiality of the Venetian diplomatists- Anglo- Venetian commerce and diplomatic inter- course—Englishmen of note connected with Venice in the 14th and 15th centuries—Venetian ambassadors in England from 1497 to 1515— Disco- very of the Giustinian correspondence, and mode of editing it . pp. ix— xxviii Preliminary account of the Giustinian Family. Notices of the Giustinian family; of the first patriarch of Venice, and of the writer of these despatches, Sebastian Giustinian— His account of Hungary, A.D. 1500-1502, and details of the Corvinian library— His career from 1503 to 15 1 5— His portrait of Henry VIII. at variance with a more recent sketch— Offices conferred on him from 15 19 until his death in 1543 — Opinion of his son with regard to the comparative valour of the English and French pp. 1--30 Despatches of Sebastian Giustinian. A.D. 1515. January 12 to March 30. Departure from Venice of Sebastian Giustinian— His letters from Ferrara, Lucca, and Genoa— Account of a supper given at Avignon to his colleague' Pietro Pasqualigo— Instructions from Doge Leonardo Loredano— State of the roads— Entry into Paris of the Venetian ambassadors— Account of the French Court ^^^ ^^_^^ A.D. I515. Jpril 7 to May 3. Passion Week at Boulogne— Earliest news of the first treaty between Henry VlIL and Francis I.— Meeting with the French ambassadors at Dover— Entry into London, via Rochester and Deptford— Retrospective account of Andrea Badoef s adventures on the road between Venice and London, a.d. 1509— His \ 279508 / r / IV CONTENTS. wardrobe — His comments on English fashions and servants — Favour shown him by Henry VIII. — His negotiations and complaints — Fees paid by him to London physicians — His mode of living — His audiences of Henry VIII. — Statue of Charles VIII. and coffin of Louis XII. — Regalia at St. Denys — Amiens — Canterbury and St. Thomas a Becket's shrine — St. George's Day at Richmond, and May Day at Greenwich — Breakfast, mass, and dinner — Robin Hood and archery — A procession of giants — Music and joust- ing .......... pp. 60 — 94. A.D. I515. yune \^ to September 20. Venetian politics — Sack — Thomas Wolsey, Archbishop of York — St. James of Compostella — Sir Thomas Dockwra, Grand Prior of St. John's, and the English Knights of Rhodes— Opinion entertained by Henry VIII. concerning Louis XII. and Francis 1. — Reported embassy of the Earl of Worcester- Conversations with the Dukes of Norfolk and Suffolk, the Archbishop of York, and the Bishop of Carlisle — The "doughty" Duke of Albany — Ferrara and Mantua — A mendacious friar — A French ambassador — Qiieen Margaret of Scotland — Louise of Savoy — Knighthood conferred on Andrea Badoer, and the red hat on Thomas Wolsey . . . pp. 95 — 128 A.D. I515 16. September 26 to January 2. Congratulations addressed to Cardinal Wolsey — His complaints of Francis I. and the Duke of Albany — Greek apothegms — Battle of Marignano — Costly pledge or present from King Ferdinand the Catholic — Mission to England of a French King-at-arms — Naval preparations in the Thames — Launch of " The Great Harry, ^' alias " Henrye Grace de Dieu,'' at Erith— Meeting of. Parliament — Venetian news imparted by Cardinal Wolsey and the Arch- bishop of Canterbury — Departure from England of Andrea Badoer — Treaties between the European powers — Unpopularity of the French ambassador in England — Purchase by Henry VIII. of bills of exchange — Reasons assigned for this investment by Cardinal Wolsey, the Duke of Norfolk, and the Archbishop of Canterbury — Its effects on the rates of exchange — Statements concerning it at variance with the assurances of Cardinal Wolsey and his colleagues — Wish of Cardinal Wolsey for the mediation of Venice between England and France — Demand for the restitution of her jewels to Maria Tudor, Queen Dowager of France ••••??. 129 — 160 A.D. I516. ^January 5 to March 10. False report of the capture of Brescia by the Venetians — Conversations with the Duke of Norfolk, the Bishops of Carlisle and Winchester, and the French ambassador — The wrongs of Margaret Tudor, Queen of Scotland — Arrival in England of an ambassador from the Emperor Maximilian — Court paid to Henry VIII. — Assertions of Cardinal Wolsey concerning the bills of exchange purchased by him — Their confirmation by the Bishop of Carlisle — CONTENTS. V Refusal of Francis I. to stand godfather for the Lady Mary Tudor — Turkish news communicated to Henry VIII. by Sebastian Giustinian — Disfavour of the Republic of Venice in England after the battle of Marignano — Remit- tances to the Emperor, or to the Switzers — Confederation with th:i Arch- duke Charles, Prince of Castille — Death of King Ferdinand the Catholic — Birth of the Lady Mary Tudor — Her sponsors — Reply of Henry VIII. to congratulations on this event — His insinuations against Francis I. — Their corroboration by Cardinal Wolsey — Comments of Cardinal Wolsey con- cerning the bills of exchange, the policy of France and Scotland, and the health of Francis I. — Royal navy in the Thames — Announcement by Cardinal Wolsey that he effected the peace between England and France in 1 5 14, and the marriage of Maria Tudor and Louis XII. — News of Italy by the Bishop of Carlisle — Arrival in London of the first embassy to Henry VIII. from the Archduke Charles, after his accession to the throne of Spain — Complaints against the Venetians by a prisoner of war — Conflicting claims on the Kingdom of Naples — Flattery lavished on Henry VIII. — Abuse of Venice . pp. 161 — 191 % A.D. I516. March II to Jpril 26. Henry VIII. sick and choleric — His own account of his wealth and authority — Complains of being slighted by the Venetians — His influence over the Emperor Maximilian and King Charles of Spain — Supposed to be raising mercenaries against Scotland — Threats of Sultan Selim deplored by Cardinal Wolsey — Vain attempts to detach Venice from France — Contemptuous language addressed to Sebastian Giustinian— His rejoinder — Apologies of Cardinal Wolsey and Thomas Ruthal — Francesco Chieregato and Peter's pence— Seizure of the letters of the French ambassador, and reprimand given him for their contents — Mediation of Venice demanded by Cardinal Wolsey— Ambition of Francis I. — Retreat of Maximilian — Recall of the President of Rouen pp.192 — 218 A.D. I516. May I to July 6. Nullity of the marriage of Margaret Tudor to the Earl of Angus, and report of her betrothal to the Emperor Maximilian — Understanding between the Empire, Spain, and England— City news by Master Friskiball— Richard Pace in Switzerland — Arrival in London of the ^ueen of Scotland— Conver- sation with the Duke of Suffolk, and Sir Thomas Dockwra— The plague in London, and removal of the Venetian embassy to Putney— Remonstrances of Sebastian Giustinian against the seizure of his letters, and device adopted by him to prevent their being decyphered— The miseries of Turkish aggres- sion anticipated— Treaty proposed by Cardinal Wolsey for the^ expulsion from Italy of Francis I.— Reply of the Venetian ambassador — Tete a tete at Greenwich with Henry VIII.— Modification by Cardinal Wolsey of language used by the King— Attempt made to effect the dismissal from the Court of Sebastian Giustinian— Surrender of Brescia to the Venetians- Renewal of the trade between Venice and England . pp. 219— 250 / ♦ VI CONTENTS. A.D. 1516. "July ij to August II. A hitch in the Anti-Gallican league— A split in the English Cabinet — Perpetra- tion of a pun— Festival of St. Mary Magdalen — Betrothal of King Charles of Spain — Venetian history — Table-talk with Cardinal Wolsey and Thomas Ruthal — White-Rose— Attention of the King of Denmark to his brother- in-law — Remittances to the continent made by Henry VIII., and discontent caused in England by the waste of his treasure — Attempt to intimidate Venice — Cardinal Wolsey 's abuse of Francis I., and defence of him by Sebastian Giustinian — Distrust of Francis I. entertained by Leo X., on the authority' of Thomas Ruthal — A quarter of a century of Venetian politics . pp. 251 — 275 A.D. I516. August I'] to September 30. Efforts of Cardinal Wolsey to detach the Republic of Venice from her alliance with F^cis I. — Answers to his arguments by Sebastian Giustinian — The sack of Vicenza— The contest for Verona — Bribes offered to a Prime Minister —^enry VIII., Catharine of Aragon, and Margaret Tudor in the country — TKe treaty of Noyon — Failure of Cardinal Wolsey's negotiations for an antagonistic treaty — Hint of the secret treaty effected subsequently — Mission of Eng^sh military commanders to Tournai — Succour of Verona by Marc Antonio Cc^onna — Understanding between Leo X. and Henry VIII., and the Switzers — Court gossip by the Papal Nuncio — Arrival in London of a French herald — Folly of fishing with golden hooks— The organist of St. Mark's and his organ — Dinner engagements of Sebastian Giustinian — Music and dancing at Greenwich ...... pp. 276 — 301 \ A.D. I516. October l^ to November I. Disregard bf the English Ministry for the conquests of Selim I.— - Arrival in London of the Swiss Cardinal — Politics talked by Richard Pace— A Cabinet Council — The Bishop of Norwich and the Laureat Skelton — Cardinal Wolsey demented — Conversation with the Duke of Norfolk — Unscrupulous mode of ascertaining the veracity of Francesco Chieregato — The novelist Bandello and Ippolita Sforza — Contradictory news of Verona — Taxation in England — Political opponents of Cardinal Wolsey — Proposal to bribe him — Church ceremonies performed by Henry VIII., for the league with the Empire and Spain — Complaints against Aldus Manutius — Compostella bells — Cabinet absentees — Peculation and treachery by a Visconti . pp. 302 — 327 ERRATA IN VOL. I. Page 45, line 26, for proficiscitentibus, 76, „ 9, „ delegnamente, ,, 26, „ manfrino, I33> 138, 160, 169, „ 26, » 23, » 21, >> 3> to, the, Mr. Lanch, ambassadors, Zanini, 2i4> » i5> 262, „ 34, „ at, ^IZy » 3> » Este, 2^80, „ 33, „ the date of this, 288, „ 4, „ Vienna, 288, „ 30, „ ? not importunate, 327, „ 12, „ Fioramondo, read proficiscentibus. degnamente. manfrini. for. these. Dr. Karl Lanz. ambassador. Zanina. as at. Este (no accent over), this. Verona. now importunate. Fioramonda. INTRODUCTION. The archives of Venice, as might be anticipated from the nature of her ancient institutions, are singu- larly rich in the materials of history : the machinery of a republican government, whose executive com- mittees kept minutes of their proceedings, and whose legislative assemblies required numerous reports for their information, had the effect of rapidly multiply- ing State papers. The department of foreign ajffairs possesses un- usually ample documents. The ambassadors of the Republic kept up a double correspondence with the Doge (to whom, by official etiquette, all their com- munications were addressed) : the ordinary and osten- sible despatches were intended for the information of the College and Senate, while the more secret and confidential were reserved for the Doge and the Council of Ten. But besides this minute correspondence, which INTRODUCTION. commenced on the ambassador's departure from Venice, and was not closed till he again reached the Lagoons, it had been enacted by the Grand Council in 1268, and again in 1296, that each ambassador, on his return, should make to the College and Senate a general report on the go^JJ^rnment, condition of the country, and character of the potentate to whom he had been accredited. These, together with the in- structions addressed by the Signory to its diplomatic agents, and all other papers connected with its foreign relations, were carefully arranged and consigned to the ducal chancery. Fortunately, a considerable portion of the State records thus accumulated in the course of so many centuries, escaped the patriotic excesses which followed the French invasion, and the fall of the old Republic in 1797 ; and, having safely passed through all subsequent vicissitudes, they are now under the care of the " Keeper of the Imperial Archives,"* in the ex-Franciscan monastery at Venice, * Atp 188-189, vol. ii., it has been stated in a note, written in 1851, that the archives of Venice contain no copies of any missives sent by the State in the spring of 1518 to the ambassador in Eng- land. This assertion it is now in the power of the translator to correct. A fresh arrangement of the Cancellaria Secreta was completed by the Signor Cesare Fo\icard, under the guidance of the Imperial Equerry and Director of the Venice Archives, the Cavaliere Fabio Mutmelli, whose exertions, coupled with those of his officials, namely, the above-men- tioned Signor Foucard, and Signor Teodoro Toderini, have rendered the ex-monastery of the Franciscans one of the most interestmg and impressive sights in the lagoons, from the excellent method adopted by him in filling its spacious corridors with the records of a thousand ^^The labours of these gentlemen brought to light a variety of valuable documents, including the minutes of the despatches, addressed by the College to the Venetian ambassadors at foreign courts j and through the INTRODUCTION. XI where, under certain restrictions, they are accessible to the student. But before transmitting the official documents to the government, it seems to have been the general practice to retain a copy for the family library, or muniment room (the archivio\ of the ambassador himself; and thence, or perhaps from the notes of some one who heard them read in the Senate and committed their substance to paper, these " reports," not unfrequently even in early times, and despite the prohibition of the Signory, found their way to the public. It is surprising that a government so jealous, whose omniscient activity and mysterious ubiquity were at once so much vaunted and dreaded, should have permitted its orders on so delicate a point to be infringed ; but tb^'se interesting documents early excited public curiosity, and supply follows demand, even in the middle ages, and in spite of Inquisitors of State. It is certain, that as early as the close of the sixteenth century several . of these diplomatic frag- ments got into print and were sold, even in the Venetian territory. Orazio Busino, a subject of the Signory, who visited Oxford in the year i6i8,,^ mentions having seen in the Bodleian library manu- kindness of Cavaliere Mutmelli, I lately perused the one alluded to by Sebastian Giustinian in his letter from Lambeth of the 22nd May, 1518. It is dated Venice, 20th April 1 518, and mentions, among other thmgs, that the French ambassador in Spain had told the Venetian ambassador there that Francis I. meant to seize Tournai and Calais. Xll INTRODUCTION. script copies of many of these State papers, which had found their way there (he complains) " in the teeth of the Senate."* And in the year 1668, John Bulteale published in London a translation of the Report on the Papal Court, by the noble Correr, whom, in admiration of his sagacity, he styles a " Politique Astrologer'' On the fall of the ancient Republic, whatever restraint had been imposed on the divulgation of these documents was at once removed. In those disastrous times, and the subsequent half century, many noble families were ruined, or became extinct, and much property changed hands. Many of the ancient palaces were sold, and their magnificent contents, including the libraries and MSS., were scattered. In some instances the family archives have been transferred, by bequest, to the great puj» x libraries; in many others they have been dispersed J by sale among the private collections of Europe. * Some years ago, at the sale of the Tiepolo library, the translator purchased a MS. which purported to be " The report, by Francesco Con- tarini, of his misssion to England in 1609/' Appended to this docu- ment is a note by Contarini himself, who states that he bought it at Romey where he was ambassador many years later; that it is not a true copy, but that it contains much of the substance of his report. It is a proof of the estimation in which these state papers were held, that apocryphal reports were so often forged. In the year 1 587, the attention of Europe was anxiously directed to England, to observe her preparations to resist the Armada ; and forthwith a " report'' appeared, professing to be written by an Envoy sent by the Council of Ten to London on the occasion. It contains some curious matter, and appears to be written by an eye-witness; but there is docum-mtary evidence in the Venetian archives to prove that it is not what it pretends to be — the work of a diplomatic agent. A copy of this report existed in the library of the Count Leonardo Manin, nephew of the last Doge of Venice. INTRODUCTION. xni To this multiplication of official papers, how- ever reprehensible it may have appeared to the Council of Ten, the modern student is indebted, not merely for increased facilities of access to original documents, but also for the supply of many a lacune in the public archives, which must otherwise have remained unfilled ; for, in consequence of losses occasioned by fire, and by removals on a change of offices, the early part of the diplomatic records is very imperfect. The instructions and commissions addressed by the Senate to its diplo- matic agents, have been kept from the earliest times with considerable regularity ; but the series of Re- ports and Despatches does not begin till the middle of the sixteenth century : and although from that period the despatches, or ambassadorial " registers," as they are termed, have been preserved without interruption, the "reports" have been to a great extent lost or destroyed, so that, to supply all these deficiencies, the student must turn his attention to the copies which have been preserved in the private archives of the writers. To trace among the many sources of information thus laid open to the student, the antiquities of the old Venetian Republic, and the history of her worthies, has for many years formed the chief occupation of the translator of the following pages. But he has always found himself more especially attracted by the notices of his own country, which abound, espe- XIV INTRODUCTION. INTRODUCTION. XV cially among the diplomatic papers ; and in this prefe- rence, he feels little doubt of the sympathy of the English reader. The national portrait traced by a foreign pencil, though its traits are not always flattering, is always interesting. The testi- mony of the Venetian diplomatist has more than ordinary claims on our attention ; few witnesses could J be expected to exhibit so much impartiality : he was beset by no early prejudices, he had none of the hatred of near neighbourhood to warp his judgment. The commercial interests of Venice connected her with England, and she was alienated by no poli- tical jealousy. As an observer, he was more than usually qualified to form a sound opinion. Wicquefort, in his often quoted treatise on " The Ambassador and his Functions^' remarks that no diplo- matists had acquired so high a reputation for sagacity " and ability as the Venetian, and this pre-eminence he attributes to their education. In no state, he ob- serves, was so large a portion of the citizens trained up from early life to the conduct of public business : he might have added that in none was more care taken to select men of weight and talent, who were capable of advancing the interests of the State they re- . presented. The ambassador to England was usually a veteran who had served his country in various capa- cities, and possessed all the materials for comparing and judging which could be afforded by an acquaint- ance with the principal states of the Continent. The Venetian diplomatist was not forced to conciliate or to flatter the prejudices and weaknesses of the sove- reign or the favorite who gave him his commission. He served a government which, beyond all that have ever existed, was unimpeded in its march by the passions and the Intrigues of individuals. In some of the despatches intended for the Senate, we may perhaps detect a little anxiety to treasure up all the compliments and professions of respect which have been paid to " Our State " and " Our Signory," but in all substantial matters the ambassador seems to have no desire but to approve his zeal and sagacity, by sending as much of the pure ore of truth as he can collect, and as little as he can help of any baser alloy. The translator has endeavoured to trace the earliest indications of intercourse between the great mercantile power of the middle ages and her destined successor; but, as might have been anticipated, the first relations between the countries are commercial rather than diplomatic. As early as the beginning of the fourteenth cen- tury, there is documentary evidence to prove that the trade with England had assumed a regular and systematic form. We learn from Marin Sanuto that in his time there sailed annually from Venice, a little fleet, known by the name of " the Flanders Galleys." These used to touch at some of the principal ports of the Adriatic, Sicily, and Spain, and then pass on to their destination at Hampton (now Southampton), )" XVI INTRODUCTION. where the flag-galley and the commodore were wont to remain^ whilst the rest of the fleet went on to Middleburg, Antwerp, or Helvoetsluys, returning again to Southampton, which was the;r appointed ren- dezvous before setting out on their homeward voyage. Their cargo (the word itself is pure Venetian, a corrup- tion of the Tuscan word carico) consisted of the produce of the Levant, and all that as yet reached our shores from the Indian marts. Moreover, they brought with them " the fashions of proud Italy," then the centre of taste and luxury ; wines from Greece and Tyre, from Candia and the Morea, and from Spain; and lastly, an article for which, except on the authority of our own parliamentary records (also corroborated by the ambassador Giustinian), we could scarcely believe that we were in any degree indebted to strangers : namely, bow-staves. In 1472 it was enacted that four how-staves should accompany every ton of Venetian merchandise ; and again, by an act of the 1 2th Edward III., the importation of Venetian mer- chandise is forbidden, unless they ^^ bryng with every butte of Malvesy and with every but of Tyre x bowe staves good and hable stuffe upon peyn of forfeyture of 13s. 4d. for every but of the said wynz so brought and conveied, and not the said nombre of bowe staves with the same butt.'' It is a further proof of the close commercial con- nection of the two countries, that the introduction of the Venetian copper and base coinage was made a INTRODUCTION. XVU ^-^■ i-£fe' 1 serious subject of complaint, as will be seen in date of July 22, 15 19; and by an act of Par- liament of the year 1409, the Legislature prohibited the circulation of the small Venetian coins, called " galley half-pence," specifying by name the " Suskin and Dotkin." The former, called by Fynes Mory- son " Sussine," is, in Venetian, " Sisin ;" it was of very small value, and must not be confounded with the ^^ Sequin," a gold coin, which it slightly resembles in sound. The " Dotkin " is the " Daottin," which has also ceased to exist ; though the term is still preserved in the colloquial language of Venice.* Those who love to connect the history of fiction with the history of nations, and to observe how the former will sometimes embalm a fact of which the latter has scarcely deigned to preserve any trace, will be interested in hearing that a proof of the close intimacy once subsisting between Venice and South- ampton is still to be found at the Marionette^ or puppet-show theatre of Venice, where the history of Sir Bevis, the legendary hero of " Hampton," forms to this day one of the stock pieces ofthe Lilliputian stage. But in truth, so intimate in former times was the connection between Venice and Southampton, that * The exact value of the " Dotkin/' was eight Venetian soldiy in like manner as the "Sisin'' or " Sesin," represented a "Soldo" and a half. Both the Suskin and Dotkin were of silver, but with much alloy, and were most probably prohibited, as calculated to debase the standard. Dr. Johnson derives "doit" from duyt^ Dutch, and doyght, Erse : the reader will perhaps think it possible that the Venetian coin daottin may also have stood co-sponsor for this word. XVlll INTRODUCTION. the English sea-port shared the paralysis with which the Queen of the Adriatic was struck on the discovery of the new passage to India. Amongst the Statutes of the Realm (22 Hen. VIII., c. 20), a petition is extant from the corporation (a.d. i 530-3 P^^Y'^^S to be relieved from a yearly tax of 40 marks, on the plea that since - the Kyng of Portyngale toke the trate of spicis from the Venyzians at Calacowte,'^ their "carreckis and galeis" came less frequently to the port. In the mean time, the diplomatic relations of the two countries were formed gradually and slowly, and few traces of them can be found till the period which is emphatically that of modern history. In the war of Chioggia, in 1379, when Venice was struggling for existence with her rival, Genoa, she applied for English aid; but it was to individuals, and not to the Crown, that she addressed herself. Having failed in a negotiation with Sir John Hawk- wood (whose tomb under his Italian name of Acuto, the travelled reader may remember to have seen in the Duomo at Florence), she applied to another English trader in war, a condottiero of the name of Cook, who, with his mercenary soldiers, seems to have served the Signory with courage and fidelity, and is said to have turned the fortune of the day in favour of his employers at Borondolo. Sixteen years later, we find that Carlo Zeno, the Commander-in-Chief during this memorable war with INTRODUCTION. XIX Genoa, was sent as Ambassador to England, to persuade Richard II. to assist the Emperor Michael Palasologus against Bajazet IV. He is said, by his biographer the Bishop of Belluno, to have been suc- cessful in his mission (the business of which, we are further told, was conducted in Latin) ; but when we consider the disturbed state of England at the time, it is difficult to suppose that Richard's promised aid can have much benefited Christendom. The trans- lator regrets to say that he has searched in vain for Zeno's despatches or " Report." For many following years, few or no traces of diplomatic connection, though many of friendly intercourse, are to be found. During the wars of the Roses (those who main- tain the brutal ignorance of the feudal nobility, will hear with surprise), Tiptoft, Earl of Wor- cester, filled a professorial chair at the Univer- sity of Padua; and in 1481, the responsible office of Rector of that ^^ Nursery of Arts," was conferred on one who is rather vaguely styled ^^ Thomas of England." " Banished Norfolk," the readers of Shakspeare — and who is not a reader of Shakspeare ? — will remem- ber found an asylum at Venice, a.d. 1399; ^^^^ there — " he gave His body to that pleasant country ''s earth j And his pure soul unto his Captain Christ, Under whose colours he had fought so long." ^ XX INTRODUCTION. A monumental achievement to his memory,* was placed in the corridor of St. Mark's Church. After the battle of Bosworth Field, Doge Barba- rigo was the first potentate to congratulate the vic- \j torious Richmond on his accession to the throne ; and to the letter which he wrote on this occasion it is recorded, as a mark of unusual magnificence and respect, that there was appended a silver seal.f In acknowledgment of this compliment, there was sent as ambassador to Venice the same " Chris- topher Urswick^ a priest^' who appears as one of the dramatis personam of Shakspeare's Richard III. No trace, however, of a Venetian embassy to England is to be found before 1497, J when Andrea * It was a flat stone, of the kind called in Italy, " Sigillo sepolcrale,'' and its sculpture is emblematical. This memorial was originally placed in the year 1400 ; and, on the removal of the body to England, A.D. 1533, it was inserted vertically in the wall of the Ducal Palace, near the ancient Granary Office, fronting the island of S. Georgio Maggiore. It was preserved by the mason who had been ordered to deface it at the time of the French occupation in 18 10, and was disinterred by the translator in 1839. It is now at Corby Castle. f It would probably be hopeless to search for this curious document. The carelessness with which our national records have been kept is a / a subject of deep mortification to the antiquarian. In the year 1838, no less than eight tons' weight of curious documents were sold by the then Chancellor of the Exchequer to Mr. Jay, a fishmonger, at the price of 8/. per ton. Many of these have been since purchased at high prices by the British Museum, and by the Government itself. For some curious details on this subject, see " Mr. Rodd's Narrative ;"• 1845. t In the year 1496, the diplomatic affairs of the Signory with Henry VII. were transacted by two merchants of Venice, established in London, by name Piero Contarini and Luca Valaresso. They induced the King to join the so-called ** Holy League j'' and on the 1 8th of July in that year, a "broadside,'' with a wood-cut of Henry VII., appeared in the thoroughfares of Venice ; and as verv few documents of this kind have been preserved, especially of so early a date, the reader INTRODUCTION. XXI Trevisan was appointed Ambassador to Henry VII. The despatches and the " Report" of this diplomatist no longer exist. But the notices of England which were collected to form its materials yet remain, and have been given to the world in a very spirited and correct translation by Miss Sneyd, with some valuable prefatory notices by the late Mr. Holmes, of the British Museum, respecting the Vene- tian "Reports" of England now existing in this country. Trevisan was succeeded in 1502 by Francesco Capello, of whose diplomatic papers no remains have been found, except an insignificant letter (now pre- may be interested with the following copy and description of it, which are extracted from the MSS. diaries of Marin Sanuto : — " Questo e Papa Alexandre che corregie, > p^ I error del mondo con divine legie." 5 "Viva lo Imperador Cesaro Augusto, > M^ximiliano. Maxinrtilian Re de' Romani justo. 5 |Sp agna. ** Questo e il gran Re di Spagna e la Reglna, Che de' infedeli ha fatto gran ruina." ** Questo e quel Re il qual dara ancor briga, > ^nggiterra. A ogni nemico de la fidel liga." $ " Potente in guerra et arnica de pace, ) Venetia. Venetia el ben' comun sempre le place." S " Questo e colui ch* a' 1 sceptro justo in mano, ^ j^jj^j^ Tien el felice Stato di Milano." J The portraits of the allies figured at the close of their respective couplets. Doge Barbarigo representing Venice and Henry VII. England. According to Rymer, this treaty was signed by Henry VII. at Windsor, in September, 1496, the Venetian and Milanese ambassadors being present 5 but, in reality, Contarini and Valaresso were neither ambassadors nor special envoys, but are called by Sanuto " our quasi subman- dataries^ xxu INTRODUCTION. INTRODUCTION. XXlll served in the Correr Museum,* at Venice), which was addressed to him by the King, from " our Manor of Woodstock," on the 20th of July in that year. The paper on which it is written, is of the manufac- ture of Flanders, which at that time supplied all the paper needed for the correspondence of England. The water-mark is a hand, whose middle finger is connected by a straight line or stem with a star. This water-mark is not without interest, for a reason which will shortly be apparent. In 1506, the Archduke Philip, with his consort Queen Joanna of Castille, when on their voyage from the Netherlands to Spain, were driven by stress of weather to Falmouth, and remained in England some weeks. They were accompanied by the Venetian Ambassador to their court, Vincenzo Querini, who employed his leisure on drawing up a " Report" on the state of England. Several copies^ of this state paper exist in our own libraries, and a version of it was published at Florence in 1839. In 1509, when the League of Cambrai threatened the existence of Venice, the Signory despatched Andrea Badoer to prevent the adhesion of England to the con- federacy, and to obtain her good offices ; but no further memorials of his correspondence are to be found, than are contained in the summaries of Marin Sanuto. * I was first made acquainted with this document by the courteous director of the Museum, Dr. Lazari, who allowed me to have it lithographed. Andrea Badoer was succeeded by Sebastian Giusti- nian, whose despatches form the subject of the present work. When the translator first ventured to entertain the hope that a selection of the papers which had fur- nished so much amusement to himself might pos- sess some interest for the public, he did not hesi- tate in fixing his choice on the despatches of Giusti- nian. It is so much more difficult, in proportion to the remoteness of the period, to picture to the imagina- tion its manners, motives, and modes of thinking, that contemporary letters full of the hopes, the fears, and the reports of the day, acquire a vast additional interest by their antiquity. And as they become more interesting, unfortunately they are also more scarce : no unbroken series of letters, such as the Giustinian correspondence from 1515 to 151 9, has hitherto appeared in print, whether written from Lon- don or any other capital. It is surprising how few contemporary authors are quoted by the historians of the period embraced by these despatches. In the course of these four years, we find occasional references to Peter Martyr, to Erasmus, to Messieurs de Bellai and de Fleuranges, to the mendacious Polydore Virgil, to Sir Thomas More, and to Edward Hall : the last a mere youth at the time of Giustinian's sojourn in England ; but in none of these writers are to be found the minute XXIV INTRODUCTION. details and graphic touches which give life to the Venetian Ambassador's correspondence. The discovery of the Giustinian correspondence is recent. In the year 1 843, the noble Girolamo Contarini bequeathed to the library of St. Mark, his family collection of books and MSS. ; amongst their con- tents was a bulky folio volume to which my attention was first drawn by Signor Giovanni Battista Lorenzi, one of the officers of St. Mark's librarv, to whose w zeal we owe the catalogue of the Contarini legacy, and of the museum of the "Marciana," and to whose accurate knowledge, the frequenters of that institu- tion are indebted for so much information. The paper is of the same manufacture, and bears the same water-mark as that on which was written the letter of Henry VII., previously described. The vo- lume contains 226 letters, copies of those addressed by Sebastian Giustinian to the Signory during his English embassy. They are transcribed by his secretary — him- self a man of some note in Venetian annals. The copy is dated 1 5 1 5 to 1 5 1 9 ; it is headed according to the pious form of the day " In nomine Domini," and is thus attested by the transcriber at the end : — « Nicolaus Sagudlnus fidellter exemplavit." As the entire collection is too large for publica- tion, the translator has endeavoured to select such letters and parts of letters as seem most likely to interest, by their graphic touches and lively notices INTRODUCTION. XXV of the events of the day, or by their bearings on English history and literature. The archaic phraseology employed in this trans- lation has not been adopted merely for the sake of bringing the style of the work into keeping with its subject matter : in fact, it was not entirely a matter of choice. The careless and familiar phrases, the quaint expressions and frequent redundancies of the old vernacular Italian, when they are literally translated into English, fall naturally into periods resembling" the prose of Elizabeth's or James's days. Had the translator succeeded in recasting the whole into the flowing paragraphs of a modern newspaper (and he must candidly own that he frequently made the attempt in vain), he could not have effected so great a change without a metamor- phosis which would have affected more than the language, and would have seemed to attribute the ideas as well as the expressions of the nineteenth to the sixteenth century. In rendering Venetian titles of office, it has, in many cases, been found impossible to give any exact equiva- lent. To quote one instance among the many that might be cited: the "captain" of a subject town, signifies simply the governor, without any reference to a military charge or character, further than is always included in the idea of the supreme power. This and similar peculiarities the translator has thought it right to preserve, and in such cases he has generally given XXVI INTRODUCTION. the most literal translation of the Venetian title, ac- companied with an explanation of its practical import. The subject of Italian titles generally is one which occasions some difficulty to a translator ; especially at the period to which these despatches refer. It was not till the close of the sixteenth century, when the supremacy of Spain had been long established in Italy, that the code of etiquette was fixed, and the gradation of titles, which had been multiplied with boundless prodigality, was determined. In earlier times, '"Signor," when strictly applied, was a very high title, implying actual sovereignty or feudal supe- riority. The noblest citizens of Venice or Florence, forbidden to take feudal titles, were styled '^ messer," a title which most nearly resembles " master," but for which, nevertheless, " master " affords no equivalent. To the surnames of the Venetian nobles was ap- plied, in lieu of title, the prefix of " the noble," " the patrician ;" but the citizens of Florence were compelled to affect humility. Magnifico seems to have been not so much a title, as an expression of respect applied to magistrates, and others to whom honour is due or adulation is addressed ; nor indeed would it always be easy, when we classify the various forms of ad- dress employed at this period, to draw any definite line between the tribute of voluntary respect and claims sanctioned by custom and law. Even the titles of sovereigns were unfixed. Charles V., as is well known, was the first monarch — INTRODUCTION. XXVll it cannot be said who was addressed by the title of majesty — but the first who adopted it so exclusively, that he could be addressed by no other. It seems to have been generally understood, that to a certain class of persons belonged of right a certain species of titles ; but within a given range, the choice of title was arbitrary. The author of the following despatches addresses the Doge indifferently, as ^^ your High- ness," " your Sublimity," " your Excellency," " your Serenity ; " and all four titles are often introduced so nearly together as to lead to the inference, that to vary the title was considered a mark of respect, or a grace of style, In all these cases, the writer has thought it best to keep his translation as close to the original as pos- sible ; and as the word magnifico has been adopted by Shakspeare, and can be expressed by no English equivalent, he has ventured to retain it. In the orthography of the proper names belonging to Venice, he has for the most part given the Vene- tian versions of the name in preference to the Italian, or, more strictly speaking, the Tuscan. Thus, for instance, the reader will find Giustinian instead of Giustiniani, Badoer for Badoaro, Correr for Cor- rario, &c. The translator has appended notes to each letter, to spare the reader the trouble of referring to biogra- phical dictionaries and histories of the time ; but he dares not flatter himself that this supplementary in- XXVlll INTRODUCTION. formation may not appear to some to be deficient, and to others redundant. Since the printing of the despatches was finished, it has been suggested to the translator that the work would be rendered more complete by the addition of the " Report" which Giustinian made to the Senate on his return. This report was transcribed by the translator in the year 1838 from a MS. of undoubted authenticity in the possession of Count Agostino Sagredo. A short extract from it is quoted at p. 26 of the present work. A translation of the whole is now given in an appendix. The translator cannot conclude without recording his gratitude to the learned head librarian of the " Mar- ciana," Don Giuseppe Valentinelli, and to the vice- librarian, Signor Velluto (so distinguished by his Greek scholarship), for the facilities which they have afforded him while engaged in translating these despatches, as well as for all the kindness and attention experienced from them for a series of years. <■• > > r i> c « } » I , I •» DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN. PRELIMINARY ACCOUNT OF THE GIUSTINIAN FA- MILY, AND OF THE EARLY CAREER OF THE WRITER OF THESE DESPATCHES. On the fall of the Heraclian Dynasty (A. D. 711), in the person of the Emperor Justinian 11. , the survivors of his family emigrated first to Istria, where they founded the city of Justinopoli, now called Capo d'Istria, and in the course of half a century, we find some of their descendants established in Venice ; for amongst the tribunes in the year 756, was a Giustinian, whose daughter subsequently married Doge Angelo Badoer. In the 1 2th century, three members of the Giustinian family were Procurators of St. Mark, a dignity inferior only to that of the Doge, who was almost invariably chosen from their body. After the lapse of four centuries and a half the Giustiniani seem not to have lost the recollection of their wrongs and of their former greatness, and accordingly, in the year II 70, when in consequence of the seizure by the Emperor Manuel Comnenus of all the Venetian traders in his domi- nions, the Republic declared war against the Greeks, they eagerly availed themselves of so fair an opportunity for VOL. I. B •I I I I •' *! I « ' ■ ■ t • . , I I ■ ■ I I t t * ■ • • • • • I I ',' • » I « *, , 2 \ .•'!• : '''THE G?U3TJNIAN' FAMILY, •• • i,«'*!i ;ce, • II,:. : avenging tlie murder of their ancestor, and after the example of the Rorrian Fabilv volunteered the services of their whole race in the cause of their adopted country, and in her defence they embarked not less than one hundred com- batants, all bearing the name of Giustinian, and including even an aged Procurator of St. Mark's. Doge Vitale Michiel and the Giustiniani steered their gallant fleet first to Dalmatia, for the punishment of certain rebels there, and then made for Negropont, the Governor of which island apologised for his master the Emperor most abjectly, and prevailed upon the Doge to avert the calamities of war by sending an embassy to Constantinople : this artifice, which concealed the most atrocious treachery, succeeded ; the Venetian fleet retired to winter at Scio, where the springs had been poisoned, and of I20 sail, only sixteen returned to the Adriatic, with the scanty remnant which had escaped the treachery and pestilence of the Greek islands. Amongst the survivors of this Venetian expedition, there was not found one of the Giustiniani ; their resemblance to the Fabii was complete ; and all Venice, patricians and ple- beians, mourned the extinction of such a race. They felt that high name and descent are pledges for honourable exertion, and as the laymen of the Giustinian family had perished, the Republic determined, if possible, to preserve the name by means of a Benedictine monk, the sole survivor] of the family, who dwelt at the Lido in the monastery of St. Nicholas. An embassy was forthwith despatched to Pope Alexander III. ; and Barbone Morosini and Tommaso Falier obtained from his Holiness a dispensation from the monastic vows taken by Father Nicholas Giustinian, and to him Doge Vitale Michiel gave the hand of his daughter Anna, together with an ample dower, consisting of the three Venetian parishes of St. Moise, St. Giovanni Bragola, and THE GIUSTINIAN FAMILY, 3 St. Pantaleone. The offspring of this marriage were nume- rous : of nine sons, one by name Matteo had the satisfaction of taking part in the conquest of Constantinople, A.D. 1204 ; another, Marco, established himself in the island of Candia, and was probably one of the first shippers of sack and malm- sey, wines with which England was supplied by the Venetians during several centuries ; and a third, Giacomo, also accom- panied Doge Dandolo when he entered Constantinople ; of the daughters, Martha, Margaret, and Bertolotta, one married into the house of Este ; the second became the wife of one of the Scaligers of Verona; and the third took the veil. Father Nicolas Giustinian, having fully realized the hopes of the Venetians who drew him from his cloister, returned once more to his cell at the Lido (that strip of land which separates the lagoons of Venice from the open Adriatic), and Anna Michiel withdrew to a nunnery on the island of Amiano, in which places these two regenerators of the family of Heraclius died shortly after, in what is termed " the odour of sanctity." The Lombard historian of the " Illustrious Families of Italy," the late Count Litta, speaking of the relics of Father Nicholas in the church of S. Georgio Maggiore, affirms, that from him all the Giustiniani of Venice are descended, and positively denies that the Giustiniani of Genoa are in any way authorized to claim the same origin ; indeed, he asserts that no family ever existed in Genoa who were lawfully entitled to the hereditary surname of Giustinian. In the palmy days of the Venetian Republic, the descendants of the Benedictine monk numbered fifty distinct families ; and as many as 200 individuals bearing the name of Gius- tinian, are said to have sat at one time in the Grand Council of Venice, a tradition, however, which Count Litta gives good reason to doubt. At the close of the seventeenth THE GIUSTINIAN FAMILY. century, forty of the Giustinian families were extinct, and at this present time there remain only four. The Island of Negropont, as already shown, is intimately connected with the fate of the Venetian Fabii ; for it was the wily Governor of that place, who induced Doge Michiel to temporize, instead of proceeding at once in person to visit the Emperor Manuel in his capital. In the year 1207, a Veronese adventurer named Rabano dalle Carceri, who had made himself master of Negropont, sold it to the Venetians, and the first Governor of the place appointed by the Grand Council, was Marin Giustinian the son of Nicholas. Marin Giustinian had a daughter named Anna, who gave birth to Doge Pietro Gradenigo, the founder of the hereditary aristocracy in Venice, for he it was who in the year 1298 effected what is styled the " closing of the Grand Council." Amongst the lineal descendants, in the seventh generation, of the first Venetian BailifF, or Governor, of Negropont, was Lorenzo Giustinian, who, in the course of time, became the first patriarch of Venice. This exemplary prelate was born on the 1st of July, 1380, a day then celebrated in Venice with great rejoicings, as the anniversary of the recovery of Chioggia from the Genoese, in which his father, Bernardo, had taken a distinguished part three years previously. Lorenzo, being the eldest son, had been destined by his family for the married state, but he preferred a cloister on that picturesque island in the lagoons, the first that lies between Fusina and Venice, called St. Giorgio in Alga, where, in October 1404, he was present at the formal institution of the order of Secular Canons, to whom the island was assigned, and on that occasion changed his original Christian name of John to Lorenzo. In 1409, Sept. 9th, Lorenzo Giustinian was elected Prior of St. Giorgio in Alga, and in 1424, became the first Rector- General of the order, Eugenius IV., before he obtained the THE GIUSTINIAN FAMILY. 5 papal tiara, had likewise been a canon of St. George, and he was so impressed with the piety and virtue of the Rector- General, that on the 5th of September, 1433, he appointed him Bishop of Venice. Lorenzo Giustinian, modestly diffident of his own fitness for so responsible an office, declined this promotion ; but when commanded by the head of the church, he entered on the duties of his diocese, and discharged them in the most exemplary manner for the space of nineteen years. One of his first acts was to convoke a synod for the establishment of certain regulations of church discipline, which his own example, and humility, coupled with the firmness indispensable for the reform of abuses, rendered completely successful, and in his time, the see of Venice was quoted as a model. His arrangements for the election of priests by their parishioners ; for the disposal of ecclesiastical preferments ; for the regulation of the private property of bishops ; and for the education of candidates for the priesthood, were beyond all praise. He compelled all canons to reside at their cathedrals, contrary to the prevalent custom, and made all his clergy pay their debts. His own life was one of complete self-denial ; humble, and frugal, devoted entirely to his flock, to whom he dedicated his whole time and revenues. In the plague of 1447, the ministering angel of the lazar-houses of Venice was the Bishop of the diocese. Until 1 45 1 5 the ecclesiastical jurisdiction of the capital was divided between the Patriarch of Grado and the Bishop of Venice, but in October of that year. Pope Nicholas V. deter- mined to convert the two sees into one Patriarchate, and to effect this, he decreed that the survivor of the two prelates who then held them, namely, Michieli and Giustinian, should assume the single cure, and as Michieli died very shortly afterwards, Lorenzo Giustinian became the first Patriarch of b THE GIUSTINIAN FAMILY. Venice, Primate of Dalmatia, and Administrator of the Church of Citta Nuova in Istria, as an appendage to that of Grado. Amongst the twelve children of Nicholas Giustinian, one bore the name of Stefano; and his lineal descendant, Sebas- tian, it is who has furnished matter for the present volume. He was the son of Marino, by the daughter of Piero Gradenigo, and was born in the year 1460. The first public post which he held was that of proveditor and captain, A.D. 1492, at Rimini, where he acquitted himself so well, that at the commencement of 1498, the Senate appointed him ambassador to Maximilian, the Emperor-elect. It was sub- sequently determined to dispense with this embassy; but, as the appointment was never formally cancelled, Giustinian sat in the Senate as an envoy supposed to be on the eve of departure, until January 1500, when he and a colleague, by name Vetor Soranzo, were accredited by the State as ambas- sadors to Ladislaus, king of Hungary, for the purpose of inducing him to attack Sultan Bajazet H. ; and with this object, on the 5th of April, Giustinian delivered a Latin ora- tion before the Court of Buda. This harangue maybe seen in a rare broadside printed at the time, and entitled, " Oratio Magnifici et Clarissimi Domini Sebastiani Giustinian!. Orat. Venet. habita coram Serenissimo Domino Uladislao, Rege Panoniae Boemiae, &c. Die quinto Aprilis, 1500." An Italian translation of it exists amongst the orations of illus- trious men, collected by the son of the architect Sansovino. Exactly one month after the delivery of this speech, two French ambassadors arrived at the Hungarian court, with credentials from Louis XII. They were met at some little distance from Buda by the Venetians, and four Hungarian magnates sent by the king, with 500 horse. Giustinian soon discovered the purport of their mission, which was merely to declare that France was willing to league with the Empire, THE GIUSTINIAN FAMILY. 7 Hungary and Venice, against the Turk, but would not give any pecuniary assistance. On the 17th of May, 1500, these French diplomatists had their public audience, in the pre- sence of the ambassadors from Spain, Venice, Naples, and Poland, and one of them made a Latin speech, as Giustinian had done, in which he styled the Venetian Signory " most illustrious, opulent, and sagacious j" but Soranzo declared that the oration of his own colleague was incomparably the more elegant of the two. In date of July 2, 1501, Giustinian announces the death of John Albert, king of Poland,* the brother of Ladislaus ; and in December, he mentions an incursion made by the Hungarians on the Turkish territory, aided by the Ban of Transylvania. On the 30th of October 1502, he writes from Alba Reale, that Anna de Candalles, the youthful bride of King Ladislaus, had arrived on the 20th, and that the coronation took place on the 29th— intelligence of some interest at Venice, as she had been the guest of the republic during several weeks, in which interval no expense had been spared to secure her good will. The stay of this princess in the Venetian terri- tories lasted longer than had been anticipated, because she had arrived there without her dower, and the Hungarian ambassadors were forbidden, in that event, to receive her. The Venetians, naturally enough, rejoiced to hear that all difficulties had been removed, and that their costly invest- ment of civility had fallen, as they intended, on a crowned head, whose influence on her consort, then in his forty-sixth year, might, if properly exerted, lead him to make frequent attacks on the territories of Bajazet, and avert his hostilities from the Signory. • John Albert, King of Poland, died at Thorn on the 17th of June 1501. s- 8 THE GIUSTINIAN FAMILY. From this, his first diplomatic mission, Sebastian Giusti- nian returned at the commencement of 1503, and on Sunday the 26th of March, after an absence of three years and one month, Marin Sanuto minutely details his reappearance in the college,* wearing a massive gold collar, and an Hungarian ornament of the same metal fastened under his arm, his robe being of crimson velvet with a raised pile. At the next sitting he read his report of Hungary, which has been pre- served in the manuscript diaries of Marin Sanuto; and as it contains some curious particulars of an age and country so remote, I give it at length : — "I left Venice on the 22nd February, 1500, with Vetor Soranzo (peace to his soul !); and on arriving at Buda we had public audience on the 15th April, at which I made a speech, and then in private I proposed in the first place a general league, and in the second, a strict alliance between our- selves and Hungary exclusively; the King expressed his willingness to form a general league, and when on the arrival of the French ambassadors, we expected they would for- ward the project, to our disappointment they did nothing, having other instructions from their King, nor was any assistance derived from the Cardinal Legate, the repre- sentative of Pope Alexander. We then urged the second alliance, the articles of which we drew up, and sent hither. A muster of the Hungarian forces was made in conse- quence, at which I and my colleague (who was then grievously sick and died shortly after) attended. It con- sisted of 10,000 cavalry, of whom 4,000 were armed, and the rest not. There were about 700 raw youths, but the rest, both men and horses, were good ; some of the feuda- tories did not make their appearance ; on the very morning of ♦ The College was a select assembly, or deliberative committee, which dis- charged the functions of what in this country is now called «* the Cabinet." THE GIUSTINIAN FAMILY. 9 the muster, i,000 horse came up under the command of a certain baron, and 600 marshalled by the Despot of Servia. Of the seventy-three counties, eighteen failed to attend the mus- ter, nor would I then sign the clauses, although I had powers so to do, but sent them to the Signory, to gain time. I had much trouble in drawing up the treaty, and the Bishop of Waradino and the other Hungarian commissioners said, ' By God ! you'll get an answer you won't like.' On the arrival of my colleague, Georgio Pisani, we concluded the alliance. There was great difficulty in making the King join the camp in person, and the affair of the King of Poland proved an ob- stacle, but everything was at length settled, and the papal briefs were of use, the Legate likewise favouring the expedi- tion. Finally, after much ado, in the month of November, 1501, Duke John, the natural son of Matthias Corvinus, the late king, being on the borders of Bosnia with another corps, Ladislaus sent Count Josa with 10,000 cavalry across the Danube, which was then frozen, and he made a vigorous attack, but did not obtain much booty, his intention being known beforehand; though he burnt 50 villages, and ravaged a greater extent of country than is comprised in the entire territories of Treviso, Padua, Vicenza, and Verona. My col- league Pisani having returned to Venice, he was replaced by Giovanni Badoer, who on his arrival made a fine oration, and shortly after obtained leave to return home, though the per- mission was subsequently cancelled, and he received orders to go into Poland, to congratulate King Alexander on his ac- cession. King Ladislaus then went into Bohemia, leaving the Count Palatine, who is since dead. Viceroy at Buda, where I remained, and in the mean while a Turkish ambas- sador arrived to negotiate a peace or truce ; the Cardinal,* * This Cardinal Thomas Erdody, alias Bakacz, alias Bacoczi, studied at Bo- logna, and whilst in Italy was appointed Secretary to the infant Archbishop of 10 THE GIUSTINIAN FAMILY. who was at his see of Strigonia, notified this by letter to the Legate, to whom he also addressed despatches for me ; at length, one day when we were out hunting, the Legate an- nounced that he had the letters, and gave them to me, where- upon I induced him to accompany me to Strigonia for a week, when we discussed the matter with the Cardinal. Shortly after this, your Serenity informed me that Andrea Griti was returned from Constantinople, and that our merchants had been set at liberty, Bajazet being inclined to peace; so, on receiving your orders, I announced this to the Cardinal, and the negotiations commenced ; but as the Count Palatine, who was then alive, opposed your Signory, as also did the Bishop of Waradino, I had great difficulty in arranging this last treaty; though, on the other hand, we were much favoured by the Cardinal of Strigonia, and although I was authorized to give them 50,000 ducats, I only gave them 30,000, and this took place before the death of the Count Palatine. The Legate chose to make certain alterations Strigonia, ^//V/J Agria, Hippolytus of Este, the patron of Ariosto, who in his first satire alludes to the disgrace that befell him, in consequence of his determination — " Di non volere Agrta veder ne Buda.'* Erdody was made Chancellor of Hungary by that literary monarch, Matthias Corvinus. In 1497 he superseded the Cardinal of Este in the see of Agria, and in 1500, March i6th, was created Cardinal by Alexander V'l. Cardella states that the Signory was very instrumental in procuring for him the red hat } and the present Count Gaetan Erdody, his collateral descendant, has lately discovered much documentary evidence to this effect in the Venice Archives. This prelate was for a time the Wolsey of Hungary j and, according to Garim- berti, he paid for the education of very many students, not only at Strigonia, but also at Vienna and in Italy. Besides maintaining scholars, he also kept a numerous army on foot with his own funds, to defend Hungary from the Turks, against whom he preached a crusade by the authority of Leo X., and Cardella writes that he went as Legate a latere to Scotland, Denmark, Norway, Russia, Prussia, and Poland, and besides going all over Hungary and Bohemia, he visited Constantinople, which, considering the unscrupulous character of Bajazet, Selim, and Soliman, was rather a hazardous experiment. Cardella does not give the date of these travels, and although he vouches for the death of this Cardinal at his birth-place, Erdody, he is not positive whether it took place in 1520, 1 521, or 1523. THE GIUSTINIAN FAMILY. II in the articles of this treaty, for which I rebuked him so sternly that he went to the King, and on that very evening the treaty was sent to my dwelling, in its original form. The envoy whom the King sent in consequence to Constantinople, was three months on his journey, although the distance is only 900 miles ; the reason was, that during the interval your Signory continued to pay the subsidy. Count Josa is very unpopular with the King, and with the public, for having done so little when he took the field with such a considerable force. The wish of Bajazet for peace is notorious, and the Cardinal of Strigonia said to me, ' Tell thy Signory to attend to the affairs of Italy, for the peace may be considered as concluded,' and he showed me letters from the Vaivode Rado, and from a certain friar Alexander, the kinsman of Pascia Marzego, and of the wife of Marco Loredano, the same who was arrested by the Council of Ten ; and they both assert that the Sultan is not warlike, but timid, and Marzego is now in great authority. " King Ladislaus is forty-eight years old, tall and handsome, and of very illustrious descent both by his father's and mother's side. He is descended by his father from Ladislaus, King of Poland, who died in battle against the Turks, in November, 1444, and also from Casimir IV. ; and, by his mother's side, he claims descent from three emperors. * He has reigned sixteen years in Bohemia, and thirteen in Hungary ; he is devout and religious, and it is said that until his marriage he was never known to have slept with a woman. He is never angry, nor does he ever speak ill of any one; and on hearing * Giustinian was evidently fond of genealogies ; in one of his despatches from London, date loth July, 15 17, he, in like manner, mentions the de^cejit of Mon- sieur deLombeke from three emperors; and it may be suspected that both m Hungary and in England he now and then comforted himself with thoughts ot his own Heraclian lineage, especially when the highly bred lords ot Henry VIH. 8 bedchamber likened him and his, as will be seen, to a shoal of fishermen. t j2 THE GIU8TINIAN FAMILY. any one abused In his presence, he is ^""^^^'"^Vvk''^ nfke /,L non est vera^ (perhaps it is not true). When Duke Lawrence, who was here at Venice with Queen Anna, re- belled against him, he deprived him of his PO-^^-^'^/ when the Duke was brought before h.m, he sa.d, Duke Lawrence, are you the man who wished me so much .1 ? And when the Duke begged pardon, and every one expected him to fare badly, the King restored h.s terntor.es, only enjoining him to ' be more loyal for the future. " This King is much given to prayer, hears three masses daily •, but in other respects resembles a statue, for h.s words are few, and although his ordinary conversauon .s good he becomes incoherent when discussing state affa.rs He g.ves audience to every one, and never puts anybody to death, but his subjects pay him small obedience ; he .s a m.ser and in short displays a limited capacity, bemg an upnght individual, rather than a respected sovereign. The Card.nal ot Strigonia and the Bishop of Waradino are much more feared than the King. His Majesty has no money, and .n order to raise the army, besides spending the 180,000 ducats rece.ved from the Signory, he pledged his revenues, so that he was penniless for two months. He has reduced h.s expenU.ture and at the last carnival the a^een's court was only allowed eight fowls per diem, and he also diminished my board and that of my colleagues. The scanty obedience pa.d h.m .s exem- plified by Count Josa, who, though sent for twice, has not yet made his appearance. The royal revenues in ordinary amount annually to 50,000 ducats ; 16,000 from the s.x free towns, including Buda. Of the three gold and s. ver m.nes one yields 18,000 ducats, another 14,000, and the th.rd 7 000 ; then there is the extraordinary tax called the tenths, consisting in a ducat for every hearth, first levied by Matth.as Corvinus, who exacted the whole sum, but Lad.slaus on THE GIUSTINIAN FAMILY. 13 coming to the throne promised to reduce it to a quarter of a ducat ; so, as the hearths may be estimated at 350,000, he would scarcely get 80,000 were it all paid, which is not the case, as half the kingdom belongs to the counts, who are exempt, neither do the nobility pay, and these last enlarge the circuit of their own dwellings, so as to include those which would otherwise be liable to this tax. The coun- ties are seventy-two, and ought to yield 6,000 ducats, but the King only gets 4,000. Besides the expenses of Bel- grade, Jayza, and other places, the Queen receives 30,000 ducats ; in short, the expenditure exceeds the revenue, and the treasurer is pledged in honour for 70,000 ducats. The King pays a number of pensions, to the Count Palatine and others, and there are as many as 1,000 Hungarian barons and noblemen, whose annual income, individually, does not exceed forty ducats, and they live at court ; so the cost of the King's table amounts to twenty ducats per diem, ex- clusively of bread and wine. From the kingdom of Bohemia, he derives only 5,000 ducats, and when he went there, he did not levy them even. "From the Marquisate of Moravia, he gets nothing at all, whereas King Matthias made it yield 80,000 ducats. « There are three classes of men in Hungary— peasants, soldiers, and priests ; nor are there any artificers amongst the Hungarians, the mechanics being all foreigners. The natives are a hardy race, inured to every sort of privation ; and were there money for their maintenance, Hungary could most assuredly send 20,000 cavalry into the field. The priests and barons and the rest of the kingdom are bound to pay 8,000 ducats annually. There are eleven very rich bishop- rics in Hungary : the Cardinal of Strigonia gets 30,000 ducats from Agria, which did not yield 4,000 to the Cardinal of Este» 1+ THE GIUSTINIAN FAMILY. " The inhabitants of Wallachia trade; those of Servia fight. The complement of every Hungarian man-at-arms consists of six horses and a waggon: when they take the field for action, they confess to each other, and one of the soldiery preaches, after which they repeat the name of Jesus thrice, and rush upon their foes most impetuously. The Hungarians are naturally very hostile to the Turks, and although it may be argued that Matthias Corvinus never had many of them in his camp, which consisted for the most part of Bohemians, the reason was that he used these last to awe the Barons of Hungary, and having thus by stratagem got them together, he one day invited the magnates to dinner, and during the banquet, in the course of conversation, he said ' Ego eram Puer ; nunc sum Rex Hungaria :^ but King Matthias was a man who slept on the ground, and ruled with a rod of iron. To return, however, to the military, I consider that, paying for the same, the kingdom of Hungary might furnish 30,000 cavalry. '' His present majesty is, in short, a good man, and so is the Cardinal of Strigonia : the reverse may be said of the Legate, and of the Bishop of Waradino. The Treasurer also is a worthy person ; he says he will at all hazards get Count Josa to Buda, and then come and reside at Venice. " Queen Anna is extremely devoted to our Signory, and chooses to style herself the daughter of the state ; she charged me to remember her to your Lordships and the Doge, whom she praised vastly for the honours done her; she also gave me alike commission for Marco da Molin, late chief of the X, and Captain at Brescia, who had been very attentive to her, and moreover for Piero Lando, the master of the Arsenal, who accompanied her on board the galley to Segna. * And * Sanuto, from whose diaries this report is translated, was Treasurer at Verona, in July 1502, when Anna de Candalles passed through that city on her way from THE GIUSTINIAN FAMILY. 15 she said that were the child then in her womb to prove false to Venice, she prayed God it might not see the light. She is extremely popular in Hungary, and in two years' time will be both King and Queen. At first she inhabited an apartment beneath that of the King, who is much smitten with her, and whenever she went to him, he made her pre- sents of jewels, pearls, &c., so at length she said to him one day, ' Sacred Majesty, I don't come here for your presents, and in order to dispense with them, I choose to remain where I am,' so they now sleep together every night, and the King is in love with her. On the departure of the Hungarian ambassador for Constantinople, I took leave of his Majesty, who gave me a robe of cloth of gold in the Hungarian fashion, a dagger to wear at my side, two silver gilt goblets, and a horse estimated at 500 ducats, but not really worth thirty. I was boarded by the King, but never got either salad or fruit. Besides my ordinary expenses, I spent 1,000 ducats for couriers, 600 for salaries, 150 for physicians, and 400 in sundries," &c., &c. The student of bibliography will be disappointed to find that this report contains no account of the library of Mat- Piedmont to Venice, accompanied by Margaret, Marchioness of Saluzzo. He says he exerted himself much to render Verona agreeable to the bride, whom he describes as seventeen years old, short of stature, handsome, and gentle m speech ; he says she was the cousin of Louis XII. and Anne of Brittany, in whose court she had resided for seven years, being an orphan, though she had brothers ; and the marriage had been negotiated by Louis XII., who promised Ladislaus a dower of 40,000 ducats ; but, as the French commissioners who accompanied her to Venice had apparently forgotten the money, and the Hungarians declmed receiving the bride without the ducats, she remained the guest of Doge Loredano, in the palace of the Dukes of Ferrara, much longer than was expected, at a cost to the state of 4,500 ducats in one single week ; but, having commenced thus, a senator remarked, that it would be bad policy to stop short, and that " he who drinks the sea may drink a river ;" and Sanuto ends his account of the honours done to Anna de Candalles, by saying that the Queen and her escort at length embarked for Segna, on the 21st July, 1502 ; the captain of the galley selected by the Senate being the youngest of the three Masters of the Arsenal, " the discreet and handsome Piero Lando." i6 THE GIUSTINIAN FAMILY. thias Corvinus. There seems, however, reason to think, that the library in its integrity did not long survive its royal founder. On the death of that literary monarch in 1490, only ten years before the arrival at Buda of Sebas- tian Giustinian, the throne of Hungary remained vacant during upw^ards of three months, and it seems probable that the spoliation of the Corvinian library commenced even then. The competitors for the crown were Maximilian ; John Cor- vinus, the natural son of Matthias; and Ladislaus, King of Bohemia, who gained the prize. The new king had no taste for illuminated books, and consequently one John Cuspiniano, ambassador from Maximilian to Hungary, had no difficulty in obtaining loans (which he never returned) from the Buda library, including precious copies of Philo- stratus, of Diodorus Siculus, of Procopius, &c. : another of the ministers of Maximilian, John Lanch, afterwards well known as Cardinal Bishop of Gurck, also obtained permanent loans of books collected by Matthias. Whether Giustinian applied for similar favours, during the course of his stay in Hungary, can only be surmised, but he would hardly have met with a refusal ; and the like may be said of our own countryman, Christopher Urswick, then only Abbot of Abingdon, who went ambassador from Henry VH. to Ladislaus in 1502. Perhaps some of the French attendants of the Queen may have had their share. None were denied. We know, from a letter still extant, addressed to the Aulic Councillor Pirckheymer, that in the year 15 14 that statesman was engaged in making his library (the same which was many years later purchased by the Earl of Arundel, and from him passed to the British Museum), and it seems that he undoubtedly had his share of the spoils ; and in short, although the successor of Matthias did not put the library up to auction in lots, as might be THE GIUSTINIAN FAMILY. 17 supposed from what we frequently hear concerning its fate; yet so rapid was its dispersion, that the secretary of the Venetian ambassador Orio, who succeeded Giustinian at Buda, writes to his friend Rannusioindateof the 20th May 1 520, as follows: — "With regard to the library of Buda, I tell you I have been in it, nor does it contain a single good book, all the good ones having been stolen. I saw, however, a very ancient Vireil, written in Lombard characters, and some works of i^^lian translated bv Theodore Gaza : I do not know whether they have been printed ; if not, I would print them. There is also a fine Cicero, ' de Legibus* I see a number ofGreek books, broken-backed, old, mildewed, tattered, and spoiled, but I don't understand Greek. There was a very correct Pliny ; but the Venetian, the Provost Don Jeronimo Balbo, a very learned man, he got that : I had it in my pos- session for a few days, and found a multitude of excellent corrections, but then came these accursed ailments of mine which prevented my collating the whole work, though had I done so, I should have discovered upwards of 3,000 emen- dations. At this period, said Don Jeronimo Balbo is going ambassador first to Poland, and then to Inspruck ; and I myself never remain stationary anywhere, so that I cannot get his Pliny." The name of this Venetian secretary was Massario, and the letter was first printed from the diaries of Sanuto in 1802, by the late learned librarian of St. Mark's, the Abate Morelli. This letter is little known, and may serve to correct the mis- taken opinion that the Corvinian library was bought in 1636 by Lord Arundel at Nuremberg, the truth being that he merely got some of the literary goods filched from Buda at the com- mencement of the sixteenth century. After the siege of Buda in 1686, the remaining Corvinian MSS., in number 290, were removed to Vienna. VOL. I. C iS THE GIUSTINIAN FAMILY. On his return from Hungary, Giustinian was nominated bailiff and captain at Capo d'Istria, alias Justinopoli, — a city founded, as already stated, by his ancestors. Thanking the Senate for the offered honour, he alluded to his numerous family, and to the embarrassment of his private affairs, which had been caused by so long an absence from home, and thereupon begged for time to reply, but eventually he accepted the post. In 1505, shortly after the marriage of Lucrezia Borgia to Don Alfonso, he was appointed vice-lord at Ferrara,* and in that same year he went ambassador to Poland. In 1508, he held the post of advocator (one of the rfiree state officers, whose duties are analagous to those of the attorney-general) ; and when the armies of the league of Cambrai attacked the republic in 1509, he held the dan- gerous post of bailiff, or governor, df Brescia, On the 14th of May in that year, the French routed the Venetians at the Ghiarra d'Adda, and on the morrow, whilst the Cabinet was sitting in the ducal palace, some two hours before sunset, a packet was brought into the Council chamber in hot haste by a secretary, bearing external marks of the importance of its contents, and of the doom that awaited the courier if he loitered, for the entire cover was rudely illuminated with draw- ings of the gallows. This ominous despatch was from Sebas- tian Giustinian, and contained the first news of the capture of the General Alviano, and other details of the rout. The panic was so general, that the exertions of the bailiff to hold Brescia were fruitless ; and, four days after the date of his letter, that city, having no garrison, opened its gates to the French, at the instigation of the Gambara faction. The Brescians seized their Venetian governors; but such was the popularity of Giustinian, that while they detained the * The Venetian Vice-Lord something resembled the English resident at a native Indian court. After the league of Cambrai the Dukes of Ferrara got rid of these troublesome overseers. THE GIUSTINIAN FAMILY, 19 others as prisoners, they stipulated with the French that their bailiff should have a passport to Venice. It was on Trinity Sunday, the 3rd of June, that Giustinian appeared before the College, wearing a black gown, and with a beard of twelve days' growth (th^n a symbol of mourning), to make his report, which stated, that on his departure, men and women blessed him from their balconies, lamenting their change of masters, and that the population was devoted to St. Mark, and would rise on the first favourable opportunity, although the Gambara faction and Count Alvise Avogrado, together with the banished Marco Martinengo, had succeeded for the moment in Gallicising Brescia. To prove that no blame attached itself to Giustinian for the loss of that city, the Grand Council forthwith appointed him " sage for the main- land," at that moment one of the most important posts in Venice, for the business transacted by these so-called sages was precisely that of the minister at war, and so ably did he perform it in those stirring times, when Venice, single-handed, resisted the united arms of almost all Europe, that, on the expiration of his term of service, 11 30 votes of the Grand Council elected him " bailiff," or ambassador, at Constan- tinople — an office, however, which he never actually dis- charged. In June 151 1, he was appointed commissioner for the confiscation of the property belonging to rebels against the State ; and in July, the Senate decreed that he should go into Illyria with the title of proveditor, a firm hand being required in that province, to repress the symptoms of insur- rection which had shown themselves. Whilst Giustinian was preparing to assume the command in Dalmatia, the province of'Istria was ^attacked by one of the most ferocious of the cavalry generals in the service of the Emperor Maximilian, by name Count Christopher Frangipane, who, in the year 15 13, married the mistress of * c 2 20 THE GIUSTINIAN FAMILY. THE GIUSTINIAN FAMILY. 21 his sovereign, and sister of Cardinal Lanch, the beautiful ApoUonia, the graces of whose figure are supposed to have been represented by Albert Durer, in his print of Galatea. The future husband of the royal favourite having routed the Venetian forces in Istria, the Senate determined to avail itself of the experience vi^hich Giustinian had of the country, and consequently desired him to take command of the army there, before proceeding into Illyria. The new proveditor- general reached Capo d'Istria on the 9th of October, and at the head of the Albanian light cavalry, he made a most gallant attack on Frangipane and his Croats, on St. Martm's eve, the loth of November. On that day Count Christo- pher was in the neighbourhood of Mugia, and the Alba- nians, on reaching the bridge, saw him, with his cavalry, stationed on a hill on the opposite side of the stream. Andrea Civrano, the proveditor of the Albanians, immediately sounded a charge, and in the first shock twelve of the Imperialists were unhorsed. Civrano fought hand-to-hand with Frangipane, and finally put him to flight; and, it is said, that this was the first time that Count Christopher fled before the Venetians. Amongst the prisoners was the captain or governor of Lay- bach, and Civrano obtained a supply of arms on this occasion ,r his lifetime gratis, including " a sword worth twenty or twenty-five ducats, and a handsome corslet and gauntlets worthy of a baron." A few days after this, Giustinian made an attack on the castle of Ospo, in which, however, he did not succeed immediately, although, on the 22nd of Decem- ber he again displayed on that place the banner of St. Mark, and, in short, he so checked the career of Count Christopher, that in May 15 12, he considered that he had done the bidding of the State in one province, and conse- quently embarked on galley-board to put down insurrection in the other. For some time past Illyria had been in a state of the greatest confusion. Two years previously the nobles of Lesina (an island on the coast of Illyria, acknowledging the supremacy of a Venetian proveditor, but enjoying its own municipal institutions) had, by the licentiousness of their conduct, excited to insurrection the lower classes, who in their turn demanded a share in the government. This tumult had been appeased in 15 10 by Girolamo Contarini, who then appeared with a squadron ofF Lissa;* but dis- turbances broke out again, and to Lesina, as the head-quar- ters of the insurgents, the proveditor-general directed his attention. Some idea of the confusion of the country may be formed by the variety of the duties imposed on Giustinian. He landed at Veglia, and instantly put on his trial the local proveditor Michiel \ but on hearing that Zara was in a state of great confusion, augmented by disagreements between its two governors,t Count Lorenzo Corer and Captain Lunardo Michiel, he hastened to this place, and instantly seized four of the most guilty, and sent them handcuffed to the Chiefs of the X. in Venice. He, moreover, banished two insurgents from the territory of Dalmatia, and having thus quieted Zara internally, he rode off with the Captain Lunardo Michiel for a conference with a military stipendiary of the State's, Count John of Croatia, who received 3,000 ducats annually for guarding the frontier, and who demanded an increase of pay. • It was off this island, on the 13th of March, 181 1, that Captain William Hoste engaged the Franco-Venetian squadron, on which occasion the Venetian ship " La Corona" lost 200 men, killed and wounded, before she surrendered, having been most gallantly commanded by an ancestor and namesake of Gius- tinian's colleague Pasqualigo. . f We wish it were possible to make a plausible conjecture as to the city of Illyria in which Duke Orsino kept his court 5 but the mention of **Mf Count'' hy Antonio, proves it to have been a Venetian dependency, as " Count"" was the title borne by the majority of Venetian governors in Illyria. 22 THE GIUSTINIAN FAMILY. From Zara, Giustinian hastened with two galleys, the one commanded by Hieronimo Lion, and the other by Hieronimo Capello, to Sebenico, where he arrived at the end of July, and having seized on fourteen of the rebels, he forthwith hanged two of them, and reserved the others, as he wrote to the Senate, to be dealt with as God Almighty should inspire him. In writing an account of his proceedings to his son, Marino, and detailing the capture of some of the insurgents who had fled to sanctuaries, thinking to save themselves, he says, " Sed decepti sunt, verum est ecclesiam nunquam tueri qui lesae majestatis rei sint" (But they deceive themselves, the Church never protects traitors). He marshalled his handful of troops beneath the walls of Sebenico, and when the inha- bitants came forth in great numbers, on perceiving one of the ringleaders amongst them, he instantly seized him, re- gardless of the chance of a rescue, which must have suc- ceeded had it been attempted. But it was not merely with misconduct on shore that Giustinian had to deal, for he writes to the Senate from Sebenico, complaining of the commander of one of his own galleys, Hieronimo Capello, who, contrary to orders, had chosen to set sail for Istria. Early in August, the proveditor-general found himself at Lesina, and at once perceived the impossibility of reconciling the two factions ; the peasantry and fishermen, especially the inhabitants of Citta Vecchia, Verbosca, and Gelsa, persist- ing in those lawless habits which they had formed during a revolt of more than two years. The first step taken by Giustinian was to verify the acts of aggression committed against the aristocracy; but as the natives of the three towns above mentioned threatened death to all who should bear witness against them, and swore they would storm the capital and cut the gentry to pieces even under the robe of the pro- veditor, whose promise of protection had encouraged them to THE GIUSTINIAN FAMILY. 23 return to their homes, it was impossible to institute any judi- cial proceeding, A proclamation was then issued, charging forty of the ringleaders to appear before the proveditor, and forbidding any of their fellows to enter Lesina, either with or without arms, under pain of death. The proclamations were subjected to the most contemptuous treatment both at Citta Vecchia, Verbosca, and Gelsa ; but at length, on the 24th of August, the individuals cited made their appearance at the usual place of audience, in the suburb of Lesina, the town itself being strictly guarded by the soldiery and gentry. The proclamation pledged the proveditor not to seize the insurgents on this occa- sion, promising, moreover, that their persons should be re- spected if they would go to Venice. Giustinian took his seat, and the populace, relying on their numbers, admitted unani- mously that they had perpetrated alhht acts of bloodshed and devastation laid to their charge, palliating them by the provoca- tions of the gentry. Giustinian confuted these arguments, sometimes with gentle words, and sometimes with vehemence, until he was hoarse ; but his efforts were vain, and at the vesper hour he rose from the judgment seat, and on re-entering Lesina there was an uproar at the gate ; the gentry and the garrison gave the alarm, the insurgents flew to their weapons, which they had deposited at a little distance from the suburb, and it became more manifest than ever that the island of Lesina was in the hands of a redoubted demagogue. Father Juan Zovinlch, and his comrades,one of whom, bynameMathew Ivanich, was in the habit of saying, that the Ottoman dynasty took root from a lowlier origin than his own. The well-known courage and determination of the Illyrlans convinced Giustinian that the insurrection could only be quelled by force, and as he had but one galley and a few foot-soldiers, he determined on raising troops amongst the warlike inhabitants of Pogllssa, Brazza, Zara, Sebenico, and Trau. For this purpose he sent to the ^ •C4 24 THE GIUSTINIAN FAMILY. THE GIUSTINIAN FAMILY. 25 Count (or Venetian Governor) of Spalatro for boats, and hence arose fresh confusion, for the populace of Spalatro had an understanding with Zovinich, and attempted to stop the trans- ports destined for the conveyance of the Poglissa recruits. At Spalatro, as at Lesina, the v^ar-cry v^as " death to the gentry," so before attacking Verbosca, Giustinian went to Spalatro and seized the insurgents there, and in one of his despatches, dated Lesina, 27th August 1512, he expresses himself thus : — " Matters are come to such a pass that this island may be con- sidered as belonging to three or four chiefs, and not to our Signory, nor is any obedience paid us in the disputes between the gentry and the populace, so I shall leave to-night with the one galley I have remaining, and muster my forces at Bol, on the island of Brazza, immediately opposite Citta Vecchia, Ver- bosca, and Gelsa, and either capture the insurgents, or make such a demonstration as will prove to the State the nature of this conspiracy in Dalmatia. I hope to finish my business here to-morrow, and shall then go and seize the rioters at Spalatro, returning hither immediately to indemnify the gentry for their losses, as hitherto the terror of the insurgents has been so great, that no one has dared to give his evidence; and in con- clusion, the Signory may rely upon it, that unless the rebels make their escape, they will be in my hands alive or dead, for at the peril of my life I am resolved to relieve this afflicted pro- vince from such a load of misery, and to restore it to its pristine obedience, as I have done by Zara and Sebenico." The attack on Verbosca, though it was only on property (the insurgents, as anticipated, having decamped), subjected Giustinian to some personal danger ; for when his wild allies from Poglissa disobeyed the strict prohibition he had given against plundering, he dealt his blows amongst them, and drove them back to the boats in a fashion utterly new to men who, when provoked, were " opposites skilful, bloody. and fatal," as any that could have been found in any part of Illyria. (See " Twelfth Night," sc. 4, act 3.) After this, the proveditor went with only thirty foot sol- diers to Gelsa, and fell into an ambush of 200 of the insur- gents, by whom six of his band were killed ; but he wounded the ambitious Ivanich, and was the very last of the party to retreat. These acts of vigour do not seem to have been accom- panied with unnecessary severity ; for even after this repulse, Gelsa, when taken, was not subjected to sack or plunder, whilst at Zara, the proveditor reminds us of the ties of scholarship which connected him subsequently with Sir Thomas More and Dr. Pace, by quoting Aristotle and Cicero to the inhabitants. But the uncompromising character of Giustinian, which spared neither his own fellow-nobles nor the insurgents of Illyria, excited a momentary cabal against him at Venice ; he did not receive from the Government the safe-conduct which he had promised to some of the chiefs of Lesina ; and although he seized several of the vessels armed by Ivanich, the squadron of that ambitious insur- gent rendered his homeward voyage rather perilous, though it was effected in safety, and on the 23rd November 15 12, Sebastinian Giustinian made his report to the Senate of the measures adopted by him for the restoration of order in Illyria. From the autumn of 15 12, until the winter of 15 14, Giustinian was incessantly occupied at Venice with the trials of criminals whom he considered directly or indirectly account- able for the disturbed state of Dalmatia, and his appointment as ambassador to England was quite unexpected, being in fact occasioned by the apoplectic fit which, on the night of the i6th of December 15 14, seized the Cavalier Francesco Donato, whilst at supper. This nobleman having been elected ambas- 26 THE GIUSTINIAN FAMILY. sador to Henry VIII., was to have set out for England on the following morning, with a colleague named Piero Pas- qualigo ; and when the Senate assembled on the 27th Decem- ber for the purpose of replacing him, the election fell on Sebastian Giustinian. He requested time to consider until the morrow, and then accepted the post, demanding, however, an increase of salary, as he understood it would behove him to evince greater hospitality, and to make more display, in England than elsewhere. He also expressed a wish, ere departing, to finish the trial of the ex-Count of Sebenico, whom he had accused of improper intimacy with a nun and another lady of Illyria, and also of having mur- dered a barber. How he disposed of this strange delinquent is not said. The instructions under which Sebastian Giustinian acted in his English embassage, will be found in the " Commission" inserted hereafter, and his Despatches from the English Court form the principal contents of this work. It is sufficient to add, that he reached Venice on his return from England, October 6th, 15 19, and after shaking, or rather " touching" hands — as was the original custom in Italy — with Doge Loredano, took his seat in the College as " Councillor Superior," to which rank he had been elevated during his absence. On the loth of October he made his report of England to the Senate, and although the honour of our country is not materially affected by the corpulence of the Sovereign, the following passage is worth extracting from this State paper, for the sake of comparing it with Monsieur Capefigue's fancy portrait of Henry VIII. in the very same year, as quoted below. Giustinian says, — " His Majesty is twenty-nine years old, and extremely handsome ; nature could not have done more for him ; he is much handsomer than any other sovereign in Christendom, THE GIUSTINIAN FAMILY. 27 a great deal handsomer than the king of France ; very fair, and his whole frame admirably proportioned. On hearing that Francis I. wore a beard, he allowed his own to grow, and as it is reddish, he has now got a beard which looks like gold. He is very accomplished ; a good musician ; com- poses well ; is a most capital horseman ; a fine jouster ; speaks good French, Latin, and Spanish ; is very religious ; hears three masses daily when he hunts, and sometimes five on other days : he hears the office every day in the Queen's chamber, that is to say vespers and compline. He is very fond indeed of hunting, and never takes this diversion with- out tiring eight or ten horses, which he causes to be sta- tioned beforehand along the line of country he may mean to take, and when one is tired, he mounts another, and before he gets home they are all exhausted. He is extremely fond of tennis, at which game it is the prettiest thing in the world to see him play, his fair skin glowing through a shirt of the finest texture."* In the loth chapter of Mons. Capefigue's "Francois I. et La Renaissance" (Edition, Brussels 1845), which is headed '' La Couronne Imperiale A.D. 1518, 1519," there is the following passage, p. 70 : — " Quel droit avoit Henri VIII. a la couronne imperiale ? Quelle relation pouvait il former en Allemagne ? Etait il assez actif, assez ingambe pour remuer a temps ? Son ventre proeminent, sa face large et vineuse n'ctaient certes pas de trop en Allemagne, il pouvait se montrer a Francfort bon et jovial compagnon, visiter Heidelberg, Mayence et Worms, les pays aux larges foudres • The shirts worn by persons of condition at this period were bordered with lace, and curiously adorned with needlework. One which had belonged to Arthur Prince of Wales, made of long lawn, and beautifully embroidered with blue silk round the collar and wrists, was in the possession of the late John Gage, Esq., Director of the Society of Antiquaries. (See note by Mijs Charlotte Augusta Sneyd, at p. 72 of the Venetian Report of England printed for the Camden Club, London, 1847.) 28 THE GIUSTINIAN FAMILY. de vin du Rhin. Mais dans un temps de guerre quand i\ fallait repousser le Turc au cimeterre etincelant, Henri d'Angleterre etait il assez fort et brave chevalier pour cela ? " Le Prince qui avait besoin d'etre porte a cheval par son Ecuyer, quand le cornet de chasse retentissait aux cris de la meute dans les forets de Windsor, ne pouvait aspirer a une dictature militaire dont la pensee premiere etait de sauver la Chretiente menacee." The two portraits are much at variance with each other, and the discrepancy warrants an inference that the personal observation of the diplomatists of Venice may serve occa- sionally to correct philosophical historians, nor will it appear unreasonable to conclude that far more impartial dQt2i\\s of our country may be gathered from the contemporary writers of Venice, than from the vague surmises of modern essayists. The satisfaction which Sebastian Giustinian gave in the fulfil- ment of his mission to England was such, that in 1526, the senate appointed him ambassador to Francis I. On the road to the French court, he was made prisoner by the Switzers, but after a short detention was released. In the year 1529, he returned to the French court, and being at Blois, in November 1530, he remonstrated in a manner both chivalrous and disinterested, with Sir Francis Bryan, the ambassador of Henry VHL, against the treatment to which Queen Catherine was then sub- jected ; this fact is handed down to us by Bryan himself, who in a despatch dated Blois, 2ist November 1530, plumes himself on " the smart reply he made to the Venetian ambassador who solicited him to write to his Majestie and dehort him from proceeding any farther in that matter of Queen Katherine."* From 1532, when Sebastian Giustinian returned to Venice, • See Harleian Catalogue, vol. i., p. 174. THE GIUSTINIAN FAMILY. 29 until 1540, he was constantly employed in the service of the State. In the last-named year, the Signory rewarded him with the dignity of Procurator of St. Mark; his death took place on the 13th of March 1543, at the advanced age of eighty-three. Sebastian Giustinian was twice married, first to a daughter of Doge Foscari, and secondly to a lady of the Agustine family, a namesake and kinswoman of the physician of Car- dinal Wolsey. It is known that he had three sons, one of whom, Marino, accompanied his father to England, and is mentioned in the following despatches, as having visited Fox, Bishop of Winchester, in August, 15 17, at the time of the sweating sickness, for the sake of preventing the spoliation of Castellesi, Bishop of Bath and Wells, by Cardinal Wolsey. The career of Marino was almost as active as that of his father; in 15 19 he took his seat in the cabinet, as "Sage for the Orders ;" in 1526 he was Advocator Extraordinary; and in 1528, Advocator in Ordinary. In 1531 he was ambassador to Francis the First, and in the year following accompanied the French court to Marseilles, on occasion of the marriage of the Duke of Orleans to Catharine de' Medici. In 1537 he was accredited to Ferdinand, King of the Romans, and in 1541 fulfilled a mission to the Emperor Charles the Fifth, whom he accompanied through Italy and Germany, and also to Algiers ; but was shipwrecked on the coast of Spain, where he died of sufFering and exhaustion. The only two compositions by Sebastian Giustinian, which have been published, are his oration to King Ladislaus of Hungary, and a letter to Erasmus from London,* during his residence there as ambassador. * The latter may be read at p. 16 11 of the Leyden edition of the correspond- ence of Erasmus ; it is dated London, 29th June, 1 5 17, commencing with an allusion to Sir Thomas More, thus, " Ex Uteris tuis ad Morum nostrum," and ends, " vale litteratorum reipublicae presidium, meum decus, atque animae dimidium meae.'* 30 THE GIUSTINIAN FAMILY. Marin Giustinian first appeared in print at Paris, in 1838, and at Florence in 1839 ; in both of which capitals his Report of France from 1532 to 1535 was published; and, as his acquaintance with our lively neighbours and our- selves was derived from personal experience, the following may be considered worthy of preservation : — " This most Christian King is compelled on several accounts to maintain a close friendship with the King of England. In the first place, because unless at peace with the English, any military expedition he might undertake would be thwarted by them, they being much dreaded by the French ; and, in fact, ten Englishmen are a match for twenty Frenchmen."* It remains but to add, that the family of Sebastian and Marin Giustinian became extinct in the year 1612. * "Questo Christianissimo Re e necessitate tenere amicizia stretta col Re d*Inghilterra per piu ragioni. Prima, perche egli non potria pigliar alcuna im. presa di guerra che, gli Inglesi, se non fossero suoi amici, non gli la disturbassero perch^ quella gente e fortemente temuta da Frances!, ed in effetto dieci Inglesi, vagUono per venti Francesi." — Edition Firenze, 1839, ^^"^ i^^», Vol. i, p. 168. DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN. In the i6th century, an ambassador on his journey to the court where he was accredited, travelled slowly, and was entertained sumptuously. In every intermediate state, courtiers and men-at-arms rode out to meet the stranger, and bid him welcome " in the king's name." He was admitted to an audience of the sovereign authorities, and the mission he thus parenthetically executed was often far more important than one of mere ceremony. Sebastian Giustinian commences his correspondence with the Signory at the very first stage of his journey, and carefully notes his progress from city to city, across the snows of the Alps, through the vineyards of France, to the white cliffs of England. He had left Venice to go by way of Ferrara to his legation in England on the morning of the lOth of January 1 5 15 j his colleague, Pietro Pasqualigo, had departed a few days previously, and was to wait for him at Lyons. His first letter introduces us to one of those gentlemen " such as the fury of ungovemed youth thrust from the com- pany of lawful men,'' and who play so important a part in the history of the middle ages. 32 DESPATCHES OF [In Nomine Domini.] Chioggia, January 12, 1515. To the Most Excellent Council of Ten, Most Serene Prince,* I received letters from your Serenity last night concerning the affair of Coppo,^ and having thoroughly understood them, and pondered their importance, will endeavour on joining the magnifico, my colleague, to comply with their contents, without any sort of scruple soever. Gratiae Serenitatis vestrae me humillime commendo. Sebastian Justinian, Eques Orator, » The letters are addressed to the reigning Doge, Leonardo Loredano, and to the Senate ; but when secrecy is needed, to the Doge and Council of Ten. ^Augustin Coppo was of an ancient family, the name of which had been inscribe^ on "the Golden Book" at the time of the Reformation of the Grand Council, i-jic. In the year 15 10, he had held military command in the service of the State; but between August 15 10 and May 15 11, he was outlawed, probably for some act of violence, for at the moment when the young Duke oi Urbmo mur- dered the Cardinal of Pavia, at Ravenna in 151 1, Augustin Coppo had just given nine wounds to a fellow noble, an outlaw like himself, named Piero Quenni, who died in consequence. It seems that at the time, Coppo was in the service of Pope Tulius II., and in 15 15 he yet enjoyed the protection of Rome ; for m the month of February in that year, Leo the Tenth requested the Signory to grant his pardon, though it is probable that the culprit was then at the court ot France, and that the instructions concerning him given to the ambassador Giustinian in January related to his expulsion thence; which, however, was certainly not effected, for, after the battle of Marignano, he was at Milan with Francis the First, to whom he seems to have rendered himself very useful in his gallant adventures, supplying him with disguises, and helping to dress him with his own hands, much to the scandal of the Venetian ambassadors j and in a letter from one of the nephews of the Queen of Cyprus, dated Milan 28th November 1 5 16, it is stated that the king had given Augustin Coppo a few ducats for his good services, and that the ambassadors sought to frighten the king into dismissal of this bandit by saying he had been in Turkey, where poisons were employed, not merely in food, but in a secret manner, which he e:.plained, and this so alarmed the king that he promised to discard him. The death of Augustin Coppo is recorded by Giustinian in date of April 3, A.D. 15 17. The next letter is written in all haste at 8 P. M., from Goro in consequence of the unexpected news of the death of Louis XII., who expired at Paris, January i, 15 15. SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN. 31 To THE DOGE AND SENATE. Goro^ January 13, 1 5 1 5 . We reached Chioggia on the loth instant, and remained there waiting for horses, and making the necessary arrangements for our jour- ney, until to-day, when we departed summo mane, arriving here this evening. About the third hour of the night, the courier Benedict arrived, having been despatched from Rome by the Magnifico Lando, and he told me by word of mouth that the King of France had most assuredly departed this life, on the ist instant; which news, as it appears to me important, I have thought it advisable to communicate, so that, should your Sublimity deem it expedient on that account to make any change in this embassy, you may command us. I will await the reply at Ferrara, for which place we shall set out to-morrow morning. The next letters introduce us to a very " bland and gracious lady" Lucrezia Borgia, and are curious, as indi- cating the equality which seems co have existed between her and the duke her husband in the management of political matters. Ferrara, January 15, 1 5 1 5 . We arrived here on the 14th instant. Yesterday I went to visit this most illustrious lord,* to whom, after the presentation of my creden- tials, I announced the love and good-will borne by your Excellency to- wards his lordship, and the wish entertained by you for the welfare of his Duchy, deeming his interests and your own one and the same, with many other expressions suited to the occasion. His lordship made answer that he was your Excellency's good servant, and desired not merely your state's preservation, but moreover its increase, and inquired of me whether I had heard aught of the most Christian King's decease. I answered that I knew nothing, he said he understood that he had departed this life on the ist of January, yet did he not believe it, quoting dates to prove that the report could not reasonably be credited, VOL. I. D 34 DESPATCHES OF • and after much had been said hereon, I took my leave and returned to my quarters, where I am honourably boarded by his lordship, out of respect for your Excellency. I have also visited her excellency the Duchess,2 to whom having presented the letter of credence, I paid my respects, as was fitting, and after receiving a very bland and gracious reply, with abundance of other words on both sides, I took leave. To-day, two letters from your Excellency have been presented to me, with a despatch for transmission to the Magnifico, my colleague j the first infonns me what I am to do in France and England, and the whole shall be executed with all diligence. The second missive confirms to us the death of the most Christian King, enjoining me to continue my journey, and to follow the instructions contained in your mandates : the despatch I shall forward with all diligence by way of Lyons, in compliance with the commands of your Excellency, to whose favour I humbly commend myself. ' Alfonso of Este, Duke of Ferrara. 2 Lucrezia Borgia, who had been married to Don Alfonso of Este in the month of February 1502. SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN. 35 Ferraroj January 16, 15 15. It having behoved me to remain here until to-day on account of many things required for our journey, I went to take leave of these most illus- trious Lords (Signori), the Duke and Duchess, from whom. In like man- ner as at the first, I received kind greeting, and until the very last did they treat me excellently, with every demonstration of honour. They appear deeply to feel this demise of the King} hoping, nevertheless, through the capacity and power of his successor, and his readiness to Interfere in the affairs of Italy, not to find themselves in a worse plight than they were during the reign of his deceased majesty, and that their enemies, namely the Spaniards, may not rejoice for long : both the duke and duchess affirmed that it was ever their intention to ^ follow the same fortune as your Excellency. To this I answered as I deemed becoming, assuring them of your Sublimity's holding in very great account the friendship of their excellencies, for whom you enter- tained a paternal affection, and with this I took leave of them, they giving me the strictest injunctions to recommend them to your Serenity. To-day we are setting out for Cento, and have sent one of my couriers to Lyons with the despatch, and my own letters to the Magnifico, my colleague. The letters immediately following illustrate the unhappy state of Italy, and the uneasiness and alarm in which the minor States were kept by the aggressive policy of the Papacy and the house of Medici. Pie've PelagOy "January^ 20, 15 15. My last was dated the i6th instant, from Ferrara, whence we de- parted on that day, and by rugged and difficult roads, we, to-day, reached Pieve,^ a place belonging to the Duke of Ferrara, situated at the root of the Appenines, having been accompanied thus far by a courier of said Duke's, which was a great convenience to us. To-morrow, Providence favouring us, we shall cross the mountain, and on the day after we go to Lucca, from which place I shall write to your Sub- limity, and will do the like as I proceed. We hear nothing in this place worthy the notice of your Highness, save that the Lord Ales- sandro de' Pij — one of whose fiefs called Sassuolo, an important castle, had been occupied by his Holiness — having recruited a considerable number of mountaineers from the Modenese and Bolognese territories, took the place and put the commander to death. I have been told that this was done by connivance of the Count Guido Rangone, who is the Pope's Governor in Modena, which surprised me vastly, that Count Guido, a stipendiary of the Pope's, should favour an attack upon a place held by his Holiness. Should I hear anything more, I will inform your Sublimity. * In the Duchy of Modena. Lucca^ January 25, 1515* On the 23rd instant we arrived here, after many difficulties In crossing the Appenines, owing to the very deep snow and the badness of the roads, and the magnificoes, magistrates, and gentlemen here have received me, 36 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN. 37 and given me their company most politely, and on my going to the mn, some ten of the chief gentry came and took me thence, conductmg me to the house of a gentleman named Messer Michiel da Poggio, where I have been boarded most honourably, with every demonstration of love and respect towards your most illustrious Signory. I went to visit these magnificoes, the gonfalonier, and the magistrates, and in general terms explained to them your Excellency's love and good will to their State, and the wish entertained by you for their utmost prosperity, adding many other expressions of goodwill, whereto the said gonfalonier made answer, thanking your Highness infinitely for the compliment, and saying that this city had ever deemed your Excellency the protector and conservator of their cherished liberty, and that there was no Italian potentate in whom they placed greater reliance and hope than m your Highness, wherefore your distresses had not pained and grieved them less than their own, and thus did they now rejoice at your prosperity, and hoped your Excellency's affairs would turn out well, as you had borne up against so much adversity, and such a universal conspiracy as had been formed against the Signory by all the potentates of Christen- dom.i Adding, that they, the Lucchese themselves, were in great trouble, for they well knew who it was that had designs upon their city and the'ir liberties, alluding to the Florentines and to the Pope,^ where- upon, seeing that many persons were present at this conversation, I professed incredulity that His Holiness (a Pontiff of great sanctity and moderation, and who mainly for his good life was raised to the tiara) should plot at this juncture to overthrow their ancient freedom, together with many expressions f\ill of praise of his Holiness, so that they ap- peared much comforted, and said my language tallied with certain replies of our lord the Pope himself, made to those who were urging his Holiness to have this city occupied by the magnifico Juliano,^ and w^^ich were couched in these terms, " Let nothing more be uttered about infringing the liberties of the Lucchese, as we choose to be the conservator of that city and its franchises.- With this, I took leave, and was reconducted to my quarters. I am waiting for the safe conduct from Genoa, which I expect hourly, having written thither from Ferrara by the courier Zanon, desiring it might be sent to me here. I fancy it can only be delayed for a few hours, but by way of precaution, I wrote immediately on my arrival here that if not already despatched it should forthwith be for- warded. The news here is that, on the 23rd, the Magnifico Julian arrived from Florence at Pisa, where four galleys having been prepared for him 5 he purposes to embark on his way to Savoy, where he is to meet his bride.^ He has about fifty Florentine gentlemen with him, in very gallant trim, and it is said that he is also accompanied by the Lord of Piombino :^ they number in all, from 200 to 250 horse. It is also said here that the most Christian King has appointed the Duke of Bourbon^ Grand Constable of the Kingdom, which is nothing less than commander of the entire French forces 5 this dignity has not been conferred on any one from the days of King Louis XL, the father of King Charles, until now, and hence one may reasonably infer that by giving this appoint- ment to the said Duke, to whom the Italian expedition had been entrusted by King Louis XII., it is his intention to persevere therein. Your High- ness will receive better information than mine on this subject, through the letters of the magnificoes, your ambassadors. Item, throughout their territories the Florentines have been reform- ing the regulations respecting their troops, which, I have been assured by a very experienced and discreet gentleman here, will exceed 24,000 strong. They have had a great quantity of corslets brought from the Brescian territory, and other places in Italy, and the commander of these forces is one Jacobo, a Corsican, who had the command of 3,000 French infantry in the time of King Louis. There is, however, no other stir. This is as much as has come to my knowledge worthy of your Highnesses notice. Should I hear anything else, on the various stages of my journey, it shall be communicated with all speed to your Ex- cellency, * This alludes to the league of Cambray. 2 Leo X. who had been elected Pope on the iith March 1513. 3 Julian de* Medici, brother of Leo X.; he died at Florence on the 17th of March, 15 16. This project of giving Lucca to him is not recorded by Roscoe. Ranke informs us that Lorenzo de' Medici, sketching the characters of his three sons, Julian, Peter, and John, said that the first was good, the second a fool, but that for the third, John, he was prudent. This third was Pope Leo X. * Filiberta, daughter of Philip, Duke of Savoy, and sister of Luigia, the mother of Francis L (See Roscoe's Life of Leo X., vol. 4, p. 56, Italian Trant- lation). We may add to Giustinian's hint of the grand doings at this wedding, a passage from the historian of the Popes, " There was high jubilee when it was known that Giuliano de' Medici meant to settle with his young wife in Rome. « God be praised,* writes Cardinal Bibbiena to him, * for here we lack nothing but a court with ladies.' " * Giacomo IV. Appiano. 38 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN. 39 ^ Charles Duke de Bourbon, who rebelled against his kinsman and sovereign, and was killed at the siege of Rome, A.D. 1527, by a shot from the arquebus of Benyenuto Cellini, if credit can be given to the memoirs of that boastful Florentine. The next despatch is dated from Genoa. The reigning Doge was Octavian Fregoso, who was proclaimed by some four hundred citizens on the 17th of June 1514, after he had quelled the Adorno faction. The wound from which Giustinian found him suffering, may have been received at the siege of the French garrison in the fortress called " the Lantern," which he had compelled to surrender on the 26th of Auo-ust. o Genoay February 3, 15 15. My last were from Lucca In date of the 25th ulto., whereby your Excellency will have heard what had happened. You must now know that on the ist inst., I arrived here at Genoa, receiving good and kind greeting from many of the nobles here, and being honoured by the whole city, out of respect for your Highness. On the morrow I went to visit the illustrious Doge of this city, who Is lying In bed by reason of the musket wound he received In his hand in the recent engagement. I fancy the malady will be of long duration, for 'tis an ugly hurt. I addressed him In your Serenity's name, in very loving and affectionate terms, but of a general tenor, not going Into details, which might receive a sinister In- terpretation, but condoling with him on his Indisposition, and congra- tulating him on the advantage he really derived from It j for, although detrimental and mischievous, yet, on the other hand, had it procured extreme glory for him, both through the valour he had displayed, and the honourable position of his wounds, and I said that the shield which was shot through, at the same time with his hand, bore testimony to his prowess, so that he was renowned all over Italy. He appeared ex- tremely pleased at this, mentioning how he had been wounded, and that the result of the affair had done him honour, affording him greater com- fort than the annoyance caused him by the said hurt, and that he should therefore soon recover, vowing that he was anxious. If the opportunity should be afforded him, to effect greater things for your Highness with 'if^ I the wounded member, and also with his right hand, and whilst uttering these words he raised each arm aloft ; we next commenced speaking about this new King of France, and he inquired of me whether I thought he would come into Italy this year. I told him I could form no opinion hereon, as when I left Venice, his predecessor's death had not taken place, nor yet the new king's accession, and that consequently bemg ignorant of his acts, proceedings, and language, I was unable to pass any judgment thereon, but that his lordship was better able thus to do, by reason of the daily letters he received both from France and Italy. He made answer that opinions varied very much, some thinking he would come, both because he had been one of the instigators of the expedition in the time of King Louis, and also because the costs thereof had been in good part defrayed by his predecessor. Others, indeed, say he will not come this year, but stay to arrange his affairs with the most serene King of England,' and also desiring to obtain possession quietly, and under happier auspices than by force of arms, and that this was indubitably his own opinion ; but that those who say he will come are the Emperor, the Spaniards now in Italy, and the Duke of Milan,2 and this they say with a view to accelerate the league now being negotiated between the Pontiff and themselves, with the con. currence, moreover, of this state of Genoa, for should they assert that his most Christian Majesty will neither come nor send an army this year into Italy, it would flirnish reason for delaying this confederation, which, though not yet concluded, is in course of arrangement, under pretext of preventing his aforesaid Majesty's coming, yet in reality was it (said he) against other ancient possessors of Italy, meaning your Serenity, and on this subject he was very diffuse, his language evincing the greatest good-will towards your Excellency. I do not report this as though I thought myself bound to build on his expressions ; as any man easily says what he chooses, though there is no doubt but that in (he event of the coming of his most Christian Majesty (who naturally will wish to recover what he has lost), it will behove this state to change its govern- ment, or take a decided part. Moreover the Magnifico Julian, who went to Savona on his way into Savoy, having heard that the country is in arms, and that both the peasants as well as certain Spanish and Swiss soldiers, have taken to the road, under the command of one Hieronimo Casola (who, from what this Doge's excellency tells me, is a man of the Emperor's), has determined on going by sea to Nice from fear of snares being laid for him m many 40 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN. 41 quarters : he has very few attendants, and came Into this town, moreover, in very ordinary array, to the great surprise of every body ; true is it that he gave out he had sent many of the horsemen of his company by way of Lombardy, which must be better known to your highness than to me : nothing else is known here. To-morrow, with the grace of God, I shall embark for Savona, and from thence to Nice, both to escape the very bad roads, and also to avoid such perils as might befall me from these troops which have taken to the road : the like was done by my most honoured colleague, Master (Messier) Pietro Pasqualigo, and with much greater reason should I do so, having the example before my eyes of the Magnifico Julian. I shall subsequently make for Lyons by the way of Avignon, which is the best and safest, and with the Magnifico my colleague will there await your Serenity's instructions, as enjoined us. We have tarried these two days here in Genoa, both to rest ourselves, being in truth extremely tired, owing to the long and laborious journey, and also on account of the horses, which were chafed by the journey j nor will I add aught by this, but merely recommend myself humbly to your Serenity's favour, ' Maria Tudor, the sister of Henry VIII., had been married to Louis XII. in he preceding month of August, the bride being only sixteen years old, whereas the bridegroom was fitty-three. The affairs for arrangement related to the queen widow, who married the Duke of Suffolk at the end of March, Francis I acting as pacificator with Henry VIII. j perhaps from the dread of any post^ humous child of the queen widow's interfering with his own claims to die crown ot France. * Maximilian Sforza, son of Ludovic the Moor. / We omit a letter from Genoa containing nothing but an account of the refusal by the Genoese to entertain an ofFer made by the Switzers of a contingent of 6,000 or 7,000 men, to aid them against France, for a monthly stipend of 7,000 ducats. The reader who has traversed the beautiful pass of the Corniche, between Genoa and Nice, or followed the windings of the Rhone by the principal m'ail- road of France, from Avignon to Lyons, will be interested in hearing how the same journey was accomplished 300 vears ago. Niccy in Provence, February 9, 15 15. By my letters of the 3rd instant, from Genoa, your Sublimity will have learnt that I was to depart thence for this city on the 4th. Yes- terday, by God^s grace, I arrived here, where I was greeted by the whole town very lovingly, and beyond all comparison received much more honour than in Italy : the cause of our being so long on the way from Genoa hither, a distance of 140 miles, was the difficulty of the navigation, caused by the bad weather, and also the report that certain brigantines had been scouring these seas, wherefore, on reaching Monaco, I proceeded hither by land over difficult roads, and remained here to-day, for the purpose of resting the horses, which are half dead. To-morrow, please God, I shall depart. I am told that ten days of ordinary travel are required for the journey from hence to Lyons 5 I hope to accomplish it in eight-being indeed exceedingly anxious to join the Magnifico, my colleague, to execute the orders of your Serenity, and also to learn the situation of our affairs, whereof, since leaving Venice, I have heard nothing. We hear nothing in this place worth reporting j should anything of importance come to my knowledge, I will notify it in another letter to your Excellency.— To whose favour, &c. To complete the particulars of the journey from Nice to Lyons, we give the following passages from the voluminous diaries of Marin Sanuto, who quotes letters from Giustinian's colleague Pasqualigo, showing— « How he had been through Provence, where he found quartered 4,000 lansquenets, who had been sojourning there, on their march to Italy, as it would have proved, had not the King died. He then pro- ceeded to Avignon, where he found the legate, the Right Rev. Car- dinal of Auch, who paid him great honour, and he supped with his Right Rev. Lordship, in the company of upwards of 100 of the chief ladies of Avignon. The banquet was so sumptuous, so varied, and of such long duration, that nothing could surpass it. After supper, many dances and mummeries, and so many representations were performed, that they did not come to an end until daybreak. This cardinal was the son of a brother of the Cardinal of Rouen (George d'Amboise). He was likewise visited by Dom. Mario Sobirat, brother-in-law of the late Philosopher 1 Dom. Pietro Contarini, whose sister was dead, and the 42 DESPATCHES OF daughter Is married to a respectable nobleman of that town, and owing to the relationship with Mario Contarini, son of Carlo, the ambassador's brother-in-law, who has accompanied him, they greeted each other as " cousins/' He was also visited by Dom. Accursio, formerly ambassador from the King of France to the SIgnory,who Is very anxious to return in that capacity. He writes how he left Avignon on the 23 rd, and came to Valence, which Is the town that gave his title to the Duke of Valentinois, the son of the late Pope Alexander, and of which he was subsequently deprived by the King. He next reached St. Antoine de VIenne, which is a fine town in Dauphiny, whose archbishop is the Car- dinal San Severino j and then he arrived at Lyons on the morning of the 27th. The only news talked of relate to this new King, his beauty, his unheard of liberality, the offices bestowed by him, and the pomps and entertainments now being prepared In Paris. His Majesty Is at Rhelms, for his consecration, and Is to be crowned on next Thursday, which will be the 2nd of February. He then goes to San Marcolpho, in Champagne {Sainte Menehould, called In Latin, Sancta Manchildis), to test the miracle of the scrofula, and will then return to Paris, where he will remain during the whole carnival for his diversion. » Filosofo is the word used by all Venetian writers of this date to denote a man ot literary or scientific pursuits. The two ambassadors reached Lyons in safety, when the following commission was received by them from Venice : — Leonardus Lauredanus, etc., Nobilibus et Sapientibus 'viris Sebas- tiano Justiniano Equiti, et Fetro Pasqualico Doctori et Equiti Orato- ribus nostris: Fidelibus diiectis, salutem et dilectionis affectum. — On hearing of the death of the most Christian King Louis, we wrote to you, that, on arriving at Lyons, you were there to await fresh instruc- tions from us. Since then, the most serene and most Christian King Francis, the son-in-law of his deceased Majesty, having succeeded to that kingdom and been crowned as you will have heard, and having, by his most gracious letters, announced his accession to our Signory, we, with our Senate, have deemed It fit to write you these present, and charge you to continue with all diligence your journey unto his most Christian Majesty, in whatever place he may be staying j and on the authority of our credentials, and in company with our ambassador there, your pre- SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN. 43 decessor, you will, in the first place. In grave and forcible language, condole with him on the death of his most Christian father-in-law; after which, you will congratulate him on his own most auspicious accession to that crown,— an event which has greatly mitigated our grief; the love and affection ever borne by us towards his Majesty, whose prosperity and exaltation of every sort afford us as much comfort and joy as anything that we could possibly desire, both for the love we have spoken of and because of the very excellent endowments, both of mind and per- son, which adorn his most Christian highness ; and by so much the more earnest you may show yourself in expressing this, by so much the more will you fulfil our intention towards his Majesty, telling him. In con- clusion, that although we have already performed this office of respect by letters, yet, not satisfied herewith, it has seemed fit to us to intimate to him by word of mouth our friendly disposition with regard to his Majesty. Subsequently, at another private audience, likewise in com- pany of your predecessor, you will tell his Majesty of the satisfaction with which we perused his letters 5 to which, although we have already made fitting reply in our missives to his Majesty, and through our am- bassador, yet have we also deputed you to repeat to him our firm inten- tion of persevering In the alliance and confederation with his most Christian Majesty, nor will we further dilate hereon, as here enclosed you will find the letters aforesaid ; wherein, also, our desire is notified, that the Italian expedition be speedily undertaken, and that with vigour, for the reasons therein set forth in full ; wherefore you also will repeat them to him, urging and encouraging him to take this necessary step, not so much for our benefit as for the immortal glory of his crown, since having everything already prepared and arrayed, he may easily realize the general wish, to the confusion of the enemy. The like office you will perform, should opportunity present itself, with the most serene Queen, his consort, presenting the credentials which we send you ; and in like manner, with the most illustrious the mother of the most Christian King,i to whom you will address all such loving and affectionate language as your ability shall supply you with. She being, not merely the King^s mother, but, as we understand, a person of great authority and power at the court. After this, on the opportunity presenting itself, you will visit the most serene queen widow, condoling with her on the death of her most Christian consort, in the usual terms of respect. In virtue of our letters of credence, you will likewise visit all the 44 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN. 45 lords in authority and power at the court, according to such information as may be given you by your predecessor ; and especially the most illus- trious Monseigneur de Bourbon, by reason of the dignity freshly con- terred on him by his most Christian Majesty,^ employing towards each such flattering and friendly form of language as you may consider suitable, proving to them the good will of our Signory on their behalf, so as to secure their favourable regard to our policy. The presents now in your hands, you will keep thus until further orders from us ; and, on your departure for England, you will leave them with your predecessor until the return from thence of you, Piero Pas- qualigo, not giving it to be understood to any one that you have any presents with you j moreover, we enjoin you especially to inform us who are in repute and credit with his Majesty. Having complied with the aforesaid, you two ambassadors will inform his most Christian Majesty that, in like manner as on your departure from Venice you had orders to go to the most serene King of England, with congratulations on his sister's marriage, so are you now charged to perform the office of condolence ; and, moreover, endeavour, to the best 6f your ability, to keep the English King in love and at peace with his most Christian highness, acquainting him that you, Piero, will return to the French court. You will then betake yourselves to England, where, on arriving, you will, in company with our ambassador, now resident there,^ enter the presence of that most serene King, acquainting him that, whereas you had been originally destined to congratulate him on the marriage in his family, and to thank him for having included the Signory in the confederation with the late King Louis, It having thus pleased God to take the said King, his brother-in-law, you now condole with him on the demise, employing loving words mdicative of our affection and respect for his Majesty, as heretofore for his most serene progenitors, whose affairs and those of his subjects have been ever looked upon by us in the same light as our own, ac- cording to the spirit and ancient custom of our republic, handed down as a mission by our forefathers, dilating hereon as much as you shall deem fit j and, above all, you will thank his Majesty in the most gratef\il language, for that, in the confederation formed between him and the late most Christian King Louis, he deigned to name us as his special friends and confederates. After this, at a future audience, you will (in that prudent and dexterous mode which is familiar to you) assure his Majesty that, should it be his pleasure, your efforts will be directed to this end ,ii exhort him to be united with the King of France, and to confirm with him that peace which he maintained with the deceased King, as the union of two such great sovereigns will be of great benefit and advantage to ail Christendom, expatiating hereon with such arguments as shall seem fit to you, and of which your own judgment will furnish you abundance 5 and to this end all your efforts will tend, regulating yourselves with prudence and according to existing circumstances, and as you shall perceive to be the wish of his most Christian Majesty. You will also visit the most serene Queen,'* condoling with her, in the first place, on the death of the most Christian King Louis her brother-in-law j and then congratulating her on the well-being of the most serene King her consort, and of her- self, in terms calculated to impress her with the love and reverence borne by our Signory to their majesties. Subsequently you will visit all the principal lords, according to such information as you may receive from your predecessor, in order to keep them well disposed towards our Signory. These things done, you, Sebastian, will remain there, so that your predecessor may return home j and you, Piero Pasquallgo, will return to France, there to reside, so that your predecessor at that Court may, in like manner, come back, you being both most assiduous in frequently notifying to us the news of events there, as we are confident you will be. Your present commissions you will communicate to your predecessors, as becoming. — Datae in nostro Ducali Palatio Die Primo, Februarii 15 14. A I'ergo: Nobllibus et Sapientibus virls Sebastiani Justinlano Equiti et Petro Pasqualico Doctori et Equiti Oratoribus nostris in Franclam et Angliam pro- ficiscitentibus. * Louise of Savoy, daughter of Philip, Count of Bresse (afterwards Duke of Savoy), married Charles D'Orleans, Count of Angouleme, a.d. 1488, and gave birth to Francis, who, on the death of Louis XII., became King of France. The career of the King's mother as regent, when her son undertook the expedition to which he is here urged by the Venetians } her government of France during the King's imprisonment in Spain 5 her quarrel with the Constable in particular, and her amours in general, are too well known fo need recapitulation here; but the instructions given by the Signory to Giustinian and his colleagues prove that the Venetian politicians anticipated thus early the important part the queen mother was destined to play in the history of France. '•* The office of constable. See the despatch from Lucca of the 25th January, page 35. * Namely, Andrea Badoer, of whom we shall hear further presently. * Catharine of Aragon. I 46 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN. T.e ..„ o.iec. of .he ^"^^^::^:rZ ol Italy by the French ^g, "-*=X Maximilian. Fo, Breseia, a< present he d by the E">pe'°' .he accon,pllsh„,ent o ,h,s es^ , 'J" .fj^^ „f ?„„y. ,o secure the ''-'f'^'J^^l^^L further on, were at The presents a Med to as^we ha ^^^^^^ ^^ ^^^^^ first intended for Maria uao , ^^_^ ^^ now queen-dowager ot France, but no longer p any influence. , . r i c.^^^ jjea I the following letter we ^'''''^T^M^fZao.h entertained by Francis and Henry of the Field ol f n u » It is well known that the interview / 1 in 12! five years after the despatch of the took place n 5^0, J^e y ^^^^ ^^^^^^^ ^^^ messenger " post haste lor Lyons, February ZJth. S-.nce .he las. forwarded by .e, S^bastia"^^^^^^^^^^^^^^ I have not written to y^ f ^^^-^^ ^'heTsth, an'd was delayed until my arrival here, -^^-^^ t-"^ / ^^ ^^^^^ Jj,, ^nd bad roads beyond n,y -P-tat.on ow.g t-he s ^ ^_^^^^ ^^ ^^^^ ^^^^^ ^^,_ which I encountered. On my arnv , ^^^ companions are ^^^^r/"''twt;?e" ^LTJugrness of the roads, our horses being in much fatigued by;^^^'!"''"' ^ Jj i, behoves me to remain here a like manner well mgh exhaust d ^.^^ ^^^.^^^ ^^^.^j^ ^^^ while, and perhaps m the r^^-^J^ ^ t^^^ "'"'^^^"^^' '^ "'^ '' greater convenience we both of - f«>; J^ ^„„^ of us possess any - lombardy, ^^.f ^^ -t^^^uVh ^^^^^^^^ delay be prolonged, we thing but our ndmg dresses '^' gerenity's service, prov.d- -rSastian, have ^^reo.. -se^ ~^^^ credence which your ^-n-t /-w^^^^^^^ J ^^^^ „„,,, ,„,. having been cotnmumcated o me by ^^.^^ ^^^ ^.^.^^^^^^ league, with wh.ch we ^^^^J;"™ We do not write any other according to the intentions ot your berenity. 47 news of the Court, referring ourselves to what the most noble Dandolo notified to your Sublimity through Fioravanti. Certain merchants here have received letters from London, from one D. Leonardo Frescobaldi,i a merchant of great credit, and from what we hear very rich, in date of the 1 2th and 15th instant. By those of the 12th, he says that the most Serene King would, to the utmost of his power, maintain a good and perfect understanding with his most Christian Majesty, who was nego- tiating for a conference with him, and within three days, the conclusion of these negotiations was expected from the Duke of Suffolk, who is at the French Court. By those of the 1 5th, he says it is settled that the aforesaid most Serene Kings should meet at Calais, and that his Majesty of England had despatched a messenger post haste to Florence for a great quantity of cloths of gold, and of silk, so as to meet this most Christian King with honour, and although we doubt not but that if this be true, your Sublimity will be already acquainted therewith by letters from the most noble your ambassador Dandolo, nevertheless, it has not appeared to us unfitting that we likewise should announce to you the intelligence in the form it has reached us. With regard to his most Christian Majesty's coming this year into Italy, or the reported movements amongst the Switzers, nothing is as yet said here by any one, beyond what was notified by me, Piero, in former letters to your Highness. ^ The Frescobaldi of the text is evidently the Florentine merchant who, in the tragedy entitled '* The Life and Death of Thomas Lord Cromwell " (and which is one of the seven plays attributed falsely to Shakspeare), is made to play a humane part, is subsequently reduced to poverty, and finally obtains grateful aid from the hero of the piece. " Bannister.— O heavens ! It is kind Master Friskiball ! »i Giustinian wrote a second time from Lyons, on the 3rd of March, the colleagues having waited there in vain for the arrival of their baggage. At last, they departed for Paris, having bought themselves fresh apparel, with which they " will trv to make shift in court until their effects arrive, and pray God to send them quickly !" In another week we hear of them at Moulins, in the midst of the pleasant Bourbonnais. On the road thither, it 48 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN, 49 appears, they met the ambassador of Mantua, on his way homewards, after a long residence at the French Court ; and after him, the Signor Theodore Triulzi,in company with the far-famed Bayard, then " a captain of one hundred lances." The first of these gentlemen assured the Venetian Envoy of the intention of Francis I. to make an early descent into Italy, and in six days more we find Giustinian dating his letters from Paris • . . Paris, lOlh March, 1515. On the 1 5th instant, having overcome the difficuhies of a long and very bad muddy road of 100 leagues between Lyons and this place, we reached a spot two short leagues distant hence, where it behoved us remain until the 17th, as his Majesty wa.s then absent on a huntmg expe- dition But the same day, having come a league nearer, there arrived the Count Gian Giacomo Triulzi, who, on getting off his horse, proceeded to visit us at the hotel. He had a long conversation with us, saying, amongst other things, that from fear of the Swiss entering Dauph.ny, his most Christian Majesty was sending him to Lyons, and that should the Switzers come, or the apprehension of their coming continue, his Majesty would add 8,000 other lansquenets to the 4.,ooo now in Pro- vence These forces, he said, are well nigh all mustered, at the suit of his Majesty, in Guelders, and that so many men at arms, &c., would be equipped, that in the event of said Swiss dispersing, or of this apprehension being dispelled, beyond all doubt, the King would descend into Italy, for which expedition, he said, he had often strenuously laboured at the royal council board, in order to persuade his Majesty to undertake it without delay ; and thus, by diverting the attention of the Swiss to another quarter, to prevent their making an inroad into France. He added, he had ever found his Majesty well dis- posed towards this undertaking, but with respect to its execution, he Lnd the following impediment, namely, the assurance which the King received from every body, that he must first establish himself in his kingdom before engaging in such an enterprise, and to this matter he was now attending with his whole soul ; it being considered certain that the peace with England and Flanders would be concluded, but that the truce with Spain would encounter greater difficulty, as the Spanish king' I wanted to include the Duchy of Milan therein, to which King Francis would on no account consent. He also said that the Doge of Genoa had lately sent a secret envoy of his hither, to arrange his affairs, the conclusion of which was delayed by his most Christian Majesty's demand of . 50,000 crowns from Genoa, for the destruction ot the Lantern, whereas the Doge required that, without disbursing more money, this claim should be dropped. He said that this negotiation was still on foot His Lordship next spoke of the most Christian King personally, and said that his extreme liberality to every one would dram the very blood from his veins ; amongst the rest, his mother applied all her energies to the accumulation of money, and also laid claim to managing every thing, not allowing his Majesty to act without her concurrence. He added, that amongst those who have great power with his Majesty was Monsieur de Boissi, the Lord Steward, who, before the accession of the King, was his Governor,^ and even now his Majesty defers so greatly to him, that in the words of Count Gian Giacomo Triuhi, he is still as it were under his rod. Next to him, he said, there came the Bastard of Savoy, then the Constable de Bourbon, and then Monsieur de Lautrec, but those who manage everything are his Majesty's mother, together with Madame de Bourbon, and Monsieur de Boissi. His Lordship evinced great regret at his Majesty's being under petticoat government, condemning, more- over, his mode of lite since he became King, which is in this w^e-he gets out of bed a little before noon ; then, after dressing and hearing mass, he forthwith dines, and immediately afterwards withdraws to his mother, and after remaining a short while at the Council Board, occupies himself with incessant amusement until supper time, so that with difh- culty can one find an opportune moment for transacting business with him With this information, after making many offers of service to your Serenity, his Lordship mounted his horse, and having taken leave, departed for Lyons. t . rr . We, having had an intimation made to us to this effect, came on the same day towards this city, and on the way were met by the most noble Dandolo, and by the brothers and relations of the Reverend Bishop of Asti,' the ambassador resident with your Highness. In their com- pany we came on well nigh to the gates, where we were met in his most Christian Majesty's name by Monsieur de St. Valier, well attended, and he told us that the King had ordered a number of bishops and grandees to meet us in honour of your Serenity, and that we must therefore awa.t their coJfing, as we did for the space of an hour ; but seeing that they VOL. I. 50 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN. 51 did not make their appearance, his Lordship requested us to enter, and accompanied us as far as our dwelling. Since then we have contmually applied for public audience, but it has been put off from day to day, on account of the indisposition of the Lord Chancellor, whose office it .s to reply on similar occasions ; we, however, hope to have .t to-morrow, and our letters will inform your Serenity of the result n the mean whde we will not omit mentioning that the brothers and relations of the Re- verend Bishop of Asti abovementioned, not only came a good way to meet us, but have also visited us here daily, makmg mfin.te offers of service, with the greatest possible professions of attachment to your Serenity. 1 Ferdinand the Catholic, who died January 15th, .516 } he was the father of "^"p^m'l^el" in his history of France mentions (vol. ix. p. 6) that - the l^ere uaniei n ^ ^ j p j- received the baton of marshal, and accession ot Francs ;- ^ons^"' de ^^ g^.,^^. ^^o had been the king's ceded h.s charge of Lord Steward ^°^° Florimond Robertet, Secre- governor ; and the '"^f ;f,^„f ^ ' ,^,^f '^s da^s le ministere. Anne de Mont- rencret'S;;eSt::de?x Jeunes seigneurs. <,ui avoient ete e.eves avec le "■■3 r^df Triu.rwtorntmet;Wen thus by Sanuto, in his diaries , also r&±tSit£Se:^^.4tc:z "^^ adjutorin the bishopric, September loth. 1516. The indolent habits of the King, and the sickness of the Chancellor, were not the only causes of the delay. The am- bassadors of the Archduke Charles (afterwards the Emperor Charles V ) were at the court of France, negotiatmg a « peace and confederacy" with Francis I., which was really concluded in the course of the next day or two. After this there was no difficulty in fixing the hour of audience ; and the following despatch relates how it took place on the evening of Sunday, the 25th of March 1515- Path, 25M Marci 1515. According to the order given us on the day before yesterday, to-day. at about the vesper hour, his most Christian Majesty sent the Rev. m Bishops of AngouUme and of Constance, and the Seneschal of Tou- louse, to bring us from our dwellings and accompany us into his presence j and having gone with them, we found him seated in a hall, under a canopy, very richly dressed all in white baukin ; ^ and on one side were seated, according to their degree, all the princes of the blood ; and on the other, the Lord Chancellor,2 with many prelates. Behind his chair there stood the illustrious the Infant of Aragon ;3 the Bastard of Savoy 5 Monsieur de Boissi, the Lord Steward ; the Marquis of Rothelin, the Grand Equerry 5 and Dom. Robertet j^ with very many others. Immediately on his Majesty perceiving us, as he did the moment we entered the door-way, he rose from his seat, as did all the others, cap in hand j we made the due obeisance, and notwithstanding all our efforts, he would not allow us to kiss his hand, but embraced us, evincing the greatest good will and esteem for your Serenity, positively commanding, after we had presented our credentials, that we should sit on either side of him. Whereupon, all having resumed their seats, I, Sebastian, read an address in Latin, wherein, with grave and fitting language, I endeavoured to comply with the desire of your Highness, both by condoling in your name on the death of the late most Christian King Louis, and by congratulating him on his own most happy acces- sion, making such allusions to either circumstance as appeared to me proper. His Majesty listened to me very attentively, and caused us to be answered by the Lord Chancellor, also in Latin, thanking your most illustrious Signory for such friendly professions, and offering his services to the State. This done, the King rose, and calling us to him, said that if we had any other communication to make to him in private, he would graciously hear us j and thus, having withdrawn with us to a window remote from the company, I, Piero, stated to him, clause by clause, all that was enjoined us by your Serenity's missives, dated the first of last month, both with regard to maintaining the alliance, and also urging him to undertake the Italian expedition, alleging all such reasons and grounds as my ability suggested. His Majesty answered us with his own lips as follows, or in words to this effect :— " The ambassador here present'' (pointing to me, Marco) " is a good witness to the love and devotion borne by me, before I was King, to the most illustrious Signory; and it now having pleased God to grant me the honour of a Crown, I have fully determined on aiding and backing Venice, and on rendering her greater than she has ever been ; and very shortly will I come with a powerful army in person into Italy, 52 DESPATCHES OF for being so young, it would be a reproach to me to send others in my stead ; and assuredly not merely I, but all France is much obliged to the most illustrious Signory ; for the other*sovereigns, who leagued themselves with us, were true to their engagements until their ends were obtained, and then deserted us without the slightest scruple j but the most illus- trious Republic has been ever constant, nor for cost that she has incurred, nor for perils and losses she has endured, did she ever choose to abandon us, and this we must heartily acknowledge, so I shall be the best friend to her that any King of France or other Christian sovereign ever was ; and I shall ever maintain a good alliance with her, with faith inviolable.'' His Majesty then said, " that in order to secure this kingdom, and to be enabled more speedily and effectually to attend to the affairs of Italy, he had concluded a treaty with the most illustrious Archduke,*"^ who had tendered him due homage as his subject for the county of Flanders, but had allied himself with him as Duke of Brabant and Prince of Spain, agreeing to espouse Madame Renee, his Majesty's sister-in-law, the daughter of the late King Louis, for whose dower he was about to give the Duchy of Berri and 100,000 crowns, with as many more as a gift, so that should the dowry be hereafter returned, 100,000 crowns remain to him as a gift, the archdu-ke being at liberty to ratify the nuptials afore- said within the next three years and a half j and should he not be pleased to do so within that term, the amity and perpetual peace is to continue and not be interrupted, for the maintenance of which, eight frontier towns are to be given up by each party, they subjecting themselves in the event of contravention to censures ecclesiastic. His Majesty added, that this peace would greatly add to the security of this kingdom, as thereby, and through the friendship of the Duke of Guelders, of the Bishop of Liege, Count of Hainault, Duke of Lorraine, the Palatine, and some other Princes of the Empire, the King of the Romans would be unable to do him the slightest hurt. As to the King of Spain, whom he styled tyrant and deceiver, and who, under pretext of governing, had taken possession of the kingdom of Castille, he, he said, by reason of this friendship with the archduke, would act with greater reserve in plotting any mischief against this realm from fear of being deprived of the said government. In the next place, the King of England, without the aid of French Flanders, and uncertain of the friendship of Scotland, will have small power against France ; should he come with a scanty host he would be beaten, whilst a numerous one would cost him much money, and produce, perhaps, little effect after all, as was the case the last time. SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN. 53 even though he had the aid of Flanders, when he lost time and treasure under Terouane,^ which place, his Majesty added, he was now having rebuilt with the greatest speed, so that ere long it will be quite restored and stronger than before. Respecting Tournai, he said that, by reason of its being far inland, and now remote from all possible succour owing to this alliance with Flanders, he could get it whenever he chose j but that he was, nevertheless, well disposed towards peace with the King of England, who seemed, however, to be raising a diffi- culty, by requiring his Majesty to withdraw his protection and amity from Scotland, which he would never do. The King intimated through- out this discourse, with sufficient plainness, that the cause of his not coming into Italy at this present time, was the difficulty of making treaties, which would enable him to unite his troops for the undertaking, instead of keeping them dispersed, from suspicion of his neighbours, a precaution which was neglected by the late King Louis, his father-in- law, who, his Majesty declared, when the King of England came into France, maintained at an immense cost for the defence of 'the various frontiers not less than 4,000 lances, and 24,000 infantry. We thanked his most Christian Majesty respectfully for the great good will and affection which he manifested towards the most excellent Signory, and for the friendly offers and communications made by him to us j and as in the public audience and the private one, we had been a long while with his Majesty, who, moreover, we knew meant, notwithstanding the lateness of the hour, to hear vespers, we did not deem it advisable for the present to make any further rejoinder, or trouble him longer. Referring ourselves to a future audience, we merely added that we had been commissioned by your Serenity to go to England to condole on the demise of the late most Christian King Louis, and to endeavour with our whole power to keep the King of England in love and peace with his highness, should it thus please his Majesty. The King answered, that this w^ould be very agreeable to him, as he is really anxious for a good understanding with that most serene King, and would write to his ambassadors resident there, desiring them to communicate everything to us, in order to bring about the desired result in concert, saying, — " And I am certain that you will do more for me than for that King 5" and with this, he dismissed us. Marco Dandolo, Eques., \ Sebast. Giustinian, Eques., iOratores. Petrus Pas^ualicus, Doct. Eques., ) 54 DESPATCHES OF * The word hauk'in was in use in England in the year 1 501, to signify a sort of brocade with a raised pile, such being the material styled so^ra rizo to this day in \'cnice. '^ Antoine Duprat, who had been appointed first president of the Parliament of Paris, in 1507, was said to have secured his favour with Louise of Savoy and Francis I., through their recollection, amongst other services rendered by him, of his having by main force prevented a nocturnal meeting between Maria Tudor and Francis, in the lifetime of Louis XIL, the consequences of which might have interfered with his claims as heir presumptive to the French crown. ^ When Louis XJL despoiled Frederick IlL, King of Naples, of his crown, his second son, Alfonso, came to France, where he w^as known as the Infant of Aragon. He died at Grenoble in this very year 15 15. •* Florimond Robertet was the Finance Minister of Francis L Notices of the Bastard of Savoy and of the Marquis of Rothelin will be found in Brantome ; the Marquis figures as one of the characters in the " Occorenza Quintadecima,'' of Niccolo Liburnio, so it may be supposed that he was a patron of letters, as well as a courtier and a soldier. ^ Charles of Burgundy had succeeded to his father, the Archduke Philip ; but his grandfather, Maximilian, was still alive, and his maternal grandfather, Ferdinand, had taken possession of the Government of Castille, which, on Isabella's demise, belonged to Joanna, the widowed mother of Charles. ^ Whatever their losses may have been, the English eventually took Tcrouane, and gained the battle of Spurs, alias Guinegate, on the i6th of August, 15 13. The Terouane fortifications were demolished by the English : and it is to their reconstruction that Francis I. here alludes. The next letter of Giustinian relates his complimentary interview with the Queen of Francis I., on the day following, to which Pasqualigo adds a paragraph, which proves his obedience to the instructions he had received to withhold the present intended for the Queen, now a dowager, and no longer a person of influence. " I, Piero, was visited a few days ago by the Magnifico D. Hieronimo Triulzi, the brother of the Reverend Bishop of Asti, the French Ambassador in Venice, and he told me the most Serene Queen knew that I was bringing her a handsome present from your Highness, and that on this account she would give us very good reception, and he said that this had been heard through letters from the aforesaid Right Reverend, his brother. I answered him that I had no present with me, and knew not this, turning the conversation immediately." Giustinian wrote two other letters from Paris, both on the 1 SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN. 55 30th of March, on which day he set forward again on his journey to England. We give the first of these, and the two following, dated respectively from Boulogne and Canterbury, for the light they throw on the political allusions contained in the subsequent despatches. Paris, '^oth March, 15 15. Since visiting the most Christian Queen on the 26th instant, as we notified to your Serenity in our letters of that day, we have been extremely occupied until now, in doing the like by all these other Lords in authority now at the Court, to whom, according to their degree, and to the tenor of our credentials, we adapted our discourse, as we knew became the present need of your most excellent Signory. We were most kindly received by all of them, and they made us the warmest professions, but leaving aside what is superfluous and of small import, we will merely infonn yo^'ur Sublimity, in succession, what each of them said to us of apparent consequence. The most Christian King's most illustrious mother said to us, then, that his Majesty had resolved to adhere to what he had promised every one so that he might never be accused of bad faith, and above all towards your Serenity, whose friendship and alliance he held in greater account than that of any other Christian Prince soever ; so that on arranging his affairs here, he would by deeds prove himself to you the greatest and most faithful friend the State ever had ; and that hereof you might remain most perfectly assured, saying, - Had the deceased King not failed the Signory, his affairs would not have come to so disastrous an end as befell them in Italy and in this kingdom ; and my son, who was always about his person and understood all that was done, has profited by experience, nor will he ever prove false to the Signory.'' Madame de Bourbon likewise expressed herself m simdar terms, adding that she considered it certain that peace would be made with England, though even should this not prove the case, it could not injure this kingdom, both because the first peace made with the deceased king was to last one year after his death ; and also because if the Kmg of England chose to undertake an expedition against France, he must begin to collect his forces two years beforehand 5 and then again by reason of the agreement freshly concluded with the most illustrious the Archduke, he would obtain no supplies, and for these reasons he will A* 56 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN. 57 the more readily accede to fair terms. She also said that the Swiss were at present holding a Diet, at which some agreement with this Crown was to be negotiated j and she ended by asserting, that as his present Majesty's claims upon the duchy of Milan were not inferior to those of the late king, and that as he was young and powerful, much beloved by the entire realm, and certain of the cordial support of your Highness, no doubt could be entertained of his coming into Italy immediately on the termination of the matters now on hand. The illustrious the Grand Constable showed himself most eager for the Milan expedition, which he protested his most Christian Majesty would undertake in person, as speedily as possible, with a countless body of troops, saying, that the agreement with Genoa was expected in a couple of days j and that after Easter he was going to Lyons, and into Dauphiny and Provence, to make some good provision tor the men-at- arms there, together with the illustrious Count Gian Giacomo Triulzi ; and that his Majesty had despatched Friar Bernardin and Prejean^ to Marseilles, where he had ordered twelve galleys to be fitted out (having already sent funds thither for the purpose), besides the other twelve now in those waters, the which Prejean, on our quitting his Lordship, we met going to mount his horse to proceed on his way ^ having, as he told us, been supplied with everything, and he humbly recommended himself, offering his services to your Serenity. The Lord Steward, Monsieur de Boissi, addressed us in few words, but of favourable import, swearing by that God whom he adored, that his most Christian Majesty loved your Serenity above any other Sovereign, and that he would maintain an inviolable alliance with you, being well aware of your good faith j for that when this kingdom was abandoned by all, your Serenity alone, and not without great peril, kept your engage- ments. He likewise asserted that his Majesty would undertake the ex- pedition with great force, and in good earnest, immediately on affairs here being settled j wherefore, he added, your Sublimity might be of good cheer, and boldly maintain your present attitude.^ Monsieur de Vendome, who is assuredly a prudent youth, made us a sage discourse, saying, that owing to the death of the late King, and his present Majesty's accession, all previous treaties were at an end, and that it was therefore necessary for his Majesty, before un- dertaking any expedition, to see how he stands with his neighbours ; so that should he choose to wage war abroad, he may not be attacked at home. He greatly praised the agreement made with Flanders, saying that the like would also be effected with England, a promise to this effect having been made by the Duke of Suffolk, who is yet here. He also said that an arrangement was being negotiated with the Swiss, through an ambassador of the Duke of Savoy, and that the ambassador of the King of the Romans, who is the Provost of Louvain, had come here, first to prevent the agreement with Flanders, and, if unable to suc- ceed in this, to contrive that it be made with the co-operation and authority of his said Majesty j but having found that it was already con- cluded, he was much dissatisfied ; and had proposed to his most Christian Majesty a good peace and alliance with the Emperor, forgetting all the injuries and ancient animosities excited by divers transactions between him and the old King, in whose death they were all extinguished. With regard to the Italian expedition, his Lordship affirmed that it would, beyond all doubt, be undertaken immediately on the conclusion of these negotiations. We did not fail at these conversations with said lords to rejoin and allege whatever we knew was the wish of your Highness, and in conformity with what your present most urgent need requires. We next visited the Pope's ambassador, and those from England, and the most Serene Queen, the widow of the late king Louis. ^ The English ambassadors assured us that the agreement with their King's Majesty will be certainly effected, and that in a few days, the afore- said most Serene C^ueen, having had her affairs here settled, will, with the most Christian King's good favour, return to England j and pro- perty here in France has been already made over to her as jointure (contra-dote), to yield her an annuity of 80,000 francs. Yesterday, we had another private audience of his Majesty, when we endeavoured to the utmost of our ability to obtain some declaration from him about his undertaking the Italian expedition, omitting no argument that we deemed fitting to encourage him and hasten said enterprise. In reply, his Majesty made us a very long and most pru- dent discourse, showing the great expense he had been forced to incur since his accession to the crown, chiefly in paying the debts left by the late most Christian King Louis, which amounted to a very considerable sum, and also in doing the like by his Majesty's own debts, contracted before he was King, and which exceeded 200,000 ducats j adding, that the enterprises undertaken by great princes, if conducted with fore- sight and prudence, turn out for the most part well j wherefore, he was endeavouring to remove every obstacle which might impede the 4 58 DESPATCHES OF Italian expedition ; that he had already made an agreement with Flan- ders, and hoped to come to terms with England, whither, to aid the matter, he wished us to go on speedily. He said that the King of Spain (whom he called crafty, and a vessel of manifold deceit) had, through his envoy Gabrieleto, styled by him a profligate and sycophant,* requested of him a truce for three years j but that, being unable to obtain this, he now asked it of him but for one year, on this side of the Alps 5 whereto his Majesty said he would consent, provided he promised during this period not to give pecuniary or other aid to any enemy of his crown, and especially to the Switzers ; and he said, " Should the King of Spain consent, I shall forthwith send the treaty to said Switzers, that they likewise may see that he cheats them." The conclusion he finally came to, after much more to this effect, was that he most indubitably intended undertaking the Italian expedition in person with so great a number of horse and foot, and such a quantity of artillery, and such ample provision for all other necessaries on either side the Alps, that he should prove victorious without difficulty, to the great advantage of his friends and especially your Highness, and to the con- fusion of his enemies j and he besought you not to deem it irksome, having to wait and to maintain your position awhile unaided, as it was much better for you that the enterprise should be effected as above men- tioned, rather than that he should send a smaller army under another leader than himself, as must be the case at this present, considering the state of his kingdom, at the risk of peril and shame, as chanced in the time of the late most Christian King Louis j and this his Majesty repeated two distinct times, saying, in fine, and placing his hand on his breast, "Assure the Republic on my behalf, that, on the word of a gentleman, a year from this day, or thirteen months at the utmost, shall not elapse ere she entirely recover her whole territory; and, during this interval, should she find herself in peril, be perfectly convinced that even at the risk of losing my crown, I would not abandon her.'' Although we made a long rejoinder hereto, proving both the peril and necessity wherein the right noble Republic would be placed should his Majesty not undertake his expedition speedily, or not furnish aid of some sort, we were never able to obtain aught else from him j so after thanking him properly for his most ample profession, we took leave, to go to England, and in the act of departure, his Majesty asked us how the most noble Lord Andrea Griti* fared, expressing himself precisely in the following terms, " I never knew amongst men a more honourable SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN. 59 and accomplished person ; and should he ever have need of me, he would see the love I bear him, and the good account wherein I hold him ;'' and assuredly, most serene prince, his magnificence is in such great repute with every one at this court, and so much esteemed, that it is incredible. We, Sebastian and Piero, having executed your Serenity's commis- sions, shall to-day, after dinner, depart and betake ourselves, God willing, to England, with all diligence, from whence our letters shall inform you what we may effect with his Majesty there in all matters, and especially about concluding the peace with the most Christian King, the which we are aware is of incomparable importance for the affairs of Italy. » Namely, Prejeant de Bidoux, who, in the year 15 13, was attacked in Con- quet Bay by the Admiral Sir Edward Howard, Lord Ferrars, Sir Thomas Cheney, and other officers of distinction. Sir Edward Howard immediately fastened on Prejeant's ship, and leaped on board of her, attended by one Carroz, a Spanish cavalier, and seventeen Englishmen. The cable, meanwhile, which fastened his ship to that of the enemy being cut, the admiral was thus left in the hands of the French j and as he still continued the combat with great gallantry, he was pushed overboard by their pikes; subsequently, the French navy came out of harbour, and even ventured to invade the coast of Sussex. They were repulsed, and Pre- jeant, their commander, lost an eye by the shot of an arrow. 2 Meaning that the Venetians were to continue keeping the Spaniards and Imperialists at bay. ^ • r • u j ^ Her marriage to Charles Brandon was privately solemnized m Pans the day after this letter was written ; at least, in Dr. Lingard's history of England, it is stated that the Duke of Suffolk determined to marry her on the last day of March. ^^ * In the original, ** Quale chiamo' pagliardo e mozo de spudas. s Andrea Griti had been taken prisoner by Gaston de Foix, at Brescia, 15 12, and whilst confined in France was empowered by the State to treat for peace. He became Doge of Venice, 1523, and died in 1538. His portrait may yet be seen in the College Hall at Venice, and on one side of the picture, fetters and the crescent are represented to pair with lilies and gyves, on the other, as a memorial of his having been a prisoner at Constantinople as well as in France. On both occasions, he made peace between his captors and the State. Boulogne, April /'jth^ 1515. By our last. In date of the 30th ultimo, your Highness will have heard of our departure from Paris, on that day j and on the 4.th instant, having used all diligence, we arrived here, from whence we should have crossed over to England immediately had the weather been favourable 5 but ^ the wind was foul we have delayed thus long. 6o DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN. 6r meaning to make the passage either from hence or from Calais as soon as possible. To-day, finding ourselves with the Governor, M. de la Feuillade, a man both of prudence and authority, he gave us a piece of news, which will, we fancy, prove very agreeable to your Serenity— namely, that a treaty of peace had been concluded and signed between the most serene King of England and his most Christian Majesty, to last during their lives, and that it was to be sworn to by that most serene King and the French ambassadors, at Richmond, on the Monday after Easter j and to this effect he showed us the identical letters of Monseigntur de la Giesa,^ one of the ambassadors of the most Christian King, who framed the treaty : all that is above mentioned he has written with his own hand, and says he means to depart thence on the following Wednesday for Paris, and sent hither to arrange for his passage and for a barque. This important news we have thought fit immediately to notify to your Highness by these present, forwarding them by post to the most noble your Ambassador Dandolo, so that in like manner he may transmit them with diligence to your Serenity. Concerning the particulars of said peace, immediately on our reaching the court of England, whither we shall betake ourselves with all speed, we will give full infoiTnation to your Serenity. * The name is written thus, and the person meant is Pierre de la Guiche. See Rymer, vol. xiii. p. 476 : Tractatus Pacis et Amicitiae inter Franciscum I. et Henricum VIII. Regem Angliae conclusus, dat. apud Westmonasterium die 5 Aprilis, Anno 15 15. The colleague of Pierre de la Guiche signed his name Johannes de Selva j if not of Spanish origin, it is probable that he may have been commonly called Jean Dubois. Canterbury y iith jiprll 1515. We wrote to your Serenity from Boulogne, of the agreement effected between the most Christian Majesty and this most serene King, ad cvitam utriusque, and we sent our letters forthwith to the most noble your Ambassador Dandolo. Subsequently on the loth we left that place, and yesterday, with the aid of our Lord God, reached Dover, having been at sea during twenty- four hours, owing to the foul weather, which buffeted us mercilessly. To-day, early, we arrived here 5 and shortly after, the French am- bassadors also did the like on their return to the most Christian King. We visited them immediately, using towards their lordships such friendly expressions as we deemed becoming; and we learned from them how the peace aforesaid was sworn to and proclaimed last Tuesday, the loth instant; and that your most illustrious Signory has been expressly named and included in said agreement on the part of both ; and that this most serene King of England is bound by an especial clause, whensoever the most Christian King shall require it of him, for the defence of his kingdom or for the recovery of territory to him belonging, to give him 10,000 archers, at the cost of the King demanding them. Item, that the King of Spain has not been mentioned by either party ; indeed, that his Majesty holds him in great aversion ; moreover, that the difference with Scotland has been adjusted thus— namely, that should the Scotch make any incursion into this kingdom, or perpetrate any hostile act with a force exceeding 300 horse, and by consent of him who governs in Scotland, said aggressors are to be deemed the enemies of both parties, and not comprised in this peace ; but should said incursion take place, contrary to the wish and consent of the governor aforesaid,^ he is to be compelled, if required, to make compensation, restoring the plunder, &c. With regard to Tournai, they told us that it had been necessary to leave it to this most serene King. Item, that another clause had been added about the navigation and commerce of the Venetian, Florentine, and Genoese nations — namely, that all galleys, ships, and other vessels of said nations may freely go, stay, and return, conveying their merchandize through all the realms and places of France and England. The other articles of the aforesaid peace, relate merely to the commerce of the French and English. We have thought fit to give immediate notice of the whole as of a thing true and certain, and very in^ortant to your Serenity, and likewise through the same channel -namely, that of your most noble Ambassador Dandolo- being aware that such is our duty. On reaching the court, as we shall do very speedily, we will not fail to thank his most serene Majesty for the mention made of your Highness in this peace, giving you especial notice of all we shall effect. » John Duke of Albany. See Lingard's History of England, from which it would appear that, contrary to the treaty between Henry VIII. and Louis XII., the Duke of Albany was in Scotland on the i8th March, 1515. 62 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN. 63 On the 2 1 St of April, 1516, the Venetian ambassadors made their entry into London, and gratified the appren- tices with one of these " Ridings," which Chaucer alludes to in the following lines, quoted from the " Coke's Tale" :— ** A prentis dwelled whilom in our citee, — At every bridale would he sing and hoppe ; He loved bet the taverne than the shoppe ; For whan ther eny Riding was in Chepe, Out of the shoppe thider would he lepe ; And til that he had all the sight ysein, And danced wel, he wold not come agen." London^ zist April 1 5 1 5 . From Canterbury, on the 12th instant, we wrote to your Serenity of our having crossed over to this side of the channel, and of what we had heard from the French ambassadors, who were on their way back to France, about the agreement concluded by them with this most serene King. Subsequently, in order to await his Majesty's instructions re- specting our entry into this city, we came as far as Rochester, twenty-four miles hence, where we found the Consul, the Magnifico Dom Hieronimo da Molin, son of the late Marin, with some of our countrymen, who, to honour your Serenity, had come thus far, and with them we betook our- selves to Deptford, a place distant twelve Venetian miles from this j and from thence, on the i8th, there came to escort us, in the name of the King's majesty, a doctor of the Parliament and another cavalier, with an honourable company of about fifty horsemen all in one livery, who, after addressing us in the friendly terms customary in like circumstances, accom- panied us from the said place as far as our dwelling in this town. On the road we were met, first, by the rest of our countrymen, and then by the most noble the Ambassador Badoer and others, so that on entering London, we numbered upwards of two hundred horse j and as his aforesaid Majesty is at Richmond, seven miles off, where he means to celebrate the approaching festival of St. George, the patron of his Order of the Garter, he has given us to understand that he will in that same place, and on that very day, give us our first audience, for the sake of doing greater honour to your Serenity j and thus do we hold our- selves prepared and in readiness, and after having been with his Majesty, we will give a detailed account to your Serenity of what we have effected. The peace with France was again solemnly proclaimed here yesterday. Item, news is expected here hourly of the most serene Queen Maria's having left Paris on her way back to these parts, and from what we understand (although this had been also publicly reported in France), she is married to the Duke of Suffolk. We have presented his letters of recall to the Magnifico the Am- bassador Badoer, who answered us, that he is unable to depart hence without a good sum of moneys and he inquired of me, Sebastian, whether I had brought him any supply, but I answered him in the nega- tive ; for although in the commission given me on leaving Venice, it was stated, amongst other things, that a bill for i ,000 ducats had been con- signed to me for this purpose by the Magnifico Almoro PIsani of the bank, tamen re ^era, I never received either the bill or anything else. We have chosen to notify this to your Serenity, that you may be ac- quainted with the whole, and take such steps as you shall think fit. Andrew Badoer, the ambassador mentioned in the fore- going despatch, had been accredited by the Signory to Henry VII., shortly after the news of the League of Cambrai had reached Venice. The following extracts are from a letter written by him to his brother, in date of London, 24th of July, 15 12, and copied by Sanuto in his valuable diaries. It is introduced here for the information it contains on the intercourse maintained between Venice and England, pre- viously to Giustinian's arrival, and for the insight it affords into the everyday Hfe of England at that period. From the Ambassador in England, Andrew Badoer. (Describing his journey and arrival there.) London y July 24, 15 12. Honoured and Noble Brother,— During the many years that we have loved each other fraternally, and with great tenderness and cor- - y 64 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN. 6s diallty, I have known you to be ever just and loyally affectionat towards your friends through numberless proofs afforded in your person, w^hich I shall ever remember 5 and in corroboration hereof, on my return, which will take place speedily, you shall, please God, find that my deeds correspond most perfectly with my words. For the extreme devotion I bear you therefore, prithee, if required, bestir your- self to favour me in justice, extreme wrong having been done me, the recital of which, out of the honour paid by me in the quarter from whence it proceeds, pains me, and grief so penetrates my heart's core, that I know not how to bear it, my case being as follows : — In the month of January in the year 1508-9, when the hostilities of France against the most Illustrious Signory began to manifest themselves, remedies being sought against the Gallic toils, the most sage counsellors appointed to govern us determined to send hither privily an ambassador to induce this most serene King to attack France (on whose crown he has claims, it in justice appertaining to him), and to arouse him to make a diversion over there in our favour j the need being extremely urgent, and to despatch some one forthwith, and speedily ; though, as the roads were intercepted everywhere, it was impossible to effect the journey save at the most manifest peril of one's life. Inquiries were made over Venice for one who had the heart to venture through such a hurricane, the fire raging most fiercely in every quarter j and at length, after many consultations, no one else being found to their taste, I was elected to this mission, without my knowledge, by the High Council of Ten and the Junta, according to a motion carried therein, and assuredly by the will of God and for the most excellent Signory's weal, with one hundred ducats per month for my expenses, whereof I was not required to give account to any one. This took place on the last day of January, 1508-9, when his Serenity the Doge (to whom may God grant long life) sent for me, and as I knew nothing of the matter, I stared at him in surprise j whereupon, he told me I had been appointed Ambassador here, exhorting me to serve the State in his so sage manner, binding me in such wise, that I could only reply /^/ voluntas tua ,• and pardon my presumption, brother. Master Luke, but by God no one save myself was capable of executing this mission. In the first place, laying aside the perils aforesaid, it was easy for me to go in safety by any road, being well acquainted with the French and German tongues, and with that of this country, which is as little known at Venice as modem Greek or Sclavonic in London • ask those who know me, and you will hear, and for so great an accomplishment I thank Almighty God. I thus in fine resolved to come and serve the most illustrious State, especially being sent by the Council of Ten, having always understood that whosoever obtains their esteem, may be deemed fortunate. I therefore looked forward and not behind me, inflamed by the most ardent love for my country, and left my affairs in confusion, starting with a trifle of money that might have sufficed, had I merely been going to Mestre or Treviso, and not to travel through fire and water, as I may say, to the end of the world, and in peril of my life. This, however, was my folly ; induced by the hope of obtaining, besides the certain promise of 100 ducats per month, great credit with the Government, as has been the case, to my knowledge, with many more fortunate than myself, though their deserts are far inferior to mine, With these aspirations, then, I set out, and so much the more willingly, being persuaded by his sublimity the Doge, who loves me, and urged my undertaking the service. ** Knowest thou not/' said he, " how those whom the Council of Ten sends on similar errands of need are rewarded ? '' In short, I allowed myself to be persuaded, and in six days got ready 5 and departed in so auspicious an hour, that after riding twenty-six days I reached London, where I am nowj nor do I know what more could have been ex- pected of a man at my age, which was then sixty-two years, and en- countering on the road such disasters as the following : — First, I rode incessantly day and night in disguise, crippling and laming myself so, that I shall never again be as sound as I was previously j for when on the Mount St. Gothard, my horse fell under me, whilst riding over ice and in the dark, I received such a wound on my right leg, that it was bared to the bone two inches deep, and by good fortune he fell to the right J for had he slipped on the other side, I should have gone down a precipice, and no further news of me would ever have been heard, except from the two cantonniers, who were at my horse's head to guide my way. At length, by God's grace, I got to the inn, and it was the night of the Carnival, and being late, I could get nothing but bread and wine for ray supper, and dressed my leg myself. On the following morning, which was Ash Wednesday, I got to Basle (sic) at about nine, and there embarked, to proceed by water, the Rhine being, moreover, very much swollen j and having gone thus some way down the stream, we got into a large vessel loaded with merchandise, on board of which were my horses likewise j and the bottom of this VOL. I. F 66 DESPATCHES OF boat struck upon some sedges under water, in the middle of the stream, near a shoal, past which the water rushed with great violence : the boat went over on its side, and there we were, between the sedges and the shoal, when, from the shock, the planks of the boat separated, and she was carried to the shoal, on which we all jumped immediately, landing the horses also, and the boat filled with water, for it was neither pitched nor caulked, but merely nailed together like the little barges which bring eggs to Venice. We passed the night counting the hours j and I, with my wounded leg, and all the rest of us likewise, well drenched. Finally, praised be God, the boat was repaired, and took us safe to Strasburg. This part of my adventures I have chosen to tell you in detail j and for the rest, it will suffice to say that, as sus- picion was everywhere alive, it behoved me to give account to every- body of what I was doing, and not change colour whilst telling my tale : so sometimes I passed for an Englishman, and sometimes for a Scotch- man, whilst at others I thought it safer to make myself out a Croat, and subject of the Emperor's, saying I was on my way to the court, whither I had been sent, for a good secret reason, to his Caesarian Majesty, who was then on the borders of Flanders j with this pretence, I went on for some days, having made my face very black according to a device of my own j and when I had passed the territory where he was, I replied to all inquiries that I was a messenger of the King of England's, returning from court, and I came on thus, in another suitable disguise, until I got near Calais, which is a fortified town in Picardy, on the main land, belong- ing to the King of England. I experienced greater difficulty in getting into this place, than had befallen me throughout the rest of my journey, the country being open on every side with numerous fortified towns belong- ing to the French on the borders, which are very strictly guarded from fear of the English, so that, on one and the same morning, I was thrice stopped by three French companies, who inquired my errand j and find- ing myself at one time distant two miles from Calais, and at the other one mile, I answered haughtily, that I was an Englishman coming from Flanders, having been sent by my master for the presents, and then on my way home, so that they let me pass, but rode after me to within a bow-shot's distance from the walls of Calais, where I found an English armed bark bound to London, on which I took passage with my horses, and in one day and night reached London in safety, praised be God. I like to give you all these details that you may know what a pleasant journey I had on my way to this country. SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN. 67 Having reached London, picture to yourself, noble brother, what a stately mission mine was ! for, on leaving Venice, to avoid suspicion, I took nothing with me but what was on my back— namely, two shirts, one over the other, and a certain doublet in the English fashion, all patched and moth eaten, without purse or pocket, or anything in this world : in short, on arriving here, I had to clothe myself anew from head to foot, as a Venetian ambassador, just as if I had only then come into the world, and purchasing each of my penn'orths for twopence. Here they manufacture no cloths of silk, receiving all such from Genoa, Florence, and Lucca — a most grievous and lamentable fact, for it behoved me to take what I could get, and shut my eyes. Think what a figure I shall make in Venice, my neighbours' gowns being of silk, and my own of frieze. I bought everything new, at its weight in gold, at the greatest inconvenience, and worse j for, when at Venice, I shall be un- able to use my apparel, as it is all made more according to the English fashion than that of Italy. In the next place, I had to hire servants who were common thieves, not knowing whom to trust 5 and to give you an idea of what they were, you must know that one glutton robbed me of a silver gilt ewer, for which I paid twenty-eight ducats. I found that the King, his present Majesty's father, to whom my credentials had been made out, was sick, nor could he give me audience, and a few days afterwards he died, and was succeeded by his son, about the time of the rout of the Ghiara d' Adda.^ I wrote to Venice, that the letter of credence was no longer valid, and that another must be sent me, the which did not arrive until the following month of No- vember, so you see how I should have served the state had I waited for that! It is well, that through the English noblemen whom I had received of yore in my house at Venice (giving them good welcome, not indeed that I ever thought at the time of going to England, but for my own satisfaction), I was introduced to this magnanimous prince, not ten days after his coronation, they having heed of my need, and exerting themselves so, that their intercession and arguments caused the King to receive my old letter, although addressed to his father. By God's grace he was silent on this score, and heard me so graciously, that, by the favour of the Almighty, he took a liking to me immediately, owing to the good account of me given to his Majesty by my friends, and I was enabled so to influence him, that I got him to write to the Pope in favour of our most illustrious Signory, requesting him to receive the State into favour and take off the censures : his Majesty promising for 68 DESPATCHES OF us that we would prove most obedient sons of the Church In future. He made such efforts as succeeded 5 and, in addition, sent his ambassador^ to Rome, who constantly took part with the Venetians, and against France. After this, I prevailed on him to write some letters to the King of Spain, praying his Catholic Majesty to consider the most illustrious Signory as his ally ; and he also wrote endless letters to the Emperor, sending him an ambassador to this effect. I also caused the King of France to be written to, to desist from the league against the Venetians, having obtained what belonged to him in the Duchy of Milan, whereas he had no claim upon the other possessions ; and to assure him, that it he chose to continue in amity with his Majesty here, he was to cease molesting the Venetians his good friends and good Christians, defenders of the Christian faith, who had proved themselves the bulwark of Christendom, by a most immense outlay, both of blood and treasure. Upon this the King of France took offence, and answered sharply, I fanning the flame from time to time, and by letters from said Majesty quieting the Pope and the Catholic King his father-in-law 5 and thus, when these powers saw the King of England well disposed towards the Venetians, they likewised commenced siding with the Pope, but the chief impediment lay with the Emperor, but I so plied the King, that he wrote to him offering to mediate and arrange every difficulty between the Signory and his Caesarian Majesty. After so much exertion, toil, and trouble, which never left me a single hour^ happiness, nor even repose, I was seized with a malignant fever, which never left me for thirty-seven days. Thou mayst imagine how I was waited on, and by whom, and with how much kindness, during this my malady, and who came to comfort me. I had two physicians, each of whom chose to receive a noble per diem, which is equal to a ducat and a half, and their coming was as beneficial to me as if they had stayed away, and when I had completed my thirty-seven days' fever in bed, the King received a reply from the Emperor, and not knowing that I was so very ill, sent to tell me to come and speak with him } so, regardless of the fever, I rose from my bed, on St. Catharine's eve, the 24.th of November, and went to the Court at Greenwich, six miles distant hence, by water, though all dissuaded me from doing so, thinking it would be my death. When the King saw me, he wept for very pity at my having come, it seeming to him that I had been taken out of my grave, and he then told me he had received a reply from the Emperor, and from his daughter my Lady Margaret, who was also doing her best to aid us, having been exhorted SEBASTIAN GlUSTINIAN. 69 to this office by his Majesty, who asked me if I had full powers. I told him I would not lie ; that I would write speedily, and that the most illustrious Signory, should it approve the agreement, would send me a commission ; so I despatched two messengers on this errand, and, after a while, received the powers. Before these letters of mine went to Venice, however, a sapient nobleman there, ignorant of my exer- tions, and still less aware that my credentials had been accepted (it seeming to him that my coming here was futile and vain), thought fit one day to propose in the Senate, as grand sage, that I should return .home, without having even heard what I had done, but anticipating that I should do nothing. Whereupon, another nobleman. Master Lorenzo Orio, LL. D.,3 who was sage for the orders, inspired by God for the State's weal to speak in my defence (for I had never exchanged a word with him), and thinking I was wronged, proposed an amendment to the grand sage's motion, purporting that I was to remain, but that my monthly stipend should be reduced from 100 to 70 ducats, and this was carried. Not a word, however, was written to me on the subject, and I continued, according to my wont, to spend rather more than less, especially seeing our affairs prosper ; and wishing to prove to the whole world our joy and gladness, I did not mind spending freely for the honour of the State, imagining that my salary remained fixed at 100 ducats per month, until about three months ago, the news aforesaid was communicated to me by my son-in-law. I then wrote to entreat the most illustrious Signory not to do me this wrong, whilst the salaries of others were being increased, as was the case with the late Messer Hieronimo Donato, about whom my said son-in-law also wrote to me when men- tioning this reduction. Donato's pay was greater than mine, although he endured no hardships, whereas I was made to leave Venice under this promise, and came hither without money, or without insisting on bank security, as Lorenzo Capello did, who kept his eyes wide open to his own interest, whilst I departed in the old fashion, hoping for great reward and spending my poor substance on the faith of the most excellent Council of Ten, which never fails to remunerate the good services of every one, besides keeping its positive promises, and yet these last, as made to me, are broken ! What reward can I hope for now ? you ought all to take pity on mc. But, indeed, I have not yet related the worst. I have been nineteen months without ever receiving a single ducat, and ten months without so much as a letter, but I was patient the whole while, receiving the greatest encouragement from my poor son-in-law^ (who in like 70 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN. 71 manner, never enjoys a moment's repose), bearing all with patience, In order to attend to my business for the welfare of my most dear city and country, continuing my importunate suit to the King here. Seeing that no money was sent me, I lived plainly and on credit, just as if I had been at an hostel, paying three for what was worth one, and taking up money on bills and at usury, so that I am in debt for life. From time to time I wrote to the State what I had done, and what I was doing, and with sincerity, but at Venice I was not believed, and often did they say to my poor son-in-law, " Thy father-in-law writes fables : write to him that it would be more to his credit to hold his tongue, than to write what he does,'' not crediting my words, the truth of which was known but to me, the person who had told me to write them binding me to silence, and saying " Keep it secret ; and let the effect suffice you." I wrote, therefore, because I knew what I was saying, but none of these merchants here believed this, and all notified the contrary, saying, that I was pounding water in a mortar, and that it would have been better I had not been sent hither, and that although 1 gave them hopes, I did so for my own private advantage, and so forth j in such wise, that they did not choose to believe me, and when I wrote about the league, although I did not ever mention either the name of the Pope or of others, they answered that they did not believe it, whereas I, dear brother Luke, main- tained it, and almost by force and against their will, assured them that it was perfectly true, and that all I have written took place through my good offices. Nevertheless, is the promise which was made me broken, and no recollection preserved of the perils encountered by me in coming here, nor of my illness brought on by my exertion, nor of the risk to my life, when I rose from my sick bed and went down to Greenwich in the depth of winter. Nor is any consideration vouchsafed for my pecuniary interests, which have suffered through my coming j nor yet for the costs I incurred in forwarding despatches to France, to Spain, to Rome, and to the Emperor j of these matters no heed soever is taken in Venice, it seeming to them that I have been at no expense, and that all the money received by me here, at the rate of 70 ducats per month, was disbursed for my ordinary expenditure. Oh God ! I know not where this would be credited, or to whom I should tell it. I will, moreover, say this to you, that from ambassador they degraded me to secretary, and now choose to requite me thus ungratefully, although I am convinced that never did ambassador leave Venice in sorrier plight than mine, and do as much as I have done. By means of my exertions here, war i was subsequently declared against France. Italy being thus wrested from the hands of the barbarians, by this movevent of the English King, although some attribute this result to Ferdinand of Spain, yet would he never have moved, had he not been acquainted, in the first place, with the wish of King Henry. It was the same with the Pope and others, and much good was done in sundry matters effected, as will be seen, through my intervention, whilst I am so treated by my country, that from grief and melancholy I dread being unable to bear it, and I must die outright, or make my escape, and not pay those who have served me j or else be put In prison and die, leaving my bones m pawn, should money not be sent me, for otherwise it will behove me to remain here until the day of judgment, in the event of my not paying, for escape is impossible, being in an island; neither should I choose to have recourse to so base an alternative, but would prefer death, after which it will at least be said that I died for Venice : and then I am comforted by the proverb, that he who dies a noble death is respected by the whole country. And it is also some consolation to me to think, that should no good be done to me, it will be done to my representatives. I have contrived to get on for forty-three months ; and before I receive a reply to this, and can reach home, four years will have elapsed, during which long period I have received in all 3,24.9 ducats ! See whether they have given me what they promised, having thus altered the original arrangement. Should you aid me, as I am sure of your special grace you will, I ask you for my arrears, without my extraordinary expenditure, whereof I only demand 600 ducats on account, although I spent many more. See if a sum can be sent me all at once, for payment of my debts, and to defray the cost of my journey. I only ask for 1,500 ducats, and this much would enable me to leave this country in comfort. Dear Messer Luke ! Magnifico ! my honoured brother ! aid me heartily, as you have ever done In my need, for this is the occasion whereon you will bind me to you for ever : again I beseech it of you as a special favour, on my knees, aid me ! and I recommend myself to your mag- nificence per infinita sacula saculorum. » Henry VII. died at Richmond on the a2nd of April, 1509, and the Venetian forces were routed at the Ghiarra d'Adda on the following 14th of ^^Christopher Urswick, alias Bambridge, or Bainbridge, Archbishop of York. 3 This Dr. Lorenzo Orio went subsequently himselt ambassador to ^ngia"^* and, being a fine scholar, found much favour with Cardinal Wolsey ; but died ot plague in London on the evening of the 17th May, 1526. 72 DESPATCHES OF * The name of Badoer's son-in-law was Francesco Gradenigo. See Diaries, date 22nd December, 15 10. The magnificence of Giustinian's reception in London was not limited to the gay cavalcade that accompanied him from Deptford. The Easter festivities were approaching, and St. George's Day, as we have seen, was fixed upon for the presentation of his credentials to the king. Besides two despatches, in which the manner of his reception and the succeeding revels of May Day are related by the ambassador, a more circumstantial account of these events was addressed by Nicolo Sagudino, Giustinian's secretary, to a nobleman of the Foscari family, and has been preserved by Sanuto in his diaries. It is subjoined, because it supplies the details which are needed to complete the picture of the manners of the day. Londoriy zdth April 15 15. By our letters of the 21st of April, your Highness will have been in- formed of many occurrences, and especially that on St. George's Day we were to have public audience of his Majesty. By these present we acquaint you that, on that appointed day, his Majesty aforesaid sent a prelate and a knight, and an honourable train, to escort us from our dwelling ; and they conducted us by the Thames to a palace of his, called Richmond, ten miles hence, where we found the whole court, and well nigh all the lords and prelates of the kingdom, assembled. We were ushered into a stately hall, where all the aforesaid were congre- gated : at one extremity was his Majesty standing near a gilt chair,^ sur- mounted by many regal insignia, and his Majesty was under a canopy, with a gold ground and a raised pile, arrayed in the robes of the garter, as were eight other Knights of the Order. Having been introduced to his Majesty, and after kissing his hand, and presenting to him your Serenity's letters of credence, I, Sebastian, delivered a Latin oration, in which we congratulated ourselves, in the first place, on his Majesty's good health j secondly, we condoled with him on the death of the late King Louis, his brother-in-law j thirdly, we thanked his Majesty for that, in the league formed with the aforesaid Christian King, he had named your Sublimity as his friend and ally, and on this SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN. 73 point we dwelt at length, and in the warmest terms ; fourthly, we expressed our joy at the new confederation made by his Majesty with the most Christian King Francis 5 finally, we launched out in praise of his Majesty, whom we extolled with all the eloquence we could com- mand, drawing such conclusions as suited our purpose, which oration was most attentively listened to by his Majesty and by all the prelates and lords there present. We were answered in his Majesty's name by a Doctor of the Par- liament, who thanked your Highness, in the first place, for having sent us as his ambassadors so great a distance and in such difficult times ; and, in reply to our congratulation on the king's good health, he said, that it well became your Serenity to rejoice thereat, as his Majesty bore the greatest good will to your Highness, and that whenever able to assist you, he would do so most readily. He thanked us for our condolence on the death of the late most Christian King Louis, repeating and con- firming many things contained in our oration j adding, moreover, that the nomination made by his Majesty of your Highness, as his friend and ally proceeded from the good will and friendship entertained by him towards your Highness, vowing that he had ever been faithful to you, and especially in your adversities, and that he had therefore done the like in this fresh confederation with this new King of France, so that where- soever possible he means to favour you ; and that it is, above all things, his wish to make peace for you, and place you in repose after so many labours and afflictions. In the last place, he thanked us in ample for the praise bestowed on him, and for our good wishes for his welfare and felicity, so that little was said by us that was not benignly and graciously answered in his Majesty's name. This ended, his Majesty went to hear high mass, and we accompanied him ; after which he went to dinner, escorted by all the prelates and lords there present, and he chose us to dine there likewise, giving us for our companions, the Rev. Archbishop of York, who is called " Eboracensis," and the Bishop of Durham.^ Having dined, we remained a good while with his Majesty very familiarly, who at length said he would send for us another day to hear what communications we had to make from your Serenity, which he was unable to do that moment, being occupied ; and thus having taken leave, we departed. Andreas Baduarius, ^ Sebast. Giustinianus, Eques., I Oratores. Pet. Pasqualicus, D. Eques., i 74 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN. 75 * Covered with golden brocade. See the letter of Sagudino, p. 78. ^ Hume, in giving the list of the ministry of Henry VIII., A.D. 1509, men- tions " Thomas Ruthal, Doctor of Laws." Thomas Ruthal was appointed Bishop of Durham by Henry VII., in 1508, and remained in the see till 1523. It is said that Ruthal, at the close of his career, committed the error attributed to Wolsey, in delivering a list of his moveables instead of a state paper. Wolsey, to whom the list was given, saw the error, but carried the paper to the King j and the bishop died of vexation. Ruthal, when Bishop of Durham, was said to be the richest man in England j the words of Wharton in his " Angl'ia sacra,' being " ditissimus habebatur subditus per totam Angliam."— See vol. i. p. 780. London y yd May 1515- By the accompanying letters your Sublimity will have learned what took place down to their date. We now inform you that we have been every day visiting these lords, both lay and ecclesiastical, declaring to them the regard and esteem wherein your Serenity holds their persons, thanking them for what they had done in favour of your Excellency's affairs, suit- ing our language to their condition, and more or less lovingly, according to their deserts, disposing them to persevere in their good offices for the welfare and quiet of your Excellency's dominions, as it cannot but prove to the advantage and honour of this most serene kingdom, to favour those who are basely oppressed, notwithstanding the good faith and good will they bear his Majesty. They all answered us most graciously, offering to do in time to come whatever may conduce to your Sublimity's profit and honour, — this they did in language the most ample, and with the most marked demonstration of regard. After a few days occupied with these compliments, his Majesty, on the ist instant, sent a prelate and a knight for us, with a goodly retinue, to take us to a palace of his, called Greenwich, five miles distant hence j on reaching which, together w^ith all the other lords, we accompanied the most serene Queen out on horseback into the country, where we found the King, who had preceded us, and we passed that morning in divers solemnities and triumphs, imme- diately on the conclusion of which, his Majesty gave us private audience ; whereat I, Piero, told him that your Serenity, having heard by letters from your ambassador, the Magnifico Badoer, of the treaty made with the late most Christian King Louis, on occasion of his alliance by marriage, you had derived the greatest satisfaction thence, and forthwith resolved, that we should come hither as your ambassadors to congratulate him thereon, thanking him likewise for including your Excellency in the treaty, all which we declared by word of mouth, and by the official letters, which I < 1 presented to him as a proper recognition of the engagement ; and, not- withstanding the demise of King Louis since our departure, your High- ness had directed us to proceed on our way to his Majesty, to condole on the said occasion, and respectfully exhort him to continue the alliance with King Francis, which, on arriving here, we understood had been con- cluded with a fresh clause in favour of the most excellent Signory 5 whereat we congratulated ourselves extremely, and, in the name of your Serenity, returned thanks to his Majesty, assuring him that it would prove equally agreeable to the State, and would be ratified as was the foregoing 5 beseech- ing his Majesty, in conclusion, that, being so united as he is with his most Christian Majesty, he would be pleased, with his own influence, and with the aid of his said Majesty, to endeavour that the most Illustrious State might recover her territory, and enjoy quiet ; nor did we here fail to employ such language as we deemed suited to the occasion. His Majesty caused us to be answered by the Rev, Archbishop of York,i who returned most ample thanks to your Serenity, for having been pleased to pay him so high a compliment as was Implied by sending two ambassadors in times like the present, and promising for the future not to cease doing his utmost to obtain peace;for the most noble republic. He added, also, that he meant by his letters to intimate to your Serenity the clause inserted In your favour In this new treaty, so that, by your official letters, you might again reply if It pleased you,— for which purpose, you had the term of twelve months from the day on which the said treaty was concluded, as his Majesty would also inform the King of France, acting In such wise that every one should know how great was the union between these three states— namely, England, France, and the Venetians. After this, I, Piero, added to his Majesty that your Highness had directed that after having despatched the business now transacted with him, both at the public audience and at this private one, I, Sebastian, shou'ld remain resident here, and I, Piero, return to the French court, each of us respectively to transact such business as might from day to day be necessary. Wherefore, I requested his Majesty's gracious permission to depart, offering him by best efforts and intervention with the most Christian King for the preservation and maintenance of the good peace and alliance lately contracted, although I was aware that it would be Inviolably adhered to without any extraneous aid. To all this his Majesty signified his consent, and then went to dinner, making us like- wise dine there in company with his Council. After dinner, a stately joust took place, at which his Majesty jousted 76 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN. 77 with many others, strenuously and valorously j and assuredly, most serene Prince, from what we have seen of him, and in conformity, moreover, with the report made to us by others, this most serene King is not only very expert in arms, and of great valour, and most excellent in his personal endowments, but is likewise so gifted and adorned with mental accom- plishments of every sort that we believe him to have few equals in the world. He speaks English, French, and Latin ; understands Italian well j plays almost on every instrument j sings and composes fairly ( delegnamente ) '^ is prudent and sage, and free from every vice; and, besides is so good and affectionate a friend to the most serene State, that we consider it certain no ultramontane sovereign ever surpassed him in this respect. On account of your Highness, he paid us such great honours, both in public and private, that were we to attempt narrating them in detail, we should not know how to do it in becoming terms ; so with all due respect, we exhort and remind your Highness to write him a letter of thanks, in such form as to your wisdom shall seem fit ; for it would prove not a little to your advantage, and be inexpressibly agreeable to his Majesty. We visited the most serene Queen, and, knowing that it would please her, I, Piero, addressed myself to her in Spanish, presenting your Serenity's credentials, ever keeping to general topics, and offering our services. Her Majesty answered me in Spanish also, with her own lips, and then entered into a familiar conversation on the affairs of Spain, when I took respectful leave of her likewise ; and being thus dis- missed by both their Majesties, and having executed our commission to a hair, I, Piero, to-morrow morning, if it please God, shall infallibly depart hence on my way back with all speed to the French court ; and I, Sebastian, will remain here to do what from time to time I may deem becomes the honour and benefit of the State. I, Andrea, indeed, being unable to do otherwise, shall await a supply of money from your High- ness, in order to extricate me from my embarrassments j and on receiving such, will depart forthwith on my return to your feet. * Thomas Wolsey, who succeeded to this dignity 1015 14, and of course makes a considerable figure in the subsequent despatches. > l\ " Copy of a letter from Nicolo Sagudino, the Secretary of Sebastian Giustinan, Knight Ambassador in England, dated London, the 3rd day of May, a.d. 1515, and addressed to Alvise Foscari, son of the late Nicolo, and which was received at Venice in June of the same ytTivrSanuto's Diaries, A.D. 1 5 15, June sth.vol. xx. folio 243. My Lord Magnifico,— I wrote copiously to your Magnificence from Paris, whence we departed on the 30th of March, and on the 4th of April reached a town belonging to the King of France, situated on the sea called Boulogne, where we remained during the holidays, attend- ing to the salvation of our souls. On Easter Tuesday, at daybreak, we embarked, thinking to cross in six hours, the distance bemg forty miles 5 but it chanced otherwise, for we remained at sea during twenty- three hours, to our infinite suffering and inconvenience, owing to these seas, which are both rough and dangerous. On Wednesday, however, we arrived at Dover, exhausted and half dead, both from the tossing of the waves, as also from having passed two nights and a day without eating or drinking, though praised be our Lord God for everything. On the following Wednesday, we entered this city, havmg been met at a distance of twelve miles by a knight and a doctor of laws, both Englishmen, and sent by his most Serene Majesty to the most noble ambassadors ; they came with fifty horse and were all clad alike, and were afterwards joined by the merchants and the rest of the Venetians now here, as also by the Magnifico the ambassador, Andrea Badoer ; so that, on coming into the town, we numbered more than two hundred horse, and it certainly was a stately entry, and effected in good order ; we were accompanied thus to our dwelling by all the before- mentioned. 1 ri.>r 1, On our arrival, we received the Signory^s letters of the i8th of March, and the ambassadors forthwith sought audience of this most Serene King, which was appointed for St. George's Day ; when, early in the mornmg, the same two lords who met us on our arrival came with a numerous retinue, and escorted the three ambassadors in a large barge, followed by many others containing the merchants and the rest of the Venetians, to / 78 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN, 79 a palace on the Thames, belonging to this most Serene King, called Richmond, distant ten miles hence. Having landed with about two hundred persons, we went into this palace, and on entering a very hand- some and lofty hall, a collation was served us of nothing but bread and wine, according to the custom here, and this being ended, we passed through some other chambers, where we saw part of his Majesty's guard, consisting of three hundred English, all very handsome men, and in excellent array, with their halberts, and, by my faith, I never saw finer fellows. At length, we entered a room where his Majesty was leaning against a chair, which was covered with cloth of gold brocade, with a cushion of the same material, and a large gilt sword, under a canopy of cloth of gold, with a raised pile. His Majesty was dressed as a Knight of the Garter, of which order he is the superior, and wore a very costly doublet, over which was a mantle of violet-coloured velvet, with an extremely long train, lined with white satin j on his head was a richly jewelled cap of crimson velvet, of immense value, and round his neck he wore a collar, studded with many precious stones, of which I never saw the like. Immediately on perceiving the ambassadors, his Majesty moved towards them, and after allowing his hand to be kissed, embraced them with the greatest possible demonstration of love and good will toward the most illustrious Signory. After these ceremonies, and when silence had been proclaimed, the Magnifico Giustinian pronounced a Latin oration, as elegant and well delivered as possible, and which was listened to in silent attention by every one, especially by this most Serene King, who understands Latin very well j in such wise, that we could not have desired more favourable attention. On the conclusion of this address, which lasted a full hour, his Majesty caused the reply to be made by a Doctor of Laws, thanking the most illustrious Signory infinitely, affiiTning, that his Majesty had ever been the States' friend and protector, and that he would remain such so long as life may be vouchsafed him, returning his acknow- ledgments to the Magnifico the ambassador for his oration, and lauding him much, whereby, in truth, the King has acquired immortal fame. This ceremonial being ended, his Majesty invited the ambassadors and all their retinue to hear mass, and dine with him j so we went to church and after a very grand procession had been made, high mass was >fi- \ chaunted, attended, moreover, by the most Serene Queen, and it was sung by his Majesty's choristers, whose voices are really rather divine than human j they did not chaunt, but sang like angels (non canta^ano ma jubilar«S5S«.aSfi;^W^®aia«'»'™^-^ 88 DESPATCHES OF J In the account of Venice by Francesco Sansovino (p. 30), it is stated that Pasqualigo had written several treatises on metaphysics and theology, and that he died of poison at Milan, where he was ambassador in ordinary to Francis 1., about seven months after the date of this letter. His corpse was removed to Venice, and buried in the Church of St. Anthony. 2 Eleuctherius became Pope, A.D. 1705 and it was in his reign that Lucius, King of Britain, sent an embassy to Rome to request of his Holiness that mis- sionaries might be sent to England for the promulgation there of the Christian religion. 3 Sansovino informs us, that the architect who erected the front of the Church of St. Anthony in Venice, was Jacopo Lanfrani ; so it may be mferred that he wrought the statue of Charles Vlll. at St. Deny's. It appears an odd comc.dence that Pasqualigo, writing of tombs, should thus allude to the ^^7^^"";^'" which his own bones were doomed to rest withui a very few months atter the date of this letter. * Probably in the form of St. Edward's staff of beaten gold, four feet seven inches in length, surmounted by an orb and cross, and shod with an iron spike, the orb being said to contain a fragment of the true cross. 5 Erasmus, the friend and correspondent of Giustinian, Pasqualigo's colleague, describes the coffin of Thomas a Becket, as follows :— « A coffin of wood covering a coffin of gold, which being drawn up by ropes and puUies, an invaluable treasure was discovered. Gold was the meanest thing to be seen there. All shone and glittered with the rarest and most precious jewels of an extraordinary bigness; some were larger than the egg of a goose When this sight was shown, the prior, with a white wand, touched every jewel, one by one, telling the name, the value, and the donor ot it." • William Warham. ' A merchant established in London since 1496. « In the original, " Domino Joan Ose, Cavalier," but in the letter of a former ambassador named Trevisan, in date of August, 1497, this individual is styled « Maistro Rosel." There can be no doubt of the person meant- namely, John Russell, first Earl of Bedford, but who, in 1497 and in 151 5. ="??"'; '° ^"^7" been employed about the Court as a sort of Gentleman tsher, or Master of the Ceremonies. This may serve to correct Collins (vol. i. p. 165), who imagined that Mr. John Russel's first appearance in that character dated in 150b, w'^f" "^ waited on the Archduke Philip of Austria. Mr. John Russel was not knighted until the year .522, when the Earl of Surrey dubbed him tor his service at the taking of Morlaix, in Brittany ; so the title given to this Master of the Ceremonies by Pasqualigo is one of mere courtesy. 9 The word "bucintor'* signified a state barge of any size; it is not to be inferred, therefore, that the tonnage of the vessel in question equalled that ot the bucintor in which the Doges of Venice espoused the Adriatic. Frizzi tells of a bucintor, in which Hercules of Este, Duke of Ferrara, used to make excursions on the Po. 10 Elias Ashmole, in his chapter on the « Habits and Ensigns of the Order of the Garter," writes as follows :-** Of what materials this principal fn5/^« was at first made we have not yet found, nor is it described by any before Polydore Vireile, and he but in general, as to the ornamental part ot it, to wit, that it was adorned with gold and precious stones, and had a buckle of gold at the end, where- SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN. 89 with to fasten it about the leg. But, doubtless, it was also wrought with rich embroidery, and therein the symbolical word or motto was raised with gold, pearl, and sundry sorts of silks ; as may be guessed from the garters anciently placed on the left shoulder of the knights-companions" mantles, and these other little em- broidered garters, wherewith their surcoats and hoods were heretofore adorned, which we shall describe by and by. " This noble ensign (the Garter) was at the foundation of the order appointed to be worn on the left leg, a little beneath the knee, and so hath the usage in all time since continued. And it is apparent that the manner of placing this garter on the left leg of the knights'-companions' sepulchral portraitures was very early brought into use ; seeing in that alabaster figure of Sir William Fitz Warren (who died a knight-companion of this noble order, in the five-and-thirtieth year of the founder's reign) lying with his lady on a raised monument, in the north side of the chancel of Wantage Church in Berkshire (and yet to be seen), with his surcoat of arms upon the breast, the resemblance of his garter (but without any motto) is carved upon its left leg."— T^^ Institution, Laws, and Ceremonies of the Most Ncble Order of the Garter, &c. By Elias Ashmole. London, 1693. ** These pouches are often represented in the engravings of Albert Durer. *2 Amongst the Cotton MSS. in the British Museum, Nero, b. vii. fo. 12, the oration of Giustinian to Henry VIII. exists, together with Taylor's answer, but dated 8 Kal. May, 1515 ; information for which we are indebted to the late John Holmes, Esq., of the British Museum. »3 The words in the original are, " Capelia de discantor Descant, according to Johnson, signifies " a song or tune composed in parts." Ashe, in his history of music, says that, before the Reformation, there was but one kind of music in Europe worth notice— namely, the sacred chant, and the descant built upon it. As Pasqualigo expatiates on the English choristers of the Chapel Royal singing in parts, it may be supposed that church music in other countries was performed less scientifically than in England, a.d. 1515 ; and it should be borne in mind that, as Pasqualigo had been ambassador at the courts of the Emperor, of Spam, Por- tugal, Hungary, and France, he was enabled to form comparisons between the state of any science in those kingdoms and our own ; and, indeed, it is the universal experience of the Venetian ambassadors, and their peculiar freedom from prejudice or partiality (no jealousy or rivalry existing between them and England), that makes their comments on our country so valuable. >* According to *' L'Art de Verifier les Dates," he was born in June, 1492. »^ In « Hairs Chronicle," moreover, it is written that *' he shotte as strong and as great a lengthe as any of his garde." '« Baynard's Castle on the banks of the Thames, immediately below St. PauPs. See Cunningham' s Hand-book, p. 39* »7 <* The Menagerie in the Tower was one of the sights of London, from the time of Henry III. to the reign of William IV. Stow mentions a present of three leopards, sent by the Emperor Frederick to Henry III., a.d, 1235 } and in the sixteenth year of the reign of Edward III., the Tower contained one lion, one lioness, one leopard, and two cat lions.'' Extract from Cunningham, p. »8 Query Berwick, concerning which place, Fynes Moryson writes (P^" .^^J; p. 145)-** Barwicke is the last and best fortified towne of all Britany, in which go DESPATCHES OF a garrison of souldiers was maintained against the incursions of the Scots till the happy raigne of James, King of England and Scotland." *^ This treaty, dated Westminster, 5th April, 15 15, was signed by Wolsey, the Duke of Norfolk j Richard Fox, Bishop of Winchester ; and by John Young, Vice Chancellor. See Rymer, vol xiii. p. 476; and the Corps Universel Diplo- matique, vol. iv. p. 204 and following. Letter No. II. London^ May 3, 15 15. On the first instant, Lord Magnifico, his Majesty, who had gone to Greenwich, five miles hence, sent to fetch us from our dwelling, at a very early hour indeed. Immediately on arriving there, we accom- panied the most serene Queen, who was richly dressed in the Spanish fashion, mounted on a white hackney, with sixteen other ladies, into the country. After riding about a mile, we were met by a triumphal car,^ full of singers and musicians, drawn by griffins with human faces j then a little farther on, we found the King's guard, all dressed in green, in the German fashion, with certain slashed hoods on their heads, and bows and arrows in their hands, and having divided into two bands, they being in number three hundred, each man shot an arrow. We next met his Majesty the King on a bay Frieslander, which had been sent him as a present by the Marquis of Mantua 5 2 he was dressed entirely in green velvet, cap, doublet, hose, shoes, and everything, and directly we came in sight, he commenced making his horse curvet, and performed such feats, that I fancied myself looking at Mars. He was accompanied by a number of noblemen, most capitally mounted, and richly clad, with all of whom we entered a wood, where a sort of labyrinth had been pre- pared beforehand with boughs, within which were some places sur- rounded by ditches, like bastions, destined for the company, according to their grade, and inside these bowers tables were laid, where we ate, and made what they call here, a proper good breakfast.^ His Majesty came into our arbour, and, addressing me in French, said : " Talk with me awhile ! The King of France, is he as tall as I am ?'' I told him there was but little difference. He continued, " Is he as SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN. 91 stout ?'' I said he was not ; and he then inquired, " What sort of legs has he V I replied, " Spare." Whereupon he opened the front of his doublet, and placing his hand on his thigh, said, " Look here ! and I have also a good calf to my leg.'' He then told me that he was very fond of this King of France, and that for the sake of seeing him, he went over there in person, and that on more than three occasions he was very near him with his army, but that he never would allow himself to be seen, and always retreated, which his Majesty attributed to deference for King Louis, who did not choose an engagement to take place ; and he here commenced discussing in detail all the events of that war, and then took his departure. After this we mounted our horses, and marched in great state in pairs, with big drums, and to the sound of trumpets, returning thus to Greenwich, where we attended high mass with his Majesty, who changed his dress, covering his doublet with a handsome gown of green velvet, and wearing a collar of cut diamonds of immense value ; and then, having withdrawn into a sort of hall, he gave us our private audience, when I stated what was necessary, and obtained a reply so favourable for us in every respect, that we could not have wished for a better. He then, for the second time, gave us a dinner, which was served with incredible pomp ; and at our table there was an Arch- bishop,^ the Duke of Norfolk, the Treasurer, the Admiral,^ the Viceroy of Ireland,^ the Grand Prior of St. John's,^ and others, who all wore very superb chains. After dinner, his Majesty and many others armed themselves cap-a- pie, and he chose us to see him joust, running upwards of thirty courses, in one of which he capsized his opponent (who is the finest jouster in the whole kingdom), horse and all. He then took off his helmet, and came under the windows where we were, and talked and laughed with us to our very great honour, and to the surprise of all beholders. After this he went to disarm, and in the mean while we visited the Queen, and there, in public, I addressed her in good Spanish, which pleased her more than I can tell you j and she commenced talking with me about Spanish affairs, and about her mother, making me all possible civil speeches. Meanwhile the King returned, and after becoming thanks, I took leave of all of them to return to France, and we came back to London. Yesterday, also, his Majesty caused us and all our countrymen to be 92 DESPATCHES OF invited by the Lord Mayor of London, who gave us a very sumptuous dinner. Infer, nov^r, that I am of opinion, no Embassy that ever went out of Venice, was more honoured or appreciated than this one of ours here, and in France, for which God be praised. ^ Sir Walter Scott, in his note to a passage in canto v. of " The Lady of the Lake," explains what must have appeared a very extraordinary sight to the Vene- tian ambassadors — " The exhibition of this renowned outlaw (Robin Hood) and his band was a favourite frolic at such festivals as we are describing. This sporting, in which kings did not disdain to be actors, was prohibited in Scotland upon the Reforma- tion, by a statute of the sixth Parliament of Queen Mary, c. 6i, a.d. 1555, which ordered, under heavy penalties, that, *' Na manner of person be chosen Robert Hude, nor Little John, Abbot of Unreason^ ^een of May, nor otherwise.^ But in 1 56 1, * the rascal multitude^ says John Knox, * were stirred up to make a Robin Hude, whilk enormity was of mony years left and damned by statute and act of Parliament ; yet would they not be forbidden. Accordingly they raised a very serious tumult, and at length made prisoners the magistrates who attempted to suppress it j and it appears that these profane festivities were continued in Scot- land down to 1592.' " Bold Robin was, to say the least, equally successful in maintaining his ground against the reformed clergy of England ; for the simple and evangelical Latimer complains of coming to a country church, where the people refused to hear him, because it was Robin Hood's Day ; and his mitre and rochet were fain to give way to the village pastime. Much curious information on this subject may be found in the preliminary dissertation to the late Mr. Ritson's edition of the songs re- specting this memorable outlaw. The game of Robin Hood was usually acted in May ; and he was associated with the morrice dancers, on whom so much illus- tration has been bestowed by the commentators on Shakspeare. A very lively picture of these festivities, containing a great deal of curious information on the subject of the private life and amusements of our ancestors, was thrown by the late ingenious Mr. Strutt into his romance entitled ' Queen-Hoo-Hall,* published after his death, in 1808." For an account of the celebration of May games in the year I836, with par- ticulars of a «' Green," and ** My Lord," and " My Lady," see ** Sketches by Boz," chapter xx, 2 Francesco Gonzaga, Marquis of Mantua, then in his forty-ninth year, was renowned for his stud of horses, and Stefano Gionta records one Mantuan barb for which he had been offered its weight in silver, an exchange that was not accepted ; and he gave this racer, together with some very fine brood mares, to Henry VIIL, and probably the bay Frieslander was comprised in this present, which (we learn from the Diaries of Sanuto) reached London in the month of September, 15 14. 3 In the original, " Un Brecafas a la Polita." Hall describes this May game at Shooter's Hill in the following words : — *'The Kynge and the Quene," he says, ** accompanyed with many lordes and ladyes, roade to the high ground of Shoter's Hil to take the open ayre j and as thei passed by the waye, thei espied a com- pany of tall yomen, clothed all in grene, with grene whodes, and bowes and arrowes, to the number of 11. c. (a maiynge). Then one of them, which called SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN, 93 him selfe Robyn Hood, came to the Kyng, desyring him to se his men shoote, and the Kynge was content. Then he whisteled, and al the 11. c. archers shot and losed at once 5 and then he whisteled agayne, and they likewise shot agayne j their arrowes whisteled by crafte of the head, so that the noyes was straunge and great, and much pleased the Kynge, the Quene, and all the company. All these archers were of the Kynge's garde, and had thus appareled them selves to make solace to the Kynge. . ** Then Robyn Hood desyred the Kynge and J2"ene to come mto the grene wood, and to se how the outlawes lyve. The Kynge demanded of the Quene and her ladyes, if they durst adventure to go into the wood with so many outlawes. Then the Quene sayde that, if it pleased him, she was content ; then the homes blewe tyl they came to the wood under Shoter's Hil 5 and there was an arber made of bowes, with a hal, and a great chamber and an inner chamber, very well made, and covered with floures and swete herbes, whiche the Kynge much praysed. Then sayde Robyn Hood, ' Sir, Outlawe's brekefastes is venyson, and therefore you must be contente with such fare as we use.' Then the Kynge and Quene sate doune, and were served with venyson and wyne by Robyn Hood and hys men, too theyr great contentacion. Then the Kynge departed and hys company, and Robyn Hood and hys men them conducted ; and as they were returnynge, there met with them II. ladyes in a ryche chariot, drawen with v. horses, and every horse had hys name on hys head, and on every horse sate a ladye with her name writen. On the first courser, called Lawde, sate Humidite, or Humide ; on the n. courser, called Memeon, roade Lady Vert ; on the iii., called Pheton, sate Lady Vegetave ; on the IV., called Rimphon, sate Lady Pleasaunce 5 on the v., called Lampace, sate Swete Odour ; and in the chayre sate the Lady May, accompanyed with Lady Flora, rychely appareled ; and they saluted the Kynge with diverse goodly songes, and so brought him to Grenewyche. At this Maiying was a great numbre of people to beholde to their great solace and comfort. *< The same afternone, the Kynge, the Duke of Suffolke, the Marques Dorset, and the Erie of Essex, their bardes and bases of grene velvet and cloth of golde, came into the felde on great coursers, on whome wayted diverse gentlemen, al appareyled richly after their devises, and so valiauntly they rane their courses appointed 5 and after the (sic) they rane volant, one as fast as he might overtake another, which was a goodly sight to se ; and when al was done, they departed, and went to a goodly banquet." ^ • • 1 Hall (in his Life of Henry VIIL fol. 6) also mentions that one morning, in the first year of his reign, Henry VIIL, by way of pastime, came suddenly into the chamber where the Queen and her ladies were sitting. He was attended by twelve noblemen, all apparelled in short coats of Kentish Kendal, with hoods and hosen of the same : each of them had his bows with arrows, and a sword and buckler, <'like outlawes, or Robyn Hode's men." The Queen, it seems, at first was somewhat affrighted by their appearance, of which she was not the least apprised. . This gay troop performed several dances, and then departed. * Probably the Archbishop of Armagh, who accompanied Lord Berners (the translator of Froissart) to Spain, a.d. 1 5 18. Had the Archbishop been Warham or Wolsey, Pasqualigo would have mentioned them by name. * Earl of Surrey. « Gerald Fitzgerald, ninth Earl of Kildare. He came to England in 15 14, the post being filled during his absence by William Preston Viscount Gormanstown. See Collins, vol. vi. p. 138. 7 Sir Thomas Dockwra, who was the successor of Sir John Kendal, and com- jS^aSBfcSKWaifeiWi^i ^mms ^^imm mMKm 94 DESPATCHES OF pleted St. John's Gate at Clerkenwell, in 1504. Dr. Lingard mentions him by the title of ** Lord St. John," as having been sent ambassador to the Emperor, with Sir Thomas Boleyn, in November, 1521, when Cardinal Wolsey was at Calais. Dockwra, however, was not a peer of the kingdom, but was called ** lord '* by courtesy, and sate in the House of Peers as Prior of St. John's. ' DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VHI. After the departure of Pietro Pasqualigo, Giustinian and his colleague Badoer address themselves to the real business of the embassy, and proceed to acquaint the Signory with the bias of the court and councils of Henry VHI. At this time, the reciprocal relations of the various European powers were in a very unsettled and anomalous state, arising from the inextricable confusion which had been created by the un- principled alliance commonly known as " the League of Cambray." On the 1 0th of December, 1508, a treaty had been stipulated in that city, between Pope Julius H., the Emperor Maximilian, his infant grandson and successor Charles, Fer- dinand of Aragon, and Louis XH. of France, for the express purpose of partitioning the territories of the Republic of Venice, whose spoils were to be divided thus : — The Pope was to be put in possession of Faenza, Rimini, Cervia, and Ravenna ; the Emperor was to obtain the march of Treviso, Istria, the Friuli, the territories of the Patriarchate of Aquilea, of Padua, of Vicenza, of Verona, and of Roveredo ; Ferdinand of Arragon claimed the five ports of Trani, HaB#^-fc-j>*«EM¥^'* ^,-. J 96 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII, 97 Brindis., Otranto, Pulignano, and Gallipoli ; and Louis XII. took for his share, Bergamo, Brescia, Crema, Cremona, and all the country between the Adda, the Oglio, and the Po. In execution of this iniquitous compact, the Venetians were simultaneously attacked by an overpowering force, and their rout at Agnadello in the Ghiarra d'Adda, on the 14th May, 1509, was followed by the loss of all their terri- tories on the continent. The firmness and dexterity with which the Republic repaired her losses and disunited her enemies, has been the constant theme of historians. Early in 1510, Julius II. made peace with Doge Loredano ; and Rome, Venice, and Ferdmand the Catholic, leagued against France. Again, in 1511, the Pope formed "the Holy League," by which the Church, England, Spain, Venice, and the Swiss Cantons, bound themselves to declare war on Louis XII. In 1513' the Venetians renounced their former allies, and made a sepa- rate peace with France ; and in the following year, their example was imitated by Henry VIII. The damage occasioned to the Republic was not re- paired when, in 1515, Giustinian arrived in London. Maxi- mihan still held Verona, Brescia, and Bergamo, and in order to oblige him to relinquish his conquest, the Venetians courted the friendship of France, on which account they had some reason to apprehend that their policy might prove obnoxious to Henry VIII., whose jealousy and dislike of Francis was rather masked than modified by the treaty signed at Westminster, on the 5th of April, 15 15. Such was the state of things when Giustinian commences the present correspondence, which contains many details hitherto unmentioned in the history of England, and throws much light on the politics and manners of the period. London, June 15, 1515. Most Serene Prince,— Our last were in date of the 29th ultimo, and thereby your Excellency was informed of what had occurred, which was little, for little does one hear, in this kingdom, of passing events. We now inform you that on the lOth instant, we received five of your missives, which were read by us with our wonted respect. Two of them were in date of the 20th April, addressed to me Sebastian alone, about thanking his Majesty for having named your Highness as his ally in the confederation, lately formed between him and the present most Christian French King. This compliment, although performed most amply by us on our arrival here, especially at the second audience, we will not fail to repeat, though it has proved impossible to do so hitherto, by reason of the King's absence, who, for the last few days, has been hunt- ing, twenty-five or thirty miles hence, and will remain abroad, as usual, for a short while. We received three other letters on the same day as the preceding, dated 26th April, concerning the duty of two crowns per butt,i addressed to the Magnifico Piero Pasqua- ligo and me, with the purport of which we were also unable to comply, for the reason already mentioned ; this, indeed, might have been attended to previously, had your Excellency's letters come quicker, whereas, the fact of their having been a month and a half on their way, has in truth proved extremely inconvenient ; we know not with whom the blame rests. Both these commissions shall be executed forthwith, and I have obtained information from the Mag- nifico my colleague, and from the Magnifico the Consul, and other well informed merchants of ours, and learned many things connected with this matter, besides those notified to us VOL. I. " 98 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN in your Excellency's missives. We should have already commenced negotiating this business, had it not seemed more expedient to await in the first place the receipt of his Majesty's missive to your Sublimity, announcing your being named in the confederation aforesaid, and also the Signory's reply. For as this impost may be considered recent, and contrary to the institutions of this kingdom, seeing that your Excellency has taken off four ducats per butt,^ and as you are now his Majesty's ally, and more closely linked with him than formerly, the demand for its repeal would come with greater justice, and its refusal by his Majesty be more unfair. For this reason we have deemed it advisable to delay bringing forward this matter until the receipt of the State's reply to his Majesty's letter, which last we have endeavoured to obtain with all assiduity ; but owing to the absence afore- said, and also because it seems that this matter appertains especially to the Archbishop of York, who, from what we are able to conjecture, is not very prone towards your Excellency's interests, the business may not be unattended with difficulty. We, however, will not fail to court his favour, and, moreover, employ the aid of others of these noblemen, who appear well inclined towards your Excel- lency's affairs, so that we doubt not but that within two or three days, at the farthest, said letter will be obtained \ and we are, indeed, convinced that had the King been here, we should have already received it. Much news circulates here, and especially about the most Christian King's march towards Italy, followed, it is said, by all France ; though, as we have no advice to this effect from your Serenity's right noble ambassadors, nor yet from others, we do not vouch for the fact, but make sure that your Excellency is better informed by the aforesaid Magnificoes, than we are. We beseech you, at any rate, to FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. 99 deign and give us summaries of passing events, both in the Levant and in Italy, such as may be deemed fit for communica- tion to the King, whom we should thus have an opportunity for visiting frequently, it not being the custom of this king- dom to present oneself before him otherwise ; nor can your Excellency do any thing more agreeable to his Majesty and these noblemen, than to give them copious accounts of pas- sing events. Your Excellency is most sage, and will do as to your wisdom shall seem fit. I, Andrea, most serene Prince, am verily most anxious for the receipt of your letters, with the means enabling me at length to depart hence, and I shall then forthwith com- mence my journey, intending by all means to go and fulfil my vow, made to the blessed St. James of Compostella, the which vow I made when five of my servants died of plague, whereas, by the grace of our Lord God, I myself escaped it. Should your Serenity not allow me to go at the public cost, in the Lord's name be it so ; and I will even go at my own, provided my laborious and faithful service rendered during the last seven years, and for which everybody can vouch, be not consigned to oblivion, a thing I can assuredly by no means credit, having served you both well and fre- quently ; it being known universally that I had no precise instructions, and yet my negotiations were more approved than if they had been in accordance with the written instruc- tions of the State. I have, moreover, received private infor- mation to the effect that my Lord of St. Johns, ^ and those other knights of Rhodes,* have said that, at any rate, before I quit this kingdom, they mean to have the money they so courteously lent me, or otherwise will proceed against me in my own person, which I pledged to them individually ; so I pray and beseech your Sublimity, by the love of God, to provide for my need, should you as yet have taken no steps. 100 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN my protracted stay here grieving me inexpressibly, both from my anxiety to ease the State of such an expense, and also for my own sake, the winter season coming on, as evident. 1 The first importation of Malmsey into England appears to have taken place early in the thirteenth century, the Venetians havmg obtained possession of Malvasia about the year 1208 5 and to them our forefathers are mainly indebted for the " humane principle - of forswearing thin potations and addicting themselves to sack. The name of sack written sakke, occurs for the first time in an act of Parliament a.d. icii-33, 23 Henry VIII, and being coupled there with Malmsies, and the wines of the Morea, it may be supposed to have alluded then exclusively to the vintages of Candia, Cyprus, the Morea, and Spain though it became eventually, in thedaysofShakspeare, synonymous with sweet and dry wines of any growth, in contradistinction to French and Rhenish wines, called small wines. Thus, Sir Launcelot Sparcock, in the " London Prodigal' ' — *' Drawer, let me have sack^ for us old men ; For these girls and knaves, mall ivines are the best." 2 Concerning this diminution of duty, see also Sanuto's Diaries, vol. ii.fo. 612, date A.D. 1499, J^ly '- P.S.~The -infringement- is rightly termed so, because Parliament had agreed to take off the duty, as shown on a subsequent page. . . ^ , 1 3 Sir Thomas Dockwra, Prior of the Order m England, see ante ^' 4^ Amongst the English Knights who had been at Venice in this period was the Turcopolier (a title peculiar to the English tongue). Sir Thomas Newport; his presence there, in the month of September, 151 3, being recorded by Sanuto. To THE Council of Ten. London, July 3, 151 5. On our acquainting his Majesty with the warlike pre- parations of the most Christian King, and that he was shortly about to leave Lyons, and proceed beyond, without specifying whither, and this because it appeared to us that neither his Majesty nor any of the grandees of this kingdom FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. lOI approve of the Italian expedition, the King answered us very suitably in Latin, thus : " I verily believe that your Signory does not know whither the King of France will proceed, but I myself will tell you : know, then, that said King will not go into Italy this year, though he circulates reports to this efFect, and avails himself of the fame and advantage it brings him;" adding an inquiry at the same time whether we considered said King our friend, and that his coming into Italy was for our good. We answered him, also in Latin, that your Sublimity deemed him your friend, both because, even in things of less moment, he had ever evinced regard for your interests, and deplored the wrongs done us of yore ; and also because at this present we have cause to consider him a very sure friend, by reason of the recent alliance, seeing that the royal faith being kept, there could be no farther grounds for fear or suspicion. In reply to the second inquiry, we told him we were of opinion that his Majesty was coming into Italy, mainly to recover his Duchy of Milan, and consequently our territory, unduly occupied by our enemies. Upon this, the King made an- swer, " If your hope is based on the French King's favours, you will be deceived ; for when he shall have recovered the Milanese, he will choose to have the rest likewise. He is fresh to the war, and young, and has money to spend, whereas you have consumed and expended much : on getting into Italy, he will be master there to do as he shall please; and I would that you had not agreed together, as it would be better for you to sacrifice one town, rather than lose the whole. I am aware that King Louis, although my brother-in-law, was a bad man; I know not what this youth may be: he is, however, a Frenchman, nor can I say how far you should trust him : it is true, he enjoys great popularity, much more than King Louis." 102 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN On our confirming this, and saying, that in point of fact he was not only loved, but adored by his subjects, his Majesty rejoined, — " By God ! he gives them poor reason to love him, running thus, at the very commencement of his reign, into the toils and charges of w^lv ! " going on to say that he w^as your Sublimity's friend, and lamented your peril. We answered him, that if your Signory had not made terms,^ it proceeded from the maintenance of your faith, as you were the confederate of the King of France, who had promised to effect the restitution of your territory, and that it was im- possible to form any agreement against his Majesty, and preserve our faith intact ; especially as at this present, the alliance between his Majesty himself, and the most Christian King and your Excellency, was to be inviolate ; and that the terms proposed by our adversaries did not consist in merely retaining one of our cities, for by the occupation of Verona, the seizure of the rest of your Signory's territory in Lom- bardy would be effected, as you would thus be deprived of the means of succouring the other towns. His Majesty then asked us, if the King of Spain was the foe or friend of your Serenity : we replied, that we could answer for your Serenity's bias as having ever been most friendly towards his Catholic Highness, of whose ten- dency, however, we could only judge by facts which proved him very hostile, his army having ever been opposed to us in the Vicentine and Paduan territories, and in the Polesine, doing the greatest possible harm. Considering that said Catholic Majesty is at any rate this King's father-in-law, we deemed it well to add, that we were of opinion that what he was doing, and had done, was rather at the instigation of Maximilian than of his own natural disposition ; whereupon the King rejoined, " For certain special reasons, we cannot very well enter upon this FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. 103 subject," but asked us, how we stood with the Pope. We made answer, that we considered his Holiness our good father, because we were his most obsequious children. He then inquired to which side his Holiness adhered : we said, we knew not, but that if he chose to favour the cause of justice, as became a true pastor, he would assist our affairs f in unison with those of France. His Majesty rejoined, " I could not credit your being otherwise than friends with the Pope ; for I, likewise, am his good son, and shall ever be with his Holiness and with the Church, from which I never mean to depart ; and I think I have sufficient power with his Holiness to warrant hopes of my making him adhere to whichever side I choose." The Archbishop of York ex- pressed himself in this same manner a few days ago. With regard to this inquiry concerning the Pope, we thought fit to answer in so cautious a manner that our expressions might rather soothe than exasperate, and most especially because at this present we are not aware whether his Holiness continues in the same mind he was when I, Sebastian, left Venice, or that his opinion be changed ; in which case it would have been impolitic to evince distrust of the PontiflT, particularly as his Majesty here inclines vastly towards his Holiness. The King, however, returned to the topic of the King of France, saying, that he would deceive us, and that he knew for certain, through language uttered by the King in person, and communicated to him through certain friends and servants of his there at the court, that he would not cross the Alps this year ; adding, " and should this be the case, how will you do ? You will remain single-handed against so many potentates and against the Switzers." Whereupon, we inquired of his Majesty, if he knew the reason of the French King's not crossing, after having made so much military preparation. He affected un- 104 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN willingness to tell us, from suspicion of our repeating his words, SO we dexterously besought him to speak freely with us, since we deemed his Majesty and your Sublimity one and the same thing, and of the same mind, both by reason of the ancient friendship maintained with his most serene fore- fathers, but above all with his late august father, and in virtue of the confederation recently promulgated, which we hoped would be perpetual. At length he said to us, " I will confess the truth : I believe that his dread of me, lest I should invade his kingdom, will prevent him crossing the Alps." This, appearing to us a matter of extreme impor- tance, we said to him, that if it was so, the King of France was deterred by what had never entered his Majesty's head, by reason of the alliance existing both with King Francis and with us. He rejoined, that by the articles of the agreement, he was at liberty to succour the enemies of the King of France should she be the aggressor ; and were France to be attacked, he might, in like manner, lend her favour : " so that," said he, " my belief is, that if I choose, he will not cross the Alps, and if I choose, he will cross ;" and to the like effect were the words uttered a few days ago by the Right Rev. of York. To this we replied, in the most bland and loving form of exhortation, that his Majesty should bear in mind not merely the King of France, but your Sublimity, whose territory had been so iniquitously seized and occupied, and your ruin meditated, despite your de- serts with Christendom, both for treasure expended and for the blood of our citizens shed in its defence, and that all we had endured proceeded from envy of our State, and that at this present, no nearer hope presented itself for its recovery, than the coming of the King of France into Italy ; and that im- mediately on regaining our territory, it would be held most readily at the entire will of his Majesty, and for his con- FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. 105 venience and honour ; wherefore your Sublimity had ever felt convinced that his Majesty would by his authority, and of his goodness, and by means of this holy and inviolable con- federacy, favour our affairs : we besought him therefore, in your Sublimity's name, to deign through his well-deserved autho- rity to further our interests with his Holiness, and, more- over, assist this undertaking by all possible means. His Majesty answered in conformable terms, saying, that he loved your Excellency extremely, and that his regrets were solely induced by regard for you yourself, who, thinking to be succoured, will be deceived ; and expressions of this dis- trust of the most Christian King, he moreover repeated to me, Andrea, in English. We rejoined, that we placed our chief hope in God, who would support our pious and righteous cause ; and that we, moreover, expected from such a King, that which every one should and may promise them- selves from royal faith, and with this we took leave. Thus, most serene Prince, we are confirmed in the opinion conceived by me, Sebastian, on my first arrival here — namely, that his Majesty and all these lords take it extremely amiss that, the most Christian King should descend into Italy, dreading the increase of his power, and I became immediately aware of the existence between these two young Kings of so great a rivalry of glory, that it would be a very easy matter for this metal to become rusted, which for the moment, until the most Christian King shall have proceeded in the acquisition of his territory, and your Serenity in yours, would prove in- convenient, though subsequently one might, perhaps, think otherwise. For the love of God, we beseech your Ex- cellency not to fail, so far as you can, in keeping this King well advised, and giving us opportunities for visitmg and converting him from his opinions, it being impossible for us to do so without some document from your Excel- io6 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN lency, as it is contrary to the custom of the country to go to the King without any cause : do your Excellency therefore send us frequent summaries of news both of France, Italy, and of the Levant, as your Excellency will thus play the part of a true confederate ; and, at the same time, afford us the means of going to his Majesty and negotiating, and learn- ing that which has hitherto been beyond our ken. As the statement made to us by his Majesty, given above, seems of extreme importance, we will endeavour to obtain confirmation of it from some of these lords, although we deem it well nigh impossible, because, in similar mat- ters, these people appear to proceed with the greatest caution. We shall not fail in our duty towards your Sub- limity, cujus gratiae, &c. Andr. Baduarius, 1 ^ bEBAST. Justin., Eques., J 1 Leo X. had endeavoured, in the year 1514, to detach the Venetians from their alliance with Louis XII., to which effect Pietro Bembo was accredited to the senate by the Pope (see Paruta, p. 86), and these are the terms here alluded to. To THE Council of Ten. London y July 3, 151 5. After having written the accompanying, a gentleman of this kingdom, a great friend to me, Andrea, and from whom, on former occasions, I have received secret intelligence, came and told me, that on the day before yesterday his Majesty determined on sending the Lord Chamberlain 1 to France, with a commission to tell King Francis to beware of infringing his agreements. He affirms, moreover, that in his Majesty's chamber he FRQM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. 107 m heard it said, " that the King of France is a powerful mo- narch, lord of France and of Brittany ; and that by going into Italy he would become yet more powerful, seizing the Milanese and other territories ; nor would it suit us to have so great a neighbour." He added that Lord Worcester was to leave on that evening for France, though he thought he would go leisurely. Should this be true, it would be of extreme importance ; we notify it to your Serenity in the manner it reached us^ nor do we vouch for it farther ; and we trust at any rate, if this report be well founded, that his most Christian Majesty will have realized his intention before the arrival of the Chamberlain aforesaid. No hostile pre- parations are visible here, nor does one hear a single word of war, nor of news, so I, Sebastian, am of opinion that this is the work of the Pope, with whom (as your Excellency will perceive by what we enclose) his Majesty here seems very closely linked. 1 " Charles Somerset, having been Lord Chamberlain to Henry VII., was also in the same office to Henry VIII., at his first coming to the Crown. In 151 3, in the expedition into France he followed the King thither with 6,000 foot, and was present at the taking of Terouane and Tournay j where, meriting highly for his heroic actions, he had the office ot Lord Chamberlain bestowed upon him for life, and, on the festival of the Virgin Mary, in 1514, was advanced to the dignity of Earl of Worcester j and on October 9th of that year, he attended Lady Mary, the King's sister, at her coronation at St. Dennis, in France. He was afterwards employed by the King for confirming articles of peace between England and France.'' (Extract from Collins, vol. i. pp. 225, 226} see also pp. 391 and 541.) This Lord Worcester is the Chamberlain introduced by Shakspeare in " King Henry VIII." To THE Council of Ten. London, July 6, 151 5. After our conferences held v^^ith his Majesty, anxious as it were to know whether any step had been taken, either io8 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN through ambassadors or letters, protesting against or prohibit- ing the descent into Italy of the most Christian King, and to learn whether there was any clause in the confederation authorizing his Majesty to oiFer such impediment, we went to certain lords, under pretence of paying them visits ; and first of all, on the morning of the 5th inst., betook ourselves to the illustrious Duke of Norfolk,^ Lord High Treasurer, and on our asking him the news, he said, "The most serene King of France will not cross the Alps this year, nor do I know how you will manage with so many enemies who have conspired against you, without any aid : it would have been well to make some ao;reement, for the avoidance of utter annihilation/' We endeavoured to learn the cause of said King's not coming into Italy, and, after some little hesitation, he replied, that the whole of France is reduced to great distress and misery, owing to the past wars ; wherefore, the present King, at the suggestion of his councillors, will not descend into Italy, especially being cerrain that the Switzers would oppose him in considerable force. We, perceiving that he pushed this topic no further, did not choose to press him ; nor would we mention what the King had said to us, lest he should repeat it, and render his Majesty more reserved with us for the future; and it seeming to us that he re- proached your Sublimity for not having made terms with your enemies, we told him that we could not accept any agreement without breaking our faith, pledged by treaty to the most Christian King, past and present, and which we are bound to observe towards his Majesty here, in virtue of this same confederation ; and that an agreement had been proposed to your Excellency, whereby, under pretence of ceding Verona to the Emperor, you lost the whole of your possessions in Lombardy, Verona being situated between that province and the march of Treviso ; whereupon he re- FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. 109 joined, " Those towns, however, are not your patrimony, but taken from other lords." We answered him that re- publics had no patrimony, so that no State was derived from forefathers and ancestors, but that legitimate and just acqui- sitions, and long possession, constituted the equitable titles of republics ; and that of this nature were those of our towns in Lombardy, which, in the wars waged about a century ago with the Dukes of Milan, were obtained both by battle and by treaties, and by ratifications of peace, by which last means we acquired Crema and Bergamo, Brescia by surrender and long siege, and Verona likewise by surrender, all which towns we had now held for many years past, during the lifetime of the Duke Philip, of Duke Francesco, of Duke Galeazo, of Duke John Galeazo, and of Duke Ludovic, as a thing known and consented to : that Verona had belonged to the Scaligers, of whom there are no heirs, and that the Emperor who now holds it has no more right so to do than the Soldan of Egypt ; so that his lordship might comprehend whether we had been wronged or not. We endeavoured to get a sight of all the clauses of the agreement between his Majesty and the most Christian King, in order to learn whether there was any article whereby the King of England could prohibit King Francis from undertaking the Italian expedition, or authorize him to succour the enemies of France : he said that it was not in his power to gratify us, but that he was willing we should see them, and that we must speak to some other lords of the council ; adding, however, that the only clause relating to said confederation, purported that either party demanding mutual aid, the obligation existed for ren- dering such at the suitor's cost. We also inquired the reason for sending the Lord Chamberlain ambassador to France, and he answered that he was not going ; and then, when we were in the act of taking leave, he desired us to no DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN confer with him again, after we should have spoken with the Archbishop of York and the Bishop of Winchester,^ as he wished to have a long conversation with us. After dinner we, in fact, did go to the Right Reverend of York, who really seems to have the management of the whole of this kingdom, and having asked him for news, he repeated to us, " Regem Gallorum nullo pacto esse transiturum monies hoc anno ; " assigning the same reasons as those above mentioned, adding, that he knew not how to qualify the prudence of the French King and his councillors, who, despite the distress under which his subjects are labouring, and the hostility of the Switzers, chooses to descend into Italy : that he had never cared, not only to ask the aid of England, but had even omitted to make the slightest communication con- cerning this his undertaking ; showing that he held his Majesty here in small account, although he had it in his power to concede or withhold from him the means of going into Italy ; and he assured us that on this King depends the stay of the most Christian on this side the Alps, or his march beyond them. This appearing to us of great moment, we endeavoured to learn how it was possible, but he did not choose to enter into further details, again repeating the asser- tion aforesaid yet more positively, and going on to complain with the utmost bitterness in the name of the whole king- dom, saying, " He never writes hither ; he does not com- municate any of his secrets ; he treats all Englishmen as enemies, allowing his own subjects to capture the ships and vessels of this kingdom, and does not enforce any compensa- tion soever. He has sent the Duke of Albany into Scot- land, who styles himself Governor, and will not desist until he has compassed the death of the Queen,^ and of the infant King,^ in order to render himself master of that realm. We first offered our services to King Louis, to make terms FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. Ill between him and the Switzers, and the like we did with this present King, because we have great authority with them : King Francis has never deigned even to thank his Majesty ! Think, sir ambassadors, whether this is to be borne ! and say if these are the fashions of confederates ! Per Deum^ Rex noster decrevit servare honorem et existimationem suam. (By God ! it behoves our King preserve his own honour and credit.) This, indeed, I tell you, that should he alter his style, this King will change his mind ; let King Francis evince regard and esteem and trust in him, communicating his affairs, treating his Majesty's subjects well, and not attacking our ships ; in that case this King will keep the covenant agreed on, and not swerve thence unless goaded by legitimate causes. I was the author of the peace,^ con- trary to the opinion of many of these lords : and I will, moreover, maintain it, should said King choose to do his duty y though if it be his intention to persevere as he has commenced, I will destroy my fabric. And I assure you that all these thrusts have been directed at me by those members of the council who were averse to this peace:" adding much other very warm language, similar to that uttered by the King when we had audience of him. We, most serene Prince, deemed it advisable to palliate somewhat the most Christian King's proceedings, but with- out increasing the just indignation of the right reverend of York; and, in the first place, touching the maltreatment which he said had been exercised against English subjects, we told him that officials frequently act contrary to the will of their sovereigns, who should not be blamed on this account : that with regard to the seizure of property and vessels, we knew not what to reply, but that possibly the like had been done in this matter also, although the King had ordered their release ; and that before complaining of 112 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN him, his Majesty would do well to see whether it were the fault of the King, or that of his agents. With reference to the non-communication, we said that perhaps the most Christian King had marshalled this army with the sole in- tention of attacking the Switzers, who were doubtless com- ing to invade his kingdom ; and not having decided upon undertaking the Italian expedition, did, therefore, make no communication to this effect j added to which, even if deter- mined thereon, and he yet anticipated having to delay, by reason of hostilities from the Switzers, or from others, he might possibly have not thought fit to announce his resolve, lest it should seem that he was afraid of the Switzers; and that, in point of fact, it would be a degradation for him to abstain from going into Italy, after his intention had been so publicly announced. We said we believed this was his opinion, because we knew that the Pope had made similar complaints, and that his Majesty had excused himself on the plea of not having decided on crossing the Alps, wherefore he had made no announcement. Upon this, the right reve- rend of York rejoined, " By God, sir ambassadors, this was my own reply to these lords of the council, to exonerate the King of France, for in truth there is no better way ; but I perceive that this apology likewise does not avail, for he might easily have announced his intention of going into Italy, should circumstances permit his doing so, without bloodshed, and that he would not march otherwise. Such a course, instead of disgracing him, would have been that of a most clement prince. Still," he again repeated, " let the King of France act by this King as a friend and confederate, showing that he holds him in account, and his Majesty will abide by the confederation as due ; if not, he will prove himself a powerful monarch, both in troops and treasure." We inquired of him to which side the Pope seemed to FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. 113 lean : he smiled, and said, " You know as well as I do, and would fain know less ; but be assured that this King's example will be followed by his Holiness, so our fortunes are the same. Should our King espouse the French interests, the Pope will do the like." And with this we took leave. We, most serene Prince, having considered the influence which these persons say they possess with his Holiness and with the Switzers, are of opinion that the King of England and his privy council persuade themselves, that through the authority of the Pope, and the impediment offered by the Switzers, they have it in their power to prohibit the most Christian King from crossing into Italy ; and this is the cause of such positive assertions made by them, purporting that, should they choose, the King of France will pass into Italy this year, and that^ should they not choose, he will not do so. Your Serenity, however, will give it such weight as to your wisdom shall seem fit. ^ Thomas Howard, second Duke of Norfolk, was made Lord Trea- surer of England when only Earl of Surrey, a.d. 1501, June 25. After the battle of Flodden (a.d. 151 3, September 9), Henry VIII. made him Duke of Norfolk} the Duke resigned his Treasurer's staff a.d. 1522, December 4 (when the King immediately bestowed it on his son the Earl of Surrey), and died a.d. 1524, May 21. See Collins, vol. i. pp. 80, 81. 2 In date of the year 1509, Hume writes of the Duke of Norfolk (then Earl of Surrey), and of the Bishop of Winchester, as follows: — " But the chief competitors to favour and authority under the new King, were the Earl of Surrey, Treasurer ; and Fox, Bishop of Win- chester, Secretary and Privy Seal. This prelate, who enjoyed great credit during all the former reign, had acquired such habits of caution and frugality as he could not easily lay aside j and he still opposed, by his remonstrances, those schemes of dissipation and expense which the youth and passions of Henry rendered agreeable to him. But Surrey was a more dexterous courtier 5 and though few had borne a greater share in the frugal politics ot the last King, he knew how to conform himself to the humours of his new master j and no one was so forward in promoting that liberality, pleasure, and magnificence which began to prevail under the young monarch. By this policy he ingratiated himself with Henry j he made profit, as well as the other courtiers, of the lavish disposition of VOL. I. I 114 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. 115 his master ; and he engaged him in such a course of play and idleness, as rendered him negligent of affairs, and willing to entrust the affairs of the State entirely into the hands of his ministers."" ^ Margaret Tudor, widow of James IV. ^ James V., then about four years old, and who became the father of Mary Stuart. ^ Alluding to the peace with Louis XII., signed A.D. 1514, August 7, and according to one of whose articles, the French Monarch married the Princess Maria Tudor. This peace, as shown at page 60, was confirmed in favour of Francis I., on the 5th of April, 151 5. To THE Council of Ten. London y July 7, 151 5. Being anxious to elicit the real truth concerning the matters contained in our previous despatches, we went, under pretence of a visit, to the Reverend Bishop of Durham,i a man of great authority, and very much our friend ; and having adroitly commenced discussing the expedition of France, he said his opinion was, that the most Christian King would not pass into Italy this year, by reason of this great league between the Emperor, Spain, Milan, the Switzers, and the Florentines, and to which the Pope, likewise, would perhaps become a party, but that he did not yet know for certain. We then asked him if he himself, or any one else in this kingdom, had any certain knowledge of the King's not meaning to cross the Alps this year : he affirmed to there being no certainty soever, and that what circulates is opinion. On our asking him if his Majesty had interfered in the matter, either to speed or prohibit the undertaking, he said no ; and that not the slightest sign concerning this business had ever been made, although, by reason of the French King's misconduct, his Sovereign would be entitled to thwart '''Ml it ; notwithstanding which, nothing has been done hitherto, nor is there any fear of his Majesty's swerving from the con- federation, unless provoked by the aforesaid King ; he pro- mised also, should any change take place in this matter, to let us know. Whilst speaking about the affairs of the Catholic King, the Bishop informed us that he was reconciled to his Sovereign, adding, " and will in everything do as our King shall please ; whilst with regard to the Pope, he is at present so linked with King Henry, that words cannot exaggerate their mutual good will ; so that, in the affairs of France, the policy of England will be that of Rome ; the Pope well knowing that his Majesty is most obsequious towards him, whilst from his Holiness, the King can reciprocally promise himself every- thing." On our asking him about this ambassador, the Lord High Chamberlain, of whose appointment to France we wrote, he said he really had not left, nor would he ; but that one of the Governors of Calais had been named in his stead, and that the commission would be sent to him shortly. He declares that it does not relate to the French expedi- tion, but to indemnity for certain damages done to British subjects. 1 Thomas Ruthal, see ante p. 74. London^ July 16, 151 5. ♦ * * On the receipt of news from our colleagues in Paris, thinking to do what would be very agreeable to the Right Reverend Archbishop of York, who seems to have been the author of the peace between his Majesty and the Il6 DEPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTIMAN most Christian King, we went to his Lordship, and stated to him how sorrv King Francis was that this most serene King should doubt his love and goodwill, in demonstration where- of he was about to send one of his gentlemen, addmg many expressions calculated to generate affection and concord between the two crowns, knowing that such was the wish of your Serenity. His Lordship appeared much pleased with this communication, saying, "Be assured, should the King of France show signs of valuing the friendship of th.s our King, he will never violate the confederation and his faith ; and in like manner, as I was the author of the peace so will I exert myself to confirm and maintain it. bhould said King choose, on the other hand, to maltreat English subjects, and appear not to hold his Majesty in account, his power is such, that he will know how to avenge himself ; for I tell you. Sir Ambassadors, that we have ships here m readiness, and in eight days could place 60,000 men on the soil of France ; so we are able to thwart any of his projects at our pleasure." To this we answered him, that coun- cillors ever deserved great praise for preserving friendship between sovereigns to their utmost, as finally they remain the friends of both parties ; whilst those who act otherwise run great risk (in the event of their Sovereign's affairs not proceeding according to his wish), of the blame's being cast on those who caused the disappointment ; wherefore we praised his lordship for maintaining the friendship between these princes, and by so much the more, as he was aware that the most Christian King was well disposed towards his Majesty here. He told us he had heard, through a sure channel that the Switzers were divided amongst themselves, wherefo're it might be hoped, that the affairs of France, and of your Signory, would turn out well. Concerning the Pope he said that he really had not yet decided, but would FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. 117 doubtless follow the example of this kingdom; and that Genoa, apparently, had decided for France. With regard to the truth of these matters, your Serenity is better informed than we are. Since this interview, through letters from Paris of the 3rd inst., written by the Magnifico Piero Pasqualigo to his brother Lorenzo, we have heard of the great preparations of King Francis, and that he was to confer with the Swiss ambassadors, to conclude a certain agreement negotiated by his Holiness, who seemed to declare himself for France: these letters also mention the strength of the French army, and their contents were beyond measure agreeable to us, as one may hence fairly anticipate the restoration of your Excellency's territories. We, however, did not choose to make any communication hereon to his Majesty, nor to any of these lorde, in order that, should the French ambassador arrive, the announcement of these facts by him may prove more agreeable to his Majesty, and more likely to promote the friendship of the two crowns ; whereas, had the intelli- gence reached him from us, it would have appeared to him that the most Christian King was acquainting him through liis ambassador with things already known, and public to every one. We, most serene Prince, who are here for the purpose of keeping alive the friendship of these two sovereigns, are intent thereon, and beseech your Sublimity, that either directly from yourself, or through your ambassa- dors, we may be kept informed of passing events, since, when acquainted with the facts, we shall know how to adapt them as necessary. ii8 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. 119 London, August 5, 151 5. We have now to inform your Serenity how, on the 29th ultimo, we went to see the King at Greenwich, rather with a view to paying him a visit than for the purpose of transacting any business with his Majesty, as we had nothing to negotiate, nor yet to communicate, for we have received no letters from your Excellency the last two months, and only one from the Magnifico Dandolo, in France, with reo-ard to which we made the requisite communication at'^the time. This visit seemed to us taken in very good part by his Majesty, and many things passed about the French expedition, with small foundation, because neither the King, nor yet we ourselves, are informed of any thing, wherefore we make no mention of such conversations. With regard to the affair of the two ducats per butt,i ^^e said nothing, for the reason written of yore to your Excel- lency; but what we can say is, that we have been, and ever are, treated with great courtesy, both by his Majesty and these lords. Whilst we were in the hall, with other noble- men, there came a certain Reverend Dom. Baldassar Thoardi, a prothonotary, who heretofore was secretary to Pope Julius, and is returned from Scotland, having been sent thither by the Pope, to settle the terms of peace which are now agreed upon, and only remain to be drawn up in writmg. We asked him about the Duke of Albany, who had been sent by King Francis into Scotland, and is reputed a noble- man of great power and influence there -,2 what he was doing, how popular he was, and on what terms he found himself with the most serene Queen. He answered us, that he was a courteous lord [un gentil signior) ; that his party and authority were great; that latterly he and the most serene Queen found themselves linked in close good will. and that he was assiduous in his visits to her, so that it seems that affairs in that quarter will take a good turn, nor are we aware of the existence of any more potent cause for creating discord between the most Christian King and his Majesty, than the presence of said Duke in that kingdom, should he be at strife with that most serene Queen, or with the EarP her consort, which not being the case, a good issue is to be hoped. This Thoardi had made several attempts to obtain audience of his Majesty, and on the day in question had it of sufficient length ; and according to what he told us after- wards, he informed the King that the aforesaid Duke of Albany enjoyed very great authority in Scotland, and that well nigh all have sworn fidelity and obedience to him as Governor, an assertion which is at variance with his first statement, and incompatible with the possibility of concord between him and the Queen ; we will, however, endeavour through some other channel to learn the whole truth, whereof your Sublimity shall be informed by our future despatches. After this, perceiving that the Duke of Suffolk (the husband of the Queen Dowager of France), who was there present, associated with his Majesty tanquam inteUigentiam assistentem orbi^ which governs, commands, and acts with authority scarcely inferior to that of the King himself, and not having paid him an especial visit since he came here, although he received this kind of compliment in France, we deemed it advisable, for the sake of being favoured by him in such matters as may chance, to call upon him in the name of your Highness. Having presented your letters of credence, therefore, we asked him to appoint a day for our performance of this duty, and presenting ourselves accordingly, he received us with extreme politeness and affability. We offered our compliments in the most ample form that could be desired, 120 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN and in Latin, a detail of which is unnecessary ; but it was all expressive of your Highness's good will and intention towards his lordship, and of the great esteem wherein you held his rare acquirements, and most amply set forth in our letters, wherefore you had enjoined us to pay our respects by a personal visit and offers of service, together with congratulations on his most felicitous and auspicious marriage to the most serene Maria, Dowager of France, and alliance with this most serene King; an event which in like manner as it proved extremely glorious for his lordship, so was it a source of singular gladness to your Sublimity.^ To all these points, his lordship answered us in English, very lovingly, and discussing the affairs of France, he said he was extremely fond of your Sublimity, by reason of the affection which he knew to exist between you and the most serene King, wherefore, he chose to beseech, and respectfully remmd you of two things : first, that in the event of the King of France crossing the Alps, your Sublimity might be the first, and quick, to obtain your territory, lest on his being firmly established in the Milanese, he prove adverse to the recovery of your Signory's rights; secondly, that when reinstated, you do diminish your military expenditure, and endeavour to accu- mulate as much treasure as possible, as he suspects it will behove you disburse money against the King of France, by reason of his being a spirited youth, in greater favour with his subjects than any other King, and anxious for glory. He repeated these comments to us twice or thrice, very earnestly, and then told us that his Majesty here had intended saying a few things to us on the day we went to Greenwich, and from forgetfulness omitted doing so, and charged him to make the communication in his name. He says, that one of his Majesty's gentlemen had arrived here from Ferrara and Mantua, whither he had been despatched on account of cer- FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. 121 tain presents exchanged between the parties,^ and on behalf of each of these lords, he had besought this most serene King to persuade your Serenity to live on good terms and pacifically with them, as friendly neighbours, and conceding good treatment to their subjects, acting in every respect as becomes fair friendship, they being of this same mind with regard to living united with your Sublimity, under all circum- stances, and, that if there was any cause of dissension between your Excellency and them, you should be content to have such arranged and adjusted by his Majesty here, by whose arbitration they professed themselves content to abide. To this effect, the Duke of Suffolk urged us extremely, in the King's name; and we answered him— I, Sebastian, in particular— saying, that having come lately from Venice, and being acquainted with whatsoever might have passed between said lords and your most illustrious Signory, I was not aware of the existence of any difference between them and your Excellency, who viewed said lords less in the light of near neighbours, than of your own children, ever evincing towards them such affection as became a parent, though it was perfectly true they had not reciprocated this tenderness, for when through the conspiracy devised by well nigh all the Sovereigns of Christendom," the fiercest possible war was waged against the territories of your Sublimity, these two lords, without any cause given, as known to every one, and like the other Sovereigns, moreover, declared themselves with their whole soul and strength the most rancorous enemies of our State, which from the two lords aforesaid has suffered as much injury as from any other members of the above men- tioned conspiracy, and in revenge for the outrages received, your Excellency merely acted thus : that, when the Marquis of Mantua was captured by our forces, and brought a prisoner to your Sublimity, 8 on whose will his life depended, you after 122 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN a few months released him, whole, and utterly unscathed ; in reward for which release, said Marquis has exercised many an act of hostility against our State in the guise of a wrathful enemy, notwithstanding which, no thirst for vengeance exists on the part of your Excellency (who desires not the death of a sinner, but rather that he should turn and live). With regard to the Duke of Ferrara forsooth, after waging the most open war against us, together with the others, he appeared to soften, and evinced good will towards your Highness, and when I left Venice, and long before, he enjoyed (I said) his original favour, nor was there any cause of dissension, a resident ambassador from said Duke being accredited to the Signory, and receiving good countenance and treatment as becoming the clemency of your Excellency. We did not deem it advisable to pursue the matter farther, as perhaps this request might relate to the Polesine, not choosing to show that there was any difficulty in that matter ; neither would we speak of the rights exercised by your Signory in Ferrara, 9 lest this appeal should have been induced thereby, it not seeming fit to us in these times to promote discussion thereon, unless provoked and empowered by your Serenity to reply in this matter, by reason of its extreme importance. I, verily, Andrea, most serene Prince, finding myself with his Majesty, he thought fit to honour me with the order of knighthood, and although such was neither sought or desired by me, nevertheless, to avoid showing dissent from his Majesty's will, it behoved me obey him, and thus has he decorated me with this gift, in honour, moreover, of your Sublimity. * See note on a subsequent page. 2 See ante, p. 6i. FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. 123 ^ Douglas Earl of Angus. ^ Apparently by the ** orb," Wolsey Is meant 5 and the ambassadors consider Charles Brandon, Duke of Suffolk, his satellite ; the Duke being the king's brother-in-law, and Wolsey not having yet got his Cardinal's hat. ^ In letters of the 5th and 15th of May, which lacked sufficient interest to quote, Giustinian had informed the Signory of the arrival of Mary Tudor, with the Duke of Suffolk, at the English court ; and that he had abstained from congratulating the King on their marriage, because he perceived that no rejoicings were made, and that It was not pleasing to Henry. We read in Hall, in his " Triumphant Reigne of Kyng Henry VIII.,'' folio 56 :— *' The VII. Yere of Kyng Henry VIII.— After that the Duke of Suffolke had receaved the Frenche Queue, with her dower appoynted, and all her apparell, iuels and householde stuffe delivered, he with the Quene toke their leave of the French Kyng, leaving Doctor West, nominate Bishop of Ely, for the conclusion of the newe league to be made between the Kyng of England and the newe Frenche Kyng called Francis I., and so passed thorough Fraunce to Caleys, where she was honorably enterteined, and after, with great honour, marled to Lord Charles Brandon, Duke of Suffolke, openly : howbeit, some sayd he was maryed prively before at Parys, in the house of Cluigny. Against this mariage many men grudged, and sayd that it was a great losse to the realme that she was not maryed to the Prynce of Castell ^ but the wisest sort was content, considerying that, if she had been maryed agayn out ot the realme, she should have caried much riches with her, and now she brought every yere into the realme ix. or x. M. markes j but whatsoever the rude people sayd, the duke behaved him selfe so, that he had both the favour of the Kyng and of the people, hys wytte and demeanour was sue he." ^ Frizzi, In his history of Ferrara, mentions the fact of Duke Alfonso's having sent one of his courtiers, named Girolamo Sestola, to Henry VIII., with a present of a most superb horse with gold trappings, and three trained falcons and a leopard, which last kind of prey was used in Italy in those times to course hares. Sanuto mentions having^ seen a leopard take a hare at Vigevano in 1496 j and in an Adoration of the Magi, attributed to Titian, in the Manfrino Gallery, two leopards are seen in a leash like dogs. Frizzi says, the mission and present had for object to induce Henry VIII. to persuade Leo X. to restore Modena and Reggio to the Duke of Ferrara. ^ The ambassadors are here alluding to the Leaguers of Cambrai, whose hostilities against Venice commenced In the year 1509. ^ On the loth of August, 1509, on which day he was escorted from Padua to Paluello by Shakspeare's Othello, alias Christopher Moro. 9 Alluding to the jurisdiction of the Venetian Vice-Lord at Ferrara, an office which ceased with the League of Cambrai. 124 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN London^ August 24, 151 5. We have not written again, since the 5th instant, until now, because I, Sebastian, have been suflFering from a severe gastric fever, from which, by God's grace, I am now free, remaining but with mere intermittent ague, of which I hope to be soon rid ; whilst writing my last despatches, and with the fever upon me, I received missives from your Sublimity, together with the letters addressed to his Majesty here, returning thanks, as their contents run, and giving news of Hungary. To-day, we got other letters from your Excel- lency, dated the 23rd June, mentioning that your army had retreated in safety to the Brentelle,i and they in truth arrived very opportunely, for a report had been circulated (so it is reported) by the friar who represents Spain here, pur- porting that said army had been put to flight, and suffered defeat, which caused us incredible anxiety, and the only thing that made us suspend our belief, was the vain and boastful custom of these Spaniards, who are wont to exist by such stratagems, notwithstanding which the intelligence seemed to be credited by these Lords, who will now be con- vinced of the truth, and said Spaniard remain utterly deluded, and with the reputation of an idle liar. It has not been pos- sible hitherto to execute the orders contained in the aforesaid two sets of letters, on account of the severe illness of me, Sebastian, and also by reason of the absence of the King, and the whole of the Council, who are taking their pleasure in the country, at a very great distance hence. On the 7th instant, an ambassador arrived here from his most Christian Majesty, an ecclesiastic, the President of Rouen \ he appears a worthy person, and on his arrival, I, Andrea, visited him ; subsequently, on hearing of the indis- position of me, Sebastian, he came to visit me, I having, FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII, 125 however, already anticipated him in this office, through my secretary. The coming of said ambassador has proved very opportune, he having complied with what I wrote to your Sublimity, and to your ambassadors in France, for he told his Majesty, in the name of the most Christian King, that he meant for ever to maintain and preserve the good friendship and peace contracted between them, and he has announced to him that King Francis has decided on crossing the Alps, with very considerable forces, for the recovery of his Milanese territories, communicating other matters, moreover, relating to their two crowns. He received a reply which touched on all the points already notified to your Excellency : he was told, in the first place, that his Majesty marvelled greatly at the communication not having been made to him previously ; secondly, that the Duke of Albany, who had been sent to Scotland by the most Christian King, was creating great disturbance, and acting most insolently against the Queen and her children. Moreover, mention was made of the mal-treatment of the English by his subjects ; and finally, it behoved him listen to complaints of the piratical manner in which English ships had been plundered. With regard to the first complaint, the ambassador aforesaid made ample apology, by showing the date of his credentials, and declined giving any answer to the other three, merely request- ing letters from his Majesty to the most Christian King, stating these grievances, saying, that his Majesty would reply ; and thus the whole will be peaceably settled. It seems that the Scotch have risen lately and attacked these people and their border towns, and that the Queen of Scotland has betaken herself into a certain fortress \^ we do not know what steps have been taken by this side, as the King and his Council are at a distance from hence, but it is thought nothing further will take place. Immediately on his 126 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN Majesty's approaching London, your Excellency's injunctions shall be complied with, for I, Sebastian, hope at any rate to recover my usual health, which I much desire, in order to attend to the affairs of your Highness. ^ The Venetian Commander Alvlano, whose head-quarters were at Padua, had marched towards Vicenza, which was threatened by the Spanish General Cardona, the Viceroy of Naples. Alviano succeeded in keeping the Spaniards at bay, whilst the Vicentines were superintend- ing the spinning of their silkworms, and gave them the opportunity of removing their produce out of the grasp of Cardona, who had hoped to pay his troops with the cocoons of the Vicentine territory. Having effected this, Alviano retreated to the village of Brentelle, two miles from Padua 5 and the republic's letters to the ambassadors in London gave news to this effect. - Stirling. London^ September 15, 151 5. The reason why your Serenity has not been written to from the 24th ultimo (the date of our last) until now, was the illness of me, Sebastian, which, when I was expecting it to decline, became more violent, for I was seized with flux, accompanied by constant fever, which harassed me so, that I only commenced going out of doors yesterday, and hope to improve daily ; but really, even had I not been ill, there was nothing worthy your Serenity's knowledge, owing to the ab- sence of the King and his whole Council, which being the case omnia silent. During this interval, however, there have taken place those prosperous events in favour of the French King, wherewith your Serenity is well acquainted,^ and which were notified to his ambassador here by the most illustrious " Madame," his Majesty's mother, who, as they chance, communicates the events by posts, for the announcement to the King, a proceeding which leaves nothing to desire ; nor can anything conduce more to the maintenance of friendship FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. 127 between the two sovereigns. We, forsooth, have no in- formation soever, either about these events, or anything else relating to your Serenity, any more than if we did not exist ; and we are dependent for our news, as also for the time of receiving it, on the aforesaid French am- bassador ; and yet it would be opportune for us to hear the events with the necessary details, they being notified very succinctly to said ambassador ; so do your Highness deign to charge the magnificoes your ambassadors, resident with his most Christian Majesty, when the royal posts are despatched to the most illustrious " Madame," to give us intelligence ; as, by means of the posts which she sends on hither, we should learn everything, free of cost to your Serenity, and this would ratify our statements concerning his most Christian Majesty's successes. Up to the present time, the Spanish ambassador here has filled the air and the ears of the malig- nants with vain news to his own liking; he now remains confused. But, in point. of fact, these French victories seem*/ slightly relished by the people here, owing to the natural feeling existing between the two nations. Concerning the affairs of Scotland, which seemed in some confusion, nothing more is said ; and it is supposed they are arranged. The court is intent on making good cheer, and on its pleasures ; nor will it assemble here until Michaelmas, when the requisite visits shall be paid to all ; and we will, with the utmost diligence, pay the compliments en- joined us by your Sublimity, and endeavour to make amends by earnestness, for the omissions caused by irre- sistible sickness. 1 Alluding to the capture, at Villafranca, by Bayard, of Prospero Colonna, and to the King's descent into Italy by the valley of Barcelo- netta. 128 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN London, September 20, 1515. * * * A King's courier has arrived here from Rome, having been despatched in haste with the news that the Right Rev. of York has been created Cardinal at the suit of this most serene King, who, with might and main, is intent on aggrandizing him ; perceiving which, we do our utmost, supra vires nostras^ to keep him on the most friendly terms, both by reason of his extreme influence with the King, and also because he is of a very active and assiduous mind in matters of business : he is now far away at a palace of his, whither we have been unable to betake ourselves, but he is expected here daily ; and immediately on his arrival, we will offer him our ample congratulations.^ Moreover, we understand, from a good source, that the disturbances in Scotland, which seemed to have been quieted, are raging more than ever, owing to the Duke of Albany, who aimed at getting possession of the Scottish princes, then with the most serene Queen their mother, who had with- drawn into a fortress on the borders of this kingdom, called Stirling, whither said Duke sent a number of troops, to cut off her supplies ; and finally, going himself, with some 10,000 men, sat down before it, and even pointed his cannon, in order to batter said castle. Upon this, the Queen, from fear, surrendered, placing in his hands the royal infants ; she herself, as we hear, fleeing towards this kingdom with the royal wardrobe ; but the Duke overtook her, and seized the goods, leaving her the mere garments on her person, and two female attendants. This intelligence is extremely im- portant, for the whole blame of such cruelty will be laid to the most Christian King, who seems to have sent said Duke to Scotland, and it may prove a source of discord. ^ According to Lingard (vol. vi. p. 49), Wolseywas created Cardinal on the nth of September. FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. 129 London y September 26, 151 5. We have now to inform your Serenity that the right rev. Cardinal of York arrived here yesterday : we betook ourselves to him immediately, it being the first visit made by me, Sebastian, since my illness. On being introduced to his lordship, we paid our compliments in a loving and copious Latin discourse, on behalf of your Sublimity, embracing all the points that seemed necessary to us, men- tioning the love borne towards him by your Highness, and the vast esteem wherein you hold his person. We observed that we had placed ourselves entirely in the hands of his right rev. lordship, by reason of his marvellous endow- ments, and of the supreme authority enjoyed by him with his Majesty and the whole kingdom, evincing joy incredible at this his well-deserved promotion, and adding whatsoever else seemed expedient to us in demonstration of the affec- tion of your Sublimity, and of ourselves individually. His lordship replied in elegant terms, thanking your Sub- limity infinitely, and especially ourselves, for so honourable (to use his own words) and loving a demonstration made towards him, promising at all times and places to be the supporter and defender of your Excellency's interests, both in this kingdom and wheresoever else he may find himself, by reason of the singular good will which he knows is borne you by his most serene King, together with many other words and gests, replete with graciousness and gratitude. After this, we requested his right rev. lordship, if there was any news, to deign and communicate it to us : he said he had letters from Brussels, a place in Burgundy, dated the i8th instant, quoting advices from Verona likewise, in date of the 1 2th instant, purporting that all Italy is in arms ; and, not to weary your Serenity with all the details^ given us by the VOL. I. K 130 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN Cardinal, we will merely mention that his right rev. lord- ship described the affairs of the most Christian King, and of your Sublimity, as being in extreme peril, lamenting the piteous slaughter and bloodshed which he foresaw would ensue, unless the Almighty stretched forth his arm ; and he evinced greater regret at the imminent peril of your Highness than for that of others, somewhat blaming your not having made terms with the Pope. We, who had neither letters or advices of so recent a date, and being unable from what your Serenity writes us, to contradict this news, did not think fit to insist, and merely declared that we should never have failed conforming ourselves to the will of our lord, had we been offered fair terms, and provided we could, at the same time, have kept our faith with the most Christian King ; but that we were, on the one hand, deterred by the maintenance of the promise, whilst on the other, the con- ditions were manifestly most iniquitous, and such as one neither could or ought to accept ; wherefore the only re- proach that could be cast on us was, that we had adhered to our plighted faith. We then inquired whether there was any news from Scot- land ; and he told us there were great disturbances, acquaint- ing us word for word with all that your Excellency will have heard by the accompanying despatches, adding two particu- lars : first, that the Duke of Albany had made the Queen write letters to the Pope, to the most Christian King, and to his Majesty here, — whereby it would appear that her surren- der of the children and the fortress was not effected either by force of arms or constraint, but freely, which proved that manifest violence had been offered to the poor Qiieen ; secondly, that she had arrived in this kingdom destitute, and deprived of her children and property. He mentioned these facts with extreme vehemence and mental excitement, say- FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. 131 ing, that such a thing had never been done, as to proceed to violence against a Queen and her children, who would, doubtless, come to a sad end ; and that this is a bad return made by the most Christian King to his Majesty for having chosen to maintain inviolate the oath of the covenant made between them ; losing so great an opportunity for invading France, whilst the King is in Italy with the princes and military, there remaining in his own realms but women and property ; whereas, ships being in readiness, in eight days he could have sent an infinite number of troops across, to conquer and lay waste as far as their march might extend ; and he said, " Believe me, sir ambassadors ! this most serene King, and the kingdom, will not brook such an outrage." In delivering himself thus, he evinced incredible excitement, which we believe to be shared by the other lords of the kingdom ; so we, bearing in mind the order of your Sub- limity, which enjoins us to take for our polar star the main- tenance of the peace and league between these two most serene Kings, thought fit to reply, that over a temple of Apollo in Greece, the following words were inscribed, for observance by the wise — patiare et abstine (bear AND forbear); added to which, the Greeks had an ancient proverb, which may be rendered in Latin thus — festina LENTE (slow AND sure) ; and that, in accordance with these two precepts, his right rev. lordship should discoun- tenance any rash resolve, until after mature judgment, and a thorough investigation of the cause of this outrage ; where- upon we doubted not but that this kingdom would find, not only that his most Christian Majesty was unconscious of this innovation, but moreover, that when aware thereof, it would prove extremely irksome to him as becoming his extreme justice, faith, and piety, and we pledged our lives to his never having even thought of doing such a thing : in 132 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. 133 which case, this realm would have no cause for complaint, or to devise aught against his Majesty and his kingdom. Of this, we added, we felt sure, that, should King Henry choose to investigate the matter, he would find the truth to correspond with our assertion, we being convinced thereof by the fol- lowing reasons :— first, that it would ill become a new King, a youth professing great good faith and justice, to commence his reign by such beginnings and under such auspices, especially it being at this present inopportune for his interests, engaged as he is in the Milanese expedition ; to which effect, as observed by his right rev. lordship, his Majesty in person, and a great part of the French forces, had crossed the Alps ; wherefore, in this state of things, no one could imagine that that most serene King, at whose council-board so many most grave men are seated, would do what might now stir up England against him, and espe- cially as there is no want of those who are daily exhorting his Majesty here to infringe the confederation made between them. Then, again, the letter which the Duke of Albany made the Queen of Scotland write, whereby she seems to admit that she had not acted as she did on compulsion, but spontaneously, clearly proves that the most Christian King was not privy to this outrage, since had it proceeded from him, the letter would have been fruitless, and could not obtain the result desired by said Duke. We therefore be- sought his right reverend lordship to investigate the matter thoroughly, and endeavour that the errors com- mitted might obtain a remedy from the Christian King, in which case, this kingdom would dismiss such groundless suspicions. The Cardinal replied to some of our arguments in con- firmation of his charges ; but, with regard to its not being for the interest of the most Christian King to act thus at the present time, and to what we said about the letters, he made no rejoinder, it appearing 10 him, possibly, that our state--- ments were conclusive, for he said he would make himself fully acquainted with the matter, and examine it ; adding, that although he had acquainted the rev. French ambassador with a great part of this news, yet would he request us like- wise to announce it to him again, and act so as to avoid his incurring penalty p repeating, that unless the most Christian King put a stop to the proceedings of this Duke of Albany, his Majesty will not bear it, and hereon much more was said, which we omit, to avoid fatiguing your Highness. On taking leave, owing to the lateness of the hour, and by reason of a heavy rain, we were unable to visit the said French ambassador, but will go to his house early to-morrow morning ; and of all that we may transact with him, account shall be transmitted to your Serenity. 1 In the year 151 5, a courier could have performed the journey from Verona to Brussels in six days : the words in the despatch are—" De 12 pur del instante, date a Verona." The battle of Marignano was fought on the 13th and 14th of September, so these letters could not have contained notice of that event : they probably gave assurances of the result of the expedition proving unfavourable to France. 2 " Et simul operassemo talmente, ch'el non se precipitasse in penis:" This seems to imply a threat of holding the French ambassador ac- countable for such hostilities as the Duke of Albany might wage agamst England. London, October 11, 1 5 1 5« Since our last, in date of the 27th ult., some of these lords who had been a long while absent, returned hither ; where- upon we visited them as becoming. On discussing the news of Italy, and the conflict between the most Christian Kino- and the Switzers,i they asked us whether we had 134 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTIMAN received letters concerning it from your Highness : we an- ^swered them that we had nothing from your Excellency, but that there were letters from the most noble Piero Pas- qualigo to his brother here, and from his secretary to the merchant, Hieronymo da Molin, stating all that had chanced circumstantially, and we, moreover, narrated the whole to them in detail. They inquired if the ambassadors had acquainted us with this news ; and on our answering in the negative, they appeared to doubt it, as from other sources they have received intelligence difFering very widely from that contained in the letters aforesaid, and also from those of the French ambassador, which coincide with the particulars given by the most noble Pasqualigo ; and they said that hitherto they had no certain tidings of the victory's having been gained by the most Christian King. Through advices received from others, forsooth, they at this present hour know that the aforesaid King did obtain the victory, but a most bloody one, and attended with immense slaughter, in such wise that it was difficult to collect which side had suffered the greatest loss. With regard, indeed, to the peace which was reported to have been arranged between his Holiness and the most Christian King, they say they have nothing certain, and almost seem not to believe it. The Reverend Bishop of Durham, a lord of great authority and talent, added to the foregoing these words : " We have news of the engagement from a Frenchman in the camp, with this, moreover, that it would have been all over with the French, had not the illustrious Lord Bartholomew Alviano come up with his men-at-arms, who afforded such proof of their prowess and valour, that they gave the victory to the already flagging French;" saying to us, "Your friendship has been very profitable to the King of France.'* 2 This pleased us greatly, especially as it redounds to the profit FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. 135 and renown of your Excellency, for in truth it would be impossible to desire the recovery of your Excellency's state with greater glory and advantage, and of hope for the future, than here displayed ; wherefore we congratulate your Sere- nity and the most excellent Senate most heartily on its so great exaltation. Respexit tandem oriens ex alto; the day- spring from on high hath visited us, and looked down upon the pious cause of your Excellency, putting an end, as we hope, to your long and well-nigh insupportable toils and aflflictions ; and it will now be proved that, by God's grace, those who ever trusted and relied on the State's resuming her possessions, spake by divine inspiration. On taking leave of said lords, we promised them that on receiving letters from your Excellency concerning this event, which we expected daily, we would come and announce their contents to them : this they urged us to do, saying, " Your advices to this effect will be credited, for we are aware that from the Signory there proceed neither falsehoods nor fictions." Then, as we were informed that the Catholic King 3 had sent a princely gift to his Majesty here, consisting of a very valuable jewelled collar, with two capital horses, caparisoned regio ornatu^ and an extremely rich sword, with a view to obtain military succour for the invasion of France (which aid, however, the King had refused), we plied the right reverend Cardinal, in order to learn what this present was, and its value. Having described it, he said it was worth up- wards of 100,000 ducats: adding, that the King had formerly incurred such vast expenditure, and done so much for his Catholic Highness, that he was able in reason to make some such acknowledgment. The Cardinal was silent concern- ing any demand accompanying the gift, so we said it was reported that King Ferdinand had endeavoured to obtain a subsidy of troops to serve in France : this he denied, as his 136 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN Majesty would never choose to act contrary to his sworn league: but from another quarter we receive confirmation of our suspicions, nor are there wanting those who say that his aforesaid Catholic Majesty sent to pawn the collar, and obtain money thereon from this most serene King; but whether he has succeeded herein or not, we have been unable to learn, despite all our diligence.* Andreas Baduarius, Eqs. Sebast. Justinianus, Eqs. FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. 137 > Ora tores. 1 The battle of Marignano (as stated in the note, p. 133) ^vas fought on the 13th and i4.th of September; and by this despatch, it would seem that the news of that event did not reach London until the first week ni October. 2 « It was on the morning of the 14th of September, at about 9 a.m., that the Venetian general, Alviano, having ridden all night, came mto the field with about 200 picked horsemen; and charging a column ot Swiss impressed their comrades with a belief that the entire Venetian army'had arrived/'— See Sketches of Venetian History, vol. 11. p. 223. Murray, 1838. . , , r u- • j 3 Ferdinand the Catholic was at this period almost out ot his mind, having never recovered the effects of the aphrodisiac dish which his Queen Germaine de Fois set before him in the month of March, 151 3, as recorded in one of the letters of Peter Martyr, who, in date ot August, I 51 5, writes that the King, being then at Burgos, nearly expired in a fit ; subsequently, on the 28th of October, he expresses himself thus,— "Rex nescit qua tendat, aut quid velit ex ingravescente morboj" and finally, in November, 151 5, he says, speaking of the King's loss ot reason, " Ex Scylla in Charybdim Rex labitur.'' In short, Ferdinand the Catholic expired of hunting and matrimony, either ot which, as Peter Martyr wrote on the 14th of November, 1514, are fatal to most men at the age of sixty-three j and the only way in which one can account even for a rumour of a free gift made by Ferdinand of Aragon to his son-in-law is, that the donor was supposed to be out of his mmd at the time. ^ At the commencement of his reign, Henry VIII. seems to have transacted considerable business in the pawn-broking line, and got some very nice articles for his money, amongst which, this very ambassador, Badoer, mentions, in date of 14th February to 4th March, 1 510, that he then possessed the armour of Charles the Bold, on which he had lent money to its original owner's granddaughter, the Lady Margaret, whom he refused to accommodate a second time. Then, in September, 1510, in reply to a letter from the Signory concerning the possibility of obtaining IS- a loan from Henry VIII. on jewels, the ambassador writes that, pro- vided the security were good, the King would oblige the State with as much as 150,000 ducats. (See Diaries, vol. x. fo. 61 and 421). The Republic did not, however, follow the advice, on this occasion, of Badoer, who suggested that his wife should be sent to England, on board the Flanders galleys, with such of the jewels of St. Mark's or others as it was wished to pledge, so the King did not deal with Venice ; but these anecdotes prove that, at this period, Henry VIII. had as many customers as the Medici some years previously. London, October 29, 151 5. By ours of the i6th inst. your Sublimity will have learnt all the events here : at this present, forsooth, we inform you that the non-notification of the events of Italy by your Sub- limity, nor yet by your ambassadors at the French court, either to his Majesty here, or to ourselves, has caused extreme surprise to all these lords; insomuch, that several letters having been received from the most illustrious the mother of the most Christian King, and two from his Majesty himself, signed by his own hand, they were not credited, on these grounds, namely, that if the victory which the most Christian King arrogates to himself had been true and great as he describes it, your Excellency, or your afore- said ambassadors, would have already forwarded notice of it hither, and by so much the more as all the letters received by them by way of Flanders, and through other channels, are of a contrary tenor. Owing to this, the French ambassador, resenting the small credit given to his King's letters, wrote to his Majesty in such form that he sent hither a king-at-arms to corroborate by word of mouth, and vouch for all the letters signed by his most Christian Majesty, and likewise for those in the name of his most illustrious mother, setting forth his victory as most signal ; and according to what we have been told by the ambassador aforesaid, he eulogizes extremely the 138 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. 139 feats of the late illustrious Lord Bartholomew Alviano and his army, said herald having announced his demise,^ which was moreover mentioned in the letters which his Majesty here received from Flanders. Moreover, having been to visit the illustrious Duke of Norfolk, the Treasurer, who is a person of extreme authority, discussing various topics, he told us the affairs of Scotland were in a bad way, owing to the great dissensions amongst the people and the lords of the kingdom, some siding with the Queen, and others with the Duke of Albany, who, having sent for two of the chief lords, the Queen's adhe- rents,- under safe-conduct and oath guaranteeing their safety, caused them to be arrested, with the intention of harming them, though they contrived to make their escape hither. We perceive that the grandees here are very wrathful against this Duke, and anxious both to get rid of him, and to reinstate the most serene Queen; it being evident, that unless the most Christian King make provision, this side will proceed to war : on our endeavouring to ascertain this fact through the Duke of Norfolk aforesaid, he confirmed it ; adding, that forces will be raised by sea and land, which may be credited, as certain ships here in the Thames are being armed the last few days, artillery and other military stores being put on board them. Finally, a galeas, of unusual magnitude, has been launched with such a number of heavy guns, that we doubt whether any fortress, however strong, could resist their fire.^ This most serene King and the Queen chose to attend the launch, together with well nigh all the prelates and lords of the kingdom, we also being present, by invitation from his Majesty ; and all dined on board at the King's charge. It really seemed to us a fine and excellent engine, provided it can be worked. Neither the French ambassador nor yet the Spaniard were invited to this ceremony ; and from what we can conjecture, said French ambassador does not seem in great favour with these lords, whilst he, on his part, is dissatisfied to the utmost with them, it seeming to him that he is not held m such account as becoming. We fail not to sow the best seed we can, both with said ambassador to prevent his exasperatmg the' mind of the most Christian King, and also with these lords, in order that they may make some greater demonstra- tion 'towards him, being of opinion that this policy corre- sponds with the mission hither of me, Sebastian, whose in- structions are such as known to your Sublimity. We also went to-day to visit the right reverend Cardinal, in whom the whole power of the State is really lodged, that he might execute the ratification announced by your Sub- limity with regard to your joining the league, and write to the most Christian King about said ratification, so that his Majesty may confirm this inclusion according to the sugges- tion offered to us heretofore by his right reverend lordship, who made answer that he had seen the letters of thanks and ratification, causing them to be brought to him at the moment, and showing them to us. He said he would so act that the King should write to your Excellency confirming this inclusion, which would serve as security for your Sublimity, whose ratification, in like manner, would be his Majest/s bond ; and that he would also write to the most Christian King, intimating to him the ratification of your Highness, that he in like manner might confirm it. We shall hasten the despatch of both these letters, so as to close the negotiation. We will not omit telling your Serenity, that in our con- versation with the aforesaid Duke of Norfolk, who assured us that matters here tended towards war with Scotland, and speedily, we put the question, appearing to speak on our 140 DEPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. 141 own behalf, and for information's sake, whether such a war could be entered upon, considering the confederation with the most Christian King, which appears to forbid this king- dom's waging hostilities against Scotland? He answered us, that the conditions of the league are, that the most Christian King should favour the Queen and her children, so that the kingdom might rest entire in their hands, and that this side did not mean to compass aught save this very end, which tallied with the conditions existing between England and France. The French ambassador, however, denies these terms ; and as we have never been able to obtain the articles of that league, because the lords here sav they do not relate to our affairs, we urged this French ambassador to get and communicate them to us, so that, in case of need, we may be enabled to do what may seem expedient to us for the confirmation of said peace, and this we did knowing that such is the will of your Sublimity. ^ Alviano had died on the 7th of the month. 2 Her husband, Douglas Earl of Angus, and Lord Hume. 3 This launch took place at Erith, nor until now has it ever been pos- sible to ascertain the precise date of the event, which relates to the Henrye Grace de Dieu. Jn John Charnock's ** History of Marine Architecture'' (London, 1801), there are the following notices concerning this vessel: — " The King'' (Grafton says), " hearing of the losse of the Regent, caused a great ship to be made, suche another as was never seene before in England, and called it Henrye Grace de Dieu."' " We now come in reality to the ship uuhich has occasioned so much mighty controversy. It is truly said to have been built in consequence of the destruction of the Regent ,• and we may naturally suppose was launched in the sixth year of Henry VIIL, as we find the following entry concerning it in a curious MS. now preserved in the Augmentation Office : — " ' Here after ensuythe the costs don and made by the comaundmet. of the King owre Soven. Lorde Henry VIIL, on hys ryall schippe called the Henry Gee. a De^, for the brynginge of here into Barkyn crekke from Eyrethe, and payde by the bonds of John Hopton, the viii. day of Decembre, in the vi. yere of the reyne of owre seyd Soven. Lord, as here folowyethe' * * # j5« 6VT. « In the ancient picture preserved at Windsor Castle of the embarka- tion of King Henry VIII. at Dover, May ji, 1520, the ship called the Harry Grace de Dieu, or the Great Harry, is represented as just sa> mg out o-f the harbour of Dover, having her sa.ls set. She has tour masts with two round tops on each mast, except the m.zen mast ; her sa.ls and pendants are of cloth of gold damasked. The royal standard ot Eng- land is flYinson each of the tour quarters of the forecastle, and the taff of each standard is surrounded by a fleur de hs or. Pendants are flyTng onS mast-heads ; and at each quarter of the deck .s a standard oFsf George's cross. Her quarters and sides, as also the tops are for- tified and decorated with heater shields or targets, charged different ly with the cross of St. George azure, a fleur de lis or, party per pa e Trgent and vert a union rose, and party per pale argent ana vert a port- nillis or alternately and repeatedly. , , , . "On the main-deck the King is standing, richly dressed m a garmen of cloth of gold, edged with ermine, the sleeves crimson, and the jacket and breechef the same ; his round bonnet is covered w.th awh.te feather, laid on he upper side ^f the brin.. On his left hand stands a person m a dark violet cloak, slashed with black, with red stockmgs ; and on h.s righ him are three others, one dressed in black, another m b u.sh gray Guarded with black ; and the third in red, guarded w.th b ack, and a hkck acket slashed. These are evidently persons ot d.st.nct.on ; b hind'tl em a yeomen of the guard with halberts. Two trumpeters are ^ ting on the edge of the quarter-deck, and the same number on the foreca "e sounding their trumpets. Many yeomen ot the guard are on both de ks On the front of the forecastle are depicted, party per pale ar^en and vert within a circle of the garter, the anns ot France and En^gland, quarterly crowned, the supporters a hon -;^.-.J-g-;b-^S the arms and supporters then used by K.ng Heniy VIII The same amsTe repeated on the stern. On each side the rudder .s a port-ho e, wTh a brasLannon ; and on the side of the ma.n-deck are two po.t- holes with cannon, and the same number under the forecastle. The £u ; on the ship's head seems to be meant to represent a hon, but .s eltremelv ill ca.-v^ed. Under her stern is a boat, hav.ng at her head two SndTrdI of St. George's cross, and the same at her stern, wuh yeomen ^'prXhe d^'umen\?;rn^d"b Mr. Charnock, it is.seen that four entlTdays':Xoo men ^ere requLd to work *>}.« ^^-- ^^^ £bnT- tVom Er^h to Baking , and thaf.rg.v.^ t ^X't^- S°h?r;Lv;,\Ve G^/^VIli the Catharine ^ ForUle^ the Ma^ Kn,^ and the Feter he says—" The Henry Imperial, as the first vessel f„ he preSdIlg Hstiscllled, is not me^ioned by that name on^n^ other occasion ; Ind yet, being of the greatest force, .t was the ^dm.ra ship, according to the term then used. Th.s however, was "Ot always Kase, a cudous circumstance being developed by the last and he preceding documents ; for Sir Edward Howard, the L°rd H^h Adm.ra^ of England, seems to have hoisted his flag on board the Mary Rose, a 142 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN ship of far inferior rate. The Lord Ferrars, who always acted under him, was captain first of the Sovereign, and secondly oi the Henry Im- perial-, and it is not improbable the ship in question was the same that is much better known in the present day as the Henry Grace a Dieu. T/ie only difficulty ^hich occurs in the ivay of this supposition is, that the Henry Grace a Dieu is not thought to ha^e heen launched till the ensuing y^^r (1515)5 and all historians agree, thac the Lord Ferrars actually served under Sir Edward Howard, at the time that noble person was drowned, which was immediately after the foregoing return was made out. Frequent inaccuracies and disagreements, however, both in the names and tonnage of ships, have rendered the development of this branch of naval history, at that remote period, a task of no small difficulty. In a subsequent list, the Henry Grace a Dieu, most com- monly rated at 1,000 tons burthen, is stated at 1,500 ^ and the Sovereign, which in the last account is said to have been of the same dimensions which are usually given to the Henry, will be hereafter found diminished to 800." London, No'vember 15, 151 5. We have not written again, since our last of the 29th ultimo, because nothing has chanced, either previously or at this present, wrorthy of your Serenity's knowledge, though not to fail in our duty we deem it well to write little rather than nothing. By the foregoing, we mention that it seemed to be the intention of this kingdom to attack Scotland, in con- sequence of the innovations made by the Duke of Albany ; it does not seem, however, that any farther steps have been taken, though we perceive that a general Parliament of all the Lords 1 and Prelates of the kingdom, as usually held at this season, has been convened, and was to have assembled to-day, but did not meet. I, Sebastian, am of opinion that it is meant to discuss this affair of the Scotch war ; a report circulates that the sittings will commence this week, and your Highness shall be informed with all diligence of what may reach our notice. Having visited the Cardinal, he told us he had just then received letters from his ambassador with the Emperor, and FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. 143 from others likewise in those parts, purporting that your Sublimity's army had suffered no slight reverse, for that bemg under Brescia, battering the town, towards the "Garzeta," and having destroyed certain walls, the besieged made a sally by night,\nd finding our troops off their guard and unpre- pared, captured fourteen great guns, and killed about 1,000 men and would doubtless have annihilated the whole army, had not your Excellency's illustrious Captain^ retreated to a distance of three miles from the town ; and he added that your Excellency's troops had refused to continue the attack, after they perceived the Imperial Eagles floating from the towers of Brescia, and the like was, moreover, confirmed to us, by the Right Reverend the Archbishop of Canterbury. ^ This news circulates all over England, and is credited, though we cannot persuade ourselves of its truth, and even should it be in part correct, we, for many reasons, which it is unnecessary to specify, imagine the matter is a trifle and of small importance ; nevertheless, should the intelligence be untrue, it is at any rate disadvantageous our having no means to speak or declare the real state of the case, since success gives great repute to governments, whilst reverses have the contrary effect. We know not how to continue urging your Excellency to what is for your own interest, seeing that the battle gained by France was fought two months ago, and that nothing has yet been written hither for the gratification of this King, and in proof of your holding him in that account which I suppose he enjoys with your Signory, and with reason, although this long silence causes their lordships here to think otherwise. Let not your Excellency imagine that we prefer this suit to you for the sake of maintaining our own repute with this most serene King and these lords, our only object being to preserve their favour for your Excellency. i:afi»:;aj.jjnaii L 144 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. H5 ^ This session of Parliament, according to the printed Statutes of the Realm, vol. iii. p. 176, commenced by prorogation at Westminster, on Monday, the 12th of November, and continued sitting until the 22nd of December. By this despatch it seems that, although summoned for the 12th, the session had not commenced on the 14th. Parliament did not sit again, after the 22nd of December, 151 5, until Wednesday the 15th ot April, 1523. - Gian Giacomo Triulzi, the successor of Alviano ; see Paruta (p. 118) who mentiohs the position of the Venetian batteries on the banks of the stream Garzeta, and gives details of this sally, in conformity, in some respects, with these here announced to the Venetian ambassador^ by Cardinal Wolsey. •^ The Primate Warham. London, December 6, 151 5. Our last were in date of the 14th ultimo, whereby you were informed of every event down to that time. I now announce to your Serenity that on the 19th of said month, there departed hence the Magnifico the Knight Andrea Badoer, with the sincere good wishes of his Majesty and of all these lords, by whom he was considered quite in the light of a native Englishman, by reason of his excellent parts, worthy of all honour and commendation. After his departure, I received the letters of your Highness and the most Excellent Council of Ten, addressed to his Magnifi- cence alone, enjoining him to leave, and enclosing a bill of exchange drawn by the Magnifico Alvise Pisani, for 600 ducats, the which bill being drawn with the proviso of non- payment, in the event of his having departed, I did not choose to present it to Nicolo Duodo, to whom it was addressed, nor yet to the agent of the Magnifico Andrea, with whom orders had been left, to receive both the letters and the money. I shall keep said bill by me, until the receipt of further instructions from your Excellency, or otherwise will return it. In accordance with your Excellency's letters, dated the 25th ultimo, I went to Greenwich to communicate to his Majesty the news written to me by your Excellency in date of the 26th of October, all which he listened to attentively and graciously, asking of me the confirmation of many things which had been reported here, but were not credited ; and to these inquiries I replied in conformity with the advices received from my own correspondents. Your Serenity may rely upon it, that it is impossible to make a greater demon- stration of love towards his Majesty and these lords, than by giving them early notice of events; for, verily, the tidings received by them through the Emperor, are often devoid of truth. I also went to impart the news, in your Excellency's name, to the right reverend Cardinal, presenting your letter, both which acts seemed highly agreeable to him, and he thanked your Sublimity exuberantly, with intense expression of good-will and respect. Whilst visiting these lords, I was informed, through a trustworthy channel, that peace between this most serene King and his Catholic Majesty had been made and confirmed, which through many indications might have been conjectured some days previously, though as the thing lacked foundation, I did not think fit to notify it to your Excellency. At length, having heard it from one of the chief lords here, it seems to me only proper to communicate the fact to your Highness ; at the same time I do not imagine it will disturb either the peace with the most Chris- tian King, or that with your Serenity, as the character of his Catholic Highness is very well known to his Majesty here, and to all these lords, though I do, indeed, believe that the successes of King Francis have caused this effect. I likewise understand from a good source, that the most illus- trious the Archduke is negotiating peace and agreement VOL. I. ^ 146 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN between the Emperor and the most Christian King, through the medium of a certain ambassador of his who has been more than two months at the court of the most illustrious the Queen Regent.^ I doubt not but that the whole is known to your Highness by letters from your ambassadors at the French court/ I have, moreover, seen missives addressed to the reverend French ambassador resident here, both from the most Christian King, and from his most illustrious mother, containing the copy of a despatch from their ambas- sador accredited to his Holiness, mentioning the honour and good greeting received by him from his Holiness to a degree unusual with other ambassadors, and that he was proceeding with his Holiness as far as Bologna. The letters of the most Christian King addressed to his Majesty here, announce the agreement ratified with the Switzers, though the conditions are omitted, and that he holds the Milanese in peace, without any apprehension. He purposes betaking himself to Bologna, for the appointed con- ference with his Holiness aforesaid, whereat he states that peace and union will be negotiated between the Princes of Christendom, so as subsequently to unite their forces against the Turks ; to which effect said Majesty writes, that imme- diately on disengaging himself there, he should return to France to carry into effect the Christian expedition against the infidel, and exhorting this King to a similar course. The most illustrious the Queen Regent writes of the arrival of your Serenity's four most noble ambassadors, mentioning their names and grades, and lauding beyond measure the very elegant and grave oration of the most noble Domenico Trevisano, extolling and magnifying the very sumptuous pomp of this embassy, and the number of persons attached thereto, the like having never previously been heard of or witnessed ; whence I gather that the mission FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. 147 has proved equally honourable to your Excellency, and agreeable to his most Christian Majesty.- While conversing with one of these lords, he began complaining that letters had been written to the most Chris- tian King, announcing the preparations here for hostilities against France, and he said he thought the French ambas- sador was their author, and that he had taken his authority from common report, giving me to understand that the thing was disagreeable to this kingdom, without either contradict- ing or admitting it. We then continued talking about the aforesaid ambassador, who seems little to the taste of these lords ; nevertheless, having asked pardon for speaking freely, I stated to him, as on my own behalf, that the ambassador abovementioned complained much of the small account in which he was held here, which could not fail proving extremely irksome to his most Christian Majesty ; where- fore, with becoming diffidence, I exhorted his lordship to make some greater demonstration towards this envoy, for the avoidance of a stumbling block, which suggestion was taken most kindly by said lord, who thanked me with every mark of honour and good will, vowing he would labour to make amends for the omission. I deemed it proper to drop this hint, knowing that I could not do amiss to remove all cause of dissension between these two most serene Kings, as is, I am aware, the wish of your Highness. 1 Louise of Savoy, the mother of Francis I., and Regent in his •' The historian Paruta (p. nz) records this embassy, which went to Milan to congratulate Francis I. on his entry into that city, and was lodged at a castle in the neighbourhood, at the cost ot the King ; this beins done, Paruta writes, to render the demonstration more conspicuous. Trevisano, as the junior member of the mission, delivered the address ; his colleagues being Antonio Grimani, and Andrea Griti (who became successively Doges of Venice, on the demise of Leonardo Loredano; and Georgio Cornaro, the brother of the Queen ot Cyprus : each 148 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. 149 of these four patricians were already Procurators of St. Mark. As, until this period, the State had never appointed so many as four of that order to compliment any sovereign soever, it is no marvel that Louise of Savoy should expatiate thereon. London, December 17, 151 5. Since my letters of the 6th instant, nothing has chanced worthy of your Serenity's knowledge, but I write this, because I have latterly been given to understand by a person worthy of all trust, that two Florentine merchants, ^ who do a great deal of business, and were in the habit of sel- ling bills of exchange to others, at this present give money in large quantities to whoever will take it for bills on Bruges and Antwerp, which has caused many judicious merchants to suspect that these moneys are being remitted by his Majesty here to Flanders, for consignment to the Emperor, and this is the general opinion of the mercantile men of judgment. Having chosen to convince myself of this through two or three channels, I find it to be true and un- doubted that moneys have been remitted ; but that they belong to the King, or that they are destined for the Emperor, is an opinion, and not a certainty. It appeared to me, that this matter was of extreme mo- ment, and that opportune measures should not be delayed, so I went forthwith to this right reverend Cardinal, under pretence of other public business, and at length told him of the remittance of these moneys, and that they were reported to belong to his Majesty, who intended them for the Em- peror; in which case — a thing I do not believe — it would be tantamount to giving the sword to our enemy to destroy us, especially as the league of our mortal enemies had, by the grace of God, been dissolved, the Emperor alone persevering in his hostilities, with the intention of retaining our towns, lawfully acquired, and held for about a century ; nor has his Majesty the means of defending them, both because he has no right, and also from lack of money ; the supplying him with which would prove our destruction and ruin, by sub- jecting us for a yet longer period to insupportable expense, and protracting the dissensions of the sovereigns of Christen- dom ; and as such a proceeding was very foreign from our expectation and from your Serenity's observance towards this most serene King, I neither would or could credit it ; but should his Majesty, forsooth, have been deceived into giving these moneys, under pretence of their being employed other- wise than to our detriment, I requested with all earnestness, ardour, and submission, that he would stay the remittance of these funds, and that those already transferred to Bruges or Antwerp might, before they were diverted to other purposes, be recalled through the medium of his right reverend lordship, whom I also besought not to permit additional sums to be remitted hereafter ; and, at least, should he not be able to do any thing else, that the consignment of these moneys be delayed until after your Highness shall have obtained Brescia and Verona, which nothing else can retard ; adding, that this oiffice would prove as acceptable to your Excellency as any other that could ever be performed. His right reverend lordship answered me, that it was false that these bills of exchange were destined by his Majesty for the Emperor, neither were they to so large an amount as mentioned by me ; and that those who gave me this intelligence lied ; adding, " Were it thus, I should have no hesitation in confessing it, for our confederation is not of such a nature as to prohibit his Majesty's giving his money to whom he pleases ; but know, that the information is 150 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. 151 untrue, and although the remittances belong to his Majesty, they are made for the purpose of purchasing a quantity of choice armour and ornaments required for his own use, and that of his court ; neither is the money any great sum." He then assured me that his King bore your Serenity such love, that he w^ould not choose to injure you with his money, and that so long as his lordship himself may live, he will never counsel him in favour of any act hostile to your Excellency, nor to break the peace and confederation existing between him and the most Christian King, concluding thus, '' and hereof, my lord Ambassador, be assured." I thanked his lordship as becoming, and on the morrow, in order not to leave the ship with a single cable in this hurricane, I went to the illustrious the Duke of Norfolk, Lord High Treasurer, and narrated the circumstance to him, with all loving expressions, in reply to which, he said it was not true ; and at length, before my departure, informed me, as a great secret, that the King had determined, so soon as his most Christian Majesty returned to France, to confer with him at some place agreed on between them, and being young and fond of display, is determined on going with great pomp and sumptuously adorned, both he and his whole court, to which effect he has already disbursed 15,000 nobles, and this he declared was the plain truth, for that one would never think of giving money to the Emperor, both as it would be all thrown away, and also because the friendship between the two crowns is not such, that for its sake England would choose to injure your Excellency. Not content with this, I went the next day to this right reverend Archbishop of Canterbury, the Lord Chancellor, to whom I mentioned the whole fact ; he assured me on oath, that these moneys had not been drawn to your Excellency's detriment, nor for remittance to the Emperor, but for other uses of his Majesty, I not choosing to descend to particulars, because, he said, it did not concern me to know their especial destination, and that his affection for your Highness was such, that he should never know how to counsel his Majesty to injure your Ex- cellency, especially being aware, as he was, of the extreme good will he bore you. I thanked his lordship heartily for his friendly disposition, and besought him, should the thing not be true, to deign and prevent this my suit from reaching his Majesty ; but, should the facts prove such as represented by me, I urged him, for the especial gratification of your Highness, at least to delay the remittance of these moneys, until we should have obtained Brescia and Verona. Having preferred this suit to these three lords, and ob- tained their replies, I did not deem it advisable to go to others, who I know have also great authority, in order that if the thing was untrue, my appeal might not reach the ears of his Majesty, and cause him to resent my distrusting him thus ; whereas, if I was in the right, these three lords all together would do what they could. Such is the state of the case : should anything else occur, I shall most speedily inform your Excellency, and will be extremely vigilant about whatever may take place. Moreover, these lords told me that the most serene Queen of Scotland, who is on the confines of this kingdom, has been delivered of a daughter, and had been in such extreme peril of her life, that it was well nigh despaired of. She is better, however, and on her recovery will, by his Majesty's orders, come here to the court. 1 One of whom was " Master Friskibai," alias Frescobaldi. See ante p. 47. 152 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN To THE MOST Excellent Council of Ten. London^ December 20, 151 5. By my last of the 17th instant, your Highness was in- formed about the bills of exchange, and of what I had done with these lords to prevent this matter's being carried into effect, it appearing to me of great moment ; I also notified the replies of the aforesaid, who denied both the amount of the moneys and their being destined for the Emperor. You must now know, that, not ceasing to inquire through every channel, and to make myself sure of the business both with regard to the sum and its destination likewise, I have heard from several sources, that upwards of 50,000 ducats are already disbursed, and from day to day, a yet greater amount is to be distributed through bills on Flanders, from whence the funds will be remitted to several places into the hands of the Emperor. This I believe, both on the faith of those who made the announcement to me, and also on account of the quantity of cash invested here in bills on Flanders, causing a variation in the exchanges so very great that it amounts to 7 or 8 per cent ; and, in like manner, as the exchange has risen here, so has it fallen in Flanders, in such wise that those who want bills thence for other places, obtain 12 and 14 per cent, more than they would have done a month ago ; and this because the ready money has been withdrawn thence for transmission to the Emperor. This matter ap- pears to me of such importance, as not to admit of my delaying its announcement, though I have said nothing more about it, either to his Majesty, or to the lords of the Council, because the King has betaken himself with a very few of them to an unusual residence a great way off, and does not choose to endure farther disturbance of any sort—a FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. 153 proceeding very extraordinary. From what I understand, however, he will very soon return to Greenwich ; where- upon I shall go to him immediately, and will speak to his Majesty in person about this business, which, however odious, I shall endeavour to discuss in moderate language. Sebast. Justinianus, Eques., Orator. To the most Excellent Council of Ten. London, December 24, 1515. By my letters of the 20th, I acquainted your Sublimity with what I had heard about the moneys destined for the Emperor. Subsequently, besides other sources, I had re- course to a most faithful citizen of yours (whose name I, for good reasons, do not give at this present, but will men- tion it in due time and place),i who, having made most diligent inquiries to ascertain the truth, has, through several channels, learned all the following facts :— First, that these people had determined on remitting to the Emperor at once 100,000 ducats, and I have heard from others a greater amount, part of which sum has been forwarded to Flanders through bills of exchange, and part by special messengers ; and all these moneys are to be delivered at a certain German town, the name of which they are unable to give me correctly, and from thence they will reach the hands of the Emperor aforesaid. Speaking about this with the French ambassador here, he told me that he likewise had heard the same, and had given notice thereof to his most Christian King. Moreover, I have seen a letter addressed from Flanders to a merchant, a person of account, to the effect that " these bills of exchange, to the amount of 154 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN 100,000 ducats, belonging to the King of England, and destined for the Emperor, have raised the value of money here upwards of I2 per cent., and there is such a scarcity of gold, that it is no longer to be got." The like I have heard from one who frequents the Spanish embassy, who affirms to the sum being 120,000 ducats, with this in addi- tion, that they are being sent to the Emperor to enable him to raise troops for the succour of Brescia and Verona, so that I know not how one can any longer doubt this matter, and especially as a variety of circumstances had pre- viously occurred, indicating this result : first of all, there was the peace made between his Majesty and the King of Spain ; and then came the present bestowed by said King on his Majesty — namely, that collar, with a very valuable balass-ruby, and other things, as notified by me to your Highness in my former despatches, though I do not believe that the articles were sent as a present, but as security for the moneys to be disbursed. Also the fact of his Majesty having two ambassadors with the Emperor, to whom, more- over, the right rev. Cardinal's secretary ^ has been sent quite recently, added to which, couriers are constantly being for- warded to and fro by either party. Your Serenity may rely upon it, that the causes of so great a change have been the successes of the most Christian King, which this side ap- pears to have felt bitterly, as previously stated by me ; and they are acting thus on two accounts : first, with a view to thwart him in Lombardy, through Brescia and Verona, for fear of his proceeding to the kingdom of Naples, and this at the suit of the King of Spain ; secondly, so far as one can judge, this side purposes attacking the Scotch next year, and is of opinion that his most Christian Majesty will protect the Duke of Albany, who seems to have acquired great power in that kingdom, expelling the Queen, and keeping FROM THE COURT Or HENRY VIII. 155 possession of the princes her two sons ; and In order that said Christian Majesty may not impede this project, they seek to occupy him in Lombardy. As the matter appears to me, so do I announce it to your Highness, and will ascer- tain further on speaking again to these lords and to his Majesty, giving your Excellency speedy notice of what 1 may hear, and as from what I have been assured, these moneys cannot reach the Emperor until the end of January, should your Highness think fit, you might hasten the affairs of Brescia and Verona, so as not to encounter greater diffi- culty subsequently from said Emperor, after his receipt of this aid. Sebast. Justinianus, Eques., Oraiore. » From a paragraph in the report of England made by Sebastian Giustinian to the Venetian senate, on the loth of October, 1519, it appears that the person here alluded to was a Venetian citizen named Alberto Bavarino, of whom the ambassador speaks in terms of the highest praise, saying that, despite his failure, he was also looked up to on the mart of London as a referee in disputes, his honour and integrity being unimpeachable. 2 Richard Pace, of whom more hereafter. To THE MOST Excellent Council of Ten. London, January 2, 1516. Since my last of the 24th, his Majesty returned to Green- wich ; and I immediately went to visit the right rev. Car- dinal, who, for authority, may in point of fact be styled ipse rex; and having paid him the usual compliments, I com- menced discussing the affair of the moneys, concerning which I wrote copiously in my foregoing; and, in the most moderate and gentle terms, laid before him all the 156 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN details notified to your Excellency in my last aforesaid, avoiding, however, everything that might irritate him. His lordship listened to me most attentively and patiently for the space of a quarter of an hour, and then replied, that what he had told me at our last conference was perfectly true — namely, that the moneys remitted are not destined for the Emperor, and will not reach his hands ; neither was the sum by any means so considerable as that which I men- tioned, that is to say, 120,000 ducats, but much less \ adding the following words :— " I will speak to you with all sin- cerity and truth, and will tell you what becomes a Cardinal on the honour of the Cardinalate"— to use his own form of speech— saying, " It is true that this most serene King has remitted moneys to Flanders which will reach Ger- ( many, and perhaps Italy, for two purposes : in the first place, for the purchase of inlaid armour and other costly ' furniture ; then, again, we are aware that a number of princes, whom I will not particularize to you, either in France, in Germany, or in Italy, have pledged a quantity of very fine jewels, and of great value, which we hope to obtain at no great cost, and therefore thought fit to avail ourselves of this opportunity for purchasing similar things, which in other times could not be obtained at a much greater outlay. This comes of the want of money ex- perienced by these princes ; and although the money may reach the hands of our ambassador, yet it will not be in the power of the Emperor; nor need you, or the most illustrious Signory, believe that his Majesty would expend his treasure against the State, to aid the undertaking of Brescia and Verona. No man in this kingdom has so much as thought of such a thing ; nor yet of waging war on the King of France, or of opposing any of his undertakings ; for, had his Majesty chosen to act thus, he would have done so at a FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. 157 moment when he could more easily have injured him. By the honour of the Cardinalate, what we tell you is the truth ; nor are we of such a nature as to choose that our word prove vain and false ; and we should prefer not being deco- rated with this dignity, rather than do what is unworthy of it; and to the obloquy of those who told and notified these things to you, they lied in their teeth [mentterunt in caput suumy And as I had told him, amongst other things, that it was reported the affairs of Scotland had caused these remittances, with a view to detaining the most Christian King in Italy about other undertakings, and preventing any aid being sent to the Duke of Albany, he made answer, " We cannot but admit that his Majesty has the affairs of Scotland much at heart ; for were he to hold them in small account, he would be a brute, seeing that, owing to that Duke of Albany, the most serene Queen his sister is yet most grievously ill, having been prematurely delivered of a daughter, who subse- quently died ; she being expelled her kingdom, deprived of all her friends, part of whom are in dungeons, whilst others have been put to death. He, moreover, took the entire ad- ministration of the kingdom out of her hands, and what matters more, and additionally exasperates his Majesty, is, that he took the two princes away from her maternal guardianship, and placed them under his own charge ; since when, one of them has died, and there remains an only child, in the event of whose death, the kingdom would fall to said Duke. Think what reasons, human or divine, can palliate so great cruelty, and whether it be such that his Majesty, remembering that he is a King, should tolerate ; for I promise, and tell you plainly and intelligibly, he will not put up with it : if, however, the most Christian King remedies this grievance, you may believe that his Majesty here will cultivate his friendship, though assuredly King 158 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN Francis exhibits little gratitude for the faith preserved towards him by his Majesty, who had everything in his power." All this, most serene Prince, he uttered very passionately, saying especially, that as he was the author of the peace, and now sought to maintain it, he should be in extreme peril, unless the most Christian King took steps against these unheard-of cruelties. I answered each allegation as I thought became the matter, apologizing for the most Christian King, on the score of his perhaps not knowing the circumstances, or of his not being acquainted with them in detail, and possibly that he did not believe them to be such as they had been written ; since, if he knew the facts, or credited them, he never would brook the like, his profession of faith and justice being so intense, that he prefers being loved for those two quahties, rather than to be feared for his power; and that his lordship can easily imagine that his most Christian Majesty must be acquainted with this most serene King's forbearance, which would ill become so great a Sovereign to hold in slight esteem, adding many other expressions on this subject ; after which, I returned to the fact of the moneys, it appearing to me important, under present cir- cumstances, that even should his Majesty have for object to obtain jewels belonging to the Emperor, he would, out of consideration for your Signory, and not to keep you any longer despoiled of your territory and subject to such ex- cessive cost, delay and keep back the moneys, so that they may not reach the Emperor's hands, until after the recovery by your Signory of Brescia and Verona, as should these jewels be sold from necessity, the opportunity will often enough recur, as the Emperor only gets out of one expense to enter upon another;^ hereon, I expatiated in the most earnest language at my command. FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. 159 In reply to this, after certain long discourses of his, the Cardinal said, " Domine Orator, be not uneasy or dispirited about this matter, for I swear, and tell you the truth ; this money is never to be in the Emperor's power : • so I promise you that hence the Signory will experience neither detriment nor difficulty with regard to the recovery of her towns ; " and on my repeating the many reasons for good-will between this most serene King and your Sublimity, alluding to the ancient union which had existed between the most serene King his father, and ancestors, the Cardinal em- ployed in rejoinder a phrase worthy of notice, thus : " You say many things, and show few effects;" to which, when I replied by inquiring how the most illustrious Signory had failed in her observance towards his Majesty, he said, " I do not indeed accuse her of any fault, at variance with the friendship and confederation entertained by her with this most serene King," and finished the sentence in such a way, that I could understand the inference intended by his lord- ship to be, that your Sublimity ought to mediate between the most Christian King and his Majesty here concerning the affairs of Scotland ; and to enlighten myself hereon, I told him I purposed writing to your Highness about the com- plaints made by his lordship against the most Christian King with regard to these difficulties of Scotland, and he im- mediately said, " Remember that our King complains of three things: first, that his sister has been expelled the kingdom, and deprived of its government which belonged to her by right, and moreover by the desire of her late most serene husband, as proven by his will; and his Majesty chooses her to be restored in pristinum^ and that she be given the guardianship of this remaining son ; further, that the Duke of Albany be removed from that kingdom, as his Majesty will never tolerate his stay there ; thirdly, n 1 60 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. 161 that the Queen Blanche (Maria Tudor)- do receive back the jewels which King Louis gave her as personal orna- ments.'* From the specification of these three proposals, I think I may infer that his lordship meant me to understand that your Excellency should further this end. Much time was spent in these colloquies ; and on account of his nume- rous occupations, I then took leave, having first chosen to hear from his lordship whether he was of opinion that what I had said to him about the moneys remitted to Germany, should be mentioned by me in any way to the King : to this he did not give a decided negative, but made a demonstration that the thing would not prove agreeable to his Majesty, with whom I shall therefore perhaps not discuss it, since any good that could result thence, may be expected from my conversations with his lordship, he being rex et autor omnium. 1 Machiavelli said that, If the leaves on all the trees of Italy had been converted into ducats for the use of Maximilian, they would not have sufficed for his need. 2 In the correspondence of the Caesars, published at Leipzig, a.d. 1844, by Mr. Lanch, there is a letter from the ambassadors of the Arch- duke' Charles, dated Paris, in the spring of 151 5, In which the Queen Dowager of France is also called Blanche or Bianca, and the like is observed in other contemporary documents. To THE MOST EXCELLENT COUNCIL OF TeN. London^ January 5, 1516. By my last, in date of the 2nd inst., your Sublimity will have heard of my interview with this right reverend Cardinal; and whilst I was awaiting an excuse for going to his Ma- jesty, news arrived by way of Lyons from the firm of Salviati, who are persons of account, addressed to the Fres- cobaldi here in London, announcing that your Highness had recovered Brescia,^ which news was believed well nigh universally ; and I thence took occasion to visit his Majesty, to whom, as I have before said, it is not customary to go without some reason. First, however, I had a conference with the right reverend Cardinal, who said this intelligence could not be true, by reason of letters he had received that morning from his ambassador, resident with the Emperor. On going to his Majesty, he also instantly said the news was untrue, and finally all these lords came to the same con- clusion. I did not think fit to mention the remittance to the Emperor, as I had been assured by all these lords, and again on that very day by the right reverend Cardinal, that the money had not been sent to him ; neither was it destined to prove in any way detrimental to your Excellency, so to have broached the topic with his Majesty would have been a needless provocation. For this reserve, I was extremely praised by the right reverend Cardinal and other lords here. Subsequently, in a long conference that I had with the Cardinal, he complained most bitterly of the outrages committed by the Duke of Albany against his Majesty, which he said could only be with the consent of the most Christian King, expressing himself with the greatest warmth and excitement possible, and saying that by no means would his Majesty put up with it. I endeavoured to mitigate the matter as much as possible, urging the delay of all perilous resolves, alleging the many inconveniences and mischances of war, and exhorting him to try every other course ; or to ascertain whether what had taken place was really with the consent of France, which I could not bring myself to believe; but that if it had been so, his right reverend Lordship should seek to appease his Majesty, and bring the business to VOL. I. M II l62 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN an amicable conclusion. I spoke to the same effect with the illustrious Duke of Norfolk, the Lord Treasurer, who is of opinion that faith no longer exists between the sovereigns of the world, since the most Christian King tolerates such a thing ; and that, in like manner as one of the royal princes has been put to death,- so also will he rid himself of the only one remaining, in order that the Duke of Albany may inherit the kingdom — a thing which he seems to think can scarcely be tolerated. This matter, most serene Prince, is of an extremely awk- ward nature ; and perceiving, as I do, that it is not much extenuated by the reverend French ambassador, who does not show that his King is at all intent on applying a remedy, I deem it unbecoming to place such a burden on my own shoulders, or palliate a proceeding which they themselves are either unwilling or unable to defend. Such aid as may be in my power, I shall not withhold, however, and will deprecate war whenever I hear it mentioned. On the following day I went to the right reverend Bishop of Durham, and we discussed this topic, together with that of the remittances, which he assured me positively had not been sent to injure or inconvenience your Excellency in any way. He made the amplest protestations to this effect, declaring that in a few days 1 should have some proof of this kingdom's seeking the welfare and advantage of your Excel- lency, and not your detriment by any means ; but despite all my endeavours to elicit from him what this result was, he would not give me any further explanation, but laughed, and with a merry countenance continued talking in the same strain. All the English lords speak in similar terms, and tell me, in addition, that your Sublimity will be deceived by the King of France, saying, " What should you think if, in the treaty of peace with the Emperor, the King of France had offered to FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. 163 abide by the clauses of the League of Cambrai ? " and on my endeavouring to learn whether there is any certainty of this, I perceive them to mumble and dissemble it, either from not choosing to quote their authority, or because, as I suspect, the thing is devoid of foundation. In short, I may say that I perceive all these lords bent on persuading your Excellency to distrust France, and this for the sake of de- taching your Signory from his most Christian Majesty ; and this I see most clearly every day. I also comprehend, that should England and France go to war, it will be difficult for this side not to entertain suspicion, or a sort of enmity towards your Excellency, as everybody here considers that the two States are agreed in policy. I subsequently saw the reverend Bishop of Winchester, a lord, as I have said, of extreme authority and goodness, who also stoutly denied the transmission of the money to the detriment or inconvenience in any way of your Sublimity, expressing himself to me in these words: " l^o you I answer thus ; but were I speaking with the French ambassador, I should not address him in such terms," whence it may be clearly inferred that the remittances are destined for some stir in Italy, against the most Christian King, and this being the case, they can only have been sent to the Switzers,^ as written by me heretofore. The French ambassador here assures me that the sums forwarded into Switzerland greatly exceeded the amount I specified ; and, added to this, I un- derstand that a few days ago an envoy from the Cardinal of Sion"* was here incognito, and has already departed, so that one can prognosticate nothing but strife between these two Sovereigns, unless some expedient be devised for the affairs of Scotland, which I foretold in my former letters would prove a stumbling-block. Chance what may, I beseech your Excellency to make such demonstration that your 164 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN friendship with England at least may prove favourable ; for really all these noblemen seem much inclined towafds you, and little else is required to preserve their amity beyond the frequent transmission of letters, notifying such events as your Excellency may think fit, w^hether chanced in Italy or abroad. On the other hand, your Excellency's silence causes great surprise to everybody, it seeming as if the King of England were held in small account by you, and all reliance reserved for France, which will prove so much the more irksome to this side, when on the eve of war with that power. ^ Master FriskibalPs correspondent Is anticipating j Brescia was not recovered until some months after this announcement made by Salviati, the Venetians not entering that city until the 24th of May, 1516. 2 " Et cussi come e^sta morto uno de li figlioli Regii," &c. 3 In date of the year 151 5, Hume mentions that Pace proceeded from the court of Maximilian into Switzerland, and engaged some of the cantons to furnish troops to the Emperor. ^ The Swiss Cardinal, Matthew Scheiner, a staunch Antigallican. See his Life by Giovio. To THE MOST EXCELLENT COUNCIL OF TeN. London y January 21, 1516. ♦ * * Xhe French ambassador here having sent me word that he had received despatches from the most illus- trious the mother of the most Christian King, with letters from him addressed to the most serene King here, I deemed it well to go to his lordship after their delivery, and when he had made the announcement contained in his instructions, for the sake of learning the contents of said letters, and also to hear what his commission purported. To-day, therefore, I had a long colloquy with his lordship, who told me, these FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. 165 letters to his Majesty merely gave account of the conferences and resolves held and formed with his Holiness i— namely, to make a general peace between all the sovereigns of Chris- tendom against the Turks, and a strong exhortation to his Majesty to marshal his forces and march them against the infidel, which King Francis likewise would do, immediately on his arrival in France. Moreover, he told me that these lords commenced speaking about the affairs of Scotland, complaining of what had been perpetrated by the Duke of Albany, and that he the ambassador replied, that they com- plained without reason of his King, who is not the cause of this business ; adding, that neither did he know how he could with reason recall the Duke from that kingdom, seeing that he is next in succession, should the heirs of the late Kmg fail, wherefore his most Christian Majesty could not compel him contrary to right ; nor yet was he of opinion that his Majesty aforesaid could reasonably command the Duke to concede the admmistration of the kingdom to the Queen, or even reinstate her in the guardianship of her remaining child, she not being competent thereto ; and that it did not become her, she having taken a second husband : this, he argued, was a legal arrangement. The lords of the English court seem to have resented this extremely, saying to him, with great warmth, " Unless the King of France see to removing the Duke of Albany thence, and reinstate the Queen, both in the administration of the kingdom and in the guardianship of her son, we shall not brook it, and will wage war on your King in every possible way," with many other words to this effect. I asked his lordship if he had been commissioned by his most Christian King to defend the proceedings of said Duke of Albany— namely, his taking to himself the ad- ministration of the kingdom, and depriving the mother of the guardianship of her son. He answered me that he had no i66 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN such commission, but had spoken thus under provocation, to prove that right was not on their side ; so I thought it v^^ell to tell him, as gently as I could, that having received no commission from the King to investigate the merits of this case, or to defend what the Duke has done, had I been in his lordship's place, I should not have entered into these details, but would indeed have endeavoured to prove that the proceedings were contrary to the will of his Majesty ; since as the case in itself appeared somewhat inhuman, I should have been averse to justifying it, to avoid showing that my King was of that mind. I ventured this interference, most serene Prince, for the sake of placing my shoulders as much as I can under these impending ruins of the concord between France and England, which, I think, I perceive, unless the Almighty stretch forth his hand. As it also appeared that some of these noblemen are averse to war, and ponder the benefit of peace between the two Princes, and yet this ambassador had never spoken to said lords, nor visited them, so that they had no opportunity or arguments whereby to confute those who advocated hostilities, I next exhorted his lordship to pay them court, acquainting them with his arguments, and apologizing for his King on the score of his ignorance and disapproval of the outrages laid to the charge of Albany : he answered me that he would assuredly not visit them, as they were men who did not choose either to listen to reason or be guided by it. I then asked him if he had mentioned to them his suspicions about the remittance sent by his Majesty to the Switzers for the purpose of waging war on his most Christian King, concerning which, said ambassador had told me that he was certain, and that he had notified as much to his King. He answered me that he had not imparted them either to his Majesty here, nor yet to these lords, as he is aware it would have been of no use ; FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. 167 added to which, they might have entertained suspicion of enmity from his King on this account, wherefore he omitted all allusion to the matter. I told him that in my opinion, since he entertained this suspicion well nigh with certainty, it was his duty to have communicated it for the sake of coming at the truth ; hearing the reason, if they admitted it, and changing his opinion in the event of a denial, enabling himself thus to give his most Christian Majesty better in- formation, using such other arguments as occurred to me. To this he likewise replied that he had not forwarded any such communication ; and, moreover, that were he to press the matter home, it might induce immediate hostilities ; the onus of which he would fain leave to his successor, as he is averse to its appearing that he has been instrumental in such a quarrel. Perceiving these to be his opinions, I did not deem it expedient to press him more than I had done, for fear of stirring him up, perhaps, to great indignation against me ; and lest, in lieu of the extreme friendship which he now bears me, he should become my enemy, which would prove inopportune for the common cause, and thus I closed the conversation \ and perceiving that he does not act as I think he should, I deem it unfit to assume a greater burden than has been already assigned me by your Sublimity.^ I shall endeavour to preserve for your Highness the grace of this most serene King ; and on the opportunity's offering, with all possible gentleness and address, take the part of the most Christian King, without offending his Majesty or these lords ; though I am aware that the matter is of such a nature, that if it be the will of the most Christian King for the affairs of Scotland to proceed thus, it will prove impossible to preserve peace. It is important, on the other hand, should King Francis not meditate hostilities, for his ambassador here so to act as to prove his non- 1 68 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN complicity with the Duke of Albany, and not render him suspected ; endeavouring that the guardianship of the infant Scottish prince, and the administration of the king- dom, be acknowledged de jure^ acccrding to the will of the deceased King of Scotland. ^ Alluding to the conference at Bologna, where Leo X. arrived on the 8th of December, and was followed by Francis I. on the loth. London y February 6, 1516. * * * There has arrived here an imperial ambassador, who, according to report, is a native of Aste, and a creature of the Emperor's.^ The object of his mission is only known to the ministry here, though every one affirms to his being come for two ends : first, to confirm the confederation made between the Emperor and the Catholic King, and his Majesty here, which is neither denied me, nor expressly confessed, by these lords ; whilst others say he is also come to ask for money to fit out an expedition from that quarter against the most Christain King and your Signory, and of this I have been assured by the French ambassador, who says he had it from France through a great personage. On hearing this, I determined to take such steps as seemed to me expe- dient, and went to the King at Greenwich, together with his most Christian Majesty's ambassador ; and there wc found the envoys from the Emperor and from Spain, who had been closeted with his Majesty, having also had two previous audiences. Subsequently, the French ambassador, who on that morning had received letters from his King, entered the presence of his Majesty, and presented him with missives, which the King read first, drawing aside, together with the Dukes of Norfolk and Suffolk : he then joined the ambas- FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. 169 sador aforesaid, and held a long parley with him ; what they discussed I know not, for all were at some distance. The ambassadors told me that the letters purported how his most Christian Majesty meant to preserve the peace with this most serene King, and to live as brothers ; and that, with regard to the diff'erences existing between them concerning the affairs of Scotland, he was willing to adjust them as follows, videlicet : that the Queen return into the kingdom ; that all her jewels, and every thing else that may appear to have been taken from her, shall be restored ; that she shall receive security for her dower ; and that the royal infants (he not knowing that one of them was already dead) should be con- signed to the guardianship of the nohXts^ut moris est^xt not being becoming for them to remain the wards of their mother, now married again, nor yet of the Duke of Albany, who on their death would succeed to the Crown ; and if his Majesty had any objection to this, the most Christian King professed him- self willing to refer the matter to judges to be elected by the parties themselves, announcing his having come to France, 2 in order to give him more frequent tidings of his affairs, for which he hoped a corresponding return. To this his Majesty made answer that he much rejoiced in the dispo- sition of the most Christian King, which tallied, moreover, with his own, but that it would behove King Francis to exert himself, lest the affairs of Scotland interrupt this friend- ship ; and with regard to what had been said about referring the disputes to arbitrators, to be elected by the parties, he replied that it was not the custom amongst sovereigns, nor for their dignity, to place their controversies in the hands of judges ; and that he himself meant to be judge in the aff^airs of Scotland, without, however, swerving from the friendship and alliance which existed between them, as he was of opinion that, according to the articles, the Scotch business IJO DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN did not necessarily amount to a breach of their alliance. This in substance is as much as the ambassador told me. On my presenting myself to his Majesty to pay him my respects, he asked me if I had any letter from your Sublimity. I told him I had not received letters, though I wished to speak with his Majesty about matters of moment ; but, as I perceived the Imperial and Spanish ambassadors, and other persons, at hand, I said I had determined to delay until another day ; whereupon he rejoined, " You shall have audience when you please ; but we greatly marvel at your not receiving letters from the Signory, so many events having chanced and chancing daily.'^ I apologized for your Excellency as I best might, though I fancy that they credit what they please, and we two ambassadors then took leave. With regard to this matter, I will not omit giving my opinion ; and your Sublimity must know that, at this present, it is more necessary than ever to cultivate the friendship of King Henry, who is so well able to supply your enemies with money, and thus support the war against you, without openly declaring himself. You also perceive that here in London there are embassies from all the greatest princes in Christen- dom, and all hammer at this anvil — some for money and some for favour ; nor does a week ever elapse without all these ambassadors receiving missives addressed to his Majesty, indicative of great mutuaL confidence and good- will, whereas your Signory, which has, perhaps, greater need of his Majesty than any of the others, does not ever write ; and I am thus deficient in the means of negotiating and exerting myself so fitly as I could wish, and as current events so imperiously demand. Whether anything else was negotiated with the ambas- sadors aforesaid, I have as yet not had time to ascertain ; I willj however, do my best to learn something. One predic- FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. 171 tion I think I can make, that war will infallibly be waged between England and Scotland ; and should the most Christian King declare himself for the latter, the English, I imagine, will make a demonstration against his Majesty ; not indeed that I fancy they will invade the French territory, as in the time of King Louis, and this for many reasons, which it would be long to write. At any rate, could we arrange these Scotch difficulties to the satisfaction of the two Crowns, my belief is it would be a work of extreme praise, commendation, and of profit to us whose State is in peril. * As stated in a subsequent despatch, the name of this ambassador was Count Bartholomew Tationo. 2 Guicciardini (vol. iii. p. iSo) mentions that, after the conference at Bologna, Francis I. returned to Milan j and, having dismissed his army, went back to France at the commencement of the year 15 16, leaving Charles Duke of Bourbon as his lieutenant. London, February 7, 1516. On my return from Greenwich, the day before yesterday, I found letters from your Excellency, dated the 28th of December, containing news of Italy, and others of the 16th of January, with some duplicates addressed to the Magnifico Andrea Badoer. On the receipt of these missives, I went to the right reverend Cardinal, and first communicated their contents to him by word of mouth, after which, as they contained many bland expressions well suited to the present times, I had the letters read to him translated into Latin. His lordship listened to them most attentively, and then thanked your Sublimity for the compliment, although all the news had been heard here previously. After this, I told him that the coming of the imperial ambassador had rendered me some- 172 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN what anxious, both to learn the Emperor's bias towards your Sublimity, and also by reason of what was reported in trustworthy quarters, namely, that he was come for the purpose of sealing, together with the Spanish ambassador here, the confederation contracted with this Majesty ; also, to demand moneys for the Italian expedition both against the most Christian King, and for the defence of Brescia and Verona, which, I said, I could not bring myself to believe ; since, if at the time when all the Princes of Christendom conspired against your Excellency, the late most serene King Henry and his present Majesty persevered in the closest good will with your Excellency, it did not now appear to me either reasonable or credible that his Majesty should consent to furnish subsidy against your Excellency, most especially being aware that right was on your side, and that the wrongs were those the Princes of Christendom had subjected you to so many years past \ neither did I doubt but that his Majesty aforesaid, and his right rev. lordship, well knew who the Emperor was, and what his faith, as also the constancy of your Highness, whose friendship was perpetual by reason of our republican form of government, whereas, that of the Emperor was of small durability, both owing to his character and age. I therefore besought his lordship to ponder well, and, moreover, to acquaint his Majesty, that the injur- ing your Excellency by means of money and support, is neither more or less than a mutilation and amputation of his own members, as your Excellency may well be one of his limbs, owing both to long established friendship, and the recent confederation, whereas I perceived that the Emperor, at this first congress of friendship, sought to deprive the King both of his money and of his friends, which I could not imagine would succeed, or be counselled by his right reverend lordship and the rest of the ministry. With regard FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. 173 to the affairs of France, I told him I would not say much thereon, because of the residence here of his most Christian Majesty's ambassador, to whom this matter properly apper- tained, though I thought I might respectfully suggest, as a person well nigh neutral between two confederates, that since it has been so resolved, his Majesty was at liberty, indeed, to contract friendship and confederation with these Sovereigns, but that to take up arms against the most Christian King was a thing of greater moment, as France never yet had a more beloved and favourite monarch than King Francis, for which I could vouch, as, when there, many lords and great personages told me that they were disposed to demonstrate their loyalty to his Majesty in such a manner, that he should cither have proof of their valour by great feats, or see them perish before his eyes ; but, I said, I would not expatiate hereon, it being my opinion that his lordship would counsel what may be for the benefit and security of this realm, so as not to place it in peril, by disturbing the quiet and tranquillity now enjoyed by England, in such wise, that with her sword sheathed, she makes all the princes of Christendom tremble, with many other words to this effect, whereto his lordship replied in the language of the prophet David, trepidaverunt ubi non erat timor ; that I evinced fear of a thing from which his Majesty is very remote ; since, as he assured me hereto- fore, the Emperor was not going to receive the smallest frac- tion of coin from his Majesty, wherewith to injure your Excellency ; and of this I might rest assured, that nothing would be done to disturb or diminish the friendship and con- federation existing between his Majesty and your Excellency, and were it otherwise, he would say so, as the confederation was not such as to prohibit the King from giving his money to whom he pleased. To this I made answer that his lord- ship, in his great wisdom, knew that the King was at liberty 1/4 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN to give his money to whomsoever he pleased, though he ought not to give it to the detriment of his confederates ; it appearing to me, that to love and to harm were incompatible, wherefore I could easily credit that the money would not be given to the Emperor for the purpose of injuring your Excellency, and only feared lest the Emperor, after promising to expend the King's money for other purposes, might employ it, unknown to his Majesty, against us, and thus your Excellency would be injured by the weapons of his Majesty, and by the will of the Emperor; and concerning this, I exhorted, implored, and besought his right reverend lordship to have regard to the disbursement of these moneys, since whether the King be willing or unwilling, they would be employed against your Signory, which is precisely against England, who, in consideration of many and various possible events, ought to seek and preserve your Excellency's state in power and authority, as oftentimes it might greatly benefit her interests. At this moment, his lordship being sent for, I took leave, and went immediately to the rev. Bishop of Durham, to whom I made a like communication, and he assured me that nothing was being negotiated against your Excellency, neither did any one in this kingdom think of giving money to the Emperor, and that what was being done and negotiated at this present was all for the benefit of Venice, laughing and saying, " Per Deum^ we mean to effect your welfare despite yourselves," as his lordship has said to me many other times, without explaining himself further ; but, most serene Prince, from what I comprehend, the English court bears the worst possible will towards the most Christian King, and thinks he means to deceive your Excellency, and when once established in Italy, deprive you of your territory, and I perceive that their thoughts here all tend to one object, namely, either FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. 175 openly or secretly, to drive King Francis out of Italy, and it is in this way they think to benefit your Sublimity, so I, who well knew his drift, told him that on the contrary your Excellency's sole supporter in Italy is his most Christian Majesty, whereas the other sovereigns aim at your rum, as seen by experience, for that being allied with the Catholic King he occupied Brescia, and instead of consigning it, as due, to your Excellency, made it over to the Emperor, 1 and hence, I said, his lordship might conjecture in whose hands your Excellency's territory on the main-land would rest, were the King of France expelled Italy. At length, still laughing, his lordship said, " You will see a few days hence, that what this kingdom is doing, is all for the benefit of your State," and with this, I took leave of his lordship. Concerning this matter, I do not purpose saying the least word to the King, but shall merely recommend your Sub- limity's interests to him, and request that he will persevere in his good friendship and confederation with your Highness, for the right reverend Cardinal told me in very plain terms not to say a single word of such suspicion to his Majesty, as it would most assuredly be very disagreeable to him ; and having spoken with these lords, without whom no money will be disbursed, nor any innovation be effected to the detriment of your Excellency, I prefer being accused by you of omis- sion for not speaking hereon to the King, rather than by speaking to exasperate him against your Signory, and render myself the author of anything so disadvantageous. Sebast. Justinianus, Eques. Or. 1 This is the ambassador's version of what took place with regard to Brescia, in the years 1512 and 151 3. See Paruta. 176 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN London y February 8, 1516. By my letters of the 6th instant, tied up herewith, your Excellency will have heard what was told me by the French ambassador, who consented that the Scotch differences, con- cerning the guardianship of the Scottish princes, should be decided by mutual judges, and to abide by their award, to which his Majesty here made answer, that he chose to be judge himself; notwithstanding which three auditors were assigned to said ambassador, who was introduced to-day to the Privy Council, where he proposed this matter, and this evening informed me, through his Secretary, that the Council had determined that this dispute concerning Scot- land should be decided by arbitration. Moreover, the ambassador aforesaid told me yesterday that the most Christian King did not intend sending atiy gentle- men of his to stand godfather for this most serene Queen's offspring,! as he does not chose to stir for this purpose on the mere verbal invitation of the Duke of SufFolk, but means this most serene King to write to him. As I am aware that, should the aforesaid most Christian King not send any one to perform this ceremony, it would prove ex- tremely vexatious to his Majesty, I have determined one of these days on going to the right reverend Cardinal, to say a word to him thereon, as from myself, lest this slight cause produce disquietude in the breast of his Majesty here, and of the whole kingdom ; and my acting thus, will I trust have the approval of your Highness. ^ The child anticipated proved to be Mary Tudor. The report of the Queen's pregnancy has been already mentioned, in date of May, 151 5. FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. 177 London, February 12, 1516. Since my last, in date of the 6th, 7th, and 8th instant, whereby you will have learnt the negotiations transacted, I did nothing more until the lOth instant, on which day I went to Greenwich to this most serene King, to whom I communicated the letters of your Highness with the news of Italy, and other tidings from Constantinople, notified to me by my own correspondents. The King expressed his plea- sure at this compliment, saying it was very agreeable to him to have frequent news of the Turk, especially when he expe- riences any reverse : with regard to the affairs of Italy, he said he knew them already, but that the siege of Brescia was raised. After this, considering it inadvisable to mention the moneys sent to Germany, in order to avoid exasperating his Majesty, I besought him, should these ambassadors from the Emperor and from Spain make any demand prejudicial to your Highness, that he would deign to hold you in considera- tion, and ponder the antiquity and solidity of the friendship existing between your Highness and this most serene king- dom, from which your Excellency could never anticipate the possibility of receiving any offence, either open or covert : nay, that I thought I could promise myself that his Majesty would show this ambassador from the Emperor that he regretted his occupying Brescia and Verona, and might drop a word, indicating that he should approve of your Excel- lency's recovering your territory ; with other expressions suited to this subject. His Majesty replied, briefly, " 'Tis well : but know that the Emperor, on his part, complains of your besieging his towns :" and with this he departed, with- out awaiting farther rejoinder. It is my duty to write what I see and what I hear, that VOL. I. N i>M^«MtiiCi£ia 178 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN your Excellency may be guided in your decisions by actual facts. It seems to me that since the most Christian King's victory over the Switzers, which all admit took place through the support of your Highness and your army, the bias of everybody here, from the highest to the lowest, has much changed, this result having proved most distasteful to them ; nor is there any doubt but that the Emperor's successes at Brescia seem to have given universally the greatest pleasure. Moreover, some of these lords told me, and others said the same to the French ambassador, that Brescia and Verona did not belong to your Highness, but to the Emperor ; so a few days ago, having watched my opportunity, I discussed this matter with the person who had broached it to me, proving to him the ancient possession, the acquisition made by your Sublimity in just war against the Dukes of Milan, and finally, the confirmation made by the late most Christian King Louis and by his present Majesty, to whom, beyond a doubt, Bres- cia would belong, did it not appertain to your Excellency, as it does by every right : hereon I dilated at great length. I have to inform you also, that these lords endeavour with all their might to detach your Highness from the most Christian King, assuring me that immediately on his obtaining peace- able possession of the Milanese, he will choose to occupy the whole of your Highness's territory on the main land, a report which circulates so universally throughout this kingdom that everybody repeats it freely; and this (that your Highness may know everything) I deemed it expedient to mention to the French ambassador, for him to acquaint his most Chris- tian King, in order that he may know that your Sublimity is held in account by others also, as well as by himself, render- ing him thus more prompt (should such a thing be possible) for the recovery of your Excellency's state, with a view to confirming and consolidating your alliance with him. FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. 179 LondoHy February 18, 1516. After having written the letters tied up herewith, this most serene King's post from Rome brought me a missive from your Highness, dated the 14th of January, and which I received on the 14th instant, whereupon, with my wonted respect, I endeavoured to acquaint myself better de re pecuniaria^ if to do better were possible ; for on the receipt of these present, your Highness will have received ten of my letters concerning this matter, whereby you will have learnt all that one can learn. In point of fact, money has been remitted by his Majesty here, but the doubt is, whether to the Emperor against your Excellency, or to the Switzers, or to both one and the other, — for there is no doubt but that moneys have been sent to the Switzers as hire against the most Christian King ; whether the Emperor likewise has had any, I find it impossible to ascertain, but all these lords affirm upon oath that the Emperor neither has had, nor will have a single ducat. Others, indeed, say the contrary ; and amongst the rest, an excellent servant of your Serenity's^ has assured me that twenty thousand pounds sterling, which form 90,000 ducats, have reached Nuremberg; and these, he presumes, can be destined for none other than the Emperor, — which opinion is shared by the greater part of the merchants capable of having information hereon, and seems to be confirmed by the succour which the Emperor sent to Brescia, as from no other source could he have obtained money to effect this, though I confess that I yet doubt the fact. My reasons are, in the first place, the asse- veration of all these lords (some of whom, at least, would scruple to affirm upon oath to an untruth), and they declare hat the Emperor neither has had, nor will have a ducat: secondly, the new Imperial ambassador would not have m i8o DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN come to ask for money had his Sovereign received such a considerable sum so recently : a third reason, which ap- pears to me strongly grounded, is, that these lords made answer to the said ambassador, that until the Emperor per- forms his promise of coming into Italy with a large army to expel the most Christian King, his Majesty here will not give him a ducat. From these circumstances, 1 deem this matter difficult to be ascertained ; for should the Emperor have received these moneys, I am not persuaded that the lords of the Council would say so: on the other hand, had he received them, he would not be now asking for them, neither would he be told (as I said) that they choose him first of all to come into Italy. Finally, I have heard through two authentic channels that his Majesty has revoked the order for the moneys remitted by bills of exchange, so that they be not consigned according to their original destination. I know not whether God has chosen that so many nego- tiations, and prayers, and exhortations of mine, put forth since about the last two months without intermission, may have induced this proceeding j or whether these lords have, in fact, perceived their error. I have, besides, to inform you how this kingdom has concluded perpetual peace with the most illustrious the Archduke Prince of Castille, which was proclaimed to-day; and from what I understood, the proclamation purports that this peace includes all the confederates of either side, but I do not vouch for it. I will ascertain this with more pre- cision, and your Signory shall be acquainted therewith. ^ Alberto Bavarino. See ante p. 155. FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. 181 London, February 20, 1516. We have this moment received news of the death of the most serene Ferdinand, King of Aragon ;^ and it is supposed this was known some days ago to his Majesty, but kept secret, because of the most serene Queen's being on the eve of her delivery. The King has appointed two ambassadors to the most illustrious Archduke to condole with him on this event, making him all possible offers of aid both in troops and treasure. It is also stated that the Archduke aforesaid has sent two ambassadors hither, having already acquainted his Majesty with the death, intimating to him that, by the will of the aforesaid late King deceased, he has been appointed the heir of all his realms, without any excep- tion ; owing to which, I am apprehensive of many inno- vations taking place in Christendom, though at the same time, I trust everybody will be so occupied with the affairs of Spain, as to forget those of Brescia and Verona. To-day, also, her Majesty Queen Catherine brought forth a daughter. I shall go to pay the due congratulations in the name of your Highness ; and had it been a son, I should have already done so, as in that case, it would not have been fit to delay the compliment. I have thought fit to announce the event to your Highness imme- diately, that you may be enabled to write your congratu- latory missives opportunely, and with them you will also deign to send summaries of news. 1 Ferdinand the Catholic died on the 23rd of January, 1516, in the sixty-fourth year of his age and the forty-second of his reign as King of Castille, and thirty-seventh (complete) as King of Aragon. See L'Art de Verifier les Dates j also the Letters of Peter Martyr. l82 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN To THE MOST EXCELLENT COUNCIL OF TeN. London y February 24, 1516. * * * On the 2 1 St instant, this most serene King had his daughter christened, and the sponsors were the right reverend cardinal and the duchess of Norfolk, ^ the consort of the Lord High Treasurer ; and thus was it done, I think, by reason of the Imperial, and French, and Spanish ambassadors, and of myself J the King not choosing to make any distinc- tion, and I am of opinion that the consideration was prudent. To-day, I went to his Majesty and congratulated him in the name of your Highness on the birth of his daughter, and on the well-being of her most serene mother, adding that your Serenity would have experienced greater satisfaction had it been a son, for the contentment moreover of his Majesty, who should resign himself to the will of the Lord God, who distributes his favours as he pleases ; with other words suited to the subject. His Majesty then made me draw nearer, having, however, in the first place returned many thanks to your Highness for this compliment, saying, " We are both young : if it was a daughter this time, by the grace of God the sons will follow," and he then continued, '' Domine Orator, I will tell you a very great secret, the which I charge you under the closest confidence not to write to any one, except to your Doge, lest it become known ; nor even to your Doge do I choose you to write that I in person told it you, but say that you have heard it from a good source : know that the King of France is negotiating with all earnest- ness to obtain peace with the Emperor, and to leave you, single-handed, at the mercy of your enemies ; I always loved the Venetians, and it grieves me to the heart, the seeing you deceived from too great credulity : I have chosen to tell you FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. 183 this ; make such provision as you may think fit." I thanked his Majesty exceedingly for so affectionate a demonstration, and said I should forthwith communicate it to your Highness, who would keep what I might write you most secret. I did not think it advisable to probe the matter farther, for to evince belief in these words, would have been perilous ; whilst on the other hand, to let fall an expression implying that I doubted them, must have proved odious, so I let them pass without farther comment. His Majesty having departed, I remained with Cardinal Wolsey, who (after I had spoken to him, and appointed a con- ference with his right reverend lordship about the affair of the wines of Candia, according to the injunctions contained in the letters of your Highness dated the 27th of December) said to me, " Domine Orator, I have always loved you, and desired the weal and exaltation of your state ; beware in whom you trust, and take care, lest in a moment, through too great confidence, you lose that which you have preserved with so great labour and expense." I showed that I under- stood his meaning, to avoid the appearance of imagining that what the King had told me was unknown to his lordship, but said to him, that if the faith of your Highness doomed you to destruction, you could only have recourse to the Almighty, who would avenge it \ but, that let this perfidy proceed from whence it may, it is undeserved by your Excellency, as by your confederates you have played the part of a most Christian Republic, and as such, I trusted, would in no case be abandoned. I avoided in every word the possibility of being thought to lean to one side rather than the other, as seems to me expedient in this matter, which I have not chosen to communicate to the French ambassador, deeming it really of so great moment, proceeding as it does ex ore regis^ that it was my duty, first of all, to announce it to your t 184 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN Highness, who, being acquainted with facts concerning the most Christian King unknown to me, will form such resolves about your affairs as may be thought fit. I see this business getting very embroiled, and perceive that what I prognosticated to your Sublimity in my former letters is coming to pass, namely, that this side is solely intent on detaching your Highness from the most Christian King, and from these negotiations. ^ Agnes Tilney, daughter of Hugh Tilney, the second wife of Thomas Howard, second Duke of Norfolk. This Duchess Agnes became sub- sequently involved in the disgrace of her granddaughter, Queen Catha- rine Howard. The birth of the Princess Mary at the moment of her grandfather's death, and the choice of her godmother, appear evil omens. London y March 8, 1516. I now inform you of my having been to the right reverend Cardinal, under pretence of discussing the affair of the wines of Candia, but really to say and hear something about the present negotiations. After settling to hear me in Council concerning the Candian business,^ a fortnight hence, he com- menced discussing the affairs of France, making a great show of wishing to adjust them, whereto I exhorted and persuaded him, as much as I possibly could. He next entered on the subject of the money said to have been sent to the Emperor and to the Switzers, openly denying that moneys had been given either to the one or the other, testifying thereto by his consecration, and by the honour of the cardinalate, neverthe- less, your Excellency is aware of the truth through the result, and I hear and understand the contrary daily ; would it were otherwise ! Continuing to discuss the affairs of France, he said there was yet time to arrange this dispute, provided the most Christian King removed the Duke of Albany from FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. 18s Scotland ; whereupon I replied that I considered them arranged, it having heen settled that they were to be decided by mutual ambassadors, from which decision I imagined neither sovereign would swerve, whereto he made no farther answer, and I then took leave. Subsequently, I was presented with your Excellency's missives dated the 2nd ultimo, containing many summaries, and two letters from the most noble Griti, besides one from the secretary Rosso at Milan, acquainting me with every event, both concerning the affairs of Brescia, and also with regard to the agreement between the ten Swiss cantons and his most Christian Majesty. Having seen and read all this information, I went to communicate it to the right reverend Cardinal, who appeared to hear it very willingly, but not in the fashion wherewith the successes of one's friends are generally listened to ; and he asked me where the Emperor was, where the most Christian King found himself, and where the Switzers were. I told him that I knew nothing soever either of the Emperor or yet of the Switzers, but that with regard to the most Christian King, I understood through letters and statements received by his reverend ambassador, that his Majesty was in Provence and was expected at Lyons. Perceiving him then to mutter somewhat, saying (but pre- tending all the while that he did not choose to say) that it was reported his aforesaid Majesty had died ; that he himself did not believe it; though it might be that he was diseased; which would greatly prejudice his interests :— I told him that of death there was no fear, since that was not a thing which could be kept secret ; and as for sickness it did not seem by the last letters, that any thing sinister had befallen his Majesty." He likewise discussed what has by this time become so very trite a topic, namely, the injuries inflicted by King Francis on his Majesty here, saying, that there was yet i86 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN time to allay all disturbance by removing the Duke of Albany; and as I heard through the French ambassador that King Henry had armed some fifty or sixty ships (of which there neither was nor is so much as the slightest rumour in the town, I having made close inquiries on the subject), I said to him, "My right reverend lord ! many reports circulate, both about the remittances, that they have really reached Inspruck, destined for the Emperor and for the Switzers ; and also that a great armada is being fitted out here, and so considerable as to make it appear that it is for no trifling pur- pose." His right reverend lordship solemnly denied both facts, but said that some ten or twelve royal ships here in the Thames, which needed repairs, had undergone them ; and that these were matters of such a nature as could not be put in execution, without a general understanding. I exhorted his lordship to be, as he ever had been, the author of peace between these two most serene Princes. He then made me a discourse purporting that he had effected the peace with King Louis, and that to preserve it he had caused the Princess Maria to be given to that infirm and decrepid monarch, dis- daining the alliance with the most illustrious the Archduke,^ and many other things of extreme moment, with which he was now reproached, it being told him that he displayed greater anxiety for peace with France, than for the honour of his King ; notwithstanding which, he should exert himself more than ever to avoid the destruction of his fabric, provided the most Christian King would conform to reason, especially by removing the Duke of Albany. In short, he made a long speech, which I answered briefly, telling him that I hoped his lordship and the respective ambassadors who were expected both from France and Scotland, would arrange everything, exhorting him to this effect, because if a decision was to be arrived at through hostilities, and that it should prove FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. 187 favourable for this kingdom, yet could not his lordship be greater than he is ; whereas, should the result be disastrous, those at the helm always encounter strong opposition, and every reverse is attributed to them ; by so much the more as for the support of war, taxes and burdens are laid upon the people, who do not complain of kings, but of their ministers, wherefore, out of the respect borne by me towards his lord- ship, I besought him to be intent on deciding well for the kingdom's interests and for his own, as the result of war is doubtful: for this demonstration of friendship, his lordship thanked me, and I then took leave. From the Cardinal, I proceeded immediately to the Reve- rend Bishop of Durham, to whom I also communicated the summaries, having listened to which, he said, smiling, — "Where are the Swiss and the Emperor?" I told him that I imagined they were at home : he answered me, — " Rely upon it that they are in Italy, and in number 36,000, including horse and foot; and I lament your being in so great trouble, for I doubt there ever having been a state or kingdom capable of enduring so great and constant a war as you have done, and I certainly marvel at your ever having linked yourself to France, with whom it is impossible for you to advance ; for should she lose, you will be worsted with her : should she be victorious, she will deceive you," an assurance which I hear, from divers persons, a hundred times in the course of the day. All this is for the sake of detaching your Excellency from his most Christian and to us most faithful Majesty, so that really, considering the ill will borne your Excellency by all the princes of Christendom, you needed no more suitable companion.* I answered him, that the peace and confederation existing between your Sublimity and France was offered us by the late most Christian King Louis, and at the time when the pet 188 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN Emperor and the King of Spain (who was our confederate) were deceiving us, and acting by your Signory like utter enemies ; wherefore your Excellency had been compelled to accept the peace with France, which the present most serene King had hitherto preserved inviolate. We then commenced discussing the fact of the money sent to Inspruck : he vowed that if moneys had been sent to the Emperor, he was willing to be called a traitor ; whereto I replied that I believed his lordship entirely, though it really seemed very wonderful to me that the Emperor, who was not worth a ducat, should have come into Italy with 36,000 men, without having even received subsidy from the Pope, who is on the best possible terms with France ; nor from the King of Spain, who is dead; nor from the Archduke, who has now need to amass treasure for the afFairs of Spain ; nor from this most serene King, according to the assertion of his lordship, who repeated that his Majesty had not given money against your Excellency, but to the Switzers against the King of France, adding (to use his own words), " This much is not impossible." I told him that it was not possible to give favour to the Switzers against the most Christian King, without its being against us, as our fortunes were united ; whereto his lordship rejoined, " The Switzers are not your enemies, nor do they want what is yours, though they, indeed, are the enemies of the King of France, and choose to have the territory held by him in Italy." This and much more being said on either side, I took leave, recommending to him the interests of your Highness. * See note on sack, p. 100. 2 The meaning of Wolsey may be inferred from the note concerning Coppo at p. 32. 3 The Archduke Charles of Burgundy, Prince of Castille, had been affianced to the Princess Maria Tudor in the spring of 1509, and re- mained her betrothed husband for five years, that is to say, until she married Louis XII. in 15 14. FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. 189 * " Non li bisognava altra compagna.'' It may mean that, with so much enmity to bear on her own account, Venice could not have chosen a more unpopular ally, or one who consequently so became her j but more probably the ambassador means to compliment Francis I., and to assert that his alliance was the very one, of all others, which the State most needed, as best suited to her. I London, March 10, 1516. By the accompanying, your Serenity will have received information of all that has passed ; and I now inform you of the arrival here of two ambassadors from the most illustrious Prince of Castille, personages of great consequence ; one of whom is my Lord da la Rosa,^ of yore a prisoner to your Sublimity ; the other is a prelate, also a person of account, and very learned. On Sunday the 9th they had their public audience, the King and all his court being in very sumptuous array ; the prelate delivered a Latin oration, and they then went to church, and, in the King's presence, swore to the peace and friendship signed between his Majesty and their prince, to last for ever. Neither the French ambassador nor myself were present on this occasion, as similar ceremonies are not attended by ambassadors unless they are invited. On the morrow, the aforesaid French ambassador and I went to visit these envoys, who gave us courteous greet- ing, save that my Lord de Roeux complained of having been harshly treated at Venice f the other ambassador doing the like, on the authority of said lord, and adding a brief sentence or two of biting import : I endeavoured to appease him, saying, that if there had been any maltreatment it did not proceed from your Highness, but from some of your ministers, who possibly did not execute the behests of your Excellency i whereupon he immediately replied that it was not igo DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. 191 the fault of the ministers, for that Bartholamio Contarini and Zuan Antonio Dandolo, were the persons charged with his custody, and he said, " They behaved most excellently, and with them I was very well satisfied, for they are very worthy noblemen : and besides them, I have great cause to congra- tulate myself on the treament I received from Francesco Contarini, son of the late Zacharia,^ who did me more service than I could possibly desire, and I shall ever feel obliged to him;" and he charged my secretary to write to him and salute him on his behalf, with great demonstration of goodwill. I sought to soothe him to the utmost, and we then commenced discussing other topics, in the course of which he told me that his prince meant to go into Castille, and would settle that business ; nor did he anticipate any opposition soever, as his brother and all the grandees of Castille had tendered him obedience ; but that he did not yet choose to be styled king until his arrival out there. Subse- quently, in the course of conversation, when specifying his realms, he mentioned the kingdom of Naples, evincing that the prince deemed it not less his own than Castille ; and he showed a letter to the French ambassador here, which was the copy of one written by the deceased Catholic king to his prince, wherein he particularized all the states which he bequeathed him, including the kingdom of Naples, exhorting him to preserve and defend said realms, recommending to him the most serene Queen, his consort,* with regard to her receiving what was due on account of dower, since it was her intention to remain in Castille. These things did not please the reverend French ambassador, who has told me so repeatedly, because the most Christian King maintains that the kingdom of Naples was the dowry of the queen aforesaid, and that in' the event of her dying without heirs, it was to revert to the crown of France ; he made no answer, how- ever, either to the letter or to the language of said ambassa- dors, who extol this most serene King of England to the utmost pitch that a sovereign can be celebrated, both for power and treasure, and every other merit : by this I per- ceive how strong the union that exists between these two princes, which God grant may not prove to our hurt. They then asked me about the condition of your Excel- lency's army, concerning the commanders and proveditors, and the number of spears and infantry, whereto I answered as deemed by me expedient for the interests of your High- ness. They commended the most noble Andrea Griti, his special valour and experience, and, in course of conversation, greatly lauded the ability, force, and government of your Highness, to which no other state soever can ofFer a com- parison, as visible through the imposing operations of this endless war ; reproaching you, however, with having acquired your territory by the spoliation of other states, wherefore should your power now decline, it was no wonder, since it had lasted much longer than other republics, and that it was natural for whatever had once enjoyed increase, at length to fail. I replied calmly to all these comments, avoiding whatever I thought might produce strife, for in truth, most serene Prince, your Excellency has no need of more hostile potentates than those already opposed to you, as indeed I should be at a loss to say who is on your side, it behoving me listen daily to what I hear unwillingly. I laboured to impress them favourably with regard to your Highness, reminding them of the ancient friendships main- tained with all the most illustrious Dukes of Burgundy in the olden time; and that your Excellency considered yourself on the like terms with the present most illustrious prince, whose person is singularly considered and revered by the entire most illustrious Senate ; and as said ambassadors i^aii^-tei-afciwtefta 192 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. 193 mentioned that they were departing hence In two or three days, we took leave of each other. * Thus called in Italy, his real name being Roeux or Reus. My Lord de Rocux commanded a corps of Burgundian cavalry in the service of the Emperor Maximilian, and Cardinal Bembo mentions his having been captured by the Venetian light horse, a.d. 151 i. 2 Monsieur de Roeux arrived a prisoner of war at Venice, on the evening of the 5th of November, 1 5 1 1 , accompanied by a Secretary of the Council of Ten, Nicolo Aurelio. On the morrow he went into the college, and was seated near the Doge, who spoke him fair. He requested leave to have the camp-barber from Padua, who had accompanied him, and dressed his wound hitherto, as, under his care, he expected to recover speedily, and he promised to write to the Emperor, &c. Monsieur de Roeux in 1 51 1 was in the service of the Lady Margaret. See Sanuto, vol. xiii. fo. 157. 3 Zacharia Contarini was taken prisoner by the French at Cremona in 1509, and died in France in 151 3. He was one of the ablest diplo- matists of Venice, and his despatches, written from the court of Maxi- milian, in the years 1495 and 1496, contain some curious details of English politics in those times, and mention his having become ac- quainted, on this mission, with a great-grandson of Hotspur, called Lord Egremont, and also with Priest Christopher Urswick, who subse- quently became Archbishop of York, under the name of Bambridge, and is introduced by Shakspeare in the tragedy of King Richard III. ■* Germaine de Fois, the second wife of Ferdinand the Catholic, who married her a.d. 1506, March 18. London y March 11, 1516, I went to-day to communicate to the King the letters of your Highness and the summaries of news. I found him somewhat indisposed, as he has been the last three days. He received me alone, in a private chamber, when I com- municated to him both the letters and the summaries, of which last I made a very brief Latin compendium, that they might prove less tedious to him. Having read them, he told me the agreement between the Switzers and the King of France had not taken effect, nay, that they were all agreed with the Emperor, and had taken the French King's money, in part payment of their claims upon him, and "that by this time, the Emperor, together with said Switzers, are in Italy, between Verona and Milan, and have barred the passage in such a manner, that our army in the Brescian territory is prevented succouring that of the most Christian King; that the French who were with the Duke of Bourbon ^ had fled, the Duke himself, with certain personages of account, having withdrawn into Milan Castle;" so that," said his Majesty, laughing, "you see how you stand ! " He evinced extreme surprise at your Excellency's having adhered to the King of France and for- saken your friends, since you will become aware of having made a bad choice, as should France conquer, she will de- spoil your Excellency of everything ; "If she loses," he re- peated, " you know how you stand ! " Whilst uttering these words, the King seemed to exult, and, moreover, to wax somewhat warm ; so it seemed necessary to me to apologize for your Highness, stating to him that some years ago,^ your Excellency, together with the Spaniards, undertook to expel the French from Italy ; when, besides the army of 1,600 spears, 2,000 light cavalry, and 8,000 Italian infantry, you moreover subsidized 15,000 Swiss, who were paid with your own money, owing to which army, the French were com- pelled to abandon Italy, your agreement with the Catholic King purporting, that the towns which had been ours were to be restored to us; according to which, when Brescia and Bergamo surrendered to the Spanish commander, said cities ought to have been made over immediately to our proveditors in your Excellency's name ; whereas they were consigned to the agents of the Emperor, so that your Ex- cellency suffered greater injuries from your allies than from open enemies. In consequence of this, I said, the most •Christian King Louis sent the Magnifico Antonio Giustinian, VOL. !• ^ 194 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTIKIAN who was then a prisoner in France, to ofFer us peace, restoring to us the whole of our territory ; and he was followed by the most noble Andrea Griti, likewise a prisoner to his Majesty ; and through these means (m order not to remain in the power of our enemies under pretence of con- federation), it behoved your Excellency to accept the peace with the aforesaid King. His Majesty interrupted me here, saying, <' It was not necessary to abandon your fr.ends, some of whom, at least, could and would have aided you" (alM- in<. to his Majesty himself) ; and he continued, " T here co'Lld be no necessity soever for making you have recourse to such perfidy," and this he uttered with some md.gna- tion, becoming rather pale in the face.' Perceiving h.m more irritated than I could ever have imagined, and more openly hostile to France, I thought it time to appease h.m and said, that if your Excellency then made terms with France from necessity, yet did we never swerve or detach ourselves from our friendship and observance towards his Majesty, which, on the contrary, ever continued and pre- vailed until now ; as we recollected, that when all the princes of Christendom conspired and plotted against us, his Majesty was that sole beacon which remained to us in so great dark- ness, ever favouring your Excellency's interests in word and deed At this point again, his Majesty interrupted me, say- ine " You speak the truth, for I have done more for you than my father ever did, or any other prince who may have been your friend ;" whereupon, after modestly assenting as it be- hoved me, I continued my discourse, vowing that your Excellency would never depart from your friendship and confederation with his Majesty, being aware both of the ancient and recent good-will subsisting with your Excel- lency who perfectly understood his extreme goodness, justice, strength, and authority ; to this, the King rejoined. FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. 195 ^^ Be assured, Domine Orator, that I have now more money and greater force and authority than I myself or my ancestors ever had ; so that what I will of other princes, that I can obtain," and, moreover, when saying this, he seemed to wax wrath ; so I told him that I, who was on the spot, knew this, as I perceived the kingdom to be most powerful ; the great plenty of its money ; the endowments of his Majesty y and his extreme authority with all the princes of Christendom, whom I see all prostrate themselves before him tanqua?n ad justissimum refugium ; but yet greater than either his power or wealth, did I deem his justice, benignity, and clemency, which I was sure would never fail such a friend as your Excellency. I besought him, therefore, to per- severe in his amicable intentions, and to hold the Signory as his most devoted ally; in uttering which expressions, I bowed myself with all submission down to the very ground. After this, continuing the conversation, he commenced praising the Cardinal of Sion,^ saying he was a most worthy man, and added that he did not choose to omit mentioning this — namely, that the enemies of your Sublimity, to wit, the Emperor and the late Catholic King, were such because you willed it so, as had the Signory been so inclined, his Majesty could have easily reconciled you to them ; " but," said he, " I wrote to your Senate to this effect, but received no answer, my authority being held in small account." To this, I an- swered him, that your Excellency wrote to his Majesty that you would have been content for him to arrange and settle in some way these disputes between yourself and the poten- tates aforesaid, but that as his Holiness had already under- taken to mediate between your Excellency and the Emperor, the negotiation was not pursued, to avoid exasperating the Pope, who might have considered himself slighted, after being the first to offer his interposition; though of this I 196 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN could assure his Majesty, that our whole Senate was much more inclined towards having these matters adjusted by him than by the Pope ; nor should the reason assigned by me alienate his Majesty from us, since under all circumstances, and every change of fortune, we have tendered him incom- parable good will and observance, and shall continue doing so, requesting him, with every demonstration of respect, to hold your Excellency his friend and confederate, and to consider your whole territory as recommended to his protection. He made answer, " I shall ever love the Signory ; I could not do otherwise; yet is it true that I will not ofFend those who are my friends, and who have placed trust in me, and do so at this present, by deeds, and not by words." I again repeated to him what I deemed expedient for the in- terests of your Excellency, so that, at length, on my taking leave, he said, " I shall ever regard you as friends, nor is it my intention to injure you, either by troops or money;" adding, that he greatly marvelled at not having any but stale news from your Excellency : so, most serene Prince, as this seems to me more than ever the moment for culti- vating this King's friendship, I beseech your Highness to be pleased to pay him the compliment (which costs you nothing) of keeping him opportunely advised of such matters as you may consider fitted for his knowledge. I perceive, indeed, that if the Emperor and the Switzers give battle to the most Christian King, and lose it, it will be more than ever expedient for your Excellency to be on terms with his Majesty; and if, on the contrary, which God forbid, the most Christian King be worsted, there is ho sovereign in the world who could better arrange the afFairs of your Ex- '-cellency with your enemies than this King, whom your •Excellency may be convinced enjoys much greater authority with the Emperor (and it seems to me with the most illus- FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VUU 197 trious Archduke likewise) than he himself admits ; so that j you will do as to your wisdom shall seem expedient. 1 1 When Francis I. returned to France, at the commencement of 1 5 1 6 , he left the Duke de Bourbon as his lieutenant. See Guicciardini, vol. iii. p. 180. . . ,. . , .. 3 A.D. 1 511. See Guicciardmi, vol. 11. p. 403- 3 Guicciardini mentions a place having been reserved for Henry VIII. in the league formed between Julius II. and Spain and the Venetians, A.D. 1 51 1 (see vol. ii. p. 403) i and apparently, upon this account, the King resents the Signory's change of policy as an act of disrespect to himself personally, but it may be suspected that his wrath, as displayed to the Venetian ambassador in March, 1516, proceeded less from resent- ment at the past, than from apprehension lest the Venetian alliance mieht thwart the expedition, which, when this conversation took place, wa! being undertaken by Maximilian against the French m the Milanese j and in point of fact, the subsequent retreat of the Emperor from the gates of Milan, was due to the Venetian proveditor, Andrea Griti,more than to any any other circumstance. , a • n- 4 Mathew Scheiner, Cardinal of Sion, was a staunch Anbgallican, on which account it may be doubted whether the ambassador shared the King's opinion of his merits j and the Venetians, moreover on their own account, had some causes of complaint against this prelate, amongst which may be mentioned that, when professedly their ally, in July, ,ci2 he kidnapped the two proveditors of the state at Alexandria- nimely, Christopher Moro {ali^s Othello) and Paolo Capello, his bfother-in-law and colleague. London, March 11, I S^6- On returning from the interview related in my last, I went to the French ambassador, and acquainted him with all that had passed between his Majesty and myself, considering such to be the will of your Highness ; and I have hitherto communicated everything to him, save the King's assertion, that his Majesty of France was negotiating peace with the Emperor, meaning to leave your Highness in the hands of your enemies ; and this I did not think fit to confide to him, as King Henry had bound me to the closest silence thereon ; and had it subsequently by any means reached his ears that I igS DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN revealed the fact, it would have entailed upon me the utter loss of his confidence and good v^ill. Your Sublimity v^ill form your most sage opinion hereon, and make the an- nouncement to the most Christian King, or pass it over in silence, as you may deem expedient j though my opinion is, that the report was devised here for the sake of estranging your Highness from France ; nor do I see that these lords are more intent on anything than this, and hence proceed the complaints and somewhat biting language of his Majesty, who seeks to induce your Highness, either from love or fear, to accede to his wishes. With all deference, therefore, I really am of opinion that it would be inexpedient to evince any distrust of the French ambassador, but to communicate with him unreservedly, as I think I comprehend that he has some suspicion lest this side over-persuade your Highness, and induce you to abandon his most Christian Majesty : on this account I treat him much more confidentially than I otherwise should. After I had acquainted him, therefore, with the preceding, he said, that two days before, he had received letters from a trustworthy person in Flanders, purporting that 15,000 nobles, which form about 70,000 ducats, had been de- spatched thence, destined for the Emperor to keep his army on foot. Moreover, that his Majesty had levied, or was in the act of levying, in Germany and the neighbouring places, as many as 10,000 men, whom he had ordered to come to Calais, there to await his orders. Also, that there had been great tumults and disturbances in the kingdom of Naples, between the partisans of France and those of Spain, which I do not detail, as they are things better known to your High- ness than to me and others here. I have not heard these facts through any other channel, and therefore do not vouch for them, as I am aware, indeed, that occasionally the news FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. 199 uttered and written by this reverend ambassador lack foun- dation ; nevertheless, I have thought proper to notify it to your Excellency, that you may form such opinion thereon as shall be deemed fit. Should the news of the 10,000 infantry be true, there is no doubt of its being a preparation against Scotland, they being destined to cross the border in the spring; nor do I imagine that it can be with a view to waging war on France, as in that case his Majesty would rather use his own Englishmen than other troops, by reason of the natural enmity prevailing between them and Frenchmen. Londotiy March 29, 1516. On the 26th instant, I received two letters from your Sublimity, with summaries of Turkish news, and other tidings of Italy ; for the purpose of communicating which to his Majesty, I went to court, and the right reverend Cardinal being there, told me I could not then have audience of his Majesty, who was otherwise occupied ; but that his right reverend lordship had been delegated by the King to give audience both to me and the French ambassador. After, therefore, I had communicated my news, his right reverend lordship said to me, " Sir ambassador, I lament much, seeing that Christian blood Is on the eve of being unprofitably spilt ; and your Signory, who has so earnestly exhorted the princes of Christendom not to spare either blood or treasure against the Infidel, is the cause of its being poured forth amongst Christians themselves, through your thirst for empire." To this I made answer, that the real authors of these troubles are those who disturb the quiet and tranquillity of Italy, and seek to deprive the ancient pos- sessors of their territories, alluding to the Emperor s and 200 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GTUSTINIAN that your Sublimity neither seeks or wishes to obtain what belongs to others, but to recover your own. He then said, " Verily, you are men of worth, and sage, and upright, but remember that you are seeking your own destruction and ruin ; and this, unless you apply a speedy remedy, you will soon experience ; for I, who am your friend, assure you for certain that the King of France is intent on making terms, and arranging his affairs with others, and will ruin you out- right, so open your eyes ; this I tell you, out of the love I bear your State." I thanked his right reverend lordship for this loving demonstration, and said to him that our good faith merited a better return, and that we were between two perils — the one certain, and the other doubtful ; the certainty being the Emperor and the Spaniards, whose faith your Excellency had already tested, for that when allied with us, they deceived you ; and that now being capital enemies, and in possession of your Signory's territory, their hostility must be yet greater. From the most Christian King, on the other hand, we have as yet received no wrong, nay, he shows us every mark of good will, and the greatest ardour in favour of our restoration ; but even should we be deceived, greater will our excuse be for having credited words and deeds, and greater his fault ; to avenge which, I believe, we should have on our side both God and man ; and with this I took leave, telling him I would see his right reverend lord^ ship again, to discuss the matter more fully, as I perceived him to be much occupied. I conclude, however, that these lords do whatever is in their knowledge and power, to lure your Sublimity from your faith and alienate you from France, and hence it comes that the King and many others of these lords show me a countenance the reverse of friendly ; and perceiving that it is not possible to detach your Excellency from the most Christian King voluntarily, they fancy that it FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. 201 maybe effected by terrifying you ; hence come the display of wrath and the unusual bravadoes of this most serene King, of which I have informed you. Your Excellency knows what is expedient for you, and is aware that what is sure should ever be preferred to the uncertain, and expe- rience to opinion. By the letters of your Excellency, dated the I2th ultimo, I see that you have been a long while without receiving any of mine, the last being those of the 6th December. This dis- turbs me more than I can express i for I perceive that all my operations, effected with so much diligence and study, are fated to be of no avail. Since the 6th of December, I have written repeatedly : first of all, on the 17th, 20th, and 24th of December ; then on the 2nd, 5th and i ith January ; 6th, 7th, 8th, i2th, i8th, 20th, and 24th February; and 8th, loth, lith, and I2th March, whereby I gave you the most minute details of everything, so that your Excellency would have known, not merely of the occurrences here, but also the pre- valent feeling of this court. All these letters I consigned to the French ambassador, thinking they would go safer— for on quitting this island, they always travel' through France to Italy y nor would it have been safe for me to write through the merchants, because the couriers take the road by Flanders and Germany, and there would have been danger of their being intercepted, as was the case, I feel sure, with one set of my letters which I forwarded that way j your Excellency, therefore, must not ascribe it to negligence or carelessness on my part, but either to the French ambassador, who might have a reason for not always forwarding my despatches, or, which I deem the more likely, that my letters, with those of the ambassador aforesaid, did reach the most illustrious mother of the Christian King, and that possibly some negli- gence then prevented their being forwarded. It may even 202 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN have happened that they were sent on to Provence to King Francis, when there was no ambassador of your Excellency's resident with him, and the neglect may have proceeded thence; but be the fault where it may, your Serenity may be assured that no private matter of mine ever takes precedence of public business, nor do I hold in account either my life, or my property, nor yet my children, where I see the honour and profit of your Excellency at stake ; and would I had been as good a father to my family as I think I have been a good citizen to my country.^ ^ It would appear by this closing paragraph, that the Senate had reproached the ambassador with having done, or omitted something or other, from private or personal motives. Possibly this may allude to his not having sent his despatches through the merchants by way of Flanders and Germany, and that the preference conceded by him to the French ambassador's bag was attributed to some jealousy of the merchant Lorenzo Pasqualigo, who, as stated in despatches of July i6th and Octo- ber nth, received advices from his brother, the ambassador Piero, whilst Giustinian remained without news of any sortj and again, at the close of the despatch of Nov. 14th, there is a sentence disclaiming any anxiety for first news, save on account of the State, which rather confirms the sus- picion, that the Venetian embassy naturally enough did not like to know less than the " merchant of Venice,'' and that Giustinian, on his part, was averse to giving an official character to advices from the counting- house. On this account he had chosen to keep his correspondence as separate as possible from that of Pasqualigo. FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. 203 To THE MOST EXCELLENT COUNCIL OF TeN.^ London^ April i, 1516. By my last, in date of the 30th ultimo, I informed you that the countenances of some of these lords evinced neither friendship nor good will, and that much language had been used to me, of a nature bordering rather on outrage than on arrogance i and not having specified this in the foregoing letters, I think fit now to mention it in detail. Finding myself at the court, and talking familiarly about other matters, two lay lords, great personages in this kingdom, inquired of me whence it came that your Excellency was of such slippery faith, now favouring one party and then the other ? Although these words might reasonably have provoked me, I answered them with all discretion, that you did keep, and ever had kept your faith, the maintenance of which has placed you in great trouble, and subjected you to wars of longer duration than you would otherwise have experienced y descending to particulars in justification of your Sublimity ; whereupon, one of them replied, " Isti Veneti sunt piscatores /" Marvellous was the command I then had over myself in not giving vent to expressions which might have proved injurious to your Signory, and with extreme moderation, I rejoined that had he been at Venice and seen our senate and the Venetian nobility, he perhaps would not speak thus ; and, moreover, were he well read in our history, both concerning the origin of our city and the grandeur of your Excellency's feats, neither the one nor the other would seem to him those of fishermen ; yet, said I, did fishermen found the Christian faith, and we have been those fishermen who defended it against the forces of the infidel, our fishing-boats being galleys and ships, our hooks the treasure of St. Mark, and our bait the life-blood of our citizens who died for the Christian faith, as proven not by ancient chronicles, but by the recent testimony of contemporary historians,'^ and that the standing witnesses of this truth, and of our wars against the Turk, were the towns and territory lost by us in defence of the rest of Chris- tendom ; namely, Negropont, Lepanto, Modon, Coron, Durazo, and a great part of Albania. They made answer again that we were fishermen, expert in taking what belonged to others, as we had plucked something from all the potentates in the world, adding, " The island of Cyprus, 204 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. 205 which ought to belong to our King, by what right do you hold that ?" I, without ever overstepping the limits of decorum 3 (as the nature of the times requires this), thoroughly vindicated the actions of your Excellency, and proved to them with regard to Cyprus, that already half a century back, it would have fallen into the power of the Turk, like many other possessions besides, which heretofore formed part of Christendom, had it not been for the armadas of your Signory, on which you had expended thrice as much gold as the island was worth, and at length, on the death o^ King James and his son, the Turk threatening its occupa- tion, and having already prepared a fleet to this efFect, the Queen, who was a gentlewoman of ours, the sister of the most noble Georgio Cornaro, made a voluntary surrender thereof to our Signory, and herself caused the banner of St. Mark to be hoisted, resigning the Government to some of our noblemen who were there, and coming to Venice : which was the sheer truth. The right reverend Cardinal then commenced his usual complaints of the most Christian King, blaming him vastly, for that, contrary to the confederation formed with the late King Louis, he kept the Duke of Albany in Scotland ; and so continued in the strain so often repeated to your Excellency in my former letters. Not choosing pertinaciously to contradict these assertions, to avoid provocation, I said I hoped these Scotch affairs would be arranged, as I had seen the copy of the letters from the most Christian King to his Majesty, and that he seemed very desirous of settling this controversy through the ambassadors appointed, and that there would no longer be any cause for dissension, but that whatever turn fortune might take, your Signory would never fail in your faith and observance towards his most serene Majesty. I then made an appointment with his lordship, not specifying I, any object, but with the intention of clearing your Excellency not merely from the imputations urged by the two personages aforesaid, but also from many others; and with this I took leave of his lordship and returned hither. To- morrow, please God, I shall go and visit his lordship for the above-mentioned purpose, in order not to fail in what I con- sider expedient for the interests of your Signory. 1 The commencement of this letter has already been published by Mr. Ruskin, in his eloquent work on the architecture of Venice His • remarks on the value of original documents are so forcible and just, that I cannot deny myself the pleasure of subjoining the passage to the -• 'despatch which suggested it :— ^ « I cannot close these volumes without expressing a conviction, which has long been forcing itself upon my mind, that r^/^or^^ history is of little -more vtlue than restored painting or architecture ; that the only history worth reading is that written at the time of which it treats, the history of what was done and seen, heard out of the mouths of men who did and saw. One fresh draught of such history is worth more than a thousand volumes of abstracts, and reasonings, and suppositions, and theories ; and I believe that, as we get wiser, we shall take httle trouble about the history of nations who have left no distinct records of them- selves, but spend our time only in the examination of the faithful docu- ments which, in any period of the world, have been left, either m the form of art or literature, portraying the scenes, or recording the events, which in those days were actually passing before the eyes ot men. 2 Concerning the wars of the Venetians in Asia, some notices were published at Venice, a.d. 1477, by one Coriolano Cippico, who took a part in them, and died in 1493. Sabellico, who quotes that writer, '^3 in Litta's Sketch of the Career of Sebastian Giustinian, it is stated that, in the year 1511, when he commanded the Albanians against the Croats, he showed rather a hot temper, so the moderation displayed by him in this instance is the more praiseworthy. ' To THE MOST EXCELLENT COUNCIL OF TeN. LondvTij April 2 , 1 5 1 6 . On meeting the right reverend Cardinal according to 'appomtment, he told me the Emperor was in the Veronese \, 206 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. 207 with a large army, and then commenced as usual complain- ing of the most Christian King, and abusing very roundly the reverend French ambassador; his lordship at length coming to this conclusion, that his Majesty here and himself wished for nothing but peace with France, and that he should be glad if your Excellency would assure Francis of the good will of his Majesty, and also of his own ; dilating much and warmly hereon, and justifying himself against any sinister imputation that may attach itself to him. On the close of this discourse I commenced apologizing for your Excellency, and exculpating you from the charges brought against us ; and with regard to what was said about our being fishermen, rapacious for the territory of others, I answered him in conformity with the contents of my fore- going, which detail the reply I gave to those two : with reo-ard, forsooth, to the imputation of treachery, which appears to me of more importance, I said to him (having first off^ered every hint and demonstration of not meaning to urge a complaint, but merely to acquit your Excellency), that a few days ago, when with the King, his Majesty expressing surprise at your Excellency's favouring the French, from whom you had received all possible harm and injury, remarked, that your Excellency had been guilty of great " perfidy," an expression which I had considered rather a slip of the tongue than prepense ; but perceiving and hearing this term repeated by many others, I said I considered the charge worthy of being cleared up with his Lordship, who, being convinced that your Signory was not at all to blame, I considered that the King likewise would exonerate us and relinquish the suspicion. I then com- menced by saying, that I imagined those who taunted your Signory with mutability of faith, alluded to the change made with the most Christian King ; and were they to bear in mind the period when King Francis came to the throne, there is no doubt but that any charge soever against your Excellency would vanish ; for the peace and confederation existing between you and the late King Louis was then confirmed with his present Majesty, in virtue of the mutual confederation existing between this most serene King, the aforesaid King Francis, and your Signory ; according to which confederation, the most Christian King wishing to recover his duchy of Milan, your Excellency gave him succour as to your ally, and as the ally of England ; for which extreme praise was due to your Excellency, not merely from the French, but from his Majesty here and the entire country, for having defended the mutual confedera- tion ; and what was efl^ected by your Excellency in favour of the most Christian King against the common enemy, you would also do in favour of his Majesty here. If, indeed, these persons meant that your Excellency was changeable in your faith, because you first allied yourself with his Holiness, with the deceased King of Spain and his Majesty, and sub- sequently with the late King Louis, I would reply to this charge, that it was not your Excellency who had failed m faith to your confederates, but verily the King of Spain who had broken and trampled on the faith of said confederation ; for that the French, finding themselves then in Italy, King Ferdinand and your Excellency sent your armies to expel them, and it seeming that these forces were insufficient for the purpose, some 18,000 Switzers were subsidized at the expense of the Spanish King and your Excellency, neverthe- less no one paid them save your Signory. The French then having retreated upon Pavia, caused it to be intimated to your Excellency, or to your agents in the camp, that if you would desist from your project of expelling them Italy, they would restore all the territory which had been taken from * 208 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN you and occupied by their king ; a proposal to which, in maintenance of your faith to your confederates, your Excel- lency would not give ear, but chose to continue the under- taking, so that, in fine, with your forces the French were driven out of Italy. After this, on their march back, the Spanish and Venetian armies, with the Switzers, came to recover Brescia and Bergamo, that they might be consigned to the agents of your Excellency, according to the conditions and articles of the league. The French who were in Brescia made a voluntary surrender of the place, whereupon the Spaniards, forsooth, refused to consign that town to the agents of your Excellency, giving it, on the contrary, to the Emperor, which was precisely contrary to the articles of the league, and hence his lordship could judge which side had broken faith. Whilst your Serenity was in this trouble, in- a worse plight than if you had been single-handed, seeing that you had allied yourself with your enemies, God willed that through the most noble Andrea Griti, King Louis informed your Signory that he would be your good friend, and wished for your alliance, on which condition he would restore all he had taken from you. In consequence of this, the peace and league were concluded, and thus his lordship might be con- vinced that your Excellency had not broken faith with your confederates, although they had failed in theirs, and infringed the articles of their confederation ; but that you merely with- drew from a union with those who had deceived you, and formed an alliance with King Louis, for the sake of recover- ing your territorities. To prove that your Excellency had only separated from those who had deceived you, and con- • signed your state to the Emperor, I said, that when King Louis waged war with this crown, your Signory ever pre- served inviolable friendship with this most serene King ; nor had you ever given succdur either of men or money to the FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. 209 v-(*r>r. -A aforesaid King Louis against his Majesty; the fact being, that when I came ambassador to this court, I was com- missioned by your Excellency, amongst other things, to congratulate his Majesty in your name, as I did, on his prosperity and victories. His lordship listened to me affably, and said that all I had narrated to him was true, and well known to all the ministry ; and that if any one, even were he a great personage, had accused your Excellency of perfidy, he spoke like one who knew not what he said ; but that, with regard to his Majesty, if he had made use of that term, I must have deceived my- self and misunderstood its application, as his Majesty did not vituperate the perfidy of your Excellency, but the perfidy of the King of France, " who," continued he, " means to de- ceive you, though you deserve far otherwise for your faith- fulness towards him. He is endeavouring," he said, " to make terms with the Emperor to your ruin; and my King is greatly moved that you, who are good and faithful, should of your too great faith be deceived," adding, " I certify to you, Domine Orator, that, unless you make provision for your interests, you provoke your own destruction and ruin, and this you will witness at the farthest by next St. John's day, unless a remedy be applied," with many other words, making it appear that the poison was medicine for me, and that the language employed in reproach of your Excellency had been meant for the King of France, which I pretended to believe, and that I had made a mistake. I said that it certainly did seem very strange to me, that from the mouth of a king so friendly and well inclined to Venice such words should have issued, pretending to be convinced, and letting it appear that I was satisfied. The nature of the times, most serene Prince, requires this, in observance of an old proverb, which enjoins our kissing the hand we are unable to cut off. VOL. I. P 210 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN CIUSTINIAN FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. 211 This conversation being ended, I besought his right Rever- end lordship, v^ith all possible earnestness and suavity, to exert himself ever to keep your Excellency as the friend and con- federate of his most serene King, as you were firmly resolved to maintain the confederation, and persevere in perpetual peace and friendship, ever sharing all his fortunes, let what will chance amongst others, with many other fair words, which his lordship reciprocated, by saying, '' Domine Orator, we will ever maintain the confederation ; nor shall we in any case swerve thence ; " on which topic he dilated amply. In the act of taking leave, I again adroitly re- peated my suit for the good offices to be employed by his right reverend lordship, who, embracing me and making a very loving demonstration, said, ^^ Nil timeatis ; for we are by no means going to quarrel with you." Whereupon, I thanked his right reverend lordship with all submission, and departed. I expressed myself at this interview, most serene Prince, more warmly than usual, perceiving that there is some chance of an engagement,^ in order that, in the event of accidents, your Excellency may have a resting-place. ^ Between the forces of the Imperialists and those of the French an^ Venetians. London, April 14, 1516. I wrote to your Sublimity on the 2nd instant all that had occurred. At this present, nothing chances worthy of your knowledge, for that which is of great moment is better known to your Sublimity than to me, such news I mean as lately reached his Majesty in letters by way of Flanders, purporting that the Emperor with a very powerful army had come as far as the suburbs of Milan, and that the army of the most • t7 - '* Christian King and that of your Excellency had retreated. I cannot express to your Highness how much pain this in- telligence caused me and all your other servants, but subse- quently letters arrived from the most Christian King dated the 2nd instant, and signed by his Majesty, announcing that the Emperor had proceeded as far as the neighbourhood of Milan, when perceiving the determination of the townspeople and of the whole duchy to maintain their allegiance to the most Christian King, he withdrew, and to his great shame crossed the Adda, so that his Majesty says he is secure and quiet in the Milanese, which has comforted us here ex- tremely, although these lords consider the thing a fiction. I do not write this for the purpose of notifying what your Excellency knows with greater certainty than I do, but to inform you that none of these adverse tidings seem to induce any stir here, or to occasion the remittance of moneys beyond that destined for the payment of the Imperial army ; and from what I am assured through an excellent channel, as much as 150,000 crowns, supplied by the King of England, actually was distributed * * * I have been to visit the right reverend Cardinal, and the Bishop of Durham, who without my saying any thing farther about the matters detailed in my foregoing, made ample apologies, urging me to put a good interpretation on the expressions used by his Majesty, and to consider those employed by others of as light weight as the brains of those who uttered them, off^ering, if such were my will, to resent them by a sharp demonstration. For this I thanked their lordships, and told them that with regard to the language of the King, I took it in good part, and as it had been interpreted by their lordships, but as to what others said, that I valued not, being aware that neither by his Majesty nor his ministers was your Excellency deemed perfidious, or we ourselves fishermen, robbers, or traders, but senators^ ■wgaL, ai2 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN such as the world has known us for many centuries ; neither did I wish any farther demonstration to be made against the aforesaid, being satisfied with the good will borne us by their lordships, of whom I then took leave. To-day, the reverend Papal nuncio, who arrived here yes- terday, namely, the apostolic prothonotary. Domino Francesco Chieregato,^ came to me. I gave him the best possible greet- ing, reminding him of the favours received by his uncle the Bishop of Concordia, and by all his family, from your Excel- lency, failing in nothing that I deemed expedient for your in- terests; in return for which he made every demonstrations of good will, and of especial observance towards your Sublimity, promising to do as much as if he were the ambassador of your Highness. He assured me that he should have extreme power with his Majesty and the right reverend Cardinal, as he was the bearer of very strong letters from his Holiness, who, from what I can comprehend, perceiving that this kingdom had somewhat alienated itself from him, owing to this new friend- ship with France, is endeavouring to regain it: let us hope, however, that this may not weaken the alliance with France. He assures me that he is not here, according to the common belief, as collector of Peter's pence, but to negotiate public afFairs, and especially a general peace between the princes of Christendom, or, at the least, a four years' truce, and he has promised to acquaint me with his progress in this business, provided I inform your Excellency, and that he lose not the credit of these good offices as he did many others effected by him with the King of Spain, and the Swiss Cardinal of Sion, for the benefit of your Highness, whose agents, he says, never made any announcement soever to you to this effect so that he is scarcely known to your Sublimity. I thanked him in the first place for the offer of his services, promising faithfully to acquaint you with his merits, who, I said, would FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIIl. 213 not lose a single step taken for the advantage of your Signory; and thus shall I do, and will write account of his proceedings. He told me that he would not appear outwardly to be very intimate with me, neither was I to demonstrate famili- arity with him, and this for the better execution of his promise, which accordingly must be attended to. I know not, most serene Prince, whether so many and frequent letters of mine, addressed to the most excellent Council of Ten, have reached their destination, as possibly in going through Germany, or in France, through the negli- gence of the French secretaries, they may have miscarried, and by so much the more, as some of the despatches, namely, those of the 30th ultimo and 2nd instant, were detained during some days at Calais, by command of his Majesty, to see what had been written by the French ambas- sador here, who was strongly suspected by these lords of writing to the worst of his knowledge and ability ; this, in fact, he had done, and the right reverend Cardinal reprimanded him severely. I do not apprehend that my letters can have given any annoyance, for they were all written in cypher, so that what I wrote will have been unintelligible to them. I understand, however, that they were licensed for the French Court ; but in the event of the arrival of my letters being delayed, do your Excellency not ascribe it to any neglect of mine, for the interval between my despatches rarely exceeds eight days, and I very often write more frequently, in order to notify everything to your Excellency. 1 Francesco Chieregato, like Sebastian Giustinian, corresponded with Erasmus (see epistle No. 170, vol. ii. folio 1627), and has also been handed down to posterity by Bandello, in his 34.th tale (Part I.), dedi- cated to Lodovica Sanseverina, Countess of Pandino. As will be seen in the course of this correspondence, Chieregato was recalled from England in disgrace, after having been subjected to personal violence from Cardinal Wolsey (as will be seen in the despatch dated December 7th, 1516), but subsequently recovered the favour of Leo X., 214 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN who In 1518 sent him to Spain and Portugal; and the Italian novelist says that, in a certain month of July, having returned to Italy from his mission to Emanuel the Fortunate, Bishop Chieregato passed through Pindino for the sake of visiting Alexander Bentivoglio and Ippolita Sforza ; whereupon Countess Sanseverina insisted upon his staying dinner with her, after which he commenced telling the company about his travels, and giving details of the Portuguese voyages : he displayed specimens of gold dust, pearls, precious stones, and other oriental valuables, exhibiting also certain idols curiously wrought in mosaic. Chieregato, moreover, alluded to the dispensation from raiment practised in Milton's " fair Taprobana,'' and other islands of the Indian Ocean ; to the beauty of the population, despite their dark skin ; to their extreme hospitality ; and, above all, to the utter absence of any marital jealousy in those favoured regions, which last peculiarity induces Bandello to tell the tale of Zanini Gandino. Of the manners and customs of England, Chieregato does not seem to have said anything, when the guest of Countess Sanseverina, at Pan- dino. Nor do any details of the mission of this diplomatist to the court of Henry VIII. exist elsewhere than in the despatches of Sebastian Giustinian. London y April lo, 1516. Since my last of the 14th inst., nothing has taken place worthy of your Sublimity's knowledge, except it be worth men- tioning that his Majesty and the nobles here, receiving nothing but false news, consider it certain that the Emperor is power- ful in the Milanese, and that the army of the most Christian King and that of your Signory have retreated, notwithstand- inor the letters received here of a contrary tenor. The French ambassador, however, and myself, together with your other servants, are satisfied that our information is true ; that the Emperor has retreated^ and that Milan and the other towns of Lombardy persevere in their allegiance to France. On going to the King here, indeed, or visiting these lords, I make no show of persisting in any opinion, but refer myself to more certain intelligence, since to dispute with them would be odious, whilst confirming what they say FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII, 215 would be adulation, and an office of assent such as on their subsequent acquaintance with the truth must appear repre- hensible : thus it behoves me sail with a side wind. I went, very recently, to visit the right reverend Cardinal, of whose influence I avail myself in everything, as all really depends upon him. After we had discussed general topics together, he said he extremely regretted the great efFusion of Christian blood which was threatened by a conflict between these two armies, and that the cause of this is the most Christian King, as had he chosen to maintain a good understanding with England, all the afFairs of Christen- dom would have been arranged, both those of the Duchy of Milan with the Emperor, and also the matters in dispute concerning your Sublimity's territory. His Lordship then repeated how anxious he was, above all things, to preserve the fabric he had reared, but that, in like manner as he per- ceived his own King to be anxious for the maintenance of peace and a good understanding, so was he aware that the efforts of the most Christian King tended to the contrary, seeing that he chose to support the Duke of Albany in tyrannising over the kingdom of Scotland, in putting the royal princes to death, expelling the Queen the kingdom, and depriving her of all her eflFects ; proceedings which it was impossible for his Majesty to tolerate. Should the ambas- sadors, he said, who are expected for the purpose of decid- ing hereon arrive, everything might be arranged ; yet was his Lordship of opinion that they would only act according to the will of the most Christian King, who shows no sign of friendship ; and he added, that your Sublimity ought to try and exert yourself to the utmost with his most Christian Majesty, to the end that he might assent to what was fair and just, and thus obliterate the suspicions entertained by the King : " Believe me, sir ambassador,'' he added, "that we well know 2l6 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN the effects produced on kingdoms, both by war and by peace, and how much it is for the interest of ministers to counsel this last, yet should I not dare to speak against the honour of his Majesty ;" adding, " Do you not perceive that the world is not sufficient for the ambition of this King of France ? he now lays claim to having the kingdom of Naples, and is endeavouring to obtain the consent of the most illustrious Archduke, wherein, should he succeed, he entertains no doubt of being the undisputed sovereign of all Italy : he will turn against you, and take all your territory, and having succeeded in this, there will no longer be any means of opposing him, so ponder what your position will be ; and hereat our King is very greatly troubled, from see- ing you ruined through your good faith." I made answer that nothing could be more agreeable to your Sublimity than to witness the union of these two sovereigns, as you were aware that hence proceeded the entire concord and weal of Christendom, which body, now harassed and exhausted by incessant wars, could thus alone recover itself; and princi- pally to this effect was I sent to England, as manifest through so many letters and commissions addressed to me by your Sublimity, great part of which had been perused by his Lordship. With regard to the most Christian King, I said it was not my opinion that he tended towards strife, but that possibly the Duke of Albany acted somewhat against his will, and that perhaps his Majesty did not find himself just now at liberty to expel him ; it appearing to me unde- sirable for his Majesty aforesaid to provoke this most serene King to enmity, wishing to consolidate himself in his king- dom with the good favour of his subjects, and being anxious to obtain his duchy of Milan without opposition ; and by so much the more as the French say the war they are now experiencing is waged against them with the money of this FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. 21 most serene King, a fact which I neither denied nor affirmed. It is certain, I argued, that the most Christian King knows he can have no greater obstacle to his projects than the King of England, wherefore I could not bring myself to believe that his most Christian Majesty would fail concurring in any mutual, fair, and just wish and act of assent on behalf of the King here, or that the ambassadors now on their way would be impeded by his Majesty ; and by so much the more as his Lordship assures me said most Christian King aspires to the sovereignty of Italy, does it seem reasonable to conclude that he must wish for peace and a good understanding with his Majesty, who can offer greater obstacles, and, moreover, greater facility to all his projects, than any prince in Christen- dom : still I referred myself to better judgment than my own, earnestly exhorting and beseeching his lordship thoroughly to sound this ford, and then to navigate according as he finds it. His right reverend lordship appeared to think ill of the most Christian King's intentions, but to be anxious for the arrangement of matters, hinting that he should very much approve of your Sublimity's interfering to this effect, though he does not say so expressly. Your most sage Excellency, who is now acquainted with the whole, will form such opinion as you may think fit, it not seeming to me that I can do anything more here, beyond continuing as I commenced, not appearing very warm either for one side or the other, counselling this union, and keeping your Sublimity on good terms with England ; and endeavouring that no more money be sent to the Emperor, to which effect I have made all possible provision. Do, your Excellency, deign to co-ope- rate in this matter, keeping me well advised of everything, so as to gratify these lords, and instructing me in such wise that I may be enabled to discuss matters with certain know- ledge of your wishes. 2l8 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN London y April 26, 1 5 1 6 . My last of the 20th instant will have informed your Serenity of every event ; since when, nothing of moment has taken place, save that on the 24th, the Scotch ambassa- dors arrived here ; and, moreover, the one from the most Christian King, who had been residing in Scotland, to whom I paid a complimentary visit. They are commis- sioned, both by his most Christian Majesty and by the king- dom of Scotland, to decide the disputes with his Majesty here, and may God give them the grace to quell these dissensions : possibly the differences may be adjusted by them for the present, but I doubt their ever producing a cordial understanding. Yesterday, letters arrived from his most Christian Majesty, dated the 17th instant, informing the King of the Emperor's flight, and that of his army, and that he was already out of Italy, which has greatly sur- prised these lords, who never appeared to credit such a result, considering it certain that Maximilian would be victo- rious, as might easily have proved the case. Indeed everybody expected this side to declare itself, whereas now the success of France will, perhaps, induce a change of policy; and although there were no open signs of war, yet were ships seen under repair, and ammunition in course of forwardness, which preparatives were construed by some as being destined for Scotland, whilst others thought they were directed against France, though the truth was only known to the King, and four members of the Privy Council, who keep everything most secret. I am certain that letters will have been written to France, announcing that great preparations are being made here ; but I really cannot vouch for the fact, nor ought I to hazard assertions. The French ambassador, hitherto resident in London, has been recalled by the most FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. 219 Christian King, and will take leave of his Majesty here to-morrow. I shall accompany him towards the coast, in order to conform with the will of your Highness ; nor indeed have I failed showing him every courtesy, which he seems thoroughly to have appreciated ; so I hope he will make an excellent report to his Sovereign. Now, that I imagine the road to Italy through France is open again, I beseech you not to fail writing, and showing every attention to his Majesty, so that under all circumstances, he may remain our friend ; to which effect I have kept on the alert, and continue thus to do for the benefit of your Sublimity. London, May i, 1516. I now inform your Excellency that the most serene Queen of Scotland is expected, and will, it is said, make her entry on the 3rd instant, when I shall go to meet her, in accordance with what I deem the will of your Serenity, and as a compliment to the King. A circumstance is reported here, which were it not uttered by persons of account and generally credited, I could not believe. As known, I be- lieve, to your Excellency, this Queen of Scotland, many months ago, married a Scotch earl,i an extremely handsome youth, of the best blood in the kingdom, by whom she had a daughter, as notified by me in my former despatches. At this present it has come to pass that those in authority here, under pretext of all Scotland having been under excom- munication for a certain act perpetrated against a papal bull, at the period of this marriage, maintain that, by reason of such excommunication, the aforesaid Earl, the husband of said Queen, was then unable to contract matrimony ; and 220 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. 221 owing to this inability, it is reported that said marriage has been dissolved, and the aforesaid Queen betrothed to the Emperor; 2 which, should it prove true, I will forthwith an- nounce to your Excellency. There is an ambassador here from the new King of Spain, the same who heretofore served the late Kino- f erdi- nand in the like capacity at this court. I perceive that he is very intimate with the Emperor's ambassador, and has very frequent audiences of the right reverend Cardinal, and from every coincidence, it seems to me that there is a great union between the Emperor, this kingdom, and the aforesaid Catholic King, — a triumvirate to be held in great account. A person here, who does the State good service, has assured me that the King of Spain is quite hand in glove with his Majesty here, and averse to France, which is con- firmed to me by reason ; since, were it otherwise, he would not have permitted the moneys of this kingdom, destined as subsidy for the Emperor against the most Christian King, to pass through his territories ; but this person, moreover, in- forms me that a few days ago said Catholic King received 200,000 crowns from the kingdom of Naples and from Sicily, and that he immediately sent them to the Emperor for the Italian expedition.^ I do not vouch either for the truth or falsity of this; but my informant, who is of account, and has been at the court of the Catholic King, and of my Lady Margaret,-* assured me of the fact, to which your Sublimity will concede such credit as you shall think fit. * Douglas Earl of Angus. 2 In a despatch to the Council of Ten, from the ambassador Minio m Rome, dated 17th March, 1517, it is stated that it was then re- ported that Maximilian was to marry Louise of Savoy, the mother of Francis I. ; upon which Leo X. remarked that he hardly thought so clever a woman would do so foolish a thing, albeit women were ever of one bent, and always chose the most good for nothing. 3 There is no note, either in Glannone or in Fazello, of these benevo- lences conceded by the Neapolitans and Sicilians to Charles V., on his accession j and as that event was, on the contrary, celebrated at Palermo by open rebellion, the fact of money being sent thence at that moment may be doubted ; and here, for the better comprehension of matters con- nected with the career of Charles V., it should be borne in mind that he was then only in his sixteenth year, and that his prime minister was William de Croi, Lord of Chievres. ^ Namely, Margaret of Burgundy, widow of the Infant of Spain, and of Philibert, Duke of Savoy, governess of the Low Countries, and aunt of Charles V. London^ May 8, 1516. In my last despatch I acquainted your Sublimity with the remittance made by his Majesty to the Emperor, and on what terms ; as, also, with the steps taken by me with the right reverend Cardinal. You will now learn that I have thoroughly investigated this matter ; that the amount sent was 120,000 crowns, conveyed in cash and bills by Dom. Leonardo Frescobaldi, who has already reached his destina- tion. With regard to the disbursement, nothing farther is known ; and I fancy that will depend on what may befall the Emperor, and that these funds will be distributed or withheld according to the hopes entertained by this side of the success of the Imperial arms. The King of England has two agents in the Swiss camp, one of whom is Dom. Visconte de Visconti,^ a personage of great account, to whom his Majesty pays an annual salary of 5,000 ducats ; his son, Dom. Anchises Visconti, resides here in London, enjoying great favour with the King and the nobles here, from whom he receives considerable presents, as ambassador from the individual who is now styled Duke of Milan. 2 The other agent is one Master Girardo,^ hereto- fore secretary to the deceased Cardinal of York, and now I 222 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN in the establishment of the present right reverend Car- dinal There is also an ambassador from the Switzers here, who confers daily with those from the Emperor, from Spa.n, and from Milan, enjoying great favour both m the Kmg s court and in that of the Cardinal. _ AfFairs here, most serene Prince, tend so much m favour of the Emperor, and are so opposed to the most Christian Klna, that they could not be more so •, yet are these lords not ashamed of denying what is more than manifest, b.nce the news of the Emperor's flight, intelligence has arrived of an utterly opposite tenor, which distressed me extremely, thou-h, hitherto, it has not received farther confirmation, and r report rather prevails to the contrary. This I write to your Sublimity, not for the sake of announcing tidings which are known to you, but in explanation of the extreme fre- quency of the anxieties and vexations endured by me daily, owing to my not receiving any advices from your Sublimity or from any one else in your name ; wherefore, I pray and beseech your Highness to give me the means to do you good service ; because, when furnished with certain intelligence 1 shall be better able to shape a course, than when deprived of ^ny ground for my actions ; and should your missives be for- warded with those addressed to the French ambassador here, they might come hither from France free of cost. The most serene Queen of Scotland made a very stately entry into London on the 3rd,* and I went to meet her, being the only ambassador present. I paid my respects to her in your Sublimity's name ; and whilst waiting, together with [he illustrious the Duke of Suffolk and other lords, said Duke told me that the Switzers had entered Milan in tb. Emperor's name, and that all that duchy was subject to h.s Imperial Majesty, the French having fled beyond the Alps, and your Sublimity's army being in retreat towards Fadua, W.' ^riBfeift^ FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. 223 after encounterins: some loss ; and this, he thrice repeated to me, was perfectly true. I, however, do not believe it, as there is fresher news to the contrary. In course of conver- sation, he caused me to be told, by the Grand Prior of St. John's,^ who acted as interpreter between us, that he greatly marvelled, and not only he himself, but the whole of this kingdom, that your Excellency should persist in favouring the King of France, and most especially now, when you had the means of separating yourself with reasonable cause, and making terms here ; whereto I made answer as on former occasions to similar propositions, urging, especially, that to break pledged faith was a serious affair, contrary both to human and divine law, and a proceeding to which your Excellency was unused ; and admitting that, at the com- mencement, owing to circumstances, your union with the most Christian King had been induced by necessity, yet was it at this present voluntary, and because your faith was pledged. He rejoined, that your Excellency was not bound to keep faith with those who had invariably broken it with you, and that there is yet very good time for making this agreement, provided your Excellency choose ; to which I had no need to reply, save by dexterously turning the con- versation, so as not to render myself unpopular with this side, and partly to avoid making this matter, which must in reason be difficult, appear easy. » His real name seems to have been Galeazo, as will appear In a sub- sequent despatch. 2 After the battle of Marignano, in September, 151 5, the reignmg Duke of Milan, Maximilian Sforza, accepted an annual pension from France of 30,000 ducats, and died a.d. 1530. His brother, Francesco Maria, the second son of Ludovic, was then put forward by the Impe- rialists as the rightful heir of the duchy, and is the "mdividuar' here alluded to by the Venetian ambassador. 3 The person meant is Richard Pace, who was secretary to Cardmal Bambridge at the moment of his death, in July, 1 514. (See Ellis's Letters ■ay • - 224 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN ;. on English History, vol. i. pp. loo and 113.) Hume, quoting a letter / written by Petrus de Angleria, alias Peter Martyr, mentioning this mission of Pace to the Switzers, styles him " Secretary of State j ^ but in this despatch, as also in those of the previous December 24.th, it is dis- tinctly stated that this English envoy to the Switzers, in 1 51 5 and i 516, was in Cardinal Wolsey's cabinet, but not yet in that of Henry VIII. ^ Her residence was in Scotland Yard. See Stow, p. 168. ^ Thomas Dockwra. See ante page 93. ^^ Putney y May 31, 1516. By mine of the 2ist,^ your Excellency will have learnt that I had betaken myself to this village of Putney, owing to the case of plague that occurred in my house, in consequence of which, I was not admitted to the right reverend Cardinal, for the purpose of communicating your Excellency's letters of the 1 8th March, until yesterday the 30th instant, and although by letters from my family I had been informed of my son's death, I did not think fit to fail in the appointment made with his lordship, and especially as I knew the French ambassador was to depart to-morrow, and I had determined also on going to take leave of him. So, first of all, yesterday, I went to pay this compliment to the aforesaid ambassador, from whom I heard that the Scotch business was not entirely settled, but that they had come to the following terms, namely, that the most serene Queen is at liberty to return to Scotland, where she is to receive royal honour, but not to interfere with the administration of the kingdom ; and that all her jewels and effects, which she left behind, and were taken from her, are to be restored. I understand that she will depart in a few days and go thither. The dispute, concern- ing the education of her children, has not been decided, because on this side it was demanded that they should be placed under the care of their mother, to which the Scotch I (I FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. 225 will by no means consent. These differences, together with the main one about the removal of the Duke of Albany, not merely from the government, but moreover from the coun- try, are postponed for six months ; during which interval, the Kings of France, of England, and of Denmark,^ together with the Scotch, will negotiate and decide, although I am of opinion that nothing more will be said about these difKcuties ; but that the wound will still fester here, as the Duke of Albany will continue paramount in Scotland. I have done what I could in this business, and would have exerted myself more, had the French and Scotch ambassadors here com- municated with me more freely. After paying every com- pliment to the French ambassador, in your Serenity's name, I went to the right reverend Cardinal, and found that the Emperor's ambassador was already with him, so I waited for admission, and after he had remained upwards of two hours. In conclavi^ with the aforesaid Cardinal, I was called, and in the first place made some gentle remonstrance with his right reverend lordship, complaining that the letters received by me from your Sublimity had been taken out of the hands of the courier at Canterbury by the royal officials, and opened and read, the like being done, moreover, by private letters from the most noble the ambassador Badoer in France and others.^ I was careful, however, to avoid exasperating his lordship, and consequently the King, by any intemperate expressions j and after this preamble, I communicated to him by word of mouth, * the contents of the aforesaid letters, but varying the passages written in cypher, lest (as I believe they have kept a copy of the opened letters) my words might serve them as a key to the interpretation. At the same time, I expressed myself most warmly, in accordance with the vehement feeling evinced in the despatches of your Excellency, concerning the mischief this strife must produce ; which came appositely, fis VOL. I. Q^ , -r - "'HjanajMr- ! m 226 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN the right reverend Cardinal had previously told me that immense forces were being marshalled in three quarters against the most Christian King ; first, the Emperor with the lansquenets and his other subjects ; then a considerable body of Switzers from elsew^here ; and thirdly, the viceroy of the kingdom of Naples,^ w^ith an efficient army ; add to v^hich, the army of your Excellency, he said, w^as dissatisfied with the French, from whom it had been withdrawn, because they had refused compliance with its wish to resume the siege of Brescia. I took occasion hence, to expatiate on the slaughter, bloodshed, and ruin, thus destined for this wretched and lacerated Italy, a member by no means despicable of the Christian commonwealth, saying, it was much to be wondered at that all the princes of Christendom should be so blinded and misled by their passions as to choose to weaken themselves amongst each other, wounding them- selves reciprocally, and spilling the blood of Christians whom they ought to defend at the peril of their lives against the infidel, on his devising such cruelties as will come to pass, unless the Almighty stretch forth his arm to dispel the infatua- tion of these princes. I urged upon him, that the slaughter would not only affect the common people, but would neces- sarily entail the woeful destruction of many princes and lords j the desolation of countries and kingdoms ; the desecration of churches; the violation of women and maidens; and the piteous butchery both of the aged and of youthful innocents, whose blood would draw down vengeance upon the aforesaid through the Turk, a most potent lord, and of vast ambition, thirsting for Christian blood, as his lordship might gather from the sum- maries he had read, amplifying this matter in such wise as seemed to me expedient, and which, by reason of its impor- tance, defied exaggeration. I then told him of the arrogance of the Emperor, and of the certainty of the news received by t FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIlI. 227 your Excellency from his own army, that it had been paid with the moneys of the king of England, which were thus, at this present, all turned to the detriment and injury of your Excellency ; beseeching his lordship, per deos et homines^ and by the religion he professes, since the will of this most serene King rests in his hands, to have regard for the de- struction of poor Italy ; for so much cruelty as will ensue ; for our ancient friendship and observance towards this king- dom ; and lastly, for the apostolic chair, which the Emperor aspires to deprive of all its temporal dominion, declaring that such appertains to the Empire. Of the which apostolic chair, I said, his right reverend lordship was now the foundation and hinge, being a prince of the holy Church, the increase and majesty of which it behoved him defend, even with his life-blood, as exemplified by the red hat, the ornament of said dignity, all which, and much more besides, which I here con- dense to avoid prolixity, was uttered by me with such warmth and earnestness as the subject required. His lordship, in answer, admitted what I had said in every respect, and acknowledged as certain, that, on whichever side victory might declare herself, the results I had announced were inevitable. True, indeed, to my mention of the moneys he made no reply, either in admission or denial, whereas, until now, he always denied the fact, ore rotundo ; at the same time, he told me that all these disorders had their remedy. This is as much as was negotiated in this matter, and on my asking him for audience of the King, his lordship told me that on Sunday it was requi- site to despatch these Scotch ambassadors, and order their letters and other necessary things, but that I could go next Monday, which will be the 2nd proximo. This, God willing, I shall do, and hope then to perform my errand tho- roughly, and more efficaciously, as perhaps a royal and youth- ,28 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN ful mind may be more easily moved to the commiseration of past miseries, and to the avoidance of those on the horizon, so that your Sublimity may at length be enabled to draw breath. 1 This letter is followed by a blank paeje ; and apparently owing to the confusion caused in the ambassador's household by the catastrophe alluded to, the secretary, Nicolo Sagudino, omitted to copy such letters as may have been written by Sebastian Giustinian to the State be- tween the 8th and the 31st of May, 1516. On coming to the blank page I felt sure there was something very wrong ; and on readmg what followed, I closed the MSS. with a shudder, from fear of contagion, three centuries and a half after date. 2 King Christian II., who was expelled his own kmgdom a.d. 1523. 3 From this paragraph, it may be supposed that the missing letters m the Giustinian portfolio, besides details of what happened at the Vene- tian embassy in London when the plague showed itsell there, gave notice of the seizure of the ambassador's bag at Canterbury ; at any rate, Giustinian got off better than his French colleague, who, as stated m date of April 14, 1516, besides having his despatches opened and read, was severely reprimanded for their contents ! It may be doubted whether any prime minister ever treated an ambassador more contemptuously than Wolsey did this President of the Parliament of Rouen. * On former occasions, the ambassador used to put into Wolsey's hands written extracts from his despatches 5 but he now suspected that the letters which were seized at Canterbury, although in cypher, and perhaps on that very account, might have been copied, ere being delivered to their rightful owner 5 and that a ^written summary of even part of their contents might have sufficed a clever secretary to form a skeleton key to said cypher. The " dodge " of travestying in his communication all that had reached him in cypher, so as to foul the scent, is also worthy of note for young diplomatists liable to use cypher m troublous times, and contains a lesson of caution which they will do well to remember, though it be only fetched from Putney. 5 Don Raimondo di Cardona. To THE MOST Excellent Council of Ten. Putney y May 31, 1516. I have already mentioned that the right reverend Cardinal told me there was a sure remedy for the troubles of Italy ; FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. 229 and knowing what he meant, I did not ask him for the pre- scription ; but he of his own accord said, " Domine Orator, should you choose, you may put an end both to your own losses and to those of others, and avoid the devastation of Italy; for, if the King of France succeed, having already most ambitiously reared his crest to the skies, what may we not expect should he obtain complete victory. At the least he will subjugate all Italy : and rest assured that you will not be the last to suffer, nor will there then be any remedy either against him, or the Turk. The Emperor is by this time aged ; on every account there is little to fear from him : should you choose, you may get your own, and become so powerful that you will give the law to all Italy, for in com- parison with your most prudent Signory, there is no one who can do anything, or who is worth anything ; for the Pope himself can effect little without you. It seems to me that, being most sage senators, you are shortsighted in choosing , rather to live in fear of obeying the King of France than J with the hope of being yourselves masters of Italy ; and what I shall tell you is from myself as a friend. Your remedy is, to endeavour to make terms with the Emperor, which I imagine might be done, and to form a league between the Pope, the Emperor, the Catholic King, hii Majesty here, yourselves, and the Switzers, against the King of France, to expel him Italy, and defend the allied territory ; this is an immediate remedy for your disease, and provision for your need both against the King of France and against the Turk ; and I would fain hear your opinion hereon, whether this fashion pleases you or not, for I would find means to effect this, mediating with those who are your enemies." On this topic, he expatiated more than I can write, holding out to your Excellency great hopes, and making it appear that this business rested entirely in his hands. 230 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN I, most serene Prince, considering it right to exonerate your Excellency from one leading charge brought against you — namely, the thirst for dominion — replied that your Highness was desirous of quiet and tranquillity, after so much turmoil, and to recover your territory, allowing all to enjoy what belonged to them in peace j nor had your Serenity ever entertained, and still less did you at present cherish, a wish to benefit yourself by foreign aggression. With regard to my giving my opinion, and saying what I thought on the subject, his lordship knew that I was but the instrument dependent on your Excellency ; and that it was not fitting quod vas loquatur pro figulo aut contra figulum^ to whom it appertains to form or to destroy his vessel ; this matter, I said, being of extreme importance, and worthy, above all others, of being canvassed by your Excellency, who was aware of all that had taken place, and especially of the dis- satisfaction of your army, as alleged by him, on the score of the French forces having refused to attack Brescia, which things, if true, must greatly affect any decision. I added to this, that your Excellency knew what was ex- pedient and fair under the circumstances ; wherefore, as his right reverend lordship had spoken to me in his private capacity, I also would answer him individually. It seemed to me there were two points for consideration in this pro- posal of his : first, that I could not imagine how your Excellency, contrary to your faith, would be able to entertain such a design, unless the French gave you cause, so that the perfidy might be attributed to those who first broke faith ; secondly, that I knew not how this union could be effected, seeing, at this present, according to the advices received, all the cantons have made an agreement with the most Christian King; and that I could not tell what difficulty might be found in obtaining their assistance. Moreover, so FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIIL 231 far as one can comprehend, the Pope seems very closely knit with the King of France ; neither did I perceive how his Holiness, without cause, could relinquish the alliance. Then, again, the Catholic King is linked by such ties of kindred^ with his most Christian Majesty as would certainly ; be difficult to loosen. All things considered, therefore, I was at a loss to comprehend how such a project could succeed ; and I thought fit, most serene Prince, to suggest this doubt, in order to induce his right reverend lordship to say what he did— namely, that he was sure of the co- operation of the Pope, who is solely intent on uniting these potentates ; and that the Switzers have no contract with the most Christian King, nay, that they will shortly all conspire against him ; adding, " Touching the Catholic King, did I not know upon what grounds I base my opinion, I should not manifest it to you, so I exhort you, give notice to the Signory, and speedily ; despatch a man on purpose, for in a case of such importance, money should not be spared." I promised his lordship to write immediately, but that really I thought he might provide for these matters without farther stir \ for example, by ceasing to furnish the Emperor with money, at least, until we had obtained Brescia and Verona, which towns once in our possession, his lordship might rely upon the wish of your Excellency to preserve them, together with the rest of your territory, and to guard against whatever might endanger it. To this his lordship said, laughing, " Domine Orator, you are like the man who had a dispute about a mill ; and when there was a question of compromising the matter, he said, ' I consent to the compromise, but choose, at any rate, to have the mill.' This is precisely your case : you choose to have Brescia and Verona, and yet they alone are contested ! " To which I rejoined, also laughing, that there was no difficulty in giving judgment about Brescia 232 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN and Verona, as they had been occupied by force : and first of all, spoUatus debet restitui (stolen goods ought to be re- stored). However, I said, the present difficulty did not consist in this alone ; and really the Milanese seemed to be the chief point. Upon this his lordship continued, that the object in view was to prevent the King of France from givin«--KJW'- ^^23j*^^ 296 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. could not see him, as he was indisposed ; I will return on knowing when I can have audience, and of the result my despatches shall give your Highness copious intelligence. Friar Dionisius Memo, the organist of St. Mark's, arrived here a few days ago with a most excellent instrument of his, which he has brought hither with much pains and cost. I presented him in the first place to the Cardinal, telling him that when your Highness heard of his wanting to quit Venice for the purpose of coming to his Majesty, you gave him gracious leave, which you would not have done, had he intended going to any one else.^ His lordship chose to hear him in the presence of many lords and virtuosi^ who were as pleased as possible with him ; after which, his right reverend lordship told him to go the King, who would see him very willingly, employing many words of flattering commendation. He afterwards went to his Majesty, who, knowing he was there, sent for him immediately after dinner, and made him play before a great number of lords and all his virtuosi. He played not merely to the satisfaction, but to the incredible admiration and pleasure of everybody, and especially of his Majesty, who is extremely skilled in music, and of the two Queens.* My secretary was also pre- sent, who highly extolled the performance, and told the King many things in his praise as it went on, mentioning how much favour he enjoyed with your Highness and all Venice, which had been content to deprive itself for the satisfaction of his Majesty, with many other very suitable words, so that said Majesty has included him among his instrumental musicians, nay, has appointed him their chief, and says he will write to Rome to have him unfrocked out of his monastic weeds, so that he may merely retain holy orders, and that he will make him his chaplain. In this case a piece of fine fortune will have befallen him, for to be 297 a royal chaplain is an honourable appointment and very profitable ; nor do I doubt but that he will obtain everything he can desire, enjoying so great repute and esteem with the King, and all others, as to defy exaggeration ; and he humbly recommends himself to your Sublimity. * Namely, the Flanders'* galleys, so called. ^ Guicciardini mentions that 9,000 infantry were sent at this time by Maximilian to succour Verona, and the French commander, Lautrec, consequently retreated with his forces to Villafranca, against the wish of the Venetians, who were of course compelled to follow his example j and despairing of obtaining Verona by force, sent their battering train to Brescia, and resigned themselves to await the Emperor's decision about becoming a party to the treaty of Noyon, and giving up the city for a pecuniary consideration. ^ The passion of Henry VIII. for music has been recorded at p. 80, in the letter written by the secretary Sagudino, detailing the amusements of May-day at Greenwich, in the year 151 5. Sir John Hawkins, in his History of Music (vol. ii. p. 533), says it is somewhat remarkable that Moseley, in his " Introduction to Harmony," has taken no notice of Henry VIII. as a composer of music. Erasmus relates that he composed offices for the Church ; Bishop Burnet has vouched his authority for the same, and there is an anthem of his for four voices, " O Lord, the maker of all things." The Harleian MS. 1419 a., fol. 200, containing the list of Henry VIII. 's musical instruments remaining at Westminster, "in the charge of Philipp van Wilder," in an inventory of goods taken at the different palaces immediately after the King's death, mentions : — Five pairs of Double Regalles Thirteen „ Single ,, Numerous pairs of Virglnalles, both single and double Two pairs of Clavicordes Nineteen Vialles, great and small Four Gitterons, alias Spanish Vialles Gitteron Pipes, alias Cornettes Lutes, Flutes, Pilgrim-staves, Crumhornes, Recorders, Shalmes, Vir- ginals harp-fashion. Pipes, Dulcimers, and a Venice Flute, which last instrument seems to be unknown to all the writers on music. Sir Henry Ellis made these observations in a note in the second series of his letters on English History, (vol. i. p. 271. Edition 1827) at the foot of a missive from William IV., Duke of Bavaria, to Henry VIII., dated Munich, January 1516, and recommending to his Majesty Wolf- gang Richart, who had perfected a certain "opus musicale." In the third series of Sir Henry Ellis's letters (vol. i. p. 199. Ed. 1840) there is one from Pace to Wolsey, written probably in 1519 (as it alludes to a French hostage who was certainly in England in that n 298 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN year), and we thus perceive, that besides the Venetian organist Memo, and the other Italians, the King had both French and German musi- cians in his pay. Pace announces to Wolsey in this letter that " The Kynge haith nowe goode passe tyme bi the newe player uppon the clavicordes that M. Rochpotte haith broght wyth hym (whoo playith excellently), and bi the gentilman off Almayne who was wyth hys Grace at Wudstoke, and haith nowe broght hydre a newe goodde and goodly instrument, and playith ryght well uppon the same. Finem f'aciam in instrumentis musicis, quia aliud nihil scribendum in presentia habeo : and thus Jesu preserve your Grace in longe helth and continuall prosperitie. Wretyn at Wyndesore thys iiij off Octo. By your Grace's most humble and faythfiiU servant, Ri : Pace. *^To my Lord Legate s Grace.*' Who the " gentilman off Almayne'' may have been is not known, and possibly Pace may even be alluding to Memo himself, who will have brought his organ through Germany, on which account the secretary perhaps inferred that he was a German, rather than a Venetian. The Venetian Dionysius Memo was celebrated in print as an organist and singer, by one of his contemporaries named Pier Contarini, in a work entitled *' Argo Vulgar." (See Cicogna Inscriptions, vol. iv. p. 511.) ^ Namely, Queen Catharine of Aragon and Margaret Queen of Scot- land. The following extract from the Diaries of Sanuto, shows that the Tudors were addicted to music, even in the days of Henry VII. The letter preserved by Sanuto being from the commodore of the Venetian galleys, Vincenzo Capello, who in date of London, July 27, 1506, men- tions having been " to dine with the King at a certain palace of his 5 his Majesty greeted him with a gladsome countenance, saying he was a great friend to the Signory, &c., &c. And after dinner he showed him his daughter-in-law and his daughter, who was playing music." Catha- rine of Aragon was then a widow, Prince Arthur having died in April, 1502, and her marriage to Henry V III not being celebrated until i 509. Margaret was then out of England, so the daughter alluded to by Capello will have been Maria, in her eighth year. London y October 3, 1516. I went to the Cardinal to-day, according to the appoint- ment, and acquainted him with the contents of your Serenity's letters in date of the 7th ult. He listened to me attentively, especially about everything relating to the FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. 299 galleys, and chose me to repeat thoroughly the conditions for insertion in the safe-conduct, that he might write them to the Catholic King. On comprehending them fully, he seemed to approve of everything ; true is it that he made some little difficulty about that last clause, purporting that the King here is to pledge himself to the observance of this safe-conduct on the part of his Catholic Highness. How- ever, he said, " At any rate, this article is not to be put in the safe-conduct ; we will first have that drawn up, and then conclude this last part." We next passed to the other contents of the letters. * * * His lordship listened most attentively to the summaries from Constantinople, and was much astounded at the account of the 220 galleys, for 1 laid great stress on the matter, and told him it was fraught with manifest peril to all Christendom, as such an armada would suffice to subdue the whole world, and not merely the Christian states ; and this I did that he might deem it possible for the storm to reach as far as England, which thought having entered his mind, he said to me, « What does the Turk mean to do with so powerful an armada?" I replied that I doubted not but that he would invade the states of Christendom, though I could not assure which, as that secret rested with the Turk alone. His right reverend lordship then said, " Domine Orator, for the love of God, let us first free ourselves from the peril which threatens us from the King of France, and not allow the body politic, both yours and that of other potentates, to be enfeebled, lest, when provision against the infidel shall become necessary, it prove impossible ; and don't look to a single city, which you have the means of obtaining m a much better way, without cost to yourselves, or an outlay of money to others.'' Having several times replied be- comingly to similar proposals, I told him that your Excel- 300 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. 301 lency would provide for your need as you may deem expe- dient, considering the nature of the present times ; but I besought his right reverend lordship with all earnestness, in the name of your Highness, to contrive that the most Serene King should not send any more succour for the defence of Verona, as this was the cause which fed the present con- flagration and kept it alive, preventing, moreover, provision being made against future perils. To this he made no reply soever j and on my then wishing to take leave, his right reverend lordship insisted on my staying dinner with him, after which he drew me aside, and again resumed the old topic, demonstrating the imminent peril of your Highness; and I, making general replies, took leave of his right reve- rend lordship. London y October 8, 1516. On the 5th instant I went to make my obeisance to his Majesty, but did not transact any business, having received no fresh letters from your Highness, and consequently I had no inducement to negotiate, neither did the King on his part suggest any ; but I found the Imperial and Spanish ambassa- dors there, who held a long colloquy with his Majesty. On this occasion all we ambassadors stayed dinner, together with the right reverend Cardinal and other lords ; and after the repast, said ambassadors had moreover a close conference with the Cardinal, and on its termination I urged his right reverend lordship to despatch the letters to the Catholic King for the safe-conduct, which he promised me he would do, and I again reminded him of the conditions to be speci- fied, giving them to him in writing, with which he promised compliance. Shortly after this we were sent for by the King, whom we found with the two most Serene Queens, and\ number of ladies, with whom he was dancing, and he chose us to be present. His Majesty danced many dances, and then made said ambassadors hear Master Friar Dionisius Memo play, as he did marvellously, bemg lauded by everybody : the King himself is so enamoured of him and pleased with his talent, that one could not wish for more, and after having waited there a good while, we took leave of his Majesty. ' y r^ x. v Wishing to know whether the letters for the Catholic King had^een forwarded, I went yesterday to the right reverend Cardinal, but was unable to speak with him, as he was slightly indisposed. I have this morning received letters from your Sublimity, dated the 27th August, with the copy of the missive from the great Turk, which I will go and communicate one of these days to the King and Cardinal, and of the result my despatches shall give speedy advice to your Sublimity. To THE MOST EXCELLENT COUNCIL OF TeN. London y October 14, 1516- By mine of the 8th and 9th instant, your Highness will have learned what had taken place down to that time, and you will now hear that I accurately imparted the contents of your letters of the 27th August both to the most serene King, and also to the right reverend Cardinal and to the Bishop of Durham, and read to them the letter from the great Turk. Not one of them seem to fear this confla- gration, as it is remote from their own home, and still less are they moved by zeal for the Christian religion, their pas- ^ 302 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. 303 sions being more easily roused by the aggrandisement of their , hostile neighbours, than by that of those at a distance. I see, moreover, that they are in high spirits, from hearing that the siege of Verona has been raised, and that the armies of the most Christian King and your Signory have retreated thirteen or fourteen miles, having suffered two great defeats, ^nd that an imperial army 16,000 strong had come up ; so they consider their affairs safe, and that they can dispose of /Verona as freely as they do of London ; w^hat the truth may be, I know not, having no intelligence from any quarter, but were I acquainted with it, I should be better able to adapt myself to the circumstances than I can when in doubt. I also hear from a good source, that the Cardinal of Sion,i is coming post, to weave some other web with his Majesty ; nor may your Excellency deem this doubtful, as I know it for certain ; what his especial business may be, I shall endeavour to learn ; sure is it that it can but be something of great importance, so I have chosen to despatch this post as far as Paris ; at any rate, I imagine that come when he may, I am neither to go and meet, nor visit him, both as I know that he is the capital enemy of your Highness, and that he would perhaps not receive me, and also because he is under- stood to be most utterly hostile to the most Christian King, and that it would not be becoming to honour his capital enemy with any mark from your Highness. It is also reported here, that the league has been concluded between the Emperor, and the Catholic King, and the King of England, and that it is already signed,^ the Pope being included therein, though he has not yet affixed his signature, the adhe- sion of his Holiness being expected here, which your Excel- lency will doubtless have heard from elsewhere. ^ The Cardinal of Sion had already been in England in 15 14, and Ammonius, writing to Erasmus, in date of Westminster, November i. in that year, says of him, " Advenit hue Cardinalis Sedunensis ille Hel- vetius, quern sum allocutus et videtur mihi homo ingeniosus, impiger, acer, facundus, strenuus, et admodum Theologus." Concerning his present mission to England in connection with Frescobald, we find the \( llowing in Hall: "In the moneth of October came into England Mathew, Bishop of Sedonon and Cardinal, called commonly the Car- dsnal of Swshes, from the Emperour Maximilian. This cardinal was a \\ ise man of great boldenes, and was wel entreteyned in the court of the , King ; and at his contemplacion, and for olde love, the King lent to the (', Fmperour Maximilian a great sume of money, whereof the company of - Friscobald and Antony CavelerGenevoy undertoke th' exchange, but thei payed not the Emperour at his day, notwithstanding thei had receaved the money of the King. This Friscobald and Antony Caveler, by meanes ot rewardes geven to great lordes of the counsaill, borrowed ot the King 3,000/., and had long dayes for the payment: but Friscobald was shortly consumed, and Anthony Caveler coulde not be sene, and so the King was not payd at his dayes, and many English merchauntes were by these menes undone, for they spent liberally of every man's goodes." 2 The ambassador is here five days in advance ; the treaty bears date in Rymer, October 19—20. The English commissioners for the signa- ture of this State paper were Cardinal Wolsey, the Duke of Norfolk, and the Bishop of Durham; and the secretary was one Porter: the document ending thus, " Dat. in civitate nostra Londoniae vicesimo die Octobris, &c. Per ipsum Regem, ' « Porter.'' To THE MOST Excellent Council of Ten. London y October 16, 1516. By my foregoing in date of the 14th instant, your Highness was informed in the first place of the expected arrival of the Cardinal of Sion, who came last night, some say with three, and some with five horses j a stately dwelling had been pre- pared for him, and he dined to-day with the right reverend Cardinal. God grant that this coming be not the cause of yet greater disturbance than has taken place hitherto, and I have already told one of these lords with whom I can speak familiarly, that said Cardinal is on the worst possible terms 304 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. 305 with the Switzers, and that he will endeavour to draw a sufficient sum of money from his Majesty, to make his peace with them, promising the King to raise a host of said Switzers, though he will perform nothing ; as should they receive money for a fresh expedition, they will take it in settlement of other claims, urged by them against the Cardinal aforesaid ; thus, the King of England will have lost his money for the sake of injuring those who are most observant and obsequious towards him. Said lord answered me, " We shall be like the deaf adder that stoppeth its ears," vowing that they are by this time glutted with words, and weary of them ; I fear, however, lest the magnitude of the promises which this Cardinal will make them, and the force of his eloquence, which, as your Highness knows, is great may decoy them. Then again the league mentioned in my last, is confirmed daily, nor is it a matter of small import- ance ; though should Verona be in the possession of your Highness, I do not think it would prove of so much conse- quence. I was to-day in the house of one who is secretary to his Majesty and to the right reverend Cardinal.^ Having drawn me aside from everybody, so as not to be heard, this individual said to me that these lords were extremely surprised that your Excellency should so pertinaciously refuse to detach yourself from France, who they say has been the ruin of your Signory, and now aims at your final destruction, and at that of all Christendom, whose welfare you are willing to sacrifice to the observance of your mere faith, as plighted to the King of France : " I told the right reverend Cardinal," he said, " that it would not surprise me, should the Signory not determine to renounce the French alliance for this new union, as it is not reasonable that she should abandon those who now actually defend her, and I assist her to recover Verona, in order to adhere to those from whom its surrender is doubtful, and that it was at least necessary for his lordship to devise some expedient which should insure you possession of that city :" to the same effect was much more that he said, exhorting me to write in express manner to your Excellency, and to persuade you to hold the liberty of Italy, and the benefit of all the other Christian princes, in greater account than the King of France alone. I, who was aware of this language being addressed to me for the mere purpose of discovering whether I thought that with the certainty of obtaining Verona, your Excellency would desert the King of France, answered him that I did not know what might be the resolve of your Highness in this matter, but assured him, as from myself, that in my eyes the surrender of Verona constituted the least difficult part of the business, and that we would suppose that overcome ; but that the faith pledged by your Excellency to the most Christian King, and reciprocally observed towards you by his Majesty aforesaid, constituted the greatest difficulty which can possibly occur in this matter, especially as your Excellency had already obtained whatever aid you could desire of his Majesty ; though I, in execution of my duty, had written very strong letters hereon, setting forth all the arguments alleged by the right reverend Cardinal, so that it does not proceed from any omission of mine. The secre- tary then expressed surprise that at least an answer of some sort, either affirmative or negative, should not have been received from your Excellency, as sometimes to omit a reply is more offensive than to give a denial. I told him that this was a matter of incredible importance, both for the reason aforesaid, namely, the breach of faith, as also because the armies being now together, should it transpire that such a business was under consultation, the French army might VOL. I. X 306 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN inflict such injury and detriment on ours, and on the rest of the territory belonging to your Excellency on the main land, as could not be guarded against in time. He appeared to admit that this was reasonable, provided the delay did not last too long. I said that your Excellency would do what in justice and fairness became a well instituted republic. On this same day, I also visited the right reverend Car- dinal to urge him to despatch the letters to the Catholic King for the safe-conduct : his lordship greeted me warmly, and said he had not yet sent the letters, requesting me to let him manage the business in his own way, as it was necessary to treat it with great address, by reason of the bias of the Catholic King towards the Emperor, who is the enemy of your Highness. I rejoined that his lordship was most sage, and would negotiate the matter as reasonable, though I respectfully reminded him that the galleys of your Ex- cellency, by performing this voyage, would prove a source of great profit and convenience both to Spain and Flanders, states belonging to the Catholic King, so that I imagined he would not raise any difficulty in this business, especially when his Majesty here showed that he made the demand for the benefit of England, and thus did I take leave ; but my belief is that, until the negotiations with this right reverend Cardinal of Sion be terminated, nothing more will be done : at the same time, I suspect said negotiations will be brief. 1 Richard Pace, see Note p. 223. FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. 307 To THE MOST EXCELLENT COUNCIL OF TeN. LondoHy October 20, 15 16. By mine of the 14th and i6th, the duplicates of which accompany these, your Excellency was informed of the arrival of the Cardinal of Sion. Subsequently, on the i8th instant, he went to Greenwich, where the King was, et remotis arbitris he had a very long secret colloquy with his Majesty, the only other person present being the Cardinal of York. After dinner, both these cardinals returned to their respective dwellings. I cannot yet well learn what was proposed, though some declare that said Sion offered to give his Majesty from six to seven thousand Switzers for Italy, and as many as 16,000 lansquenets. For France, indeed, which he talks of in- vading, he offered 20,000 Switzers, on being supplied with funds by his Majesty. Others assert that, besides the aforesaid, he wants the King to enter the French territory in great force, which things I do not affirm, though they were told me by rather intelligent persons ; and should these proposals be listened to, it would create great commotion in France and Italy. I cannot say what decision has been formed ; but the Council sat in consultation afterwards, and was attended by the right reverend Cardinal, the reverend Bishop of Durham, the Bishop of Norwich,^ the illustrious Treasurer the Magnifico Lovel,^ and another councillor called Master Marney.^ I have not spared, nor shall I spare, either any labour or expense to learn what was pro- posed, and what decided ; nor will I, moreover, omit any sort of research, so as to come at the truth, being aware how momentous it is ; and my letters shall acquaint your Sublimity forthwith, though I may mention now, that this /\ 3o8 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. 309 Council was not attended by the right reverends of Win- chester and Canterbury, who absented themselves at the commencement of the business."* Yesterday, I sent my secretary to appoint an audience with the right reverend Cardinal, with the hope of learning something from him, though he is difficult to draw [trazer) ; and he brought me back word that, directly the Cardinal returned from the Council, he went to him of Sion, with whom he dined, and remained a long while ; and when he came home, the secretary saw him so wrath and excited, that he did not seem to be in his right mind j^ and 'twas said that, since he has been at the helm here, he has never been seen in such a state of perturbation, so that he declared he could not give me audience for three or four days ; and he sent forthwith for the Imperial ambassador, although it was already night and the hour inconvenient ; nor can the cause of this be attributed to aught save a dispute between the cardinals, which might have arisen considering the insolence of the Cardinal of Sion, or to the receipt of some fresh in- telligence at variance with the assertions of the Imperial ambassador, who is in the habit of making them sixteen to the dozen ;^ it is impossible to form any positive opinion. I go to-day to the illustrious Treasurer, and will endeavour to learn something from him, doing the like, moreover, by the others ; and in order to leave nothing untried, I have, moreover, employed certain other means, making many pro- mises, to be performed in the event of my learning the truth through them, so that your afFairs may be known to your Highness, whom I beseech to keep me acquainted with the true events of Italy and matters connected therewith, with- out sifting that which is fit to be imparted from the rest ; as I shall know how to distinguish what is expedient for com- munication, from intelligence better suited to silence. I 1 Richard Nix, consecrated A.D.I 501, April 17 (See Wharton's Anglia Sacra, vol. i. p. 4.19). Nix seems to have been rather a profligate pre- late, but debauchery agreed with him, for he lived until the 14th of January, 1536. Nevill, in his history of Norwich, styles Nix infamis et effrani pracipue libidine exastuans. In the Harleian Collection (Num. 604-21, vol. i. p. 365 Catalogue) there exists a letter signed by Richard Nix, Bishop of Norwich, to Cardinal Wolsey, concerning the election of a prior of Butley, where the Cardinal had inhabited 5 and desiring him to consent to the election of Sir Thomas Sudbourne cellarer of that monastery. Skelton, the laureate, tells of Nix in his sixth and seventh " Merry Tales,'' the eighth of which narrates how Skelton handled the fryer, &c. There was probably a meaning in the order of the tales. 2 See note, ante p. 253. 3 Sir Henry Marney, who was made Lord Marney, April 9, 1523. (See Hume, vol. iii. p. 70, and Collins, vol. ix. p. 471.) ^ See retro, p. 253. 5 Ch'el non parea in la sua natural dispositione. 6 Giustinian expresses himself thus : " che e" solito passarlo di noye huse^"" a phrase now obsolete, and alluding, perhaps, to some game like that of billiards, and which required a board or table containing nine holes f or pockets. To THE MOST EXCELLENT COUNCIL OF TeN. London, October 21, 1516. I now inform you that 1 have been to visit the illustrious Treasurer,iwho has been absent during many months, and as he is one of those who manages these present matters, I adroitly commenced discussing the presence here of this Cardinal of Sion, saying that I could not bring myself to believe that he was come for any other purpose than to excite fresh tumult amongst the Christian powers, his cha- racter convincing me of this, and his aversion to the most Christian King, as also to your Highness ; my opinion being that, were he listened to, he would obtain considerable sums from the King for the purpose of making a great stir, and would repay him with vain promises ; and I lamented that all these negotiations aimed at preventing our recovery of /'i 310 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII, 311 Verona, it being perhaps imagined that that city might either concede or withhold ingress into Italy, which I consi- dered a mistake, as no small force is sent into Italy, either by the way of Verona or by the other, whilst a large army forces its passage in any direction, so that I could not but feel much distress at so great an opposition as was offered to your Highness without any cause. Yet, I added, I did not imagine that their lordships would choose lightly to disburse their moneys for idle promises, injuring those who ever had been, and would continue, the greatest friends of this kingdom, which ought to hold your Excellency as a resource against many possible contingencies, and not seek your destruction, as has been the case hitherto — since by this time you would have recovered your territory, had it not been for the pecu- niary aid of his Majesty, coupled with the ill-will of others. These remarks were uttered by me interruptedly, and received various replies, as your Highness will perceive, the Lord Treasurer answering me that the Cardinal of Sion was not come to do any harm, nay, with the inten- tion of seeking a general peace, so that he was of opinion that nothing but great benefit would result from his coming ; and that in these conferences there has never been any question of injuring your Highness, who was greatly loved by the King and all these lords, going on to say, that it was impossible for them to do otherwise than aid the Emperor against his enemies according to the terms of the confederacy ; to which I rejoined that this kingdom is per- fectly at liberty to aid its friends against its enemies, but not a2;ainst confederates and friends, whose very ancient amity had never been interrupted by any discord or war, but constantly cherished and cultivated by mutual good offices ; whilst with others, on the contrary, peace and war, and various vicissitudes, had intervened. To this he replied, that ij the confederacy between this kingdom and the Emperor and other allies was very close, adding certain words not clearly expressed, but muttered from between his teeth, implying that the confederacy with your Excellency was not equally close ; yet he swore, per Deum^ that nothing is being nego- tiated but what will produce great good, repeating again that he hoped a general peace would now ensue ; so per- ceiving that he merely spoke in general terms, I did not choose to descend to any details, but requested his lordship to consider well, and give his counsel for the common weal, and for the quiet and tranquillity of this kingdom, and not permit so much slaughter and Christian bloodshed to be any longer perpetrated ; laying before him the disposition of the Turk, his power and prosperity, the ill-will he bears towards Christians, and the formidable forces already prepared by him, which ought to open the eyes of all the Christian powers, as the matter concerned the universal ruin of the Christian religfon, and not a mere difference of opinion between one Christian potentate and another; and that this was the field in which one prince might excel another, by so much the more as he should more speedily provide against the imminent peril from the infidels— making himself great by depressing them, and not by weakening Christian powers. He confirmed what I said, declaring that he wished for nothing but universal quiet, or for an expedition against the Turks, and that he should ever lend all favour to the interests of your Excellency. I should augur well of his words, most serene Prince, did I not remember that many months ago both he^ and others of these lords assured me, and swore, that nothing was being treated against your Excel- lency, nay that all matters were directed towards your great advantage, though the result proved hostile both to the most Christian King and to your Excellency, these lords arguing 312 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. 313 that it was for the advantage of your Signory to expel the King of France Italy ; and this I take to be the case now. However, I will not cease urging and watching, and attend- ing with every effort to learn both the proposals and deci- sions, present and future, using every argument to prevent their any longer molesting poor Italy, as I am aware that at this present everything depends on England. ^ The Duke of Norfolk, see ante pp. 113, 254.. ^ In the month of December, 151 5, see ante pp. 148 — 151. To THE MOST EXCELLENT COUNCIL OF TeN. London y October 22, 1516. To-day I have had a conversation with the Papal nuncio, on whom I had previously made the strongest possible attempt to obtain news of these negotiations ; but not receiving a very gracious reply, I had ceased to hope for intelligence from that quarter. To-day, however, having well weighed his interests, he changed his mind, and notified to me all that follows, which might well have come to his knowledge considering his extreme intimacy with the Cardinal of Sion, whom he served as secretary for a long while (as well known to your Excellency), at the period when the most noble Polo Capello was proveditor with the Switzers.^ He says, in the first place, that the Cardinal aforesaid proposes that the King of England should cross the Channel in the spring, and that he will contrive for the Switzers to attack Burgundy in considerable force, under the command of the illustrious Duke of Suffolk, his Majesty's brother-in- law : that the Emperor, at the same time, is to be at Verona, with the Cardinal of Sion and another duke, and upwards of 20,000 men ; and that all are to make the attack simultaneously, namely the Emperor and his forces, together with the Cardinal, in the Milanese ; the Duke of Suffolk in Burgundy; and his Majesty here in Picardy : all these pro- mises being made with the understanding that the King of England is to defray the expenses. The nuncio says he does not know whether the decision has been finally made, though he considers it certain from the symptoms observed by him in the Cardinal of Sion, who is very cheerful and busy with despatches, and never ceased writing from two o'clock in the morning until four p.m., sending off a great number of letters: he also transmitted a schedule of clauses to the right reverend Cardinal of York, who was at the council board ; and should no positive resolve have been come to, the nuncio considers that such will be formed ad vota ; nor will the Cardinal of Sion depart hence, until it has been decided in what place, when, and how, he is to receive the money for this undertaking, which will, however, cause a delay of seven or eight days. Moreover, he is to take a good sum with him for the defence of Verona ; and Chieregato adds, that the Pontiff will certainly join this confederacy, and that a certain ambassador of his, a bishop, is expected daily ; he adds, moreover, that he, Chieregato, anticipates being ordered to join the camp. These things, most serene Prince, as they were told me, so do I write them ; true is it that I do not yield them entire credit, from knowing the nuncio to have sometimes given information on slight grounds ; at the same time, should he now have chosen to tell the truth, he has assuredly had the means for doing so. Your Excellency, who is most sage, will form such opinion as you may think fit s but this I deem it well to mention, namely, that the I 3H DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN Cardinal of Sion was accompanied hither by one of the King's attendants, whom I saw here at court not more (I think) than two months ago, and he gives me to understand that he was sent to fetch the Cardinal, which, if true, con- firms what Chieregato has reported to me about the alliance. I have also found some other means for hearing these results through the Spanish ambassador, and will give immediate notice to your Highness of what I may discover, it seeming to me that the present events require this ; and I intend to exert myself in the matter not less than I would do for the salvation of my soul. p,S.— Suspecting that what was told me by the Papal nuncio might perchance have been notified to me designedly, at the instigation of some of these lords, and as certain letters . of his had fallen into my hands, one of which was addressed to his mother at Mantua, and the other to my Lady Ipolita Sforza Bentivola,2 ^^q is at Milan, I thought fit to open them, knowing this matter to be of extreme moment, and that by these letters I might probably ascertain the real foundation of what said nuncio had imparted to me, and having opened them, I find hereon as follows : — Papal nuncio writes to his mother, the Lady Mathia de Coradis de Austria, relict of the late Bortolomeo Chieregato, and says, " This is merely to tell you not to seek to leave Mantua so speedily, should you fare well there ; wait a little to see the result of this new league which has been formed ; for my right reverend Cardinal of Sion, who is here, will soon take his departure, and is the bearer of strong resolu- tions, from which much mischief in those parts may result ; so do not change your residence unless I write you further, for I do not say this without great cause." The other letter is addressed by him " To the illustrious my lady, the Lady Ipolita Sforza Bentivola," and he says — FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. 315 " By this letter of mine I announce to your ladyship the new league contracted between the Emperor, the Catholic King, and his Majesty, place being reserved therein for the Pope and the Switzers. Since this was concluded, there came hither my right reverend Cardinal of Sion,^ who had previously held a long conference in Brabant with the most serene Catholic King, and with the most illustrious my lady Margaret. Here he is not only well looked on and caressed, but adored, both by the King and the whole country, and m a few hours he will have obtained his intent, especially as he proposes things which please his Majesty and all this nation ; so that your ladyship understands me. I think that we shall have more tribulation than ever in poor Italy, so I write to my friends and patrons to betake themselves to places out of trouble, as the present league will have a larger tail, and your ladyship understands me. Here they are preparing for war with all diligence, and we enjoy ourselves. By the present league the Catholic King does not mean to swerve from the treaty made with France, &c. Do your ladyship, for reason good, not show this letter to any one, above all in my name.'^* 1 After the battle of Ravenna in April, 1512, the Venetian forces intruft ed to the Proveditor Capello joined the Sw.ss, -^er ^^^ of Sion for the purpose of driving the French out of Italy. It was at this t^me that Chieregato acted as the secretary of the Cardinal of Sion, tnis time tnat v.i j Venetians under Pavia. No^w LXTened ti'Vi^nlt^^^^^ not satisfied with the proceed- wTof CapelE S determined on giving him a col eague m the person Th^s brother- n-law, an individual by name Christopher Moro and who the" are many reasons to believe, was the real Othello of f°m Shaksoeare was thinking when he wrote his tragedy ; but, be this as it S^Tn Juir.5^,^-hen Chieregato was with the Cardmal of Sion at A Wandria in Piedmont, the Venetian proveditors, Moro and Capello, wee kept there In pawn ior a few hours, and -^e to give secunty k^^ the payment of certain moneys to this Swiss Cardinal. The allusion rnade Wthe Venetian ambassador in London, to any fact connected wUh the real life of one of the most famous characters of Shakspeare, may justly be considered, to adopt a phrase of Pope's, « stranger than se^en antiquaries' studies ^ i 316 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. 317 2 As stated ante p. 214, it was for the sake of seeing this Countess Ippolita Sforza that Chieregato went to Pandino, when the novelist Ban- dello took occasion to tell the tale of Zanina Gandino. 3 The Cardinal of Sion reached London on the 15th of October, and, according to Rymer, the treaty here alluded to by Chieregato is dated the 20th of October, 1516. ^ The mode adopted by the Venetian ambassador for ascertaining the veracity of the nuncio, however unscrupulous, is not accompanied with such aggravating circumstances as those to which the French ambassa- dor was subjected by Cardinal Wolsey, as detailed at page 213. Gius- tinian satisfied himself with merely reading what his colleague wrote, and was too humane to rate him into the bargain. To THE MOST EXCELLENT COUNCIL OF TeN. London^ October 24, 1516. I have learnt from a good source that the Cardinal of Sion has obtained all that he wanted from his Majesty ; and the two cardinals and the imperial ambassadors sit in conclave daily, to arrange, I imagine, the execution of their projects. The Cardinal of Sion is treated here with as much honour as if he were the Pope in person, and he has been promised the first great bishopric which may become vacant. Money, likewise, is being remitted, the amount I cannot state with certainty, though I do know that it does not exceed 25,000 crowns, which are supposed to be destined for Verona, the siege of which place they declare has been raised, and succour introduced ; and this news they have received by way of Rome in letters dated the 6th inst., in contradiction of what reached me yesterday, also from Rome, in date of the 30th ult., and which revived me, as for many days I dreaded the confirmation of what this side had announced, on the authority of letters dated Verona the 24th ult., namely, that the siege had been raised, that cpnsiderable succour had .'\i < 1' entered the city, that an imperial army 15,000 strong had come up, that our forces suffered great slaughter, and that Chiusa had been taken.i Now, again, with this news of the 6th inst., my anxiety returns as before: may the Al- mighty at length guide the vessel of the State into a peaceful haven ! I yesterday received two of your letters, one dated the I2th and the other the 23rd ult., which gave me inestim- able satisfaction, it now appearing to me that I have some light from your Excellency for my guidance, whereas hitherto I could only act on my own responsibility, though of this I can indeed assure your Highness, that all the negotiations transacted by me thus far have been effected with so much submission and gentleness, that I doubt whether greater respect could have been employed had I been speaking with the Father Eternal, this seeming expedient to me for the interests of your Highness, and to avoid irritating the right reverend Cardinal to some act of indignation ; and he, as it were conscious of my proceedings, has assured me several times that he discusses State affairs more willingly with me than he ever has done with any one else ; and I would that the fair demonstrations he makes me were confirmed by equally good effects. Concerning the two matters, namely, the joining this new league, and also that of the truces, I shall not say a word unless challenged, though for many days he has not broached this topic ; and should the league be mentioned to me, I have my cue from your Excellency, who assigns both duty and necessity as the reasons for your present policy, and which were the very excuses made by me in other terms, that is to say, our plighted faith, and the position of the combined armies under Verona, which two apologies I shall not, however, allege so expressly, to avoid irritating them through despair of attaining their intent, but will 3l8 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN merely speak doubtingly, and as of myself, so that I hope, should I be unable by my actions to compass the good I have desired, at least not to be the cause of mischief. ^ Guicclardini mentions the capture of Chlusa, but does not give any date 5 by this despatch it would seem to have taken place in the middle of September. FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. 319 To THE MOST EXCELLENT COUNCIL OF TeN. London y October 29, 1516. The decision already announced by me is confirmed, as likewise the transmission of moneys amounting in all to 100,000 crowns ; nor can there be any doubt but that a part is destined for Verona : concerning the whole I do not know. The Cardinal of Sion has filled the heads of these lords with vain hopes, promising greater things than can be imagined, all tending to the extermination of the most Christian King and of your Excellency, a result from which may the Lord shield us ! An ambassador from his Holiness, namely, a bishop, is expected here in two or three days : I cannot learn for certain the object of his mission, but many say that he will ratify the league and confederacy made between these potentates, and to which his Holiness is a party ; for this I do not vouch, not having heard it from an authentic source, and especially after what your Highness writes me. Great pecuniary exactions are being made here, all over the kingdom, both from the clergy and laity, qua sunt signa dolorum. An envoy from the most Christian King has been here on his way to the Duke of Albany in Scot- land i he came to me, and I welcomed him as becoming : it seems that this Duke of Albany wished to g^o and see the most Christian King, and these lords were anxious that he should pass through England, which the above-mentioned envoy told them he would do, provided they placed some great personage in his power as sufficient security ; where- upon they promised to give him the Duke of Suffolk, but he was rejected by the envoy, who quitted the right reverend Cardinal in dudgeon ; he is to return to him, nor do I know whether they will come to terms, but hitherto he has refused a safe-conduct even to this envoy, who, however, says he shall go without it. On my asking him how the most Christian King stood with the Switzers, seeing that the Cardinal of Sion offers a levy of upwards of 40,000 of them on receiving the neces- sary funds from his Majesty here, he answered me that the most Christian King has nine cantons with him as friends and confederates, they having already signed and sealed : with the others he is negotiating, and the difficulty merely consists in said Switzers wanting to be the friends and soldiers of his most Christian Majesty, but not his confede- rates, and about this there is a difficulty : but should nine cantons be with the most Christian King for certain, I am unable to bring myself to believe that this Sion^ could keep such great promises as he has made, and your Highness will forgive me for volunteering my opinion, considering that I am on the spot ; for I perceive that the right reverend Car- dinal of York, who leads the dance, and the King here, bear the worst possible will towards his most Christian Majesty, in such wise that no one could believe it, unless they saw and heard ; all they want is the power to realize their evil designs. There are two expedients which I should deem most efficacious in this matter ; the one being for the most Christian King to make a last endeavour to obtain the greatest number of cantons possible, so that this side might be 320 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN deprived of the weapons for doing mischief; or else use means through a great ofFer, or gift (that it may be more certain than promises), to the right reverend Cardinal of York, who, being quieted, the whole turmoil would cease ; nor would this, perhaps, be very difficult, as he perceives well nigh all the grandees of this kingdom to be opposed to his present policy, the people likewise complaining extremely of the new imposts to which they are subjected, so that he may with reason apprehend some commotion. I trust your Highness will not ascribe this to presumption on my part, but to the love I bear my country. I have not seen the Cardinal of York, having sent twice to demand audience in vain ; nor would I make any farther attempt, being convinced that he of Sion is the cause of this, and that his presence and opposition would prevent any good effect resulting from an interview. Even were I admitted, it is certain I should have a great battle about your Highness joining this confederation, which I perceive you advisedly wish me to decline ; so I deem it better not to visit him, whereby I avoid rejecting his demands, rather than to seek an audience and tell him what is disagreeable. I have also heard, through a good source, that the afore- said Sion is endeavouring that his Majesty should dismiss me J and considering his own business here, and the alliance of your Highness with the King of France, he has reason enough to advocate such a measure, though from what I can judge, I do not think he will succeed in it. As to the safe-conduct for the galleys, so long as the Cardinal of Sion remains here I shall not press for it, for he might either frustrate the negotiation, or devise some treachery ; but immediately on his departure I will use due diligence. Perhaps as your Serenity perceives affairs to be in confusion and very threatening, you may change your FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. 321 decision, but until the order given me be cancelled, I shall abide thereby. I wrote in my foregoing what the Papal nuncio had told me about the expedition proposed by this Cardinal of Sion ; and that he had informed me that the illustrious Duke of Suffolk was to command the army of Switzers destined for the attack on Burgundy : subsequently said nuncio told me that the Lord Marc Antonio Colonna will be the captain of the army to be marshalled against Burgundy, and that the Duke of Suffolk will command the army which the King of England is to send into France. He also announced to me that the Catholic King meant to march an army into Italy against your Excellency. ^ The aversion entertained by Sebastian Giustinlan for Mathew Scheiner, Cardinal of Sion, displays itself repeatedly by his withholding from him his title 5 the ambassador returned the hatred which Sion bore the Venetians, and perhaps especially resented the seizure of the provedi- tors Moro and Capello, as mentioned at p. 3155 whether he anticipated or not the treatment which he himself was destined in the course of time to receive from the Switzers, I am unable to state, but the fact is, that ten years after the date of this letter, viz., a.d. 152^, having been appointed by the Senate ambassador to congratulate Francis I. on his release from Madrid, Giustinian, when on his way to the French court, was seized on the Lake of Como by the Switzers, under pretence of their being creditors of the Republic of Venice for stipend due on account of military service. Litta does not say how long the ambassador remained a prisoner, but it seems that he eventually owed his liberty to the inter- ventior of Pope Clement VII., and reached the French court in 1527. London y No'vemher i, 1516. By mine of the 31st ult. I notified to your Sublimity that on the morrow his Majesty and the Imperial and Spanish ambassadors were to swear to the league. To-day, accord- ingly, at the hour of high mass, the aforesaid assembled, VOL. I. Y 322 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. 3n together with the right reverend Cardinals and a few others, members of the Privy Council, in a small chapel where the King is in the habit of hearing mass ; and there each of those who had to swear, read with their own lips the formula of the league, with the clauses, nine in number. After this reading, the King, first of all having placed the articles on the altar, swore on the Holy Gospel that he would observe the contents of said clauses, and the like was done by the others ; the articles not being published, but only read amongst the parties themselves and a few privy councillors. The con- tents, however, purport that the league is contracted between the Emperor and the Catholic King and his Majesty for the defence and recovery of their respective states : the Empe- ror is to descend into Italy with the Cardinal of Sion and 6,000 Switzers, besides other Germans, amounting in all to 22,000 men, who are to attack the Milanese : the Catholic King, on his part, is bound to send 8oo spears, 8oo light cavalry, and 6,ooo infantry, into the Vicentine and Veronese territory and that neighbourhood, to prevent the army of your Excellency from succouring that of France in the Duchy of Milan : 22,000 Switzers are to make an attack in the direction of Burgundy, as stated in my former letters, whilst the King of England is to cross over from hence in great force ; and place is reserved in this league for the Pope and the Switzers. I have been unable to learn other details, although I plied my friend, well known to your Excellency, to the utmost; he, Chieregato, saying that he is under solemn oath not to reveal the articles. These lords say they shall have eight of the Swiss cantons, which does not seem to agree with what was told me by the French envoy on his way to the Duke of Albany in Scotland, for he declared that nine of the cantons were the confederates of his most Christian Majesty, and that the other five would ■^" ■?. be his friends and soldiers, but not his confederates, so this side, at the most, could only have five cantons ; though my opinion is that they cannot reckon upon any, as had they grounds for doing so, they would have found means that some one should have come to swear in the name of these cantons; and I maintain that it is the same with his Holiness, whose ambassador is expected from day to day, but had he intended signing they would have waited for him. Money is being remitted in all shapes, both through bills of exchange and in cash, and it is said that some mules loaded with coin are being sent off. Though no one rates the sum beyond the 100,000 ducats mentioned in my former letters, there is no doubt but that they will remit sufficient funds by the spring to defray the undertaking, for it is stated that the King of England will pay for all. This Sion will depart hence in two or three days. Some German lords, men of great account, have arrived here on their way to the shrine of St. James of Gallizia,i after visiting which they will go about to see the world. These noblemen, in the course of conversation, said, in rather a resentful tone, that Germany had always been the friend of your Excellency, and that now, when the Emperor is waging war upon you, they consider that greater blame rests with him than with your Signory ; but they complain extremely, saying that at Venice a certain work has been printed, most ignominious for the aforesaid Emperor and for all Germany ; and that it is impossible to utter or imagine grosser abuse than is contained in said work compiled at Venice, and that your Excellency had allowed it to be composed, printed, and published, a thing very offensive to all the princes and communities of Germany ; on hearing which I contrived that an English cavalier, a great friend of mine, should make them ample apology in my name, saying, 324 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN that in the first place I did not believe such a work had been either compiled or printed at Venice, and still less published,^ as it would not have been permitted by your Highness, who is ever accustomed to speak of great prmces, and to cause them to be spoken of, with honour, even though at war with them; and to this I bore witness, having seen strong measures adopted in other similar matters, and that much stronger would have been employed m this case, as your Highness has never endeavoured to irritate the Emperor, but, on the contrary, to appease him by all possible means. Should you not have succeeded herein, I said, it is not owing to yourself, but to his imperial Majesty, who is more implacable than perhaps becomes the magnanimity of a glorious Emperor such as he is : nor would you have made less demonstration on account of the princes and communi- ties of Germany, owing to the close good will which had ever subsisted between your Excellency and those most illustrious lords, princes, and honourable communities, not merely by reason of the mutual commerce, but in considera- tion of innumerable good offices exchanged with them at all times. They apologized for the complaints they had made, not owing to ill-will, but from the surprise felt by them at such a thing, and because they wished to ascertain if it was such as had been represented ; but that knowing the wisdom of your Highness, they considered the explanation I had ofFered to be satisfactory. I would have met them in some place to make this apology in person, but was apprehensive lest an interview might have created suspicion, and caused his most Christian Majesty to receive some sinister informa- tion, so I thought fit to omit it. 1 Pilsrrimages to Compostella were very much the fashion at this period, and it has already been seen, at p. ?9. tl^at /^e arnbassador Andrea Badoer entertained thoughts of paying his devotions at this FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. 325 shrine of the apostle James the Minor, the tutelar saint of all Spain. I have now before me the journal of a young Venetian who visited Com- postella in the month of August, 1581, and died Doge of Venice, a.d. 1624, having between those two epochs been ambassador in England like Andrea Badoer : his name was Francesco Contarini, and he tells a story of Ferdinand the Catholic and the shrine of St. James of Gallizia, which places that crafty monarch in a less odious light than that m which he generally appears. Louis XII. had sent a present of two monster bells (which Contarini saw in fragments, A.D. 1581), with tre- mendous clappers, for St. Jameses Church, about which Gallizia and the pilgrims wagged their tongues prodigiously, and the noise reachmg the ears of King Ferdinand, he said he would found other bells whose clappers should be heard at a greater distance than those of Louis XII., and accordingly endowed an hospital, adjoining the church of Compos- tella, for the reception of infirm pilgrims, whose tongues, on returnmg to their native land, would tell of suffering relieved at Compostella, and speak with gratitude of Ferdinand the Catholic, in countries far beyond the sound of Compostella's bells, the gift of Louis XII. 2 From the allusion made at p. 223 to the Knigjht of Rhodes, Sir Thomas Dockwra, Grand Prior of St. John's, it seems probable that he was the English Cavalier who bore the excuses of the Venetian ambassa- dor to these German noblemen, who, perhaps, were misled like myself by a chapter in a folio volume printed by Aldus in this very year 1516, the author being one Celio Rodigino, and the title " Lectionum Antiqua- rumi' the third book of which gives an account of the events of the league of Cambray, said Celio heading the chapter " Historia>r«W^ belli in Venetos gesti,'' though anything less jocund I never read and my disappointment was the greater, as I confess to having opened the pages of this beautifully printed book, seduced by the mere heading ot the third chapter, in which I expected to find some pleasant abuse ot Maximilian and his allies, whereas it contains nothing of the sort ^^ It is possible, that in consequence of these remonstrances, the "jocund" part of Cello's work was suppressed. To THE MOST EXCELLENT COUNCIL OF TeN. London y November i, 1516. I have heard that these lords have promised, and made arrangements accordingly, to give for the Italian and Bur- gundian expedition 500,000 crowns, though the Papal nuncio says that no fixed sum has been specified, it being merely ■Jlft'fr-: 326 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN Stipulated that England is to furnish funds for the whole campaign. Neither the right reverend Canterbury nor Winchester, nor the illustrious Duke of Suffolk, nor many other lords who are accustomed to discuss State affairs here, were present at this conclusion, a fact which has caused incredible surprise and universal dissatisfaction, the general inference being that the right reverend Cardinal of York is the beginning, middle, and end of this result. This Sion has assured the King that Galeazo Visconte,i who is with the Switzers on behalf of his Majesty, has unduly appropriated to himself upwards of 100,000 crowns of the royal moneys destined for said Switzers ; and that he has shown vouchers from the captains of the Switzers, proving this, to his son- in-law, who is here in London ; owing to which his afore- said son-in-law will be dismissed hence, the like being done by Galeazo himself, who, according to report, is all-power- ful with the Switzers, so should this circumstance reach the knowledge of the King of France, this Visconte might now be an excellent agent for reconciling all the other cantons to him, and confirming those he has; and should it be objected that, owing to his having taken their moneys, the Switzers will have become his enemies, and that he will have lost his former influence with them, I would rejoin, that they are aware of the mortal enmity which prevails between him of Sion and said Galeazo, wherefore it will be easy for the latter to attribute all these calumnies to the Cardinal's hatred. The nuncio assures me that the moneys hitherto sent to the Switzers, and to the Emperor, amount to 600,000 crowns, besides these last remittances, which, as I said, are put by some at 100,000, whilst others estimate them at 80,000, and they were forwarded at two separate times, both for the succour of Verona, and also to be given to the Emperor. FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. 32^ ^ This IS evidently the person who in a former despatch (p. 221) isl styled Visconte de' Visconti, and the father of Anchises, whereas here he is represented as father-in-law. As stated in that despatch, Anchises Visconte resided in London as the ambassador of Francesco Sforza, Duke of Bari, and titular Duke of Milan. Litta says that Anchises was the son of Alberto by Fioramondo Visconti, and that he quitted Milan after the battle of Marignano in 151 5, from which period till 1522, he says, nothing is known of him ; his sojourn in England, therefore, may be \ considered ne^s. Litta gives Anchises Visconti two wives, neither of whom bore the name of Visconti ; he could not, therefore, have been iGaleazo's son-in-law. From all this it may be inferred that the ^ife of lAnchises, and not his mother, bore the name of Fioramondo, and that ishe was the daughter of Galeazo. As to this last, who is mentioned in the above letter, Guicciardini witnesses that he made his peace with Francis I. by negotiating in his favour with the cantons, but does not allude to his having defrauded Henry VIII. on that occasion. In all probability the Galeazo of Guicciardini, and the Ermes Costanzo of Litta, are one and the same person. END OF VOL. I. London : Printed by Stewart and Murray, Old Bailey. RWTf Lt DO UOl r •t ■ I f ; ^r^o^^!^tfHm« «^^i;i BIBLIOGRAPHIC IRREGULARITIES MAIN ENTRY; (jpjir<, ^/: -6^^ (^^rtr . ,. Biblioeraphic Irregular ities in thp Original Dnmmpn^ Ust volumes and pages affected; include name of institution if filming borrowed text. 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II. i i t LONDONs SMITH, ELDER, & CO., 65, CORNHILL. 1854. SUMMARY OF CONTENTS. VOL. II. A.D. I516 — 17. November 13 ^(? January 28. Presents bestowed on the Swiss Cardinal — A ride in Westminster-park — Turkish victories — The siege of Verona — Speculations concerning the treaty of Noyon —Proposals to Leo X. in favour of Lorenzino de' Medici — The stipendiaries of Henry VIIL — Naval command destined for the Marquis of Dorset — Return to court of the Bishop of Winchester— Attention of Cardinal Wolsey exclusively engrossed by Italian politics — His belief in the power of his elo- quence over the Venetian Senate — Possibility of his heading a crusade — Fisticuffs at York House — Literary society at the Venetian embassy — Device for creating enmity between the Swiss Cardinal and Cardinal Wolsey — Threats against France and Venice — Imputations by Henry VIII. against Francis L — Reported embassy of Lord Worcester and Dr. Clif— Reserve of the English ministry towards Sebastian Giustinian ...» pp. i — 29 A.D. I517. February 10 to April 13. Difficulty of communication, by land or water, between London and Greenwich — Announcement made to Henry VIIL and Cardinal Wolsey of the recovery of Verona by the Republic of Venice— Effect on the English cabinet of this intelligence, which is mourned in cloth of frieze by the Imperial ambassadors — Specific proposals of "the doughty Duke of Albany*' — Congratulations received by Sebastian Giustinian — Reports of Venetian aggression in the Romagna, and of a partition of the territory of Venice — Table-talk by Car- dinal Wolsey— Hostile attitude of England— Visit from Sebastian Giustinian declined by the Spanish ambassador — Trade with Venice — Duties on Sack — A loan for the Emperor — Flattery lavished on Henry VIIL — Friar Schom- berg in London — Truce with Scotland . . • • PP* 3° °' 279509 IV CONTENTS. CONTENTS. A.D. I517. April 23 to June 17. The Congress at Cambrai — Talk of Sultan Selim and the Soldan on St. George's Day — News from Scio, received by the English knights of Rhodes — Charles Duke of Guelders — Leo X. ** in the pocket " of Henry VIII. — Death of the outlaw Coppo — The Archbishops of Malmsey, Erasmus, and the Venetian secretary — Evil-May-Day — Meeting at Richmond between the ambassadors of the rival grocers — Catharine of Aragon at Granada — Four desert-ships on camel-back — St. Thomas in India — Spice stores at Lisbon — The Italian Bishop of Bath and Wells — English treasure remitted to Rome — Arrival in London of the brother of the Imperial prime minister — Object of his mission — Alarming illness of Cardinal Wolsey, and its effect on the courtiers and members of the Privy Council ... pp. 63 — 92 A.D. 1518. February 28 to May 22. Sebastian Giustinian at Windsor— Doubts entertained by Henry VIIL concerning the crusade of Francis I., and the marriage of Madelaine de la Tour — Mary Tudor and Dionisius Memmo — John Kite and the translator of Froissart — " The sage and virtuous" Sir Thomas More— The plague at Richmond palace —A diplomaticpeace-maker— The Duke of Albany— Birth of the Dauphin, Francois de Valois— The Christian Turk — Anti-Ghibelline demonstrations in England — Baby marriages devised by ^< the corner stone" — English negotiations at Rome — Cardinal Wolsey's opinion of French sovereigns — The Duke of Guelders and the Easterlings — Sack and bow-staves — "The Danish Sword" pointed at England and parried by Spain — Arrival at South- ampton of the Venetian galleys pp. 158 — 188 A.D. 15 1 7. June 30 to August 17. Contradiction of the death or capture of Sultan Selim — Pierre de la Guiche and his colleague — Three ambassadors from the King of Spain — Return to Lon- don of Friar Schomberg — League between the Empire, England, and Spain — Honours paid to Jacques de Luamburg — A dinner, a concert, a joust, a banquet, and a ball — Travelling expenses of the future Emperor Charles V. defrayed by his uncle Henry VI II. — Cardinal Wolsey's jaundice — Chieregato superseded — The galleys of Venice and their freights — The sweating sickness — Scene between Cardinal Wolsey, Sagudino, and Giustinian-^The ambas- sador's son and the Bishop of Winchester — The Cardinal's cane recorded by John Skelton — Bath and Wells in commendam — The new palace of the Eng- lish embassy at Rome ....... pp. 93 — 126 A.D. I517 — 18. August 2J to February 17, Henry VIII. in retirement at Windsor — His estrangement from the Empire anc the Swiss cantons — Cardinal Wolsey on a pilgrimage to Our Lady's Shrine at Walsingham — Loan demanded by Maximilian — Evil Michaelmas Eve — Reconciliation of Cardinal Wolsey to Sebastian Giustinian — Arrival in Galizia of the King of Spain — M. de la Guiche and the Bishop of Paris in London — The King, the plague, and the Venetian organist — Wrecks in the Channel — Talk of the surrender of Tournai — Pacific bias of the English cabinet — " One Richard Pace," in the Bucintor — The Turk, the Mamelukes, and the Sophy — The successor of Sebastian Giustinian — Call made at York House by Henry VIII. — Refusal of money to the Emperor — European politics pp. 127—157 A.D. 1518. June 6 to September i8. " Interesting situation" of Catharine of Aragon — The Venetian ambassador home- sick — The new Legate a latere — Latin oration by a merchant-captain — A lunch on galley board — Slack-rope feats, fireworks, and gunnery — Cardinal Wolsey's *< Wealth of Nations" — Carpets for York-house— Talk of the betrothal of the Lady Mary to the Dauphin — Entry into London of Cardinal Campejus — The Legates at Greenwich — Negotiations with France — Table- talk with Cardinal Campejus — Henry VIII. at Eltham — Sir Thomas More made privy councillor — Wreck of tilt-staves . . . pp.189 — ^^7* A.D. I518. September 24 to December 3. The "riding" in Chepe of Admiral Bonnivet — Poncher, Bishop of Paris, com- posing an oration — Formal demand at Greenwich for the hand of the Lady Mary — Reply by the son of a baker — Death of the Commodore of the Flanders galleys — Henry VIII. at St. Paul's — Oration there by Dr. Pace — Supper, ball, and gambling at York House — Quadrille of " the Nymphs,*' and their names — The first wedding-ring of Mary Tudor — The washing of hands preparatory to a royal banquet — Articles of peace — Presents bestowed by Henry VIII. — An allegorical pageant — The old English game of Mom- chaunce — The most learned man in England — An English Knight of Rhodes, ambassador to Francis I. — Birth of the sister of Mary Tudor — Tran- quillizing efi'ect produced by seven Turkey carpets — Hungarian recollections of Sebastian Giustinian — False news from Augsburg — Price oi Tournai — Scotch politics — Improvement in the affairs of " White Rose " — Matri- monial alliance between Spain and Portugal ... pp. 218 — 24.7 \ i VI CONTENTS. A.D. I519. COriTENTS, VU January i*^ to June 28. Sultan Selim asking peace of Hungary — Projects for a crusade — Commotions at Genoa — The Court in the country — Last remittance of Henry VIII. to the Emperor Maximilian, and announcement of the Emperor's death — Close friendship between England and France — Unpopularity in England of the sur- render of Tournai — " The field of the cloth of gold** — Return from Spain of Lord Bemers and ** John Kitte, Londoner, natyffc " — Their intimacy with Francesco Cornaro, now at Northumberland House — Loading of the galleys at Southampton — Embassy from Charles of Spain, and his formal inclusion in the league — Haughty tone assumed by Henry VIII. distasteful to the French ambassador — Oration by Dr. Pace — Banquet at Greenwich — Count Horn and the Legates at the King's table— Electioneering gossip — The Venetian galleys on their homeward voyage — Press of business in the English cabinet — Dr. Pace on his way to Frankfort — Disgrace of " the Kynge's minions " — Christening of Francois de Valois — Reports of the wherabouts of Dr. Pace — Arrival in England of the new Venetian ambassador — Corpus Christi Day at Windsor — Presentation to Henry VIII. and Queen Catharine of the LL.D. and Knight Antonio Surian, and leave taken of their Majesties by Sebastian Giustinian PP- 214^ — ^7^ A.D. 1519. June 30 to July 26. Surian's first interview with Cardinal Wolsey — A reminiscence of Launcelot Gobbo — Visits paid to ** bounteous" Buckingham and the Duke of Norfolk — The election of Charles V. announced in London — His aunt, the Lady Margaret, accused of making mischief — Prevention of rejoicings in the city — Civic officials sent to the Tower and threatened with the gibbet — The "Te Deum" at St. Paul's, and proclamation at "the Cross" of the Emperor — His boyhood and youth — Sack, ** deceitful cloth," and galley halfpence — Last words of Cardinal Wolsey to Sebastian Giustinian — His baker's son — Marriage by proxy in Notre Dame of the Lady Mary Tudor — The royal pages beneath the windows of the Palah des Tournelles — Jousting by Francis I. and M. de S. Pol — A banquet and ball at the Bastille — Madame de Chateaubriand (the favourite of Francis I.) and the Fran- ciscan departure from England — Voucher of his secretary Nicolo Sagu- dino pp. 279— -295 'S.I — ^The Duchess of Alencon, Countess Borromeo, and the dancing girls of the French court — The King in a magician's gown, and Queen Claude and her mother-in-law in a gallery — The perquisites of heralds for proclaiming supper — Temptation of the Grand Prior of St. John's and the Bishop of Ely by young ladies in full ball costume — Munificence of Francis I. pp. 297 — 308 Appendix II. *' Report " of Sebastian Giustinian. Sebastian Giustinian <*at home" — The Prior and Abbot of the Garter— The old story of " the Fishermen" — The trouble of trimming — The halcyon days of Mary Tudor — Who made her Dauphiness — Admiral Bonnivet a prisoner of war — Henry VIII. content with his own — New Year's gifts an item in the revenue — The finest royal wardrobe in the world — A sketch of Catharine of Aragon — ^Who Orion was — The Wolsey brothers — I by myself I The poor man's friend — The furniture of York House — Cardinal Wolsey at table — The secular and regular clergy in England — " Poor Edward Bohun" — Electioneering gossip with one Dr. Pace at Dover — The English archer in the field, and the English pilgrim at Venice — Recollections of the Piombi by Mons. de Reuss — Friskiball and Co. trading on the capital of Henry VIII. — Curiosity of Francis I. — ^His opinion of the duties of Kings and their prime ministers— The treasure of Louise of Savoy— Her own un- popularity and that of her son — Love borne to Queen Claude — The merits of Nicolo Sagudino — Sale of his grandfather's Xenophon to an English bookseller — Fate of a chain given by Henry VIII. to Sebastian Gius- tinian, and office conferred on his son by the Grand Council of Venice — Lament for the loss of a recent Titian — A present from the Signory of Venice PP- 309— 3^* Index pp. 323—338 Appendix I. The English embassy at Paris — Francis L and his plain cloth cap — -A scene in the Palais de "Justice^ and oration delivered there by Nicholas West, the monk, Cardinal Aracceli (the confessor of Louise of Savoy), at supper together ERRATA IN VOL. II. Page i6. line 31, for 24th reaii 4th. 99 99 « I9> 99 Ransou, 99 Kansou. >9 64, 99 18, 99 his, » this. 99 67, » i9> » Adolphus, 99 Charles. 99 81, 99 159 99 Ransou, 99 Kansou, 99 95» 99 99 99 Lanch, 99 Dr. Karl Lanz. 99 126, 99 8, 9» Tortonia, 99 Torlonia. 91 132, 9> 16, 9) thus. 99 this. » 1349 99 19* 99 Bartholomea, 99 Bartolomeo. 99 142, 99 16, 99 his. 99 13. 99 222, 99 3I9 99 morals, J> morality. 99 ^33> 99 16, 99 1551-5^9 99 1531-2. >» 252, » 349 99 Me Montpenat, 99 Dc Montpezat. » I > t . I y > , w > « .' « J I < DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN. London, November 13, 1516. The Cardinal of Sion departed on the 8th, the King having made him a handsome present, worth, I hear, 3,000 ducats ; from the Cardinal of York he also received a gift estimated at 1,000 : and he is going to the Catholic King, with whom he will possibly remain a fortnight, to make arrangements for carrying their new treaty into effect. Not having visited Cardinal Wolsey previously, owing to his constant occupation, I went to-day to his right reverend lordship, who had me conducted to a certain orchard at a short distance from his dwelling, where I found him, and being thus both of us on horseback, his lordship asked me whether I had any news : I told him I had none other than about the Turkish affairs, and that I was come to pay my respects to him, in the first place, having been many days away from his right reverend lordship, and, secondly, to impart to him said news, which had been sent me by the VOL. II. B • •• •• .• • • • •• •• • ••: :•/: ; • ••••••• • « I i i 2 \/*-' b^aPA'rtHKS.Oi ,.sP.B^STIAN GIUSTINIAN • • .•••/: '• r : ; • ' ■' most ijobl^.Badoer from France. He listened attentively, and ha<;inj2;:sf:ai:ed to , him the extreme importance of these movements, and the haughty nature of the great Turk, who pants for glory and empire more than any other potentate, and how intent he is on military matters and well skilled therein, I told his right reverend lordship that he was greatly to be feared, should he make peace with the Soldan and the Sophy, or prove victorious in the present expedition; and that I perceived the affairs of Christendom to be in manifest peril, and I alluded, moreover, to the Turkish armada, and all the other forces of the Ottoman empire, expatiating thereon by so much the more, as it seemed to me expedient for the matters now negotiating in Christendom. The Cardinal answered that he regretted this news, by rea- son of the peril which threatened the Christian religion, and that his most serene King, clearly perceiving this peril, had prescribed an opportune remedy for the ills of Christendom, by establishing friendship and confederacy with his Holiness, the Emperor, his Catholic Highness, and the Switzers, for the defence of the common states, all said potentates being bound conjointly to oppose with all their might and main whoever might attack them or their territories ; and should those now molesting them abstain from hostilities, his lord- ship said he doubted not but that a general expedition might be made against the infidels. An intimation, consequently, will be made to them in the name of the whole leac^ue, charging them within one month to make peace, as otherwise open war will be declared against them by all the potentates aforesaid. This, he said, was a matter which concerned your Highness^ who ought to ponder well your interests, and not run the risk, for Verona alone, of entering on so fierce a war, and exposing yourself to the risk of losing the whole of your territory ; and he declared to me there was no doubt FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. 3 soever but that if, after the term assigned, your Excellency should persist in besieging Verona, all said princes will wage war both against the most Christian King and your Excel- lency, or against that one of the two who shall choose to persist in said siege ; and not merely by land, but moreover by sea, this league having determined to act in such wise that all be compelled to rest satisfied with their own. I thought fit to answer briefly, it seeming to me that my words could avail but little against the decision already formed, and told him that I, in the first place, thanked his right reverend lordship for so unreserved a communication, and that were it intended, as stated, that all should remain satisfied with their own, every difficulty would vanish at once, since I entertained no doubt but that, in like manner as the most Christian King, so would your Sublimity also become a party to the general peace, provided all had their own ; but that I clearly perceived that this storm had been raised against your Excellency for the sake of depriving you of the city of Verona, which had been yours, and is now occupied by the Emperor: a very astounding fact, that a confederacy should be formed against the legitimate and ancient possessors of that city, and in defence of its present occupants ; to which announcement I said I could give him no positive reply, as it required an answer from your High- ness, adding, that I could not comprehend the cause of so much stress being laid on the affairs of Verona, unless it were for the gratification of the Emperor, who aimed but at the ruin of your Excellency. His lordship rejoined that there was " no doubt but that the peace made between the Kings of France and Spain would not last, as his Catholic Highness will not delay marrying until the French princess be rnatura viro^ and in case he form any other connection, said King of France will use every endeavour to DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN deprive him of the kingdom of Naples ; and were the city of Verona in your hands, it might prove very convenient for France in aid of such an enterprise, and in like manner it will suit us extremely that it should be held by the Emperor." I told him that in that case Verona was indeed of extreme importance to your Highness, but could not prove of any great convenience in any case, either to the most Christian King, or to the Emperor, since a small force would not enter Italy even with the support of Verona, whereas a large army would force its way unaided in any direction, nor of this could there be any doubt. To this he replied, " In short, Domine Orator, we do not choose to endure this obstacle, and I have thought fit to make this announce- ment to you as a notification, that should the King of France and yourself desist from the attack on Verona, we shall be all united, and might make a general expedition against the Turks : should neither one or the other, indeed, choose to desist, we shall do our utmost for the annihilation and ruin of the perverse ; we will forbid all their subjects dwelling or trading in any of the territories of the confederates aforesaid, and not merely merchants, but every other description of persons ; with our fleets, moreover, we will prevent their navigation, in such wise that in addition to the great cost incurred by you in the war, you will be deprived of all future emolument, and these will be the first steps taken before commencing hostilities; and even had you recovered Verona, we should take it from you ; so ponder well your interests, and for the love of God cease any longer to molest the Emperor and his confederates, and let all be content with their own, for the avoidance of so dire a catastrophe." Perceiving this to be his bent, and as I did not think I could prevail against so firm a resolve, I deemed it well not to reply, to avoid exasperating him, and, on the contrary, I FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. 5 spoke him very fair, using many very bland expressions, as I always endeavour to do, telling him I would write to your Sublimity, who I imagined would form a deliberate decision as inspired by the Almighty, who will not fail you, as he never has done.^ ' There can be no doubt but that the hruolo^ or paddock, or park, in which the Venetian ambassador rode and talked on the 1 3th of Novem- ber, 1 516, with Cardinal Wolsey, was that of Westminster, which pro- bably changed its name when the court went to reside at St. James's 5 certain is it that in the year 161 8, the park still bore the name of West- minster, its keeper receiving a salary of 12/. 13J. 4^., whilst fruit and flower gardens were alone attached to the house at St. James's, Somewhere or other Lamartine wrote " que les lieux ont leur ames ;'* the soul of the park at Westminster seems to have borne inveterate ill will towards the Republic of Venice ; for nearly a century and a half after the unpleasant communications made there to the Venetian ambas- sador by Cardinal Wolsey, harsh language was addressed on the same spot to a Venetian secretary, by the master of the ceremonies of the Commonwealth of England. In the spring of the year 1652, the Republic of Venice determined on sending an agent to the Common- wealth, without, however, formally acknowledging the Council of State : the person intrusted with this errand was a secretary named Lorenzo Paulucci, who, immediately on arriving in London, endeavoured to have an interview with the master of the ceremonies. Sir Oliver Fleming, who made an appointment with him in what he styles the palace park (which proves that the park was always considered an appurtenance to the royal residence, that it bore the name of Westminster in 1516, of Whitehall at a later period, then of St. James's and ought now to be called Bucking- ham) for 10 A.M. on the 30th of April (new style) a.d. 1652. Fleming, immediately on meeting the secretary, asked for his credentials, and on hearing that he had none, said harsher things to him than those uttered by Cardinal Wolsey to the ambassador 5 he abused the Signory for tolerating the presence in Venice of Tom Killigrew, the envoy of Charles II., and even hinted at treating the secretary as a spy, addressing him thus : — " You then are come for levies of troops and to charter vessels ? I believe it, but your mission possibly moreover resembles that of an indi- vidual who arrived here lately from France to see how the land lay, to investigate and to observe j and I will here tell you by way of a topic what befell him : he was taken up as a spy, and, although sick, or pretending so to be, he was forcibly expelled this territory." This conversation took place about one year before Oliver Cromwell dissolved the Long Parliament, and the threats against the Signory of Venice, al^o uttered in the park at Westminster by Cardinal Wolsey, preceded by a few years, events which produced as radical a change in the;«piritual govern- O DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN ment of England as the passage of the Commonwealth to the Protector- ate did in that of our temporal policy j and it is an odd coincidence the finding Cardinal Wolsey and the master of the ceremonies blustering about our foreign affairs in the same spot, and much in the same tone^ at intervals of 146 years. To THE MOST EXCELLENT COUNCIL OF TeN. LondoHy Nonjember 13, 1516, After having written the accompanying, the reverend nuncio came to me, and discussing present affliirs, he told me, in the first place, that his Holiness is not included in this confederacy, neither w^ill he join it ; but that to induce him so to do, the allies have determined amongst themselves that the Cardinal of Sion is to go in person to Rome, to exhort and persuade his Holiness to adhere to this league, promising him, in the name of all the confederates, to make the Signor Lorenzino free lord of Florence,^ and give him not merely the investiture of that city and territory, but also of the duchy of Urbino, Modena, and Reggio. He also told me that the Bishop Colonna, v^ho w^as to have come here, has changed his intention, and will remain with the Catholic King, which is a manifest sign that the Pope does not mean to join this confederation. My informant urged me most strongly to keep the first part of his communication very secret, as it was a thing only known to him and the right reverend Cardinals ; so your Highness will deign to comply with his request, as he has always done excellent service in these negotiations ; and he tells me that, in former times, he effected great things for your Highness, for which no demonstration was made him, not so much as a sinHe word. I think, therefore, it would be very much to the purpose for your Serenity m your next missives to charge me to return FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. 7 him thanks ; and, moreover, should you think fit, to make him some offtr of church preferment, taking care that the paragraph be put in cypher, lest, in the event of the letters being intercepted, it prove to his great detriment and ruin. Moreover, in the conversation held with the right rever- end Cardinal, as your Serenity will have seen by the accompanying, not a word did he say concerning the matter proposed by him heretofore, and which I wrote to your Highness, about your joining this new league ; nor did I broach the topic, knowing that such was the intention and will of the Signory, though I was fully aware that the threats which his right reverend lordship made me were for the purpose of inducing me to say something hereon. ^ As stated at p. 37, vol. i., Julian de Medici died on the 17th of March, 1 516, and was succeeded in the government of Florence by his nephew Lorenzino, who thus became the head of the house of Medici, and the father of Catharine, A.D. 1519. London^ No'vemher 15, 1516. Since my despatches of the 13th, I have heard nothing of any importance, save that these lords, seeing that his Holiness has refused to join their conspiracy, have given him the term of six more months to decide and reply, during which interval they will not cease urging him by letters to become a party to it ; and, as a last resource, the Cardi- nal of Sion will go to Rome for this purpose. I cannot persuade myself that these lords will execute their threats, unless his Holiness aforesaid join this league, and that they have the greater part of the Switzers with ^ DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN them y and these two provisos lacking, I do not think they will proceed to the protest mentioned in the accompanying : this I shall endeavour to ascertain, as I am of opinion that your Highness is much interested in knowing it. My friend (Chieregato) has given me to understand that this side is anxiously awaiting my receipt of letters from your Highness, hoping that you may yet decide in their favour, which convinces me that all the threats uttered on the day before yesterday by the right reverend Cardinal were devised to this effect ; but he said not a word to me, and still less did I speak to him on the subject — a course which I shall pursue in future. * * * Chieregato also assures me, that within the last month, only 60,000 crowns have been sent to the Emperor for Verona, and 30,000 to the Switzers for their annual stipend. Also, that the son-in-law of Galeazo Visconte, who was accredited to the Switzers by his Majesty, has been dis- missed, for the reason assigned in my former letters,^ the said Galeazo having, at the request of the most Christian King, induced certain cantons to side with him. I have this moment been with " the friend,^' from whom I wanted to know whether the protest destined for the most Christian King and your Highness was to be made after the decision of the Pope and of the Switzers or before ; and he assures me, that said protest will be sent to each, immediately after the signature of the treaty by all the allies, except the Pope and the Switzers, whose subscription will not be waited for; and I have so bestirred myself, that I have obtained the copy of the oath taken by his Majesty, and also the clause drawn up for transmission to his Holi- ness, togther with all the conditions enjoined him, should he choose to become a party to the present league. Your Highness will be pleased to keep these two acts very secret. FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII, 9 and not communicate them to others, as their promul- gation might easily lead to the discovery of my informant, he having noted them himself; and, according to his account, no one except the confederates possesses the copy. He moreover told me that these lords are endeavouring to induce the Catholic King to take the Princess of England, and repudiate the French Infant. ^ See vol. i., p. 326, and note. The ambassador there merely alludes to an act of peculation, without mentioning this plan devised by Galeazzo Visconti for aiding France with the moneys of England. London, No'vember 18, 1516. Your Highness will now learn that I have been assured by " the friend," that besides the land forces which his Majesty will have for the attack on France, he has ordered a fleet of sixty sail, under the command of the Lord Marquis,^ who is to attack a certain duchy of Guienne on the borders of Spain, near Bayonne, whither, moreover, an armada went when this King crossed over to France, He told me also that the decision of the Swiss diet was expected, and that a conference is being held in Scotland to determine on war or peace. The right reverend Bishop of Winchester has hitherto been absent from hence, not having chosen to interfere in these impassioned resolves, but now that they are duly despatched, he is returned ; and considering him an excel- lent instrument of mediation under present circumstances, provided he would assume the charge, I went to visit him, and was received very graciously. I congratulated him on his health, and said that I had been anxiously wishing 10 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN for him, both in order to pay him my respects frequently, as was my wont, and also that his salt might have seasoned this dish which is being prepared to the detriment and ruin of your Highness. His lordship thanked me for the com- pliment, and told me he had heard of my conferences with the right reverend Cardinal, both his proposals and my replies. Perceiving that he did not probe the topic deeper, I told him I greatly marvelled that this confederacy should seem to be formed so especially against your Highness, arrangements having been made for summoning the most Christian King and your Excellency to raise the siege of Verona, and desist from attacking it, within the term of one month ; and that in the event of non-compliance, it was to be understood that war would be waged on the opposing parties, which is neither more nor less than a violation of divine and human right — the choosing to deprive your Serenity of the city of Verona, which has belonged to you for a century past ; and I expressed my surprise at its having been threatened to make the attack with a force so overwhelming as to entail a cost exceeding sevenfold the value of Verona, saying it would have been more glorious, in lieu of lavishing these funds on a war against two Christian states, to have expended them against the Turk, who is watching for the ruin of the entire Christian reli- gion, directing all his efforts to that end, I then gave account to his lordship of the magnitude of his army, and about the armada he had fitted out j observing, that should he be victorious, or arrange matters with his enemies, there was no doubt but that this cloud would burst over Christen- dom, and that universal attention should be directed to this instead of having thought for Verona, which in all right and justice ought to be recovered out of the hands of its present occupants. I added many other particulars relating FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. II to this confederacy ; and prayed his lordship in conclusion, should the opportunity present itself, to take the part of your Signory, and guide the league towards a more glorious and religious undertaking. His lordship answered me, that the confederacy ought not to render any one uneasy, as it was merely defensive, and not offensive : though it was true indeed that should any of the confederates be unjustly attacked, it would not be unfitting to defend them ; adding, that with regard to the claims of the Emperor and of your Excellency to the city of Verona, he knew nothing at variance with what I had told him, but was of opinion that I had no cause for anxiety on this account, as his Majesty was not inclined towards war ; and he twice repeated to me, " Our King does not wish to make war, nor yet the Catholic King ; neither could this last, even if he would, as he is a youth :" implying, that his council would not let him. In the course of further conversation, he ex- pressed himself thus : " Domine Orator, confederacies are often formed, but, as you perceive, few are carried into effect ; so that as the Almighty shall counsel, so will it come to pass." After much had been said on this topic, the hour being late, I did not think fit to make any further rejoinder, reserving myself for another visit ; and thus did I take leave of his right reverend lordship, who, whilst accompanying me, said, '' To-day in council we discussed at large the affairs of your Signory with regard to continu- ing our good friendship, and the intercourse maintained of yore." I told him that your Excellency had never swerved from your friendship towards this kingdom, and would ever persevere therein, should it so please his Majesty, of which I entertained no doubt, nor yet but that his right reverend lordship and others who think correctly were of the same mind ; and thereupon I departed. Your Highness hears these 12 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. 13 conversations, and will distil from them such essence as you shall think fit. 1 Thomas Grey, second Marquis of Dorset, grandfather of Lady Jane C^rey. Hume, quotmg Herbert and Hollingshed, gives an account of his commanding the expedition to Fontarabia in 15 12, devised for the purpose ot making the conquest of Guienne, a province in which it was imagined the Enghsh had still some adherents yet partial to the tradition ot tlieir rule there under Edward the Black Prince, the birth of whose son at Bordeaux had so endeared Richard II. to the Gascons, that on his murder in 1399, they refused their allegiance to Henry IV., nor was our occupation of Guienne from 11 54 to 1450 forgotten in 1512 ; but of the project here mentioned by the Venetian ambassador to attempt its reco- very in 1 516-17, there is no note either in Hume or Lingard. London y December 7, 151 6. Your Highness will now learn that on the receipt of your missives of the 25th of October and 7th ultimo, as also of the duplicates of the 25th, received by way of Rome, with sum- manes from the Levant, I went to his Majesty, acquainting him with said extracts, pointing out the extremely perilous situation of the Christian religion, which ought to be seen to speedily for the common weal ; as otherwise I perceived no safeguard against the ruin of Christendom, detailing to him the great importance of Syria and the immense increase of territory which the Turk must obtain, should he advance there in Egypt and in Persia, where I considered he would encounter small resistance, having routed the army of the Soldan.i I added many other things relating to this matter, of which the King seemed to take small heed, his whole anxiety bemg directed towards the affairs of Italy and France, a tendency in which he is well confirmed by the right reverend Cardinal, who is more inflamed with this desire than \ ever; his Majesty only said, therefore, that in time, measures would be taken. To-day, I went to Cardinal Wolsey, and we had a long interview — not on my account, for I answered in very few words — but owing to what was said by himself, as he never tires speaking of the Italian expedition. To tell in short the result of the whole conversation, after exhorting me most strongly to desist from the siege of Verona, expatiating on the treachery and ambition of the most Christian King and your Sublimity, and on the power and intention of this new league to preserve and maintain Verona for the Emperor, he told me that within two months, conjointly with the Catholic King, they meant to send two of their ambassadors to his most Christian Majesty and to your Signory, with a summons to desist from said attack and siege ; and in the event of non-compliance, threatening war to both one and the other within a month from the announce- ment of said summons, saying, " Be assured, that unless you desist, we are disposed to wage as utter war against you as if you were so many infidels ; you will be prohibited trading all over the world ; and we shall endeavour to get his Holiness to excommunicate both the most Christian King and your Signory, so that should you choose to exist, it will behove you go into Turkey. On the other hand," he continued, '' should you desist from the attack, we will form a general peace and confederacy, and in order that this result may ensue, consent to a truce being made for six months, or as long as you like, during which interval we will negotiate the agreement between the Emperor and your Signory ; of which truce the King of France will approve ; so that the agreement, the universal peace, and the confederation of the Christian princes against the infidels, are in your hands. Think now whether Verona ought to be the cause of I H DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. 15 preventing so great happiness, and whether the other potentates will have reason to be your capital enemies should you fail effecting this" — with a multitude of expressions besides, which it would be very tedious to repeat. I answered, that your Sublimity was desirous of the universal confederacy, and to prevent greater peril than that dreaded from the King of France, and to this, I said, his lordship, as a meritorious cardinal of the holy church ought more to direct his eyes and mind. With regard to the intimation to be made by the ambassadors, I knew not how your Serenity would deal, but added that you would take counsel from time, and the state of affairs ; and as throughout his discourse, he expressly declared that should your Excellency choose to join this confederacy, deserting the King of France, you would obtain peace both with the Emperor and the others, I answered this by saying, that I did not see how your Excel- lency could form such a resolve save to your eternal ignominy, and that placing himself in the position of your Signory, neither would his lordship act thus, especially as your Excellency had no legitimate cause for renouncing the French alliance. To this he rejoined, " Well ! if you do not choose to abjure the friendship of the King of France, abjure Verona,^ and everything will be adjusted." With regard to the truce, I made no answer soever, save that I would write to your Excellency ; but respecting Verona, I said I greatly marvelled, if the universal confederacy failed 4:0 take effect on that account, that we should bear the blame, and not those who occupy that city unduly; neither did I perceive it to be of such importance as to warrant its impeding the contemplated confederacy. To this he replied, that any rate they chose Verona to belong to the Emperor, in order that should the King of France take farther steps to obtain the monarchy of Italy, the Emperor and the King of England may have it in their power to prevent him, which would not be the case were Verona in possession of your Highness. I told him that his lordship derived his informa- tion from those who sought the ruin of Christendom, and that if he knew, as well as I did, the position of Italy with reference to the towns of the Emperor, he would not lay so much stress on Verona; as there are many ways for coming into Italy, and especially that of the Friuli, which is perfectly open, and has always been styled by ancient and modern writers, the gate through which by sundry roads, both Germans and Turks may enter Italy, so that this is not the reason ; but that the wish entertained by the Emperor to occupy this city, which belongs to your Excel- lency, amputating this limb from you, and facilitating his acts of aggression in Lombardy and the march of Treviso, was the cause of this. After I had discussed this topic at large, his lordship changed the subject, saying, " You are certainly very bigoted in the faith you place in this King of France of yours, who every day makes promises and every possible offer to the Emperor, for the sake of coming to terms with him and the other confederates, and he promises to leave him Verona, and also to give him Brescia;" and to this he swore, pointing at a crucifix on an altar in the apartment where we were. I told him your Sublimity could only judge by what you heard, and that I would write you all these things in full ; whereupon he chose me to tell him how I should express myself about these colloquies, as I did, and he approved, saying, " Had I a seat in your Senate there at Venice, so that I could address those most sage Signors, I doubt not but that of the singular love I bear your Republic, I should persuade them to leave Verona, or to join our league, for I would prove to them their ruin and destruction as inevitable, in little more than six months :" 1 6 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. 17 during which interval, he told me, that they would surely seize all your territory on the main land ; whilst by accepting the alternative, you would enjoy peace and tranquillity, and resume your usual commerce. With this we dropped the topic, and commenced discus- sing the expedition to be undertaken against the Turk ; and he came to the conclusion, that on these matters beins arranged, his King would perform memorable feats, and excel all the others, adding " and perhaps I myself will go in person ;" whereto I exhorted him to the utmost, telling him that there it was not merely a question of the Chris- tian faith, and of preserving the rest of Christ's patrimony, now held by Christians, but of obtaining two empires, five kingdoms, and so many provinces and cities now held by the Turk, but which of yore belonged to Christians, and that said conquests might be made with less money than would be expended for the waging of war in Italy ; and with this I took leave. ^ Sultan Sellm I. gave battle to the Soldan of Egypt, Ransou Algouri, in the neighbourhood of Aleppo, a.d. i 516, August 23; the Soldan fell lighting most bravely, and was succeeded by Toumom Bei, the last national sovereign of Egypt. The victory of Aleppo gained by Selim in August 1 516, is of course the one here alluded to by Giustinian. 2 In the original, " Se non volete lassar la amicitia del Re di Franza lassate Verona." The Venetian ambassador thought like Romeo, " There is no world without Verona's walls, But purgatory, torture, hell itself: Hence banished is banished from the world, And world-exiled is death." The peace between Maximilian and the Venetians had been already signed, stipulating the surrender of Verona to Venice on the 24th Decem- ber. (See Guicciardini, vol. iii. p. 204.) To THE MOST Excellent Council of Ten. London, December 7, 1516. Your Highness will now learn that a few days ago, the nuncio (Chieregato)' was sent for by the right reverend Cardinal, who, when he reached his presence, took him into a private chamber, where he laid hands on him,^ telling him in fierce and rude language, that he chose to know what he had written to the King of France, and what intercourse he held with me, as either he was frequently here (at the Venetian embassy), or my son,^ or the secretary, at his resi- dence, and thac he should not quit the spot until he had confessed every thing ; and unless he told by fair means, that he would put him to the rack. On this, high words were exchanged by either party ; the nuncio denying the charges brought against him, but admitting our intimacy, as induced by friendship, and a community of literary pursuits.^ Concerninor the Kino; of France, he mentioned what he had written to him, and the reply received, which did not bear upon the present matters ; so the Cardinal sent to his house, to seize all his papers and cyphers, but found nothing objectionable ; wherefore, at the intercession of the rev. Bishop of Winchester, he was released, permission being given him to quit the kingdom, and this he will do ; his departure now being merely delayed by the expectation of pecuniary supply. The proceeding is summary, especially against a papal nuncio, and has appeared to me worthy the knowledge of your Excellency. Chieregato also assures me that immediately on the declaration of war against the most Christian King and your Excellency, I shall receive my dismissal, so that I am expecting leave such as he has had. I, most serene Prince, should be very glad, at length, VOL. II. C I i > II i8 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN after so much toil, to return home, but not exactly in this fashion, and hope in God that if the most Christian King make terms with the Switzers, these lords will not realize their projects, for I already perceive the following symptom, namely, that by this time they were already to have sent the heralds to make the declaration, whereas that plan has been changed and they are sending ambassadors, and the period has been protracted to two months ; nor does this proceed from any other cause than their knowing perhaps that they have not the Switzers at their command. However, be this as it may, provided honour and profit accrue to your Excel- lency, and that Verona be recovered, I shall care nothing at all about my stay or return, as I am sure of coming soon, with the good grace of your Highness, and perhaps when good grace shall prevail between this kingdom and your Signory. The nuncio also told me that the Cardinal of Sion had departed not over satisfied with these lords, sayino- they were very close about money ;-* and that as he (Chieregato) is the servant of his lordship,^ this last will resent the treat- ment he has been subjected to, as will his Holiness ; and it seeming to me very desirable that said Sion should quarrel with this side, which perhaps might be the cause of thwart- ing their projects, especially as he is wrathful and choleric, I so plied the nuncio, that I at length made him write a letter to Sion, exaggerating this circumstance as much as possible, I promising him that this step would prove very agreeable to your Highness. His letter is enclosed in one addressed by him to the Lord Albert of Carpi,^ with instruc- tions to forward it to the Imperial court for delivery to the said Cardinal, it being tied up with mine, and your Sublimity will so dispose of it, as to your extreme wisdom shall seem expedient. FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. ^9 ' In the original, " lo meno in una camera secreta dove // messe le mano a" dosso^ ' In the Diaries of Sanuto, where mention is made of the return of Sebastian Giustinian to Venice, it is stated that he was accompanied by his son Marino, who had resided with him in England. ^ A fact which is proved by their both being in correspondence with Erasmus. See vol, i. p. 262. ^ See, however, the despatch of November 13th, preceding. ^ See retro, vol. i. p. 315. ^ We are here introduced to another of the correspondents of Erasmus, Alberto Pio, Count of Carpi, whose controversies with that writer obtained great renown for " the Lord Albert," who in this year 1516 was ambassador at the court of Leo X., from the Emperor Maximilian, and the letter from the nuncio in London, addressed to the Cardinal of Sion, was therefore meant to go with the despatches from Venice to Rome, and thence to the Imperial Court. The Lord Albert had for tutor in his youth the elder Aldus, and it is supposed, that when at Carpi, A.D. 14.82, with his pupil and his pupil's uncle, the ^^ Phcenix^'' Pico, this trio lirst projected that printing establishment which has ren- dered the name of Aldus synonymous with literary and typographical excellence. The Lord Albert was of course a member of the Neacademia, or Aldine Committee, in which our countryman, the famous physician Thomas Lineacre, took an active part, and for a while Erasmus ranked amongst their colleagues, his " Maxims'' having been printed by Aldus, although subsequently the theologian and the printer quarrelled, and Aldus and his heirs, in their editions of any of the other works of Erasmus, merely style him " Trans alpinus quida?n homoy London, December 13, 1516. Your Sublimity w^ill understand that for the purpose of making the declaration announced in my foregoing, these lords have appointed as ambassador to the most Christian King and your Sublimity, one Doctor Clif,^ a prudent man, and a very good Italian ; the second intimation will, I under- stand, be made through the Catholic King ; his departure will not take place so speedily, though I know not exactly when, but this I shall endeavour to ascertain, and will notify the whole to your Sublimity. In my foregoing, I omitted 20 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN one fact worthy of the knowledge of your Highness, namely, that amonest the threats made me at that conference, was the following : that, if within the term specified for desisting from the attack on Verona, his aforesaid most Christian Majesty and your Excellency do not cease hostilities, all the expenses of every description soever, incurred for this under- taking by the whole of the combined armies, this side means to place to the account of those who shall have declined compliance with the summons ; and should they not choose to pay by fair means, it will behove them do so by force of arms. Item^ a secretary who had been residing on behalf of the King of France with the Duke of Albany in Scotland, and returned hither, tells me that a truce has been agreed to between this kingdom and Scotland until the 27th of next month ; and that he hopes it will be prolonged for another year, though for this he does not vouch. The moneys for the annual tribute, which the most Christian King pays to his Majesty here, have been lately forwarded. ^ Amongst the diplomatists employed by Cardinal Wolsey at this period was Dr. John Gierke, or Clark, who in the course of time became Bishop of Bath and Wells. In the "Statutes of the Realm,'* vol. iii. p. 337, mention is made of one Robert Clyff Clerke, who is excepted in an act of pardon, together with the Bishop of Hereford and others. London^ December 29, 1516. I now announce the receipt of letters from the most noble Badoer in France, purporting, that on the 8th instant news had arrived there of the signature of the articles of peace between the Emperor, the most Christian King, and your FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. 21 Signory ; of the agreement, moreover, between the Switzers and the aforesaid most Christian King, which includes your Highness ; and of the surrender of Verona to be made to your Excellency, for such a sum and at such a time as your Signory well knows. These tidings have in truth revived me, for from this new league stipulated here, I had been anticipating contrary results, and turmoil to the State, whereas I now perceive " that the day-spring from on high hath visited us ;" whereupon I congratulate your Highness more than words can express ; but, from the greatness of the event, as well as the immense benefit which the Signory will derive from it, your Highness may comprehend the joy of my soul \ for I can exclaim, hodie salus huic domui facta est ! May the Father Eternal, of His clemency, deign to grant that the consignment of Verona into the hands of your Excellency be effected speedily, so that all be more convinced of the so great grace which God has granted us ! The King having been many days past taking his pleasure, I deemed it advisable to go and pay my respects to him yesterday ; and after he had heard mass, his Majesty betook himself to a place where he usually gives audience to the ambassadors, and being the only one present, I perceived that his Majesty wished me to make some communication to him ; so as this intelligence was already in circulation, and his Majesty had received an express announcing it, though it was not credited either by him or by these lords, I presented myself, and when his Majesty inquired what news I had, I narrated to him the contents of the letters from the aforesaid most noble Badoer, omitting such paragraphs as seemed to me unseasonable. When I came to the part about the peace, and the conditions stipu- lating the surrender of Verona on receiving pecuniary recompense, &c., he said to me, " Domine Orator! I love 22 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN you much, and much do I love your lords. Were it as you say, I should be content, for I wish you all weal ; but know that you are deceived, and unless you provide speedily for your interests, you will become aware of the artifices of the King of France, who, for your information, has negotiated and is negotiating peace with the Emperor to your exclusion, and is willing to allow him to deprive you of Verona, and of all such other portions of your terri- tory as he lays claim to, the King of France on his part making himself master of other possessions in Italy, in such wise that they mean to divide the whole of that luckless land between them ; and know, that my assertions are not based on air, for I have got the articles which were sent me from the Emperor's own court, and the like from my ambassador resident with the Catholic King. True is it, that they are not yet ratified, nor am I even sure that they will be, yet notice is given me to this eff^ect, and amongst the other conditions of this peace is the following : that the 100,000 ducats which the Catholic King is bound to pay annually to the King of France for the kingdom of Naples, are to be made over to the Emperor by desire of the said King of France, in order that the said Emperor may be content for the King of France to possess himself of a certain part of Italy to which he aspires. Think, now, how you are circumvented ! I have chosen to warn you, that you may give notice by letter to your lords so that they may open their eyes : know also, that this agreement is to be concluded within the period of three months, so let the State look to her affairs j nor on this taking place do I know what potentate will ever again choose to trust the King of France, seeing such deceit practised on you ; and should this come to pass, what will you do ? what remedy will you apply?" In answer to his Majesty, I FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. 23 thanked him for so loving and important a communication, induced by the good will which his Majesty bears your Excellency in return for your observance towards him, and said that I had imparted my news, with the belief that it would prove very agreeable to him, and that as our treaty was already signed and sealed, I much doubted whether this other peace and agreement of a contrary tenor could take place. I told him, however, that I was not the judge in this matter; and that his Majesty, who is acquainted with the negotiation, will form such opinion as to his wisdom shall seem fit. I am obliged, most serene Prince, to adopt this course ; that is to say, not to contradict their intelligence, lest I seem to despise it, nor yet appear to consider ours false, but to steer the middle passage. In reply to his inquiry, " Should this come to pass, what will you do?" I replied thus, " Serenissime Rex! in that case, the most illustrious Signory could only have recourse to that light which has ever shone upon her — namely, your Majesty ; nor do I imagine, were such deceit practised, which I can scarcely believe possible, that your Highness would permit it." Whereupon he replied, '' You would do well ; for I neither would, nor ever did, desire the detri- ment of your State, and I would make terms between you and the Emperor ; for at this present there is no sovereign in the world who enjoys greater authority with him than I do, and, indeed, with extreme reason.^ But I marvel that your lords should be so bigoted to this King of France, who aims at nothing but your ruin ; and I warn you, that both in this supposed success, as in every other, he always keeps behind the door the staff with which to cudgel you ;" adding many other words to this effect, in such wise that whereas, on former occasions, I had a scarcity of audience, it was now conceded me to superfluity, so that all the lords I 24 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN who Stood by, but at such a distance as to be out of hearing, were astonished. In reply to all these their proposals, or pro- phecies (for thus do they choose them to be styled), I. merely answered that the good faith of your Excellency did not deserve such a return, and that I hoped in the Lord that He would not permit such a result to take place ; in like manner as I also was of opinion that his Majesty would be averse to it for the welfare of Christendom, lest such tumults invite the Turk to compass the ruin of the Christian commonwealth sooner than he would do— a catastrophe to which all potentates should open their eyes. To this his Majesty rejoined, " You say with truth that good princes ought to have an eye to this, but there are few good ones ; as some make peace, from inability to wage war, and some for the sake of practising frauds ; whilst others again do so to bide their time for waging war, so that there 1 are few good ones. I promise you freely that I was never I desirous of seizing what belongs to others, nor of waging war ; and if I did take the field, it was solely in order to obtain good peace ; and thus ought everybody to do, for i it is worthy of kings and princes to desire peace with all, and not to wish to injure any one. But beware, should you write these things to your lords, to have them kept secret, without quoting me as their author, since, for good reasons, I should not choose them to reach the ears of the King of France." I promised his Majesty that all should remain as if uttered in a confessional, the like having been observed with regard to the other communications made me in secret by his Majesty, whom I thanked infinitely in the name of your Sublimity for his so great graciousness ; and with this I took leave. It has seemed fit to me to mention the whole to your Sublimity, because I deem the words of kings worthy of FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. 25 consideration ; not, indeed, that I believe anything he told I me, being of opinion that it proceeds from these two ambas- | sadors from the Emperor and Spain, who aim at drawing » money as leeches do blood. At the same time, I think it | desirable for your Signory to be acquainted with the language | and tone employed by his Majesty, so that you may know j how much to promise yourself from him in other matters. ^ Henry VIII. was evidently groaning internally over the loss of his ducats, and trying to cheat himself into the belief of their having at least procured for him some influence with Maximilian. London, December 30, 1516. I went to-day to pay my respects to the right reverend Cardinal, in order to see whether the change in afi^airs had made him change his tone and purpose ; but he was ex- tremely busy, especially in giving instructions to the two ambassadors appointed to the Emperor — namely, the Lord High Chamberlain^ and Dr. Clif ; so he had it intimated to me that I was not to wait, but to return after the day of the Circumcision.2 This being the case, I proceeded to visit the reverend Bishop of Durham, and talking with him about the conclusion of this peace, he appeared not to credit it, saying, that the ambassadors had written what they were made to believe. Without disputing the point with him, I exhibited implicit faith in the letters of your Excellency's ambassador, who, I said, would have been very cautious about certifying an event of such moment ; and I then asked him when these ambassadors accredited to the Emperor would depart : he said. To-morrow, and that they were to go to the King of Spain, with whom there is already another 26 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. 27 i ambassador resident, and that one of the three would con- tinue at the court of his Highness aforesaid, the other two proceeding on their way to meet the Emperor. I inquired of him whether, on the completion of their embassy to the Emperor, these ambassadors had any other mission to fulfil : he answered in the negative, and that they would return hither ; adding, " You ask, to learn whether they are going to the King of France and to your Signory : no, no, no ! We have cause to make war, but are anxious for peace and quiet amongst Christian powers." On this, I greatly praised the prelate and all these lords, that they should be so peacefully disposed ; though my own belief is, that the said ambassadors are going rather with a view to derange matters, which this side does not consider as settled ; for I do not imagine that in so few hours they can have chano-ed their will from bad to good, or their apparent warlike ardour for the desire of peace. Yesterday, the Lord High Treasurer told me that the whole of this kingdom wished for a general peace, and that in these times nothing would please him more than to witness the pacification of Christendom, and that all should content themselves with their own ; all which conceits I laud and approve when conversing with their lordships, vowing that they are more necessary than ever, both for the sake of staying the slaughter and destruction which have raged amongst Christians for so many years, and also by reason of the peril threatened by Turkish afFairs, concerning which, having held various discourse with said reverend Bishop of Durham, I took leave of his lordship. ^ Charles Somerset, Earl of Worcester, (see retro, vol. i. p. 107.) 2 Alias New Year's Day, the festival of the Circumcision being cele- brated on the ist of January. London y January 6, 1517. It is asserted here universally that the peace between the Emperor and your Sublimity is concluded and sealed, a fact which the malignants interpret in various forms. I went to the Cardinal, both for the sake of keeping friends with him, in conformity with what I take to be the wish of your Highness, and also to learn what details had been given him concerning this matter by the Emperor, from whom I knew that he had received letters on the preceding day. Notwith- standing this, his lordship told me he had no news soever, and that neither had any letters reached him : which was false. On his asking me what I had heard about the truce as reported, I told him, that according to fresh letters received by me from the most noble Badoer, what I stated recently, concerning the peace and the sealing, had been confirmed, with this in addition — that Monseieneur de Courteville had already left, in the name of the Emperor and of his Catholic Majesty, for the purpose of effecting the surrender of Verona, which I imagined was by this time made ; and that I trusted it would prove the commence- ment and well nigh the conclusion of a general peace. All this his right reverend lordship seemed to admit, as one who had been certified of the fact on the preceding day, and he congratulated me on behalf of your Highness, as also did the right reverend Bishop of Durham ; their language expressed extreme satisfaction, and they endeavoured to persuade me that their league had been the cause of this peace, which would not have been made had not the said league inspired some terror, in consequence of which recourse was had thereto, saying much to demonstrate that their object corresponded with ours, and that the confederacy formed with those potentates mentioned in their league, 28 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. 29 aimed but at arousing them all, so that when aroused, they might be more prone to said peace, which proved very bene- ficial to England, as she would be spared much treasure, which it would otherwise have behoved her expend, had peace not ensued. From this I gather, although I am of opinion that this peace was unpalatable here, that nevertheless, for the sake of their repute, they will feign satisfaction, and tolerate it, and not think of any farther innovation, for which God be thanked. I, most serene Prince, who am aware that the friendship of his Majesty here is not only useful but necessary to your Sublimity on many accounts, made a show of believing what they say about their satisfaction at this peace, and also of acknowledging them as its cause, lest they think that your Signory consider it as effected against their will and command, and to prevent their raising any obstacle, especially until the surrender of Verona, which I await with all anxiety, and respectfully remind your Highness that you should notify it to his Majesty, pretending to suppose that it gives him great pleasure. -• V V =1- the surrender of Verona, and counselling him not to impede the Christian expedition, which will be the necessary consequence of the peace, by any hostile movements. The Pope, it seems, is apprehensive lest any disturbance should arise about the affairs of Scotland, though as yet nothing has taken place warranting such fears. From another source, on which reliance may be placed, I have received confirmation of what I wrote to your Excellency as told me by the right reverend Cardinal, namely, that you will not obtain Verona in virtue of this agreement made with the Emperor and the King of France, though it may be that you will recover it by other means. I, however, am at a loss to imagine what cause there can possibly be for such a disap- pointment, as the surrender of the city is an express condi- tion of the peace, nor could I bring myself to believe in the possibility of there being any difficulty, were it not that down to this hour, I have no letters either from your Highness, or from the most noble Badoer, concerning the execution of the treaty, which your Excellency, I imagine, would have announced to his Majesty, had it taken place * * * London y January 28, 1517. Since my last, I have been unable to learn anything worthy of your knowledge, either from the King, as he is taking his pleasure, or from the right reverend Cardinal, who is more reserved than ever; the Bishop of Winchester even declines my visits, because he is suspected of thwarting the interests of the Emperor. I have, however, been assured through a good channel, that his Holiness has written twice to the King, that peace is already made between the Emperor and France and your Sublimity, on condition of London, February 10, 15 17. Since my last, the most noble Badoer has announced to me the entry into Verona of the most illustrious Lautrec, together with the most noble Griti and his army, and the consignment made by the agent of the Catholic King to the most illustrious Lautrec aforesaid, and that two days thence it was to be made over to the most noble Griti ; intelligence which proved so great a consolation to me and all your servants in this town, that it defies exaggeration, as hereon 30 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. 3^ depend both quiet, tranquillity, and the establishment of the State, and I congratulate your Signory as becoming my service and the nature of the tidings ; which, being so momentous, I deemed them worthy of communication to his Majesty. So on the following morning, though I could not go to Greenwich by water, owing to the very thick ice, the journey by land likewise being difficult on account of the frozen and dangerous roads, I, however, rode thither, and after I had heard mass with the King, on his betaking him- self to the place where he usually gives audience to the ambassadors, I acquainted him with this news, in such language as I deemed apt, implying that they would prove no less agreeable to his Majesty than to your Highness, by reason of the mutual good-will and confederacy which prevail between you, adding many other expressions calcu- lated to impress him favourably. His Majesty thanked me in the first place for the compliment, remaining quite sur- prised, and stricken with great astonishment, saying and repeating to me several times, " How can this be ?" — as by the advices he had received it was impossible ; and on his wishing to know in whose letters this intelligence was con- tained, when I told him it was in those of the ambassador aforesaid, and of the most noble Griti, in date of Verona the lith of January, he seemed to believe it, and said, " Verily, the Emperor has been deceived by the King of France, and I know how," uttering this, however, with great hesitation j and on my inquirmg of his Majesty what this deceit could be, he said, '^ I do not know for certain, but I suspect it y and things uncertain ought not to escape the lips of a king." I lauded his Majesty, who told me that as the thing had taken place by consent of the Emperor, he was content, and rejoiced at whatever proved to the welfare and *-*. 'i^ ■*?.? ■-JJ prosperity of your Highness, adding with a smile, " Let who will be deceived, your Signory, who has obtained Verona, is not that one." I thanked his Majesty for his good will, and took my departure. After leaving the King, as it seemed to me fitting that this intelligence should be announced to the right reverend Cardinal, I sent my Secretary to his lordship to make an appointment, and being unable to procure it on that day, I moreover sent him on the morrow. On the latter occa- sion, having told his right reverend lordship that I had cer- tain news to impart to him, he chose to hear it from the secretary himself, who stated to him the contents of the letters of the most noble Badoer, and of those from the most noble Griti, in date of Verona, which surprised and astonished him to the utmost. To make surer of the fact, he made my secretary show him the date of the letters, and then after remaining a while in amazement, he inquired particularly about the character of the most illustrious Lautrec and the most noble Griti, and concerning the condition of Verona, and the strength of either army, of which the Secretary rendered him good account, amplifying every thing as expedient : he then added that it had been my wish to make him this announcement, imagining that it would prove extremely acceptable to his right reverend lordship, as hence would ensue what he had been aiming at hitherto, namely, the general peace ;^ to which his lordship made answer that he assuredly rejoiced ; but he spoke coldly, like one who expresses that with the lips to which his heart is a stranger. The secretary also told him of the success of Sultan Selim, which he listened to attentively, but gave no farther reply ; from whence, most serene Prince, I conclude that this news has been heard by the Court with as much vexation as any intelligence it could possibly have received : an inference ma 32 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN I draw from many other acts and words done and proffered In my presence by these lords, with the exception of the right reverend Bishop of Winchester, who travels the good road, and has ever been opposed to those who adhered to the wishes of the Emperor. I do not think that I shall be able to talk with any of these lords until after the 15th instant, as at this present, certain councils^ are being held concerning the affairs of the whole kingdom, which keep them occupied all day, but so soon as I can, I will visit them all, and my letters shall acquaint your Sublimity with what I may hear. The truces with Scotland are now being negotiated here, and two agents of the most illustrious the Duke of Albany are come to conclude them, meaning that they should remain in force until St. John's day in next June, whereas this side insists on their lasting until next St. Andrew's day i^ all the articles relating to the maintenance of the peace between the two kingdoms have been agreed to * * * 1 The ambassador and the secretary seem each to have lavished their irony, the one at Greenwich and the other at York House, without much scruple j and one almost hears the peals of laughter with which the Venetian embassy in London rang when at the fireside in this cold winter of 1517, the *^ sale"'' of the King and Cardinal was discussed by the pantaloons, to the delight of young Marino, and somewhat to the glee of the nuncio Chieregato, who will of course have rejoiced at the wry mouths made by Cardinal Wolsey when swallowing this bitter Venetian pill. 2 In the years 1 516-18 four inferior courts were established by Car- dinal Wolsey : the first of these was held in Whitehall, then called York Place} the second was under the care of Dr. Stokesley, the King's almoner } a third was held in the Lord Treasurer's chamber, next to the Star Chamber 5 and the fourth at the Rolls. It appears probable that the affair of the malmsey-sack was discussed in the third of these courts. 3 St. Andrew's festival is celebrated on the 30th of November. FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. 33 , Londony February 11, 15 17. News has reached here through various channels to the effect that Ravenna and Cervia have fallen into the hands of your Sublimity, it being asserted that you had an understand- ing w^ith the Duke of Urbino, the Duke of Ferrara, the Bentivogli, and others ; the captain of the expedition being the Lord Marco Antonio Colonna^i w^ith the troops which left Verona. This has elicited many comments from the lords and others in this town, who say that your Hio-h- ness is restless, and has no thought but for your aggrandize- ment ; and that after this, you will moreover choose to have something else ; conceits which proceed chiefly from the Imperial ambassadors here resident, who have received intel- hgence to this effect, and do so to blame your Excellency, whom for upwards of a year they have never ceased defaming in terms the most ignominious that can be imagined. This very day, for example, I was told by "the faithful friend,"^ who had been with said Imperial ambassadors, that one of them, by name the Count Bortholamio Tationo, whose county is near Aste, said, " What is this King doing, and these other princes ? They ought all to join against these ribald Venetians, who are worse than Turks ;" addinp; other words of a like nature ; the which two ambassadors, since receiving the news of Verona, have put on cloth of frieze, most mean apparel ;^ to show the world, perhaps, that this took place contrary to the will of the Emperor, and to his great shame, for the sake of causing the King here to make some fresh stir. To all those who have spoken to me about this affair of Ravenna and Cervia, I said I knew nothing soever, and shall pass over such intelligence as quietly as I can, thus avoiding the bitter comments which would, I know, be VOL. II. D 34 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN made by many, who have already been in the habit of slander- ing ; but should this news prove true, I think indeed it would be expedient for your Highness to write to his Majesty, palliating the matter in such wise as to your wisdom shall seem fit, in order to diminish the envy it will generate, and the reproaches it would subject us to ; because, as my cue is rather to dissemble unbelief, I can hardly, at the same time, apologize for it. A trustworthy person, and a good servant of your Serenity's, has assured me to-day that the King will at any rate cross over to Calais ; the cause is unknown, but it is supposed to be for the purpose of an interview with the Emperor, and it is said, moreover, with the Catholic King : may God grant that it produce a good effect ! For this purpose, great supplies of wines and other necessaries are being collected at Calais ; this intelligence, I may add, was derived by my informant from an officer of his Majesty's customs, who assured him of it. I do not vouch for the fact, but the information being important, I have deemed it worthy of the knowledge of your Excellency. ^ As before stated, Marc Antonio Colonna commanded in Verona for the Emperor, but on the peace of Noyon he entered the service of France. Cervia and Ravenna were taken from the Venetians by Pope Julius II. on the breaking out of the league of Cambray in 1509 ; but this report of an attempt to recover them in 151 7 was false, induced, probably, by the efforts made by Francesco Maria della Rovere, the rightful Duke of Urbino, who engaged the Spanish troops disbanded at Verona, and recovered for a while his capital ; but Marc Antonio Colonna is not mentioned by Guicciardini as having anything to do with this expedition, and the report about him may, therefore, be consi- dered as false as the news of the seizure of Ravenna and Ceiria by the Venetians. 2 Namely, the Papal nuncio Francesco Chieregato. 3 " Sono vestiti di friseto habito vilissimo -," this notion of going into sackcloth for the loss of Veiona, which the Emperor endured sponta- neously, being but too happy to receive in exchange the ducats of the Signory, appears a curious trait of diplomatic demonstration. FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. 35 London, February 14, 1517. I have been to visit the right reverend Cardinal, with whom I found the most illustrious Duke of Suffolk; he drew me aside together with said Duke, and congratulated me on the successes of your Sublimity, in the following precise terms, " Gratulor vobis falicitatibus vestris^ but I pray you not to molest the Church ; content yourselves with your own ; and touch not even the hem of Christ's garment ;"i and on my wishing in the first place to declare that I knew nothing certain about this matter ; and, more- over, were it such as represented, to justify the circumstance by such fair arguments as occurred to me, he replied, ^' Domine Orator, I have at this present a great deal of busi- ness to despatch ; we will confer together more at leisure, and speak about this matter ;" and as I perceived that he wished to be alone with the Duke of Suffolk, and that there was a crowd waiting for audience of him, I took leave, after thanking his right reverend lordship for his congratula- tions. I then went to visit the reverend Bishop of Durham, who also congratulated me, displaying some hearty warmth of manner suited to his language, adding that he understood your Highness had obtained Ravenna and Cervia, of which he was extremely glad, so far as concerns the increase of force of ^^ your most illustrious Signory' (by which title you had never previously been designated, since my sojourn here), but that he should wish for your quiet and that of all the Christian powers, and hopes an universal union would be effected. I thanked his lordship for his good will, and assured him that your Sublimity has nothing more at heart than general quiet and peace, and that he might easily imagine whether after so much toil your Excellency was 36 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN anxious for repose ; and upon this, perceiving that he rather implied a doubt, muttering that those who think of obtaining fresh territory do not show signs of quiet, I assured him that I knew nothing soever of this intelligence, but could indeed certify that these movements had not been provoked by your Excellency, and that you were not privy to them, though possibly Ravenna and Cervia might have surrendered themselves to the Signory, as they had belonged to them for many years, and subsequently passed into the hands of Pope Julius, owing to the Cambrai conspiracy. His lordship, I said, should discard his belief that these towns had been compelled to surrender themselves, and rather suppose that by reason of their singular fidelity, which exceeded that of all the other places of your Excellency, on perceiving the opportunity, they had immediately thrown themselves into the arms of their mother of yore. It was little I ventured to say, indeed, to avoid furnishing matter for fresh comments concerning this business, and what I did say, was always after premising that I was ignorant of the circumstance, and merely answered in case it should be true ; for all those who lamented the recovery of Verona, now seem to make signs of rejoicing for this affair of Ravenna, not indeed that they have changed their minds, but because they are of opinion that hence may arise some fresh disturbance, on which alone they are intent, hoping thus to form an alliance with his Holiness, who has hitherto appeared to hold them in small account, and through the Pope to rouse the Switzers. What may chance, God knows. Do your Excellency not fail, should you think fit, to write about your successes to this King, in proof of your wish to maintain the friendship and confederacy with his Majesty, and let no thought be had for the proposals m:de heretofore by the right reverend Cardinal, which you neither could nor should have answered otherwise FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII, 37 than you have, whereas, at present, the whole aspect of affairs is changed, nor is it requisite to discuss such topics. ^ The Cardinal alludes to Cervia and Ravenna, which the Venetians, as we have seen, are reported to have recovered. Those two cities were taken from them and united to the domains of the Church at the period of the league of Cambray, by Pope Julius II. in the year 1509. London y March 9, 1517. Having received your Excellency's missives of the 26th of January, announcing the recovery of Verona, I went, yester- day, to his Majesty and made the becoming notification, to which the King replied, inquiring whether I had heard about the congress to be held by the Emperor, and the Kings of France and Spain, at Cambrai. ^ I said I knew they were to meet ; and he then asked me if I was aware of their object y I replied that I was not, but that I imagined said Sovereigns would meet to make some arrangements for a general peace, for which I concluded all were anxious, and that I persuaded myself his Majesty was particularly so, the peril with which the Christian religion was threatened by the Turks being so imminent. Upon this, the King answered me smiling, ^' Know that we have a piece of news of great importance, which out of the love we bear you we will com- municate. This congress has nothing else in view but your ruin, for they mean to discuss depriving you of all your territory on the main land, which we should greatly regret, because of the friendship existing between us, and so beware, and provide for your interests, as the Emperor, by reason of the malignity he entertains towards you, would subscribe to anything for your annihilation ^ the King of France, to 38 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN gratify his vast ambition for empire, will not scruple to break either faith or league, such as may be existing betvveen you ; whilst the Catholic King will accede to the will of the other two ; and this intelligence I have from a good source." I, most serene Prince, whom it behoves proceed throughout this mission, not according to my own free nature, but in conformity with that of these lords, and as I perceive expe- dient for the afFairs of your Highness, am obliged to appear, if not to credit, at least to entertain doubts of many things which I do not believe, for the avoidance of seeming to make light of their communications : in this instance, I thought fit to hesitate somewhat, neither evincing belief, nor yet utterly scorning the intelligence, but said that^'were i\ so, it would be a bad return for the good faith displayed by your Serenity ; and that it indeed surprised *me, since if his most Christian Majesty had entertained this intention, it did not seem reasonable that he should have given up either Brescia or Verona to your Highness, to be at the trouble of getting them back and depriving you of them; and this I said, because I am aware that such reports are circulated, in order that your Highness may join this side ; and the less reasonable the intelligence communicated to me appears, the more easily do they consider that it should induce a change in your policy. In reply, his Majesty observed that the Emperor had not surrendered Verona from any good he wished us, nor had he even intended the treaty to take effect ; but that he had been deceived by the King of France. To this an overwhelming reply might have been made, as by so much the more would such a fact have proved the good disposition of his most Christian Majesty towards your Excellency ; but I did not think fit to proceed farther, as it is impossible to say aught in praise or favour of the King of France, without its proving most odious to his Majesty here ; so I FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. 39 thanked him for the loving communication made to me, and said that I imagined your Excellency would proceed with all becoming caution, and not fail in your duty with regard to preserving what you had obtained ; and as it had been announced here by the Cardinal of Sion that your Excel- lency had an understanding with the Duke of Urbino, the Marquis of Mantua, and the Duke of Ferrara, and that you had already recovered Ravenna, Cervia, Rimini, and Faenza, slandering you vastly, owing to which, much veno- mous language had been lavished on your Excellency ; I told his Majesty that the course of events proved to him the inno- cence of your Highness, and the malignity of those who seek to render you odious to all the Christian powers, declaring to him that the denouncement against your Signory with reference to the afFairs of the Pontiff, had been false and calumnious. His Majesty said he was very glad the news received here was not true, and that he exhorted your Excellency to be satisfied with your own, and having conversed thus for a good while, I took leave of his Majesty, and being at table on that day with the right reverend Cardinal, together with a number of princes and prelates, his right reverend lordship put a number of minute questions to me ibout the Turk, and after I had answered him becomingly, he said to me " God grant that there be not some Christian Prince worse than the Turk, and who labours more for the ruin of Christendom : bear in mind, Domine Orator, the conspiracy formed against you at Cambrai, in the time of King Louis : the like will take place now, they giving you to understand that the congress is held for a crusade, as they did the last time ; so keep on the alert, and take care how you proceed ; and I give you notice that this conspiracy comprises not only the three Kings, but the Pope likewise." I answered him well nigh in the same terms as 4° DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN those employed by me to the most serene King, and he con- tmued that they wish for nothing but a general peace, and exert themselves to this effect continually, so as to arrange matters in such wise as to be enabled to obtain that result with security, adding, « so do you likewise take this road ; be content with your own, and do not ofFer impediment to those from whom you receive none :" which words I knew were induced by the report lately circulated, to the effect that your Excellency had an understanding with the Delia Rovere Duke of Urbino, and had recovered your towns now held by the Pontiff; so I said that your Excellency was neither desirous of war, nor of seizing what belonged' to others, and that you had never taken up arms unless challenged and pro- voked, as you were anxious for peace and concord, from which you derive more profit than any other potentate in the world. After dinner, I drew aside with the right reverend Car- dinal, and told him it was time to settle the affair of the wines of Candia,2 and some other matters affecting our nation, and he answered me that at the present time they had much state business of great importance to transact, and that we would talk over this matter at greater con- venience, adding that this kingdom was very well pleased that the galleys should come, although I had said nothing about them ; my correspondents having informed me tha^ your Highness was endeavouring to obtain the safe-conduct heretofore demanded through these lords from the King of Spam direct. The Cardinal then went on to say that what he had told me about the conspiracy forming against your Excellency, was solely out of the love his iMajesty and his lordship bore your State, as he is well aware that your Signory has it not in your power to injure England, were you her enemy, nor to benefit her by your friendship ; but that they should regret whatever proved detrimental to you. I ) FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. 41 thanked his right reverend lordship for his good will, and made no reply to the closing sentence, to avoid cause for strife, which I shun as much as possible, as I consider such a course suited to the nature of these times. I perceive great consultations being held here, much greater than usual, as if all their enemies were upon them : I am unable to discover the cause of this, or what they are negotiating, although I have made every possible inquiry; but I understand, from a good quarter, that they have so prepared themselves that they are in a state both to com- mence hostilities and to continue them, although no great stir is visible, because some years ago a census was taken of the able-bodied men throughout the kingdom, so that in case of need, it would be merely requisite to give them their pay, and a large army could be raised at once : they have also a number of ships in readiness, not that I think they wish to attack either France or Scotland, though I am indeed of opinion that seeing the prosperity of his most Christian Majesty, who has secured himself both against the Emperor and the Switzers, and is at peace with Italy and the Catholic King, they are apprehensive of being molested at Tournai or at Calais, or in some other way, and therefore choose to be prepared. I shall keep well on the watch to learn every thing, and will endeavour to ingratiate myself well with these lords, and of the result, my letters shall inform your Sublimity. Moreover, considering your Sublimity to be on friendly terms with the Catholic King, I deemed it my duty to attempt visiting his reverend ambassador here, and sent my secretary to his lordship to appoint the mode and time of the interview, which he adroitly declined in very civil terms, nor shall I importune him farther, feeling that this office will prevent his having any reason to reproach me with not having "V/-' 42 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. 43 called on him. I shall do the like by the Imperial ambas- sador, who will I doubt not decline my visit, and less gently, by reason of his nature and habits.^ ^ This congress was first settled for the 2nd of February, but never took place at all, Maximilian having departed on the 31st of March from Brussels for Cologne, owing to a hitch concerning England, the league with whom purported that the Empire and Spain were her allies, ** ad deffensionem et offensionem j" but in March 1 517, King Charles or Mons. de Chievres wished this clause to be expunged, and the matter was referred to Maximilian, though Spain subsequently refused to abide by his decision, and his hasty departure from Brussels was induced by this circumstance. What Henry VIII. said on the 8th of March 1517, about the proposed congress at Cambray having for object, at least on the part of the Emperor and the King of Spain, to partition the Vene- tian territory, is confirmed by the despatches of the ambassador at the court of Leo X., Marco Minio, who, writing from Rome in this same month of March, gives the news from Flanders, transmitted by the Papal nuncio, and which prove that the assertions made by Henry VIII. were not altogether inventions, though at the same time it does not appear that Francis I. by any means consented to betray his Venetian allies. 1- Concerning "sack,'' or wines of Candia, see note in vol. i. p. 100, and note to^next despatch, p. 46. •* The ambassador has already alluded to the manner in which Count Bortholamio Tationo spoke of the Venetians, at p. 33. London, March 19, 151 7. In pursuance of the appointment lately made with the right reverend Cardinal, concerning the affair of the wines of Candia, I went to his right reverend lordship to state to him the rights of the case, showing the decree passed by the Privy Council here, and all the other proofs whereby I rendered it palpable to him that the demand of your High- ness was perfectly just ; and pointed out how on many accounts the taking off this duty would prove a source of profit to the most serene King ; and having listened well to the whole, he told me he would take it into consideration, t ■- and soon as he could find time, would despatch this business in conformity with justice, apologizing for that the stress of State affairs, had prevented his Urning his mind to this matter. There subsequently reached me the letters from your Highness in date of the 14th ultimo, with the duplicates by way of France, concerning this matter, and also your missives of the same date whereby your Sublimity charges me to have it intimated to the merchants here, that after three months, the merchandise sent hence either by sea or land, will be bound to pay freight to the galleys which your Sublimity has put up for this voyage ;^ in accordance with which letters, I went to-day to the right reverend Cardinal, and explained their contents with reference to the wines of Candia, repeating all the arguments adduced heretofore, and showing him the articles in their own decree, which speak clearly in favour of your Sublimity; omitting nothing which could favour this case.^ His lordship answered me most graciously that he would without fail expedite this business, but that it had occurred to him this could not be done with- out takmg information from the Commons [questidi la terra)^ by whom the decree had been made, and also from the mer- chants ; and that he would then endeavour to despatch this affair, as such was the wish of his Majesty, and that he must here make a distinction, for that in state affairs he should act with your Excellency as between friends and confederates, but that in this matter, he would do justice : to this I assented, saying, that your Sublimity desired nothing else, and arranged that he should attend to these matters at the end of next week, and I besought him to despatch at the same time certain other affairs appertaining to our nation. After this conversation, his right reverend lordship inquired of me whether I knew any news about the affairs of ;♦ x 1 1 I ■i > 1 1 I 42 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN called on him. I shall do the like by the Imperial ambs sador, who will I doubt not decline my visit, and 1( gently, by reason of his nature and habits.' 1 This congress was first settled for the znd of February, but n( took place at all, Maximilian having departed on the 31st of March fr Brussels for Cologne, owing to a hitch concerning England, the leaj, with whom purported that the Empire and Spam were her allies, deffensionem et offensionem ;'' but in March 1 517, King Charle Mons. de Chi^vres wished this clause to be expunged, and the mr was referred to Maximilian, though Spain subsequently refused to a by his decision, and his hasty departure from Brussels was induced this circumstance. What Henry VIII. said on the 8th of March i about the proposed congress at Cambray having for object, at least the part of the Emperor and the King of Spain, to partition the Vcr. tian territory, is confirmed by the despatches of the ambassador at tfei court of Leo X., Marco Minio, who, writing from Rome in this si. month of March, gives the news from Flanders, transmitted by the F. nuncio, and which prove that the assertions made by Henry V . li v nor altocrether inventions, though at the same time it does ^otmc, that Francis I. by any means consented to betray his Venetian allies, p - Concerning ** sack,'' or wines of Candia, see note in vol. 1. p. ic^^fe and note to next despatch, p. 46. , , • , r> 3 The ambassador has already alluded to the manner in which C. Bortholamio Tatlono spoke of the Venetians, at p. 33. London, March 19, 15^ In pursuance of the appointment lately made with t^ right reverend Cardnial, concerning the affliir of the wines C!india, I went to his right reverend lordship to state to his the rights of the case, showing the decree passed by ' Privy Council here, and all the other proofs whereby rendered it palpable to him that the demand of your Higi ness was perfectly just ; and pointed out how on mar accounts the talcing off this duty would prove a source profit to the most serene King; and having listened well (j • the whole, he told me he would take it into cons.deratior FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. 43 and toon as he could find time, would despatch this business III conformity with justice, apologizing for that the stress of Slice affairs, had prevented his turning his mind to this miner. There subsequently reached me the letters from )rour Highness in date of the 14th ultimo, with the duplicates by way of France, concerning this matter, and ilso your missives of the same date whereby your Sublimity charges me to have it intimated to the merchants here, that after three months, the merchandise sent hence either by sea or iand^ will be bound to pay freight to the galleys which your Sublnibty has put up for this voyage;^ in accordance with which letters, I went to-day to the right reverend Cardinal, and explained their contents with reference to the wines of Cindu, repeating all the arguments adduced heretofore, and ihowing him the articles in their own decree, which speak clearly hi favour of your Sublimity; omitting nothing which could favour this case.^ His lordship answered me most gracioubly that he would without fail expedite this business, but that It had occurred to him this could not be done with- out taking information from the Commons [questi di la terra)^ hy whom the decree had been made, and also from the mer- chants ; and that he would then endeavour to despatch this iffair, as such was the wish of his Majesty, and that he must here make a distinction, for that in state affairs he should act with your Excellency as between friends and confederates, but that in this matter, he would do justice : to this I liscntedj saying, that your Sublimity desired nothing else, iikI arranged that he should attend to these matters at the end of next week, and I besought him to despatch at the same time certain other affairs appertaining to our nation. After this conversation, his right reverend lordship inouircd of me whether I knew any news about the affairs of r"^ r-fr f '-. •'" -ft- ' *• -a 4+ DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. Italy ; I told him nothing, save the advices received by me of the movements of the Duke of Urbino, ever making it appear, as is the truth, that your Excellency kept your hand off the board, and rather wished well to his Holiness than to the Duke Delia Rovere, this appearing to me expedient for the interests of your Serenity on every account. He asked me what I heard about the resolve formed at this congress of Cambrai between these sovereigns : I told him I was not aware that they had yet met, but that were so to do shortly. He said to me laughing, '^ By God they will plot to your detriment !" and was then silent. I perceiving that his right reverend lordship did not continue, urged him to acquaint me with what he knew ; whereupon he said, " I will tell you : when these sovereigns were talking together about forming a conspiracy against you for your ruin, the Emperor said to the King of France, ' How can you come in to this opinion against the Venetians^ being their confederate and hound to aid them ?' to which said King made answer that he had entirely fulfilled his engagement, and had no longer any tie soever." On my pressing to learn the truth of this, and asking whether he had this news from a trustworthy source, he told me it reached him from a good quarter.^ Having first begged pardon, I told him I suspected he had been mis- informed by certain persons who sow discord to reap war ; nor could I bring myself to a belief of such assertions, seeing the good faith with which his most Christian Majesty had reconsigned both Brescia and Verona to your Highness; when, should his object have been to deceive you, he might have negotiated this matter with the Emperor, more advantageously perhaps for himself than at this present ; it seemed therefore unreasonable, especially as from no quarter— unless his right reverend lordship had received some very recent intelligence,— was it heard that these Kings had 45 yet met together.^ He then rejoined, " At that time, the King of f>ance was the Emperor's enemy; at this present he is his friend : when friends meet together many things are effected, which do not come to pass otherwise." As written by me heretofore, I am obliged to vouch for the good faith of his most Christian Majesty in such a manner, as not to induce enmity from this side, so I did not insist farther, but referred myself to the result, and with this I took leave of his right reverend lordship, who said to me, "I consider that I act in conformity with the friendship existing between yourselves and my most serene King, by acquaint- ing you with whatever may prove to your detriment, for his Majesty and I wish you all prosperity, and rejoice thereat, regretting any mischance that may befall you ;" adding many other fair words, for which I thanked his right reverend lordship in the name of your Excellency, and departed. I have been told to-day, by a servant of your Signory, who hears many of the transactions of this side, even such as are secret, that 100,000 crowns have been sent hence lately to the Emperor,* and that they were going to send him some more, but my informant did not know for what purpose. I, however, believe neither this, nor the things aforesaid, and no argument can make me believe them * * * ^ Whenever the Senate determined on sending galleys on any trading voyage, they were put up to auction at the Rialto, and the highest bidders, who were styled the masters , and accompanied them on their voyage, received the freight money out and home, paying the commodore and crews ; and to secure for these galleys all the carrying trade, such goods as came from England to Venice within a given period after they had been put upon the berth, were bound to pay freight to the Venetian masters, even should they be conveyed in other bottoms. The commo- dore of the galleys here alluded to by the Venetian ambassador, was Andrea Priuli, and the volume containing his com nission from Doge Loredano is now in my possession : it numbers 126 pages on vellum, and the frontispiece is illuminated in the style of Attavante j amongst its 46 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. contents is the amount of salary (600 golden ducats) to be paid to the commodore, and directions for the stowage of the freight, care of the tackle, &c., &c. Andrea Priuli arrived in England in May, 1518, and died ot intermittent fever, at Hampton (Southampton), in the month of September following, as will be seen by the despatches of Sebastian Giustinian under those dates. In the month of July, 1505, the freight of merchandise conveyed by the Venetian galleys from England to Venice amounted to 17,000 ducats. (See Sanuto.) 2 A note on the wines brought by the Venetian galleys has been inserted in vol. i. p. 100, and it is now necessary to add a brief account of the circumstances alluded to by the ambassador, showing that the decree was really such as he represented it. The supplies of malmseys, romeneis, sakkes, and wines of Tyre, were so abundant that the average price did not exceed 50J. per butt, and the proprietors of the wines were even willing to take two-thirds of their value in cloth, and only one- third in cash ; besides which, these butts in the olden time were of such good measure, that before the days of Jack Cade (a.d. 1449) they often contained from 132 to 140 gallons, insttad of 126. In the middle of the fifteenth century the popularity of malmsey was at its zenith in England j but the Venetian traders, who had converted the English to the true faith in wine, and given them overflowing measure, met with an ungrateful return, that is to say, they were paid with " deceitful cloth,'' concerning which, so far back as in the thirteenth year of the reign of King Richard II., a.d. 1389, it was thus enacted:— " Forasmuch as divers plain cloths that be wrought in the counties of Somerset, Dorset, Bristol and Gloucester, be tacked and folded together and set to sale, of the which cloths a great part be broken, broused, and not agreeing in the colour, neither be according in breadth, nor in no manner to the part of the same cloths shewed outwards, but be faKely wrought with divers wools, to the great deceit, loss, and damage of the people, in so much that the merchants that buy the same cloths and carry them out of the realm to sell to strangers, be many times in danger to be slain, and sometimes imprisoned and put to fine and ransom by the same estrangers, and their said cloths burnt or forfeit, because of the great deceit and falsehood that is found in the same cloths when they be untacked and opened, to the great slander of the realm of England • it IS ordained and assented, that no plain cloth tacked nor folded shall be set to sale within the said counties, but that they be opened, upon pain to forfeit them, so that the buyers may see them and know them, as it is used in the county of Essex j and that the workers, weavers, and fullers shall put their seals to eveiy cloth that they shall work, upon a certain pain to be limited by the justices of the peace j and that this ordinance begin to hold place at the feast of Saint John Baptist next following Provided always, that after the merchants have bought the same cloths to carry, and do carry them out of the realm, they may tack them and told them at their pleasure, for the more easy carriage of them " Despite the efforts of the legislature, "deceitful cloth'' continued to be sold long after the year 1389, so in 1469 (4th Edward IV.) another 47 act was passed hereon, similar to the foregoing, and the merchants of Venice at length, to avoid being slain for supplying genuine malmsey at the rate of 50/. per butt of 140 gallons to their English customers, declined taking our woollens in part payment. That they were justified in so doing can scarcely be denied, but to punish a whole nation for the crimes of the clothiers, by reducing the contents of the butt from 140 gallons to 108, may be questioned j at any rate the retributive vengeance ot the pantaloons induced the following act of parliament, in the first of the reign of King Richard III. (1483), some six years after the Duke of Clarence had been privately drowned in " a but of malmesey in the Tower." The preamble to the act, instead of commencing— " Let me sit heavy on thy soul to-morrow, I that was washed to death in fulsom wine," runs thus : " An Act for the Contents of a Butt of Malmesey. " To the Kinge oure Soveraigne Lorde.— Shewen unto your Highnesse lamentably compleyning youre humble commens of this your present pailiament assembled, in the name of theym self and of all your other humble commens of this youre honorable realme, that whereas buttes of wyne called maluesey were wont in greate plentee to be brought into this youre said realme to be sold before the 27th and 28th yeres of the reigne of Henry the Syxte, late in dede and not of right King of Englond, and also m ihe same yeres, and than divers of the buttes hilde in mesuare 140 galons apece, and divers hilde 132 galons apece, and the leste of theym hilde 126 galons apece, and than a man might bye and have of the merchaunte strangier seller of the said malueseys, by meane of the seid plentee of theym for 50/. or 53^. 4^. atte the most, a butte of such wyne, he takmge for his payment thereof 2 partes in woUen cloth wrought in this youre said realme, and the 3rd parte in redy money : It is so, Soveraigne Lorde, that by the sotell and crafty meanes of such persones straungiers as have the sale of suche wynes, the which have been made denizeins within this youre seid realme, have caused the butt of malueseys lateward brought into this your seid realme to be solde, for to be sore abregged and mynysshed of the said mesure so largely, that a butte of their malueseyes at this day scantly holdith in measure 108 galons ; and besides that they knowinge as it semith what quantitie of such wyne may serve yercly to be solde within this youre said realme, where they were wont to brynge hider yerely greate quantite and plen- tevously of suche wyne to be solde after the prices aforeseid, of their craftynesse use to brynge no more hider nowe in late daies, but onely as wolle scantly serve this realme a yere j wherethurgh they have enhaunced the price of the same wynes to 8 marc a butte, redy money and no cloth, to the greate enrichyng of theym self and greate disceite, losse, hurt and damage of you Soveraigne Lorde and ot all your comens of this your said realme j in consideracion of whiche hurtes and damages aforeseid, and for the reformacion of the same, please it youre High- nesse, of youre moost bountevous and benynge grace, by thadvise and 48 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN assent of youre lordes spuelx. and tempelx. and of youre comens in this youre present parliament assembled, for to ordeyngne, enacte, and esta- blisshe in this youre present parliament, and by auctorite of the same, that no maner merchaunte nor other persone what so ever he be, from the fest of Seynt Mygell tharchaungell now next comynge, forthwarth brynge nor make to be brought in to this youre said realme eny butte of malvesey to be solde but if it hold in mesure atte the leste the seid olde mesure of 126 galons,'' Sec, &c. Besides the benefit derived by England from the introduction of malmsey, which thus superseded " M/« drink -^^^ the taste for sack induced our merchantmen to pass the gut of Gibraltar, then termed " the Streightes of Marrock," or " of Malaga," and to load wines for themselves on the Island of Candia. To this arrangement the Vene- tians for a while did not object, and besides sack, and sugar likewise, they supplied us with currants for our puddings from Cephalonia and from Zante, allowing these " creature comforts '' to be conveyed to Eng- land indifferently, either on English or Venetian bottoms j but after the piteous complaint of the vintners, made in such a tone of injured inno- cence, touching the **sore abridgment'' of their liquor and the " crafty- nesse" of the Venetians, the Signory, without alluding to the "deceitful cloth," quietly put on a duty of four ducats on every butt of wine shipped in foreign vessels from the Isle of Candia. This new duty came into force in the year 1489, six years after the Malmsey Act, passed in the reign of King Richard III., and in the seventh of Henry VII. (a.d. 1491), was resented thus: " An Act to paye Custome for every Butt of Malmesey. ''To the Kyng our Sovereyn Lord : " Praien the Comens in this present parliament assembled, that nju/iere of tyme that no mynd is, your navie hath ben mayntened passing the Streittes of Marrokys and to divers portis in those parties to the universall increace of your seid navye, merchaunts, and maryners, and in especiall by ladyng of malmeseys in the port of Candy, which perteyneth to the lordship of Venice ; where nowe the Veniciens within thies two yere last have made a statute and ordinaunce for the increace of the seid lordship of Venice, and mayntenaunce of theymself and their navye and maryners, that noon of your seid navye nor maryners shuld lade in the seid porte of Candy any malmeseys to be conveyed into this youre realme of Englond, without that your said marchauntis paye a newe custume for every butte of malmesey so laden four dokatis of gold, which amounted to 18 shillings sterling money over and above all other custumes and charges afore that tyme used, which is greate hurte to youre seid beseechers, without speciall remedy be had by your noble and speciall grace : Please it, therefore, your moste habundant Grace by thadvyce and assent of the Lordes spirituall and temporall, and of the Comens in this your present parliament assembled, and by auctorite of the same, to enacte and stablissh that from henceforth the malmeseys that shalbe brought in to this your realme of Englond by any persone shaibe of full gauge conteyning 120 and 6 gaions at the lest in FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. 49 sTmochi If I '' -''^r^^ ^'^^ ^^"^^' '^'' '^^^ '^^ -"- to abate somoche of the price after the rate of the seid content. And that everv merchant straunger bringing suche malmeseys into thit rea me 21 pay to your Grace the custumes of eighteen' shillingrfor a butte o[ malmesey over and above the custume afore tyme to your Grace u ed To for P-T^^^^^^"?^^ ^! ')-y «^ Venice have sette in Candy uppon youre ["aulS^^fn " '^i ""u^ ""'7 '^.'' '' ^^ ^"-^^^^ and^sta^b^lissheTby thauctonte aforesaid, from hensforth that no butte or buttes of mal- r"a"r Vur'' U "k '""]^^ '""f' ^^^^^^ ^^-S^t - 'o tS yourTe'd realme, shall be sold above 4/. sterling. / ot ^ "Pro'vided allwey that this Acta "extend not to any Endissh man borne touching the newe custume above reherced of eighfeefshTllini astdet/ietmposiaon of the payment of the 4 ducates aforeseidr set aide fh'" • " ^^ f^^fA by this. « They of Venice " did set aside the .mpos.t.on, and the fact was announced to Henry VII by Unl7lT\''r^^ i^r" ^""fr^ ^"^^'^ ^^-Z-^^r.0, in the Lnth o'^ AmL.t^^' -^ ^""S (=» though in 1498 he had proposed to the ma^e answer tTf.'li-'"°J° """''"S' '^' ''"^^ ^""^ three ducats to one) made answer that h,s subjects no longer cared about making voyages to Cand such, perhaps, as kidnapping or murdering the Car- dinal of Sion, who, as stated at p. 32 1, vol. i. was liable to be waylaid : and possibly Coppo thought that had he secured the person of one who had shown himself so bitter an enemy to the State, the Council of Ten would have repealed the sentence of outlawry under which he was yet suffeiinp; in 1 51 7, despite the intercession made in his favour by Leo X. with the Signory in February, 151 5. 68 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN ' The very day before this letter was written, the Venetian secretary bagudino, from whose autograph copies these translations are made wrote to the Archbishop of Malmsey. His letter has been printed in the correspondence of Erasmus (edition Leyden, 1703, folios 1601-1603) and Its object was to congratulate the bishop on his appointment, but regrettmg his consequent departure from Venice. This archbishop was the famous Greek scholar, Marco Musuro, of whom mention is made in the hte of Leo X. by Roscoe 5 and it is remarkable that neither he nor his invidious commentator Bossi should have quoted this printed epistle in aid of their researches concerning the precise moment when Musuro obtained his see. It may also be added that both one and the other Have blundered in supposing that Musuro succeeded Rali in this bishopric, seeing that Musuro died at Rome on the 25th October, 1517, and that Leo X. then gave the see to Rali, as mentioned in a despatch of Marco Minio, the Venetian ambassador at Rome. { , .^f^^^^^o, in his letter written from London to the Archbishop of f Malmsey on the 22nd of April, 1517, mentions the recent arrival in Lngland of Erasmus, and that their literary society (consisting, doubt- less, of the ambassador Giustinian, More, Chieregato, Pace, Tonstal I Ammonius, and Lineacre) exerted itself strenuously, « ne dies ullus musts 'vacuis dilabatur:" Richmond^ May 5, 151 7. Since my last, I, together with this Magnifico the Consul Pasqualigo, and Dom. Antonio Bavarino, went to the right reverend Cardinal concerning the renewal of the patents, which expired seven years ago, so as to be enabled to form contracts on the usual terms. We spoke with his right reverend lordship, who desired that one of the royal secre- taries might be sent for, in order to discuss the matter and despatch it. The difficulty consists in his insisting on the payment of some three hundred pounds sterling, as given to the present King's father, whereas we never would consent to disburse anything, but merely pay for the deeds and stamps. I know not how it will end. I afterwards com- menced discussing the affair of the wines of Candia, and FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. 69 his lordship told me that he had arranged for those of the Parliament^ who made the decree, which is our strongest point, to confer with me and discuss this matter. I imagine that this is rather with a view to raise some difficulty, which, by reason of the manifest right on our side, he is ashamed of putting forward himself, than from any intention of proceeding according to justice, I, however, being thoroughly acquainted with the subject, will not allow the cause of your Highness to perish, should I have to deal with such as may choose to do justice, for I can, indeed, persuade by arguments, but am powerless to compel by force. I hope the business will be speedily despatched, and shall endeavour that the result prove favourable. And I am of opinion that it would already have been settled, had there not intervened a fresh perilous matter, and of a very bad nature — namely, that after Easter a certain preacher, at the instigation of a citizen of London, preached as usual in the fields, where the whole city is in the habit of assembling with the magistrates, and commenced abusing the strangers in the town, and their mode of life and customs, alleging that they not only deprived them of their industry, and of the emoluments derivable thence, but disgraced their dwell- ings, taking their wives and daughters ; adding much other exasperating language, persuading and exhorting them not to suffer or permit this sort of persons to inhabit their town, by which means he so irritated the populace that from that day they commenced threatening the strangers that on the 1st of May they would cut them to pieces and sack their houses.^ Perceiving this bad feeling to increase daily, and the minds of the people to become inflamed, I said a few words hereon to the right reverend Cardinal, who told me he would make provision against any accident on that day, as I \ 70 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. 7^ believe he did. On the last day of April, indeed, I was vi^arned of many threats, emanating from the populace, and witnessed many acts of violence perpetrated by them ; so I thought fit, for the benefit and security of our nation, to come here to Richmond, the actual residence of the King, whom I went to see, and stated the matter to him, placing before his eyes the peril to which all foreigners were exposed. His Majesty listened to me graciously, promising to take every precaution, and the next night having received news that the Londoners were in arms, and committing great outrage upon the strangers, he got up at midnight, and took the field with a good number of persons, and sent messengers to London announcing his coming with a large army ; though, in reality, he never quitted Rich- mond. The fact was, that on the night preceding the first of May, the London apprentices, who are articled servants of English merchants and artizans, with a number of bandits (j/V), amounting in all to 2,000, rose, and went to divers parts of the city inhabited by French and Flemish artificers and mechanics, whose houses they sacked, and wounded many of them, though it is not understood that any were killed. They next proceeded to the dwelling of his Majesty's French secretary,^ which they sacked, doing very great damage there, and had he himself not escaped up the belfry of the adjoining church, they would have cut him to pieces ; they also sacked a number of houses of French artificers in the neighbourhood of his residence. They next went to the houses of the Florentine, and Lucchese, and Genoese merchants, whom they insulted ; but, as said dwellings were well supplied with men and arms and artillery, they could not do them any harm. Against the houses of the Venetians, on the contrary, no demonstration was made, as they have ever comported themselves with so much equity and decorum, that there was no wishing to harm them. The house of the Spanish ambassador likewise received some insult, but not of importance ; my dwelling, by the grace of God, was guarded and preserved like a church, some of my cordial friends who visit me there daily, having had it at heart. Much greater mischief and bloodshed would have taken place, had precautionary measures not been adopted before- hand, I believe by the right reverend Cardinal, who was forewarned, and also by the other lords, who on that night came with a considerable force, and by several roads, to the city, where they found the gates closed by these seditious ribalds, in order that they might wreak their ill will on the strangers in the town, having overpowered the forces of the Lord Mayor and the other City magistrates in such wise that they compelled them to have the gaols opened and to release their prisoners. The Lord High Admiral of the royal fleet,** who came with a number of troops, entered the city by force, and had another gate opened, outside which was the most illustrious the Duke of Norfolk, his father ; and having come in with their forces, they moreover admitted my Lord of Burgundy^ and other lords. Every necessary provision was now made, and about seventy of these ribalds being captured, twelve of them regarded as ringleaders have been already condemned to death ; the others, it is probable, will be consigned to the like fate to-morrow. Amongst the prisoners is the very man who instigated the preacher, and the preacher himself, who will receive the deserts of his iniquity. According to report, there are now in London in the King's name from 4,000 to 5,000 men in armour, so that these ribalds will not be able to vent their ill will y though, so great is their 72 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. 73 malignity, that what the^r are unable at this present to do themselves, for fear of death, is done by their women, wh'o evince Immense hatred towards all strangers. This has been a great commotion, but the terror was greater than the harm done ; though there is no doubt, that unless strong measures had been adopted in time, not a single house of the strangers would have escaped, and their property would have been sacked and themselves cut to pieces. Praised be God ! I have chosen to write this, in order that your Highness may know what really took place, and because I am certain that others will write differently, and perhaps give an ex- aggerated account of the circumstances.^ \u ^S''^^^^^^^^" J^ei'e must be used in its etymological or general sense, as the Parliament of England did not sit in the whole period from December 22nd 151 5 to April 15th, 1523 (see Statutes of the Realm, vol. 111. toi. 197.) The council meant by Giustinian was probably that which sat in the Lord Treasurer's chamber, next to the Star Chamber bee note to despatch dated loth February J The account of the « Evil May Day- given by Hume, Is taken from c7^u V^^' "«t t^orn tdl about the year 1525, and is as follows :- Ihe toreign artihcers in general much surpassed the English in dexterity, industry, and frugality, and hence the violent animosity which the latter on many occasions expressed against any of the former who were settled in England. They had the assurance to complain that all their customers went to foreign tradesmen j and in the year i C17, bein^ moved by the seditious sennons of Dr. Bele, and the intrigues of Lincoln a broker, they raised an insurrection. ' ** The apprentices and others of the poorer sort In London began by breaking up die prisons, where some persons were confined for insulting foreigners. They next proceeded to the house of Meutas, a Frenchman much hated by them, where they committed great disorders, killed some of his servants, and plundered his goods. The mayor could not appease them, nor Sir Thomas More, late under-sheriff, though extremely re- spected in the city. They also threatened Cardinal Wokey with some insult, and he thought it necessary to fortify his house and put himself on his guard. Tired at last with these disorders, they dispersed them- selves, and the Earls of Shrewsbury and Surrey seized some of them A proclamation was issued, that women should not meet together to babble and talk and that all men should keep their wives in their houses : next day the Duke of Norfolk came into the City at the head of thirteen \ 11 hundred armed men, and made Inquiry into the tumult. Bele and Lin- \ coin, and several others, were sent to the Tower, and condemned for i treason : Lincoln and thirteen more were executed. The other criminals, to the number of four hundred, were brought before the King with ropes about their necks, fell on their knees, and cried for mercy. Henry knew at that time how to pardon j he dismissed them ail without further punishment."*' We thus learn that the name of the preacher here alluded to by the Venetian ambassador was Bele, and that the person styled by him a London citizen, was the broker Lincoln. I have never met with any contemporary account of this insurrection hy foreigners, besides this one by Giustinian, and that of his secretary Sagudino, which will follow it 5 and both appear to me to form an amusing supplement to Hall, who, amongst other things, writes : — " Evil M-iy Day, 8 Henry VIII. In this season the Genowayes, Frenchmen, and other straungers, sayde and boasted them selfes to be in suche favour with the Kyng and hys counsayll, that they set naughte by the rulers of the citie : and the multitude of straungers was so great aboute London, that the poore Englishe artificers coulde skace get any lyvynge ; and moost of all the straungers were so proude that they dls- dayned, mocked, and oppressed the Englishmen, whiche was the begin- nynge of the grudge. For amonge all other thynges there was a carpenter in London called Willyamson, whiche bought two stockdoves in Chepe, and as he was aboute to paye for them, a Frencheman took them oute of hys hande, and sayde they were not meate for a carpenter. ' Well,' sayde the Englishman, * I have bought them, and now payd for them, and therefore I will have them :' * Naye,' sayde the Frencheman, * I will have them for my lorde the ambassador,' and so for better or worse, the Frencheman called the Englisheman knave, and went awaye with the stockdoves. The straungers came to the Frenche ambassadour, and surmysed a complaynte agaynste the poore carpenter, and the ambassa- dour came to my Lorde May re and sayde so much, that the carpenter was sent to pryson 5 and yet, not contented with this, so complayned to the Kynge's counsail, that the Kynge's commandement was layde on hym. And when Syr Jhon Baker, Knyght, and other worshipfuil per- sones, sued too the ambassadour for hym, he answered, by the body of God that the English knave shoulde lose his lyfe, for he sayde no Englisheman shoulde deny that the Frenchemen required, and other answer had they none. " Also a Frencheman had slayne a man. Howbeit the Frenchmen were not alonely oppressors of the Englishemen, for a Lombarde called Fraunces de Bard, entised a manne's wyfe in Lombarde Strete to come to his chambre with her husbande's plate, whiche thynge she dyd. After, when her husbande knewe it, he demaunded hys wyfe, but aunswer was made he shoulde not have her 5 then he demaunded his plate, and in lyke maner aunswer was made that he shoulde neither have plate nor wyfe. And when he had served an accion agaynste the straunger in the Guylde hall, the straunger so faced the Englisheman 74 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN that he faynted In hys sute. And then the Lombarde arrested the poore man for his wyfe's boorde, while he kept her from her husband in his chamber. This mocke was much noted, and for these and many other oppressions done by them, there encreased suche a malice in the Englishe mennes haites, that at the last it brast oute." * * # ^ This was evidently Meutas, whose employment In the service of Henry VIII. seems to have been unknown to Stow. '* Thomas Howard, Earl of Surrey, who eventually became third Duke of Norfolk, was created Lord Admiral on the death of his brother. Lord Edward, who, on the 25th of April, 151 3, perished in the attempt at Brest 5 " whereupon Lord Thomas, bringing the fleet out of harbour, so scoured the seas as not a fisherboat of the French durst adventure forth."" (See Collins, vol. i. p. 85.) ^ In the original, Monsignor di Borgogna, which Is nearest In sound to the title of Buckingham. According to all accounts of Evil May Day, however, the person meant ought to be George Talbot, Earl of Shrewsbury. ^ Amongst the accounts given, as anticipated, of these occurrences, is one by Sagudino, Giustinian's secretary, which, however, does not appear to be exaggerated, and is so interesting that it may here be transcribed as we find it in the MS. diaries of Sanuto, vol. xxiv. folio 343. "Summary of a letter from England written by Nicolo Sagudino, the secretary of our ambassador, dated the 19th of May, 1517, addressed to Alvise Foscari, son of the late Nicolo. " How on the 5th inst. he gave notice of the insurrection, since when, however, the most severe example was made of some twenty of the delin- quents, owing to which the populace here, both men, women, and chil- dren, had recourse to threats and blows most outrageously j and, amongst the rest, they wounded two of our servants, since which matters have been quieted better than was expected, and subsequently not a single outrage has been heard of. On the contrary, so far as concerns himself (the secretary), whom it behoves frequent the palaces of the right rever- end Cardinal and the nobility, greater honour is paid him, and more way made for him than before, though their ill-will does not subside, and there are those who eye him askance, but he trusts in God nothing further will come of it 5 he shuns every opportunity calculated to induce any dissension, and has determined to remain within doors as much as he can, until the desired day arrives for returning home. The King having lately exercised such rigorous justice, thought fit moreover to display his extreme clemency by pardoning the rest of those concerned in this con- spiracy, and came one day to a place distant half a mile hence, with his court in excellent array, the right reverend Cardinal being there likewise with a number of lords, both spiritvial and temporal, with their followers, in very gallant trim ; and his Majesty being seated on a lofty platform, surrounded by all those lords, who stood, he caused some four hundred of these delinquents, all in their shirts and barefoot, and each with a halter round his neck, to be brought before him ; and on their presenting themselves before his Majesty, the Cardinal implored him aloud to pardon FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. 75 them, which the King said he would not by any means do ; whereupon said right reverend Cardinal, turning towards the delinquents, announced the royal reply. The criminals, on hearing that the King chose them to be hanged, fell upon their knees, shouting ' Mercy ! ' when the Car- dinal again besought his Majesty most earnestly to grant them grace, some of the chief lords also doing the like, so at length the King con- sented to pardon them, which was announced to these delinquents by said j ri^ht reverend Cardinal with the tears in his eyes j and he made them a long discourse, urging them to lead good lives, and comply with the royal will, which was, that strangers should be well treated in this country, adding many other expressions hereon 5 and when the Cardinal told them this, that the King pardoned them, it was a fine sight to see I each man take the halter which hung from his neck and throw it in the air, and they jumped for extreme joy, making such signs of rejoicing as became their escape from such peril. It was a very fine spectacle and well arranged, and the crowd of people present was innumerable, " The mischief was not very great, though it would have been immense had provision not been made j and especially as, according to report, no strangers were killed, these people cannot bear that forty of their countrymen should have been so cruelly hanged and quartered : at the City gates one sees nothing but gibbets and the quarters of these scelerats, so that it is horrible to pass near them. God be praised that the affair has passed off more tranquilly than was anticipated from so sudden an hurricane. " He writes that he would fain be here. " He remained ten days at Richmond with the ambassador, and in the evening they enjoyed hearing the King play and sing, and seeing him dance, and run at the ring by day, in all which exercises he acquitted himself divinely. Monsignor Dionisio Memo was there, and at his request the King made them listen to a lad who played upon the lute, better than ever was heard, to the amazement of his Majesty, who never wearies of him, and since the coming of this lad, Zuan Piero Is not In such favour as before, and complains, and is quite determined on return- ing Into Italy sane bene peculiatuSy and he does wisely. " Said Master Dionysius has composed a very fine vocal quartet, enti- tling it, * Memor esto verb! tui Servo tuo perpetuo In quo mihi spem dedisti."* This he was to play to the King, giving him the words, whence one may easily comprehend his wish : he will not fail him." 76 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN Richmond, May 9, 151 7, * * * Owing to the precautions taken, the execution of some twenty of the delinquents, and the issue of procla- mations threatening the lives and property of those who shall molest strangers, these tumults in London have ended better than was expected: nor will I omit adding this — that on the very day of the riot there arrived in London an ambassador from the most serene King of Portugal,^ a very illustrious person according to report, and who, together with his attendants, was attacked by these seditious ribalds, so that he had difficulty in escaping with his life ; and hereon he apparently made great complaints — though he has really no cause for such — against his Majesty or the Privy Council. Said ambassador will have audience here at Richmond to-morrow, whither the right reverend Cardinal and many of these lords have betaken themselves on this account. I shall endeavour to learn his errand, and will see to arranging with the Cardinal aforesaid about the despatch of the affair of the wines, and of the patents for the merchants, concerning which it has been impossible to do anything, owing to these disturbances ; but to-morrow, or next day, 1 think of returning to London, and will act as I know is the intention of your Sublimity. ^ It was in this year that Emmanuel the Fortunate obtained permis- sion from the Chinese to trade with them, and to build a town at Macao, twenty leagues from Canton. The trade between Portugal and England was already considerable, and at the close of the year 1503 there were as many as five Portuguese barks in the Thames, with 380 tons of spices from Colocut, much to the regret of the Venetian galleys under the command of the Commodore Pesaro, which were off Falmouth at the same time, and of course wished Vasco di Gama and the Cape passage out of existence. FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. 77 London, May 12, 151 7. My last were from Richmond on the 9th instant, whereby your Excellency will have learnt the result of the insurrec- tion of these English, and the execution of the delinquents, which are not yet ended, the proceedings against them continuing according to their demerits. I am returned to London, and found things were quieted again, but I do not ; know whether the fear of punishment will suffice to repress the audacity of these people, considering the hatred which they bear to strangers. I wrote to your Highness that the ambassador of the most serene King of Portugal was to come to Richmond, there to have audience of his Majesty and these lords, whereupon I went to the court, and on his coming, I met him with every demonstration of good will and honour, apologizing to his Lordship for not having visited him in London, by reason of my having come to Richmond on account of the insurrection. He greeted me very graciously, and recognised me, before I addressed him, as the Venetian ambassador, I imagine from my appearance ; and having drawn aside, I stated to him the very ancient friendship which had ever prevailed between your Signory and Portugal, and the respect entertained by your Excellency towards his present Majesty and his predecessors, reminding him of the good fellowship and harmony enjoyed by our nation in Portugal, and by his e converso in Venice, and of many offices reciprocated by either State ; adding a variety of other expressions, tending to our mutual good-will. His Magnificence answered me very respectfully and lovingly, confirming what I had said, and reminding me that, when- ever in his power, his Majesty of Portugal had always shown himself friendly towards your Highness, in confir- 78 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN mation of which, he quoted the Armada sent by Portugal in favour of your Excellency against the Turks,i and other fiiendly offers of which your Highness might have availed yourself in divers cases of need. But, he continued, since his Majesty aforesaid commenced the Indian voyages, your Excellency had been hostile to him, giving succour and counsel to the Soldan (according to report) against his Majesty ; although, all things well considered, your Signory had no reason for so doing, notwithstanding the great detri- ment which this caused you, and he expatiated hereon,^ narrating the magnanimous operations of the King aforesaid against the infidels, for which he considered him deserving of honour and singular commendation. I listened to him most attentively, admitting what he said, but observed that with regard to his aspersion about your Highness's enmity on account of the Indian voyages, his lord- ship deceived himself greatly; nor could this proceed but from public or private malice, as his lordship was aware of the strife which had existed between your Signory and well nigh all the powers of Christendom. * * * Touching his asser- tion about aid actually given to the Soldan, both in artillery and counsel, he ought to know that your Excellency might be more reasonably suspected of anything than of favouring the infidels against the Christians, and especially those to whom you were linked by such strong ties of friendship. It was proved, I said, by the long and bloody wars that raged between you and the Turks, what hostility you entertained towards them, and the same feeling existed against all other infidels ; should these arguments fail to convince him I added the following fact, namely, that in our Senate there are about 250 members who deliberate on State affairs, nor is it credible that they would sacrifice the salvation of their souls, for the indulgence of any passion, knowing that FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. 79 whosoever gives counsel or favour to the infidels against the Christians is excommunicated, and can only be absolved by the Pontiff ; nor would a similar proceeding tally with the religion of our State, which experiences extreme consolation, and has ever derived such, from the great exploit, glory, and increase of the King of Portugal, and consequently of the Christian religion through his Majesty, and that there was no one in Venice but who felt anxious for all India, which is Mahommedan, to acknowledge our faith, and resume the arms of Christ ^ (nV), and although it seems that our citizens are somewhat injured by the spice trade being turned to Portugal, yet are we more zealous for the Christian faith, than for a little additional emolument, adding many other arguments which occurred to me. His Magnificence listened to me attentively, and appeared convinced by my rea- soning, and we remained a long time together, and dined as customary at court, and he ever spoke in terms of honour and affection, so that he departed apparently very well satisfied. To-day, having heard that his lordship had terminated his mission, and was betaking himself to the court of the most Christian King, I went to visit him at his dwelling, when he gave me hearty welcome, and drawing me aside, said he had taken leave, and departed very well satisfied with his Majesty. The object of his embassy, he said, had been complimentary to the most serene Queen, who is the sister of her Majesty of Portugal,'* nothing of the sort having taken place for many years past, and especially by reason of the opportunity afforded through his coming to congratulate the Catholic King on his accession, and that no other object had brought him hither. In the course of conversation, he inquired of me how it happened that whereas it had not been the custom previously for your Signory to keep an ambas- sador in England, I was now residing here. I told him that 8o DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. 8l since many years your Serenity had despatched hither various ambassadors, though it was true none had remained here SO long a while as my predecessor and myself, because not only had his Majesty kept aloof from the league of Cambrai, but had formed a confederacy with our State, wherefore I was here as the ambassador of your Highness, the ally of England. I then repeated my assurances of the good-will borne by your Highness towards his Sovereign ; and besides the explanations already given by me, I added that your Excellency has one of the chief magistracies of our town appointed for the purpose of not allowing iron, or timber, or provisions, to be conveyed into the territory of the infidel,^ under penalty of losing the whole venture, and much more, through confiscation, and very long imprisonment ; and whenever anything of the sort had happened, which was seldom, this had been enforced most rigorously, so that it would be in contradiction to your policy were you to give succour and counsel to the Moors against his Majesty. I begged him, in conclusion, to try the good faith of your Excellency in like manner as the experienced mariners of these narrow seas steer safely into port, namely, by their frequent soundings ; thus, I suggested, his King should endeavour to learn through unsuspected channels the opera- tions of your Highness^ as he would find them replete with religion and piety, and remote from all treachery and malice ; and with this, after I had offered to accompany him some distance out of London, which he declined, he departed, as I think most excellently disposed towards your Highness, promising me on his faith and as a true Christian, that he would give the most ample assurances to his King, of the good will of your Highness, and of my good offices. Said magnifico ambassador is named Don Pietro Civrea. a wise and experienced person, and very prudent.^ ^ In 1500 and 1501, when Spain and France sent vessels to aid the Venetians, the Spanish fleet being commanded by Gonsalvo of Cordova. In Sanuto's Diaries, in date of February, 1501 (fo. 995), there is an extract from a despatch written by Domenigo Pisani, the Venetian ambassador accredited to Ferdinand and Isabella, dated Granada, December 30th, 1500, in which he mentions having seen the Infanta Catharine, the aflianced bride of Prince Arthur, then in her sixteenth year, and ill of ague ; and he adds that the King of Portugal was fitting out an armada for Africa against the King of Fez, and that the ambas- sador meant to tell the King of Spain to cause it to come into the Levant, as his Majesty had previously said he would do. Subsequently, in date of 24th June, 1501, Sanuto records the mission as ambassador to the King of Portugal, of Piero Pasqualigo, LL.D. 2 The voyages of the Portuguese to India were of course as prejudicial to the Soldans of Egypt as to the Venetians, and Ransou Algouri desired King Emmanuel to cease sending his caravels to Colocut, and did every- thing in his power to aid the native princes of India in resisting the Portuguese, even by sending vessels in pieces on the backs of camels across the desert from Cairo, to be launched at Tor, a notice of which exists in the diaries of Sanuto, vol. v. folio 700, reads thus : — " Copy of a paragraph in a letter written by Domenigo del Capello, consul at Damietta, dated the 24th of November, 1503. " ' After having written and closed the accompanying, I received a letter from Cairo, with the news that the Soldan is building there at Cairo, four' (^fuste, query) * brigantines, which will be sent in pieces to Althor, and then they will put them together and send them to India, for they say that when they shall have seen those iouvfuste in India, the natives there would be able to construct others like them, and to procure plenty of mariners in those parts.' '' ^ ** Et resumesse le arme di Christo."*' This is probably an allusion to the Christians whom the Portuguese admiral Suarez spared when he burnt the city of Cangranor (a d. 1504-5), belonging to the King of Colocut, the which Christians claimed for their ancestors the honour of having been converted by St. Thomas. ^ Qiieen Catharine of Aragon had three sisters ; the eldest was Isa- bella, the first wife of Emmanuel the Fortunate, who died a.d. 1498 ; the second, Giovanna, commonly called Mad Joan, the mother of Charles V. ; the third, Maria, the second wife of the King of Portugal, whom she married a.d. 1500. Queen Catharine was the youngest of the four daughters of Ferdinand and Isabella. ^ Sandi, in his fifth vol. p. 90, dates the institution of the magistracy of the ^^ Ji^e Sages for Commerce y"" alias Board of Trade, in the year 1506, and before the formation of this magistracy, the ^^ College in Ordinary of the Sages, '^^ which had been established about the year 1410, overlooked the exports and imports of Venice. The ambassador is pro- bably alluding to regulations enforced by these two magistracies, and it may here be added, that in the " Universal History,'' these same charges of aiding the Moors against Portugal, are brought against the Venetians, VOL. II. G 82 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN but without any proof. It Is a curious historical coincidence, the find- ing in a report of England made to the Venetian Senate by the ambas- sador Piero Mocenlgo, who returned from the court of King Charles II. A.D. 1 67 1, a somewhat similar charge against our Turkey Company* which really helped the Turks in their siege of Candia, much as the Venetians were suspected of defending Colocut against the Portuguese, the words of Mocenlgo being, "for when the war of Candia raged (from 1644 to 1 671), they made great profits by sending gunpowder and every other sort of warlike store in competition with the Dutch to whose traders the proverb might be applied of selling the rote to their onxjn executioner.''^ ^ I am unable to find any confirmation of what Don Pietro Civrea said, pp. 77, 78, of a Portuguese squadron having been sent to aid the Venetians against the Turks j but Paolo Morosini and GalllcciollI men- tion that John, King of Portugal, raised a loan In Venice, 14.10, and that in the year 1428 his son came to Venice, and was met in the Bucin- tor, and went to a ball at which 300 ladies were present " nobly dressed '' the chronicler says, " in cloths of gold and silk." ' In the years 1 501-2, Piero Pasqualigo (the colleague of Sebastian Giustinian in England, as seen from pp. 4.2 to 45) was ambassador from the Republic of Venice to Emmanuel the Fortunate, the object of his mission being to procure aid against the Turk 5 but as he did not then succeed in obtaining any succour, it may be supposed that the assertion made at Richmond by the Portuguese, and admitted by the Venetian, must mean that some of the vessels in the Spanish fleet commanded by Gonsalvo of Cordova (preceding note, i,) belonged to Emmanuel. At the close of the year 1501, Piero Pasqualigo wrote from Lisbon that the King was sending six armed barks to remain during three years stationed at Colocut, for the purpose of cruising in the Indian Ocean' and preventing the vessels of the Soldan from loading spices in those parts, a proceeding which was evidently so destructive to the Venetian trade, that it would have warranted the proceedings which Giustinian disclaims. Frona Portugal (his mission having proved fruitless) Piero Pasqualigo proceeded to the court of Spain, and, whilst there, received the follow- ing letter, dated Lisbon, 17th October, 1503, which is added because it helps to explain how matters stood between the rival grocers whose representatives shook hands at Richmond on the morrow of *' £^il May Dayy -^ Copy of a letter from Giovanni Francesco de la Faitada, addressed to our ambassador in Spain : — " Magnlfico my Ambassador,-I acquainted your Magnificence with the arrival of the two ships from Calicut, since when, on the nth inst., all the others came into port, with the exception of two of the smallest vessels of the company, one belonging to Ferdinand Lorenzo, the treasurer of the mine, and the other to a native of this place : these vessels had as much freight as they could hold, so we may say and believe that they brought from 33,000 to 34,000 FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. 83 cantara (upwards of 2,200 tons) of spices of every sort j and I assure your Magnificence that up to this time two of said ships have un- loaded, and the store where they have stowed the spices looks as if it contained all that ever grew, and these madcaps shovel it up in heaps like wheat. The general opinion is that this fleet of ships is worth a million of gold, for, besides its freight of spices, it brings a great amount of jewels, but for the most part pearls. Don Vascho, who was the admiral, returns worth from 35,000 to 40,000 ducats j and all the other commanders, according to their grade, came back very wealthy, as in like manner, every other person who took part in the expedition, in such wise that none but eye-witnesses can credit it 5 and the wonder increases aaily, for a man of no account will take out twenty ducats' worth and bring back pearls for the value of 100 ducats, and of this there are several mstances. Had the ships been bigger, they would have brought more spices, for not one of them had stowage for another cantar : in short, they have returned very rich indeed, more so than was expected, and their wealth divulges itself to me more and more daily, for the captains of the ships, and other individuals, smuggle the most valuable part of their freight, so it is impossible to learn the whole truth j but articles of value for sale have come into my hands. This is as much as I can tell your Magnificence about these ships now arrived, two of which fell in with the other vessels which left this in April, and the very last, which set sail on Easter Day, were 150 leagues in advance of the others which had preceded them, but both one and the other had doubled the Cape of Good Hope, having gone thus far between Easter and Whitsuntide, a distance of 2,000 {sic) leagues, a fine passage in so short a time. It is supposed that these last vessels will return richer than those now arrived, because the greater part of their outward cargo consists of copper, which in those parts goes for ready money. Great preparations are being made for the new armada, which this time will number no fewer than twenty- hve sail, including the ship Annonciada, of 800 tons. Down to this present the King has not chosen to allow any merchant to send thither ; I know not what may take place hereafter. My letters shall give notice of daily occurrences to your Magnificence, to whom I recommend myself again and again. Data; Ulisbonae, die 17 Octobris, 1503. Subscriptio. Joannes Franciscus Affaitatus. London^ May 23, 151 7. By mine of the 19th instant, the duplicates of which accompany these, your Highness will have learnt the con- clusion of the league between the parties therein mentioned.^ 84 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. 85 Subsequently, I was informed and assured by the " faithful friend " that it has been joined by the CathoHc King, and that all the confederates are to send their agents to Rome immediately, for the purpose of swearing to this confederacy before the Pope. The King here, moreover, has appointed as his ambassador and commissioner to the Pontiff the right reverend Cardinal Adrian,^ empowered to swear in the name of this most serene King, as also to witness the oaths of the others, and assist at the ceremony, on which account they are sending off a courier, who will leave on the 25th instant, without, however, recalling the Bishop de' Gigli, the former ambassador.^ Having gone to the right reverend Cardinal to despatch the affair of the wines and merchandise, we commenced discussing the negotiations of these sovereigns, and his lordship confirmed the intelligence about the league having been sworn to by the Catholic King, and ratified by his Holiness; which league, he said, was merely defensive, and not for the purpose of talcing that of others, or of dis- turbing those who content themselves with their own. " You, at this present time," he said, " have got your city of Verona— you will enjoy and possess it ; the King of France has his duchy of Milan—let him keep it, in God's name ! we shall not molest him unless he molest us, and should he be content with what he has. By this league we have, moreover, secured the kingdom of Naples, so that the King of France will not think of occupying that, or form any other projects about Tournai or Calais. The truces, moreover, between us and the kingdom of Scotland are confirmed, in such wise that the Queen is returned into her realm. I do not perceive any difference between the King of France and his Majesty so great as to require an appeal to arms, for we only demand justice for our subjects, which we understand he is ready to grant ; and this being the case, I think there will be a general peace ; and should you choose to join the league his Majesty will accept you, and the King of France likewise, on his preferring suit to this effect, place having been reserved for both one and the other." I thanked his right reverend lordship, first, for his loving announcement of this intelligence, and then for his peaceful disposition, both in general and particular, which I was very certain would rejoice your Highness, as it warranted a hope of universal peace, and especially as no clause intervened to your prejudice. Upon this, his right reverend lordship said, '' Know, that we are extremely content that you should have Verona, and I rejoice thereat very much indeed j for this King and his Cardinal never entertained a thought against the welfare of your State. All cause of dissension between you and the Emperor is now removed ; but, for the love of God, content yourselves with your own." I told him, that the more his right reverend lordship spoke, the more he gave me cause for thanking him by imparting information which redounded to the common weal and consolation, and that by this means I trusted all discord between the Emperor and your Excellency would be removed, hoping that any trifling dis- putes hereafter might be settled through the medium of his right reverend lordship ; and having fully discussed these matters, I passed to those of the wines and merchandise. His lordship apologised for not having been able to attend to these things, owing to matters more important, but that he would expedite them in a few days, to which effect I besought him most earnestly ; and with this his right rever- end lordship departed. I then went to visit the reverend Bishop of Durham, pretending to have come to congratulate him on this peace 86 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN and league, which, I said, was both advantageous for this kingdom, and likely to improve the good understanding existing between England and your Highness. He replied immediately, " Domine Orator ! there was no question of anything in this league which could molest you; on the contrary, we all sought and desired your quiet and tran- quillity ; and I tell you, we are very content and satisfied at your having Verona, as all dissension and cause of war between you and the Emperor is thus removed, which suits us;'' and this he repeated twice, "I do not believe that you could have desired anything more to your advantac^e than this, for the negotiations of the King of France, at Cambrai, had for object to injure you and others, whereas these are for the advantage of all ; nor do I doubt but that, ere long, a general peace will be effected, enabling attention to be turned to greater things," meaning Turkish affairs. I thanked his lordship for his good will, and for the fair hopes he conceived that this beginning might lead to the desired end, and then took leave. ^ In letters of the date mentioned, the ambassador states that he was mformed by Ruthal, Bishop of Durham, of a league contracted between England and Spain, to which Chieregato added, that the Emperor and the Pope were parties, the latter stipulating that the King of England should accommodate him with a loan for six months of 50,000 ducats. One of the charges brought against Francis I. was to the effect that he had secretly aided the Duke Francesco Maria della Rovere against the rival duke, Lorenzino de Medici. This would appear to be the same league contemplated as far back as in the October preceding, which it was then doubtful whether the Pope would join. 2 Adrian Castelesi of Corneto was born about the year 1458, and having studied at Rome under Torello Malatesta, became one of the most elegant Latin scholars of his day. He came over to England in the spring of the year 14.88, on his way to Scotland, being accredited to Kmg James III. by Pope Innocent VIII., who seems to have taken an interest in the affairs of that astrologer, and to have been anxious to quell the civil discord which raged in his kingdom ; but whilst Castelesi was yet m London, the news arrived of the murder of King James, and he returned to Rome without having crossed the Tweed, to the disappoint- FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. 87 ment of Pope Innocent, though not without having somewhat bettered his own private fortunes, for whilst in England Henry VII. showed him such favour that he obtained Church preferment, besides presents from the King; and in the year 1490 held the post of collector of Peter's pence in England for Innocent VIII., which he retained until the year 1 5 14, when Henry VIII. made him cede It to the secretary Ammonius, of whom mention has been made at p. 262, vol. i. On the death of Pope Innocent In 1492, Pope Alexander VI., besides confirming Adrian in his office as collector, gave him authority as nuncio to effect certain reforms of the English clergy, both secular and regular. In the year 1 501, Castelesi was made Bishop of Hereford, Pope Alexander VI. having previously In 1489 appointed him notary of the Apostolic trea- sury, and, in 1500, treasurer-general, which last appointment renders doubtful an assertion made by several of his biographers, to the effect that In the year 1501 he came to England with the pallium for Henry Dene, Archbishop of Canterbury j and as he wrote the briefs of Pope Alexander VI., it may be questioned whether he was ever in England after the year 1494. On the 31st of May, 1503, Castelesi was created cardinal by Alexander VI., who took his last supper at the Castelesi vineyard in the following month of September, the Pope having intended to poison Adrian on this occasion, for the sake of Inheriting his pro- perty, which was so great that, according to Warton, in his Anglla Sacra, It obtained for him the title of " The opulent Cardinal.'' Bacon, in his life of Henry VII. (t. HI. p. 60) speaking of Adrian, says: " Certe vir magnus fult, et multa erudltione prudentia, et In rebus civlll- bus dexter itate praedltus," and, in fact, his address frustrated the inten- tion of Pope Alexander, who swallowed the poison Intended for his host, and died In consequence. In the year 1 504, Cardinal Adrian was trans- lated from Hereford to Bath and Wells, but his favour with Pope Julius II. did not keep pace with that which he enjoyed with Henry VII. 5 he was suspected of favouring a project which the Emperor was said to have entertained of dethroning Pope Julius 5 and through the English ambassador at Rome, Stefano de' GIgli (the same of whom mention is made in this despatch), proofs were adduced of his having w^ritten to King Henry VII. in abuse of his Holiness. In consequence of this the Cardinal Adrian fled from Rome in September, 1507, but returned almost Immediately, on receiving a safe-conduct from the Pope. On second thoughts, apparently doubting its efficacy, he again left Rome In the month of October following, and went and resided at TranI, which was then held by the Venetians, until the year i 509, when he came to Venice with the Intention of going to England, a project he did not realize, In consequence of the death of his patron, Henry VII. The Cardinal, from the year 1509 to 151 3, was sometimes at Sterzen, some- times at Padua, and occasionally at Sermlone, on the Lake of Garda. On the death of Pope Julius he went to Rome, nor did anything impor- tant happen to him until this year 15 17, when the adventures related in these despatches render him once again an historical character. ^ Sylvester de' Gigli, Bishop of Worcester, who succeeded his uncle in 88 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN CIUSTINIAN that dignity a.d. 1498. Cardinal Wolsey was the commendatory of his see. De' Gigli is said to have been by birth a Fleming of Lucchese origin. When Cardinal Bambridge, Archbishop of York, was poisoned at Rome in the month of July, 15 14, by one Rinaldo of Modena, the culprit said he had been instigated to do the deed by the ambassador de' Gigli (see Ellis's Letters on English History, vol. i. pp. 100 and 113.) Whether this Bishop of Worcester, who represented the majesty of England at Rome in the reigns of Henry VII. and VIII,, really was a murderer or not, has not been ascertained ; but, like Ammonius and Chieregato and Giustinian, he was in correspondence with Erasmus. De' Gigli died at Rome, a.d. 1521, April 16. London, May 26, 151 7. I now inform your Highness that I have heard from " the faithful friend/' that his Majesty is writing in haste to the Pope, and by the same messenger, is sending him the 50,000 ducats, so it is certain that the account of this confederacy is well-grounded. To-day, I received four missives from your Excellency dated the 2nd, 9th, and 30th of April, and 6th instant, and having read them with my wonted respect, I in the first place thank your Highness infinitely for the praise bestowed on me for my operations, and secondly, for the hints supplied to me for my future guidance * * * I went to-day to the right reverend Cardinal, to commu- nicate the summaries of Turkish news, but his lordship was exhausted with his labours, and requested I would take them into consideration, and return another day, as I will do. I afterwards proceeded to the reverend Durham, and as he is one and the same thing as the right reverend Cardinal, I communicated these summaries to him, the which he was already acquainted with by way of Rome. I pay him this attention, in order to keep friends with him, and to prove FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VUI. 89 that your Highness holds his lordship in good account : another reason for my acting thus was, that I knew the intelligence had been received by others, and did not wish it to reach the King's ears, without its having been also announced by me. London, May 28, 151 7. Yesterday, an ambassador arrived here from the Emperor, namely, the brother of the Cardinal of Gurk,^ by name Master Christopher,- to whom I sent *' the faithful friend,^' for he having had some intercourse with him formerly, would be able, I thought, to elicit the information I wanted. He brought me back word that the ambassador was come on behalf of the Emperor, to ask this most serene King for money to pay his expenses back into Germany ; his inten- tion, he says, being to return in a fortnight, and that the Catholic King will leave for Spain in a month. He also informed me that the right reverend Cardinal of Gurk is gone, by command of the Emperor, to the Diet of Worms. Also, that the Emperor has positively determined on going to Rome this year, there to be crowned, which seems to be the wish of all Germany ; and if unable to go otherwise, he will go in battle array. I shall endeavour to visit this ambassador should he choose to receive me, and not follow the example of the one here in ordinary, who has invariably declined both my visits and my friendship, and if I succeed will do my utmost to convince him of the respect and love borne by your Sublimity and the Senate, and by the whole Venetian Republic, towards his Imperial Majesty. 90 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN Matthew Lanch of Wellenberg, who was made cardinal by Pope Julius 11., A.D, 1511, enjoyed ahnost as much power with Maximilian as Wolsey exercised over Henry VIII. In the Diaries of Sanuto there are sundry- notices concerning this statesman, which are not to be found m the common biographical dictionaries. In the month of September, 14.96, he was already secretary to the Emperor, and accompanied him to Vigevano for a conference with Ludovic the Moor. Matthew Lanch, besides the brother here alluded to, had a sister by name Apolonia, and she for a while was the mistress of the Emperor, who, in the year .5,3, provided for her by a marriage with his vassal and soldier. Count Chris! topher Frangipane, the same who was worsted by the ambassador Gius- tmian in Istria. Frangipane was eventually captured, and remained some time a prisoner in the ducal palace at Venice, where he indeed found himself at the moment when this despatch was written, his captivity being shared by Apolonia who, in the month of June, ,5.7, being in .11 health, quitted her husband for a while, and, by permission of the S.gnory went to the baths of Abano, where I find her again in May, 1518 ; she returned to Venice in December of that year, and conveyed files and a rope-ladder to her husband to aid his escape, which was, however frustrated; and to this day, on the window-sill of the chambe in which Frangipane was confined, may be read his own autograph, and that of Apolonia, the sister of this Cardinal of Gurk .f , k" '1" ^7t ""i^^T"' t^'' November ,6, 1503, mention is made of a brother of Matthew Lanch, by name yoh., who had plied the trade of a jewel er in Venice, and committed an act of fraudulent bankruptcy and m a letter written by Apolonia to her husband in date of July 27' 151+, she alludes to her brother the Count Ferdinand, and also to the ChrfrV" ^r r^''*^ ' ambassador's pen slipped from Ferdinand to and th?V "■■ J ^'['•'"^i "^P."'"'' ^^'^ another sister besides Apolonia, and the Venetian ambassador Mocenigo writes from the Imperial cour in November, ,503, that the bishop had lately married her, with a dower of 6.°°o ducats, to the son of the Lord Paris Lodrone. The weddin<. was attended by Mocenigo, who says that it was a very fine one. From Is ThoCwXy.'^ ""'^"^ ''^^ '^"'•^'^^ ^=^"^-^ -^^ ^' - '°- -gi" London, June 17, 1517. You will now learn that I endeavoured to visit Gurk's brother, who I wrote had come hither, but he sent me word by no means to go, both because he was not a public person, and also because he was unable to return the compli- FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. 91 ment until after he had spoken with the Imperial ambassador, w^ho I doubt not, from his (ill) nature, will have thwarted the conference, which might have taken place. I, however, sent my secretary, who was unable to elicit any thing of import- ance, though through another channel I have understood that the object of his mission was to demand a loan of this most serene King on behalf of the Emperor, and he accord- ingly obtained ten thousand crowns, with which, if he did not depart yesterday, he would certainly go to-day. The Emperor seems to have gone to the Diet which is being held at Worms, in consequence of a league formed by certain princes of Germany ^ against his Majesty aforesaid, and measures are now to be taken for chastising their insolence. I hear also that three ambassadors from his Catholic Majesty, personages of great authority and rank, are expected here, vast preparations being made to do them extreme honour, beyond what is usually paid to ambassadors : they are coming to swear to the league, a ceremony which was already performed a year ago by the ambassadors of the Catholic King; 2 though as many things have intervened, all the clauses which were inserted at the suit of the Cardinal of Sion being cancelled, a fresh ratification has become necessary. From what I understand, all the other ambas- sadors will go to meet them, and should this prove the case, and the great lords of the kingdom do the like, I also will pay them the same compliment, believing that such is the intention of your Highness, now that his Catholic Majesty is at peace with the Signory ; and, moreover, as I hear that in this new league there is nothing injurious to the King of France, nay that his Catholic Highness is bound to defend him should he be attacked by others in any part of his dominions, either in Italy or elsewhere. I have endeavoured to learn whether, in said league, any mention soever is made 92 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. 93 of your Highness, in such wise as to prove to your prejudice, and this I did very cautiously, so as not to evince any apprehension thereof, but it has been impossible for me to learn any thing. I have not prosecuted the aiFair of the wines and of our national patents, because since my last interview with the right reverend Cardinal, he has been very ill indeed, so that his life was despaired of,^ and for many days, neither the grandees, nor other members of the privy council, who are wont to be so assiduous, went near him. He is now conva- lescent, and I have arranged to go and see him in a couple of days, though I do not anticipate discussing those matters then, as it would be importunate, but I shall at least make an appointment for another time. I am aware, most serene Prince, that the business was purposely protracted before this illness ; because, should they choose to despatch it, they cannot do so in justice, save favourably for your Excellency, to which they are averse, as it would diminish the malmsey duties a noble per butt,'* and in the same proportion affect the royal revenues. Should this business be further pro- longed, I will go the King, who would, I think, arrange for its more speedy despatch, yet would its settlement be referred to the Cardinal, who would resent my appeal to his Majesty, and on this account I have preferred obtaining our object through some additional toil and delay, in preference to exposing the result to peril by abbreviating it. ^ Headed by the Duke of Guelders, who, about this time, entered Holland with some 25,000 men. , 2 On the I St of November, 1516. See the despatch of that date. 3 At the moment of the arrest of Cardinal Wolsey, his physician was a Venetian, by name Agostini degli Agostini, alias Mr. Augustine, as mentioned by the Venetian ambassador Ludovico Falier, in a despatch dated London, 15th November, 1530. Allusion is also made to Agos- tini in the letters of Ellis (vol. ii. p. 2, Letter 102) j it is not known in what year this Venetian first entered Wolsey's service. He was cer- t.i. tainly acting in this capacity before the 7th of January, 1523, under which date he is mentioned in Sanuto's Diaries. ** See the note concernmg malmsey-sack and the duties at pp. 46-49, and in vol. i. p. 100. London y June 30, 1517. I have been to his Majesty and the right reverend Car- dinal, and communicated to them the summaries sent me by your Highness, which were opportune, as news had already arrived here, that the Turk was dead or captured, as likewise all his army, and no other intelligence having reached this, they remained in doubt : but from this suspense they are now relieved. Two ambassadors have arrived from the most Christian King ; I went to visit them, and endeavoured to learn the cause of their coming, but they did not unbosom themselves ; though from what I can conjecture, their mission is induced by this King having determined on send- ing three of his agents to Calais, to meet as many more on behalf of the King of France, for the purpose of discussing a variety of claims urged by private individuals concerning damages effected by either party. 'It seems indeed that these ambassadors are come to state that the settlement of these disputes will require much time, and that it would be expedient to refer them to persons on the spot, as for instance, the captain of Calais on behalf of England, and the captain of Boulogne for France ; though for this I do not vouch. I will endeavour to learn the truth through another channel, and your Highness shall be advised thereof. In the meanwhile, I have paid every possible compliment to these ambassadors, who are Monseigneur da la Gissa,^ and Monseigneur the Advocate of Boulogne. 94 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN Three ambassadors from the Catholic King have also arrived. The principal of them being Monseigneur Jacques de Luamburg, the son of Monseigneur Darsen," the governor of Flanders and Artois, a personage of extreme repute, both by reason of his noble blood and splendid fortune ; while his colleagues are the bailiff of Hainalt, and the provost of Caselet. They were received with such honours, as are not usually paid to ambassadors, but perceiving that my colleagues did not go to meet them, as it was reported they would, I omitted paying them that com- pliment, but shall go and visit them at their dwelling to- morrow, and will endeavour by all my words and actions to convince them thoroughly of the good-will entertained by your Highness towards his Catholic Majesty. That Friar Nicholas, moreover, the envoy of the right reverend Medici, of whom I made mention heretofore,^ is returned, and on Sunday, which will be the 5th proximo, the league is to be sworn to and proclaimed. Amongst other conditions is the following, that should any Christian Prince molest any of the said confederates, the King of England is to cross over to France with 25,000 infantry and a great number of horse ; the Emperor with 20,000 foot ; the Catholic King with 2,000 spears and 20,000 infantry ; whilst his Holi- ness is to fulminate censures — things really ridiculous, and rather calculated to furnish food for conversation, than to be carried into effect. Should I be able to learn the other con- ditions, I will notify them to your Highness immediately. His Majesty is making preparations for jousts and great entertainments in honour of these French and Flemish lords. I went to-day to the right reverend Cardinal, who was with the ambassador in ordinary from the Catholic King, and he sent to apologize for inability to give me audience, being prevented by important business, I greatly regret this delay, FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII, 95 not on my own account, as no labour undergone for your Highness proves irksome to me, but because of the delay of your business, namely, that of the wines, and of the patents for our nation, though . no difficulty is so great, but that it may be vanquished by perseverance. ^ Pierre de la Guiche, the same who signed the treaty of Westminster, A.D. 1 51 5, April 5. See vol. i, p. 60. 2 Probably the same who is called Lombeke in vol. i. p. 18, of the Correspondence of the Caesars, published by Lanch at Leipsig in 1 844. Names at that period being spelt very arbitrarily, Lombeke may easily have been rendered synonymous with Luamburg or Limbourg. Darsen, in like manner, may be read D'Aerschott or Darschot, the marquis of that name being Governor of Flanders. ^ See ante, note 2, p. 61. London, July 10, 1517. By my last of the 30th ultimo, your Highness was informed of the arrival of the ambassadors of the Catholic King, and that the league was to be sworn to on the 5th, with other details therein contained. You will now learn, that on the appointed day, the league^ was sworn to by this most serene King alone, the ambassadors aforesaid of the Catholic King standing by as witnesses, though they took no oath, as their Sovereign swore to this confederacy in the presence of the English ambassadors at his court. In the course of this ceremony, powers were produced, and the articles read ; amongst the rest a schedule of the clauses of last year, many of which were cancelled, on which occasion his Majesty ordered a fresh copy to be made, so that no question might arise hereafter. Subsequently, through the "faithful friend," who received his information from Friar Nicholas, the envoy of the Cardinal de Medici, I learnt that 96 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN the cancelled clauses were those inserted a year ago to the prejudice of the most Christian King and your Sublimity. His Majesty having taken the oath, at which ceremony neither the imperial ambassador, nor yet Friar Nicholas were present, this last was then summoned, and before the Kmg and the ambassadors above mentioned, announced that his Holiness the Pope had heard with extreme satisfaction that this alliance was for the benefit of the confederates, and not to the detriment of any one, which was vastly agreeable to him, and he was therefore content to be a party to it. The King answered him that he was very glad, and re- turned many thanks to his Holiness for deigning to approve such an act by word and deed ; and that not only did he wish him to be a confederate, but moreover the head and chief of said alliance. The official document vouching the consent of the Pope was then exhibited,' but no oath was administered, though I understand that the ambassadors of the other confederates, who are at Rome, will witness the papal oath, as commonly taken by his Holiness. These are very unusual forms, devised rather in honour of this most serene King, than in accordance with custom. Great state was observed on that day, not only in the ceremonies themselves, but also in the general display, which was more sumptuous than usual, the court exhibiting unusual splendour. Two tables were served,- this right reverend Cardinal and the ambassa- dors of the Catholic King being at the royal board, and I was placed at the other with the Dukes of Norfolk and Suffolk, the Marquis,2 and other lords and some prelates. There is no doubt, most serene Prince, but that never at any time, or in any place, did ambassadors receive such ; honours as have been lavished upon these, so that had the Catholic King come in person, I know not what more they ^ could have done ; and this proceeds, I believe, from two FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII, 97 causes—first, from their wish so to cajole his Catholic Highness, that should it ever behove him to make his \ election between the friendship of France or of this King, he \ may prefer that of England. A second, and equally cogent | reason is, that one of these ambassadors, a youth of about twenty years old, and extremely handsome, is of a most illustrious family, descended from three emperors ;3 his father being the Governor of all Flanders and Artois, whilst his father-in-law is Monseigneur de Chievres,* the very first personage in those dominions, enjoying no less authority with his Sovereign, than Cardinal Wolsey with his Majesty here. This youthful ambassador is, moreover, the boon companion of the Catholic King, sharing all his secrets as familiarly as if he were his brother ; qualifications which may reasonably have induced the King of England to make such demon- strations. After dinner, his Majesty took this ambassador into the Queen's chamber, and made her and all those ladies pay him as much honour as if he had been a sovereign, giving him amusements of every description, the chief of which, however, and the most approved by his Majesty, was the instrumental music of the reverend Master Dionysius Memo, his chaplain,^ which lasted during four consecutive hours, to the so great admiration of all the audience, and with such marks of delight from his Majesty aforesaid, as to defy exaggeration. Then, on the 7th instant, a most stately joust was kept, the decorations of which were so costly, new ornaments being made on purpose, besides those already in use, that I doubt the performance of a finer or more sumptuous spectacle for many years past. The King jousted with his brother-in-law, the Duke of SufFolk, and they bore themselves like Hector and Achilles ; and there were, moreover, other jousters, as many as thirty in num- VOL. II. H 98 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN 1 ber. I would give the details, but I am aware that your Highness does not delight in prolixity. The joust being ended, all we ambassadors went to our respective quarters ; and at a fitting hour the King sent for each of us, and gave a banquet, which was attended by all the chief lords of the kingdom, and by all the principal ladies. His Majesty sat between the most serene Queen his consort, and his sister the Queen Dowager of France ; next on the right hand the Cardinal was seated, and on the left the imperial ambas- sador ; then came the rest of us ambassadors in succession, and next the dukes and marquises, no person being seated below the grade of a marquis. The ladies, indeed, sat alternately— that is to say, a gentleman, and then a lady. Great was the sumptuousness of the repast and the profu- sion of plate, the cupboard filled with vessels, said to be all of gold. ^ It was a marvellous and very varied entertainment, music and other representations being performed, and it lasted during four hours. Then on the tables being removed, the King chose to dance, as did the young ambassador, and some of the lords with the chief ladies, so that when we departed it was about 2 a.m. On the morrow, the Spanish ambassadors remained to dine with his Majesty, and I came to London, since which they have been banqueted every day by the right reverend Cardinal and other lords ; and to-day they dined with his Majesty and the two Queens most familiarly, contrary to the custom of the Kings of England ; and the chief dish at this feast was the music of the reverend Master Dionysius Memo, of whom his Ma- jesty has a greater opinion than words can express. I sent my secretary several times to these ambassadors to make an appointment for my visiting them, but it has never been possible to arrange it, for they are really always pre-engaged, either by the King or Cardinal. I, however, complimented FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. 99 them, as becoming, on the day of the entertainment, though, if possible, I shall not fail going to their dwelling, it seem- ing to me very proper for the agents of your Highness to pay honour in your name to those who are so excessively honoured by kings. I have also been several times to the right reverend Cardinal about the matters well known to your Highness, but could never obtain audience \ true is it that he was always occupied, either with the ambassadors aforesaid, or with those of France, so that there was no room for me. It is asserted here, that the Catholic King will leave for Spain in eight or ten days, and that all is in readiness ; though a contrary opinion seems to be entertained by the French ambassador, who told me, that from lack of money he does not know when said King will depart; and he also informed me, that two formal embassies had reached the French court from the Emperor and the Catholic King, with whom his most Christian Majesty had determined on knitting himself in the closest amity. I believe that the cause of the sojourn here of the afore- said French ambassadors proceeds from something more than what I wrote in my foregoing, though I cannot elicit anything from them. It is currently reported that they are negotiating a league, and when this was repeated to them they smiled, without either admitting or denying; and it strikes me really as very strange their being so reserved with me, considering the intimate friendship which exists between the most Christian King and your Highness. To- morrow I shall go to visit them again, and will endeavour adroitly, in such wise as to avoid the charge of indiscretion^ to extract something, in which case my letters shall inform your Sublimity.7 TOO DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN ^ The league of November, 1516, is mentioned by Rymer as having been confirmed at Brussels on the nth of May, 1517 ; but nothing is said of its ratification in London the July following, as related in this letter. See Rymer, edition 1727, vol. xiii. fols. 571 and 588. 2 Thomas Grey, second Marquis of Dorset. (See ante, note i, p. 12, 1 8th November, 1516. ^ Adolphus of Nassau, who was elected Emperor a.d. 1292 (May), and was deposed on the 23rd of June, 1298, had for wife Imogene, the daughter of Gerlac, Count of Limbourg, who bore him Gerlac, Count of Nassau, the ancestor of the Princes of Nassau-Usingen de Saarbruk and de Veilbourg 5 probably Monseigneur De Lombeke was of this family. ^ William de Croi, Seigneui de Chievres, prime minister of Charles v., who died at Worms a.d. 1521. ^ It seems by this, and by the despatch of 19th May, that the King kept the promise made to Memo on his arrival in September, 151 6, and that he procured a dispensation from Leo X. from his monastic vows for this Venetian friar, and gave him a chaplaincy. ^ The word cupboard now signifies by corruption a closed case ; but in the days when Sebastian Giustinian was at Greenwich, cupboards had no doors. Stowe tells of one displayed at the marriage feast of Prince Arthur, in the palace of the Bishop of London, " five stages in height, being triangled, the which was set with plate valued at 1,200/.; and in the other chamber, where the Princess dined, was a cupboard of gold plate, garnished with stones and pearls, valued above 20,000/.'"* When Cardinal Wolsey entertained the French ambassadors at Hampton Court, A.D. 1528, two banquetting rooms were thrown open (the company consisting of 280 persons) in each of which a cupboard extended along the whole length of the apartment, piled to the top with plate. The ambassador seems to have suspected that the plate was silver gilt, and not gold, his words being, " Et la credenza tutta di vasi d'oro, si come se dice. 7 It is to be regretted that the dread entertained by Sebastian Gius- tinian of wearying Doge Loredano with a long story, prevented his giving an account in the foregoing despatch of all that took place on Greenwich Lawn on the 7th of July, 151 7, when the lists will have been " superbly decorated, and surrounded by the pavilions belonging to the cham.pions, ornamented with their arms, banners, and bannerolls. The scaffolds for the reception of the nobility of both sexes who came as spectators,'' and the apartments within the palace especially appointed for the two queens and the Viscount Jacques de Limbourg and his col- leagues, will have been " hung with tapestry and embroideries of gold and silver, every person will have been decked in sumptuous array, the field presenting to the eye a rich display of manificence^" to use the words of Strutt, who, in his chapter on justs, expresses himself thus, and goes on to say, " We may also add the splendid appearance of the knights engaged in the sports ; themselves and their horses were most gorgeously arrayed, and their esquires and pages, together with the FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. lOI minstrels and heralds who superintended the ceremonies, were all of them clothed in costly and glittering apparel. Such a show of pomp, where wealth, beauty, and grandeur were concentred, as it were, in one focus, m\;st altogether have formed a wonderful spectacle, and made a strong impression on the mind, which was not a little heightened by the cries of the heralds, the clangour of the trumpets, the clashing of the arms, the rushing together of the combatants, and the shouts of the beholders." The accuracy of this sketch of a just, as described by Strutt from anti- quarian research, is proved by the following letter from the secretary Sagudino, which, like the others by the same pen, already quoted, exists in the Diaries oi Marin Sanuto, vol. xxiv. fol. 468. Copy of a letter written by Nicolo Sagudino, the secretary of our ambassador in England, dated London, nth July, 1517, narrating the triumphs of the justs made, and other entertainments j addressed to Alvise Foscari, son of the late Nicolo. " Magnifico my Patron, ** For the purpose chiefly of doing honour to these Flemish envoys, all the ambassadors were invited to a just on the 7th inst., and went at about 2 P.M., the King entering the place where the lists, &c., had been prepared, processionally, thus : first, the marshal of the just on horse- back, in a surcoat of cloth of gold bawdakin, surrounded by thirty foot- men, all dressed in a livery of yellow and blue} then followed the drum- mers and trumpeters all dressed in white damask, who preceded some forty knights and lords in pairs, the greater part of them being dressed in cloths of gold, with very valuable gold chains 5 after these came some twenty young knights on very fine horses, all dressed in white, with doublets of cloth of silver and white velvet, and chains of unusual size, and their horses were barbed with silver chain work, and a number of pendent bells, many of which rang. Next followed thirteen pages, singly, on extremely handsome horses, whose trappings were half of gold embroidery, and the other half of purple velvet, embroidered with gold stars J then came fifteen j ousters armed, their horse-armour and surcoats being most costly, and alongside of each was one on horseback, sump- tuously dressed, carrying his lance, with their footmen. "Next appeared this most divine {sic) Majesty, cap-a-pie with a surcoat of silver bawdakin, surrounded by some thirty gentlemen on foot, dressed in velvet and white satin, and in this order they went twice round the lists, at one extremity of which the King and the jousters aforesaid, with the footmen, halted, whilst the rest of the retinue went to meet fifteen other jousters, who in like manner paraded twice round the lists, and drew up at the opposite end j and these jousters also were sumptuously arrayed in surcoats, as likewise their footmen and other attendants. Amongst the jousters were the most illustrious Duke of Suffolk, the Lord Marquis of Dorset, and the Lord Admiral (Earl of Surrey). On their being marshalled, the King commenced jousting with the Duke of Suffolk, and tilted eight courses, both bearing themselves most valorously, and shivering their lances almost every time, to the very great applause of all the spectators. The others then jousted for the space of four 102 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN hours, but the honour of the day was awarded to his Majesty and to the Duke, who, as stated by me, really comported themselves most valorously. Between the courses, the King and the pages, and other cavaliers, per- formed marvellous feats, mounted on magnificent horses, which they made jump and execute other acts of horsemanship, under the windows where the most serene Queens of England and the Dowager of France were, with all the rest of the beauteous and lovely and sumptuously appareled damsels. Adjoining was a chamber occupied by the Cardinal and all his gentlemen and attendants ; the ambassadors likewise were there, including myself The King performed supernatural feats, chang- ing his horses, and making them fly rather than leap, to the delight and ecstacy of everybody. ** The joust being ended, a beam was brought, some twenty-four feet in length, and nine inches in diameter, and was placed on the head of one of his Majesty's favourites, by name Master Carol, who was one of the jousters, and he ran a long way with this beam on his head, to the marvel of everybody. After this the jousters departed in the same order as that in which they had first appeared in the lists. The place where the joust was held is much larger than St Mark's Square, and, on one side, two tents were pitched, one of cloth of gold (which cost his Majesty 10,000 ducats, and he had it made when he crossed over to France in the year 151 5, time of the Battle of Spurs). The other was of silk, and around said place were a number of scaffolds containing immense crowds, the persons present at this spectacle being estimated at upwards of 50,000. ** The joust being ended, and the King and the others having dis- armed, betook themselves into a hall in the palace, where preparations had been made for a banquet 5 and at the head of this hall his Majesty took his seat between the most serene Queen his consort, and the Queen Dowager of France, the consort of the most illustrious Suffolk, the right reverend Cardinal being seated with them : then at the sides there were the ambassadors, namely, those from the Emperor and the King of France, four from the Catholic King, and my most noble master the Venetian 5 and by the vide of each of them one of the handsomest of the ladies was seated. The feast then commenced, and lasted more than three hours : I will not detail the very sumptuous dishes, which were rather divine than regal, nor yet the display of gold and silver plate, but 'tis said that the like was never witnessed. In the centre of the hall there was a stage on which were some boys, some of whom sang, and others played the flute, rebeck, and harpsichord, making the sweetest melody. The banquet being ended, the King and the guests above- mentioned betook themselves into another hall, where the damsels of the most serene Queen were, and dancing went on there for two hours, the King doing marvellous things, both in dancing and jumping, proving himself, as he in truth is, indefatigable. We then went to our quarters, as prepared for us in the name of his Majesty, much decorated, and with most luxurious beds and every other convenience. " On the following morning we returned here to London rather bewil- FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. 103 dered than otherwise by this entertainment, and everybody does nothing but talk of it, and says, that never was a finer or more sumptuous one given in England. I recommend myself to my utmost to your Mag- nificence, whom may the Lord God have in his grace," &c. The reference in this letter to the chamber music of Henry VIII., reminds us that Sagudino himself was a musician (as stated in vol. i. p. 80-1). The surname of** Sagudino Exaudi-nos," by which he was known, as mentioned in Sansovino's description of Venice (p. 585), took its origin from some popular chaunt beginning with these words, and composed in the style of the Memo quartet (see ante^ p. 75). It is interesting to learn from an Italian musician, at the commencement of the sixteenth century, his opinion of the state of the science of harmony at the English court. London^ July 19, 1517. Since mine of the loth instant, nothing has happened worthy of the knowledge of your Highness, save the depar- ture of the Spanish ambassadors, who, it is reported in many quarters (and the Magnifico, the French ambassador here, confirms this fact to me), have received 100,000 crowns from his Majesty, for the intended voyage of the Catholic King. These ambassadors, likewise, obtained magnificent presents ; and according to what has reached me from a good source, they were given 7,000 ducats, a very unusual proceeding, but the greater portion fell to the lot of Mon- seigneur Jacques de Luamburg.^ The French ambassador has not yet left ; and from what I learn both from him and others, he merely came about the claims for damages, and will soon be despatched. Nothing is talked of here but peace ; and neither more nor less mention is made of the Turks, than of Prester John. Neither of the two com- missions given me have yet been executed, though the right reverend Cardinal has received the petition of the merchants for the renewal of the patents, about which I exerted myself 104 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN immensely j and to-morrow, God willing, he will procure its signature. I will leave nothing undone to despatch the affair of the wines ; but am of opinion that this delay in the settlement of the business, proceeds from the Cardinal's wish to be cured of the squilentia^ a disease under which he is just now suffering.2 I, however, do not like to make him any offer, both because I am not empowered by your High- ness, and also as it is not our custom either to give or take bribes. * * * ^ See ante^ despatch of 30th June. 2 The Venetian jargon, signifying, probably, the yellow jaundice, and implying that Cardinal Wolsey wanted a bribe: the words are, " Che questo Rmo. Carl, voria guarir del mal de la squilentia,"" Londoriy July 23, 151 7. You will now learn that a Bishop of St. Dominick, apud Indos^ has arrived here as papal nuncio,^ with letters exhort- ing his Majesty to an expedition against the infidel, though the right reverend Cardinal seems to hold him and his exhortations in small account, and assured me that he was anxious for peace, and for the quiet of this most serene King and his realm. * * * I commended his right reverend lordship for this his good disposition, and congratulated myself vastly on his having this aim which would augment the opinion entertained of him by the potentates of the world, adding other expressions suited to the matter. He likewise told me in the course of conversation that the French ambassador would be despatched in three or four days, which was confirmed to me by the ambassador him- self, when here at my house, I having given him a grand FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. 105 banquet in honour of your Excellency ; and during dinner he vouched to me for the good-will of his most Christian King, and of all the lords of France, towards your High- ness, saying, that the best possible union would ever exist between the two States, as expedient for both of them, which I confirmed, assuring him of the excellent bias of our entire nation, expatiating hereon as much as I deemed proper. I shall lavish every possible attention on him, so long as he remains here, as is my wont with all the am- bassadors, for the sake of rendering them favourable to your Sublimity. When discussing the affairs of the Pontiff, the right reve* rend Cardinal confirmed what had already reached me through another channel, namely, that the Bishopric of Bath, worth 10,000 ducats, and which belonged to the right reverend Adrian, had been conferred upon him.^ The reverend Pontifical nuncio here, Chieregato, has received a brief, charging him, under pain of being disgraced by his Holiness, and subjected to a penalty of 3,000 ducats, to divest himself of his diplomatic character, and repair to Rome immediately ; and he is preparing for departure. I imagine this is on account of the Cardinal Adrian, this nuncio having acted as his agent,^ although he professes to attribute his recall to the friendship maintained between us. I, however, believe the reason to be the one first assigned by me. He will present himself before your Highness, in quest of refuge, as it were, and do your Serenity deign to hold him as recommended ; for it would, in truth, be im- possible to desire better service than that which he has rendered me in the affairs of the Signory, nor could I say enough thereon. I am aware that it is peculiar to the State to reward those who deserve well of her, nor does he ask money of your Highness, but rather some benefice, that he io6 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN may build his nest beneath the happy shadow of your^ Sig- nory, where he was born and educated. I have urged the Cardinal to despatch the patent for these merchants, authorizing them to purchase wools and tin whenever they please, on payment of certain customs, as was their wont in the reign of the late King, these duties being paid half one year and half the next, which patent it has been impossible to obtain for many years, so that the business done by our merchants was transacted under other names ; but now, by God's grace, this has been obtained, and is made out, though his lordship would not give it into my hands until I guaranteed the coming of the galleys, for whose arrival here, within six months from this time, he wanted me to pledge myself, saying, that without such a promise, he would not give me this permit for 5,000 ducats. I an- swered him, that although I knew your Highness meant to send the galleys on the receipt of this permit, yet was it impossible for me to vouch for their being here within this period on many accounts, such as capture or shipwreck (which may God avert), or impediment of any sort (which I did not anticipate) in the ports of Spain ; and in short, if I chose to get this patent (and considering that all these mer- chants have received letters announcing that your Highness, through your most excellent Council of the Senate, has de- termined that said galleys are to come on their voyage), it behoved me to guarantee to him their arrival within eight months, saving only such impediments as I have mentioned ; and he insists on having a writing from me, on the receipt of which he has promised to give the permit.^ With regard to the afFair of the wines, he made me a long apology, how that as it was a matter of great importance not only affecting the repute of his Majesty, but his revenue, it was necessary to be very cautious, and proceed according to FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. 107 legal advice, which could not be obtained until after Michael- mas : all the law officers had been sent to the towns and counties of the kingdom, to make inquiry concerning the conduct and mode of life of the agents of his Majesty, and in like manner of that of the grandees, and that they will not return until after the period mentioned, when he said he would convoke them, and in their presence give me audience, and that should his right reverend lordship be prevented by other business, he would appoint auditors to hear me, but he said he thought he himself should be the auditor, adding, " Write to your Signory that I promise you on the faith of a Cardinal, should your argument be just, that you shall pay nothing on account of that new duty,^ whilst on the other hand, should you be in the wrong, it will be settled definitively, and you must take patience." I repeated what I had so frequently urged before, that our arguments were very intelligible, and should he choose to hear me on the subject, 1 would in half an hour prove to him that my suit was most perfectly just, without a shade of any diffi- culty soever, and that the case merely required the will to do justice. ^ The mission to England of the Cardinal Campeggio in the year 1 518, for the purpose of arranging operations against Selim, is recorded by all our historians, who, however, make no mention of the negotia- tions of this bishop in 1517. 2 As stated before, the Cardinal Adrian Castel, as he w^as styled In England, had been appointed ambassador from Henry VIII. to Leo X , on 23 rd May 15175 his credentials, it may be supposed, were dated Westminster, 20th May, on which very day the Venetian ambassador wrote from Rome, announcing the arrest of the Cardinals Petrucci and Sauli on a charge of having conspired to take the Pope's life. This seizure took place on the afternoon of 19th May ; and on the morrow the Pope told Marco Minio, the ambassador in question, that he had proofs moreover against others, whose names he did not mention. On 29th May, in corroboration of this statement, the Pope seized the Car- dinal Riario j and on 9th June, Minio writes that the consistory had sat on the day before, and when it broke up, he and all the other ambassa- io8 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN dors — namely, those of the Emperor, England, France, Spain, and Portugal — having been sent for by the Pope, were informed by him that he had pardoned " the other cardinals,''^ of whose guilt he had already dropped hints to the diplomatic body, without mentioning their names. The ambassadors answered the Pope, one by one commending this act of leniency ; and de' Gigli, the Bishop of Worcester (mentioned in date of 23rd May), inquired whether the pardon extended to all, and received for answer, that his Holiness was not alluding to the prisoners in the castle of St. Angelo— namely, Petrucci, Sauli, and Riario, but to the anonymous culprits, concerning whom Minio writes as follows, at the close of his despatch dated June 9th : — " With very great difficulty have I been able to learn the names of the cardinals whom the Pontiff has pardoned, as his Holiness has laid very severe censures on such as should reveal them ^ and requested all us ambassadors yesterday, should we by accident hear who they were, not to publish the fact; but for the information of your Serenity, the indi- viduals are the right reverend Volterra (Francesco Soderini) and Adrian, the misdemeanour of one of whom in particular, was as trivial as pos- sible ; and should your Serenity choose to have the names of said right reverends kept secret, I think it could not but be fitting to avoid humi- liating them." Subsequently, in date of 13th June, the crime of Adrian is detailed by Minio as follows : '' This morning, the right reverend Adrian went to the palace with the right reverends Sta. Croce and Grimani, and this to facilitate a set- tlement of the moneys promised, as I informed your Serenity in my former letters, and he, as it were, asked pardon a second time, although, according to report, his transgression was very slight ; for being with the Cardinal of Sienna (Petrucci), and that ribald Master Giovanni Bat- tista of Vercelli (the same who was to have poisoned the Pope's fistula) chancing to pass by. Sienna said, * Thatfellonju ^ill get the college out of trouble-^" and the right reverend Adrian, for having heard these words, and not reported them, has been in great peril, so as to be obliged to expiate his crime in coin.'' After this, on i8th June, Minio mentions that the Cardinal Adrian was selling his plate to complete his payments as promised to the Pope, and that the fact was public. On the night of 19th June the Cardinal Soderini, the fellow-victim of the Cardinal Adrian, left Rome, and withdrew himself into the Colonna Castle of Palestrina, a proceeding which very much annoyed the Pope, who on the following night was yet more disquieted by the departure of the Cardinal Adrian himself, though, as he had paid his 12,000 ducats, and received the brief of absolution, he was certainly at liberty so to do : he left Rome at the fourth hour of the night, accompanied by but two attendants, namely, one Friar Stephen, of the order of hermits, who had long been in his service, and his master of the horse. On the 25th of June all the foreign ambassadors in Rome went on invitation to the Vatican, for the purpose of hearing extracts read from the Petrucci trial, and in confirmation of what has been already stated FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. 109 about the Cardinal Adrian, it appeared thereby that when Cardinal Petrucci told him of the means by which the surgeon of Vercelli was to rid the college of Cardinals of the Pontiff, he burst out laughing, and shrugged up his shoulders, a gest which Minio says was habitual with him J the motion is certainly not picturesque, but considering how uncouth and graceless a mortal Leo X. himself was, it scarcely became him to punish a mere shrug so inexorably. On the 4th of July, the Cardinal of Sienna was beheaded in the castle of St. Angelo ; and on Monday the 6th, Cardinal Adrian arrived in Venice, and had audience of Doge Loredano and the sages and chiefs of the Ten, to whom he said that he thanked God for his safe arrival in * the land of promise,' mentioning how he had quitted Rome to get out of the hands of the Pope, after paying 12,000 ducats for a brief, restor- ing him to favour ; but that, not trusting to this, he went into Calabria and over the mountains to the coast, where he embarked and crossed to Zara, where, on making himself known to the Venetian governors of that city, they gave him a ship, on board of which he reached Venice, having been sixteen days on his way from Rome. On the 7th of July, Sanuto, who did not foresee how much greater regard would be felt in England for the property of this churchman than for his person, writes : — " In the morning, the Cardinal Adrian having requested a safe-con- duct, enabling him to stay in this town and in our dominions, such was made out for him by the Signory in full college, in a public form, and sealed and sent to him. " It is said he will go and reside at Padua, or go to England^ :)3 more money, and consequently wished for peace, and Wolsey may be suspected ot having told the Bishop of Paris and his colleague to desire Francis L to make these hostile demonstrations — a supposition which is confirmed by his talking so much about them to the Venetian ambassador. ^ Antonio Giustinian, the Venetian ambassador in Paris. London, February 17, 1518. I have been several times to the right reverend Cardinal to learn w^hether his opinion inclines to peace or war, and what he knows about these French movements, without, how- ever, appearing inquisitive in the matter. All I have been able to elicit is that a great number of Lansquenets have been engaged in France, where all along the coast orders have been given to detain the vessels, and keep them at the King's disposal : his right reverend lordship, however, ap- pears not to know the drift of these measures, though he says, what is in fact generally reported about them, that they are occasioned by the Duke of Albany's intended return to Scotland, the faction opposed to him having risen, and cut to pieces some of his adherents ; and because his most Christian Majesty is apprehensive that the Duke may be exposed to peril on the voyage from English ships and soldiery, and, moreover, not be received in Scotland, where his opponents have now the upper hand. The Car- dinal likewise says, as heard all over London, that this stir is being made for the purpose of invading Flanders and the dominions of the Catholic King, perceiving that he has not made preparation for any succour hence, and that his Majesty here is not inp readiness to defend that territory ; so with this opportunity the King of France means to occupy Flanders and other Spanish dependencies. In consequence of these suspicions, his lordship said he has already made 156 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN offensive and defensive preparations both by sea and land. To these charges against France I was unable to make any definitive reply, knowing nothing hereon, but am in hourly expectation of letters from the most noble your ambassador in that kingdom, which will, I trust, supply me with some information. On my mentioning the wines of Candia, his right reverend lordship gave me an appointment for to-morrow ; and as I am aware that the intercession of those in power and autho- rity is of great avail in obtaining grants, I contrived that the Magnifico Dom. Richard Pace, chief secretary and coun- cillor, should come to me, and I stated the whole case to him; on hearing which, he assured me positively that I was very much in the right, and that it was impossible not to comply with my demand, hut^ that although the Council exercised great authority, yet did everything depend on the sole will of the right reverend Cardinal, and that I must ply him; promising to afford me all possible favour. I was told to-day, by a person in authority, that these lords entertain no doubt soever but that his most Christian Majesty is arming himself either against Flanders or Scotland ; and all along the coast, in the territory of the Catholic King in those parts, ships of every sort have been seized. His Majesty here has also ordered vessels to be in readiness, besides hiring a number of others, amounting, as I was told, to eighty sail, which, however, I do not credit. This fleet was mustered, it is said, by sending messengers to all the English ports, and chartering every vessel in them, binding the owners to tell no one of their embargo. The militia has also been desired to hold itself in readiness ; so that should his Majesty perceive the affairs of France to proceed farther, he will be ready either for attack or defence. My own opinion, being here on the spot, is, that some provision indeed FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. 15 has been made, but not to the extent stated, for such great preparations could never have been effected so silently, as not to be manifest, not only to me, who make such research as in my power, but to every one ; nor is there any doubt but that as yet no money has been disbursed. Should letters arrive here from the most noble your am- bassador in France, for communication to his Majesty, pur- porting that England has nothing to fear from that quarter, I think the announcement would prove extremely agreeable to these lords, as it would save them an outlay of money, and obtain no common favour for your Sublimity, who will have given such orders in this matter as deemed expedient for your interests. London y February 28, 1518. I received your Highness's letters of the 23rd ultimo, with the summaries of the Turkish affairs, together with others from the most noble Giustinian, your ambassador at the French court, which arrived most opportunely, since they furnished me with matter for going to his Majesty at Windsor. In the aforesaid is set forth the good will of the most Christian King, and his wish for peace with all the Princes of Christendom ; his Majesty not meaning to create any disturbance unless provoked. This his magnificence authorized me to communicate in the most solemn terms to his Majesty here, so that every one might be convinced thereupon. The intelligence, as I anticipated, proved as opportune and agreeable as words can express, both to the King and Cardinal and to the other lords at the Court, where I was received on the 23rd most becomingly, both by 158 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN his Majesty aforesaid and by the right reverend Cardinal, to whom I had previously imparted my news. On my offering to commence with the Turkish matters, his right reverend lordship who had already heard part of the tidings from France, through the Bishop of Durham (as contrived by me to prepare for myself a favourable audience), chose me to begin with the French news, as I did, and communicated to him in succession, all that was fit to be repeated, as written to me by the aforesaid Magnifico Giustinian ; and finally, the Turkish summaries, forwarded to me by your Highness. His lordship appeared much gratified, saying, " I am glad the King of France does not purpose making any stir against this kingdom, nor against Flanders, or Scotland, so that my King may not be compelled to wage fresh war, as it his wish to live peaceably and tranquilly w^ith all Christians, and to accumulate as much treasure as possible, that he may expend it against the infidels, as is the duty of every Christian potentate, and not be compelled on this account to lay fresh burdens and taxes on his people, who do not bear them easily. We shall see if he is of this mind," he added, " by the reply he may make to what you wrote in execution of my order to your ambassador resident with him, and also to our own agent who was sent thither on this account ; for should his Majesty perceive that the aforesaid King of France proceed sincerely, without guile, not doing one thing and feigning another, he would turn all his thoughts, as I have said, to the accumulation of funds for the Christian expedi- tion. If on the other hand, the French King continue, as he has done hitherto, employing deceit, holding his Majesty in small account, and treating him contemptuously, denying justice to our subjects, who have suffered insupportable injuries at the hands of the French, and not received any satisfaction soever (so that our ambassadors who were sent FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. 159 to receive compensation for these damages, have returned re infecta^ whereas full satisfaction has been given for the damages incurred by their subjects) ; all these things con- sidered, we cannot do less than vindicate the honour of Eng- land, and when once the armies are assembled, it will be requisite to proceed, well nigh on compulsion, the people here being exasperated at the deep wrongs received from France." I repeated to his lordship that there was no doubt of the intention of his most Christian Majesty, nor of any of his proceedings. * * * With regard to compen- sation not having been afforded to the English sufferers, that, I said, might proceed from many causes, either from their claims not being such as they represent, or that although his most Christian Majesty mean justice to be done, his ministers do not act in conformity with his will, as often happens in such cases. I thus endeavoured to justify the proceedings of the most Christian King without offending this side, much being said hereon by each of us, which I omit for the avoidance of prolixity. His right reverend lordship then put his arm in mine, and took me to the King, who received me graciously, and having drawn aside, I communicated the whole to him. On the Turkish affairs his Majesty made no comment ; to those of France, indeed, on my telling him of the good disposition of his most Christian Majesty, who did not mean to attack any one, unless provoked by manifold injuries, he began to laugh, appearing to believe that all he did and said, was based on deceit, saying, '' If he bore me good will, he would not weigh me so lightly as he does by wronging my subjects, and not doing them ihat justice which I did by his : let him write and declare to me his good will, and act like a true King ; and if he bears me any rancour let him say so openly, and I will do the like : but I perceive that although his ambassadors who came here used language i6o DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN as bland and agreeable as could be desired, saying, that they were not ashamed to demand peace in their King's name, and to desire union and a good understanding with me, yet on their return, justice was not administered to my subjects, who, on the contrary, when they presented themselves for compensation, received threats of being murdered, and thus have they returned dissatisfied ; so the King of France must prove by deeds what he utters by word of mouth. I am not going to wage war upon him," he continued, " should I see that he chooses to hold me in account, but if not, I am able to make myself respected ; to speak ingenuously, I should be adverse to war, but if he chooses it, I do not care, as by the grace of God, I am well prepared both for defence and for attack. I would fain have cause to distinguish myself against the infidels, but not by words and boasting, and by levying moneys for crusades, and doing nothing.^" To this I replied in conformity with what I told the right reverend Cardinal, adding that unless the ambassador of your Highness resident in France had known the intention of the King he would not have written so positively, as he was a very grave and most prudent man, and well aware of the proceedings of his Majesty. To this the King rejoined that the ambassador wrote to the best of his knowledge, but merely knew what his most Christian Majesty chose him to know ; and that it was not in his power to write that which the King dissembles, and hereon much more was said, and at greater length than here written by me. On my mentioning to him the marriage of the Duke of Urbino to the sister-in-law of the Duke of Albany, as con- cluded and ratified, and that the bridegroom was coming to France in Lent, and that the marriage was to be consum- mated after Easter, his Majesty said it was not true,^ and FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. l6l that he had very recent letters to the contrary: he also ridiculed the agreement of France with the Switzers, saying, that much money would have been promised, but that it would never be disbursed. The result of all these colloquies, most serene Prince, is, that these lords are very glad that the most Christian King cherishes no hostile intentions either against Flanders or themselves. Their sole complaint seems to be, that his most Christian Majesty has not done justice to their subjects, whereby they consider themselves scorned and slighted immeasurably. After this conversation, his Majesty caused the Princess his daughter, who is two years old,^ to be brought into the apartment where we were, whereupon the right reverend Cardinal and I, and all the other lords, kissed her hand, pro more^ the greatest marks of honour being paid her universally, more than to the Queen herself. The moment she cast her eyes on the Reverend D. Dionisius Memo, who was there at a little distance, she commenced calling out in English " Priest /" and he was obliged to go and play for her ; after which, the King, with the Princess in his arms, came to me and said, " Per Deum^ hte est honestissimus vir et unus carissimus^ nullus unquam servivit mihi fidelius et melius illo^ scribaris Domino vestro quod haheat ipsum commen- datum.'' I thanked the King, and told him he would be recommended to your Signory in proportion to the satisfac- tion which you might know his Majesty received from him, and that I therefore on my part recommended him to his Majesty. This say I, most serene Prince, that I perceive him to be in such favour with the King, that for the future he will prove an excellent instrument, in matters appertaining to your Highness. I have also to inform your Sublimity that two ambassadors have been despatched hence to the Catholic King, namely, VOL. II. M 1 62 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN the Archbishop of Armagh, which is an Irish see,* and my Lord Berners, an earl^ of prudence and repute. I have had a conference with the right reverend Cardinal about the wines. To render him well disposed, I extolled his justice beyond measure, and at length told him that I wanted neither favour nor anything undue, but demanded justice, which I could not bring myself to believe would be denied me by so upright a judge. As the equity of my suit rendered me bold in making it, I said it appeared to me that its refusal could only proceed from timidity ; and that it was high time for it to be conceded, as my successor had been already despatched to take my place, and that it would be neither worthy of the justice of this realm, nor in accordance with the favour which his lordship declared I enjoyed with the King and himself, to let me return with my errand unaccom- plished. Upon this, he told me positively that he meant the matter to be settled, and said he would appoint me two commissioners, namely, the Magnifico Dom. Richard Pace, and Dom. Thomas More,^ the most sage and virtuous, and the most linked with me in friendship of any in this kingdom. Were he to keep this promise, I should deem the matter well settled in favour of your Highness, but I suspect that this resolve will be impeded, both because the first named is known to be most devoted to your Highness, and the second, to justice ; and both one and the other are very friendly indeed to myself personally. Earnest inquiries have been made of me both by the right reverend Cardinal, and by many other lords, as to when the galleys will arrive, to which I made answer that as the weather is in their favour, I thought they would soon be here, which indeed is the general opinion ; I understand that immediately on receiving news of their arrival, it is the inten- tion of his Majesty to go on board them , so I have deemed ? ., .'%^_: FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. J 63 it expedient to write a letter to the magnifico their com- modore,"^ which I have sent to Hampton, with directions that on hearing of the approach of the galleys it be sent off to him, and I thereby acquainted him with the King's intention, so as to give him time to put them in order, and that his Majesty may find them not merely galleys by name, but gallant in their trim, as I am very certain will be the case. 1 In date of November 7, 1517, the ambassador Minio writes from Rome that M. de TEscu was there on behalf of Francis I., amusing him- self by masking and gambling, being, moreover, rather unlucky at play 5 but in the midst of his diversions, besides arranging the marriage of Madelaine de la Tour to the Pope's nephew, Lorenzino de Medici, he obtained a bull from his holiness authorizing the king to levy a tenth on the French clergy, the product of which King Francis promised to expend against the Turks, and it is to this fact that Henry VIII. is here allud- ing. M. de TEscu left Rome in the middle of November 1517, the Pope having given him a diamond estimated at 1,500 ducats, besides 2,000 golden ducats in cash, and a couple of horses 5 and Minio says that he departed " very well satisfied" with Leo X. - Henry VIII. was mistaken ; the marriage contract had been signed at Rome by Leo X. on January 16, 1518, and on the morrow his holi- ness forwarded the wedding ring to his nuncio in France for delivery to the bride — details which exist in the despatches of Marco Minio j who also, in date of January 4, 1518, says that the Spanish ambassadors had been to the Pope, telling him that the daughter of the deceased Gon- salvo de Cordova, the great captain, was too old for his nephew, being in her thirty-sixth year j added to which. King Charles meant to share the property of the great captain with her, but they offered another Spanish bride in her stead, with a reasonable dower, which was however declined, and the '* pulling of caps'' between France and Spain ended by Loren- zino's taking a French bride, by whom he became the father of Catharine de Medici. ^ The birth of Mary Tudor has been recorded by Giustinian at vol. i. p. 181, and her taste for music (as displayed by her fondness for the Venetian organist. Memo, in her infancy) is alluded to in after life by another Venetian— namely, Giovanni Michiel, who was ambassador at her court from the year 1553 until 1557 j and in his report of England, made to the senate on 13th May 1557, when describing the Queen, he says : — " Besides feminine accomplishments, such as needle-work and every sort of embroidery, she is a very great proficient in music, playing espe- cially on the harpsichord and lute so excellently, that when she attended p 1 6+ DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN to this (which she does now but little) she surprised good performers, both by the rapidity of her execution and method of playing.'* (See the Reports published at Florence, vol. iv. p. 323). Priest Memo was probably her first music master, and the account of her calling him in the original runs thus : — " . . . qual subito dato ochio al Rdo. D. Dionisio Memo che era li pocho discosto comenzo a dir in Anglese priest, et fu necessario che Tandasse a sonar." '^ In the works of Sir James Ware concerning Ireland, ed. i739> v®^- i. p. 89, where mention is made of the Archbishops of Armagh, the individual here alluded to by Giustinian is mentioned thus : — "John Kite, succeeded, 151 3 5 resigned, 1521." John Kite was born in the city of London, and was tor a time ambas- sador from King Henry to Spain — a man in great esteem for his hospi- tality. He was, by the provision of Pope Leo X., advanced to the see of Armagh before the close of the year 151 3, and (according to the mode of speaking) got restitution of the temporalities on 20th May 1 514. He went to England, at the King's special command, in the year 1516, and had a writ of protection for himself and his see during his absence. John Kite lived to the 19th June 1537, on which day he died, at a very advanced age, at Stepney, near London, and was buryed there almost in the middle of the chancell, inclining to the north, under a marble monu- ment, on which is engraved an English epitaph in hobling rhime, unworthy of so learned an age. It is extant in Weever's ** Funeral Monuments,'' and runs thus : — ** Undyr this ston closyde and marmorate Lyeth John Kitte Londoner natyffe. Encreasyng in vertues rose to high estate. In the fourth Edivard's chappell by his young lyffe, Sith whych the sevinth Henry e^s servyce primatyife Proceding stil in vertuous efficace To be in favour with this our King's grase. With witt endewyd chosen to be legate Sent into Spayne, where he ryght joyfully Combyned both prynces, in pease most amate : In Grece archbyshop elected worthely ; And last of Carlyel rulyng pastorally Kepyng nobyl houshold wyth grete hospitality : On thowsand fyve hundryd thirty and sevyn, Invyterate wyth pastoral carys, consumyd with age, The nintenth of Jun reckonyd ful evyn, Passyd to hevyn from worldly pylgramage : Of whos soul good pepul of cherite Prey, as ye wold be preyd for ; for thus must ye lie. Jesu, mercy ! Lady, help ! " By his will, dated i8th June 1537, and proved in the Prerogative Court of Canterbury three days after (wherein he styles himself Arch- h FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. 165 bishop of Thebes and Commendatory Perpetual of Carlisle), he bequeaths his body to be buried by that of his father in St. Margaret's church, Westminster ; yet his executors or friends did not think fit to be at the trouble of complying with his request, but buried him where he died. His promotions to Thebes and Carlisle came so quick upon him, that the fees of the bulls for his translations and the retention of other bene- fices amounted to the sum of 1,790 ducats 5 but we are told that 275 ducats of these fees were remitted to him for the sake of Cardinal Wolsey, whose creature he was. ^ John Bourchier, Lord Berners, the first English translator of Froissart, was a baron, and not an earl, and died 3rd March a.d. 1532, being then Lieutenant of Calais. Copies of some of the letters written by Lord Berners on this mission exist in the Harleian collection. In one, dated Saragossa, 12th May 1 518, he mentions that it was reported in the Spanish court that King Francis I. reputed himself " firme and faste of diverse nobles in Inglande 5" " that the Lord Shevers [de Chievres] had stopped the King of Spaine's grant of a pension to Car- dinal Wolsey as it came to be signed and sealed, and advises that the King may send some present to said Lord Shevers and to the Chancellor of Burgundy." Then, in June and September, the translator of Frois- sart being yet at Saragossa, " beseeches the King's grace to send him some of his halloa-wed cramp-rings, which be very sore desyred of them j" and finally, in date of Saragossa, 8th October, Lord Berners mentions the arrival there of an embassy from Rhodes, consisting of a " lorde of Fraunce and Sir Thomas Shefelde, for the reforming of their religion in those parts." In the Harleian catalogue, no mention is made of his colleague, the Archbishop of Armagh. ^ The intimacy between Sebastian Giustinian and Sir Thomas More has been already alluded to in the letter written by the ambassador to Erasmus, in date of London, June 29th, 1517. ^ Namely, Andrea Priuli. See ante, p. 45. London, March 10, 151 8. I went lately to visit the reverend Spanish ambassador, v^ho never chose to receive me until now, when he says all those suspicions and causes have vanished, on account of which he had not hitherto held communication with me. After the usual compliments, he told me that the ambassador the magnifico Messer Francesco Cornaro,^ enjoyed great i66 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN authority with his Catholic King, who liked and favoured him vastly, and he added, in course of conversation, that his Catholic Highness was well disposed towards your Sublimity, and had been the cause of your reconciliation to the Emperor ; and that although at this present the negotiation now in course for a fresh peace or compromise ^ was in the hands of the most Christian King, yet did his Catholic Highness not fail using his best endeavours. He assured me that an excellent understanding prevailed between France and Spain, and a disposition to persevere therein, and that although heretofore England had exerted herself to the contrary, yet would his Catholic Highness never assent to any act of hostility. The Emperor, he said, was united with the most Christian King, and the present negotiations for the agreement between his Imperial Majesty and your Excel- lency were brought to such a pass, that the settlement depends on your Highness, that is to say on your acceptance of the terms demanded by the Emperor, with which he says he is not acquainted, although it has been notified to him that they are very fair. * * * ^ The Venetian ambassador in Spain, and who accompanied Charles V. to England in the month of May 1520, and was present at the en- tertainments given at Canterbury on that occasion. 2 The truce made between the Venetians and the Emperor was drawing to a close. See Paruta, p. 157. London, March 15, 1518. To-day, for the more complete performance of my duty, I rode to his Majesty, who is at Richmond in some trouble, as three of his pages and another attendant have died of plague. \ FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. 167 Being introduced to the King, he received me very graciously, and 1 conferred with him for upwards of an hour and a half. I stated to him in the first place the contents of the letters written by the most noble the ambassador Giusti- nian,^ being aware that he had this matter most at heart, and finally the summaries concerning the Turkish matters, to which last his Majesty made answer, that for this year there was no reason to fear that the Turk would undertake anything against Christendom, and that he had received intelligence to this effect from Rhodes. I rejoined that this was very much to be desired by all the Christian powers, and especially by your Highness, who was the most subject to the peril, but that appearances and demonstrations threatened the contrary, the speed with which the armada was being fitted out, the supplies of biscuit being baked for its con- sumption, and the order given to levy 40,000 Christians alone to man it with, indicating rather that the expedition would be undertaken quickly and against Christians. To this the King made answer, laughing, that these advices had been given to your Excellency by persons who chose to feign fear of Turkish aggression, in order to play their own game, and that your Excellency was so linked with the Turk, that you had nothing to fear. To this I replied that your High- ness had signed a peace with the reigning Sultan Selim, as with his father Sultan Bajazet, not from free will, but of necessity, as no potentate in Christendom was more exposed to peril from the Turks than your Highness ; and that although ambassadors had been sent,^ the mission was in- duced by the formidable power of the Sultan, and because jour Excellency perceived yourself to be unprovided, and without succour from any one, in such wise that what you were unable to prevent by main force, it behoved you avert by doing honour to the Sultan and soothing him, and i t68 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN I that no one was interested in this matter.^ Upon this the King said, " Write to your Signory to be more apprehensive of a certain other person, than of the great Turk ; of one who devises worse things against Christendom than Sultan Selim," meaning the most Christian King, and going on to say, " Do you not perceive what feints these are on the part of the King of France, who denies having engaged Lansquenets, as appears by the letters of your ambassador, and yet I know that he has given them two crowns per man, as earnest money for their services in the course of April, meaning to use them at his pleasure. How is it possible for any one to trust him on witnessing such deceit ? " To this, I said that your Excellency's ambassador resident in France wrote ex relatione of his most Christian Majesty, but that he would not have made a statement of this kind, had he been acquainted with the engagement of these troops, and that I considered it very difficult for so considerable a levy to have been made without the knowledge of an ambassador so sage and diligent as the Magnifico Giustinian j but that * there are those who never cease exciting either sovereign, in order to foment discord. Upon this, he drew me nearer to hin, and also took my secretary by the hand, a gest which he re- peated several times in the course of these colloquies, saying, "Shall I give you manifest proof of the deceit of this King of France? He tells everybody that he means to march against the Turks, and by way of Italy. We are aware that King Louis constantly waged grea. war both against you and me and others, and expended vast treasure : subsequently, this present King accomplished the Milan expedition at great cost, draining himself and his whole kingdom of its money, so that any one endowed with reason, may be convinced that against the Turks he neither FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. 169 can or will undertake any expedition, which is of such a nature as to require other forces than those of the King of France single-handed ; and would that the resources of all other potentates united were equal thereto ! This King, however, says he means to go against the Turks, without having any understanding either with the Emperor, or with Spain, or with me ; but that you may know what his project is, I tell and declare to you that he will raise an army and march into Italy, announcing his intention of attacking the great Turk, and he will go in force ; and on reaching Italy, he will say that the expedition ought not to be undertaken by him without the will and concurrence of the other powers. The forces, then, which he says he is marshalling against the Turks, will act against Christians and subjugate Italy, whereupon the Pope, and yourselves, and all the others, will be compelled to assent to what you cannot resist ; and think whether it is reasonable to suppose that he intends marching against the Turks, when I, of whom he has always entertained suspicion, remain in front of his kingdom ?" To this I replied that this was a most ingenious and sage discourse, presupposing the basis placed by his Ma- jesty, namely, that the King of France has ever said that he would go single-handed against the infidel, which is not what the ambassador asserts in his letter to me ; wherein he mentions that his most Christian Majesty seeks a general union of Christians, in order that he may undertake this expedition together with the other powers ; and that should he hold different language with others, I was much sur- prised at his expressing himself as aforesaid to the ambas- sador of your Sublimity. These things, most serene Prince, were not said in altercation, nor when replying to the opinions of his Majesty, did I answer so as to contradict him, lest he should take my rejoinder amiss, but I expressed 170 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN myself doubtingly so that he himself might judge the reply to be made him. His Majesty again said, " Shall I prove to you that this King acts solely with dissimulation ? I know for certain that," to use his Majesty's own words, " he wishes me worse than he does the devil himself, yet you see what kind of friendly language he employs towards me, in order that I may trust to such deceit ; but let him not persuade himself that I shall do so to the extent of allowing him to find me unprepared. I prefer peace, and am anxious that it should prevail amongst Christians, but I am so prepared, that should the King of France intend to attack me, he will find himself deceived,'' and he used this expression, inc'idet in foveam quam fecit^ he will fall into the pit which he has dug. I besought his Majesty that in like manner as he was most gracious and excellently disposed towards all, so should he be- lieve that others were similarly inclined towards him ; espe- cially as his chief object was to be loved, and not to be hated ; and that I was certain that had our ambassador entertained the slightest suspicion that the intentions of the King of France u^ere at variance with his words, he would have written to me in such form, especially as he reminded me that I was to communicate this to his Majesty, but that possibly there were many who sought to keep the two crowns at enmity, as for instance, the claimants for damages, and other similar persons who have an interest therein. His Majesty, I added, would know in time, that what the Venetian ambassador had told him was true, and uttered sincerely, in accordance with the desire of your Excellency, upon which he said, " Let me ask you this one question. If the King of France acts sincerely by us, why does he not have justice administered to our subjects? since for every single ducat's worth of damage suffered by his, mine have lost a hundred, and FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. 171 yet he does not choose to make any award. Then, again, who could put up with his choosing to send the Duke of Albany into Scotland, where my nephew is King, and the title of the kingdom is mine, for I style myself King of England and of Scotland.^* The King of France, however, sends this Duke into Scotland, where he will perhaps put the King to death, in like manner as his brother died, which I never intend to suffer \ nor will I tolerate his presence there ; and should he send him, I shall hold said King my enemy; and from this your ambassador can comprehend whether the King of France acts by me deceitfully, for true friendship forbids one friend to do that which may displease his fellow. I am King of this island, and am per- fectly satisfied ; and yet it seems to me that I do not do my duty thoroughly, nor govern my subjects well ; and if I could have greater dominion, nay, upon oath, if I could be lord of the world, I would not, as I know that I could not do my duty, and that for my omissions God would judge me ; whereas this King is a greater Lord than I am ; he has a larger kingdom, and more territory, and yet he is not content, but chooses to meddle in matters which appertain to me, such as Scotland, but this he will never accomplish, for I have more money than he has, and shall have more troops whenever I please." I did not think fit to answer in detail, though I might have alleged two arguments, namely, the very ancient alli- ance existing between France and Scotland, and the right of the Duke of Albany, as heir presumptive to the Crown ; but I was aware that such a rejoinder would have stung him to the quick, so I avoided it, and turned the conversation. I came to the conclusion, that what I had said and answered was not from wishing to take the part of France against the opinion of his Majesty, since both one and the other were I 172 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN the confederates of your most illustrious Signory, and that where the links were equal, there ought to be parity of affec- tion, though I myself individually, from my knowledge of the character, sincerity, wisdom, and other rare endowments of his Majesty, had become incomparably more partial to him than to the King of France ; both private and public sentiments drawing me to the one, whilst to the other I only owed the latter ; but that his Majesty might be con- vinced that your most illustrious Signory acts by either crown with such equal love as becomes the equality of the ties which bind the State to England and to France, and that I performed this office because it had been enjoined me when I was sent hither as ambassador, to endeavour, above all, to keep these two crowns well united. To this the King made answer, that he was well aware of the good office performed by me, and had reason to be much pleased with it ; and being aware of this, spoke freely with me, more so than he would have done with others, and that I was, therefore, not to write all these colloquies to the am- bassador in France, but to say he had replied, expressing belief that his most Christian Majesty was acting with dis- simulation, and not with that sincerity which he himself employed. I, most serene Prince, shall, however, write the whole to the most noble the ambassador aforesaid, knowing him to be of so great prudence and wisdom, that he will con- sign to silence that which is to silence suited, and state opportunely what is fit for communication. The inference 1 draw from all this is, that his Majesty here is not inclined to wage war, and would be glad not to be attacked by the most Christian King ; and all these com- plaints are with a view to prevent France from sending the Duke of Albany into Scotland, though should he be sent, I do not imagine that this side will make any stir on that FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII, 173 account. Moreover, although his Majesty and the right reverend Cardinal say they are prepared, and neither care for, nor dread any movements which may be made by France, yet are no signs visible whereby to conjecture hostilities. Should anything else take place, I shall give most speedy advice to your Sublimity. ^ The letters here meant were from the Venetian ambassador at the French court, and they contained the most explicit assurances of the sincerity of King Francis, and his desire to be on friendly terms with the King of England. This appears from a previous despatch, which we have omitted. 2 Namely, Luigi Mocenigo and Bartolomeo Contarini. See antCy p. 151. ^ " Senza interesse de alcuno T' alluding to the assertion made by the King that the news had been circulated from interested moti'ves, * Et el titolo del Regno e' mio che me chiamo Re d'Andia et di bcocia. London, March 29, 1518. A few days ago, there arrived here the English herald who had been sent to France, together with the herald from his most Christian Majesty,^ addressed to the King here, and it seems that he has confirmed all that was written to me by the most noble the ambassador Giustinian, and which I communicated to this most serene King and to the right reverend Cardinal, with this in addition, that the most Christian Queen had brought forth a son. I was not able to speak with the herald, owing to his sudden departure, although I did my utmost to this effect, but as an English gentleman had been appointed who accompanied him con- stantly, I fancy, unlike his predecessors, he had no wish to see me, but I have heard his errand both from the right reverend Cardinal and from the Bishop of Durham. Subse- quently, I went to visit the reverend Spanish ambassador, 174 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN with whom I have had much conversation about the friendly disposition of his Catholic Majesty towards the Christian King, and your most illustrious Signory ; and about there being some negotiation on foot for an interview between their two Majesties, with a view to arranging the Christian expedition. He told me that his Catholic Majesty aforesaid had already ten heavy ships, and 16,000 infantry, and, moreover, in the kingdom of Naples and in Sicily, two fine brigades of men-at-arms. His lordship came to the conclu- sion that a general peace would, at any rate, take place, to which he thought his Majesty here was inclined. I proceeded afterwards to the right reverend Cardinal, and whilst awaiting a summons, the Spanish ambassador afore- said made his appearance, and we were both called by his lordship ; an unusual fashion, it never having happened to me since my sojourn in this country to have audience in the company of other ambassadors. His lordship made mention of the Cardinal legates, appointed to the four sovereigns, as well known to your Sublimity ,2 and speaking on this subject, he said it was requisite to unite these princes together, and to inspire them with mutual confidence, and prevent their plotting against each other. " You perceive," said he, " Domini oratores, that confidence does not exist between any of these monarchs, each one feeling insecure on account of the continual machinations of his neighbours, for the Catholic King dreads lest the King of France seize upon 1 Naples and Sicily : our King, again, suspects him of an inten- tion to invade England, seeing that he harbours one of our rebellious subjects, keeping him about his person,^ besides favouring the Duke of Albany, and stirring up Scotland. On the other hand, France places no trust in us ; and thus it is impossible to arrange a Christian expedition unless the minds of the Princes of Christendom be tranquillized, and FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. 175 the causes of suspicion removed j" adding much other scan- dalous language {parole scandalose)^ to which I answered not a single word, as I fancied that his lordship had caused the Spaniard and myself to be introduced together, in order that the one might bear witness to the words of the other. The Spaniard, however, replied that necessity would cause these princes to unite, and that the circumstances were urgent ; whereupon the Cardinal rejoined, " Provision cannot now be made in time, for the Turk has prepared a most powerful armada, and is on the point of putting to sea, whereas the Christians are not yet agreed, nor is it possible for them to be so for a year to come." Much was said to this effect by each of them, I remaining silent the whole time, not having any commission from your Highness to speak about this Christian expedition, but his right reverend lordship turned towards me, saying, " You are in a very perilous position, but guard yourselves more against the Christian Turk than the real Turk," meaning an allusion to the most Christian King. I made believe to have merely heard about the Turk, and feigned ignorance of his intending to designate the King of France, as had I answered to the point, it would have appeared an admission on my part that the most Christian King was the Christian Turk ; nor was it advisable to resent this, even had I wished it, especially in the presence of the Spanish ambassador, seeing that the Cardinal was very warm upon this matter, and that I should have excited him yet more, so I thought fit to secede ; but, in my opinion, the whole of this discourse was made for the sake of rendering the French King suspected by all parties, both from the words uttered by the Cardinal concerning the kingdom of Naples, and also because, turning a second time towards me, he said, " I am well aware, Domine Orator, that you know Italy and your State to be in greater 176 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN danger from others than from the Turk, and am of opinion that you pass many a sleepless night on this account !" With this, his right reverend lordship departed, and we accompanied him to hear a sermon. / I perceive, most serene Prince, that all these proceedings / only conceal an indisposition to act against the Turk, and I they feel it a great reproach to themselves that the most i Christian King and the other princes should undertake the expedition ; so they endeavour by all means to foment suspicion and prevent the enterprise. I am the more con- vinced of this, as both on the present and on a former occasion, when I was at Windsor, the Cardinal said the Emperor was endeavouring to obtain money from the Christian powers, and wanted all the funds destined for this undertaking to pass through his hands, so that he may \ expend them otherwise ; with many other comments to this effect, calculated to dissuade such potentates as might be inclined to undertake this expedition. From these and other reasons, your Highness may conclude that at the present time England is not on good terms with the Em- peror, especially as no imperial ambassador or secretary has resided here for many months past, which was never the case when they were united. Add to this, the English now abuse his imperial Majesty in public, as if he were an enemy. After the sermon, I again conferred with the Cardinal, the Spanish ambassador having departed, and he then spoke to me in another tone than the one employed by him when the Spaniard was present ; nor did he any longer abuse the most Christian King, but said he hoped these cardinal- legates would arrange these disputes between the sovereigns, and that he himself would use every effort to this effect to the neglect of any private interests of his own : indeed, FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. // that he would promote this union, even at the risk of its boding him some great misfortune, with many other exag- gerated expressions to the same purport. I exhorted his lordship to this union most earnestly ; and in reply, he said, " If I perceive the King of France to mean well towards his Majesty, and administer justice to our subjects, I will at any rate conclude this union ;" adding, moreover, " The King of France has now got a son,^ and his Ma- jesty here has a daughter — I will unite them by these means." Perceiving his lordship to be quite tranquil, and that his passion had subsided, I lauded this excellent project, and told him he could do nothing more glorious in the world, or that could add greater splendour to his eminent qualities, than in the midst of such great strife amongst princes to prove himself that lapis angularis which joined the two detached walls of the temple. * Sanuto, In his Diaries, date 17th April 1518, in recording the receipt of this despatch at Venice, writes that the English herald had been sent to congratulate Francis I. on the birth of the dauphin. 2 In the despatch of Marco Minio, No. 169, it is stated, that In the Consistory held on 3rd March 15 18, Pope Leo X. appointed as legates to England, the Emperor, Spain, and France, for the purpose of ar- ranging the Christian expedition, the Cardinals Campeggio (the Cam- pejus of Shakspeare), Farnese, Egldlo, and Divitio, alias Tardato, alias Bibiena. Subsequently, in date of 23rd April 1518, Minio writes, that owing to the indisposition of the Cardinal Farnese, the Cardinal Tomaso de Vio, alias Gaetano, was accredited to the Emperor In his stead J and in the course of this mission. Cardinal Gaetano held that conference at Augsburg with Luther which is recorded by Father Paul in his history of the Council of Trent. (French translation, pp. 7 and 71.) 3 Alluding to Richard de la Pole (White Rose), who fell under Pavla. See ante, vol. i. p. 262. * The ambassador Minio writes from Rome that the news of the Dauphin's birth was received there on the 7th March 5 it must have taken place, therefore, in February. The expression of Cardinal Wol- sey proves that this son also was the eldest born of the Queen of France — namely, Francois, who died on 12th August 1536. These two facts may serve to correct the statement in " L'Art de Verifier les Dates," to VOL. II. N ijS DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. the effect that Henry II., the second son of Francs I-, and h.s successor, was born at St. Germain-en-Laye, and on the 31st March 1518. As further evidence that this birth was that of the Dauphin, see the Oration of Sadoleto, date xix Kal. Afrilis in promulgattone Generalmm Induct- arum. 179 London, April 12, 1518. Since my last, I have paid the Cardinal several visits ; and yesterday, on his asking me about Turkish news, I told him what I knew, which was little, as nothing fresh on that subject has reached me from your Highness. Upon this, he said to me, " Shall I convince you, Domine Orator, that his Majesty and I act sincerely, and in a Christian fashion?" And with this he showed me a document, written and sealed in form, addressed to his Holiness, and empowering the reverenc Bishop de' Gigli* to act as the ambassador and delegate of his Majesty. In this letter was set forth the manifest peril of Christendom, and the suc- cesses of Sultan Selim, which ought, it alleged, to be op- posed, both defensively and oflFensively. It authorized the Bishop to make truces, peace, and league, in the name of his Majesty, with all the Christian powers to this effect, his Holiness being named as the arbiter and judge for arranging the disputes which now prevail between the potentates aforesaid. In like manner, de' Gigli is autho- rized to ratify and swear to any peace and confederacy sanctioned by his Holiness, the document containing other clauses as usual in such cases. I lauded the Cardinal extremely for these good intentions, without using many words, or pushing off very far from the shore, for reasons well known to your Sublimity.- His I aw LA lordship then asked me whether your Excellency wished for peace or war with the Emperor ; to which I replied, that you had ever sought and ever aimed at peace, nor ever waged war save for the attainment of that blessing, and above all with the Emperor, for whom you had ever enter- tained extreme respect ; indeed, that I believed you were now negotiating with him, as had been told me by the reverend Spanish ambassador. I mentioned this, considering it perfectly certain that said ambassador had notified the fact to his right reverend lordship, who then rejoined, that you had a good opinion of the King of France^ although he was the greatest obstacle to this reconciliation, and this he repeated several times in various forms, saying, moreover, that he knew the King of France had suborned the Em- peror's counsellors, and cajoled his imperial Majesty himself, both with money and promises ; so that, should no arrange- ment take place between said Emperor and your Excellency, it will be owing to the interference of the King of France. The sole object, he said, of the French King was to make himself master of the greater part of Italy, by promising the towns of your Highness to the Emperor; concluding by the re- mark, that if your Excellency chose, the King of England and his right reverend lordship would mediate to effect this peace. I thanked his lordship, but did not think fit, most serene Prince, to make any sign of approval or accept- ance of his offer, being aware that the negotiation is in the hands of the most Christian King, and placing small faith in this intelligence, although his right reverend lord- ship gave positive assurance of it, and said it had reached him through a personage who knew the whole, and enjoyed no less authority than himself, which caused me to think that he meant the Cardinal of Sion. I even mentioned my suspicion, adding, that no great reliance could be placed i8o DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN on that prelate by reason of the ill will he bore, both towards the most Christian King and your Excellency ; and so much the less, as his Majesty aforesaid evinced such extreme friendship to your Signory, that it was impossible to desire greater. To this the Cardinal made answer, ^' Don't be surprised, for you have often been deceived by the King of France." To this I said that, ^^ Alius fuit Ludovicus^ alius Franciscus ;^^ and he replied, " 0/w77^j sunt Galli^'* and that Gallic perfidy was notorious to every one. The most Christian King, he said, by various artifices, kept all the potentates of the world in anxiety — the Catholic King, for example, through the constant attacks made upon Flanders by the Duke of Guelders ; the King of England, again, by keeping our rebels about his person, and showing them favour, and also by encouraging the Duke of Albany in Scotland; the Emperor he aids with money; your Excel- lency he injures by means of the Emperor ; and the Pope by various devices. To all this I made no rejoinder ; for had I persisted in defending the King of France, I should have roused his lordship to some display of indignation. I subsequently endeavoured, as earnestly as I could, to get the wine duties settled ; and his lordship promised me freely, that a fortnight hence, when the members of the Parliament shall be convened, he would make me come into Parliament^ and hear me in this case, and despatch it in accordance with justice and their opinion : this he assured me positively. * See despatch of May 23, 151 7. A letter from this Bishop of Worcester to Cardinal Wolsey concerning the Christian expedition, and dited Rome, June 13, 1 518, is printed at p. 228, vol. viii. of the Italian translation of Roscoe's Life of Leo X. 2 The Republic of Venice dreaded affording any pretext to Sultan Selim for commencing hostilities, nor was there any want of renegades in the Turkish service, through whose agency these projects for the FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. 181 Christian expedition, whether discussed in London or at Rome, became known at the Porte, and for this reason, in the month of February when Leo X. was arranging the confederacy alluded to in the power forwarded to the Bishop of Worcester, the ambassador Minio requested that the Signory might not be mentioned in any writing drawn up to this effect. '^ In the original, " Quando sarano convenuti li Signori del parlamento di farmi venir in parlamento." See ante^ p. 72. London^ April 20, 1518. % % % Whilst the secretary was waiting, in company with the reverend Spanish ambassador, he tells me that that prelate spoke to him about the good will of his Catholic King towards your Highness, and of his great desire to reconcile you to the Emperor, to which efFect he used every endeavour \ adding, however, " Would that your confede- rates did the like, as then all dispute would be at an end, alluding to the most Christian King, which agrees with what the Cardinal said a few days ago, as stated in my foregoing ; not that I deem this a confirmation of the Cardinal's asser- tion, but merely lie upon lie {mendacium additwn mendacio). I consider that it all proceeds from Cardinal Wolsey, with whom the Spanish ambassador has frequent interviews ; and by so much the more am I confirmed in this belief, as I know that the Imperial ambassador has already reached his most Christian Majesty about this arrangement ; and on conferring with the Cardinal, as he will doubtless touch on this topic, I shall adroitly acquaint him with this arrival. The source of his news was, I think, correctly surmised by me when I quoted the Cardinal of Sion, as there has arrived here one Dom. Matheo Bechiaria, an outlaw, a native of Pavia, who resides with the Emperor, and in the name of l82 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. 183 the Cardinal of Sion, he circulates this report ; and as we have discussed this secret in many forms and with reference to various subjects, the matter has seemed to me of some moment, and not to be concealed from your Excellency. In the month of June, his Majesty and the Cardinal are going to the confines of the kingdom, some say for change of air, whilst others indeed assert that it is because his right reverend lordship wishes to visit his diocese of York, which is on the borders ; nor does he dare go thither sine magno prcesidio. Neither of these reasons satisfy me, and I rather fancy that he is going for the affairs of Scotland ; they say he will remain in those parts until October or November. Everybody here is in great expectation of the galleys, and owing to the fine weather which has prevailed of late, it is hoped that if not already in the channel, they may not be far from it ; may God bring them safe ! The King says that immediately on their arrival he shall go on board them, as he is at no great distance from Hampton. London, May 2, 1518. Having received your Excellency's letters of the 4th and 30th of March, I went to the Cardinal, who was gone into the country for his pleasure. He expressed satisfaction at their contents, declaring himself extremely anxious for the afFairs of Christendom to be arranged, in order that attention might be paid to those of Turkey, but that he perceived the most Christian King to take another course. He was in- formed, he said, that the King of France had instigated the Duke of Guelders against certain towns in Flanders, which being well provided, had routed him with great slaughter, ib and that this was not the way to denote a wish for concord amongst Christians, in order to attack the infidel ; but that besides this, he had been assured of many hostile projects devised by the King of France against England and others ; and of this he had a certainty, complaining extremely hereof. Perceiving that he asserted both these facts positively, I told him that as his lordship was certain, it would be need- less for me to dispute the point, and that everything was possible, although I had difficulty in believing it, and that his lordship should consider that natural enmity prevails between the Duke of Guelders and the Sterlings ^ on the one side, and the neighbouring Flemings on the other, and that no mediation soever had at any time succeeded in dispelling it ; possibly, I said, this disturbance might have been caused by the natural enmity existing between these people. His lord- ship made answer that he had perhaps been misinformed. To his other assertions, as he made them so positively, I was unwilling to offer farther opposition, to avoid appearing impassioned, rather than veracious ; and especially as during the whole course of my residence in England, his right reverend lordship never appeared so well disposed towards me as on that day. I next brought forward a matter concerning our mer- chants, about certain garboil^ raised against them by private individuals, for breaking a law, which purports that no one may import malmsies unless accompanied by ten bows for each butt, under penalty of losing the malmsies, and pay- ing a great deal of money for each butt, which business threatened these galleys, now on their voyage, with much trouble, for bringing malmsies without bows, and in fact the present consul, Messer Hieronimo da Molino, told me he was very much afraid it might occasion both hindrance and loss. Perceiving the Cardinal therefore to be excel- 1 84 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN lently disposed, I mentioned the matter to him so opportunely, and with such address, that he gave me assurance that I might rely on no obstacles being offered on this account, and that he would be my security for this. * * * ^ In the original " sterltniy^ which is one of many confirmations existing in Venetian documents of what was stated by Ruding in bis *' Annals of the Coinage of Britain," concerning the derivation of the word sterling from Easterling, alias Hanse towns. In the archives at Venice there is an edict, dated October 9, a.d. 1274, by which the Grand Council orders the mint masters to cast bars of silver of the sterling standard for the convenience of the Venetian merchants trading with Bruges. The document exists at p. 136, in the first volume of a collec- tion entitled " libra d^orOy'' and desires the assayers " quod reddant argentum de sterlin projectum in virga mercatoribus pro solidis quinque." *^ Giustinian's words are per certo garbuglio, which is here translated hy garboil to show the origin of the word, although the term quibble would perhaps more correctly indicate what the ambassador meant. In the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries, the Venetian galleys had been in the habit of supplying us with bow staves, as well as malmsey and other good things j but towards the close of the fifteenth century our national weapons ceased to figure on the " manifests'''' of the Flanders galleys, and as they continued to bring us currants for our puddings voluntarily, Edward IV. determined to compel them to help us also to fight the French ; so in the twelfth year of his reign (a.d. 1472) it was enacted, that for every ton of merchandise brought to England in Vene- tian bottoms, there were to be four bow staves, under penalty of 6s. %d, for each bow deficient. The Venetians seem, however, to have evaded this statute, so in the first of Richard III. (a.d. 1483-4) it was enacted, that for every " butte of malvesy, and with every but of Tyre, X bonjue stages, good and hable stuff, be brought, upon peyn of forfeyture of I y, 4J. for every but of the said wynz so brought and conveid, and not the said nombre of bowe staves with the same butt,""* &c. As already stated, the Venetian galleys had ceased their voyages ever since the year 1508, and the use of firearms during the wars of the league of Cambray, made the merchants of Venice in 1517 think that the English statutes about bow staves were then obsolete : this, however, was not the case, and as the English could not live without malmsey, and went to fetch it for themselves from the island of Candia whilst the Venetians were fighting the leaguers, our custom-house ofHcers levied fines on all British vessels which returned from the Levant with malm- sies unaccompanied by bow staves, and, consequently, in the sixth of Henry VIII. (a.d. i 514-15) an act was passed, declaring that the con- nection between archery and malmsey related merely to aliens, and not to Englishmen, who were no longer to be " 'vexed, inquieted, and trou- bled in the King's exchecquer for bringing of malmeseys into this realm H FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. 185 without bowstaves:" the dispensation, however, did not extend to the Flanders galleys, and unless Sebastian Giustinian had obtained remission for his countrymen from Cardinal Wolsey, the garboil might in equity have subjected them to fine. The duty of i%s, per butt levied m England, as before stated, was unfair, but the exchequer would have been justified in exacting ten bow staves for every butt, or 13J. 4^. j and as no bow staves were brought, the Venetians might have been lawfully charged that sum, being 4J. %d. less than the illegal duty of 18/. It is curious that it never occurred to Wolsey to suggest a compromise, and that instead of granting a favour, he did not make a bargain. Lambeth, May 12, 1518. Your Highness will now learn the arrival of a fresh ambassador from his Catholic Majesty, and who, in company with the reverend ambassador in ordinary, has had a long audience of the Cardinal, but has not yet been to the King, because his Majesty 'is at a distance. Being anxious to ascertain the cause of his coming, I went, in the first place, to visit the ambassador in ordinary, but, in a very long conversa- tion which we held together pro formd^ I could get nothing from him but the general declaration that it was for the benefit and peace of Christendom : it appeared to me, however, that he did not assign the true reason. On the morrow, therefore, I went to visit the new anibassador, who is lodged in another habitation, apart from his colleague. His lordship received me more than kindly, and we remained together, discussing various topics for upwards of two hours, though he did not tell me distinctly why he had come, neither did it seem to me discreet to ask him the question, but in the course of so long a conference I drew the following conclusions : — first, that the Catholic Kmg maintained close friendship and alliance, both with France and also with England, though he expressly stated that the i86 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. 187 confederacy with this most serene King was much more intimate than the one with his most Christian Majesty ; and he declared, with marks and demonstrations of great warmth, that should the Cathoh'c King hear of the King of England or his realm being injured or invaded by any potentate, he would not brook it, and would employ all his forces to repel attack, and wage war on such as should choose to injure England. He said, moreover, that he knew the King of France was contracting a friendship with the King of Den- mark,i and he assured me, in rather an angry tone, that should the King of Denmark devise anything against this realm, his Catholic Majesty would send as great an armada and as strong a force as he could muster, to annihilate King Christian, although his brother-in-law ; and this he repeated to me several times, saying, " I declare this to you as a remarkable fact." Coupling this with many other expres- sions, I conjecture that the mission of this ambassador has been induced by his King's having heard of some project devised by the most Christian King and the King of Den- mark against England, and for the purpose of assuring this King of his sovereign's good will. We also discussed the affairs of your Highness, and he said to me, " I perceive nothing productive of greater scandal amongst Christians than the discord between the Emperor and your Signory," appearing very anxious for the reconciliation, and declaring that his Catholic Majesty was equally desirous of it, as indispensable for the general quiet. * * * He told me a story how his father, the late King Philip, had received an impression from the Emperor that your Highness had ever been hostile to him, being the cause of his not obtaining the kingdom of Hungary, as he would have done,^ and many other things. King Philip, however, he said, had endeavoured to soothe the Emperor, being well aware of his cravings, and that the Catholic King does the like ; adding, that your Highness should endeavour to obtain peace"" or truce with his imperial Majesty, but that if from the fault of either of the parties this should be impossible, I he besought you not to injure the Emperor nor his interests, nor yet the Catholic King, but keep terms with him and hold his friendship in account. Moreover, he said you should keep your eye upon the exiles from your cities, now under the protection of the Emperor, into whose ears they daily whisper their sinister designs, and excite him to wage war. To this I made answer, that your Highness desires nothing more anxiously at this moment than to be recon- ciled to the Emperor; and with regard to his Catholic Highness, you meant to preserve friendship as inviolably as ever maintained by you with any sovereign in the world. This seemed to gratify his lordship greatly ; and he told me, that either by letter or by word of mouth, as he was return- ing shortly, he would certainly report what I had said to his Catholic Highness, who, he was perfectly sure, would very much value and appreciate your Excellency's good will, and with this I took leave. 1 Christian II., who married the sister of Charles V. a.d. 151 5 (See vol i P 264). The complaints ot Kmg Christian against England probably related to the repeal of a statute (8 Henry VL chap n.) which prohibited fishing in Iceland, or making purchases ot ^^1^. ^^ other Danish produce elsewhere than at Northbarne, which King Eric IX. wished to make his staple. Henry VIII. repealed this act in the first year of his reign, a.d. 1510. (See Statutes, vol. in. p. i.) 2 Maximilian, on the death of Matthias Corvmus m 1490, became one of the competitors for the crown of Hungary, as mentioned in the introductory account of Giustinian. i88 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. 189 Lambeth y May 22, 1518. * * * To-day I received letters from the magnifico the captain of the Flanders galleys,^ which, by the grace of God, reached Hampton on the 19th instant. I fancy that the King will go that way, and I therefore some time ago wrote two letters to Hampton for instant delivery to the magnifico the captain to give him notice of his coming, so that he might be prepared to do honour to his Majesty and your Serenity, for which his magnificence has returned me many thanks. After the despatch of the Spanish ambas- sadors, if able to ascertain when his Majesty means to go, I would contrive to meet him, or be at Hampton awaiting his arrival. Whilst writing this, the letters of your High- ness, dated the 20th ultimo, have been delivered to me, and I thereby learn the commendation bestowed on my proceedings, for which I return infinite thanks, but first of all to the Lord God, who induced my compliance with the will of your Highness. With regard, however, to my vouch- ing for the good will of the most Christian King, the Signory may not marvel, as mutatis rebus mutantur consilia, Down to that time,- according to what had reached my notice, there was no reason for suspecting this stir, considering either the union between Spain and England, or the desire of France for the Christian expedition, which seemed to indicate the very reverse of such a move. Before now, indeed, I had surmised, from the language of the reverend Spanish ambassador, that something was in agitation ; and therefore, when conferring with the Cardinal, I was less earnest in defending the cause of the most Christian King. ^ Andrea Priuli. See ante, pp. 45, 46. 2 It would seem by this that the Republic of Venice had heard of a league between France and Denmark against England, and warned the ' I ambassador no longer to guarantee the pacific intentions of Francis I. It is to be regretted that the archives of Venice contain no copies of any missives written by the State at this period to Sebastian Giustinian, whose own expressions are vague. Our own historians say nothing of any Gallo-Danish alliance against England at this period, which so immediately preceded the surrender of Tournai 5 any notices, therefore, on the subject would have been of a certain historical value. The fact of ambassadors from Denmark being at the French court in March, I 518, and offering ships, &c., for an attack on England, is mentioned in the despatches of the Venetian ambassador in France, Antonio Gius- tinian. (See Sanuto's Diaries, date 26th March, 1518.) Lambeth y June 6, 1518. Since my last, dated the 28th ultimo,^ nothing has occurred worthy the knowledge of your Highness, owing to the ab- sence of the King and Cardinal ; so, as his Majesty is going, in three or four days, on board your Excellency's galleys, I shall betake myself thither likewise, rather for the sake of meeting his Majesty than on any other account. A report has prevailed for some time of the pregnancy of the most serene Queen, which I did not think fit to announce until the thing was certain : but at this present it has been an- nounced to me by a trustworthy person, who heard it ex ore regio — an event most earnestly desired by the whole kingdom. Yesterday, I went to visit the reverend Spanish ambas- sador, who is returned from the court, but I could learn little from him. His colleague, who arrived lately, has been despatched by the King and Cardinal for Flanders, where he will remain until the arrival of the most illustrious the Infant, who is expected hourly ; but conversing with the ambassador resident here about the Christian powers, he told me that his King was solely intent on uniting them. \ 9 igo DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN and that the only obstacle he perceived was the affair of the reconciliation between the Emperor and your Excellency, which, if not effected, great tumult might arise in Christen- dom. * * * After hearing his arguments, I rejoined that his lordship ought therefore to exert himself with the Catholic King to arrange this matter, both for the sake of harmony itself amongst Christians, and also to prevent the Turk from invading his Catholic Majesty and your Excel- lency, who are exposed to more peril than the others, and are consequently the most interested in the peace of Christ- endom. By letters from my family, I understand that the despatch of my successor is being delayed ;2 I implore, as a grace from your Highness, that regard may be had, if not to my other circumstances, at least to my age,-^ so that I may come and rest with my family. 1 The despatch of the 28th is omitted: the principal subject men- tioned in it is the arrival in London of an individual called *' the son of the late King of Cyprus.'' The claims of England upon Cyprus in right of Richard Coeur de Lion, were alluded to in vol. i. pp. 203, 204. 2 Sanuto in his Diaries, date 19th June, 151 8, mentions, that owing to the prolongation of the truces with the Emperor, several members ot the Venetian college were inclined, on the score of economy, to dispense with the embassy in England ; and Antonio Surian, whose appointment as successor to Giustinian has been already recorded, obtained leave to go for a few months to his estates in the province of Brescia. 3 In a similar appeal omitted at the close of the despatch dated May 1 2th, Giustinian mentions his age as 58 years. Laffibethyjune jy 1518. Since yesterday, when I wrote my last, nothing else worthy of notice has taken place, save that a courier has arrived from Rome to the address of this right reverend FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. 191 Cardinal, who, according to general report, is appointed Legate a latere, a grade he very much desired, and he is said to have made a handsome present to the messenger. I have deemed it well to write this, in order that should you think fit, you may congratulate his lordship by letter, evincing extreme joy, as the appointment is highly agreeable to him, though I doubt not but that your Highness will have done so, and excuse me, should I take undue liberty. I am now leaving for Hampton to meet the King, from whom, in the course of conversation, I hope to elicit some- thing worth notifying, and my letters shall give most speedy notice to your Excellency of all that may chance. ^ ^ Concerning the appointment of Cardinal Wolsey as legate a latere^ the ambassador Minio writes from Rome in date of the 12th of May : — " His Hollnt^ss also told me that the Emperor had made a demand for the right reverend Bishop of Gurk to be created legate, and that he meant to grant this j but that he chose his own legate to arrive in Ger- many first, and that this was the reason why the Cardinal Farnese had not chosen to accept the office. He added that it behoved him do the like in England, because the King chose the right reverend of York to be also elected legate, adding, * These two cardinals are themselves the kings, so we must satisfy them." Lambeth, June 16, 1518, By my foregoing, in date of the 7th instant, I wrote that I was going to Hampton, and that his Majesty also meant to do the like. I went accordingly, and arrived there on the Qth, being received with every demonstration of honour and good-will by the most noble the captain of the galleys, as likewise by the magnificoes the masters^ and others. On the morrow, the aforesaid magnifico the captain, with the masters and myself, went out of the town to meet his 92 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN Majesty ; and on coming up with him, the most noble captain, having hahed, delivered a brief Latin oration on horseback, so well suited to the time and place that more could not be desired, surpassing the expectation of his entire auditory, which had no idea that a professor of navigation and commerce could prove himself so able a rhetorician. The reply, by order of his Majesty, was made by a coun- cillor, one of the finest scholars- in his court, who used terms of the greatest honour, both towards your Highness, and, moreover, respecting the person of the captain afore- said 3 and after accompanying his Majesty to his dwelling, we took leave, having received the kindest welcome possible. On the following day, the Lord AdmiraP acquainted us with his Majesty's desire that the crew of the flag-galley might not be on board during the visit, as it had been reported that the galleys were somewhat infected with plague. Moreover, that all the powder should be disembarked, and that during his stay on board no cannon should be fired ; which was complied with. After dinner, we went to con- duct his Majesty, who with the whole court got afloat and ascended the flag-galley, which had really been prepared royally, with a spacious platform decorated with every sort of tapestry and silk ; on either side of which were four rows of tables, served with every sort of confection, for there were upwards of 300 persons present. The King passed down the centre ; and when he got upon the poop, a variety of dishes, containing sponge cakes and other confections, were brought, and which, having been tasted by his Ma- jesty, were distributed amongst the barons and lords and other great personages. The rest of the company, of the middling class, was placed at the tables, which were not merely cleared of the confections, but we even distributed amongst them the glass FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. 193 vessels* which had been full of wine. The sisiht was such, that the King several times, not without exciting some sur- prise, praised the arrangement both to the captain, to the masters, and to myself, thanking us in the name of your Highness, saying, '' You have treated us better than we ever could have expected." After this, the officials of the galleys performed feats on slack ropes suspended from the mast, to the immense ad- miration of spectators unaccustomed to witness such feats.^ His Majesty then departed, accompanied by all of us, and the next day, he chose to have all the guns fired again and again ; marking their range, as he is very curious about matters of this kind. He praised everything ; and in the evening fire-works were let off, the effect being really worthy of commendation. During the whole period of his stay at Hampton, we accompanied him wherever he went, and he invariably made us the most loving demonstrations possible, repeating that we were to thank your Highness for the honour done him ; and his whole court extols the great and honourable display made, which, in truth, merited what was said about it. On the Saturday, after dinner, his Majesty left Hampton, accompanied by us for a certain distance out- side the town, and then, as he did not wish us to proceed farther, we took leave, and his Majesty went to the palace of the Bishop of Winchester ; but ere departing, he drew me aside, and asked for Turkish news, when I acquainted him with what had reached me from your Highness and my own correspondents. He said this was the moment for a union of the Christian powers, in order not to lose the present opportunity ; adding, that he himself had less reason to be anxious about it than the others, as he was the most remote from the peril. He then inquired the state of the nego- tiations between the Emperor and your Highness, concern- VOL. II. O 194 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN ing peace or true, and I replied, that I was aware that you had commenced treating many days ago, but that I did not know of any settlement. In conclusion, I recommended to him the interests of our nation, which had ever been favoured by all his predecessors ; and this I did, because it had come to my knowledge that many scandalous reports had been circulated by the malignants.^ The King an- swered me, that your Highness had ever been loved by the other sovereigns of this realm, but never more, nor indeed so much, as by himself, for which I thanked him with all submission, and in suitable language, assuring him of every possible reciprocity on behalf of your Highness towards his Majesty, who said he knew your Excellency acted by him with all faith and sincerity, and that he placed such trust in me, that even should you wish to deceive him, he was con- vinced I should refuse to do so. To this I made reply, pre- serving the decorum of your Excellency as becoming, and saying, that any actions of mine, which might prove agree- able to his Majesty, proceeded entirely from your Highness, of whom I was a mere instrument, and that your Signory was the chief cause. * Masters, alias supercargoes. See ante, p. 45. 2 Probably Cuthbert Tonstal, who will be mentioned again in date of September 24th. 3 Thomas Howard, Earl of Surrey. See ante, p. 74. ^ Some idea of the shape of these vessels may be formed from the supper in Emaus by Gian Bellini, as also from the many representations of banquets by Paul Veronese and Titian, and their contemporaries. According to Marini, in his history of the trade of Venice (vol. v. p. 260), her glass manufactories were already famous in the year 1289, and in the following century, Venetian glass found its way to the Empe- ror of China, to the Grand Cham of Tartary, and to the Great Mogul. ^ The foregoing sentence stands in the original thus : " Da poi, li officiali di le galie actizorno per corde de Talbero, che fu cosa di grande admiratione di tutti non usati veder tal actitudine."" These evolutions recall to mind the fVats of the Venetian sailors on the last Thursday in the Carnival, which are described by Giustina Michiel. A rope, she says, FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. 195 one end of which was secured to a lighter off the Piazzetta, and the other to the gallery of St. Mark's tower, served a Venetian mariner annually on that day as the means of reaching the belfry from the sea j the Doee used to witness the feat from the gallery of the ducal palace, and when the manner had reached the tower, he redescended to his sovereign and presented him with a nosegay ; then ascended again to the tower, and after a short rest let himself down once more to the sea. The perform- ance witnessed by Henry VIII. on board the Venetian flag-galley in Southampton harbour, in June 1518, was doubtless some national exhi- tion of address and agility, which even far away in the Atlantic reminded the mariners of Venice of the Adriatic and her carnival. ^ The precautions taken by the Earl of Surrey might make it appear that the Venetians were suspected of some intention of blowing up the King : from the following letter, however, it will appear that the griev- ous calumny to which Venice had been subjected was that the exports of her merchants from England vastly exceeded their imports. Lambeth, June 21, 151 8. On my return hither, I thought fit to go and visit the right reverend Cardinal, v^^ho had been a long v^^hile absent, both for the purpose of congratulating his lordship on the dignity of legate as conferred upon him, and also to nego- tiate the affairs of your Excellency, and to acquaint him with the summaries from the Levant, contained in your Serenity's letters of the 20th April, vi^hich reached me on the i8th instant; but, as his lordship was indisposed, I could only obtain audience of him to-day, when I forthwith performed the office of congratulation \ communicating in the next place the summaries from the Levant, telling him, moreover, of what took place at Hampton ; and finally, I discussed two matters concerning our nation. His right reverend lordship thanked me, in the first place, for my compliment touching the legation, which he seems to hold in small account, as (according to what the King told me^ at Hampton) it is only to last during the stay here of the Legate ^g6 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN Campeggio, who has arrived at Calais, and is expected daily. He next expressed great satisfaction that Sultan Selim should be occupied with the Sophy, as it convinced him that neither during this year or the next would he meddle with Christendom. After this, he thanked me for the honour paid his King, who had written to him announcing the greatest possible satisfaction thereat, to all which matters I replied becomingly, according to the intention of your Excellency. Passing then to our national affairs, his lordship told me, that should your Excellency act by his Majesty as of yore, you should meet with the best return, but that two circum- stances had occurred much at variance with what was ex- pected ; first, instead of two galleys unloading at Hampton, only one had landed her cargo, the other two going over to Flanders. Secondly, that in bygone years, the galleys came so richly freighted, that a small addition to the value of their imports sufficed to defray the cost of their homeward cargo ; whereas, at this present, they are so poor, that the whole of the merchandise imported will not equal the value of one- sixth part of the homeward cargo, which must consequently be paid for with the funds of others than Venetian mer- chants ; a fact extremely prejudicial to his Majesty, who, when anticipating some profit from the galleys, finds himself compelled, on the contrary, to yield such to them. His lordship said he had been assured of what he told me, and that he, therefore, meant to ascertain how these galleys were to be loaded, since as the property of the merchants of Venice could not cover the cost of full cargoes, he should only allow them to ship for the value of their own effects. To the first part, I replied that the old custom was ob- served of unloading one at Hampton, the others proceeding to Flanders,^ according to very ancient agreement existing be- tween that country and your Signory j and that to have FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. ^97 unloaded two galleys at Hampion would have been a viola- tion of compact. This, however, I observed was a quibble, suggested by envious and malignant persons, rather than the truth ; that the galleys were not so poorly freighted as stated by our slanderers, and that the value of what they brought, would in great part defray the cost of the home- ward cargo, added to which, the masters were bound to supply a great part thereof, remittances to this effect from Venice hither being made constantly, and would continue to be made ; and that sundry merchants, not accustomed to frequent this mart, had already come by land, and that I myself was anxious for the merchants of Venice themselves to freight these galleys for their own advantage. If, I con- tinued, the outward cargoes were less valuable than of yore, the reason was twofold ; first, because the spices are not saleable here at the same price as formerly, owing to the competition with Portugal ^^ and, secondly, that nine years had elapsed since the appearance of our galleys in these seas owing to the wars with France and Spain, so that the merchants had not shipped as they would have done, from not knowing what the fate of their venture might be ; but on ascertaining through this voyage what would yield them profit, all would come straight another year, and that his right reverend lordship would perceive a great differ- ence between the future galleys and these present. An exact estimate, I said, was well nigh impossible, for many reasons which I assigned him ; the demand, moreover, being rather ignominious for our nation. After all, his lordship expressed his determination by all means to see how the outward cargo of these galleys was made up, but not so much in detail. I fancy he will insist on verifying the fact, but will content himself with a general notion, for many lies have been told him by the envious and slanderous. 198 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. 199 I will also confer with our merchants here, and take full instructions from them ; for what I said was extempora- neous succour, my experience being greater in other matters than in commerce, and when better informed, I shall render every possible assistance, and in short do all I can to prevent any prohibition against purchasing wools and other usual commodities. Concerning the two points affecting our nation, ic has been arranged that one shall be despatched to-morrow, and with regard to the other, which is that of the wines of Candia, his right reverend lordship has promised me most positively to take me before the council, and obtain audience there for my arguments on behalf of your Excel- lency, and afterwards decide ; may God grant that we may at length witness the end of this chicanery ! After these colloquies, his right reverend lordship requested me very earnestly to contrive with the magnifico the captain and the masters, that paying for the same, he might have certain choice carpets, and some other articles, but, above all, the carpets. I told him that I did not know whether there were any, but that if there were, his lordship should have them. I §uspect he will not be accommodated, which will prove of serious detriment to us ; whereas had he received twelve or fifteen small handsome carpets, he would have been extremely satisfied. Should your Excellency think fit, you might see either to forwarding them by land, or promise that he should receive some by the next galleys."* A French secretary, and a herald likewise, have arrived here, on account (according to what the Cardinal says) of the claims for damages made by the French and English, and also because of certain fugitives from Scotland suspected of rebellion, who, according to the conditions existing be- tween this King and that country, are not at liberty to remain in England. His lordship expressed hopes that everything would be arranged, and a general peace be effected amongst Christians, to which indeed the present situation of affairs, he thought, seemed to tend. He added, that he would prove to the world what it may be in his power to effect for the furtherance of this holy alliance. Positive intelligence has been received here of the arrival in Flanders of the most illustrious the infant Don Ferdi- nand. * In King Henry VIII., act ill. sc. 5, Lord Surrey accuses Cardinal Wolsey of having " 'wr ought to be a legat, without the Kwg's assent or kno^edge,^ It would seem from this despatch that at any rate the act was not resented by the King at the moment. See also p. 191. ^ In the Priuli statute book it is stated that one galley was to remain at Hampton, and the other two to proceed to Helvoetsluys or Antwerp, at the option of the captain and masters. ^ See ante^ p. 76. ^ In his report to the Senate the ambassador Giustinian alludes to these carpets, the arrival of which in London may possibly be recorded hereafter. A note of them exists in the Harleian collection (No. 599) where, amongst articles of the ** houshold stuffe" of Cardinal Wolsey, there figure ** carpets received from Venice." Lambeth^ July 3, 1518. * * * The French secretary is yet here, not having been hitherto despatched. I sent to visit him in the name of your Excellency, and should have been glad to speak with him, but it did not seem to me for the decorum of the State to go to him in person, nor has he called upon me. The Apostolic Legate^ has been many days at Calais, detained there by these lords, and will moreover remain thus for some while, but cross eventually for the exercise of his office, and preparations are being made to do him great honour. I thought it would be proper to pay him the com- \ 200 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN pliment of going to meet him, but did not choose to take any step without first speaking to the Cardinal of York, this being necessary, and he told me it was not the custom of this kingdom, when honour is done any great personage on his arrival, for him to be met by others than those appointed by the King, wherefore he recommended me to abstain. I asked him whether the reverend Spanish ambas- sador would go to meet this Legate, and he answered me in the negative, and that if he did, he would let me know, that I might do the like, so I shall act accordingly, but on the arrival of his right reverend lordship, will endeavour to be the more assiduous in visiting him at his own dwelling. His secretary, who arrived in London several days ago, has been to visit me, and appears well inclined towards the interests of your Highness, of whom he speaks most becomingly. ^ Cardinal Campeggio. See ante, p. 177, note 2. Lambeth, July 22, 1518. By my last, of the 3rd instant, your Highness will have been acquainted with every event ; and I now inform you that the French Secretary, who arrived here lately, has departed, and is to be replaced by two great personages as ambassadors, whose mission, according to common report, is with a view to conclude the nuptials between the most illustrious the Dauphin and this most illustrious Princess,^ though these lords do not choose to admit it, and when I mentioned it to the Cardinal, whilst denying the fact, he told me not to repeat it.^ Subsequently, when speaking with others of the nobility, I took the matter for granted, that FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIIl. 201 they might not deny it ; neither did they, and owned that two ambassadors of great rank were expected here in a few days. I moreover perceive many signs which convince me of this, one of which is, that these lords are now less lavish in their abuse of his most Christian Majesty. Your Sublimity also learnt the arrival of the right reverend Legate, Campeggio, at Calais, where he has been a long while detained. The cause of this delay is reported vari- ously, though these lords say that he will be allowed to cross in a few days.^ I, most serene Prince, have been here during forty-four months, and within the last few days two of my servants have died of plague in the house, and I have had the sweat- ing sickness twice in one week. Your Highness will com- prehend whether necessity and the term of my service warrant my anxiety to return ; and although I imagine that by this time steps will have been taken to effect this, never- theless, should it be otherwise, which I cannot bring myself to credit, 1 beseech your Signory, per viscera misericordia Dei nostri^ at length to recall me from this relegation, rather than legation. ^ The first thought of this alliance has been recorded at p. 177. Con- cerning former embassies in 1517, see pp. 90, 96-100, iii, 135. ^ The French Government seems to have been much more communi- cative on this subject than the English, for the Venetian ambassador accredited to Francis I. wrote from Angiers in date of the i8th July, announcing that Mons. de Villeroy, whom he styles ambassador, and not secretary, had forwarded news from England of this marriage and league, &c., and that Tournai was to be surrendered, which intelligence was given to him when out hunting, by the Grand Maitre, Mons. de Boissi. (See Sanuto's Diaries.) 3 The cause assigned for this delay by Hall is as follows : " When the Cardinall of Yorke knewe that there was commyng a legate into Englande whiche should have a greater preheminence then a Cardinall, he whose ambicion was never satisfied, caused a bishoppe and certain docters to passe the sea to Calice to welcome hym, and to shewe hym that if he would have the Pope's purpose to take any effecte in Englande, 202 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN CIUSTINIAN FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. 203 he should in any wise sende in poste to Rome, to have the saied Cardi^ nail of Yorke to be legate also, and to be ioyned in commission with hym, whiche thyng was doen (not without good rewardes), so that in thirtie and five daies the bull was broughte to Calice. Duryng whiche tyme the Cardinall of Yorke sent to the legate to Calice redde cloth to clothe his servauntes, whiche at their commyng to Calice, were but meanely appareled j and when all thynges were ready, he passed the sea and landed at Dover, and so kept furthe his iorney toward London. At every toune as thei passed he was received with procession, and accom- paignied with all the lordes and gentlemen of Kent j and when he came to Blackheth, there met him the Duke of Norfolke, with a great nom- ber of prelates, knightes, and gentlemen, all richely appareled. And in the waie he was brought into a riche tente of clothe ot golde, where he shifted hymself into a robe of a cardinall, edged with ermyns, and so toke his moyle ridyng toward London." This, however, does not agree with the facts recorded by Giustinlan, who mentions that the bulls appointing Cardinal Wolsey legate a latere had reached London long before. See the despatches of June 7th and 2ist, and the note appended to the former from the ambassador Minio, at pp. 191, 195-199. Lambeth y August 2, 1518. By my letters of the 22nd, your Sublimity will have learned what I considered worthy of your knowledge, and if not diffuse, either then or now, it must be attributed to the plague, which has incapacitated me from transacting business with the King or Cardinal, neither of whom would have received me. I am now able to inform you, that on the 29th ultimo the right reverend Cardinal Campeggio at length made his entry into London, really in very stately form, save that neither the King nor Cardinal were present, from dread of infection. I went, by consent of Cardinal Wolsey, to meet his right reverend lordship, and the Spanish ambassador did the like. On visiting him subsequently, I was received in the kindest and most gracious manner possible, the Legate evincing the greatest affection towards k^ your Excellency, styling himself your subject in right of his see of Feltre,^ and speaking with so much honour of your Excellency, and of what might be expected fiom you in favour of the Christian religion, that more could not have been desired. To all this I made answer, reciprocating the compliment, laying before him the especial love borne by your Highness, both publicly and in private capacity, to his Excellency his late father, and the respect you now enter- tained for himself individually, of whom you promised your- self no less than if he were Venetian born, adding many other words to this effect. On my departure^ he invited me to repeat my visits, and accompanied me through several chambers to the stairs. To-morrow, his right reverend lordship is to go to Greenwich, where he will be received by the King, and I also shall go, and write immediate notice of what I may hear to your Excellency. Should the Cardinal of York have dismissed his fear of infection from the plague, I will also endeavour to negotiate the matters which remain for me to despatch during the short time I have to remain here. ^ The Campeggio family was of Bolognese extraction, and jurists by descent, both the father and grandfather of the Legate having filled law chairs in various universities. Giovanni Campeggio, the father of the Legate, lectured with the greatest success at Padua, and amongst the many law treatises composed by him are Consilia, Tractatus de Statutts, De Immunitatibus, De Dote, Sec, His son Lorenzo, the legate, also commenced his career as a jurist, and likewise filled a law chair at Padna, but on the death of his wife he entered the Church, and was made Car- dinal by Leo X. Hume mentions the presence of Cardinal Campeggio in England in this year 151 8, but in most English minds the name of Campejus is more associated with events which took place in 1528-9,38 recorded by Shakspeare in King Henry VIIL j and the despatches of the Venetian ambassador who succeeded Giustinian at the court of England inform us that the second visit to England of Cardinal Cam- peggio, induced by the divorce case of Queen Catharine, commenced in the month of October 1528, and that about the nth of the same month in the following year, he quitted London, his departure preceding the fall of Cardinal Wolsey by one week. Shakspeare has linked the name 204 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. 205 of Campegglo with that of Richard Pace, and the despatches of Gius- tinian sanction the connection. The entry of Campeggio into London is thus recorded by Hall, folio 64. " The night before he came to London, the Cardinall of Yorke, to furnishe the carriages of the Cardinall Campeius, sent to hym twelve mulettes with emptie cofers covered with redde, whiche twelve mulettes wer led through London, amongst the mulettes of Campeius, whiche were but eight, and so these XX mulettes passed through the stretes, as though they had been full of treasures, apparell, and other necessaries. *' And when they came into Chepe, one of the mulettes brake from her keper, and overthrewe the chestes, and overturned twoo or three other mulettes* carriages, whiche fell with suche a violence that diverse of them unlocked, and out of some fell olde hosen, broken shoen, and roasted fltshe, peces of breade, egges, and muche vile baggage ; at which sighte the boyes cryed, * See, see my lord legate's threasure j' and so the muleters wer ashamed, and tooke up all their stuffe and passed furth. And about thre of the clock at after none on the xxix day of July, the said legate entred the cite, and in Southwarke met hym all the clcrgie of London, with crosses, sensers, and copes, and sensed him with great revercrnce. The maior and aldermen, and all the occupacions of the citee in their best liveries, stode in the stretes, and hym highly honored ; to whom Sir Thomas More made a brief oracion in the name of the citee. And when he cam to Paules, there he was received by bishops mitred, and under a canapy entred the churche, which canapy his ser- vantes toke for their fees : and when he had offred, he gave his benedic- cion to al the people, and toke again his mule, and so was with ai his train aforsaid, conveighed to Bathe Place, and there rested, where he was welcomed of the Cardinall of Yorke.'* Lambeth J August 5, 151 8. By mine of the 2nd instant, your Excellency heard that these two right reverend Legates were to go to Greenwich, where the King was to be ; to which ceremony I was invited. His Majesty went as far as the lower hall to meet them, dressed in his royal insignia, with the greater part of the prelates and barons of the kingdom, and the Legates saluted him with great marks of respect ; he likewise returned their salute, doffing his bonnet also with respectful gestures, and being taken between them he came to the upper hall, where at the extremity the throne had been prepared, and two benches, one on the right hand and the other on the left. To the right of the throne were all the prelates, and two primates, according to their grades ; the Legates being seated on two gilt chairs, a larger and a lesser one. On the former, sat the right reverend Legate of York, on the latter, Campeggio ; then came the reverend Spanish ambassador and the rest of the prelates. To the left were all the three Dukes,^ and other lords and barons, the first place being assigned to me. The right reverend of York, cap in hand, and standing (the King likewise being on his legs), delivered a brief Latin oration, stating the cause of his mission, and the good will of our Lord's Holiness towards his Majesty, using the following form of speech : — " Sanctissimus Domlnus noster^ colit^ ohservat ac veneratur Majestatem vestram,^^ To this his Majesty replied, also in Latin, most elegantly and with all gravity, after which they seated themselves. By permission of the King, the brother of the right reverend Cardinal Campeggio now delivered a most elegant Latin oration, purporting that his Holiness aforesaid had sent these two Legates to arrange peace between the Christian powers, and dispel all dissension and cause for dissension. Their mission, he said, had also for object to induce his Majesty to make an expedition against the Turk ; especially as by his letters addressed to the Pope he had promised so to do, for the safety of the Christian religion, wherefore he thanked and praised him extremely. To this, an answer was made by one of the attendants of the Cardinal of York, but in the King's name, thanking his Holiness for having visited and complimented him through two right reverend Legates, although he had no need of 206 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. 207 being urged either to make terms with all the Christian powers, nor yet to undertake the expedition against the Turks, as his own will inclined him that way. The speaker added, that should the need arise, his Majesty would marshal his forces, and in no wise fail in the duty of a Christian King, speaking in much rounder terms on this subject than I had expected. This being ended, the King and the two Legates alone entered a chamber, where they remained together for about an hour, and on coming forth went towards their barge without being accompanied by his Ma- jesty. It is said that they will return to Greenwich on the 8th instant, when I likewise will go there to learn some- thing of their proceedings. It has been confirmed to me, through two credible sources, that the mission of the French envoy who came here lately was for the purpose of concluding the espousals mentioned in my foregoing, and that two very great personages are expected daily as ambassadors from his most Christian Majesty to ratify said contract, on condition that the King of Eno-land restore Tournai. I have been unable to learn the other stipulations, as this treaty has been conducted, and continues being negotiated, with the greatest secresy. ' Buckingham (Edward Stafford), Norfolk (Thomas Howard), and Suffolk (Charles Brandon). Lambeth^ August 11, 151 8. By my foregoing, your Serenity heard that these right reverend Legates were to go to the court, as they did on the 8th, and I likewise went to hear some news, but no business was transacted on that day, and they merely per- formed high mass, and gave a grand banquet to said Legates and all present, the pomp being greater and the court more sumptuous than I have yet seen it.^ I will not now write how far the decorum of the Apostolic chair was preserved on this occasion, as it would be a long story and unne- cessary, reserving this, however, for my Report; and for the present it may suffice for me to say, that less respect for the holy chair could scarcely have been shown. ^ The French ambassadors are daily expected for the con- clusion of the nuptials (as stated by me heretofore) of the Dauphin to the Lady Mary, and by this time no one doubts the fact, although the ministry does not choose to admit it. Preparations for jousts and other entertainments are being made, in order to pay them great honour; and of what may take place I shall acquaint your Serenity from day to day. * * * ^ This account, and that of the preceding letter, serve to correct Hall, who supposes the banquet to have been given on the first interview between the Legates and the King at Greenwich. Our annalist writes : — " On Sondaie next ensuyng these Iwoo Cardinalles as legates, toke their barges and came to Grenewiche ; eche of them had beside their crosses two pillers of silver, two little axes gilte, and two cloke bagges embroudered, and the Cardinalles hattes borne before them. And when thei came to the kynge's hall the Cardinall of Yorke went on the right hande : and there the kyng royally appareled and accompaignied, met them even as though bothe had come from Rome, and so brought them bothe up into his chamber of presence, and there was a solempne oracion made by an Italian, declaryng the cause of the legacy to be in twoo articles, one for aide against God's enemies, and the second for reformacion of the clergie. And when masse was doen thei were had to a chamber, and served with lordes and knightes, with much solempnitie j and after dinner thei toke their leave of the kyng and came to London, and rode through the citee together in great pompe and glory, to their lodgynges."' 2 If this passage mean that disrespect was shown to the Legate Cam- peggio, it may be supposed to have proceeded from Wolsey's jealousy of his colleague. It was certainly not the moment for so orthodox a monarch as Henry VIII. then professed himself to slight the court of 208 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. Rome, for the doings of Luther had already become the subject of con- versation, ahhough the first mention made of him by Minio, the Vene- tian ambassador at Rome, is in his 219th despatch, 4th September 1518, in which he carelessly styles him a Dominican friar instead of an Austin friar ; adding, that the Pope intended sending the Rose to the Elector of Saxony, in order to attempt through him the suppression " of an heresy (as they term it) of a Dominican friar, who is preaching in those parts against the Apostolic chair, condemning the forms observed at this present by the Church of Rome, saying, moreover, that the indulgences conceded daily are of no value, and a number of other things."' 209 Lambeth y August 20, 1518. I have now to announce the return hither of the French Secretary Villeroy, and that he will be followed by three ambassadors, who are expected in a few days, and great honour will be paid them. The Cardinal of York says the afFair of the nuptials is not yet settled, as this side means the general peace to be concluded first of all, and that then the marriage shall follow immediately. The proposed articles purport that his Holiness, the Emperor, the most Christian and Catholic Kings, and his Majesty here, make a perpetual peace and confederacy for the purpose of under- taking an expc'jtion against the Turks, and they select adherents from amongst the other powers, nor have I been able to learn that your Highness has been mentioned by anybody but France. The clauses are already drawn up, one copy signed by this side having been transmitted to the right reverend Legate at the French Court, whilst a similar guarantee from the court of France is in the hands of Villeroy. Should the most Christian King have consented, as supposed by the appointment of this embassy, said clauses thus concluded will then be forwarded to the right reverend Legates accredited to the Emperor and to Spain, his Majesty here having pledged himself for the two last-named powers for the sake of procuring their signature. After this, the nup- tials will be concluded. ^ With regard to the conditions stipulated by these articles I merely know of the disposition to act against the Turks (but could not learn the details) and of the surrender of Tourna., which city I hear from one quarter is to be given m vn-tue of the treaty of peace, whilst from another I learn that ,t IS an item in the marriage contract. The Cardinal of sinnori T r'"" ''"^°"' ''"^ " '^ °"'y ^^^«°n=^ble to uppo e that the latter is the truth, as it is stipulated by to En;, ;". u ?""' ^'^^ '^^"^"^' '^ ^° be restored to England should the marriage not take place, from default on the part of h,s most Christian Majesty, and not in case of the death of the betrothed. According to the articles of this surrender, his Majesty aforesaid ,s to give a certain sum of money, the precise amount of which I am unable to ascertain. On the ratifica- tion of this peace between the said five powers, place is to be reserved for other adherents, who will be included as prin- cipal confederates, and amongst these it is said that the name of your Serenity appears. It is also provided, in case of dissension, or that any one of said powers should choose to invade or molest the territories of the others, all are bound to take up arms against the peace-breaker. It is asserted that there are many other secret articles, which I have been unable to learn ; nor do I even vouch for these, because, as your Highness well knows, many things are reported here which are without foundation. I have deemed it my duty to despatch the present with what has come to my knowledge ; and should I hear anything else, I shall write to your Highness very frequently. My duty in this matter, most serene Prince, will be solely to VOL. 11. ^ 2IO DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN endeavour to learn the march of events, and not meddle any farther, for many reasons not fit to be consigned to writing. Lambeth, September 2 , 1 5 1 8 . It having come to my knowledge that the right reverend Bishop of Paris had arrived here last evening, without my lord the admiral,^ I deemed it so important, that I went to the Cardinal of York, in order to hear either from his lordship or others the positive truth of this business. I found the said Bishop of Paris already in conclave with his lordship and three or four other councillors, who remained a long while in dispute and difficulty, and from what I understood, some high words passed between the Cardinal and the bishop. At length when the council broke up, I met the reverend secretary Pace, with whom, by discuss- ing the matter, I ascertained its real state. First of all, I inquired of him why the Bishop of Paris had come alone, when both the peace and nuptials were settled completely, not indeed that I believed such to be the case, but said so to elicit his opinion. He replied that the Bishop of Paris, toge- ther with Villeroy, were come to negotiate the matters for conclusion, and not to ratify an affair already settled. To-day, he said, they discussed these difficulties, which were not yet solved, for that when Villeroy first came, he made certain de- mands which were replied to becomingly at the time ; and that now the Bishop of Paris was come to settle what was then negotiated and reported on by Villeroy ; in fact, with power to draw up the clauses of the peace and marriage contract, which will now therefore be concluded. To this, upon the strength of the confidential friendship existing between us, I FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. 211 rejoined, - How is it possible for these articles to be now under consideration, if the French ambassadors have been already despatched on a mission of congratulation, two of them mdeed being already arrived ?" He answered by de- nying the fact, and said that these ambassadors had been sent to demand the hand of the English princess, the King havmg msisted hereon when Villeroy first proposed the mar- riage to him, and therefore these two are come to settle the articles here, and on their conclusion, the admiral and his colleague will follow them, and propose for the bride I next asked what the difficulties between the parties were at present ; he said they related to Tournai, not choosing to particularize them to me, nor did I think fit to press him hereon. He told me, however, that the peace and nuptials would be concluded, and that Tournai would be surrendered to the King of France. I then asked him whether the surrender constituted one of the conditions of the peace, or whether it formed an item in the dower of the princJss • he said it was not the custom of the English to purchase peace of Frenchmen, and that no one ever dreamt of giving Tournai tn condltlonibus pads, but that it would be conceded on certain terms as dower. I did not inquire what these terms were, for fear of appearing too inquisitive ; though they must be those mentioned in my former letters to your Highness, and perhaps some others. I then asked who were mentioned as principals m the peace, and he said, his Holiness, the Emperor, the most Christian and Catholic Kings, and the King of England, places being reserved for many other potentates, including your Highness ; that an imperial ambassador was expected, and that this entire affair of peace will be concluded here in England, of which I have also been assured by the secretary of the Legate Campeggio. I inquired what had made the 212 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN Spanish ambassador so busy of late, sending so many couriers to and fro, and he said it was because the King of Spain seemed surprised that this business had not been communi- cated to him, and was apprehensive of its proving somewhat detrimental to him, so he chose to ascertain the fact, and his Majesty here declared his intention of maintaining the friendship existing between them, and that he should alter nothing in their alliance. He also told me that the final ratification of the articles would not take place for some days, but before the end of the month ; saying, that he considered the matter con- cluded, though it was necessary to have the consent of the contracting parties. I paid my respects to the Bishop of Paris, and sent my secretary to inquire of his lordship when he would like to receive my visit, as I had determined at any rate on going to him on the morrow. He said I was not to come, on any account, as he was occupied with these negotiations, and that he would come to me, which the secretary declined. For my part, I shall not wait for an opportunity, but will go to pay this compliment on the day after to-morrow. I like- wise embraced Villeroy. I have been unable to obtain audience of the Cardinal of York, owing to his being engrossed by these matters : to- morrow I will go to pay my respects to him, and present your Serenity's letter of congratulation on his Legantine appointment, endeavouring at the same time to learn farther particulars, and of the result shall give immediate advice to your Sublimity. 1 Guillaume Gouffier de Bonnivet : his mission to England is men- tioned by Hume, vol. iii. p. 105. FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. 213 Lambeth, September 10, 1518. After my letters of the 7th,i i ^^^t to dine with Cardinal Campeggio on invitation from his lordship, in order to elicit some details from him concerning the present negotiations. On my making it appear that I knew everything through France, he unbosomed himself to me more than is his wont, and imparted to me the following details, which I had not hitherto heard. Since his accession, the King of France has obtained everything he desired, nor was anything want- ing but the recovery of Tournai, which he will now obtain, though with this drawback — that he is not to interfere in Scotland in favour of either party, so that the Queen may receive such honour as is due to her station, and the King be educated by persons free from all suspicion ; thus confirming what I said before, that the Duke of Albany would not return to Scotland, This has seemed to me a matter of very great moment, considering the old alliance between the Kings of France and the Scots, which has always proved a burning ember to England. The Legate, indeed, is of opinion, that should any of the conditions of this peace and relationship be infringed or invalidated by the King of France, it will be this one, as it gives him much annoyance. On quitting Cardinal Campeggio, I paid a visit to the Bishop of Durham, who, whilst discussing the afi^airs of your Excellency very fairly indeed, more so than I have ever heard him, said, '^ The Signory is great, and worthy of all favour ; she has ever been on friendly terms with England, who never made peace or league without including her as her nominee;" which I consider a hint that your Highness is also mentioned by England in this present peace, for he mentioned that a few days ago your Serenity was 214 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN discussed by the Council in terms of the highest praise and commendation, which confirms certain expressions uttered to me by the Legate Campeggio, to the effect, that when these lords were talking about your Highness, he said, '' What think you of the power and polity of the Signory of Venice ? In this last war, there were upwards of thirty noblemen, who, for the maintenance of the State^ paid taxes to the amount of 40,000 ducats each : think what must have been the quota of the others below them ! " I merely thanked his lordship for this his good will, and for the opinion he entertained of your Excellency, without going at all into details, about including and mentioning you, for the reasons assigned in my former letters. ^ * * * To-day, being anxious for audience of the Cardinal of York, who owing to press of business has not admitted me for many days, I sent my secretary to make an appointment for me, and he brought back word that his lordship was ill, and that he had been denied to all who are in the habit of conferring with him. This I believe to be the truth, as yesterday the Legate Campeggio wanted to go to his lord- ship, but received for answer that he was indisposed, and would not give audience to any one ; so that my non- execution of the Signory's commissions may not be imputed to negligence or carelessness. In the mean while, however, my secretary spoke with the reverend Dom. Richard Pace, who said to him, '' On the day before yesterday, concerning the affairs of Scotland, I told you that the Duke of Albany would return no more ; you must know that everything has been concluded according to the wish of his Majesty, and these negotiations will be soon settled." ' Giustlnlan's letter of the 7th gives an account of his Interview with the Bishop of Paris, from whom he endeavoured, but not very success- FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. 215 fully, to learn the secret of his embassy. This will explain the com- mencement of the next sentence, " On my making it appear, &c.'' ^ Fear of Sultan Selim. See ante^ pp. 180-181, and p. 217. Lambeth, September 18, 1518. By my foregoing of the loth instant, I told your High- ness I was going to the King to congratulate him as ordered, so I went to Eltham, where his Majesty was, and by the warmth of my compliments endeavoured to convince him that this news of peace and union between the two crowns had been heard with satisfaction by your Highness ; for as stated in my foregoing, these lords are impressed with the belief that your Excellency is not very well pleased with this alliance. I subsequently communicated to him the summaries from the Levant. Concerning the congratulations on the peace, his Majesty said it was not yet concluded, hinting that many details yet remained for discussion. I said, that as the principal diffi- culties had been overcome, it seemed to me that congra- tulations were due as for an affair settled; he rejoined, however, that there were yet some difficulties. Concerning the summaries from the Levant, he indeed said that they appeared to him more reasonable than his own news — namely, that immediately on reaching Constantinople, Sultan Selim had commenced fitting out an expedition against Christendom. On this, as the King was going abroad for his pleasure, I took leave, and after dinner contrived a conference with the Magnifico Dom. Thomas More, newly made Councillor, who is very much my friend. 1 I adroitly turned the conversation to these negotiations con- cerning peace and relationship ^ but he did not open, and 2l6 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN pretended not to know in what the difficulties consisted, declaring that the Cardinal of York " most solely," to use his own expression, transacted this matter with the French ambassadors, and when he has concluded he then calls the councillors, so that the King himself scarcely knows in what state matters are. This he said, in consequence of my having gently complained to him that none of these negotiations had ever been communicated to me, but on the contrary concealed to the utmost, although your Excellency was the confederate of England, My complaint, he added, was shared by others, assuring me that the reverend Spanish ambassador had received no information concerning these matters, except the assurance that nothing would be intro- duced in the negotiations at variance with the friendly terms prevailing between this kingdom and his Catholic Highness. So, perceiving that I could elicit nothing further, I departed. On the morrow, I went to the Cardinal of York, and in my congratulations on the peace expressed especial joy at his lordship's having been the author of this work, which would redound not merely to the well-being, but to the security of the Christian commonwealth. This negotiation, I said, in addition to other great deeds performed by him since he had stood at the helm here, would render him famous, not merely amongst his contemporaries, but like- wise to posterity. His lordship thanked your Highness extremely for this compliment, and said that he had ever laboured to this effect, contrary to the belief of many, who were of opinion that he sowed discord between the two crowns, and that now the object he had in view will be manifest, thanks being, moreover, due to God for the offer of this opportunity, and also to the two Kings, who had not neglected it, although the final decision had not as yet been made, and that the coming of my Lord Admiral was ex- FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. 217 pected for the removal of certain difficulties, but that he hoped the desired result would be attained. I exerted myself to prove how extremely anxious your Excellency was for this result, and what incredible joy you had expe- rienced from the belief of its attainment. I then acquainted him with the Levant news, for all which he thanked your Highness, and as he seemed rather unwell, I speedily took leave, as when thus indisposed I know he likes me so to do; and after I had withdrawn some distance he called me back, and said that on treating the conclusion of this negotiation he would send for me, as he chose me to be present, and that he meant your Highness to be included by his Majesty. I thanked his right reverend lordship for his friendly intention, without expatiating further in terms either of assent or dissent, knowing that your Highness had not chosen to be men- tioned in the quinquennial truces made by his Holiness,- or thought fit to celebrate the prayers ordered by him, lest the fact should become known to the Turk. * * * It is said that my Lord the Admiral is on the point of crossing, and I fancy that he will have been detained by the bad weather which has lately prevailed, especially as a vessel that was bringing over his attendants, with arms and other jousting implements, has perished, though the men were saved. Such entertainments and pageants are expected to be made here (should the negotiations be ratified), as have never hitherto been witnessed in England. My letters shall give speedy notice of what may take place to your Sublimity, whom it has pleased to be content that I should remain absent from my country for four years, which will be com- pleted on the loth January, on which day I left Venice. I know not whether I am at length worthy of having my prayer granted. \ 2l8 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. ^ At pp. 30 and 31 of a life of Sir Thomas More, by Stapleton, published in 1689, it is stated that after being sheriff of London, King Henry VIII. sent him on missions to France and Flanders, on his return from which he made him a privy councillor 5 but Stapleton gives no date, though as he says that his business in France was de rebus repe- tundis^ it may be supposed that he w^ent about the damages and reprisals mentioned in these pages under date of June 30, 1517. 2 See note 2, p. 180. 219 Lambeth^ September 24, 1518. Yesterday, my Lord Admiral of France made his entry into London with great pomp^^ accompanied by the other ambassadors— namely, the Bishop of Paris, M. de S. Danie (Campodenario), and M. Villeroy,- — with a great number of gentlemen and others, the number of horses being said to have exceeded 600, with seventy mules, and seven bag- gage waggons — a display never previously witnessed in England, nor, perhaps, elsewhere.^ They were met by many of these lords, and a very numerous company of knights, gentlemen, and others. To-day, I went to the Cardinal of York, under pre- tence of communicating the summaries received in your Highness's letters, dated the 14th August, but in reality to learn the result of the present negotiations. Whilst waiting to be introduced, M. Villeroy came, and remained a long while with his right reverend lordship. When he came forth, I was called, and after imparting my news to the Cardinal, commenced discussing what is now beine treated, and he told me that peace and confederacy would be con- cluded between these two Kings, the Pope, the Emperor, and his Catholic Majesty, with this condition — namely, that should any one of the allies molest or plot against his fellow, ^ all said confederates were bound to defend the party thus rsi molested, at the cost of the petitioner for such aid. I, knowing him to be greedy of glory and covetous of praise, said to him that his right reverend lordship would obtain immortal fame and renown by this peace and alliance, for that the Pope had laboured to effect a quinquennial truce, whilst his lordship made perpetual peace; and that whereas such a union of the Christian powers, when joined by the Pope, was usually, I said, concluded at Rome, this confe- deracy had been settled in England, his Holiness, nevertheless, being its head. This peace and alliance, moreover, I continued, was rendered firm by the relationship concluded between the two crowns of France and England, a fact productive of such repute and lustre to his Majesty, and to his right reverend lordship who had led this dance, that I doubted whether the like ever befell any other State, exaggerating the matter by many other tropes, which put him into such spirits that he said, " Not only are those powers included, but you, and all my other friends." He then went to his desk ; and after showing me a pontifical letter, to which a seal was appended, in the form of a commission, authorizing the conclusion of the confederacy here, he took up a piece of paper on which was inscribed one single clause relating to your Highness, of the following tenor — namely, that by common consent of the contracting parties, your most illustrious Signory was included in this confederacy, in the manner and on the con- ditions therein contained, specifying one particular which I do not approve, that is to say, should it be possible to adjust certain differences existing between the Emperor and your most illustrious Signory during the quinquennial truces, you would then remain a confederate like the other parties to the treaty ; but should it not be possible during this interval to come to an understanding, in that case the 220 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN Pope, the King of France, and his Majesty here, are then to arbitrate ; and should you not arrange these disputes, it is understood that neither the Emperor nor your Signory are to have the benefit of this confederacy. In all other respects your Excellency is to be deemed an ally, and to share the advantages enjoyed by the others— namely, to be defended, &c. This clause about the disputes between your Excellency and the Emperor having to be settled by the three aforesaid, does not please me on many accounts, though, as I have no commission in this matter either to assent or object, I made no answer; at the same time to be comprised and mentioned as a confederate by consent both of France and England, will I think prove agreeable to the State, and for this, I expressly thanked his right reverend lordship, without committing your Highness, either by consenting to the terms or appearing to reject them. So far as I can learn, most serene Prince, everything is settled, and it only remains to draw up the clauses methodically, although the Cardinal of York says the whole is not yet quite concluded, which, however, I meant to have ascertained to-day, by going to the Bishop of Paris ; but as on Sunday the 26th he is to deliver the formal oration, and being now occupied in com- posing it, I thought my visit might prove rather importunate than agreeable. To-morrow, if admitted, I shall visit my lord admiral, and his other colleague, who has never been here before, though I fancy they will decline seeing me until after they have been in the presence of the King. 1 Brantome mentions that on one occasion, when Mons. de Bonnivet went to England to swear to some peace or other, he had, amongst the rest of his equipages, twenty-five sumpter mules superbly harnessed, their housings being all of crimson velvet, embroidered with his arms in silk and gold. From this despatch It would seem that the mission alluded to by Brantome was the one here recorded by the Venetian / FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. 221 ambassador. A modern French writer, in a work entitled Francois I. et la Renaissance, alludes to Bonnivet's having been charged on this occasion to rechauffer les froides temperatures des dames et demoiselles de Windsor et de IVincester. The Venetian ambassador makes no mention of the caloric thus commissioned for " our pale unrlpened beauties of the north." 2 The names of the ambassadors who signed the treaty on the 2nd of October, were William Gouffier the admiral, lord of Bonlvet j Stephen Poncher, Bishop of Paris } Francis de Rochechouart, seigneur de Cam- podenario j Nicholas de Neufville, seigneur de Villeroy. See Rymer, vol. xiil. fol. 624, 631. ^ See a more particular account in note 3, appended to the despatch dated loth October. Lambeth y September 26, 1518. By my foregoing in date of the 24th instant, I w^rote that his Majesty v^as to give public audience to the French ambassa- dors at Greenwich, to which also I had received an invitation. Your Highness will now hear that the ceremony took place yesterday, the number of the grandees present and the splendour of the decorations being greater than usual. The right reverend Legate Campeggio was among the audience, besides all the other ambassadors resident at this court. The Bishop of Paris delivered a grave and elegant oration in praise of the peace and confederacy which had now so long prevailed between his Majesty here and the most Christian King, who, knowing that such was expedient for the welfare of Christendom, had appointed these ambas- sadors to confirm this peace. In order that it might prove indissoluble and perpetual, his King, he said, was anxious to add a tie of kindred thereto, and that having an only son, who would be his successor, he made a demand for his Majesty's only daughter, the most illustrious Princess, as wife for the said most illustrious Dauphin ; proving the !i 222 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN fitness of this measure, with many words replete with affection and courtesy, greater perhaps than seemed suited to the grandeur of the most Christian King. The recovery of Tournai, however, explains all these concessions. The reply was delivered by one of his Majesty's coun- cillor's, the Bishop of Ely, in terms expressive of his having been at all times desirous of peace, but much more so now, perceiving such to be requested by the most Christian King, and that touching this demand, a favourable reply would be made. With regard indeed to the betrothal, he admitted the parity of the conditions on both sides, and the equality of the most serene Dauphin (to use the precise title employed by him) and the most illustrious Princess, his only daughter, thanking them for the great praises bestowed on his Majesty, and promising a most favourable reply. The audience having ended thus, the King then led the French ambassador and the Cardinal of York into a chamber, the Legate Campeggio and all the other ambassadors remain- ing outside. I imagine they went to negotiate some of the articles which have not been discussed hitherto. To-morrow I shall go to the Cardinal of York and to the French ambassadors, and endeavour to expunge the clause which includes your Highness circa controversias judicandas 'per tres judices^ and will immediately notify the result. News has arrived here that the magnifico the captain of the Flanders galleys has departed this life, he having been long ill of a double tertian fever ; ^ may the Lord have mercy upon him ! I imagine his death will be a loss not only to his family, but also to the country, as he was a worthy man, most immensely to be lauded for his singular abilities and morals. ^ Febre dopia ttrzana. f\ FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. 223 Lambeth y October i, 1518. After well pondering the difficulty produced by the ob- jectionable clause, although not authorized by your Excel- lency to negotiate anything, or to assent or object to what might be done, I concluded that I ought not to allow it to stand in its present form. Accordingly I went first to my lord the admiral, and then to the Bishop of Paris, acquainting them with the contents of said clause as shown me by the Cardinal of York, stating to them that although it did not bind your Excellency, considering that it had not been assented to by yourself or any of your agents, it would yet, if allowed to pass, become an inducement for the Emperor to make such demands of your Signory as are not now thought of by him, with the belief that some one of the three arbitrators would support his claims ; wherefore, I said, those who by inserting this clause expected to smooth the difficulties existing between the Emperor and your Excellency, have on the contrary multiplied them ; adding many other arguments to this effect. Both their lordships told me they had not seen this clause, and that they were utterly ignorant of its contents, and that I had great reason not to assent to it. I requested their lordships, on its being shown them, to reject the terms of arbitration between the Emperor and your Excellency, and this they promised me they would do. I then went to the Cardinal of York on a like errand, in case said ambassadors should not have kept their promise to me ; but on two occasions he was gone to Greenwich, and on a third, was holding a conference with the French ambassadors, so that I could not speak to him. To-day, I returned to the ambassadors, who assured me that they yesterday concluded everything relating to the 224 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN general peace and betrothal, simply including your Serenity, and omitting the conditions above alluded to. They told me, that whenever anything was in course of negotiation, or might at any future period be discussed, concerning the interests of your Excellency, they would act for you as for their most Christian King, with many other most fair and lovmg expressions, and wanted to show me the articles • but M. ViUeroy said the fair copy had not been drawn up so as to admit of their being read currently, but promised to show them to me before they were made public I thanked their lordships for this aiFectionate demonstration on behalf of your Highness, in strong and ample terms suited to this efFect, so that they remained well satis- ned. * * * Lambeth, October 5, 151 8. By my letters of the ist instant, your Highness will have heard that on the 3rd the general peace was to be proclaimed in St. Paul's church.i On that day, accordingly, his Ma- jesty was accompanied thither by the two right reverend Legates, and all the ambassadors and the lords and prelates of the kingdom, when a solemn mass was celebrated by the Cardmal of York, with so many pontifical ceremonies, and of such unusual splendour, as to defy exaggeration. After the recital of a very elegant and grave oration on the peace by the chief Secretary, the reverend Dom. Richard Pace, his Majesty, and the Cardinal of York, together with the French ambassadors, proceeded to the high altar, where the articles of the peace were read and sworn to by both parties, but m a tone audible only to themselves, which is FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. 225 tantamount to their having cancelled the words of the preamble concerning the expedition against the Turks,^ so I am unable to specify the contents of said clauses, but on the opportunity presenting itself, will endeavour to get sight of them and announce their purport. These ceremonies being ended, his Majesty and the rest of the party went to dine in the palace of the Bishop of London, the King returning afterwards to Durham House in the Strand,^ accompanied by all the aforesaid. From thence, the Cardinal of York was followed by the entire company to his own dwelling, where we sat down to a most sumptuous supper, the like of which, I fancy, was never given either by Cleopatra or Caligula; the whole banqueting hall being so decorated with huge vases of gold and silver, that I fancied myself in the tower of Chosroes,^ where that monarch caused divine honours to be paid him. After supper, a mummery, consisting of twelve male and twelve female maskers, made their appearance in the richest and most sumptuous array possible, being all dressed alike. After performing certain dances in their own fashion, they took off their visors ; the two leaders were the King and the Queen Dowager of France, and all the others were lords and ladies, who seated themselves apart from the tables, and were served with countless dishes of confections and other delicacies. Having gratified their palates, they then regaled their eyes and hands, large bowls, filled with ducats and dice, being placed on the table for such as liked to gamble; shortly after which, the supper tables being re- moved, dancing commenced, and lasted until after midnight.^ On the 5th, the bridal entertainments were celebrated at Greenwich, being attended by the two right reverend Le- gates, and the ambassadors, and lords and prelates ; and the decorations were most sumptuous. The King stood in VOL. II. Q^ 226 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN front of his throne ; and on one side was the Queen and the Queen Dowager of France, with the most illustrious Princess in front of her mother, dressed in cloth of gold, with a cap of black velvet on her head, adorned with many most costly jewels. On the other side were the two right reverend Legates, and others, according to their grades. The reverend Cuthbert Tonstal, the Privy Councillor, re- cited a most copious and elegant oration in praise of the marriage, which, being ended, the most illustrious Princess was taken in arms, and the magnificos the French ambas- sadors asked the consent of the King and Queen on behalf of each of the parties to this marriage contract ; and both parties having assented, the right reverend Legate the Car- dinal of York placed on her finger a small ring, juxta dtgitum puella^ but in which a large diamond was set (supposed to have been a present from his right reverend lordship afore- said), and my lord the Admiral passed it over the second joint. The bride was then blessed by the two right rever- end Legates after a long exordium from the Cardinal of York, every possible ceremony being observed. Mass was then performed by Cardinal Wolsey, in the presence of the 'King and all the others, the whole of the choir being deco- rated with cloth of gold, and all the court in such rich array that I never saw the like either here or elsewhere. These sacred ceremonies being ended, the King and all the company went to dinner, his Majesty receiving the water for his hands from three dukes and a marquis, and then water was also given to the legates and others according to their rank. At the royal table, the two legates were seated on the right hand, at some little distance from the King ; and to the left were two of the French ambassadors, namely, my Lord the Admiral and the Bishop of Paris, the Dukes of Buckingham, Norfolk, and Suffolk being seated at FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. 227 /! the inside of the table,^ The other two French ambas- sadors,7 the Spaniard, one from Denmark, and myself, with marquises and other lords and prelates, dining in another chamber. After dinner, the King and the Cardinal of York, with the French ambassadors, betook themselves into a certain room to conclude some matters which remained for settlement, and all the rest departed. ^ This announcement was contained in the concluding paragraph of the letter, which, for the sake of conciseness, is omitted. - It was Giustinian's particular wish that the preamble directed against the Turks should be omitted, as the appearance of hostility on the part of the Signory could only have been injurious to the latter, when it was evident that no expedition would really be entered upon by the allied sovereigns. 3 As usual on similar occasions at this period, the King had passed the night at the residence of the Bishop of Durham, the site being con- venient for the procession to St. PauFs. In the twelfth year of the reign of Henry IV., " Prince Kerry (Henry V.) lay at the bysshoppe's inne of Durham fro the seid day of his comming to towne unto the Moneday nest after the fest of Septem Fratrum." See Chronicle of London, Nicholas, p. 94, in Cunningham's London Handbook, p. 169. ^ For an account of the household stuff of Chosroes II., King of Persia, in his favourite residence of Artenuta, see Gibbon, " The Decline and Fall,'' &c., chap. xlvi. At p. 98 allusion is made to the Cardinal's cupboards of plate in the banqueting rooms at Hampton Court, follow- ing Stowe, in whose annals it is written, that the 280 guest-chambers there, each contained " a bason and ewer of silver, a great livery pot of silver, and some gilt j yea, and some chambers had two livery pots, with wine and beer j a silver candlestick, having in it two sizes," &c., &c. It is pleasant to find York House compared to the chamber Bada- njerd. In his Report of England, the ambassador alludes especially to the quantity of tapestries possessed by Cardinal Wolsey j and, as if to make good the comparison between him and Chosroes II., Gibbon mentions that 30,000 rich hangings adorned the walls of the Persian monarch's palace of Dastagerd. ^ The account of this entertainment given on Sunday, October 3rd, 1 51 8, by Cardinal Wolsey, is detailed as follows by Hall : " That night the Cardinal of Yorke made to the ambassadors a solempne banket, and them accompanyed many lordes and ladyes of Englande. And when the banket was done, in came 6 mynstrels, richely disguysed, and after them followed 3 gentelmen in wyde and long gounes of crymosyn sat- tyn, every one having a cup of golde in theyr handes j the first cup was ful of angels and royals, the second had diverse bales of dyce, and the iii had certayn payers of cardes. These gentlemen ofFred to playe at 228 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN momchaunce, and when they had played the length of the first boorde, then the mynstrels blew up, and then entred into the chambre 12 ladyes disgiiysed ; the fyrst was the Kyng hym selfe, and the French Quene, the second the Duke of Suifolke, the Lady Dawbeney,the Lord Admiral and the Lady Guyldford, Syr Edward Nevel and the Lady Sentliger, Syr Henry Guyldford, and Mastres Walden, Capitayn Emery, and Mastres Anne Carew, Syr Elles Capel, and Lady Elizabeth Carew, Nycholas Carew, and Anne Broune, Fraunces Brian, and Elizabeth Blout, Henry Norrys and Anne Wotton, Fraunces Poyntz and Mary Fyenes, Arthure Poole and Margaret Bruges. On this company attended 12 knightes disguysed, bearing torches; all these 36 persons disguysed w^re in one suyte of fyne grene satyne all over covered with clothe of golde, under tyed together with laces of gold, and maskyng whoodes on their heddes : the ladyes had tyers made of braydes of damaske gold, with long heres of whyte gold. All these maskers daunced at one tyme, and after they had daunced they put of their vizers, and then they were all knowne. The admyral and lordes of Fraunce hartely thanked the Kyng that it pleased him to viset them with such disport, and then the Kyng and his company were banketed and had high chere, and then they departed every man to his lodgynge." ^ The table was in the form of a horse shoe. ' The English commissioners for the betrothal of the Princess Mary to the Dauphin, were the Duke of Norfolk, Thomas Ruthal Bishop of Durham, Charles Earl of Worcester, and Nicholas West Bishop of Ely. The names of the French commissioners may be seen at p. 22 1 . Lambeth y October 10, 151 8. By mine of the 5th, your Highness will have heard what happened down to that date, since when entertainments were given at Greenwich during two days, consisting of Stately jousts, and banquets, and comedies; pageants of such a sort as are rarely seen in England.^ On the 9th instant I went to the Bishop of Paris to hear the contents of the clauses, the which, by consent of my lord the Admiral, he caused to be read to me ; that is to say those relating to the peace, but not to the betrothal, and as they abound in long paragraphs />r^yi;w, I will not write them FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. 229 out literally, but merely their meaning, especially such items as appear to me worthy of note. First, peace and alliance are made between this most serene King and his most Christian Majesty, to last for ever ; his Holiness, the Emperor, and his Catholic Majesty, being in- cluded therein as principal confederates, being bound to ratify said peace and confederacy, with all the subjoined conditions, within the term of four months, in the fashion, and with the ceremonies used in similar cases ; and in the event of this ratification, they are understood to be chief confederates toge- ther with these two Kings ; whereas should they not ratify, they are then understood to be merely comprised in feeder e. The difference thus provided for, inter principales con- fcederatos et comprehensos^ is, that should any of the principals and adherents who have ratified be attacked by any of said parties, or by others not included therein, on notifying said attack to the other confederates they are bound to protest against the assailant, or to send to him to desist from his attack, and make compensation for damages within a stated period ; and in the event of non-compliance, said confede- rates who shall have ratified, are bound, communibus expensis^ to take up arms against the assailant and invader. Further, if indeed any of the parties comprised in the confederacy, and who may not have ratified, should be assailed by any power included in the league, or foreign to it, in this case, on demanding subsidy of the confederates and those comprised in the league, they are bound to give it, impensis requirentis et non communibus^ and herein consists the diff^erence between those who shall have ratified, and those who shall not have ratified. It has also been declared, that the parties mentioned and comprised, although not now principals, nevertheless on their ratifying are to be understood as becoming such, and not merely adherents. 230 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN Item^ by this confederacy, it is not meant to alter any previous confederacy and friendship formed privily between any of these potentates before the present one. Item^ should vi^ar be waged against any of the said confe- derates, the colleagues are not to examine or take cognizance whether the places and territories on account of which the war may be waged, are held or occupied by fair tenure, but merely that the party be defended for the places and terri- tories possessed by him, quomodocumque^ licet occupati. Item^ should any of those mentioned as confederates, not conform to the clauses of the present alliance, the league between England and France is not to be considered broken, but on the contrary to remain firm and inviolable ; and should any one, whether a member of the confederacy or not, molest their coasts and sea-ports, both one and the other are bound to fit out a fleet for mutual defence, and to attack the invader. The nominees of the King of England are his Holi- ness, the Emperor, his Catholic Majesty, the Kings of Hungary, Portugal, Denmark, the Duke and State of Venice, the State of Florence, Duke of Ferrara, Mantua, Duke Lorenzo of Urbino, cum all the Magnifico House of Medici, and the Switzers. The nominees of the most Christian King, in addition to the foregoing, are the Kings of Scotland and Navarre, the Duke of Pomerania, Duke of Lorraine, Guelders, Savoy, and the Marquises of Monferrat and Saluzzo. Should there be any others, I do not re- member them, for I merely collected these particulars in the course of the perusal, nor did I have anything repeated, lest they should repent them of making the communication to me, and also because the hour was late. Before these articles were read to me, as I deemed it very strange, that during these past days, the Spanish ambassador should have been present in a secret place, at a consultation FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. 231 /' about a certain matter, held between the Cardinal of York and the French ambassadors, and from which Cardinal Cam- pejus was excluded, I pretended to the Bishop of Paris, in order to learn the reason of this admission, that I had heard many people complain of it, saying that it was sus- pected that this Spanish ambassador sought to embroil matters. The Bishop of Paris replied to me that said Spanish ambassador had sought to impede what was already settled, but did not succeed; and they told him that pro- vided he had a commission from his Catholic King, he was to ratify ; if not, the term of four months was given him for ratifying, and this was confirmed to me by the Reverend Dom. Richard Pace. I will see the Cardinal of York, and endeavour through him to hear these articles read a second time, so that should anything have escaped me, I may repair the omission at another opportunity, and also learn the conditions of the marriage and of the sur- render of Tournai, though I doubt his gratifying me, as he is a very reserved person, and seems to place small trust in any one. I shall try to hear through others what I may not have been able to learn from said Cardinal of York, and will give notice of the whole to your Highness. His Majesty here has made most liberal presents to these French ambassadors, that is to say, to my lord the Admiral, a very rich robe of cloth of gold, lined with cloth of silver, which had been made for his Majesty's own use, and was indeed worn by him one day at these ceremonies. He also gave him several pieces of plate, valued at 3,000 crowns, and three foot-cloth-horses (palfries).^ To the Bishop of Paris plate and 2,000 crowns. To the other two ambassadors, namely. Monsieur de S. Danie and Monsieur Villeroy, he gave plate to the amount of 1,000 crowns each; and a number of the gentlemen-in-waiting on the most Christian i 232 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. 233 King, plate and apparel to the value of 500 crowns each ; and to the remaining gentlemen of the embassy 4,000 crowns to be divided amongst them. To the most Christian King himself, they are sending a suit of horse harness, with the caparisons and every requisite wrought in gold filagree, a very rich embroidery, and of fine design, so that the French themselves say they never saw anything handsomer. The departure of these ambassadors is delayed until the arrival of a courier from the French court, and in the meanwhile they will be banquetted by the Duke of Suf- folk and other lords.^ ^ ** The 8 day of October at Grenewlche was song a solempne masse by the Bishop of Durham, and after masse Docter Tunstal, Master of the Rolles, which after was Bishop of London, madt- an eloquent preposi- cion in praise of the matrimony to be had betwene the Dolphyn and the Lady Mary ; and all that day were the straungers feasted, and at night thei were brought into the hall, where was a rock ful of al maner of stones, very artificially made, and on the top stood 5 trees, the first an olive tree, on which hanged a shild of the armes of the Church of Rome j the 2d a pyneaple tree, with the armes of the Emperour j the third a rosyer, with the armes of England j the 4th a braunche of lylies, bearing the armes of Fraunce : and the 5th a pomegranet tree bearing the armes of Spayn, in token that all these 5 potentates were joined together in one league against the enemies of Christe's fayth. In and upon the middes of the rock sate a fayre lady, richely appareyled with a dolphin in her lap : In this rock were ladies and gentelmen appareled in crimosyn sattyn, covered over with floures of purple satyn embroudered on with wrethes of gold, knyt together with gold laces, and on every floure a hart of gold moving. The ladies' tyer was after the fassion of Inde, with kerchiefs of pleasaunce, bached with fyne gold and set with letters of Greke in golde of bullion, and the edges of their kerchiefes were garnished with hanging perle. These gentlemen and ladyes sate on the neyther parte of the rocke, and out of a cave in the said rocke came 10 knightes, armed at all poyntes, and faughte together a fayre tournay ; and when they were severed and departed, the disguysers dissended from the rock, and daunced a great space : and sodeynly the rock moved, and receaved the disguysers, and ymediately closed agayn. Then entred a person called Reaport, appareled in crymosyn satyn full of tonges, sitting on a flyeng horse with wynges and fete of gold called Pegasus. Thys person in Frenche declared the meaning of the rocke and the trees and the tournay/' See Hall. ^ ^^Chinee-^^ for the ttYmfoot-cloth-horse,m contradistinction to 2inxiar horse y see King Richard III., act iii., Lord Hastings loquitur, ** Woe, woe, for England ! Not a whit for me ; For I, too fond, might have prevented this. Stanley did dream the boar did raise his helm j But I disdained it, and did scorn to fly. Three times to-day vcv^ foot-cloth-horse did stumble, And startled, when he looked upon the Tower, As loath to bear me to the slaughter-house.*" ^ As a supplement to the foregoing details of the betrothal of Mary Tudor to the Dauphin, the following is translated from the diaries of Marin Sanuto, vol. xxvi. fo. 136, A.D. 1518, October. ** Summary of some private letters from Nicolo Sagudino, the secre- tary of our ambassador in England, dated Lambeth, 30th September, 1 518, addressed to Alvise Foscari, and which give more copious details of events there than the public despatches. " He mentions how the French ambassadors, namely. Monsieur the Admiral having come across on the i6th of September, entered London on the 23rd, thus: first the waggons loaded with chests and other bag- gage ; then 70 sumpter mules as usual j then eight French gentlemen dressed in silk, and many of them in cloth of gold, accompanied by an equal number of English lords and knights, in most sumptuous array, very well mounted, with handsome chains : then came the four ambas- sadors, accompanied by the great personages of this kingdom, and fol- lowed by the Scotchmen of his most Christian Majesty's guard on horse- back, accompanied by thirty of the guard of the King of England : then the pages of the French gentlemen and others j then some 400 English horse, the entire amount of cavalry which made the entry being 1,400 — 700 English and 700 French. It was a fine spectacle, and they were richly and gallantly arrayed. " On the 25th, our Venetian ambassador visited the admiral, and he (the secretary) acted as interpreter. The Admiral asked after Dom. Andrea Griti, and received for answer that he was well. Amongst the company there was one, by name Mons. de la Motte, and Count Ugo de Pepoli, who had accompanied these ambassadors. Our ambassador was excellently received by the Admiral, who is amiable and thoroughly Italianized. ** On the 26th, said ambassadors went to the court at Greenwich for audience of the King, to which our ambassador was invited j and they came in rich array, with doublets of cloth of gold, slashed in the French fashion, making a fine display. In the English court there were upwards of 400, including gentlemen and knights and lords, dressed most hand- somely in silk and cloth of gold, with chains of unusual size and thick- ness. The King was seated at the extremity of a hall, in very rich attire, better than the secretary had ever seen him in j on the right hand were the legates, the Cardinals of York and Campeggio, and the company came into the hall in the same order as on the arrival of the I 234 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN legate Campegglo, the French gentlemen placing themselves behind the benches where the great personages of this realm were seated j and then came the ambassadors, whom the King embraced lovingly, and they were seated in front of him, whereupon silence being proclaimed, the reverend Bishop of Paris delivered a grave and elegant Latin oration, to which the King caused a favourable reply to be made by the chief secre- tary, the Bishop of Ely. The King then got upon his legs, and calling all the French gentlemen one by one, embraced them very graciously : they were in great number, so that this greeting occupied more than a quarter of an hour, and when it was ended the King withdrew into a more retired chamber with the Cardinal of York and the four ambassa- dors, whilst our ambassador and the others returned home. " On the 29th the ambassadors aforesaid went again to the court to a grand banquet, and another was given them by the Cardinal of York, so that great honour is paid them, more than was ever received by any embassy in England. They and the French gentlemen change their sumptuous slashed dresses daily, to the astonishment of every one, and go about London in bands on their mules, a fashion which is not usual amongst the English ; and they appear so many ambassadors rather than courtiers. On Sunday the 3rd the peace will be published. " Letter from the same, dated the loth of October. How on Sunday the 3rd, the English lords and knights and the ambassadors, assembled at a palace where the King was, distant one mile from the cathedral church of St. Paul's, whither he betook himself with 1,000 horsemen, all most richly clad, &c. Then in the evening, after the banquet, at which the twelve nymphs made their appearance, there was dancing, and they played at the English game called momchaunce, and after midnight, when all had departed, the King himself remained to play high with some Frenchmen. " Then on the 5th said ambassadors went to Greenwich at 8 a.m., to celebrate the espousals of the most illustrious Princess Mary 5 and being assembled in a hall, the third oration in praise of the marriage was deli- livered by the most learned man in England, D. Cuthberto Tunstallo, privy councillor, the Princess being in her nurse's arms, by the side of the most serene Queen, her mother. He writes, that on the evening of the 5th, besides the royal dinner, there was also a supper and much dancing, so that they went to bed at three in the morning, and thus did these pageants end. The ambassadors were to leave on the 13th, on their return to France, the King having made them very handsome presents, as mentioned in the public letters : to the Admiral Bonnivet he gave a very costly robe of cloth of gold, lined with cloth of silver, besides the one already mentioned : to four of the gentlemen-in-waiting ot the most Christian King he gave plate to the amount of 500 crowns each. Sec. To Monsieur de St. Meme, who is one of said gentlemen-in- waitmg, a very boon companion and a favourite of his most Christian Majesty, the King gave one robe more than he did to the others, and it was ot gold brocade, lined with brocade of silver, the gold outside being all slashed with a very handsome trimming of sables j and the way he FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. 235 gave it him was, that during the first day's joust the King was in a gallery with all the ambassadors, dressed in this robe, and said Monsieur de St. Meme being very facetious and jesting with the King about many matters, said amongst the rest, * Sire ! I never saw a robe more to my liking than that which your Majesty now has in wear:' to which the King replied, ' Monsieur, do you think it would fit you ? ' to which Mons. de St. Meme rejoined, * Well, I must try it on 5' so the King took it off, and he put it on, and said, * Sire, I never had a robe that fitted me better j' upon which the King replied, * It is yours,' and sent for another, and Mons. de St. Meme wore it all that morning, and it is worth 1,000 ducats. *' He writes that the presents given by the King to the ambassadors and others are worth from 15,000 to 16,000 ducats, that is to say crowns. "To-day, wiiich is the loth, the ambassadors are going to banquet with the Duke of Suffolk, who is a liberal and magnificent lord 5 it is thought they will be treated most sumptuously." The fact of Henry VIII. having played high with the Frenchmen in England at this period, is alluded to by Sebastian Giustinian in his report} and Hall in his Chronicles (Ed. 1809, p. 520) writes that " in the second year of his reign he was much enticed to play at tennis and the dice, which appetite certain crafty persons about him perceiving, brought in Frenchmen and Lombards to make wagers with him, and so he lost much moneys but when he perceived their craft, he eschued their company and let them go." Skelton, alluding to an empiric who had promised to heal our CardinaVs eye, mentions his having cured a Lombard, then well known by the name of " Diego Lomelyn That was wont to win Much money of the King, At the cards and hazarding." Lambeth, October 25, 1518. By mine of the I2th instant, your Highness will have heard what I considered necessary to be communicated, and I now announce the receipt on the 13th instant, of your missives dated the 17th of August and ist of October, which enjoin my announcing the truces between the Emperor and your Excellency. As this news, however, had previously 236 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN reached me through another channel, your Highness will learn that I had already made the announcement, and would not repeat it after so long delay, for fear the King might make me the same answer that Caesar did to the Trojan ambassadors.^ On the 23rd I received three of your letters, dated the 5th, 17th and 28th ultimo, with advices and summaries for communication, which I have hitherto been unable to im- part, both because of my own indisposition, and also be- cause the Cardinal of York has been unwell. So soon as I can go abroad, I will execute the commission enjoined me with all accuracy. The reverend Spanish ambassador, who has resided here the last four years, on the conclusion of this peace and betrothal, requested dismissal of his Majesty here, and says he shall depart in a fortnight without waiting for his suc- cessor ; a proceeding which I attribute solely to dissatisfac- tion experienced by his Catholic King. The four ambassadors destined for the French court, namely, the Lord Chamberlain,- the Bishop of Ely,'^ the Grand Prior of St. Johns,^ and the Captain of Guisnes, are preparing for departure. These four are charged with the negotiations, but they are accompanied by a number of great personages as advisers, who are not mentioned in the commission ; besides other gentlemen who go to honour the legation, numbering in all 600 horse. They will depart hence in eight or ten days, and after the ratification of the confederacy with the most Christian King, Tournai will be formally surrendered, in virtue of a third contract, besides those for peace and betrothal. This third contract stipulates that a pecuniary compensation shall be made by the King of France, payment of which is to be made at a long date, I will not assert the amount, as it is reported FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. 237 variously even by great personages, until perfectly sure of the fact, which I have been unable to inquire about by reason of my own illness during the last fortnight, and also because of the indisposition of the Cardinal of York. Within a month, or rather more, this most serene Queen is expecting her delivery, which is looked forward to with great anxiety by the whole realm. God grant she may give birth to a son, so that having an heir male, the King if neces- sary may not be hindered embarking in any great under- taking soever. 1 understand by letters from my family, that an accident has befallen my noble successor, calculated possibly to delay my return. Should his magnificence, perchance, scruple to depart in the winter, such a consideration ought not to weigh with one so young, for had he come at proper time, I who am now old, should not have hesitated to take the winter journey ; so do your Highness deign to send him, or give me the means of coming home, and of not continuing to waste my life in England ; it is high time, and I beseech and demand this of your Highness as a favour. ^ Giustinlan is here alluding to the stoiy told of Tiberius Nero, who, when some delegates from Troy bore him tardy condolence from their city on the death of his son Drusus, rejoined, that he likewise deeply lamented the sorrow caused them by the catastrophe of Hector. 2 The Earl of Worcester, see ante^ pp. 135, 136, and vol. i. p. 107. The appointment of these four great personages as ambassadors on the part of Henry was mentioned by Giustinlan previously to the arrival of those from France in a despatch which we have omitted, under date of September i . ^ Nicholas West, see ante^ p. 136. ^ Sir Thomas Docwra, mentioned in vol. i. pp. 93-4, and subse- quently. This Prior of St. John's was one of the most able statesmen of his day, and was often the colleague of the Earl of Worcester, with whom he acted in 1 509 on the indictment of Edmond Dudley. We now find them going to France together, as they had already done in Septem- ber 1 514, on the marriage of Maria Tudor to Louis XII. The Prior went also on an embassy to the Emperor Charles V., on which occasion he was accompanied by Sir Thomas Boleyn. In date of July 1521, ! in I (J 238 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN |! fPn' ^^ d'"^^*" ambassador in London mentions, that on the 20th the Grand Prior was going to attend the conference at Calais, on which occasion he had again for colleagues the Earl of Worcest r and he Bishop of Ely besides Thomas Ruthal, Bishop of Durham In this last instance, the Venetian ambassador gives neither name or' surname merely writing, "Grand Prior," &c. ; but as that dignity w^ not ^S matic, ex offiao it is highly improbable that Sir Thomas DocwrJs cabinet. Dr. Lingard in detailing the events which took place at Calais m the autumn of 1 5a,, says, that Lor^ St. John went thence on a mission to the Emperor ; but as the first Baron St. John was no" created unti the year ,588-9, it cannot be doubted that the person meant was Sir Thomas Docwra, prior of St. John's, who went to Charles V. on that occasion likewise , and it is probable thkt he did not die unri }' ^'[r '^NV""' ''"^'"^' '^°'' ^"y "^'^'^'l '"^tion of his successor Sir Wilham Weston, exist until the year icc,-, when hV!l,T ' exchange of lands belonging to the orde^r with King Henry VIH ' '" FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII, 239 Lambeth y November 9, 151 8. By mine of the 25th October, your Highness will have heard all that had taken place, nor has anything important occurred subsequently, neither have I been able to transact any business, both because of having been ill myself during many days, and also by reason of the indisposition of the Cardinal of York, so that during this interval, I merely acquamted the King with the Turkish news, and with those from Hungary,! which his Majesty seemed to hold in as small account as if they had related to the affairs of India. The reverend Spanish ambassador, with whom during all this time I have exchanged civilities, was to leave to-day. He says he has been urgent for his dismissal many months past, though the general opinion is, that his departure is occasioned by the dissatisfaction of his Sovereign at this new confederacy. The English ambassadors destined for France have taken leave, and I believe they commenced their journey to-day : they go with very great pomp, rather regal than ambas- sadorial, endeavouring in every respect to outvie the French ambassadors : it is said they will only remain a short time. The Cardinal of York has been somewhat busied in de- spatching them, so as to prevent my discussing the affair of the wines, which, owing to the late negotiation, has been long neglected, the merest trifle becoming a great impedi- ment in this matter, as usual when there is a question of doing what may be disagreeable. * * * I have heard, most serene Prince, with incredible annoy- ance, of the accident which has occurred to my noble suc- cessor, and which I deeply lament both for his sake (worthy as he is of extreme commiseration) and also for my own. After a lapse of forty-six months, I was expecting to reach the threshold of the senate, and to enter your Serenity's most desired presence, whereas I now perceive my hopes to be in vain, unless the graciousness of your Excellency exceed my own foul fortune. Really, your Excellency might adopt one of two courses, either give me a successor, and despatch him though it be winter, as was the case with myself, who came away at one week's notice ; or permit my return without a successor, and enable me at length to revisit my country and my family, neither of whom will, I suspect, recognise me, owing to the length of time (four years and odd months at the least) which will have elapsed before I can reach the desired haven. ! At this period. King Louis of Hungary was only twelve years old, and his kingdom a prey to the magnates, and in a state of the greatest confusion, ot which Sultan Selim I. availed himself to make conquests there, and his successor, Soliman the Magnificent, continued these inroads; and finally, on the 29th August 1526, King Louis fell in battle against him in the plain of Mohatz. mmamtme 240 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. 241 i>.i I Lambeth y No'vemher 10, 1518. Nothing worthy your Serenity's knowledge has chanced since mine of yesterday, save that the most serene queen ■| was this night deh'vered of a daughter, which to the {^^ who are as yet acquainted with the circumstance, has proved vexatious, for never had this entire kingdom ever so I anxiously desired anything as it did a prince, it appearing to / every one that the State would be safe should his Majesty I leave an heir male, whereas, without a prince, they are of a contrary opinion. This news, therefore, is of very great importance to England, and perhaps, had the event taken place before the conclusion of the betrothal, that event might not have come to pass ; the sole fear of this kingdom being that it may pass into the power of the French through this marriage. This event has prevented my going to the Cardinal, for I consider it such as would not warrant my im- portuning him. Lambeth, November 11, 1 5 1 8 . Since mine of yesterday, I went to visit the right reverend Cardinal of York, both to communicate to him the summa- ries received in your Excellency's letters dated the 1st of October, and to arrange a dispute in which his lordship. was involved with the merchants of our nation, with whom he was extremely angry. By adroit language, I endeavoured to appease him, and succeeded, for whereas at first he would neither listen to them nor see them, threatening that they should learn, to their very great cost, the authority exercised by him in this kingdom ; he now, on becoming calm, sent for them, and addressed them graciously and lovingly, and they gave him seven very handsome Damascene carpets.^ These he would not accept on their behalf, but on mine, from whom he said he would acknowledge them; for in point of fact I had proposed that the present should be made him, and mentioned that it had been my doing, though it in point of fact proceeded from the merchants, who be- sought his right reverend lordship to deign and accept it from them ; after some demur, therefore, he consented to accept them as the gift of both. On the departure of the merchants, I arranged two other disputes of no small importance, affecting some of cur individual merchants, so that should God give me grace to settle the affair of the wines of Candia, I shall have smoothed and adapted all our national interests. I then communicated to him the above-mentioned sum- maries, both those concerning the Turkish matters, and likewise the others relating to Hungary, representing them in such peril as my acquaintance with that kingdom con- vinces me is the fact." His lordship thanked me for this announcement, and told me had received letters from the Emperor, declaring that he was very well satisfied with this union, though according to what has reached me through another channel, no commission has been given to any one here, neither is his Imperial Majesty sending any one to ratify the conditions of the league. The Cardinal added that I was to return in three or four days, when he would give me the articles of the confederacy, and letters addressed to your Highness. I said I would present myself accord- ingly, as I shall do, but, neither at the perusal of the clauses, nor with regard to their transmission, will I offer any comments of my own, in order that your Highness may be more at liberty to answer as you shall think fit. He then VOL. II. R 2^2 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN drew me aside, and showed me the clause exhibited to me on a previous occasion, as mentioned in my despatch of the 24th of September, and which I said at the time did not please me, and that I had caused it to be cancelled through the French ambassadors. He now read this clause to me drawn up fair, in the guise of a letter, but in a more stringent form, and, in my opinion, yet more prejudicial to the interests of your Serenity. Having attentively listened to it, I said that this article had not been noted in the contract of the league, which was sent to France ; and he replied that it was not noted in the schedule of the other articles, but that he had drawn it up, and meant to send it to your Excellency in attestation of his readiness to arrange your affairs with the Emperor. My rejoinder to his lordship purported, that I was fully aware of his anxiety for the welfare and quiet of your Highness, but that possibly from his not being so conversant with the affairs of our State as I myself was, he mistook the means of serving you ; and that therefore I would tell him as from myself, and with the same secresy as if in the confessional, that I considered such a provision would rather prove an occasion of controversy, than the means for ending such. The disputes, so called, between your Signory and the Emperor, I said, were at present but few in number, whereas should this clause take effect, it could but furnish the Emperor with cause and matter to raise fresh difficulties concerning matters which by right and by force of arms have been disposed of, inspiring him per- haps with the hope of clutching some thousand ducats, seeing himself in the hands of three judges from whom he might possibly have greater expectations than from your Signory, alleging many other arguments which I will not repeat, to avoid being tedious. On hearing them, his lord- FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. 243 ship said, " Enough ! enough ! matters shall rest as they are," and he took the clause in his hand, appearing to be perfectly satisfied. I shall return to him, and keep on the watch for what he may say and read to me, so that nothing may be done to the manifest prejudice of your Excellency, but ever as of myself, tendering neither assent or dissent,' without the express order of your Highness. ^ See despatch of June 21, 151 8. 2 As stated in the introductory notices of his life, Sebastian Giustinlan T.nn.?'' ^'"^"^^^t V^ ^^"^ ^"^^^^""^ ^^' Hungary, from the month of January 1500 until the commencement of the year 1503. Lambeth y November 12, 151 8. By the accompanying, your Highness will have heard what had taken place, and I now inform you that I went by invitation to dine with the Legate Campeggio, who received me with the greatest possible kindness and affection. At table, in course of conversation, he assured me that at the Diet lately held at Augsburg, the Catholic King had cer- tainly been created King of the Romans,i with the consent of five of the electors, the Duke of Saxony alone dissenting, though it is said that he likewise will give a favourable vote at the Diet, which it is reported will be held at Frankfort, when the announcement of this election is to be made. Your Highness will learn, I imagine, through other channels whether this news is true or not. After dinner, having gone together into a chamber, we began talking about this general peace and relationship between these most serene Sovereigns, and as I had never been able to see the preamble to this contract, I asked wl 244 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN his lordship of what tenor it was. The pith of his reply purported that said preamble implied that this peace and league were made for the purpose of invading the Grand Turk, and freeing Christendom from the imminent peril that now threatened her, with other expressions proving that this was the mainspring of the alliance. I then asked him if the copies had been sent in this form to the Emperor, and he said they had, both to him and also to his Holiness, but that the Emperor made answer expressing his approval of the union, and that he would empower the reverend Spanish ambassador, who was commissioned by the Catholic King, to ratify for both one and the other ; the which ambassador, as your Excellency knows, departed without effecting this ratification : the legate, however, says a fresh ambassador is expected. He also vouchsafed to acquaint me with the period and mode of the restitution of Tournai, telling me it will be made before the return hither of the English ambassadors who have left the French court ; nor is there any doubt hereof, as he declares he saw a separate contract concerning this matter, and on my in- quiring into the terms and conditions of it, he said the most Christian King had bound himself to give 600,000 crowns, that is to say, 25,000 francs annually, 300,000 crowns of which are to be placed to account of dower, and should the bride not be consigned before the 300,000 crowns are paid, in that case the most Christian King is to continue the annual payment aforesaid of 25,000 francs, although it ex- ceed the dower. Furthermore, the King of France is to liquidate all the arrears of pay due to the garrison of Tournai. I next inquired about the affairs of Scotland, and he told me he understood according to this arrangement, the Duke of Albany is forbidden to return there. On my remarking FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. 245 that the French ambassador had denied the existence of this prohibition, his lordship seemed to hesitate a little, and then said, '' I am surprised that the French ambassadors should act thus with you. Know that in all this business, four sepa- rate contracts have been drawn up : the first is that of the union between the Princes of Christendom ; the second relates to the betrothal; the third stipulates the restoration of Tournai ; and the fourth is this one about Scotland, which expressly specifies that on no account may the Duke of Albany return thither ; and that the young King is to be educated by Scotchmen now in that realm ;" a clause which Cardinal Campeggio says is inserted, lest his most Christian Majesty, or the Duke of Albany, should send over some Scotchman their own creature, and attempt to procure for him the wardship of this King. I next asked him if any clause existed beyond the contents of the first instrument; and whether " White Rose,"^ who was residing in France, and is styled by this side a rebel to the kingdom, had been dismissed, or anything else stipulated about him. He said that no other settlement had been made, beyond the clause in the first instrument, to the effect that none of the contracting parties may harbour or favour the rebels of their allies ; but he assured me that within the last week a great personage had said to Cardinal Wolsey, " Know that the King of France favours ' White Rose ' more than ever, augmenting his stipend, and bettering the terms he had made him, in order that he may remain in his kingdom." Continuing these topics, he told me that his Majesty here was excellently disposed towards making an expedition against the Turk, having, he said, expressed himself hereon in such ample terms, and so lovingly, that if at first he entertained some doubts of the Christian undertaking being settled, he is now, on the contrary, firmly convinced that it will be m H 246 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII, carried into effect, should the other principal confederates not fail. He added, " Know, and inform the Signory, that to this effect the Kings of England and France are to have an interview this year," telling me that he had seen this King's letter written in his own hand to France, pledging his royal word, that between this and next June he will cross the channel for an interview with his most Christian Majesty, at which all the legates and ambassadors of the other allied sovereigns, appointed for the said Christian ex- pedition are to be present, and thus Cardinal Campeggio considers this business will have the desired result. 1 The ambassador Minio writes from Rome (despatch No. 229), in date of the 4.th September 1518, announcing the intended t\tct\on of a King of the Romans, and again in letters Nos. 232, 235 (i6th Septem- ber), 237, 241, 246, 248 (i2th November), 249, &c. In the despatches of Lord Berners, other details may also be read of the efforts made by Charles of Spain to get himself elected King of the Romans at this period, all which, however, failed, owing to the death of Maximilian on the 1 2th January; and we thus know that Cardinal Campeggio was misinformed. 2 Richard de la Pole. See ante, p. 177, and vol. 1. p. 262. Lambeth y December 3, 1518. I went lately to Cardinal Campeggio, and after I had thanked him for several communications, he acquainted me with two rather important facts ; first, that he was of opinion that the stir made by the Bishop of Ventimiglia^ against the present government of Genoa could not be otherwise than by the consent of the most Christian King, which would appear to me very momentous. What could have induced so sudden a change ? and by what breeze is this ship wafted ? I perceive that his opinion is no castle 247 in the air, for he has received recent letters from Rome, and has despatched a courier in haste with letters hence. Moreover, he told me there were fresh negotiations on foot for the marriage of the Catholic King to the daughter of the King of Portugal f and imagining this report to be the same that circulated more than a year ago, I told him this news had been divulged a long time ago, but that the arrange- ment seemed not to have taken effect, whereupon he replied that this was a fresh negotiation. He next informed me that the King of Spain was sending foot soldiers into the kingdom of Naples, and that troops were being conveyed thither by way of Trieste — a move which his lordship says is on account of the Turks. I, indeed, did not tell him my opinion, which would attribute the destination of these troops to the Portuguese tidings, his Catholic Majesty being apprehensive lest by concluding the marriage with Portugal, and setting aside that with France, the most Christian King may invade the kingdom of Naples in virtue of his claims upon it, as confirmed by the treaty of Noyon, and on this account Spain is anxious to make herself secure there. These topics being disposed of, I took leave of his right reverend lordship, who really treats me so kindly, and evinces such great devotion towards your Highness, that if permitted I would suggest that you write him a gracious letter, in acknowledgment of his good oiEces. I am of opinion that such a compliment could not fail to be advan- tageous ; for your Excellency may believe me, that this cardinal is of such ability and prudence, and knows so well how to captivate the minds of all sovereigns, that he may one day prove a very advantageous instrument. Your Highness, who is most sage, will do as to your wisdom shall seem fit. 248 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN ^ Alessandro Fregoso, Bishop of Ventlmlglia, is mentioned by Guic- ciardini, in date of the year 1519, as having then meditated an attack on Genoa, but the historian does not allude to this former project in 151 8. In vol. i. p. 38, it is stated that in the year 151 5, Octavian Fregoso was Doge of Genoa, and after the battle of Marignano (September 14th, A.D. 1 515) he is said to have acted as governor there for Francis I. Octavian had banished his kinsman the Bishop, who wanted to be Doge himself, a grade enjoyed by his father the Cardinal Paul Fregoso from the year 1483 until 14.87. It would seem by this, that Francis I. doubted the fidelity of Octavian Fregoso in 151 8, and on this account favoured the projects of the restless Bishop of Ventlmlglia. 2 See ante, p. 141. Lambeth y January 13, 1519. * * * I have executed the commissions contained in your letters of the 2ist November, charging me to congra- tulate his Majesty on the relationship and new friendship contracted with the most Christian King, and to thank him for having included your Highness in said friendship and confederacy. I found his Majesty on the point of starting upon one of his pleasure excursions \ he evinced satisfaction at the good will of your Highness, and said he was glad this general peace pleased you. I then acquainted him with the summaries of news from the Levant and from Hungary ; and when I came to that paragraph which mentioned that a Turkish ambassador was expected to ask peace of King Louis, this likewise seemed to gratify him, and he said it was a good thing, since it proved that Sultan Selim was not meditating immediate hostilities against Christendom : to all which comments I answered becom- ingly, and thus took leave. I afterwards went to visit the Legate Campcggio, who kept me to dine with him ; and after the repast showed me two letters, one from the right reverend Legate in France (Bibiena), and the other from his colleague in Spain,^ FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. 249 touching the good will of either King — that is to say, of King Francis and the King of Spain. The former, in the event of the Turk's invading Italy, offers an army of 3,000 spears, 6,000 light horse, and 40,000 infantry, provided all the Christian Princes unite and march with their entire forces. His Catholic Highness, on the other hand, limits himself to matters nearer at hand, and offers, for next March, 2,000 spears, 1,300 light horse, 15,000 infantry, and a suitable armada : details which I do not write to your Highness as news, for I imagine that your ambassadors at the French and Spanish courts will have given you thorough informa- tion on the subject, but in proof that this Legate Campeggio perseveres in his good ofHces. As he told me he had not received any other news, I made no farther inquiry of him concerning the nego- tiation for marriage between the King of Spain and the daughter of the King of Portugal, nor yet about the other event which took place at Genoa, as I fancy that the disturbances there have been suppressed, nothing else having been reported on the subject. So soon as I am in a state to go abroad, I will pay another visit to his right reverend lordship, and acquaint myself copiously with the whole. On my remarking to him, in the course of conversation, that it might be reasonably supposed the King of England would not fail exerting himself, having the example of these other Christian sovereigns before his eyes, he replied that everything promised well, telling me that a specific determination was already formed, and that in a few days he would notify the whole to me, whereupon I took leave of his right reverend lordship. On the return of the Cardinal of York, who is expected in a week, I moreover hope to learn every resolve through that channel. 250 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN Your Highness must not imagine that this intelligence about hostilities against the Sultan was sought for by me, as one desirous of it, for I am aware of what the Signory wishes in this respect ; but, whilst discussing other matters, we broached that topic likewise. Your Sublimity's galleys are yet in Flanders, owing to certain garboil experienced by them in those parts, but they are expected at Hampton from day to day ; and I pray God to bring them in safety ! ^ Cardinal Egidio. See Guicclardini, vol. iii. p. 252. Lambeth y January 19, 1519. Since my last of the 13th instant, nothing has chanced worthy the knowledge of your Highness, owing to the ab- sence of the King and of the Legates, who are all amusing themselves, and also by reason of my indisposition, which keeps me a prisoner ; but on the return of the two Cardinals, which will take place on the 24th instant, I shall, without regard for my ailments, go and visit them in fulfilment of what I know to be my duty, and I will also acquaint the King and their lordships both with the letters of your Sublimity, dated the nth ultimo, and likewise those of the 27th, received to-day. There is no news of importance here, save a general report that the English ambassadors are on their way back from France, and that they will indubitably surrender Tournai, the delay having been caused by certain hostages who are to be given by King Francis to his Majesty here ; and it seems that within the last few days, the affair has been adjusted. FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. 251 I was assured lately that the King of England had remitted 25,000 ducats to Augsburg, destined for the Emperor;^ in- telligence which was subsequently confirmed to me through another channel. I cannot, however, vouch for this. From a good source also, I understand that his Catholic Highness has remitted 200,000 ducats to the Emperor, and the elec- tors of the empire : I imagine it is for the election of his said Catholic Highness as King of the Romans ; and that the money will be disbursed accordingly on his being pro- claimed. * * * ^ As already stated at p. 246, Maximilian died on the 12th of January, 1 519, and we here see that to the very close of his career he was doomed to the pangs attached to penury j and even on his death-bed needed so paltry a sum as 25,000 ducats ! Lambeth y February 25, 1519. Your Highness will have already heard of the Emperor's death, as also of the very sumptuous obsequies celebrated here. Moreover, of the arrival of the Flanders galleys at Hampton. 1 I now inform you that the demise of the Em- peror has been held in small account : that the surrender of Tournai was made to the most Christian King, and that the gentlemen appointed as hostages have come hither, as also some of the English ambassadors, the rest being detained at Calais, by the very stormy weather which has prevailed.^ These English gentlemen, who have returned, say that ex- cessive honour was paid them by the King, and that they received great presents, but they don't choose to descend to particulars. I perceive that these two Kings of England and France 252 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN are very united ; and the French ambassador here has daily audience of Cardinal Wolsey, though I know not for what purpose, as said ambassador treats me with much more re- serve than his predecessor ever did. I imagine because he is a person of no great experience, and does not beh'eve in the closeness of the ties which exist between his most Christian Majesty and your Highness. I shall endeavour adroitly, if possible, to obtain information through some other channel. An ambassador has arrived here from the Catholic King, a Fleming, by name Dom. Joan Jaghes, a person of very good acquirements and repute. I have already formed a friendship with him, and will perfect it in the course of the daily visits which I purpose making him. He told me that he was expecting a colleague here, another ambassador, a great personage. The Legate Campeggio assures me that this ambassador is come with a special power to approve the confederacy formed between France and England, in conse- quence of his predecessor having departed on bad terms with his Majesty here ; for although he approved of all that had been done, nevertheless, as the matter was concluded, ipso absentee he did not choose to ratify it, unless all that had been settled were annulled, which these lords would not consent to. I, moreover, heard this from the lips of Cardinal Wolsey and the Bishop of Durham, who seemed very dissatisfied with him. * * * 1 It would seem by this that the ambassador wrote a despatch between the 19th of Jamiary 1519, and the 25th of February, which the secre- tary Sagudmo omitted to copy : a similar act of carelessness has been noticed between the 8th of May, 15,6, and the 30th of the same month. 1 he plague offered some sort of apology for the first fault, but for this second we are at a loss to frame any excuse. !./• J^^ "^"^^^ ^^ ^^^^^ hostages were De Morette, De Mouy, De la Meilleraye, Me Montpenat, De Mortemart, De Grimault, De Mont- morency Rochepot, and De Hugueville. FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. 253 Lambeth, March 10, 1519. I have now to announce the arrival of all the English ambassadors, who are returned from France ^ with eight hostages, four of whom are men of a certain age, the other four being lads of seventeen years old and under, personages of condition ; and as it was not believed that they were hostages, Cardinal Wolsey did not choose to receive them until the French ambassador had presented them in public to the King under the name of hostages, in which character they were accepted, but with every demonstration of honour and good-will. After this ceremony, the Cardinal aforesaid sent the reve- rend Archbishop of Armagh 2 to the Spanish ambassador resident here, with a message, word for word, of the follow- ing tenor, and which was delivered in my hearing : — " ^a vos vidistis et audistis potestls scnbere ;" and in confidence, the ambassador told me that this fashion of hostages seemed very strange to him, as it was not customary ; and I an- swered him, that this had been done rather for the satis- faction of the English nation, which is not very well pleased with the surrender of Tournai, than from any other cause. On the same day when this ceremony took place, as I was accompanying Cardinal Wolsey to York-house, he said to me, " What think you of this, Domine Orator ? Did we not perform this act with honour to ourselves ? so that everybody may be aware that this peace will last, and that there is a pledge for its durability ; and those who doubted this fact, will now credit it.'' I lauded the wisdom of his right reverend lordship, in reply, and told him that he saw at a glance whatever should be done or left undone. The Spanish ambassador told me that his colleague, a German, a person of great authority, by name Count Horn, was to 254 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN make his entry Into London to-day. It does not seem to me, however, that these lords have made any preparation for doing him much honour: in like manner, as no great de- monstration is made by them in favour of the one now here whereas every indication of good will is lavished on the French ambassador, and on the hostages likewise. Since the announcement made in two of my letters to your Highness, concerning the determination of his Majesty here to cross the channel, for a conference with the King of France, I have not vouched farther for the fact, because there has been no little difficulty about the matter, and some diversity of opinion ; but it is at length settled that the voyage across for the interview is to take place without fail, though report varies as to its period, yet will it certainly be effected either at the end of June or the commencement of July. His Majesty has formed a list, and sent it to France, containing the names of all who are to accompany him, they being the chief personages of the kingdom, in order that King Francis may come with an equal company ; and I have been assured that the Lord Treasurer, the illustrious Duke of Norfolk, will remain here as Governor. This, indeed, is not decided, but it seems to be the general opinion. It is said that the King of England will reach the other side six or seven days before the King of France comes to the ap- pointed place, so that he may be able to receive him in state as becoming ; and from what I hear of the preparations in course, I apprehend it will be a very fine sight : the meeting will take place between Boulogne and Calais, and there is now a difficulty as to whether, after the reception and con- ference, they are to go back for the night, the one to Boulogne and the other to Calais, or sleep in tents in the country ; and this point is not yet settled. The Eno-llsh ambassadors who were in Spain ^ have at FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. 255 length arrived, and I fancy they induced the mission of these ambassadors from the Catholic King to seal and ratify the confederacy, the original clauses of which I chose to inspect a second time, comparing them, both with the copy sent to Rome, and with the one forwarded to France, and they are of the tenor as already written by me. This I did for the sake of learning whether any alteration had taken place owing to the arrival of these Spanish ambassadors ; for the one, already here, told me certain formalities were requisite before the confirmation of this alliance. After visiting his colleague, I will forthwith give information hereon to your Highness. The English ambassadors lately returned from Spain, when dinino- the day before yesterday with the legates and other noblemen, mentioned having had much intercourse with the most noble Messer Francesco Cornaro "^ the Knight, extol- ling him to the utmost, both for prudence and magnificence, which was, moreover, confirmed by the French ambassador, insomuch that the whole court speaks of him in terms of the greatest honour. Your Highness' galleys have commenced loading, and all the merchants are at Hampton for this purpose. I can do nothing farther in the business concerning the wines of Candia, until I receive from your Serenity the two acts for the imposition and repeal of the duty.^ I beseech you to send them me immediately ; for although my successor will be already on his way, it would be desirable for the docu- ments to arrive here so betimes as to prevent any delay in my return. ^ See antSy p. 236. 2 See ante, p. 164. 3 John Bourchier, Lord Berners, the translator of Froissart, and the Archbishop of Armagh. See ante, p. 165. 4 A kinsman ot Catharine Cornaro, Queen of Cyprus, ambassador 256 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN from Venice to King Charles of Spain, and who accompanied the Emp«- ror to England, a.d. 1520. A portrait of this nobleman may be seen in the celebrated picture of the Cornaro family by Titian, now in North- umberland House. ^ The application for these documents was made in conclusion of the ambassador's letter of February 25th, after mentioning a fruitless inter- view with Wolsey. A letter of the 26th, omitted likewise on account of the frequent recurrence of this subject, reports another attempt to reason with him. Wolsey had pretended to discredit the extracts from the two acts with which Giustlnlan had already been furnished, and hence the application for the documents in extenso. Lambeth, March 17, 1519. I have now to announce the arrival of an ambassador here from his Catholic Highness, in order to ratify the peace and league concluded between the Princes of Christendom ; and yesterday being appointed for his public audience, all we ambassadors received an intimation from the King, which I accepted accordingly. Sumptuous preparations had been made at the place ap- pointed for his audience, a great number of the lords and prelates having been convened to this efFect, including seven- teen bishops not usually in attendance at the great court ; and as his Holiness had sent a fresh commission to the Legates, in confirmation and approval of what had been done, it was therefore arranged that in virtue of this new com- mission, the two Cardinals were to come to the court as if newly sent by his Holiness aforesaid. They make their appearance in this fashion accordingly, being met by his Majesty and all the prelates, lords, and ambassadors, with all the ceremonies usually observed on a first arrival ; and after holding a colloquy with the King concerning the busi- ness they had to transact, the Prothonotary Campeggio, the right reverend Legate's son or brother^ delivered a very FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. 257 elegant oration in the name of his Holiness. In this address, he lauded the King of England to the skies, thanking him for the ardour and promptitude he had displayed towards the Christian expedition ; and, alluding to the formidable power of Sultan Selim, and to the peril which threatened the whole of the Christian commonwealth, he urged his Majesty to realize his holy project, which confirmed and sanctioned the league and friendship formed between the princes therein named. According to the tenor of the discourse, the King of England may be styled the head of this alliance, rather than his Holiness, who has lavished every possible expression of honour upon him, somewhat to the disparagement and degradation, perhaps, of the Apostolic chair. After this, one of the Spanish ambassadors made an oration, specifying the conditions in virtue of which a place had been reserved in said league for his sovereign, and thanking this King for having deigned to name him as one of the chief confederates, but making no mention soever, either of the Pope or of any of the others, just as if this admission had proceeded solely from the King of England. He said, in conclusion (to use his very words), that his Catholic Highness requested and besought his Majesty to be pleased to receive him as one of the number of said confederates \ the ambassador and his colleague being the bearers of a commission to this efFect, approving all that had been concluded, and requesting that the oaths usual at similar contracts might be taken, and that they might receive the copy of the aforesaid contract signed and ratified. The magnifico Dom. Richard Pace, his Majesty's chief Secretary, made the reply, in which he qualified our Lord's Holiness, " tanquam comitem ! confaederationis ;" and to mitigate the arrogance of such an expression, he added, VOL. II. S ^•^^.-/■>^. ■'•^'^It*^ 258 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. " Comitem^ et quod maxime optavit hie sacratissimus Rex Principem confaederationis !" He also praised his Holiness for having sent a commission to conclude and ratify this confede- racy here in England, rather than at Rome in the presence of his Holiness ; adding many other expressions, extolling the power of the King of England. In answer to the Spanish ambassadors, he said that his Majesty was glad to hear of the good disposition towards him of his Catholic Highness, whose thanks he accepted most lovingly, as from his very dear nephew ; and with regard to his petition for acceptance, his Majesty was content to receive and include him in the list of the chief confederates, assuring him that the other points he had named would be replied to most favourably. From this, your Highness may comprehend in how great repute the King of England stands with all the princes of Christendom, and that the principal author of all these proceedings is this right reverend Legate of York, whose sole aim is to procure incense for his King and himself. He will, in point of fact, make a sale of all these settle- ments and their appurtenances r so that one cannot please him more than to style him the arbitrator of the affairs of Christendom, concerning which there are endless things to be said, better adapted to my " Report " than to insertion in my letters.^ The French ambassador did not seem too well pleased at such great repute being attached to his Majesty here ; and when discussing other topics, has frequently inquired of me whether your Highness would approve of the most Christian King being Emperor. I told him in private, however, that the thing in the world you desired most intensely was to see his most Christian Majesty raised to this dignity, assigning various reasons to make him believe that such was the wish of your Excellency. 259 From the abbreviation thus, "/7o. di qusto. Rmo. Legato;" it is doubt- ful whether we ought to read son or brother. Cardinal Lorenzo Cam- peggio did not enter the Church until after he became the father of two sons, and a widower. One of his sons, Giambatista, was Bishop of Majorca, and Alessandro Bishop of Bologna, and eventually Cardinal. It is probable that the prothonotary here alluded to by Giustinian was one of these two Churchmen, though it is possible that the person meant wa^s the brother of the Legate, and not his son. - This appears to be the literal meaning of what stands in the original as follows : " Qu^al non studia ad altro salvo che a procurar f umo a questa Maesta et a lui qual come e vero se vendira tutte queste conclusione cum tuttQ le sue pertinentie, ita che non se li p6 far," &c. ^ Sebastian Giustinian made his report of England to the Venetian Senate on the loth of October, 1519, and therein, as promised, gives a sketch of the character of Cardinal Wolsey. m Lambeth^ March 22, 151 9. I have now been to visit the Spanish ambassadors, who received me very graciously, and in answer to my compli- ments expressed their satisfaction at your friendly disposition towards his Catholic Majesty. They besought you (to use their own words) to persevere therein, and not to seek war and dissension, assuring me, at the same time, of the amicable intentions of their sovereign. These words were uttered apparently from premeditation, and not pro for?nd. As I remarked them, I fancied myself listening to the late ambassador of his Majesty aforesaid, who was here a year ago, and expressed himself precisely in the same terms, which, in reality, so far as I can comprehend, proceed from jealousy, lest at the instigation of the King of France, of whom Spain is very suspicious, your Excellency should declare yourself. I replied in words of peace, showing that your Excellency was anxious for the maintenance of the friend- ship which prevails between you and his Catholic Highness, and with this they appeared well satisfied. 26o DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. 261 On the morrow, which was the 20th instant, they went to Greenwich, whither we were all invited, and Cardinal Campeggio celebrated high mass in state, giving plenary indulo-ence to all present ; after which, near the high altar, the two Legates, in the name of his Holiness, confirmed the league and friendship lately contracted, promising to observe all that he was bound to by the clauses, and in this manner did they join it, signing the clauses aforesaid, the King doing the like. The Spanish ambassadors then read the clause relating to their Catholic King, promising to conform to it in his name ; and they also took the oath, as did his Majesty in the same case. This ceremony was followed by the banquet : with his Majesty there sat the two Legates and Count Horn, the Spanish ambassador, whose colleague, however, and the French ambassador, and I myself, with other lords and prelates, were seated at another table. This congress, and, indeed, the whole day, was solemnized with much pomp ; a visit being, moreover, paid to the most serene Queen, who in the presence of the King lavished great marks of good will on the ambassadors. This interview ended, we took our departure. Subsequently, in the course of conversation with various persons, especially with the magnifico Dom. Richard Pace, he assured me that the conference between his Majesty and the King of France on the other side the channel may be expected to take place about the commencement or middle of July. I afterwards paid a visit to the French ambassador, with whom I have held various colloquies ; and in like manner, as on former occasions, he inquired of me whether your Excellency would be content that his most Christian King should be elected Emperor. As I did not perceive any one near but my secretary, I assured him that you had nothing in the world more at heart than to see the imperial throne filled by his most Christian Majesty aforesaid, from which you anticipated marvellous effects as apparently pro- mised by the endowments of so great a King, with much other language very expressive of such a tendency. When in company with Cardinal Campeggio, his right reverend lordship said to me, " Your Signory must be in great mental suspense about the election of this Emperor;" assuring me that the Diet was to assemble at Frankfort the fourth Sunday in Lent, and that it was a very momentous event, considering the power of the candidates. I told him you were neutral in this election, and did not interfere in any way, as you deemed all the competitors your friends, and hoped that, whichever of them might succeed, they would be the protectors of the Catholic faith, and maintain the peace and union of Christendom. On the following day, his son (or brother^) the Prothonotary said the like to me, but showing more openly that by reason of their power he did not approve of the election of either of the two Kings, and that it would be well to take the most serene King of Poland, who is an extremely able man, and violently opposed to the infidels in favour of Christ's faith. ^ I made a show, as I have said, of being neutral, it appearing to me expe- dient for the interests of your Excellency thus to do. ^ The abbreviation is again the same as at p. 259, thus: " Qu^esto instesso me disse el giorno sequente suo fHo, el Ptonotario j" and so it yet remains doubtful whether this prothonotary was the son (figluiolo) or brother (fratello) of Cardinal Lorenzo Campeggio. 2 Sigismund of Poland, who had been elected king in the month of October, 1506, was engaged in this year 1519, in an attack on the Teu- tonic knights in Prussia, from whom he recovered some towns ot which they had deprived him. By the letters written by the Venetian ambas- sador at the court of Leo X., from the death of Maximilian until the election of Charles V., it would appear that the King of Poland was 262 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN never mentioned at all as a candidate for the imperial crown ; nor In the forty despatches penned by this diplomatist from the 23 rd of January, ^^^r^'J'^/^^ 5th of July following (which last announces the election ot Charles V.), is anything said of the pretensions of Henry VIII., although probably this momentous subject was more fully discussed at Rome than in any other capital of Europe. In a despatch dated 5th June, 1 519, the Duke of Saxony and the Marquis of Brandenburg are spoken of as the rival candidates of Charles and Francis, but there is no corroboration of what Robertson says about Saxony having refused the crown in a most magnanimous manner, &c., &c., nor is it credible that he did any such thing. In date of the 1 3th of March, 1 5 1 9, the ambassador writes from Rome that the Pope was averse to the election of either of the two kings, and wished Francis I. to give his support to some third candidate 5 but at that time he would have preferred France to Spain, though between March and June various circumstances (amongst which the insolence of a French ambassador at Rome may be cited) induced a change in the opinions of his Holiness. FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. 263 across the channel, and the arrangement remains in the same State as already mentioned \ should any fresh resolve be formed, my letters shall acquaint your Excellency with it immediately. I am unable to write any news, for Cardinal Wolsey has been extremely occupied in taxing all these prelates and ecclesiastics for a certain pecuniary contribution which it is meant to levy on them, and which, I understand, will amount to a great sum, the Pope also having consented to this impost. I shall learn the business more in detail on obtaining the copy from his right reverend lordship, and your Sublimity shall be informed of the whole. Lambeth y April $y 15 18. The Spanish ambassadors, having departed this city, were met at Dover by letters both from their Catholic King and from Flanders, the precise contents of which are not known. One of these ambassadors consequently returned immediately with these despatches, and after seeing the Cardinal of York, was to have audience of the King. I fancy the afFair is important, although with us the ambas- sador makes light of it. It is reported that they have news of the Duke of Guelders having made an attack in those parts ; for this, however, I do not vouch, though it may also be conjectured, from the embargo laid on all vessels in Spain. These signs are not at all indicative of peace, but calculated, on the contrary, to frustrate all that has been done to effect it by the Cardinal of York. Nothing further has been done about this King's voyage Lambeth y April 15, 1519. * * * When visiting the French ambassador here, and discussing various matters, he assured me that these two most serene Kings would confer together in the month of July, although common report says nothing of this inter- view, just as if there had never been any question of it. He tells me he is by no means certain of the reason for the return of the Spanish ambassador, but understands that it is caused by the preparations which the Duke of Guelders is said to be making, his Catholic Highness being desirous of support from England. Concerning the affairs of the empire, he told me that his Sovereign would be favoured by the Pope, and by your Excellency, and by all the Swiss Cantons ; and on my adroitly inquiring whether his Majesty here would be favour- able to him, he said he appeared content that the empire should fall to the most Christian King, rather than to others ; 264 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN but that the ambassador does not believe this, and is of opinion that this enterprise of France will receive neither favour nor disfavour from England. In accordance with my duty, I write these things as they reach me, but my opinion is, that the French ambassador here has not much foundation for what he says. Should I be able through any other channel to obtain surer infor- mation, my despatches shall give your Signory immediate information. •, April 29, 1 519. I received the missives of your Serenity, dated March 25th, with copies of the acts curtailed^ and lacking their pre- ambles and conclusions, and different from your letters written heretofore in this matter, so that I shall be unable to make any use of them. But little has happened here worthy of notification, but in order not to leave your Serenity in expectation of my letters, I write these to announce the arrival of a fresh Spanish ambassador, by name Bartholomew, the steward of his Highness aforesaid. He came post in eight days, and has complained grievously to his Majesty here of the most Christian King ; charging him with an attempt to extort the imperial crown from the electors of the empire by sheer violence and tyranny, and alleging that he is making warlike preparation ; having on his side the Pope, your Signory, ' with a considerable force, the Florentines, the Genoese, and the Switzers. The King of England, he said, should be- ware of allowing the most Christian King to obtain a dignity which would render him irresistible ; with much other FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. 265 strong language of a general nature, which was repeated to the French ambassador, who tells me he made answer that it was better to obtain the empire magnanimously by force of arms, rather than by seduction and fraud. At the same time, he denied that his King meditated any violence. All the lords here seem very much to lament this con- tention, and in my presence the lord Marquis ^ spoke to said French ambassador telling him part of these things, and evincing extreme regret thereat; and other personages, moreover, have complained to me of similar ambitious tactics, with regard to which I indeed ever make a show with this side, of being neutral and ignorant of these pro- ceedings, though with the French ambassador I feign a wish for the success of his King. On my inquiring whether he would have favour and aid from his Majesty here, he told me the King of England had given him a favourable reply, appearing to be content ; but that he, the ambassador, does not believe it, so that I am not of opinion that any succour or support will be extended from this quarter to the lofty projects of his most Christian Majesty. Everybody tells me that your Excellency favours this undertaking of his most Christian Majesty, and has made preparations to facili- tate it, but I have no advice soever from the State ; nor do I desire such for the mere sake of talking about it, but in order to accommodate myself as becoming to the variety of circumstances in which I am bound to act. * * * Your Excellency's galleys sailed on the 19th instant, since which there have been strong breezes, so it is supposed that they have already crossed the Bay of Biscay, and entered the Mediterranean seas, which may God grant. They shipped as much as possible. ^ The Marquis of Dorset, See note i, ante p. 12. 266 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN Lamhet/iy May 6, 1519. * * * I understand that his Majesty has written in dis- creet terms to the most Christian King to desist from hostili- ties, and to seek the empire by other means, and not by force, in corroboration of the newly-contracted peace. This seems to me reasonable, as the two Spanish ambassadors, at whose suit he apparently wrote this letter, have departed, and it was said at the time, that the last ambassador came on purpose to report the preparations making by the King of France, and to persuade his Majesty here to address him on the subject as aforesaid. There is no doubt but that neither the King here, nor any great personage of this realm, would wish his most Christian Majesty to obtain the imperial crown, and there- fore he will receive no succour hence, either of men or money. This is also the opinion of the Legate Campeggio, who told me the Switzers were not going to favour the undertaking of the most Christian King, but, on the con- trary, had written to him desiring he would desist from the attempt. His right reverend lordship added, moreover, that one of the Electors, whom King Francis boasts of having at his beck, has no intention of complying with his wishes. Touching the conference between these two Kings, no symptoms soever are manifest : a reply of some sort was expected from his most Christian Majesty, as written by me, and it arrived ; but it was not definitive, and they are now awaiting another express, on the arrival of which a consulta- tion will be held, whether to meet or not. For some days past the Cardinal of York has been indis- posed, and he is much reduced by dysentery ; owing to which I have been unable to visit him, as he received no one. I think, however, of calling on him to-morrow, and will pay him such compliment as I believe to be the intention of your Highness. FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. 267 I this day received the State's missives of the nth of April, with the news from Hungary, which I will communi- cate to his right reverend lordship, and to the Legate Cam- peggio, of whom may you at least deign to make mention in your letters by desiring that the intelligence they contain may be communicated to him, since it is not thought fit to write him thanks for his manifold services, and for the devo- tion borne by him to the name of your Highness, who will comprehend that as the dignity is new to him, he must feel flattered by such compliment. Lambeth J May 11, 1516. Whilst visiting the right reverend Legate Campeggio, and speaking about the contest for the Empire between the Kings of France and Spain, and discussing it in various forms, I inquired of his lordship how the King of England would act should these sovereigns come to blows, as they seem inclined to do. He answered me that they could not make war upon each other for the recovery of territory occupied by either side, as according to the articles of the fresh peace, which has been signed and sworn to, all are to retain their actual possessions, even if obtained by conquest, and should the original possessor attempt their recovery by force, the occupant is at liberty to demand subsidy from the confederates, who are bound, according to the articles, to afFord him their support \ for this reason. Cardinal Campeggio said he did not perceive how war could arise between these parties on account of territory. * * * This confederacy was held by the Catholic King; the King of England was inclined to abide by his obligations contracted through the confederacy, 268 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN that is to say, to give aid to the occupant. With regard indeed to the Empire, he said the King of England would in fact do nothing but observe neutrality, and write to each of the competitors, urging them to abstain from war. * * * Yesterday, perceiving these lords to be unusually occupied with public business, and that Cardinal Wolsey, who has been grievously ill, went twice to Greenwich in three days, denying audience to Campeggio on two occasions, and receiving no one, I went to the magnifico the French ambassador, acquainting him with what I had heard about the intention of the King of England, in case France and Spain should come to blows. This announcement, which I made after enjoining the strictest silence, proved very agreeable to him. * * * I shall keep on the watch to learn the cause of these frequent cabinet councils, and when acquainted with it, my despatches shall give immediate advice thereof to your Serenity. I will also impart my knowledge to the French ambassador. Whilst writing these present, three missives from the State were presented to me ; the one a patent ratifying the confederacy ; the other two indicating the mode of executing said ratification. The latter also enjoin my awaiting the magnifico my successor until the second of June, giving me instructions with regard to communicating your inten- tion, if necessary. I Having read these despatches with my wonted respect, I I shall abide most religiously by their contents, but must \ remark that I perceive your Serenity leaves it optional with \ me, as if it were a doubtfiil matter, whether I ought to make the communication to Cardinal Wolsey or not. Now the fact is, as I have informed the Signory, at least a hundred I times, that it is necessary to address oneself to him about every FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. 269 thing ; and, were it a question of neglecting his Majesty or his right reverend lordship, the least injurious course would be to pass over the former. I shall, therefore, impart it to both, but first of all to the Cardinal, lest he resent the precedence conceded to his Majesty. I see that your Highness doubts the erasure in the clauses of that paragraph which referred the disputes between your Sublimity and the Emperor to the Pope, the King of France, and his Majesty here. With regard to this like- wise, I repeat what I vouched for in many of my despatches, namely, that this paragraph was inserted twice, and that each time I had it cancelled, so that the clauses merely include your Excellency as a party to the confederacy : it is only a few days since I read them at the dwelling of the Legate Campeggio, from whom I shall have the copy forthwith. I also expect this document from the Cardinal of York, and by the articles therein contained, your Serenity will perceive that I have not written you lies for the sake of extolling my own acts : my opinion being that to deceive one's sovereign, is an act worthy of the severest chastisement. Lambeth, May 18, 1519. Since my last of the nth instant, which acquainted your Excellency with all that had occurred, it chanced that yester- day, the Magnifico Dom. Richard Pace, the royal secretary, departed on his way (as asserted by every one) to the Electors of the empire,^ which news appearing to me of great mo- ment, and being unable to see Cardinal Wolsey, I went to the Legate Campeggio to learn the cause of this mission. 270 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN which he declares he does not know for certain, not having had any interview with the right reverend of York for the last four days ; but judging from the past, he says it is for the purpose of exhorting the electors to choose an Emperor suited to the need of Christendom, and not to allow them- selves to be cajoled or overawed by any one. I subsequently went to the magnifico the French am- bassador, to learn something further in this matter, as he had been with Cardinal Wolsey on the preceding day, and he told me the like, adding, that he did not believe this to be the mission, but that it was rather to thwart the projects of his most Christian King, and he seems to entertain a very bad opinion indeed of the intentions of the entire English ministry. ^ The illustrious the lord Treasurer,^ whom I went to visit on the day before, told me that his Majesty here has taken and moreover is taking, steps to secure the freedom of this election, which he is of opinion will not fall on either of these two kings, but rather on one of the Princes of Ger- many, which seems to be the universal belief, and also the wish. Within the last few days, his Majesty has made a very great change m the court here, dismissing four of his chief lords-in-waiting, who enjoyed extreme authority in this kingdom, and were the very soul of the Kin<. ; he has likewise changed some other officials, replacing them by men of greater age and repute, a measure which is deemed of as vital importance as any that has taken place for many years. The King, indeed, has given employment, extra Curiam, to the parties dismissed ; some at Calais, and some in other parts of the kingdom, assigning them titles and con- siderable appointments, which is a proof that this charge was not owing to any fault of theirs, though the true reason is FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. 271 unknown. Having heard somewhat to this effect, I desired the Reverend Dom. Dionysius Memo^ to investigate it thoroughly, and having heard the aforesaid, he came to Greenwich to make his report. Various causes are assigned for this proceeding : some maintain that it is owing to the affairs of France, some of these individuals having accom- panied the ambassadors who went to ratify the peace, and, • that they have either been discovered to be too partial to the \ King of France, or, that they have been suborned. Others ! assert that this stir was made because these persons had been the cause of his Majesty's incessant gambling, which has made him lose of late a treasure of gold ;^ and that on coming to himself, and resolving to lead a new life, he, of his own accord, removed these companions of his excesses : this is the opinion of the lord Treasurer.^ The French ambassador, on the other hand, and these gentlemen the hostages, consider that this took place either from suspicion about the affairs of France, or at the insti- gation of Cardinal Wolsey, who, perceiving the aforesaid to be so intimate with the King, that in the course of time they might have ousted him from the government, anticipated them, under pretence of their being youths of evil counsel, and intent on their own benefit, to the detriment, hurt, and discredit of his Majesty, which opinion I fully share. By this, said York will secure the King entirely to himself, extremely to the displeasure, I suspect, of all the grandees of the kingdom, from apprehension lest ere long they experience the same fate as has befallen these poor gentlemen. This opinion is grounded on the fact of the places of these individuals hav- ing been filled up by men of greater age, and perhaps of greater repute, but creatures of Cardinal Wolsey ! The magnifico the French ambassador assures me that he told his right reverend lordship that such a stir would i2']2 I DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN I not have been tolerated at the French Court, even if coun- / tenanced by all the cardinals and chief lords of the king- / dom. Wolsey's reply purported that the French followed ( their own fashion, and the Endish that of Eno-land. Coupling this dismissal with the mission of the Am- bassador Pace, I consider it extremely important; but I shall not interfere or open my lips on the subject to the right reverend of York, although the illustrious the lord Treasurer urges me to do so, and wishes me, when speaking with the Cardinal, to laud all these proceedings ; but I am not in- clined to burden myself with such packs. Should his lord- ship address me on the subject, I shall laud every resolve formed by this most serene King and his government here in genere. It is universally believed that the interview between these two most serene sovereigns, which was to have taken place on the other side the channel, will be deferred, as, from what has taken place, may be readily conjectured. ^ The reader will be surprised to perceive that Giustinian was not aware of the business on which Pace went to the Electors of Germany On this point Hume writes, that Henry VIII., during the contest tor the imperial throne, " was encouraged to put in his pretensions j but his minister. Pace, who was despatched to the Electors, found that he began to solicit too late, and that the votes of all these princes were already pre-engaged, either on the one side or the other." 2 The Duke of Norfolk. 3 The Venetian organist, of whom frequent mention has been made previously. ^ In the report of England made by Giustinian to the Venetian Senate on the loth of October, 15 19, the ambassador alludes to the King's love of play, and says that he occasionally lost from 6,000 to 8,000 golden ducats in a day. See ante^ p. 235. ^ The following extracts from Hall explain this circumstance, which appears to have excited much curiosity, not unmixed with anxiety, at the English court. Under date of *< The x yere of Kyng Henry the VIII.," he says: " Duryng this tyme remained in the French courte Nicholas Carew, Fraunces Brian, and diverse other of the young gentle- men of Englande, and thei with the Frenche Kyng roade daily disguysed through Paris throwyng egges, stones, and other foolishe trifles at the FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. 273 people, whiche light demeanour of a Kyng was much discommended and gested at. They return to England and are all French in eating, drinking, and apparel, yea, and in French vices and bragges, so that all the estates of England were by them laughed at ; the ladies and gentle- women were dispraised, so that nothyng by them was praised but it were after the Frenche turne, whiche after turned them to displeasure as you shall here * * * " The XI yere, Maie, — In whiche moneth the Kynge's counsaill secretly communed together of the Kynge's gentlenes and liberalitee to all persones : by the whiche thei perceived that certain young men in his privie chamber, not regardyng his estate nor degree, were so familier and homely with hym, and plaied suche light touches with hym that thei forgat themselfes."" The King agrees to dismiss them, and to reform his Court, and Hall continues — *' Then the Kynge's counsaill caused the Lorde Chamberlein to cal before them Carew (and another who yet liveth, and therfore shall not at this tyme be named), with diverse other also of the privy chamber whiche had been in the Frenche courte, and banished them the court for diverse consideracions, laiyng nothyng perticulerly to their charges. And thei that had offices wer commaunded to go to their offices ; which discharge out of the courte greved sore the hartes of these young menne which were called the Kynge's minions. Then was there foure sad and auncient knightes, put into the Kynge's privie chamber, whose names wer Sir Richard Wingfield, Sir Richard Jernyngham, Sir Richard Weston, and Sir William Kyngston : and diverse officers wer changed in all places. ** Then Sir John Pechy was made deputie of Calis, and Sir Richarde Wingfield therof discharged, and Nicholas Carew made Capitain of Rice banke, and commaunded to go thether, which was sore to him dis- pleasant. These young minions which was (j/V) thus severed from the Kyng, had been in Fraunce, and so highly praised the Frenche Kyng and his court, that in a maner thei thought litle of the Kyng and his court in comparison of the other, thei wer so high in love with the Frenche courte, wherefore their fall was litle moved emong wise men/' London^ June 9, 1519. * * * 7"hg negotiations between France and his Majesty here proceed very closely and secretly, the French ambassador having frequent audiences of Cardinal Wolsey, and likewise of the King, at the court, but from said VOL. II. T 274 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. 275 ambassador I am unable to elicit anything. He tells me, there are certain differences about damages inflicted and received on the part of the English and French ; this I do not believe, but should there be anything important, if unable to learn it elsewhere, I hope for information from the Legate Campeggio. Immediately on the arrival of my successor, whom I know to have been staying in Paris for the purpose of attending the christening of the King's son,^ we will toge- ther attend on Cardinal Wolsey in execution of your Sere- nity's commissions, and subsequently go to his Majesty, who is in the country. After these ceremonies, and visiting a few of the grandees, I shall immediately set out on my way back to my country, which I so long to revisit, and to pay my respects to your Highness. ^ Henry II., the successor of Francis I. London y June 9, 1519. After having wiicten those tied up herewith, I learnt that the magnifico Dom. Richard Pace (whom I mentioned to your Serenity in my former despatches as having been sent by his Majesty here to the Electors of the Empire) is gone to the Switzers : the cause of this mission will be very intelligible to your Highness, without any comments of mine. I have been informed that the proposed interview between these two most serene sovereigns, will not take place this year; also, that here, in the royal mint, gold nobles are being coined with great alacrity, which is very unusual. I have thought fit to notify these three facts to your Highness, who will estimate them as to your wisdom shall seem fit. London y June 21, 1519. Since my last, nothing new has taken place, save the desired arrival of the most noble my successor, whom I went to meet yesterday, together with our merchants here, and good part of the attendants of the Legate Campeggio, who allows no opportunity of honouring your Highness to escape him. Two of these privy councillors also came, the one a layman and the other an ecclesiastic, personages of good repute, with a suitable number of horses, so that it was a stately riding. These royal delegates used very flattering language expressive of his Majesty's good will towards your High- ness, which was reciprocated by the aforesaid magnifico Surian, so that they remained extremely satisfied with his magnificence ; and as the King is at a distance of about thirty miles hence, it has been arranged for us to go to- morrow to the Court. The magnifico my successor will then have audience, and we will do as enjoined us in his commission ; after which, as arranged by the right reverend of York, 1, Giustinian, shall take leave of his Majesty, London y June 28, 1519. Having gone to Windsor, a place distant some twenty- five miles hence, on the day of the Corpus Domini, in the morning, we entered the presence of his Majesty, to whom, aiaaa«idii»-^a»'i»»^*-'^''' 276 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN before mass, in his royal audience hall in the presence of the Legate Campeggio and the French ambassador, together with a great number of barons, I, Surian, after presenting myself and kissing his hand, consigned the letters of credence from your Highness. After his Majesty had perused my credentials in pre- sence of his court, he recalled me to him, giving me very gracious and honourable greeting, and caused me to be told through one of the secretaries, that according to the tenor of your Serenity's letters, his Majesty took note of two particulars, first, that I v/as to make certain statements to him in the name of your Signory ; which, as the hour for going to mass was at hand, he determined on hearing later in the day; and secondly, that your Serenity recalled the most noble my predecessor, appointing me in his stead. Although, he continued, this recall was irksome to him, since during the sojourn as ambassador here of his magni- ficence, he had had experience of his integrity, wisdom, and address, coupled with singular erudition, owing to which most worthy endowments his Majesty said he had ever loved him like a father ; yet, as such was the will of your Serenity, and as it gratified the ambassador aforesaid, he was very willing that he should return home, especially being aware that his return was accompanied by an increase of honour, seeing that his magnificence had been appointed Councillor of Venice.^ Hereon, he dilated in terms of honour and singular praise of his magnificence, adding, that he was very content to have me about him in lieu of the most noble my predecessor as ambassador from your Serenity, making me an offer, for all my future negotiations, of his good will and loving offices in favour of our renowned republic ; and having delivered himself thus, without await- ing my rejoinder, the King together with ourselves went in FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. 277 procession (everybody being placed according to his rank), accompanying the most holy body of Christ to the church. On the conclusion of the mass, we returned to the above- mentioned hall, and his Majesty having withdrawn to a window, called me to him, whereupon I made my state- ment, containing the due congratulations on this most au- spicious league, and on the relationship contracted between France and England. I also made such offers as suitable, adhering throughout to my commission, accompanying each particular therein specified with such fitting language as deemed by me apposite ; and having previously determined thus with the most noble my predecessor, I returned due thanks to his Majesty for having included our illustrious Republic in the confederacy, urging the despatch of the ratification, as already requested by the most noble my predecessor, which, although late, was still in time, as I, to whom this commission- was given, together with his magnificence, had been unable to reach England sooner, owing to various untoward hindrances. His Majesty, having thanked your Serenity for the loving expressions I had addressed to him, and which he knew proceeded from the excellent will you bore him, called the most noble my predecessor to witness how fully these senti- ments were reciprocated by himself. With regard, forsooth, to the ratification, he said that most willingly should docu- mentary evidence thereof be given us by the right reverend of York, to whom this matter had been delegated ; and finally he terminated his discourse by abundant praise of the most noble my predecessor aforesaid, again styling him " father," and again I rejoined in such suitable terms as my ability dictated. After this ceremony, I, Giustinian, took leave of his Majesty, thanking him, in the first place, for the favour ^irp^y^if SkTi^-*^ :i'. 278 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN invariably shown by him towards your SuWimity ; and, in conclusion, for the praise bestowed on me, made such ofFers as I considered due and becoming. On the morrow, we presented ourselves to the most serene Queen, to whom I, Surian, after paying the com- pliments usual at similar interviews, and presenting my credentials, notified in detail all that was enjoined me by your Sublimity, not omitting a single item contained in my commission. Her Majesty received me graciously, replying in loving language, thanking your Sublimity, and making you the most ample ofFers, ending her discourse by praise of my most noble predecessor, she likewise giving him the epithet of "father." Of her Majesty also, I, Giustinian, took leave, with such compliments as I considered due. We then returned to London, where we will pay the remaining visits, commencing with the Cardinal of York ; and of all our proceedings, subsequent despatches shall give especial notice to your Serenity. Sebast. Just., Eques. > ^ Ant. Surianus, Doct. Eques. i ^^^^^^"^* ^ Giustinian had acknowledged this appointment under date Sep- tember 24, 1 518. 2 At p. viii., of Mr. Holmes's preface to the Trevisan Report of England, translated by Miss Sneyd, is the following note of the com- mission here alluded to by Giustinian and Surian: — " 1519 : 15 April, Ind. 7. Sebastiano Giustiniani and Antonio Suriano, commissioned by Lionardo Loredano to give the consent of the Signory to be included in the treaty between Henry and Francis. Their credentials are printed in Rymer, Suriano was afterwards sent as ambassador to Rome." London, June 30, 1519. We have at length entered the presence of this right reve- rend Cardinal of York, it not having been conceded us to do so earlier ; and I, Surian, having presented my creden- FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. 279 tials to him in becoming form, stated what was enjoined me by your Serenity, commencing with congratulations on the recent league and its happy corroboration by the be- trothal, and telling him that *it was all his doing ; adding thanks for the inclusion in said confederacy of our illustrious Republic, and requesting the despatch of the ratification as demanded within the period assigned, by the most noble my predecessor. I also recommended the afFairs of our mer- chants, omitting no particular contained in my commission, accompanying the whole with suitable ofFers, and in the best form of words I could. His right reverend lordship having first given me the most loving and gracious greeting possible, said in reply, that he lamented the recall of the most noble my predecessor, sub- jecting him as it did to the loss of such a personage, so highly gifted ; expatiating much on his endowments, saying, that this his regret was, however, mitigated by the fact of his mao-nificence returning home with increase of honour, ex- horting me to inform your Serenity, that in all his proceed- ings here, the most noble my predecessor had borne himself excellently, to the universal satisfaction of this whole king- dom, an announcement which he said the King himself also intended making to your Highness. He added, that he con- gratulated himself on my coming in lieu of his magnificence, declaring I was very agreeable to him, and tendering me his good services in all my future negotiations. He returned abundant thanks for the compliments I had paid him in your Serenity's name, vowing that he had always favoured the interests of the most illustrious Republic, and would, more- over, continue so to do for the future, saying in continuation, that the public and authentic writing of ratification would be made out in time for the departure of my predecessor, who might take it with him. Finally, he descended to the afFairs 28o DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. 281 of the merchants, deciding the matter of the customs of the wines, so amply treated by the most noble my predecessor, thus : in the first place, he remarked that, since your Serenity repealed the duty, imposed by you on the wines of Candia, this kingdom had not taken off the whole duty levied here, but merely reduced it from four ducats to one noble, which proved that these customs had been settled thus by compromise ; especially as your Serenity for many years had not said one word hereon (admitting, however, that no documentary evidence to this effect existed in the Royal Chancery) ; and coming to the conclusion, that, as it was desirable that both this question about the wines, and many others (mentioning in particular that of the " deceitful cloth'')^'^ should be henceforth settled by authentic decrees in writing : we must, therefore, intimate to your Serenity to be pleased (should you be of this opinion) to empower me, Surian, to negotiate and conclude articles of agreement in this matter, whereby navigation and trade here, might be carried on without any hindrance ; adding especially with regard to the wines, that for the removal of all difficulty in that matter, a promise must be obtained from the State in some form or other, to the effect that the original duty laid on by your Highness in Candia, and which is now repealed, shall never come into force again, at any future period. I, most serene Prince, rejoined becomingly to all the points mentioned by the Cardinal ; and with regard to the wines, he was told that the promise demanded by his lord- ship seemed superfluous, since should this King repeal the customs entirely, in accordance with justice, they could always be put^ on again, were the duties in Candia replaced on their former footing, and thus, either party found itself mutually guaranteed without any further form of promise. So ended our conference on this matter j and in my " Re- port," I, Sebastian, shall freely explain my view of the case to your Serenity, who will form such resolve, as to your wisdom may seem fit. ^ See ante, ^. ^6, et seq* Londoriy July 9, 1519. Our last were in date of the 30th ultimo, by the courier John Gohho^ since when, on the 6th instant, through the most noble your Excellency's ambassador in France, we, with our wonted respect, received two sets of missives from the State, written on the 3rd and 5th June, together with those addressed to the Legate Campeggio, and the sum- maries of Turkish news, in execution of which letters, what we have done hitherto is this : — We went, in the first place, to Cardinal Wolsey, to whom we imparted the afore- said news from Turkey, for which his right reverend lordship thanked your Sublimity becomingly ; but we have hitherto been unable to do the like by the King, as he is in the country at a distance of some forty miles hence, enjoying his usual sporting amusements. On the day before yesterday we went to visit the right reverend Legate Campeggio, to whom I, Surian, presented your Serenity's letters, which were really very opportune, accompanying them with such expressions as my ability furnished, endeavouring to confirm the good disposition which he seems to entertain towards the interests of the illustrious Republic, assuring him of the excellent will of your Serenity in favour of his right reverend lordship, and how earnestly you wish to do whatever may redound to his * 282 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN honour and satisfaction. He returned our compliments, most serene Prince, most lovingly, thanking your Serenity for the afFectionate letters and demonstration whereof he had been made the object, alluding to the devotion of his late father^ to your Sublimity, from whom he roundly affirmed that all the weal and exaltation of his entire family had pro- ceeded, as lately that of his right reverend lordship himself, in virtue of the erudition and repute he had acquired under the shadow of the Signory, for which reason he styled him- self the eternal debtor of your Highness; 3 adding that should the opportunity ever present itself to him, the State will know by experience that he is (to use his very own words) your Serenity's good servant, expressions which we did not fail to reciprocate becomingly. We went lately to visit the most illustrious Dukes of Buckingham* and Norfolk, to each of whom, I, Surian, paid becoming compliments on behalf of our Signory, which they assuredly reciprocated very well and lovingly. Hitherto I have not met with any one whose outward bearing (their internal bias I leave to God) indicate aught but goodwill towards the State, and especially towards this magnifico my predecessor, who is, in truth, greatly loved by every one, on account of the very worthy parts and excellent conduct of his magnificence in this kingdom. ' The translator has been unable to discover whether this courier, John Gobbo was the ancestor of Shylock's servant, Launcelot : but he was certainly much employed by the Venetian cabinet in ^he first quarter of the sixteenth century, and he was frequently the bearer of despatches betvyeen Rome and Venice during the embassy of Marco Minio, from whose portfolio some extracts have been made in the fore- going pages That representatives of the Gobbo family yet existed in the Venetian territories m the year 1846, is proved by the obituary in the Venice Gazette d^t, J znuzry 6, 1846, which records the demise of one wwl V • ^i^ll''/^'"^" i and the recurrence of this name, as connected with Venice, both m the sixteenth and nineteenth centuries confirms our FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. 283 belief that Shakspeare derived many of his details of Venetian life from Venetians established in England, rather than from Italian novelists, who occasionally disregard precision in patronymics. 2 Giovanni Campeggio, one of the most famous jurisconsults of his age. See ante^ p. 203. 3 Lorenzo Campeggio, like his father, had been professor of juris- pnidence in the University of Padua, where he was probably educated, and he is here alluding, as we judge, to these two facts, which recall the words of Lucentio in the " Taming of the Shrew," when he announces having come ** To see fair Padua, nursery of arts," and there to *' Institute A course of learning, and ingenious studies." — Act I. sc. i. ^ The same who was beheaded a.d. 1521, May 17, and who is mentioned by Shakspeare as " Bounteous Buckingham, The mirror of all courtesy." — King Henry VIII., Act. II. sc. i ^ London, Jufy 9, 1519. Through the ambassador of my Lady Margaret, resident with his Majesty here, news has been received of the Catholic King's having been raised to the imperial throne : intelligence which has really proved unexpected to many, who rather hoped the choice might fall on some third German candidate, instead of on France or Spain. May our Lord God, whose judgments are inscrutable, grant that this election prove for the benefit of the Christian Republic ! ^ Amongst the rest of those to whom this news was unex- pected, is the magnifico the French ambasador, who has in truth taken it much to heart ; and when I, Surian, went to visit him without my predecessor (his magnificence being indisposed), he spoke at great length on this subject, coming to the conclusion that it was more necessary than ever to keep the King of England in friendship with his most 284 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN Christian Majesty, who, being well linked with your Sublimity, will have small cause to fear any stir that this new Emperor my choose to make in Italy by coming armed to take the crown there. Should the King of England, on the other hand, not be his friend, the affair would be very doubtful, by reason of the diversion which he might make in this quarter. Said ambassador, however, appears not to be sure of this King, both because of the national character of the English, who are hostile to the French, and also on account of the most serene Queen, who is a Spaniard, adding that my Lady Margaret likewise sows discord inces- santly ; he is apprehensive, in short, lest in the direction of Flanders, at least, some movement be made against his most Christian King, possibly with some secret subsidy from his Majesty here, although he added that the Cardinal of York appeared to be in favour of France, and not to have been much pleased with this election of the King of Spain, saying many other things to me besides. I, most serene Prince, assured him that your Serenity would never swerve from the sincere and very close alliance existing between you and the most Christian King, and that with faith inviolate you meant ever to share the fortunes of his most Chirstian Majesty. You kept ambassadors here, I said, and had lately sent me hither, chiefly for the sake of maintaining this good friendship between France and England, being well aware that this was necessary for the mutual weal, as sagely remarked to me also by his mag- nificence ; saying, in short, that for these reasons I should act here not less as ambassador from King Francis, than from your Sublimity, exhorting his lordship to act in concert with me in all our proceedings here, as he vowed was his intention, and that on account moreover of the goodwill contracted with me especially of late, he said he FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. 285 chose us to commune together day and night like good brothers and cordial friends, so that from our union every one might judge how closely his most Christian King is linked with your Highness, an invitation, most serene Prince, which I shall accept most heartily, doing my utmost not to fail in any respect. On the evening before last, the envoy here of my Lady Margaret having made preparation for bonfires, illumina- tions, and other marks of rejoicing for the election of the new Emperor, was hindered by the city authorities, which has caused much dissatisfaction. It seems that yes- terday the ambassador complained of this to Cardinal Wolsey, and also publicly to the council, which evinced much regret hereat, apologising and laying the whole blame on the mayor and corporation, whom they accused of acting rashly and without the knowledge of the King and Cardinal, and the rest of the council. In proof of this they also made a demonstration by imprisoning in the Tower as usual certain officials, announcing their intention to hang them by the neck as a warning to others. ^ * From what follows, it would appear that the news of the election of Charles V. reached London through the ambassador of his aunt, the Governess of the Low Countries, on the 7th July 1519. The record by- Hall is in these terms : " This yere in the moneth of June was elected to be Emperor Charles Kyng of Castell, and nephew to the Quene, by the whole assent of the Electors of the Empire : Although the Frenche Kyng sent his Great Master to cause hym to be elected to the high Maiestie of the Empire j yet his ambassador and great master of his houshold called Goufier Lord of Boisy, and brother to Willyam Gouf- fier lorde Bonevet Admirall of Fraunce, whiche was ambassador in Englande the last yere, as you have hard, did not so his message that it toke any effect. ** The Kyng whiche had sent Doctor Pace his secretary for the avauncement of his nephewe the Kyng of Castell to the dignite imperiall, because he had the duchy of Ostrik and many other seigniories •in Almain, was very joyous of this eleccion, and caused a solempne masse to be song at Paules the vii dale of July : at whiche masse was 286 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. 287 present the Cardinall Campeius, the Cardlnall of Yorke, the Dukes of Buckyngham, of Norfolk and Suffolk, with the ambassadors of Spain, Fraunce, Venice^ and Scotlande. And after masse was doen the quier sang Te Deum, and then all the lordes departed to Baynardes Castle to dinner, and that night wer solempne fiers made through London, and greate plenty of wine geven by Italiens, Duchmen, and Spaniards for these newes." According to a despatch of Marco Minio, the Venetian ambassador at Rome (No. 339), the election of Charles V. was first communicated to Leo. X. through letters from Germany, dated the 28th June, which reached him on the 5th July ; and the despatch of Minio, as also the following one. No. 340, give some interesting details of the effect pro- duced by this intelligence in the Eternal City. 2 This outrage induced or contributed to the mission of Norroy to Lady Margaret} for in the Harleian Catalogue, vol. i. p. 112, there is the following entry : — "283-5. Instructyons geven by the Kyng's HIghnes to his trusty and welbeloved servaunte Thomas William, alias Norrey Kynge of Armes ; contayning suche matters as he one the Kinge's behalfe shall declare and shewe to the Lady Margaret, Archeduches and Dowagere of Savoye ; the yeare of our Lord God 1519, in the nth yeare of the raigne of our Soveraigne Lord Kinge Henry the VIII. touching the congratulacion of the electyone of his nephewe Charles King of Castelle, to be Kynge of Romaynes. And of a broylle in London against hir ambassadour, IVith an addition made to the same by Cardinal IVolsey,'*'' London^ July 15, 1519. Last Saturday, his Majesty being absent, the Cardinal of York and these lords sent in the King's name to invite both of us ambassadors to betake ourselves on the morrow to the Cathedral Church, to assist at the ceremony which it was intended celebrating here, for the election of the new King of the Romans, the future Emperor. * * * On Sunday, accordingly, having been taken as usual by two leading cavaliers of the royal bed-chamber to the ap- pointed place, we found there the two Cardinals of York and Campeggio, the ambassador of his Catholic Majesty, and all the chief lords of this kingdom. The French ambassador did not choose to attend, saying he had as yet received no advice soever from his King announcing this election. The ceremony was as follows : all being assembled in the church in their appointed places, the Te Deum was chaunted in state [solemnemente)^ after which Cardinal Wolsey gave the benediction. Last of all, was proclaimed by two heralds, the unanimous election of the Catholic King as King of the Romans, future Emperor, which done, everybody returned home. The refusal of the French ambassador to assist at this solemnity has sur- prised and offended many, of which we were fully assured no later than yesterday by the Legate Campeggio, with whom we dined. On the day before yesterday, when visiting the most illustrious Duke of Buckingham, the ambassador here from the Catholic King likewise made his appearance, and thanked both of us for the compliment, and for the goodwill demon- strated by our presence at this ceremony. He told us he had written the fact to his Catholic King, and to the Lady Margaret, launching forth in loving language, which we also reciprocated well in such becoming form, as (considering the nature of the times) we deemed suited to the interests of your Sublimity. London^ July 15, 151 9. Having dined yesterday with the Legate Campeggio, dis- cussing moreover many and various topics with him during a long while, we consider it our duty to acquaint your High- ness with what we heard worthy of your notice. He told us in the first p'ace that the Electors had decided upon thirty 288 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN clauses to be adhered to by the new King of the Romans the future Emperor, the copy of which he said had not yet been sent him, though he was indeed expecting it. He promised to communicate its contents to us when it arrived, adding that hitherto only three of the clauses had been noti- fied to him : first, that the new King of the Romans be bound to fix his residence in Germany ; secondly, that he be not at liberty to undertake any expedition of any sort soever, without the express consent of the Electors ; thirdly, that none of the ministers and councillors of the late Emperor Maxi- milian may have a voice in the government and council of the new King of the Romans, the future Emperor, and he said that this third clause had been inserted, for the especial purpose of ousting the Cardinal of Gurk.i He next discussed the condition of the Catholic King, allud- ing to his youth and delicate health,^ owing to which he was fitter to be governed than to govern, and touching this par- ticular he said the government was in the hands of my lord de Chievres, a personage who is quite in the French interests. Finally, he came to the conclusion that he could not imagine any expedition would emanate at this present from his lord- ship, especially against France and your Sublimity, in cor- roboration of which he asserted that his Catholic Majesty was straitened for money, being new also to his Spanish subjects, where the allegiance of the population was not yet well estab- lished ; added to which, he said his Majesty had expended much on this election, and given heavy security for the money. Cardinal Campeggio declared also, that the new Emperor would receive no aid soever from England, as the King here and the English ministry are desirous of peace, nor will they, for any consideration, infringe the new league formed with France, strengthened as such is, by the betrothal. He said, moreover, that this country had been FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. 289 sated by the war waged of late years with France, seeing that it had cost them a great amount of treasure, and on our hinting at the subsidy, which even now it is rumoured they purpose transmitting privily to Flanders to be employed against France, as mentioned to your Sublimity in our former despatches, he made answer, declaring that according to his opinion, nothing of the sort would be done. This suspi- cion, he said, proceeded from the French ambassador resident here, whom he declared to be in error, assuring us in general terms that England would not act against France either openly or secretly. The entire discourse of his right reverend lordship terminated in ample offers of service pro- portioned to his means, in favour of our illustrious republic, which we returned in such fitting language as our abilities suggested. ^ See note to despatch of May 26, 1517. 2 The words translated delicate health, stand thus m the original: *' Discorse poi el stato del Re Catholico commemorando la eta jovenile sua la foe a prosperitdy'" &c., &c. In Pasini's Dictionaiy, the word prosperitd is rendered by " 'valida corporis hahitudo,^^ We subjoin some contemporary notices of the youth of Charles V., as an addition to the scanty remains gleaned from Sandoval and Peter Martyr by Robertson, relating to that period of his career which by no class of readers will ever be deemed the least interesting. ^ The voyage of the young King from Flanders to Spain is several times alluded to in the course of the foregoing despatches j and we may here remark that it was rendered necessary by the state of his affairs, which were then anything but prosperous, whether in Spain, Naples, or Sicily. The ambassador Minio, in a despatch from Rome, dated the 17th May 1 51 7, writes, that when discussing the projected voyage of the young King with the Pope, Leo X. remarked, " Reason would dictate the voyage (although, if taken, all are agreed that his death will speedily follow), as prompted by two causes: one being that the Cardinal of Toledo, to whom all seem to defer, is ill, and upwards of seventy-five years old, and, should he die, affairs would be in greater confusion than everj and the other is, that the people of Valladolid and Burgos have an understanding together, and despatch emissaries conjointly to the other places, and say that they mean to appoint delegates to his Catholic Majesty j so that the state is thrown into great confusion by his absence.'* VOL. II. u 11 I 290 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII, Then, on the 7th September 1517, Mlnlo informs the Council of Ten, that the Cardinal de' Medici had told him the Sicilians were sending a deputation to ofFer their island to the Pope withdrawing their allegiance from Spain : and the Cardinal added, that his Holiness was a liberty to accept the offer, as the entire kingdom of Naples was a papal fief. To meet such difficulties, the court of Rome did not consider the young King adequate 3 and on the i6th September, Minio writes m cypher the opinion entertained by Francesco d'Avalos, Marquis of Pescara and the husband of Vittoria Colonna, in terms which are translated as fol ows :- « The Marquis of Pescara and D. Theodore Boccali arrived lately at Rome from the Catholic King, to whom they went on private errands of their own, and they profess to have obtained what they required ot his Majesty, who, according to their account, has no sort of abihty and is in leading-strings. On the three occasions when they were in his pre- sence, thty never heard him utter a single word all matters being regu- lated by his councillors, the chief of whom is M. de Chievres, who does everv'thing ; and one day expressed himself in very strong terms against the Emperor, showing that he feared nothing soever.' ^ On the other hand, to prove how contemporaries disagree m their character of the youth of Charles V., in a former ^^.^P^^^^^ I?. ^^^. ^^^^^^^^^ cil of Ten, dated Rome, July 22, 1517, M^io writes, "The Spanish ambassadors here have had letters from their Catholic King, ^n^orming them that he was going into Spain immediately ; and that with regard to the Duke of Guelders, he had taken such steps as would prevent his making much progress, and that he was well aware who those were who had sold, betrayed, and sacrificed him 5 but that on arriving in Spa n, he would so provide for his need as to prove that he was not a lad. And in the Diaries of Sanuto, there is a curious anecdote in date ot October 30,1514, showing how the young Prince had even then resented being treated as a " lad,- and threatened the members o his pnvy coun- cil at the early age of fourteen, because they connived at the .brench marriage of Maria Tudor, to whom he had been affianced ever since the vear i too The Marquis of Pescara mistook silence for stupidity ; and Lhough! as natural at the age of seventeen, Charles of Castile may have preferrfd'a little fun and frolic with Jacques ^.^Limbourgo the discus- sion of politics with M. de Chievres, he certainly had a will ot his own when only fourteen years old, as proved by the circumstance above ^ Not Tword is said by Robertson or his authorities concerning this display of authority by Charles of Burgundy on losing his bride m 1 5 14 j nor do we find any note of his delicate health here recorded by Cardinal CampeRgio, who, after mentioning the physical ailments of the new King of the Romans, infers thence -Che el ditto Re era pid apto ad esser gubernato che a gubernar." 291 London, July 21, 1519, By our last, your Highness will have heard all that had chanced down to their date, including the communications made to us by the Legate Campeggio, and from that time, to this present, I, Giustinian, have been incessant in my en- deavours to get despatched by Cardinal Wolsey. The quantity of business on hand, prevented his lordship from receiving us until yesterday, when he consigned the royal letters for conveyance by me, Giustinian, whom he charged (after many most honourable expressions concerning your Excellency, lauding your justice, prudence, and polity) to recommend him strongly to the State, promising to be her good supporter, and to keep this King her friend, as he ever has been. We thanked the Cardinal for this his good disposition, and for the good offices used by him since the arrival in this kingdom of me, Giustinian, of the which your Highness, I said, would never be unmindful, or chary in re- ciprocating every act proceeding either from the King and this realm, or from his lordship individually. He next discussed the affairs of the Princes of Christendom, between whom, he said, he had toiled to contract peace and confederacy, which he meant, moreover, to maintain ; and although a certain power took the election of this new Emperor amiss, yet had he so contrived hitherto, that this very Sovereign feigned satisfaction, dissembling all regret on this account, in such wise that he assured us no din of arms would arise in con- sequence of this election, since, according to the articles of the confederacy, his Majesty here was bound to support whichever side found itself attacked, so that all would keep within their boundaries. We praised his right reverend lordship for the exertions made by him to preserve the peace and union between the 292 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. 293 Christian powers, both for their own sakes, and also on account of Sultan Selim, who, should he perceive the entire Christian commonwealth steering one steady and united course, would not dare to offer it provocation. While on this topic, we took the opportunity of making the announcement enjoined us, assuring him that although your Highness is now silent about the Sultan, and tempo- rizes with him, owing to the trade and the vicinity of our borders, nevertheless, were we to perceive the Christian powers united, and ready for an expedition, your Signory would, as has ever been your wont, not fail to do your duty. In reply to this. Cardinal Wolsey lauded your Excellency vastly, and blamed the Pope for hastening this undertaking, without considering that, in consequence of the past wars, all the Christian powers were drained of treasure, and that it would be requisite for them to accumulate as much as they could, so as to be enabled to bear the burden of the war; and to this effect he was endeavouring that his Majesty might add as much as possible to the treasures inherited from his father. He exhorted your Excellency to adopt a similar policy, so that all might be ready to take advantage of any opportunity offered by the enemy. This conversation being ended, I, Giustinian, in the act of taking leave of his lordship, and recommending to him the affairs of our nation, induced him to repeat his resolve concerning the customs on the wines of Candia, so as not to have occasion to hold out greater hopes than he warranted, nor yet despair of what we might promise ourselves. He said that he was anxious to satisfy your Excellency and his most serene King, and that we should endeavour to obtain a power for me, Surian, to treat this matter, the rights of which either party must avail itself of to the utmost. His lordship promised to abide by justice, saying also that the Signory should permit him to promise on her behalf, that in case this new duty be repealed, the State will not again lay on the duty of four ducats in Candia, adding, however, that we were not to imagine that by these words he meant to say he would repeal the wine-customs aforesaid. Item^ that at the same time, I should be authorized to negotiate all the other matters affecting our nation — specifying the difficulties with regard to the exportation of the wools, of the " deceit- ful cloths," about bringing Venetian halfpence^ into this kingdom, a thing which is yet prohibited — regulating all these particulars, so that difficulties might no longer arise on any score. As we were apprehensive that this was being done with a view to alter the laws and ancient immunities in force with regard to our nation here, we told him your Excellency would accede to this willingly, provided no inno- vation be effected in the ancient usages and commercial relations hitherto observed ; to which his lordship made answer, that he did not mean to alter either law or usage, nor deteriorate the interests of our nation, but rather to extend and ameliorate them, so as to keep your Signory the good friend and confederate of this kingdom, and with this we took leave of Cardinal Wolsey, who addressed me, Giustinian, in terms as bland and loving as could possibly be desired. * The word translated by halfpence, stands in the original marcheti. In Boerio's Venetian Dictionary, marchtto is stated to be a small copper coin, almost as large as a penny, which was current in the days of the Republic before the last coinage of pence 5 and so in Venice, even at the close of the last century, the words marcheto and soldo (literally penny) were synonymous. We, however, translate halfpence^ and not pence^ because in acts of parliament passed in the years 1409, 141 1, and 14.15, concerning the currency, there is a prohibition against the circulation of galley halfpence and not galley pence : there can be no doubt but the galleys which introduced this coin were those of the Venetians, and the act of 141 5 also prohibits the money called suskin and dotkin, a corrup- tion of the Venetian words sessino and daottinOy signifying a sixteenth and an eighth, fractional parts of a larger coin. See Introduction, p. x. 294 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN Londoriy July z6y 15 19. The most Christian King being anxious that the inter- view between himself and his Majesty here (and which it had been settled some months ago was to take place on neutral ground between Boulogne and Calais, though subsequently postponed, owing to the canvass for the empire, and other causes well known to your Serenity), should at length be effected, perhaps with a view thus to ascertain the bias of England, has lately made his am- bassador resident here again propose this matter, which was discussed in the first place by Cardinal Wolsey, to whom King Francis moreover wrote very warm and loving letters, to consolidate the love and goodwill borne him by the Cardinal. His most Christian Majesty aforesaid is, in short, de- sirous for the King of England to consent to the meet- ing taking place next August ; and the French ambassador has given me to understand that the Cardinal answered him with assurances in the first place of the goodwill borne towards the most Christian King by his Majesty, who would never swerve from the league and relationship he had contracted, vowing to the ambassador that he himself was equally well afl^ected towards France. The Cardinal added, that as he had been chief author of this league and connection, he was bound in duty and honour to seeks its maintenance with every effort and with all diligence. With regard to the interview, he said he would communicate the whole to the King, who was still in the country at a distance of twenty-five miles from London, and that a speedy answer would be given. It was the opinion of the Cardinal, however, that this meeting could not be held next month, as requested by the most Christian King, as his Majesty here had made no preparations for ships FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. 295 and many other requisites, whether for the passage across the Channel, or for the interview itse!/. He recommended, therefore, it should be delayed until next May, coming to the conclusion that he fancied this most serene King would also be of a similar opinion. The French ambassador, who acquainted us with every- thing, is also convinced that he shall receive the like reply from his Majesty, as this Cardinal is King, nor does his Majesty depart in the least from the opinion and counsel of his lordship. To-morrow, I, Giustinian, shall, in God's name, depart on my way to the feet of your Excellency, gratia cujus^ Sebast. Giustinian, Eques., Anton. Surian, D. et Eques., - Oratores. NicoLAUS Sagudinus, Secretarius, Fideliter Exemplavit. APPENDIX. APPENDIX I. In the despatch of October 25, 1518, antCy p. 236, mention is made of the four ambassadors destined for the French court, and their de- parture from London is recorded at p. 238. Under date of February 25, 1 519, ante, p. 251, it is stated that they were received with great honour by the King of France, but no particulars are given. As all notices of our early diplomatists and statesmen, and of the scenes in which they bore a part, are interesting from their rarity, the fol- lowing details are now added. From the despatches of the Venetian ambassador at the French court, it appears that the embassy mentioned by Giustinian entered Paris on 8th of December 151 8, but were not met (as the Admiral Bonnivet had been on coming into London), because it was not customary so to do in France. The English horse had dwindled from the 600, mentioned in the above despatch, to 200. Francis I. came into Paris in state on the nth, and on the morrow, the English ambassadors had their public audience ; the King being on his throne in the richest possible array, in the midst of all the princes and nobility of France, including the King of Navarre, the Legate Bibiena, the Cardinals of Boissi, Bourges, Vendome, and Aracseli, as narrated in a rare " broadside," which tells how Nicholas West, Bishop of Ely, made an oration which was answered by the Chancellor. On the following morning the King went to Notre-Dame, with the ambassadors and all his court, when mass was performed by the Cardinal Boissi, the benediction being given by the Cardinal Legate Bibiena 5 after which, the King and the English envoys proceeded to the high altar, and swore to the clauses of the peace, and signed them. The ambassadors then dined with the King alone in the Bishop's palace, the only other guest being the Cardinal Legate j and in the evening they supped with the Duke of 298 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. 299 Bourbon, who banqueted them most magnificently, the tables being crowded with ladies as well as gentlemen. On the next day. Sir Thomas Dockwra and his colleagues went to visit the Queen, whom they found in company with the King's mother, Louise of Savoy, and after the usual compliments, the company were amused by viewing a sort of carousal, looking down from the windows of the Palace des Tournelles on the quadrangle beneath, where a number of the royal pages, mounted on the King's war-horses, charged up and down the lists which had been prepared for the joust, and shivered a few short spears. On the morning of the 1 6th of December, the ambassadors attended mass with the Queen, who swore to the marriage, as proxy for the Dauphin, and then went and dined with the Duke d'Alen9on, the first husband of Margaret, sister of Francis I., and who, on the death of the Duke of Alengon, married the King of Navarre. It is not stated whether the Duchess assisted at the banquet, but her presence would have added an interest to these details, if but for the sake of Shakspeare, who makes Cardinal Wolsey choose her as a mate for Henry VIII., in preference to Anna Boleyn, thus — ** It shall be to the Duchess of Alenson, The French King's sister, he shall marry her. Anne Bullen ! — no, I'll no Anne Bullens for him." In short, both the King and all the French nobility treated the em- bassy with the greatest cordiality, Francis I. roaming with his guests arm-in-arm over the royal residences, and masqueing and visiting the ladies in their company, though as no names are given, it remains doubtful whether Sir Thomas Dockwra participated in these gallantries. On the 17th and i8th of December, King Francis gave a grand hunt. On Sunday the 19th, there was a royal banquet, and on Monday the 20th, the jousts commenced, details which are contained in the de- spatches of the Venetian ambassador at the French court, whose secre- tary, Hironimo da Canal, also writes from Paris, in date of the 17th December as follows : — "My last were written on the nth, and on that evening the most Christian King came into the town accompanied by all his gentlemen and guards and court in great state, and went and lodged at the palace (subsequently Le Palais de Justice), and not at the place he usually inhabits (Palais de Tournelles). On the morrow, after dinner, he gave public audience to the English ambassadors in a handsome hall, with tapestry all round j the ceiling being powdered with lilies. In this hall there was a stage, raised three steps from the floor, taking up half the hall, and at the extremity of this platform, in the centre, was a tribunal with an ascent of three steps, and there stood a chair covered with cloth of gold, surmounted by an ample canopy of gold brocade with a raised pile, which fell in folds all round, the three steps being covered with violet-coloured velvet, powdered with lilies. On this chair the most Christian King was seated, having a cushion of cloth of gold at his feet. His Majesty was dressed in a robe of cloth of silver, with a raised pile, and figured with very beautiful flowers, the lining being of Spanish heron's feathers, which are much used here, and very expensive 5 and his doublet was of very costly cloth of gold : he had no crown on his head, or anything but his usual cloth cap. At his Majesty's right hand, on the floor below the raised tribunal, was the right reverend Legate Santa Maria in Porticu, seated on a chair covered with gold brocade, over which was a canopy, likewise of cloth of gold, but not so ample as the King's. Beside his right reverend lordship was the King of Navarre, on another chair, also covered with cloth of gold, and along the plat- form on the same side, there sat in succession the Dukes of Alengon and Bourbon, the Duke of Ferrara, Monsieur de S. Pol, the brother of Monsieur de Vendome, the Prince de Vendome, and the son of the German Duke de Lininburg. On the left hand side were the Cardinals Boissi, Bourges, Vendome, and Aracaeli, seated on a bench, and after them in succession came the ambassadors, namely, the Papal Nuncio, Spain, Venice, and Florence 5 and then, at a little distance, there was the magnifico the Chancellor (Antoine Duprat), and a crowd of bishops in their rochets. Behind the King*s chair and thereabouts, stood the Lord Steward (Gouffier de Boissi), and his brother the Admiral (Bon- nivet), and Monsieur de Rothelin, and Monsieur de L'Escu, with many other great personages, dressed for the most part in cloth of gold, and, in short, there was not a single one who wore any material less costly than silk. On this same left hand side, in the corner, a small platform had been raised, from whence, behind blinds, the ceremony was viewed by the Queen, by the most illustrious Madame Louise of Savoy, his Majesty's mother, by his sister, Madame d'Alengon, and by Madame de Nemours. At the other end of the hall, there was another platform, which extended its whole breadth, and held all the ladies of the court. Shortly after all were seated, the four English 300 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. 301 ambassadors made their appearance, namely, the Lord Chamberlain, the Bishop of Ely, my Lord of St. John's, of the order of Rhodes, and the Captain of Guisnes, having been escorted from their dwelling by Monsieur de Vend6me, the Bishop of Toulouse, the Great Bastard of Savoy, and Monsieur de Chatillon, who accompanied them to the platform. At the doors of the hall outside, the King's archers were drawn up j and within, there were the 200 gentlemen with their battle axes, who cleared the way. ** When the ambassadors reached the middle of the platform, and after they had made the due obeisance, the King rose from his throne, and descended the steps, and embraced each of them very graciously with his usual affability, and they presented the letters of credence to his Majesty, who then resumed his seat, and caused the ambassadors likewise to be seated in front of him, on a bench across the platform. The Lord Chamberlain was dressed in a vest of crimson satin, lined with sables, and there was a richly jewelled pendant in his cap. The Bishop wore his rochet. My Lord of St. John's had a vest of black satin, and that of the Captain of Guisnes was of cloth of gold, lined with sables. Near the ambassadors, but behind them, and also on either side, were some twenty English gentlemen, superbly dressed in vests of cloth of gold, with pendants on their bonnets, and chains round their necks and waists, and I even saw one with a girdle, loaded with jewels of immense value. So soon as the ambassadors were seated, the King called the magnifico the Grand Chancellor, and gave him the letters, which were read in a low tone, and on their conclusion, his Majesty desired him to tell the ambassadors to state the object of their mission, which the Chancellor did in Latin, whereupon the Bishop of Ely recited an oration, which being ended, the King again called the magnifico the Chancellor, charging him to reply j and on returning to his seat, he answered becomingly in Latin, and at the close of the discourse the ambassadors rose, and the King again came down from his throne, and discoursed a while familiarly with them j he also, before dismissing them, embraced all their gentlemen, in acknowledgment of a similar compliment paid by the King of England to the French cour- tiers at Greenwich, and thus did the audience end. ** Then on the 14th, his most Christian Majesty came to the church of Notre-Dame, accompanied by the whole court and the barons, and behind him followed the four English ambassadors, all of whom took their places, the King kneeling on cloth of gold, with a cushion under him, his kneeling desk being surmounted by a dais of cloth of gold, the sides being of silver brocade. His Majesty was dressed in a cap of gold tissue, slashed all over with knots, and the lining was of silver brocade j his doublet being of the richest cloth of gold. The ambas- sadors were in pompous array j and all the English gentlemen wore most massive gold chains j but, in short, the whole court abounded with gold and silver, and brocade, both plain and with a raised pile, and also with silk, offering a most gorgeous spectacle. The Cardinal Boissi chaunted a high mass of the Holy Ghost, after which the ambassadors approached the high altar, as did the King likewise, and in the presence of all, swore to observe the articles agreed to in England, ratifying them with his sign manual, and then placing the Legate on his right hand, and the Lord Chamberlain on his left, he and the other ambassadors went to dine with the Bishop of Paris, who gave them a stately banquet, served solely on gold plate. The supper given them by Monsieur de Bourbon was equally sumptuous, and they were yet at table after midnight, so that the King lavishes all possible caresses on these English men. *«On the 1 6th, the ambassadors went to visit the Queen, who gave them her consent to the marriage of the Dauphin to their King's daughter. " Yesterday his Majesty went boar and stag hunting, and took a number of these English gentlemen with him to amuse them : he is expected to return this evening 5 and on Sunday gives a banquet, which will be most superb. Then, on Monday, the jousts will commence 5 and of what I shall see and hear I will give special notice, as I have done by these present." The account of the banquet is given as follows, in a despatch from the ambassador Antonio Giustinian, dated Paris, September 23, 1518 : — " After my last of the 17th, the jousting commenced, and yesterday the banquet was given in great pomp and magnificence at a place called the Bastille, where a temporary wooden building was erected on a square, a very large hall being formed there, decorated with many orna- ments and illuminated with a huge blaze of light. Many ladies were present, dressed in the Italian fashion, and various companies of masquers very richly arrayed in sundry costumes, and apparel of cloths of gold and silver and of silk. After supper, the King, and the Princes, and captains, and gentlemen, disguised themselves according to their rank and age, as an additional mark of rejoicing 5 and even Messieurs de 302 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. 303 Roval and de Montmorency, who are each seventy years old, wore vizors. The right reverend Legate assisted at the entertainment, together with the other four Cardinals in ordinary, as also the ambassadors, of whom, however, I was the only one present besides the Englishmen, because Spain and Florence are indisposed 5 nor would they give a place to the Nuncio as ambassador ^ because of the presence of the Legate. The chief table was in the shape of a horseshoe, on a lofty stage raised three or four steps from the ground ; the King sat at the head, having his sister the Duchess of AlenQon on his left hand, and the Legate on his right 5 and then, on either side, ladies and gentlemen were seated alternately, the princes of the blood, however, and the Duke of Ferrara and the cardi- nals and the ambassadors, alone taking place at this table. The rest of the guests were below the platform at other tables, but ranged alternately as aforesaid j many of the ladies being dressed in the Italian fashion, and many in that of France. The Queen and Madame Louise were in the corridor near the platform, from whence they viewed the whole sight, and the feast lasted for about two hours, and after midnight the collation was served by ladies dressed in the Italian fashion. " Despite the entertainments during all this time, the English ambas- sadors have not failed going every day to the palace for the despatch of their business j and this very day the King took another oath in private to certain detached clauses which are kept secret, and relate to mutual obligations, the Legate alone assisting at this oath, to render it more valid, the King of England having done the like in the presence of the Cardinal Legate of York. It is not yet known when the ambassadors will depart," &c. Another account (contained in the Diaries of Sanuto) of the banquet given in honour of Lord Worcester and Sir Thomas Docwra and their colleagues, is of the following tenor : — " On the 22nd of December, the banquet was held in a place called the Bastille, which is a small fortress surrounded by very high walls and turrets, and a moat, constructed of yore as a bulwark for the city, and in its centre is a large space, which was squared and floored with timber, three galleries being raised all round, one above the other, for the accom- modation of a multitude of spectators, the whole being covered in with an awning of blue canvass well waxed, so that although it rained hard during the entertainment, only a few drops got through. This canvas was carried down to the galleries, and all powdered with gilt stars and signs, and celestial planets painted, to represent the heavens, and about the hall a number of mottoes were suspended in French and Latin. Beneath the galleries, there hung white and tawny cloth in alternate stripes, these being the colours of his most Christian Majesty, and the whole floor was carpeted in like manner. A most immense number of torches were placed in sconces all round, and likewise in the centre in pendent chandeliers of three or four tiers, each of which held from twelve to sixteen torches, each torch weighing three pounds, throwing such a marvellous blaze of light on the starry ceiling, as to rival the sun. In the four corners of this place there were four cupboards, one in each corner, set out with a vast number of very rich vases of gold and silver : then one ascended four steps to a platform, which had a gradual ascent, the entire platform being almost the size of the apartment, the front being formed by columns, but with a void which gave room for three persons abreast to ascend the platform. The floor of the platfom was carpeted with the same colours as the hall, and benches were placed all round, and in lieu of hangings there was gold brocade. Besides the ceiling described above, which covered the whole place, the platform was overhung by a bower, lattice-wise, of box and ivy and other evergreens, roses and flowers being suspended from beneath ; and across the platform at the extremity where the King had to take his seat, was an ample dais of cloth of gold with a tester which came down to the ground : under the dais were two chairs covered with cloth of gold, on one of which the King sat at table, and on the other, his sister, the Duchess of Alen^on. The tables were placed at the extremity of the platform, and down the sides, the guests being seated inside in the following order : first, as aforesaid, the King, with his sister on his left hand 5 to his right, on the bench, the Cardinal Legate, by whose side was the Countess Borromeo, the daughter of Messer Galeazo Visconti ; and after her came the magnifico the Lord Chamberlain, the chief of the English ambassadors 5 then Madame the Vidame, the daughter of the most illustrious the Lord Steward 5 and at her side was the Cardinal de Boissi ; then came Madame the wife of the Admiral Bonnivet, and beside her was my Lord of St. Johns, another of the English ambassa- dors, and then came the other daughter of the aforesaid magnifico Visconti 5 next, were the Cardinals de Bourges and Vendome, and the Captain of Guisnes, the third English ambassador; then came the Cardinal Aracaeli and the Venetian ambassador, and a lady, and also between each of the aforesaid, in the same order as already described, there sat a lady ; nor were there any other ambassadors, because Spain 304 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. 305 and Florence were indisposed, and the Nuncio did not come, because owing to the presence of the Legate there was no place for him as ambassador. On the King's left hand, beside the Duchess of Alen^on, there sat the Bishop of Ely, the second of the English ambassadors, at whose side was Madame de Nemours ; then came Monsieur d' Alengon, followed by Madame de Chateaubriand, beside Monsieur de Vendome, between whom and the Duke of Ferrara, sat another lady 5 the Prince de Vendome, who was the next gentleman, having also a lady on each side of him. ** On the floor, below the platform, there were two tables extending the whole length of the place, filled inside and out with the gentlemen of the English embassy, and many other French gentlemen, who were all seated, alternately with ladies. The company danced to the sound of trumpets and fifes, until the third hour of the night, and amongst those ladies there were some thirty dressed in the Italian fashion, with dresses all of silk, of damask and satin, of various colours, slashed with gold and silver, some with flowers, some with letters, some with one device and some with another, making a very fine show, and they all wore caps on their heads. Then supper commenced, which lasted about two hours, a profusion of viands of every sort of game being served in nine courses, each of which contained great varieties, all on dishes of gold and silver, and each course was announced by a flourish of trumpets, and they came as far as the foot of the platform, being followed by the captains of the bowmen, with six (followers) in pairs 5 then came the heralds, in advance of the seneschals of the King's house- hold, who preceded the most illustrious the Lord Steward with his staff in his hand, ** The supper being ended, a company of about twenty masquers made their appearance, dressed in doublets of white velvet striped with gold j their caps, hose, shoes, and feathers, being white, and these were all young men. They were followed by another company dressed in long mantles of black satin, reaching to the ground, lined with white satin, slashed at the bottom and in front, and at the sides, where they were open, with silver muslin of more than a quarter's breadth, and over their shoulders they had broad chains, fonned of plates of gold and silver, with false white hair on their heads, and hoods of black satin, not very large, and masks with white beards : these were my Lord Steward, my lord the Bastard of Savoy, Monsieur de la Tremouille, Monsieur de la Palice, Messieurs de TEscu and St. M^me, and others, fourteen in all, and they made a fine show and presented themselves with great gravity : beneath their mantles they wore doublets of cloth of gold and silver, with raised piles in various fashions. " Another company likewise came, all dressed in black velvet, with capes in the French fashion of the same material, as were their doublets, hose, caps, &c. 5 the whole costume being slashed with white puifs, and the edges of the capes were embroidered with various devices. A third company consisted of four individuals in long flowing robes of black velvet, powdered all over with gold letters. Then there was another company, also dressed in long gowns, with 'tall stockings'" (compare King Henry VIII, act i., scene 6, for the term "tall stockings"), " * short bolstered breeches' (^canoni), and wide sleeves in checquers, one half of black and violet coloured velvet, and the other half of cloth of silver. Then came the King in a long gown, fitting close, both behind and before, like Christ's robe, of white satin, embroidered all over in gold, with certain compasses and dials, concerning which, various interpretations were given. Besides the foregoing, there were many other masquers, in various costumes, the one handsomer than the other, so motley that it is impossible to detail them j but it may suffice to say that there was nothing but gold and silver and silk. ** The King and the others abovementioned danced as much as they each liked, and tlien a collation of sugared and other confections was served by the ladies dressed in the Italian fashion, the chief of whom were the daughters of the magnifico Messer Galeazo Visconti ; and the dancing continued even after the collation, but by degrees the company dispersed, and long after midnight the entertainment was at an end. The Queen and Madame Louise stayed the whole time viewing the sight, from one of the galleries near the King's dais 5 her Majesty being sumptuously dressed with a necklace of innumerable very large pearls, in which sundry very valuable jewels were set. The entertainment was really superb and pompous, and one of the finest ever given in France." A third account in Sanuto's Diaries, of the entertainments given to Sir Thomas Docwra and his colleagues, is written by one of the atten- dants of Don Alfonso, Duke of Ferrara, the husband of Lucrezia Borgia, and runs thus : — ** December 23, 151 8, in Paris. — There was a fine tournament, the King and twenty-four aids all dressed alike being on one side, and Monsieur de S. Pol, with as many more, on the other, in a different VOL. II. X 3o6 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN costume, each side being very richly clad, and they fought with very bright swords with no edge, using them scimitar-wise. Having rested a while after fighting singly, they then ran a general tilt all together, which was a fine sight. Then in the evening towards sunset, on the site of this joust, which had been held at a place called the Bastille, where sumptuous preparations had been made, from twenty-four to thirty young ladies made their appearance, all richly dressed in the Italian fashion, in divers colours, with caps on their heads, some being married and some unmarried ; and they were dressed by the daughter of Monseigneur Visconti, who was with them ; their dresses indeed being rather low in the boddice (un pocho scolatti gli sui panni hwvendo le gorgiera come hanje^ano)^ and they danced with those lords and barons in the Italian fashion j and then at the second hour of the night the tables were placed for about 250 persons. The site was approached by a very wide and long street nearly the same distance as from the Castle to the house of the Lord Prospero (query, at Naples), all covered over, scallop-wise, with box and laurel and other ornaments, and decorated with armorial bearings of the King and his nobles. Then through a very narrow corridor, one entered the castle, and in the court-yard a very handsome temporary building had been erected, the size of the large, quadrangle of Castel-nuovo there at Naples, between the gate and the tilt-yard. The floor was all planked and carpeted with the King's colours, and the covering of the building was of blue cloth with an infinite number of gold balls, and very lofty, with three tiers of balconies all round for the spectators, that they might not hinder the entertainment. At one end of the building was a plat- form raised three steps, and about ten yards wide, with a row of columns, where the damsels appointed to dance stood. The hangings were of gold brocade, to the height of two breadths \ evergreens being suspended from above, mixed with many artificial ornaments, such as roses and other flowers, which produced a handsome effect j and in the centre was a dais of cloth of gold, under which the King was to sit at supper with the English ambassadors. There were no additional decora- tions on the lowest balcony, from whence the Queen and Madame Louise viewed the entertainment. Around the building, the celes- tial signs were affixed, cut in pasteboard of a fair size, and there were 600 torches, all of white wax and very fine. There were four cup- boards all set out with new vases, two at each end of the apartment, two being piled with gold and two with silver, of which not a single vessel FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. 307 was touched. When all the guests had arrived, the doors were closed, and the commenced playing their instruments and dancing with the King and those lords, the Queen and Madame Louise looking on from their balcony the whole time. Her Majesty was dressed in a very rich gown of cloth of gold, lined with very beautiful sables, and a quantity of jewels on her head and neck, and round her waist, so that she quite sparkled. ** After dancing two dances, the tables were placed on the platform for the King, to whom the water was presented for his hands j after which his Majesty seated himself on a chair covered with cloth of gold, under a dais of the same material, with a raised pile. On his right hand, sat his sister the Duchess of Alen9on, then the Cardinal Legate Sta. Maria in Porticu, then the four English ambassadors, between each of whom damsels were seated. On the King's left hand, was one called the daughter of Messer Visconti, namely, the Countess wife of Count Frederic Borromeo, then came a Bishop, one of the English ambassa- dors 5 then Monsieur d'Alen^on j then Monsieur de Vendome j then my Duke (Ferrara), and then two knights of the order of S. Michael^ the damsels who divided the gentlemen being in number twenty. " The Cardinal of Aracaeli also came, making meagre fare, because it was Advent, and was waited on by one of his monks, the Cardinal Boissi being likewise present. " Whilst the grandees were seating themselves, the music struck up, in the Italian fashion, and then proceeded to the kitchen, and the viands commenced appearing on very large dishes, some of which emitted fire and flames, making a fine sight, being brought thus : first, came eight trumpeters playing ; then the archers of the body guard, with the Captain Gabriel in front, dressed in a doublet all covered with massive gold embroidery, a large chain round his neck, and a wand in his hand j he was followed by five heralds, dressed as such in their royal tabards, who preceded the eight seneschals in ordinary of the King's household j after whom came my lord steward, in a very rich vest of cloth of gold, lined with sables, and wearing the collar of the order of S. Michael round his neck : the King's viands were borne by twenty- four pages of honour, in gold dishes ; and then came some 200 archers with the rest of the viands for the tables below, namely, those not on the platform. In this array, they went twice to the kitchen, the heralds making their obeisance to the King, who gave them two large silver dishes, which is said to be the usual custom, whenever the Kings of 3o8 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN. France banquet in state. At the close of the repast, the tables were removed instantaneously, without noise, and those who did not dance went aloft into the galleries to view the entertainment, and the music commencrd j the archers of the guard alone remaining in the space below the platform j and forthwith twelve masquers appeared, dressed in white velvet, with tunics like Zimares, the sides being of gold thread, w^ith white plumes and white shoes, and white swords at their sides, in the most gallant trim possible. *' Then came six other masquers dressed in mantles of tawny satin, in the apostolic fashion, the trains being of beaten silver, and underneath they wore doublets to match the mantles, lined with white satin. These were followed by twelve more, also masqued, dressed in four capes of black velvet in the French fashion, lined with white satin, embroidered with silver spangles, all slashed, each wearing a black cap, in some of which was a large pearl in a very handsome jewelled setting 5 and they had very beautiful swords at their sides, with black velvet sheaths, and plumes on their heads, with large gold chains for girdles 5 and they danced in single and double and treble couples until the eighth hour of the night, always in the Italian fashion. The Captain Gabriel then took all the ladies dressed in the Italian costume into a chamber, putting into the hands of each of them a silver dish full of confections, and these they carried in pairs for collation to the ambassadors and all the others on the platform j and it was a very beautiful sight, and thus did the entertainment end. This entertainment, together with the presents given to the ambassadors, has cost his Majesty upwards of 450,000 crowns. »» APPENDIX II. Compendium of the "Report" of the Most Noble Messer Sebastian Giustinian, Procurator and Knight, concern- ing HIS Legation in England, delivered in the Senate ON THE loth October, 1519. Thi. MS. report, the original of which exists in the library of Count AROStino Sagredo at Venice, has never yet been printed m full, either in Italian or any other language. As stated in the head.ng .t was made to the Senate on the ,oth of October, 1519, but as the MS gives its author the title of Procurator, which he did not obtain until 1 540, it may be supposed that the compendium was written out from h.s own notes, about that period. Its contents, at any rate are/.r the most part corroborated by his correspondence, and some tnflmg maccurac.es In the Sagredo transcript have been corrected by the translator, through the Diaries of Marin Sanuto. It runs thus :— That he considered that he had two important announcements to make to the Senate, the first being a narrative of his negot.at.ons during a mission of fifty-seven months, which he should dehver, omitting whatever was superfluous and unimportant ; without however, passing over any thing bearing the stamp of riovelty and variety. Secondly, it behoved him to return infinite thanks for the honours conferred on him by the State ; saying, that of yore, by the law Post Liminar it was lawful for any one who had been a long while abroad on public service, to receive indemnity for losses incurred during h.s absence a law which he himself had no occasion to enforce, as not only had he recovered all losses, but had, moreover, received so much from their Lordships, that it far exceeded any demand he could have made wherefore he returned endless thanks, and having nothing but 310 REPORT OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN. REPORT OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN. 3ir his life to offer, he promised never to spare it for the service of the State, to wrhom he felt himself eternally obliged.^ That on the loth of January 151 5 he left Venice, and vvrent straight to Lyons, where he found Messer Piero Pasqualigo, with whom he proceeded to Paris, where they arrived on the 15th of March. They remained there some days before obtaining audience, because the king chose in the first place to despatch the ambassador of the Archduke,^ on whose departure he gave them a most gracious audience, advancing six or seven paces to meet them, cap in hand. They then seated them- selves, the princes of the blood being on the King's right hand, and on his left were other lords and barons, whilst around the throne there stood the King of Navarre, the son of the late King Frederick, and some other grandees, in whose presence Messer Sebastian delivered the oration, to which, by order of his Majesty, as loving and gracious a reply was made as could possibly be desired. They then both left Paris, and the Magnifico Messer Piero Pas- qualigo went into Flanders,*^ he, Giustinian, crossing over to England. He did not obtain audience immediately, because the king chose to delay giving it him until St. George's Day, when he celebrates the festival of that order, of which his Majesty is the Abbot, and of which the late Emperor Maximilian was Prior. This order numbers twenty-four members, including kings, princes, and noblemen. His Majesty was dressed in a mantle of purple velvet, lined with white damask, with a hood of miniver, and the device of the order on his hose j ^ he was surrounded by all the other dukes and barons, the right rev. Cardinal of York being also present, and before them all, Messer Sebastian delivered his oration, which received a becoming reply. Words cannot express how irksome his legation proved to him, not from the transaction of much business, but because of the enmity between France and England when he entered on it ; and by reason of the close alliance between the Signory and the French crown, owing to which both King and Cardinal and others, had the worst possible opinion of us : 'vocabant nos piscatoresy raptores sine Jide^^ and this on account of the infraction of the league with Spain, styling us tyrannoSy and using every possible ignominious epithet. The ambassador's chief object, therefore, was to justify all our proceedings, and to prove to every one that their impressions were false, and he succeeded so, that they are now very well satisfied. Another arduous task performed by him on this legation was ren- dered necessary thus. His Majesty and the Cardinal were anxious to make peace between the State and Maximilian, and to detach us from the King of France, so he had need of extreme caution ; and matters remained in this form until England and France made peace, of which many persons consider our ambassador to have been the primary cause ; for one day when in a chamber with the King,* his Majesty showed him the Princess, then two years old (and who is now three and a half), in her nurse's arms 5 the ambassador drew near, and knelt, and kissed her hand, for that alone is kissed by any duke or noble of the land, let his degree be what it may 5 nor does any one see her without doffing his bonnet, and making; obeisance to her. The King then said to him, " Domine orator ! per Deum immortalem ista puella nunquam plorat^^ and the ambassador replied, " Sacred Majesty, the reason is that her destiny does not move her to tears 5 she will even become Queen of France." These words pleased the King vastly, and a few days later,^ when the ambassador, conferring with Cardinal Wolsey, announced the receipt of letters from his colleague in France, Messer Antonio Giustinian, expressing a wish on behalf of King Francis, for peace and union with England j the Cardinal rejoined, " If this is true, France has a son, and our King has a daughter, were it wished they might be affianced." The ambassador then wrote these words to Messer Antonio Giustinian at the French court, and several letters passed between them on the subject. Finally ViUeroy went over to England on behalf of the King of France, and commenced negotiating peace by means of this marriage, and the surrender of Tournai ; so that at length the French ambassadors came, namely the Bishop of Paris, Admiral Bonivet, and Francois de Rochechouart, Seigneur de Champ-denier, who, after much discussion, concluded perpetual peace between the two crowns, including almost all the potentates of Christendom, both parties designating the most illustrious Signory. They stipulated the marriage of the Princess Mary to the most illustrious the Dauphin, with a dower of ,* agreeing for the surrender of Tournai, per nomine dotis, with the obligation ex parte Francia tenendi sues obsides apud majestatem Anglic, et hoc in casu^ that the marriage lack effect, to secure the restitution of Tournai to England. * As this blank, and also some others which follow, are found in the original MS., the translator has not thought it right to fill them up, but in most cases the sense of the passage is made sufficiently clear by the context. n\ 312 REPORT OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN. REPORT OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN. 313 With regard to the inclusion of the Signory in this treaty, our ambassador experienced very great difficulty in preventing Cardinal Wolsey from inserting a clause, to the effect that all the disputes between the Emperor Maximilian and the Signory were to be referred for arbitration to his Holiness and the Kings of England and France, but at length contrived to effect the nomination unconditionally, ab utroque latere, being moreover much aided in this matter by the French ambassadors, most especially by the Bishop of Paris and Admiral Bonivet, the same who was a prisoner here during the war, and he appears very devoted to the interests of this State. The right rev. Cardinal Campeggio, who was Apostolic Legate there in England, likewise demonstrated by all his actions, the greatest possible affection and favour towards the Signory. The ambassador brought with him an authenticated copy of the articles of the peace. CONCERNING THE PERSONAL QUALITIES OF HIS MAJESTY. And first of all, his Majesty is twenty-nine years old, and ex- tremely handsome j nature could not have done more for him ; he is much handsomer than any other sovereign in Christendom, a great deal handsomer than the King of France 5 very fair, and his whole frame admirably proportioned. On hearing that Francis I. wore a beard, he allowed his own to grow, and as it is reddish, he has now got a beard which looks like gold. He is very accomplished j a good musician 5 composes well j is a most capital horseman ; a fine jouster j speaks good French, Latin, and Spanish} is very religious j hears three masses daily when he hunts, and sometimes five on other days : he hears the office every day in the Queen's chamber, that is to say vespers and compline. He is very fond indeed of hunting, and never takes this .diversion without tiring eight or ten horses, which he causes to be stationed beforehand along the line of country he may mean to take, and when one is tired, he mounts another, and before he gets home they are all exhausted. He is extremely fond of tennis, at which game it is the prettiest thing in the world to see him play, his fair skin glowing through a shirt of the finest texture. He gambled with the French hostages to the amount occasionally, it is said, ot from six to eight thousand ducats in a day. He is affable, gracious ; harms no one j does not covet his neigh- bour's goods, and is satisfied with his own dominions, having often said to the ambassador, " Domine Orator, we want all potentates to content themselves with their own territories : we are satisfied with this island of ours." He seems extremely desirous of peace. He is very rich indeed 5 according to report, his father left him ten millions of ready money in gold, of which he is supposed to have spent one half in the war against France when he took Tournai ; and he certainly expended a considerable sum at that period, for he had three armies on foot ; one crossed the channel with him j another was in the field against Scotland j and the third remained with the Queen as a reserve, in case the other two encountered any disaster. His revenues amount to about 350,000 ducats annually, and are derived from estates, forests, and meres j from the customs or duties 5 from hereditary and confiscated property ; from the Duchies of Lan- caster, York, Cornwall, and Suffolk ; from the County Palatine of Chester and others; from the Principality of Wales; from export duties ; from the wool staple ; from the Great Seal ; from the annats yielded by church benefices; from the Court of Wards; and from new year's gifts ; for on the first of the year it is customary for his Majesty to make presents to every body, but the value of those he receives in return greatly exceeds his own outlay. His Majesty's expenses may be estimated at 100,000 ducats, those in ordinary having been reduced from 100,000 to 56,000; to which must be added j 6,000 for salaries; 5,000 for the stable; 5,000 for the halberdiers, who have been reduced from 500 to 150; and 16,000 for the wardrobe, for he is the best dressed sovereign in the world : his robes are the richest and most superb that can be imagined ; and he puts on new clothes every holiday. CONCERNING THE PERSONAL QUALITIES OF THE QUEEN. The Queen is the sister of the mother of the King of Spain, now styled King of the Romans. She is thirty-five years old, not handsome, but has a very beautiful complexion. She is religious, and as virtuous as words can express.^ The ambassador saw her but seldom. CONCERNING THE PERSONAL QUALITIES OF THE CARDINAL OF YORK. In a work composed by the ambassador, this prelate has been styled Orion.^ MillilifcrnriiiiiiiiHniiiiln f iifeMwirisai 3H REPORT OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN, REPORT OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN. 315 He is of low origin : he has two brothers, one of whom holds an untitled benefice, and the other is pushing his fortune.^® ' This Cardinal is the person who rules both the King and the entire kingdom. On the ambassador's first arrival in England, he used to say to him,--" His Majesty ^ill do so and so ;" subsequently, by degrees, he went forgetting himself, and commenced saying, « IVe shall ^do so - and sor at this present he has reached such a pitch that he says } ''I shall do so and sor ' ! He is about forty-six years old, very handsome, learned, extremely eloquent, of vast ability, and indefatigable. He, alone, transacts the same busmess as that which occupies all the magistracies, offices, and councils of Venice, both civil and criminal j and all state affairs, like- wise, are managed by him, let their nature be what it may. He is pensive, and has the reputation of being extremely just : he favours the people exceedingly, and especially the poor j hearing their suits, and seeking to despatch them instantly j he also makes the lawyers plead gratis for all paupers. He is in very great repute— seven times more so than if he were Pope. He has a very fine palace, where one traverses eight rooms before reach- ing his audience chamber, and they are all hung with tapestry, which is changed once a week. He always has a sideboard of plate worth 25,000 ducats, wherever he may be; and his silver is estimated at 150,000 ducats. In his own chamber there is always a cupboard with vessels to the amount of 30,000 ducats, this being customary with the English nobility. He is supposed to be very rich indeed, in money, plate, and household stuff. The archbishopric of York yields him about 14,000 ducats ; the bishopric of Bath 8,000. One third of the fees derived from the great seal are his j the other two are divided between the King and the Chancellor. The Cardinal's share amounts to about 5,000 ducats. By the new year's gifts, which he receives in like manner as the King, he makes some 15,000 ducats. Bath is that see which belonged to Cardinal Adrian, for whom, when the SIgnory desired the ambassador to intercede, Cardinal Wolsey was so incensed that he would not hear of any terms, but became pacified at last, through the exertions of the ambassador j and whereas, at the commencement, he used to lavish all possible abuse on Venice, he now extols her to the skies 3 lauding the extreme justice of the SIgnory, and says that thereby, and from merely observing the good order maintained in her towns, a wayfarer arriving In them would at once become aware that he must be in the Venetian territories, even if he knew not exactly where he was. Cardinal Wolsey is very anxious for the SIgnory to send him one hundred Damascene carpets, for which he has asked several times, and expected to receive them by the last galleys.^^ The ambassador urged the Senate to make this present, as even should the SIgnory itself not choose to incur the expense, the slightest hint to the London factory would Induce that body to take it on themselves ; and this gift might easily settle the atfair of the wines of Candia ; that is to say, induce the repeal of the duties on sack^^ imported by Venetian subjects. The am- bassador, on his departure, left the business in a fair way, and consigned all the documents concerning it to his successor; but to discuss the matter farther, until the Cardinal receives his hundred carpets, would be idle. This present might make him pass a decree in our favour, and, at any rate, it would render the Cardinal friendly to our nation in other matters ; for no one obtains audience from him unless at the third or fourth attempt. As he adopts this fashion with all the lords and barons of England, the ambassador made light of it, and at length had recourse to the expedient of making an appointment through his secre- tary, who sometimes went six or seven times to York House before he could speak to the Cardinal. It Is the custom for the ambassadors, when they go to the court, to dine there, and on his first arrival in England, they ate at the Cardinal's table, but now no one is sei-ved with the viands of the sort presented to the Cardinal, until after their removal from before him. There are about twenty-one other archbishoprics and bishoprics, and some 180 abbacies of the orders of Saint Benedict and Bernard, that is to say Cistercians ; and one single tenth from these abbacies yields the King 70,000 ducats. CONCERNING THE CONDITION OF THE OTHER LORDS TEMPORAL. That there were three Dukes, one Marquis, and twelve Earls. First of all there was the Duke of Buckingham, who had a rental of about 30,000 ducats, and yv?s extremely popular ; and it is thought that, were the King to die without heirs male, he might easily obtain the crown. *^ 3i6 REPORT OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN. REPORT OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN. 317 The Duke of Norfolk, whose rental amounts to 12,000 ducats, has likewise some hopes of the crown, and is very intimate with the Cardinal. The Duke of Suffolk has a rental of 12,000 ducats, and his wife is the King's sister, and widow of the late King Louis of France. He also has great hopes of the crown, in right of his wife. Of the other peers he said little. His Majesty made believe, especially to the French hostages, that he greatly regretted that King Francis should not have been elected King of the Romans j it is thought, however, that intrinsically he was in favour of Spain, though most anxious for a third person to be elected In- stead of either one or the other. On account of this election, his Ma- jesty accredited the Cardinal's chief secretary, Dom. Richard Pace, who is also Lord Chancellor, and appears very devoted to the SIgnory : when returning towards Venice the ambassador met him at Dover, coming back from Germany,^'* when he mentioned several particulars concerning the election ; amongst the rest, that for half a day the Duke of Saxony had been elected King of the Romans : that when the Marquis of Brandenburg was nominated, his own brother, the Archbishop of May- ence, rejected him, for love of the King of France j and finally, the Catholic King was elected King of the Romans, consensu omnium. The Queen of England being a Spaniard, evinces satisfaction at the success of her nephew. CONCERNING THE MILITARY. In England they don't make use of men-at-arms, so that they could not raise a hundred in the whole island, and even their light cavalry would not exceed 1,000 ; the real military force of the country consist- ing in its infantry, which is supposed to amount to 1 50,000 men, whose peculiar weapon is the long bow. When they take the field, their arms consist of a breast-plate, bow, arrows, sword, and two stakes — one before and one behind — with which they make their pallisadoes, or stockade j but all their prowess is in the bow. They insist on being paid monthly, nor do they choose to suffer any hardship j but when they have their comforts,^^ they will then do battle daily, with a courage, vigour, and valour, that defy exaggeration. The Ambassador then proceeded to eulogize the most Serene Doge, alluding to certain English pilgrims who had come hither to take pas- sage for Jerusalem, at Ascension-tide, when they were present at the ban- quet given by his Serenity ,^^ who greeted them so lovingly, that they ,» said they should remember it for ever, and they extolled his Serenity on every possible occasion. He albo praised the most noble Messer Andrea GrItI for the renown he enjoyed amongst the nobility of England j lauding, moreover, his pre- decessor, the Magnifico Messer Andrea Badoer. He then alluded to the foreign ambassadors In England during his residence there, and amongst the rest, to one from Spain, who bore this state the worst possible will. He mentioned Mons. de Reus, in like manner ambassador from my Lady Margaret, who, having been prisoner here in Venice, evinced very great hatred to the Signory on account of the mal-treatment he experienced, and the only exception he made was in favour of Messer Gio. Antonio Dandolo, to whom he expressed himself much obliged for his kindness. He next spoke in praise of the merchants of Venice, established In London, and first of all of Dom. Girolamo da Molin, congratulating his uncle, Messer Alvise, about him, saying that even the King himself was fond of him, and called him .... He then mentioned Dom. Lorenzo Pasquallgo, the brother of Messer Luigi, praising him for having made a very large fortune 5 and he subsequently lauded Dom. NIcolo Duodo who manages the affairs of the Pisani and others, styling him a most upright and sufficient man, and saying that he had property of his own to the amount of 30,000 ducats. He moreover lauded that luckless Alberto Bavarino, who, although now stricken by this present catastrophe, ^^ enjoys so high a character in England, that when differences arise there, the disputants make him their referee, and abide by his decision, so thoroughly just and worthy a person do they deem him. He also spoke favourably of , likewise a Venetian who has resided for many years in those parts, having in like manner accumu- lated a very fair capital. Besides this, he said that the King was always a heavy creditor of the Florentine merchants, to whom he lends money In order that they may extend their trade ; and they sometimes owe him as much as 300,000 ducats, by which means his Majesty benefits his favourites In the following manner : he empowers them to collect his credits, and they compromise with the debtors, who allow them a certain amount of Interest until they have the means of repaying the King, by which method these traders obtain funds at a fair rate, and the King is enabled to benefit his servants without any loss of capital. ^^ 3'8 REPORT OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN, On leaving England, the magnlfico the ambassador went to the French court, where he remained a few days and received a hearty welcome from King Francis, who chose to hear all the English news, as much in detail as possible, especially with regard to the intention of the King of England about maintaining the peace; to which the ambassador made answer that not only did his Majesty mean to keep it, but would moreover wage war with all his might on whoever should be the first to violate it; for the preservation of which peace, the ambassador affirmed that King Henry, and yet more the Cardinal of York, who considered himself its first promoter and author, were so careful, that it is continually on their lips ; which assurances very much gratified the King of France. His Most Christian Majesty proceeded in the next place to catechize the ambassador, item per item, about the King personally, whom in every point his magnificence extolled to the utmost. Subsequently, when King Francis asked what sort of a statesman King Henry made, the ambassador avoided giving any answer, for to bestow praise on this score was impossible, whilst to blame appeared to him unbecoming ; but after a while, having remained a long time with his Majesty, who questioned him repeatedly on the subject, being unable to do otherwise, he at length said that King Henry devoted himself to pleasure and solace, and left the cares of state to the Cardinal ; whereupon King Francis rejoined, « By my faith, the Cardinal must bear his King light good will, for it is not the office of a good servant to filch his master's honour.'' When talking with the duchess-mother (Louise of Savoy) about the age of the King of England, she told the ambassdor that he was four years older than her son, and that the King of France was twenty-five, so the King of England is consequently twenty-nine. The ambassador then said that the King and the Duchess his mother were more unpopular all over France than words could express. The Duchess is supposed to have invested much capital throughout the country, and is intent on hoarding, for the purpose, it is said, of aiding the King in the event of any sudden need : besides the other revenues appointed her, she has moreover received the 1 00,000 ducats which the Catholic King is bound to pay the King of France annually for the kingdom of Naples. The Queen of France is so universally loved, that it is impossible to describe or imagine greater affection. REPORT OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN, 319 i Besides the other demonstrations made by the King of France to the ambassador, he chose to show him his sons, namely the most illustrious the Dauphin and the Duke of Orleans; talking to him, moreover, about the union and love which he professes, and shall always maintain with our Signory, he and all his heirs ; and assuring him by the mouth of the Magnlfico Messer Antonio Giustinian, that, should the alliance between France and Venice ever be doomed to dissolution, he was of opinion that it would be our fault rather than hers. The ambassador than praised his colleague, the aforesaid Magnlfico Messer Antonio Giustinian, toto cordis affectu, bestowing on him as much commendation, extolling his various merits, and speaking of him with all possible affection. On quitting Paris, Messer Sebastian Giustinian proceeded to Milan^ where he lodged in the house of the secretary Caroldo, whom he also praised. He then went on to Brescia, and mentioned the great honours ' and ovations of which he was the object -^^ and that many persons wanted to make him presents, but that he only accepted one, which was offered on behalf of the municipality. Concerning Crema, he said that a small sum of money would suffice for the completion of certain walls. » In conclusion, he praised his secretary NIcolo Sagudino, for his very great fidelity, and for the extreme affection and love which he bore the state ; he said that he had no vice, did not gamble, and was generally moral in his conduct; 20 that he dressed modestly and respectably; and with regard to his learning, he said he had acquired as fine and elegant a style as that of his grandfather.^^ Post omniuy the ambassador mentioned the chain, worth about 100/., received from the King of England, which he requested as a gift from the Signory, beseeching, almost on his knees, that it might be conceded him as a present. BENE DIXIT BED NON BENE PERSUASIT.-^ * The ambassador is here alluding to the post of councillor, bestowed on him- self, and to that of ^* Sage for the orderSy' which had been conferred on his son Marino, whose estimate of English valour is recorded in vol. i. p. 30. 2 The presence at the French Court of Ambassadors of the Archduke Charles Prince of Castille, has been mentioned at p. 50, vol. i. Some of the letters written by them on this occasion may be read in the correspondence of the Caesars, published at Leipzig, a.d. 1844, by Dr. Karl Lanz. ' The false assertion concerning the passage of Giustinian's colleague, Pietro Pasqualigo, into Flanders, is inexplicable, and would stamp thii report as apocry- - 320 REPORT OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN. REPORT OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN. 321 phal, were it not redeemed by other particulars, the truth of which is In many instances very impressive. As seen in the despatches, Pietro Pasqualigo was in England from the nth of April 1515, until the following 4th of May. Piero Pasqualigo asserts most distinctly (see vol. i. p. 86) that on St. George's Day, 15 1 5, Henry VIII. wore the garter on his left shoulder; and as he also says that the mantle was girt in front, it might be inferred that the hose were invi- sible. Polydore Virgil (whose account of the insignia of the garter has hitherto been considered the most ancient of any, as it dates apparently from the year 1505) certamly says that this ensign "had a buckle of gold at the end, where- with to fasten it about the leg." Sebastian Glustinian now confirms this asser- tion, and the reader must decide for himself concerning the value of these three . contemporary authorities. ^ See vol. i. p. 203, 206, 211. ^ See voi. ii. p. 161 ; date, 28th February 15 18. ^ See vol. ii. p. 177. ^ In the original, " Rellgiosa et honoratissima quanto dir si puo." Concerning this work, no record exists in Angelo Zeno's catalogue of noble Venetian authors, nor is it to be found either in print or manuscript in St. Mark's library. The loss of a sketch of Cardinal Wolsey by the hand of one who had known him well, is much to be regretted, but the London letters of Sebastian Giustinian compensate in some degree for this biographical disaster. ^^ In the printed lives of Cardinal Wolsey, his brothers do not figure. The phrase which I have rendered by ''pushing his fortune,'' stands in the original thus, '' L'a/tro 'vuoga il batto,'' literally, *< rotvs the boat:'* ^^ See vol. ii. p. 198, 199, 241. ^- As stated in vol. i., p. 100, the term «' sack;' or «* sakke," is met with for the first trine in the English language, a.d. 1532. In vol ii., p. 47, an act of Parliament has been quoted, showing that in the year 1483, the butt of Malmsey was bound to contain 126 gallons. The merchants of Venice established in London, to avoid all penalties in this matter, seem thenceforth to have sold their wines both wholesale and retail, whether from Candia, Malvasia, Cyprus, Tyre, or Spain, by the measure (in use to this day among the Venetian vintners) called secchia, alias bucket, and this was most probably the root of sakke : unless it can be shown that the word existed before the reign of Richard III., in which case, as supposed by some persons, the term might be derived from szcco, dry. The double consonant both in '^secchia'' and '' secco'' would make it appear that " sakke" is the most correct mode of spelling this word. In connection with the commerce of Venice, it may be well to give in this place the entire text of the document mentioned in a note at page 184, vol. ii., of this work, and only partially quoted there. The document has been trans- cribed from page 136 of a MS. in the archives of Venice, entitled ''Libra d'oro ; si've Raccolta Leggi." a.d. 1232 to 1282 : — *^ Massarii monetae grossae, quod reddant Argentu de*STERLiN. ** M.ccLXXiv Die ix Octobris, in m.c. (i. e. Maggior Consiglio, Grand Council.) " Capta fuit pars, quod addatur in capitulari massariorum de moncta grossa, quod sicut reddebant Argentum de sterlin projectum in virga mercatoribus pro solidis quinque : sic teneantur reddere pro solidis quinque 5 et si Consilium est contra, vel aliud capitulum sui capitularis, quantum in hoc, sit revocatum." In virtue of this edict, the merchant of Venice took his silver to the zECCA,and on paying a fee of 5^. per lb., had it amalgamated to the standard of the Easter- lings, by the assayers of the State, whose mint enjoyed such repute with the Han- \ \\ seatic Confederation, that lingots marked with the stirlo-venetian stamp were as rarely tested as bars cast at Lubeck. The sterling standard gave law during several centuries to the '* moneyed interest" of a great part of Germany and to Great Britain, and yet remains a proud voucher for the good faith of the Hanseatic merchants, their very name being thus synonymous with probity ; and though we may not claim the word as our own, England has at least shown that she appreciates it. Much of evil and good report lurks in the circulating medium of nations, as seen by the repute which the Venetian sequin enjoys to this day in the East, proclaiming thus the honesty of its sponsors, in like manner as in the West the £ of the Easterlings does them similar service. England also, is indebted to a company of merchants, and not to any royal mint, for her purest coin, the guinea, and they have in some measure redeemed the stigma cast upon the nation, through the base money issued in 1544 by King Henry VIII. *3 Edward Stafford, the "/>oor Edward Bohun," of Shakspeare. Concerning his arrest on the 15th of April 1521, and execution on the 17th of the following month, there are many details in the despatches of Sebastian Giustinian's suc- cessor at the Court of Henry VIII. The ambassador confirms the propriety of the stage directions given by Shakespeare for the performance of King Henry VIII. (Act ii. scene i.), for he says that the Duke was taken from the Tower to Westminster by water, preceded by the axe ivith the edge towards him ; and the ambassador's secretary in a letter to his brother dated from London on the day of the execution, mentions that it was effected with a woodman's hatchet y una scure da sinder legne. ** This meeting between Sebastian Giustinian and "one Dr. Pace," took place at Dover between the 29th of August and the 6th of September 15 19, the am- bassador having been detained there all that time by stormy weather. The fact is mentioned by him in a letter to the State, dated Melun, 17th September, and in the MS. diaries of Marin Sanuto, there are many details of the electioneering gossip talked on this occasion by these two correspondents of Erasmus. *^ The word which I have translated by " comforts^' stands in the original '*• commodita," Some seventy years after the date of this report, namely in 1590, which is the period assigned to the first representation of the First Part of King Henry VI., the Duke of Alencjon, is made to say of the famished English, under Orleans — ^ " They want their porridge, and their fat bull beeves : Either they must be dieted like mules, And have their provender tied to their mouths, Or piteous they will look, like drowned mice." Both Sebastian Giustinian and the author of the first Part of King Henry VI. (which the commentators have struck off from the list of Shakspeare's genuine plays), might have been informed by such of their contemporaries as cared to do justice to the endurance^ as well as to the valour of the English, that on the 25th of October 1415, they gained the battle of Agincourt on very empty stomachs. ^^ It was on the day of the Ascension that the Doge went in state in the Bucintor to wed the Adriatic, and on his return from this ceremony he gave a banquet. The Venetian galleys which conveyed pilgrims to Joppa and Beyroot, used to take their departure immediately after the Ascension, and thus the English devotees here alluded to by the Ambassador Giustinian, combined a little sight- seeing with their penance, contriving, as Wolcot would have said, to boil their fe as, ^7 Bavarino was a Venetian plebeian established in London, and the catastrophe implies that he had failed. The character here given of him corresponds with VOL. II, y 322 REPORT OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN. that of the humane and unfortunate *' Friskiball," in the tragedy entitled " The Life and Death of Thomas Lord Cromwell,** and as any historical fact, however trifling, which at all confirms any incidents recorded in English plays composed by Shakspeare and his fellow playwrights, serves to prove their truthfulness, the reverses and fair fame of Alberto Bavarino are worth recording, because they remind us of the scenic sorrows of a merchant, his contemporary, and prove the value attached to a high character on the mart of London, in the year 1 5 19. ^^ From this it would appear that Henry VIIL did not condescend to receive interest himself for such sums as he lent to Master Friskiball and his fellow traders, who were, however, liable to pay a bonus at any moment when the King felt inclined to reward his favorites at no personal cost, ^^ The inhabitants of Brescia made these demonstrations to mark their recol- lection of the manner in which they had been governed by Sebastian Giustinian before the League of Cambrai. The command held by him at Brescia in 1509, has been alluded to in vol. i. p. 19. '■^^ Ch' egli non era vicioso, ne di guioco, ne di luxuria salvoche qualche volta. '* The grandfather of Nicolo Sagudino composed a Latin version of some of the treatises of Xenophon j and a contemporary manuscript copy of this work which had belonged to Marin Sanuto, and bore his autograph on its first page, was purchased by the booksellers Payne and Foss, of the antiquary Signor S. Quirico, in Venice, A.D. 1839. 22 This comment on the last page of the Sagredo copy of the Giustinian "Report" of England, does not mean that the Senate doubted any of the facts alleged by the ambassador, but, that he could not persuade those ** potent, grave, and reverend signiors" to let him keep his chain. The reason was, that the Venetian treasury was now at a very low ebb, and all the presents made by foreign sovereigns to the diplomatists of Venice were by law surrendered to the State ; a policy which was subsequently adopted by the East India Company with regard to its servants at the courts of the native princes. The outlay incurred by Venice for presents at the period described in these volumes, was enormous, and the money which reached the coffers of the State through the sale of those made to the ambassadors, was far from sufficing for the return of these compliments. The presents intended for Maria Tudor have been alluded to in vol. i. p. 44 and 54, but it is not known in what they consisted. A taste for Turkey carpets does not seem to have been peculiar to Cardinal Wolsey ; for after the recovery of Verona, Monsieur de Lautrec received some from the Venetians, as also a picture by Titian, of which the following note exists in the 24th volume of Marin Sanuto*s MS. Diaries, p. 267, dated May 27, A.D. I517. Certain purchases were made for the present which is being sent to Milan to Mons. de Lautrec. It is worth 8,000 ducats, and will be conveyed on eight mules, by Lucha Busato, the attendant of Messer Andrea Griti. This present consists, in the first place, of a balass ruby, weighing 153 carats, purchased for 3,100 ducats. Item — Two massive gold basins. Item — Very handsome Damascene carpets. Item— Table covers. Item— Perfumes and scents to a great amount. Item — The picture painted by the hand of J'itian, represent- ing St. Michael between St. George and St. Theodore, now in the Doge's palace, and this removal is not approved of. Presents of jewels are also destined for the Lord Steward (Gouffier de Boissi), for the Lord Chancellor (Duprat), and for the Magnifico Robertet, in France ; and the entire value of all these presents amounts to 30,000 ducats. INDEX. A. Adrian, Cardinal, see Castellesi. Aerschott, Marquis of, ii, 95, 97. Agostini, degli Agostini, physician to Cardinal Wolsey, ii. 92. Albany, John Duke of, i. 61, no, 118, 125, 128, 130, 133, 138, 142, i54» i57> i59> J6i, 162, 165, 166, 168, 169, 184, 186,215,216,225, 261, 318,319} ii. 32, 61, 129, 137, 138, 155, 160, 171, 172, 174, 180, 213,214,244,245. Alberto, , Venetian secretary, i. 254, 261. Alenfon, Duchess of, see Valois, Mar- garet de. , Duke of, ii. 298, 299, 304, 307. Alexander VI.. i. 272; ii. 87, Alviano, Bartolomeo, i. 126, 134, 136, 138. Ambassadors from Charles Prince of Castile, subsequently King of Spain and Emperor, to Henry VIIL, i. 181, 189, 192, 220, 263, 321 ; ii. 41, 94-103, 165, 173, 176, 181, 185—187, 189, 230, 231, 236, 238, 244, 252, 253, 256 — 264, 266. Christian II. King of Denmark to Henry VIIL, ii. 227. Emanuel King of Portugal to Henry Vill. ii. 76 — 80. Ferdinand the Ca- tholic, King of Spain, to Henry VIIL, i. 124, 127, 138, 168. Francis I. King of France, to Henry VIIL, see Guiche, Pierre de la j Selva, Johannes de j Rouen, the president of; Boulogne, the advocate of 5 Paris, the bishop of 5 Villeroy, M. de ; Bonnivet, M. de ; Danie (sic), M. de St. j also, ii. 252 — ^55> 258, 260, 264, 265, 270, 271, 273>274,283— 285, 287,294,295. Henry VIIL to Charles King of Spain, i. 181 5 ii. 161, 255 J to Francis I. King of France, ii. 127, 140,236,238,239, 244, 250, 251, 253, 297 — 308. the Emperor Maxi- milian to Henry VIIL, i. 168, 171, 179, 180, 262, 263, 321 5 ii. 89 — 91, 129, 130. the Archduchess Margaret to Henry VIIL, ii. 283, 285, 287. Scotland to Henry VIIL, i. 218, 227. Switzerland to Henry VIIL, i. 222. Venice in England, see Badoer Andrea, Capello Fran- cesco, Contarini Francesco, Correr Angelo, Correr Marc' Antonio, Fa- lier Ludovic, Giustinian Sebastian, Michiel Giovanni, Mocenigo Pietro, Pasqualigo Pietro, Querini Vincenzo, Surian Antonio, Trevisan Andrea, Zeno Carlo. Ammonius, Andreas,!. 260,262,288, 292, 302} ii. 68, 88. Angleria, Petrus de, i. xvii, 136, 181, 224. Angus, Douglas Earl of, i. 119, 138, 140, 219, 220. Aracaeli, Cardinal of (Cristoforo Numai, a Franciscan monk, native of Forli, and the father confessor of Louise of Savoy), ii. 290, 303, 307. 324 INDEX. INDEX. 325 Aragon, Queen of, tee Foix, Germaine de. Archives of Venice, notices concerning them, i. i — viii. Armagh, Archbishop of, see Kite, John. Arundel, Earl of (Thomas Howard the collector), i. 16, 17. Ashmole, Elias, i. 88, 89. Avalos, Francesco of, see Pescara. Averoldi, Altobello degli, ii. 139. B. Bacon, Francis, Baron of Verulam, &c. ii. 87. Badoer, Andrea, i. xvi j account of his residence in England from 1509 to I5^2>63 — 725 personal notices con- cerning him, 62, 63, 99, 1055 is knighted by Henry VIII., 122 j at- tends the launch of The Great Harry ^ 138 J his departure from England, and popularity there, 144; alluded to, ii. 317. Badoer, Giovanni, i. 225, 286, 292 j ii. 2, 20, 21, 27, 29, 113. Bajazet II., his character, i. 11. Bambridge, Christopher, alias Bain- bridge, see Urswick. Bandello, Matteo, i. 213, 214, 316. Bard, Francis de, ii. 73. Bastille, the, in Paris, banquet and ball given there, ii. 301 — 308. Bath and Wells, Bishop of, see Cas- tellesi. Bavarino, Alberto, alias Antonio, i. i53> 155; "• 53»68, 317, 321. Bayard, the Chevalier, i. 48, 127. Baynard's Castle, inhabited by Henry VIII., i. 87 J dinner given there, ii. 286. Beccaria, Matteo, ii. 181. Becket, a, St. Thomas, i. 84, %%. Bele, Dr., ii. 71 — 73. Bellini, Giovanni, ii. 194. Bembo, Pietro, i. 276. Bentivoglio, Alexander, i. 214. Berners, Lord, see Bourchier, John. Bibiena, Cardinal Legate in France, ii. 248, 297, 299, 302, 307. Blout, Elizabeth, ii. 228, 234. Boccali, Theodore, ii. 290. Bodleian library, see Busino Horatio. Boissi, Gouffier de. Lord Steward of Francis L, i. 49, 50, 565 ii. 61, 201, 299, 304, 307, 322. Madame la Vidame de, ii. 303. Bonnivet, Admiral de (Guillaume Gouffier), ii. 210, 212, 217, 218, 220, 221, 223, 226, 231, 233 — ^35> 3"» 312- — , Madame de, ii. 303. Borgia, Caesar, i. 272. '- , Lucrezia, i. 34. Borgogna, Duke of, query Buckingham, ii. 71, 74. Borromeo, Countess Frederick, ii. 303, 305-307-.. Bossi, Luigi, ii. 68. Boulogne, the advocate of, ii. 93, 99. Bourbon, Anna De, daughter of Louis XL, and widow of Piere II., Duke of Bourbon, and Sire de Beaujeu j her influence over Francis I., i. 49, 55- Bourbon, Charles, the constable, and Duke of, i. 37, 4^, 56, 193, 197 ; ii. 298, 299, 301. Bourchier, John (Lord Berners), i. 162, 165 ; ii. 254, 255. Bow-staves, i. xi. j ii. m, 183 — 185. Bragadino, Andrea, ii. 49. Brandenburg, Joachim I., Marquis of, ii. 316. Brantome (Pierre de Bourdeilles), Seigneur de, ii. 220. Brescia, i. 242, 246, 250, 254, 255, 282. Brigantines, carriage of, on the backs of camels, ii. 81. Brissonet, M. de. Bishop of St. Malo, " r 11. 02. Broadside, a diplomatic, i. xiv. Broune, Anne, ii. 228, 234. Bruges, Margaret, ii. 228, 234. Bryan, Sir Francis, i. 28 \ ii. 228, 272. Bucintor, the, compared to a royal English barge, i. 85, 86 ; alluded to, ii. 142, 321. Buckingham, the Duke of, ii. 226, 282, 283, 287, 315, 321. Bultealc, John, first English translator of a Venetian " Report," of Rome, I. VI. Busino, Orazio, Venetian State papers discovered by him at the Bodleian, i. v. Busato, Lucha, ii* 322. C. Cabinet of Henry VIII., its influence with Leo X. and the Swiss cantons, i. 113 ; is desirous of expelling Fran- cis L, Italy, 171, 175 ; insists on his recalling the Duke of Albany from Scotland, 1655 its apparent ignorance of the treaty of Noyon, 249, 250; undergoes a change, 252; its con- sultations, 307 ; its absentees, 308 } opinion of its policy, ii. 60 5 detaches itself from its former allies, 127 ; general notices of, 147, 149, 150 — 155, 158— 161, 166, 172—176, 251, 252, 270 — 273, 288, 289, 291, 292, 310 — 312. Calais, i. v., 289 j ii. 41, 84, 154. Caligula, ii. 225. Cambrai, congress appointed to be held there, ii. 37, 42, 50, 62, 63, 86. . " the League of," i. 95, 172, 24^, 246, 250, 274, 278 ; ii. 56, 80. Campeggio, Alessandro, ii. 259, 261. Giambatista, ii. 259, 261. Giovanni, ii. 282, 283. Lorenzo, Cardinal (the Campeius of Shakspeare), ii. 107, 125, 196, 199, 201 — 204, 208, 213, 226, 243 — 246, 248, 252, 260, 261, 266, 267, 269, 275, 276, 281 — 283, 286, 289, 290, 312. the Prothonotary, ii, 256, «j:j 261. Canal, Hironimo, Venetian secretary, letter from him describing entertain- ments at Paris, ii. 298 — 301. Candalles, Anna de, Queen of Hun- gary, i. 7, 12—15. Candia, island of, frequented by Eng- lish merchantmen, ii. 48, 184. Cannon, Venetian, tried by Henry VUL, ii. 193. Canterbury, Archbishop of, see War- ham, William. Capefigue, M., i. 27 ; ii. 221. Capel, Sir Elles, ii. 228. Capello, Francesco, i. xv. • Vincenzo, i, 298. Cardona, Don Raimondo di, i. 226, 228. Carew, Mistress Anne, ii. 228, 234. Lady Elizabeth, ii. 228, 234. Nycholas, ii. 228, 272, 273. Carol, — , query Carew, ii. 102. Carpets, for Cardinal Wolsey, ii. 198, 199, 241, 315 ; for M. de Lautrec, 321, 322. Caselet, the provost of, ii. 94. Castellesi, Adrian of Corneto, Cardinal, Bishop of Bath and Wells, ii. 84, 86 — 88, 105, 107 — 109, 112, 113 —126, 130, 133, 134, 314. Catharine, of Aragon, Queen of Eng- land, i. 45, 81, 181, 296,298, 301 ; ii. 81, 97, 98) 102, 189, 226, 237, 240, 260, 278, 284, 313, 316, 320. Cervia, ii. 33, 36, 39. ^ Champ-denier, see Danie* Charles VIIL, King of France, his statue, i. 83 ; alluded to, 272. Charles the Bold, Duke of Burgundy, fate of his armour, i. 136. Charles, Archduke of Austria, Prince of Castille, subsequently King of Spain, and Emperor, i. 52, 55, 145, 146, 180 j sends two ambassadors to England, 184^ his betrothal to Maria Tudor, 186, 188 ; his claims on the kingdom of Naples, 190 ; his close friendship with Henry VUL, 191, 220; his engagements to France, 231, 232 ; preparations for his voyage to Spain, 251 j his be- trothal to the infant daughter of Francis I., 256, 261 j charters ves- sels, 263 ; attempt to affiance him to the Lady Mary Tudor, ii. 9 \ general notices of, 37, 113, 117, 127, 134, 140, 141, 186, 212,238, 243, 247, 249, 264 j first announce- ment in London of his election as " King of the Romans,*' 283 ; pre- paration of rejoicings for this event, 285 J " Te Deum *' chaunted in his Ss^^^ !■ ,"»«al^-'--? 326 INDEX. honour at St. Paul's, 286 j is pro- claimed by heralds at St. Paul's Cross, 286 ; conditions imposed upon him by the Imperial electors, 288: his moral and physical endowments from the age of fourteen to nineteen, 288 — 290. Charnock, John, i. 140 — 142. Chateaubriand, Madame de (Fran^oise de Foix, favourite of Francis I.), ii. Chieregato, Bortolemeo, 1. 314. Francesco, papal nuncio in England, i. 212 — 214, 249, 262, 287, 288, 312—316, 321, 322, 325, 326 ; ii. 6, 8, 17, 18, 33, 58, 59,61, 68, 84, 86, 88, 95, 105, no, 114, 116. Contarini, Francesco, son of Zaccaria, i. 190. , Girolomo, knight of the Golden Fleece, his munificent be- quest to St. Mark's library, i. xviii. y Pier, i. 298. -, Zaccaria, i. 190, 192 ; ii. Chievres, M. de, see Croi, Guillaume. Chosroes II., his magnificence com- pared to that of Cardinal Wolsey, ii. 225, 227. Christian II., King of Denmark, i. 225, 228, 263, 264; ii. 186—189, 227. Cicogna, Cavalier Emmanuele An- tonio, i. 298. Cippico, Coriolano, i. 205. Civrea, Pietro, Portuguese ambassador in England, ii. 76 — 80. Claude de Bourbon, Queen of France, ii. 298, 299, 301, 302, 305, 306, 307,318. Cleopatra, her suppers, n. 225. Clif, Dr., ii. 19, 25. Cloth, "deceitful," ii. 46, 293. Coinage, Venetian, current in England, i. X J ii. 293, 320. CoUins's Peerage, i. 113. Colonna, Marc' Antonio, i. 287, 288, 291, 321 5 ii. 33,60, 62. Commerce, Anglo-Venetian, i. ix., x., xi., 61, 247, 2505 ii. 40, 45— 49> 53—56, 68, 69, 92, 106, 107, no, III, 195, 196—198, 279,280,292, 293. Contarini, Bartolomeo, i. 190 ; ii. 151, 173- , Bernardo, i. 273, 275. , Francesco, son of Bertuccio, his " Report " of England, i. vi. j his travels in Spain, 325. 14-5- Cook, William, English mercenary in the pay of Venice, i. xii. Coppo, Agustin, Venetian outlaw, i. 32; ii. 67. Cordova, Gonsalvo of, ** the Great Captain," ii. 81, 163. Cornara, Catharine, Queen of Cyprus, i. 204. Cornaro, Francesco, H. 165, 255. . Georgio, i. 147, 204. Correr, Angelo, i. vi. , Marc' Antonio, ii. 49. Corvinus, Matthias, King of Hungary, i. 12, 14 i fate of his library, 15 — 17. Court of Francis I. described,!. 50—59; ii. 297 — 308. Courteville, M. de, ii. 27. Croi, Guillaume de, i. 221, 284; ii. 61, 97, 288, 290. Crown, the imperial, efforts made to obtain it, ii. 243, 246, 251, 258, 260 — 272, 316. Cunningham, Mr. Peter, i. 89; ii. 227. Cyprus, island of, claimed by England, i. 203,204,5 ii. 190. D. Dandolo, Giovanni Antonio, i. 190 ; ii. 317. y Marco, 1. 49 — 53- Danie, alias M. de Champ^mVr, ii. 218, 221, 231, 311. Daubeny, Lady, ii. 228, 234. Dauphin, the, see Valois, Fran9ois de. Denmark, King of, see Christian II. Documents, national, sale of to a fish- monger, i. xiv. Dockwra, Sir Thomas, Grand Prior of St. John's, i. 91, 93» 94, 99» "3> 325 ; ii. 67, 236—238, 297—308. Doit, etymology of the word, i. xi. Dominick, St. Bishop of, ii. 104, 107. INDEX. 327 Dorset (Thomas Grey), second Marquis of, ii. 9, 12, 96, 100, loi, 265. Dotkin, s££ Doit- Duodo, Nicolo, i. 144; ii. 317. Duprat, Antoine, i. 51 j ii- 299, 300, 322. Durham, Bishop of, see Ruthal,Thomas. Durham House, inhabited by Henry VIIL, ii. 225, 227. Duties on wines imported into England by the Venetians, i. 97, 98, 100, ii8j ii. 184, 1S5, 292, 293. E. Easterlings, see Sterling. Egidio, Cardinal, ii. 177, 249. Egremont, Lord, se£ Percy, Sir John. Egypt, Soldan of, vessels sent by him across the desert, ii. 81. Ellis, Sir Henry, i. 223, 224, 297 j ii. 88, 92. Ely, Bishop of, see West, Nicholas. Emanuel, King of Portugal, ii. 76 — 83, 247. England, discontent prevalent there, i. 264 J her hostile attitude, ii. 41; averse to the election as Emperor of Francis I., 266. England, Thomas of, lecturer at Padua, • • • • 1. Xlll. Erasmus, of Rotterdam, i. 29, 88, 262, 297, 302; ii. 19, 68, 88, 165, Erdbdy, Count Cajetan, i. 10. Erdody, Thomas, Cardinal of Strigonia, i. 9-13. Este, Don Alfonso, Duke of Ferrara, i. 33, 34, 120, 121 5 ii. 299, 302, 304. Este, Hercules, Duke of Ferrara, 1. 272, 275. F. Faenza, ii. 39. Faitada, Giovanni Francesco de la, his account of the Portuguese trade with India, ii. 82, 83. Falier, Ludovic, ii. 92. Ferdinand, Archduke of Austria, brother of the Emperor Charles V., i. 1905 ii. 199. Ferdinand "the Catholic," King of Aragon, i. 48, 58, 102 ; his diplo- matic agents in England, 124 j pre- sent or pledge sent by him to Henry VIIL, 1355 notices concerning him, 136, 1545 his death, 181 } his will, 190 5 his treatment of Venice, 207, 298, 273 ; hospital endowed by him, 325- Ferrara, Dukes of, see Este. Field '' of the Gloth of Gold" antici- pated, i. 47, 150} ii. 246, 254, 260, 262, 263, 266, 272, 274, 294, Filniger, , diplomatist in the service of the Emperor Maximilian, ii. 61. Fireworks, Venetian, at Southampton, ii. 193. *' Fishermen," epithet of, applied to the aristocracy of Venice, i. 1 1, 203, 206, 211, 310. Fleming, Sir Oliver, ii. 5. Florence, her political bias, ii. 264; her trade with England, 317, 321. Foix, Germaine de, i. 136, 190, 192. Fornovo, battle of, i. 272, 275. Foucard, Signore Cesare, official at the Archives in Venice, his zeal in arranging them, i. iv. Fox, Richard, Bishop of Winchester, i. no, 113, 163, 252, 308, 3265 ii.9 — II, 17,28, 32, 112, 115, 116, 193- Francis I., King of France, L 32, 42, 43i 49» 51— 53» 57» 5^, 100—105 j sends an ambassador to Henry VIIL, 124 J enters Italy, 126, 1275 his letters to Henry VIIL, 146, 168 j declines standing godfather for the Lady Mary Tudor, 176; charged with duplicity, 182 — 184 j state of his health, 1855 tribute to his good faith, 187, 189; his claims on the kingdom of Naples, 1905 alluded to, i. 200, 204, 206, 207, 209, 215 — 217, 222, 223, 226, 229, 236 — 238, 241, 243, 244, 256, 265— 270, 274, 282; ii. 3, 8—15, 17, 22> i3> 37— 39> 44> 63, 84, 85, 328 INDEX. 148, 149, 155, 160, 161, 163, 168, 174—176, 179, 183, 186, 188, 189, 213, 244, 249, 264, 272, 273, 291, 294, 297—308, 318. Frangipane, Count Christopher, i. 19, 20 ; ii. 90. — Countess, see Lanch Apo- lonia. Fregoso, Alessandro, il. 246, 248. Octavian, Doge of Genoa, i. 38, 49 ; ii. 248. Paul, ii. 248. Frescobaldi, Leonardo, i. 47, 151, 161, 221, 303, 322. Friar, a Spanish diplomatic agent in London, i. 124; his mendacity, 124. Friskiball, see Frescobaldi. Froissart, Jean, ii. 165. Fyenes, Mary, ii. 228, 234. G. Gabriel, captain of the archers of Francis L, ii. 307, 308. Gabrieleto, Spanish Envoy in Paris, i. 58. Galleys, Venetian, their trade with England, i. ix., 247, 250, 294, 295, 299, 306, 320; ii. 40, 43, 45, 46, 55, 64, 76, 106, no, III, 162, 163, 182—185, 188, 189, 192— 195, 196—198, 250, 251, 255, ^^5> 3155 t^eir voyages to Joppa, 321. Gar, Dr. Tomaso, Venetian reports edited by him, ii. 126. Garter, order of the, its robes and insignia described, i. 85, 86 5 ii. 310, 320. Genoa, disturbances there, ii. 246, 248, 249 } is said to favour Francis L, 264. Gentlemen, English, in Paris, their costly jewels and apparel, ii. 300. George, Saint, celebration of his festival, i- 72, 77—79 > ^'^' ^4- Germany, noblemen of, in England, }' 3^3- Giants, a procession of, i. 80, 82. Gibbon, Edward, ii. 227. Gigli, Stefano de. Bishop of Worcester, ii. 84, 88, 108, no, 125, 178, 180. Giovio, Paolo, i. 164. Giustinian family, notices of the, i. i — 30- ' • Antonio, Venetian ambas- sador in France, i. 193 ; ii. 154, I55» 157, 158, 167, 168—173, 189 J letter from him describing the entertainments on the betrothal of the Dauphin to the Lady Mary Tudor, 301, 3025 alluded to, 311, 319- Lorenzo, first Patriarch of Venice, i. 4 — 6. Marino, i. 29, 30; ii. 17, 19, 112, 113, 115, 319. Sebastian, i. xvii. ; number of despatches written by him during his embassy to England, xviii. ; date of his birth, 6 j appointed ambas- sador to Hungary, 6 } his " Report** of that kingdom, 8 — I 5 ; Governor of Capo d'lstria, 17; Vice-Lord at Ferrara, 17 ; Attorney-General in Venice, 17 j Governor of Brescia, 17; his " Report" of Brescia, 19; is appointed " Bailiff'* at Constanti- nople, 19 ; Commissioner and Pro- veditor, 19 j commands the Vene. tian forces in Istria, 20 } assumes the post of Proveditor-General in Dal- matia, 21 ; his proceedings there, 21 — 25 ; is appointed ambassador to England, 26 ; returns to Venice, 26 } his portrait of Henry VIIL, 26, 27 J ambassador in France, 28 ; is elected Procurator of St. Mark's, 29 5 his death, 29 ; his printed works and correspondence with Erasmus, 29 ; his journey from Venice to Paris, 32—48; delivers a Latin oration in the presence of Francis L, 5 1 ; leaves Paris and arrives at Boulogne, 59 ; writes from Canterbury, 60, 61 ; his first letter from London, 62 ; makes a Latin speech to Henry VllL, and dines at Richmond palace, 72, 73 ; has audience at Greenwich, 74 — 76 ; describes the moral and physical t^jjgjiii^j^ INDEX. endowments of Henry VIIL, 74— 76 ; his account of the tenure whereby the Republic of Venice held her possessions on the main land, and defence of her policy, 109, 121, 122; congratulates the Arch- bishop of York on his being made | Cardinal, 129; quotes Greek sayings, 131 J attends a ship launch at Eyrethe, 138 ; endeavours to accom- modate differences between the English ministry and the French ambassador, 147, 165—167; exerts himself to prevent Henry VIIL from supplying the Emperor Maximilian with money, 150 — 180; alludes to England's having kept aloof from the League of Cambrai, 172 ; asserts the right of Venice to hold Brescia and Verona, 178; reasons assigned by him for the choice of the sponsors of the Lady Mary Tudor, 182 ; con- gratulates the King on her birth, 182; announces his inability to comprehend tuho supplied the Em- peror with funds to raise 36,000 men, 188 ; explains certain passages in Venetian history, 193 — 19^? ^99> 200; loss of his letters, 201, 202; insult received by him and his re- joinder, 203, 204; remonstrates with Cardinal Wolsev, and excul- pates his Republic mm the charge of perfidy, 206—210; apologies received by him, 211; his exertions as a mediator, 216, 217; his mental anxiety, 222 ; cause of his removal from London to Putney, 224 ; does not allow private sorrow to interfere with his public duties, 224; com- plains of the seizure of his despatches, 225 ; expatiates on the prospects of Italy, 226 ; his political discussions with Cardinal Wolsey and Henry VIIL, 229 — 242 ; efforts made to obtain his dismissal from the English court, 245 ; his advances to the Spanish ambassador, 248, 249 ; complains of the non-receipt of news from Venice and of the treatment experienced by the Republic from Henry VIIL, 252, 253 ; proves the justice of the tenure by which Venice held Verona, and dines with Cardinal Wolsey, 257—261 ; is again a guest at York House, and bears witness to the good faith of Francis I., and to the integrity of the states- men of Venice, 265—270; his compendium of a quarter of a cen- tury of Venetian history, 271 — 274; parries proposals made by Cardinal Wolsey to the prejudice of France, 277, 279 ; is urgent for news from Venice, 290; his dinner engage- ments, 300 ; confers with the Duke of Norfolk, 309 — 311; proposes to bribe Cardinal Wolsey, 320 ; endea- vours made to expel him England, 320 ; reasons for his aversion to the Cardinal of Sion, and the Switzers, 321 ; defends the Venetian press, 324; takes a ride with Cardinal Wolsey, ii. 1—5 ; has a long collo- quy with the Bishop of Winchester, 10, 11; confers with Henry VIIL and Cardinal Wolsey, 13—16; testimony borne to his own literary tastes, 17 ; expects to be dismissed the English Court, 17 ; his con- versations with Henry VIIL, 21 — 24 ; with the Bishop of Durham and the Duke of Norfolk, 25, 26; with Cardinal Wolsey, 27 ; doubts the veracity of the English Cabinet, 27 ; his visits declined by the Bishop of Winchester, 28 ; rides to Green- wich to announce the surrender of Verona, 30; receives congratulations on that event from Cardinal Wolsey, from the Duke of Suffolk, and from the Bishop of Durham, 35, 36 ; caution adopted by him in his con- versations with Henry VIIL, 38 ; discusses sack and politics, 40 — 45 ; gives his opinion of Cardinal Wolsey, 50, 51; flatters Henry VIIL, 52; doubts his veracity, 57 ; confers with Cardinal Wolsey, the Bishop of Durham, and the King, 63—66; his account of ** Evil May-day," 69—72, 76, 77; his speculations concerning an embassy from Francis I., 93; attends a joust, a banquet, n AtM ll J 330 INDEX. INDEX. and a ball, 97 — 103 ; suspects Car- dinal Wolsey of having " an itching palm," 104; gives a dinner to M. de la Guiche, 105 ; recommends Francesco Chieregato to the Signory, 105 ; guarantees the coming to Eng- land of the Venetian galleys, 1 1 1 ; embroils himself with Cardinal Wolsey, on account of the Cardinal Bishop of Bath and Wells, 112 — 132 J is reconciled to Cardinal Wolsey, 133, 134J expresses a wish to return to Vemce, 140 ; receives a visit from *' one Dr. Pace," 142 — 144 j hears of the appointment of his successor, 145 j suppresses a paragraph in a despatch from his government, 150; vouches for the pacific intentions of France, 152 — 154 ; mediates between England and France, 157 — 160; alludes to his intimacy with Sir Thomas More, 162 ; is received by the Spanish ambassador, 165 j passes an hour and a half with Henry VIII., 167 — 173 ; his opinion of diplomatic veracity, 181; is urgent to be recalled, and mentions his age, 190; apologizes for his ignorance of commercial matters, 198 j reasons assigned by him for the grant of his demand to return home, 201 j elicits news from Dr. Pace, 210 — 212 ; goes to the King at Eltham, and confers there with Sir Thomas More, 215, 216 j exerts himself to suppress a clause concerning X'eniceand the Emperor, in the treaty of peace signed in Lon- don, A.D. 15 18, October 2, 223, 224, 242, 243 ; classical reproof administered by him to the Signory, 236, 237 ; state of his health, 238 ; complains of his protracted sojourn in England, 239 ; makes peace between the merchants of Venice and Cardinal Wolsey, on whom he presses seven Turkey carpets, 240, 241 ; alludes to his residence in Hungary, 240, 241 ; congratulates Henry VIII. on the betrothal of the Lady Mary to the Dauphin, 248 y announces to the Signory the death of the Emperor Maximilian, and the consignment of Tournai to Francis I., 251 j expatiates on the abject deference paid by Rome and Spain to Henry VIII., 257, 253 ; historical details reserved for his "Report," 259 J complains of the inattention of the Signory to Cardinal Campeggio, 267 j supposes that Dr. Pace is gone to Switzerland, 267; receives the congratulations of Henry VIII. on his being made Councillor of Venice, 276 j takes leave of the King and of Queen Catharine of Ara- gon, 277, 278 ; introduces his suc- cessor to Cardinal Wolsey, and dis- cusses sack and woollens, 279 — 281 j goes to St. Paul's to hear the "Te Deum," chaunted for the election of the Emperor Charles V., 286, 287 ; dines with the Legate Campeggio, 286, 287 J his last interview with Cardinal Wolsey, 291 — 2935 his departure from England, 295 ; com- pendium of his " Report" of Eng- land, 309 — 317} honours paid to him at Paris and Brescia, 318, 319 ; present received by him from Henry VIII., 319. Glass, Venetian, ii. 192, 194. Gobbo, John, ii. 281, 2g2. Gonzaga, Francesco, see Mantua, Mar- quis of ^ Grimani, Antonio, i. 147. Griti, Andrea, i. 58, 59, 147, 185, 191, 208 J ii. 29, 31, 233,317, 322. Guard, Yeomen of the, of Henry VIII., i. 85, 90; ii. 313. Guelders, Charles d'Egmond, Duke of, ii. 65, 67, 91, 92, 113, 180, 182, 262, 263, 290. Guicciardini, Francesco, i. 171, 197, 232, 242, 250,264, 284, 291, 297, 318, 327 ; ii. 16, 61, 248, 250. Guiche, Pierre de la, i. 60 j ii. 93, 99, I35»i37- Guisnes, the Captain or Governor of, ii. 236, 300. Gurk, Cardinal Bishop of, see Lanch, Matthew. Guyldford, Sir Henry, ii. 228. Guyldford, Lady, ii. 228, 234. 331 H. Hainault, Bailiff of, ii. 94. Half-pence- galley, see Coinage. Hall, Edward, quotations from his Chro- nicle, i. 81, 89, 92, 93, 123, 303; ii. 73, 131,201,202,227,228,232, 235, 272, 273, 285, 286. Hampton, see Southampton. Harness, horse, a suit of, ii. 232. Harry the Great^ launch of the ship so called, i. 138, 140 — 142. Hector, tardy condolence on his death, ii. 236, 237. Henry V^IL, congratulated on his acces- sion by Doge Barbarigo, i. xiv. ; letter from him to a Venetian ambassador, XV. ; alluded to, 298 j ii. 49, 53, 55. Henry VIII., personal notices concerning him current inV^enice, i. 26 — 28, 75, 76, 79, 80, 81, 85, 86, loi — 105, 169, 177, 180, 182, 192 — 196, 232 —239, 294, 300, 301, 322 ; ii. 12, 21—24, 30> 3i> 37— 40» 52» 56— 59, 64—66, 70, 74, 75, 97, lOI, 102, 114, 146, 159- — 161, 166 — i73> 191 — ^94> 2^04 — 206, 215, 224 — 228, 231 — 235, 248, 260, 266, 270, 271, 275—278, 311— 313, 318. Heralds, functions performed by them, i. 137, 290 ; ii. 173, 198, 287, 307, 308. Hereford, bishopric of, see Castellesi. Holmes, Mr. John, i. xv., 89 ; ii. 278. Horn, Count (Maximilian d'Egmont), ii. 253, 256, 260. Hostages given by Francis I. to Henry VIII. , ii. 250 — 254, 311, 312. Hoste, Captain William, i. 21. Hume, David (the historian), i. 74, 113, 164, 224, 253 ; ii. 12, 62, 72, 212, 272. , Lord, i. 138, 140. Hungary, condition of, i. 12 — 14. J. I. Ismael I., Sophy of Persia, ii. 147, 196 James I., King of Great Britain, ii. 49. James, St., of Compostella, i. 99, 323 — ;325- Jerningham, Sir Richard, ii. 273. Justs, performance of, i. 81 j ii. 97 — 103, 228, 298, 301, 305, 306. K. Kansou-Algouri, Soldan of Egypt, ii. 16. Kildare, Earl of, i. 93. Kite, John, ii. 162, 164, 165, 253 — Kyngston, Sir William, ii. 273. L. Ladislaus VI., King of Hungary, i. 6 ; his person and character described, II — 15. Lamartine, M. Alfonse de, ii. 5. Lambeth, residence there, of Sebastian Giustinian, ii. 185 — 272. Lanch, Apolonia, i. 20 ; ii. 90. , Christopher, ii. 89, 90. , John, ii. 90. , Matthew, Cardinal, Bishop of Gurk, i. 16 ; ii. 89, 90, 191, 288. Lando, Piero, i. 14. Lanfrani, Jacopo, i. 84, 88. Lanz, Dr. Karl, i. 160; ii. 95, 319. Lateran, Council of the, ii. 60, 62. Latino, Giovenale, i. 288, 292. Launch, see " Harry the Great." Lautrec, M. de (Odet de Foix), i. 49; ii. 29, 31, 321, 322. Lazari, Dr. Vincenzo, i. xvi. League against France, i. 1 14. Legate a latere, title of, conferred on Cardinal Wolsey, ii. 191, 195, 199, 201, 202. Leo X., i. 35, 36, 103, 106, 146, 212, 220, 237, 264, 267; ii. 6, 7, 28, 39, 60, 147, 149, 191, 256—258, 264, 289. L'Escu, M. de, ii. 163, 299, 304. I 332 INDEX. Letters, seizure of, i. 213, 225, 228. Library of Matthias Corvinus, King of Hungary, i. 15 — 17. Lincoln, , ii. 71 — 73, Lineacre, Thomas, ii. 19, 68. Lingard,Pr., i. 595 ii. 238. Literature, cultivation of at the Vene- tian Embassy in London, ii. 68. Litta, Count Pompeo, i. 3, 205, 327. Lomelyn, Diego, ii. 235. London, Bishop of (Richard Fitz- james), dinner in his palace, ii. 225. London^ City of, prevents rejoicings for the election to the grade of " King of the Romans" of Charles V., ii. 285^ 286. Loredano, Leonardo, Doge of Venice, commissions given by him to Vene- tian ambassadors accredited to Henry VIII., i. 42,45 ; ii. 278. Lorenzi, Signor Giovanni Battista of Venice, calls the attention of the translator to the despatches of Sebas- tian Giustinian, i. xviii. Louis II., King of Hungary, ii. 238, 239, 248. Louis XII., King of France, i. 32, 33, 42, 44, 45, 57, 58, 84, loi, 186, 187, 325. Lovel, Sir Thomas, i. 252, 253, 307. Luamburg, M. de, ii. 94, 97, 100, 103. Lucca, Republic of, its independence threatened, i. 36. Luther, Martin, ii. 62, 177, 208. M. Machiavelli, Niccolo, i. 160. Magdalen, St. Mary, her festival, i. Malmsey, see Sack. Malmsey, a/ias Malvasia, archbishops of, see Musuro and Rali. Manetti, see Giovenale. Manin, Count Leonardo, curious " Report" of England in his library, i. vi, Mantua, Marquis of, i. 90, 92, 120, 121, 273, 276. Manutius, Aldus, i, 325; iL 19. Margaret, Archduchess of Austria, widow of Philibert the Handsome, Duke of Savoy, Governess of the Low Countries, i. 68, 136, 220, 221, 263, 315; ii. 283—286. Marignano, battle of, i. 133, 137,258, 262. Marin, Carlo Antonio, ii. 194. Marney, Sir Henry, i. 308, 309. Marriages, reported, of the Emperor Maximilian J of Margaret Tudor j and of Louise of Savoy, i. 220. Martyr, Peter, see Angleria. Massario, Francesco, Venetian secre- tary in Hungary, his account of the Corvinian library, i. 17. May-day, celebration of, at Greenwich, »• 74—76, 79—81, 90—91. " evil," ii. 69—77 5 sequel to, 130, 131. Mayence, Archbishop of, ii. 316. Mayor, Lord, of London, see Monoux, George, and Rest, John. Maximilian, Emperor elect, i. 52, 57, 102, 145, 148—158, 178, 184, 210, 211, 214, 218, 220, 222, 226, 229, 242—262, 273, 274, 289, 3135 ii. 37, 89, 149, 150, 170, 179, 186, 187, 219,220, 241, 251. Medici, family of, i. 273 ; ii. 163. Cardinal Giulio de*, ii. 290. — Giuliano de', i. 37, 39. Lorenzino de*, ii. 6, 7, 160, 163. M^me, St., M. de, ii. 234, 235, 304. Memo, Dionisius, Venetian organist in the service of Henry VIII., i. 296 — 298, 301 } ii. 75, 97, 98, 100, 126, 136, 161, 163, 164, 271. Mercenaries, levied by Henry VIII., i. 198, 199. Meutas, — , French secretary in the ser- vice of Henry VIIL, ii. 70, 72, 74. Michiel, Giovanni, ii. 163, 164. Giustina, ii. 194, 195. Vettor, i. 291. Military, state of the, in England, ii. 316, 320. Mill, dispute concerning a, i. 231. Minio, Marco, Venetian ambassador at the Court of Leo X., extracts from INDEX. 333 his despatches, i. 220; ii. 42, 61, 62, 67, 68, 107 — no, 116, 125, 126, 130, 139, 163, 177, 181, 191, 208, 246, 261, 262, 282, 286, 289, 290. Minions of King Henry VllL, see Carew, Nycholas, and Bryan, Francis. Mocenigo, Luigi, ii. 151, 173, Piero, ii. 82. Molin, Hironimo, Venetian Consul in London, i. 62, 84, 134J ii. 183, 317- Momchaunce, old English game of hazard, ii. 228, 234. Money, remitted abroad by Henry VIIL, i. 148, 152 — 154, 179, 186, 198, 211, 221, 227, 234, 235, 238, 242, 243, 251, 255, 258, 259, 263, 288, 291, 304, 316, 318, 319, 323, 325, 326jii.8,45, 50, 88,91, 103, 117,251. Monoux, George, dinner given by him to the Venetian ambassadors, i. 92. Montmorency, M. de, ii. 302. More, Sir Thomas, i. 29 j ii. 68, 162, 165, 204, 215,216, 218. Morelli, Don Jacopo, i. 17. Mowbray, Thomas, Duke of Norfolk, his monumental achievement at Venice, i. xiv. Mummery, performance of a, ii. 225, 227, 228. Music, state of the science in England, i. 80, 81, 82, 86, 89, 296, 297 J ii. 75, 98, 102, 103, 161. Musuro, Marco, Archbishop of Mal- vasia, ii. 68. Mutinelli, Cavalier Fabio, Imperial Equerry, and Director General of the Archives of Venice, his excellent arrangement of them, i. iv. N. Naples, competitors for the kingdom of, 1.198^ Navarre (Henri d*Albret), King of, ii. 298, 299. Nemours, Madame de, ii. 299, 304. Nevel, Sir Edward, ii. 228. Newport, Sir Thomas, i. 100. Nix, Richard, i. 307, 309. Nobles, coinage of, ii. 274. Nominees of England in the treaty of 1518, ii. 230. Nominees of France in the treaty of 1518, ii. 230. Norfolk, Duchess of (Agnes Tilney), i. 182, 184. Duke of (Thomas Howard), i. 91, 108, 109, 113, 138, 139, 150, 162, 168, 252, 254, 303, 307, 309 5 11. 26, 71, 72, 154, 226, 228, 254, 270 — 272, 282, 315. Norroy, King at Arms, ii. 286. Norrys, Henry, ii. 228. Norwich, Bishop of, see Nix, Richard. Noyon, Diet and Treaty of, i. 242, 250* 253, 256, 264, 267, 279, 280, 284 — 286, 290, 292, 297 J ii. 50, 56, 65, 247. Nuncios, Papal, see Chieregato (Fran- cesco) ; Schomberg (Nicholas) j St. Dominick, Bishop of; Thoardi, Baldassar. O. Ollvieri, Maffeo, ii. 139. Orio, Lorenzo, i. 71. Orion, name of, applied to Cardinal Wolsey, ii. 313, 320. Othello, hypothesis concerning him, i. i^3> i97> 315- P. Pace, Dr. Richard, i. 154, 155, 164, 221, 223, 304, 305; ii. 68, 127, 128, 142 — 146, 149, 150, 156, 162, 204, 210 — 2 12,215,224, 231, 257, 258, 260, 269, 272, 274, 285, 316, 321. Pageants, performance of, ii. 228, 232, 234. Pages, death of three, ii. 66. Palais de Justice, in Paris, inhabited by Francis L, ii. 298. "T- 334 INDEX. INDEX. 335 Palice, M. de la, ii. 304. Panizzi, Mr. Antonio, i. 83. Paper, water- mark of some used for letter- writing in England from 1502 to 1519, i. xvi., xviii. Paris, Bishop of (Poncher), ii. 135, 137, 153, 210, 212, 218, 220, 221 — 223, 226, 228, 231, 297, 301, 311, 312. Parliament of England, i. 14.2, 144 ; ii. 72. Paruta, Paolo, i. 106, 144, 147, 175, 250; ii. 151, 166. Pasqualigo, Lorenzo, i. 84, 117, 134, 202; ii. 53,68, 317. Pasqualigo, Pietro, ambassador extra- ordinary to England, i. 26, 40; his reception at Avignon, 41 ; instruc- tions received by him, 45 : his official correspondence, 46 — 75 ; \\\s pri'vate letters describing his journey from Paris to London, and his reception at the court of Henry VIII., 83 — 92 ; allusion to his literary pursuits, and to his death and burial-place, 88 ; his letters from the court of Francis I., 117, 134; his embassy to Portugal, ii. 81 — 83 ; false asser- tion concerning him, 310, 319. Paul, Father, see Sarpi. Paul's, St., Cathedral in London, pro- clamation in it of peace, ii. 224, 234; **Te Deum" chaunted there in honour of the Emperor Charles V., 286, 287. Paulucci, Lorenzo, Venetian secretary, accredited to the Commonwealth of England, ii. 5. Pawn, valuables received in, by Henry \'III., i. 136, 137. Pechy, Sir John, ii. 273. Percy, Sir John, i. 192. Pescara, Marquis of, ii. 290. Peter's, St., Cathedral in Rome, legacy bequeathed for its construction, ii. 145, 146. Petrucci, Cardinal, ii. 108. Philip the Handsome, Archduke of Austria, father of the Emperor Charles V., ii. 186. Pico, Giovanni, Count of La Miran- dola, ii. 19. Pilgrims, English, in Venice, 11. 316. Pio, Alberto, Count of Carpi, ii. 18, 19, 130. Piombino (Appiano), the Lord of, ex- orbitant military stipend demanded by him, i. 273. Pits, John, ii. 145. Plague, the, in England, i. 224, 228 } ii. 130, 135, 136, 142, 166, 202. Pol, M. de St., ii. 305. Poland, King of, <* talked of" for the imperial crown, ii. 261. Pole, Richard de la, i. 261, 262 j ii. 174, I77> 245. Poole, Arthur, ii. 228. Poyntz, Francis, ii. 228. Prejean, de Bidoux, i. 56. Presents, value of those given by Henry VIII. to Admiral Bonnivet and his colleagues, ii. 235. from the Republic of Venice to the French ministry, ii. 322. Priuli, Andrea, Captain or Commodore of the "Flanders galleys," ii. 45, 46, 163, 165, 188, 191, 195, 222. Pun, see Alberto. Puppets, Venetian, theatrical represen- ^^ tation performed by them, i. xvii. \ Putney, residence there of Sebastian Giustinian, i. 224 — 246. \ Querini, Vincenzo, i. xvi. R. Rail, alias Rallo Manllio, Ii. 68. Ranke, Leopold, i. 37. Ravenna, ii. 33, 36, 39. Reformation, the, ii. 62. Regalia of France described, i. 84. " Reports,'* Venetian, of England, i. vj ii. 227, 235, 259,272. Rest, John, Lord Mayor of London, ii. 71. RIarlo, Cardinal, il. 108. Rimini, ii. 39. Robertet, Florimond, i. 51; ii. 61, Robertson, William, his " History of the Reign of the Emperor Charles v.," ii. 262, 290. Rochechouart, Francois de, see Danie. Rodigino, Celio, i. 325. Roeux, M. de, alias Reus, alias Da la Rosa, i. 189 — 192 ; ii. 317. Rope-slack, feats performed on the, ii. I93—I95-. Roscoe, William, i. 37 j ii. 62, 68, 180. Rose-white, see Pole, Richard de la. Rothelin, the Marquis of, i. 51; Ii. 299. Rouen, President of the Parliament of, i. 124, 126, 133, 137—140, 147, 162 — 167, 168 — 170, 176, 178, 197, 198, 206, 213, 218, 219, 224, 225, 228. Roval, M. de, ii. 302. Rovere, Francesco Maria della, Duke of Urbino, ii. 40, 44, 134, 147. Ruding, Rev. Rogers, B.D., ii. 184. Ruskin, Mr. John, i. 85. 86. Russel, John, i. 85, 86. Ruthal, Thomas, i. 73, 74, 86, 114, 115, 134, 162, 174, 175, 187, 188, 211, 241, 252, 260, 265, 269, 295, 301, 303, 307; ii. 25, 27, 35, 36, 63, 85, 86, 88, 119, 120, 158, 213, 228, 232, 238, 252. Rymer, Thomas, i. 60, 90, 286, 303, 316 J ii. 100, 116, 221, 278. s. Sabellico, Marc' Antonio, i. 205. Sack, wine so called, i. 100; ii. 40, 42,43,46—49, 53—55,92, 131, 156, 162, 180, 183, 184, 198,255, 292, 293, 315, 320. Sagredo, Giovanni, ii. 151. — — Count Agostino, *' Report " of England existing in his library, ii. 309. Sagudino, Nicholas, secretary of the Venetian embassy in London, i. xviii., 77 — 81, 228, 262, 265, 296, 297 ; ii. 17, 31, 68, 74, 75, loi— 103, 113, 117, 118, 168,233,295, 319, 322. Salisbury, Earl of (Robert Cecil), Ii.49. Salviati, mercantile firm of, i. 160. Sanseverina, Lodovica, i. 213, 214. Sanuto, Marin, Venetian patrician, ex- tracts from his MS. Diaries, i. ix., xiv., xvi., 8, 14, 15, 17, 32, 41, 50, 63* 77i 92» 100, 123, 137, 192, 287, 291, 298; ii. 19, 46, 81, 90, 93, loi, 109, III, 146, 177, 189, 190, 201, 233, 290, 302, 305, 309, 321; manuscript from his library purchased by English booksellers, 322. Sarpi, Fra Paolo, ii. 177. Sassuolo, seizure of, i. 35. Sauli, Cardinal, ii. 108. Savonarola, Girolamo, ii. 62. Savoy, the Great Bastard of, i. 515 ii. 300, 304. Charles III., Duke of, ii. 152, 154. Louise of. Duchess of Orleans, mother of King Francis I., i. 43, 49, 55» 126, 137, 146, 220 j ii. 298, 299j 302» 305—307, 318. Saxony, Frederick Hi., Duke of, ii, 208, 243, 316. Scheiner, Matthew, Cardinal of Sion, i. 163, 195, 197, 302—326; ii. I, 6, 7, 18, 149, 179, 181, 182. Schom berg, Nicholas, ii. 58, 59, 61,62, 94—96. Scotland, kingdom of, its relation with England and France, i. 52, 53, 61, 118, 119, 125, 127, 128, 139, 142, i54» i57» 165, 169—171,225; ii. 20, 32, 61, 129, 198, 244, 245. Scotch archers in the pay of Francis I., ii. 233. Scott, Sir Walter, i. 92. Secretary of the Duke of Albany, ii. 61. ■ Cardinal Campeggio, ii. 200, 211. " 63,87, 119—123, 168, 222, 252, 253, 312, 313, 319, 321, 326 ; ii. 35, 97, loi, 226, 228, 2^32, 235, 316. Surgeon, see Vercelli, Giovanni Bat- tista. Surlan, Antonio, ii. 145, 190, 274; his arrival in London as the successor of Sebastian Giustinian, 275 j his first audience of Henry VIIL, 276 — 278 ; general notices of, 279 — 282, 283 — 293, 320. Surrey, the Earl of, i. 91 ; ii. 71, 72, 74, loi, 192, 195, 228. Sweat, the, see Sickness. Switzerland, i. 133, 146, 184, 226, 288, 291, 322 i ii. 8, 149, 263, 264, 266. T. Tationo, Count Bartolomeo, ambassa- dor from the Emperor Maximilian to Henry VIIL, i. 168, 171, 179, 180; ii. 33,42, 134. Taxation in England, ii. 263. Taylor, Dr., i. 85, 86. Ten, Council of, letters addressed to it by the Venetian ambassadors accre- dited to Henry VIIL, i. 32, 100— 115, 152—168, 182—184,205— 210, 228-246, 254 — 261, 265— 279> 301—321,325,3263 ii. 6, 7, 17, 18. Terouane, i. 53, 54. Thoardi, Baldassar, papal nuncio in Scotland, i. 118. Thomas, Saint, allusion to his having preached Christianity in India, ii. 81. Titian, ii., 194, 256, 322. Toderini, Signor Teodoro, official in the Venice archives, his labours there, i. iv. Tonstal, Cuthbert, ii. 68, 192, 194, 226, 232, 234. Tour, Madelaine de la, ii. 163. Tournai, city and see of, i. v., 53, 54, 61,286,289,290} ii. 41,60, 62, ^4, 137, 154, 201, 206, 209, 211, 213, 222, 231, 236, 244, 245, 250, 251*253, 311. Tournelles, Palace " des,** in Paris, ii. 298. Tower of London, curiosities shown there, i. 87 j imprisonment in it of city officials, ii. 285. INDEX. 339 Treaties, negotiation of, between, — The Empire and France, i. 146. The Empire, France, and Venice, ii. 20. England and France, i. 60, 61, 87, 90 5 ii. 229, 230, 245. England and Spain, i. 145, 154; ii. 256 — 262. " England and the Prince of Castille, i. 180, 189. England, Rome, the Empire, and Spain, i. 229, 236, 237, 240, 249, 260, 261, 268, 285, 312 — 315; ii. 2, 83— 86. England, the Empire, and Spam, 1. 286,302,303, 315, 321—323; ii. 91, 94, 95- England, Rome, the Empire, France, and Spain, ii. 208,211,218,229, 230,256—258. France and Switzerland, i. 146, 185. France, Switzerland, and Venice, ii. 21. Germany, the Princes of, ii. 91, 92. France and Venice, ii. 140. Trevisan, Andrea, i. xv. ; ii. 49, 278. Trevisan, Domenico, i. 146, 147. Tribute, payment of, by France to England, ii. 20, 137. Trimouille, M. de la, ii. 304. Triulzi, Count Gian, Giacomo, i. 48, 49, 56. Triulzi, Antonio, i. 49, 50. Tudor, Margaret, Queen of Scotland, i. no, 114, 118, 125, 128, 130 — i33> 138, i5i> i54»i55» ^57, ^S9f 165, 169,219, 222, 224, 283,284, 296, 301 ; ii. 61, 213. Tudor, Maria, Queen Dowager of France, and subsequently Duchess of Suffolk, i. 43, 54, 57, 59> 87* "9> 120, 160, 186, 298 j ii. 62, 98, 102, 225, 226, 228, 234, 290. Tudor, the Lady Mary, her birth, i. 181 ; her christening; report of her being affianced to King Charles of Spain, ii. 9 ; her passion for music, 161, 163, 164; her betrothal to the Dauphin, 200, 201, 206, 207, 221, 222, 226, 232 — 234, 298, 301, 3"- Tunis, the King of, ii. 148. VOL. II. U. Urswick {alias Bambridge),Christopher, Cardinal Archbishop of York, i. xiv., 16, 68, 71, 192, 221 ; ii. 88, 142, 145, 146. V. Valentinelli, Abate Don Giuseppe, head librarian of the Marciana, i. xxii. Valois, Francois de, Dauphin of France, ii. 173, 177, 178, 200, 201, 221, 222, 232, 298, 301, 311, 319. , Henri de, his christening, 11. 274 ; alluded to, 319. , Margaret de, Duchess of 7 %^ Alencon, ii. 298, 299, 302 — 304, 307- Velluto, Signor Giovanni, Vice-libra- rian of the Marciana, i. xxii. Vendome, M. de, ii. 300, 304, 307. Venice, the Republic of, aid given by her to France at the battle of Marig- nano, i. 134; her veracity, 135; special embassy sent by her to Fran- cis I., 146 ; her mediation desired by Cardinal Wolsey, 159 ; treatment received by her from Ferdinand the Catholic, 175 ; her unpopularity in England, 178 ; its cause, 178 ; de- ceived by Maximilian and Ferdinand the Catholic, 188; her policy im- pugned, 191, 193 — 195, 199; tier nobility termed ** fishermen," 203 ; her mediation required, 215; recovers Brescia, 242 ; her good faith, 273, 274; her respect for the German nation, 324; informs Henry VIIL of her recovery of Verona, ii. 37; consideration had for her subjects by the populace of London, 70, 71 ; goodwill demonstrated by her towards Englishmen, 142; makes peace with Sultan Selim, 150; is inclined to dispense with the embassy to Henry VIIL, 190; amount of taxes paid by her nobility, 214; clause concerning her in the treaty of peace signed in London on the 2nd of October, 1 5 1 8 , 219,220, 222; court paid her by ( 340 INDEX. Spain, 259 J her wishes concerning the Imperial election, 258, 260, 261, 263 — 265 ; her disputes with Maxi- milian, 311, 312; blessings enjoyed in her dominions, 314, 315. Ventimiglia, Bishop of, su Fregoso, Alessandro. Vercelli, Giovanni Battista di, ii. 108, 109. Verona, i. 253, 255, 256, 257, 271, 276,279,281,285,287, 292—295, ^99> 300, 302, 304, 305, 3io> 313, 316 ; 11. 2 — 4, 8, 13 — 16, 20 — 22, 28, 29, 31, 60, 84—86. Veronese, Paolo, ii. 194. Vicenza, i. 126, 281, 284. Villeroy, M. de, ii. 201, 208, 210 — 212, 218, 221, 231, 311. Virgil, Polydore, i. xvii. 88 } ii. 62, 320.^ Visconti, Anchises, i. 221, 271, 275, 327 ; 11. 8. ~, Signora , ii. 303, 305, 306. , Visconte de*, al'ia% Galeazo, i. 221, 271, 275, 326, 327; ii. 8, 303» 305- Voyages, Indian, of the Portuguese, ii. 78» 79» 82, 83. W. Walden, Mistress, ii. 228, 234. Walsingham, shrine of the Virgin there, ii. 128 — 130. Waradino, Bishop of, i. 10, 12. Ware, James, ii. 164. Warham, William, i. 84, 88, 143, 150, 252, 308, 326. Weever, John, ii. 164. West, Nicholas, ii. 135, 136, 222, 228, 236, 238, 297 — 308. Westminster, park of, ii. i, 5. Weston, Sir Richard, ii. 273. , Sir William, Grand Prior of St. Johns, ii. 238. Wharton, Henry, i. 74, 309; ii. 136. Wicquefort, Abraham, his opinion of Venetian diplomatists, i. viii. Winchester, Bishop of, lee Fox, Ri- chard. Wingfield, Sir Richard, ii. 273. Wolsey, Thomas, Archbishop of York, subsequently Cardinal and Legate a latere, his sayings and doings recorded by Sebastian Giustinian, i. 73, 75, 86,98, 103,104, no, 113, 116, 117, 128—133, 135, 139, 142, 143, 148—150, 155—160, 161, 171— 174j 183—187, 199, 200, 204 — 206, 209 — 211, 215, 225, 227, 229—232, 239—241, 242— 244, 246, 247, 252, 254—261. 265—270, 271,276—278, 281— 284, 292, 295, 298—302, 303, 306—308, 326; ii. 1—5, 13—16, ^7,25,27, 35, 39,40, 50,51,53, 54, 63, 68, 69, 74, 75, 84, 85, 92, 98, 105, 115, 117—125, 128, 132 —134, 146—148, 151— 154, i5g, i59» 174— 177» 178—180, 182— 184, 195 — 198, 200, 204 — 206, 216, 217 — 220, 224 — 228, 236, 237» 252, 253, 258, 260, 266, 268, 269, 271, 272, 278—280, 286, 287, 291—295, 311, 313—315, 318, 320. Worcester, (Charles Somerset) Earl of. i. 106, 107, 109, 115 J ii. 25, 135, 228, 236, 237, 238, 297—308. , (Tiptoft) Earl of, lecturer ar Padua, 1. xiii. Wotton, Anne, ii. 228, 234. Y. York, Archbishops of, iet Urswick Christopher, and Wolsey Thomas. Z. Zeno, Angelo, ii. 320. , Carlo, Venetian ambassador to Richard II.. i. xii. Zorzi, Marin, Venetian ambassador at Rome, ii. 126, 134. > /' > V A \ Ml u T^ V -^ f »■. ^ - ' (MliliZm?..?,K.?S'TY LIBRARIES 0021934738 DUE DATE Printed in USA TO in .OS2. CNJ O > 0^ J) Q^'V vStf. W*-. ./-? c ' ^ i* -i- I s fAAr -r ■ ** -fa-?:; N!AR 6 1333 i,«»