1 ■ , 1 * 1 V v * / « i t > * % / * i ‘ v V •I the GOLD DISCOVERIES, AND EFFECT THEREBY PRODUCED ON THE RELATIVE VALUE OF SILVER AND GOLD, \f *'* Vo WITH REASONS FOR THE PROPOSAL TO MAKE THE DIVIDEND IN THE PUBLIC FUNDS PAYABLE THE LAST DAY OF MARCH, JUNE, SEPTEMBER, AND DECEMBER. BY WILLIAM RAY SMEE, ESQ., E.S.A. PRICE 6 D - LONDON: MANN NEPHEWS, CORNHILL. 6ei i Ci |/vA CX A i&h. O “5 O fAA ** BHIGHTON I PRINTED BY E. LEWIS, STEAM PRINTER, 126, ST. JAMES’S STREET, PEEEACE. The following essay, a summary of which was printed in the proceedings of the Society of Antiquaries the year it was read, a few copies of which have been privately circulated, is now for the first time published. It was written before the Australian Gold was known in England. In May, 1851, Mr. Hargreaves announced the exist¬ ence of a large tract of gold fields from the foot of Bill Hill, in Australia, and before the end of that month the first Gold was shipped of the value of £800. On the 2nd of September, 1851, this great news arrived in London, and was on the 20 th of September confirmed. The very large amount of Gold which Australia still yields has placed a tension upon the argument, which must have destroyed it had the reasoning been not intrinsically sound. It is probable that the Aus¬ tralian gold fields alone have already produced as much gold as all Europe received from the reign of Charles II. to the date of the Californian Gold discoveries, that is <£200,000,000. Yet the price of Silver in bars when this essay was written was 5s. 1 Jd. per oz., and is now 5s. £d. per oz., 2 exactly the same as it was in 1847, prior to the discovery of Californian Gold. It is almost certain this question of the relative values of silver and gold will force itself upon the consideration of the Governments of Europe in the course of the present century. Some accidental accumulation of, or some large demand for one of the precious metals may create a temporary disturbing influence, but for the reasons given in this essay it need not give any alarm, for the evil will only be temporary. The Government of France has wisely taken advantage of the increase of the supply of Gold to introduce a gold currency (thus reversing the action of the Government of Holland, in 1851), which should gradually replace the silver one, and gold being more portable is generally preferred. But in the eastern parts of Europe not only gold and silver but likewise copper are exceedingly scarce. Silver roubles, even in the neighbourhood of Moscow, the most wealthy capital of the East of Europe, are by no means plentiful, and a few years ago in Vienna paper money was issued in the place of copper money of the value of 6d. Ho proper judgment can at present be formed on this subject without being aware of the pro¬ portion of the precious metals that exist in the 3 immense amount of Bullion held by the Bank of France ; and the Governor of that Establishment, with that courtesy for which the French are so justly celebrated, at the writer’s request, sup¬ plied the exact facts, and they assuredly reflect much credit on the management. The Gold now in the Bank of France is considerably in excess of the Silver. Yet it is at this time when the Stock of the Precious Metals is greater than it ever has been in Europe. When the reserve of Bullion during the last three years in the Banks of England and France is, when taken together, large beyond precedent, that a statesman of genius and Chan¬ cellor of the Exchequer, invites public attention to a proposal to diminish the gold in the sovereign one grain; that is to say, to make 1,230 new sovereigns of the value of 1,220 old ones, and in fact to change by legislative enactment the relative value of Gold and Silver. Without doubt, should the different Govern¬ ments of Europe agree to issue a gold coin of the same weight and fineness, which should pass current and be a legal tender out of the country in which it is issued for exactly the same as it passes current in its own country, whether that gold coin be the English Sovereign or the French Napoleon, no difference will arise in the measure 4 of value, provided all existing engagements are met with the old money, or its equivalent. ~ Sup¬ posing the gold in the English Sovereign was made to correspond in every respect with a Napoleon, of the value of 16s., then 5,000 of the new coin would equal 4,000 of the present one, and a Stock proprietor who has now 1,000 sovereigns in the Public Funds, would require that sum changed to 1,250 of the new gold coin, and then he would receive under the new stand¬ ard of measure, exactly the same half-year’s dividend as at present. In like manner, if the Chancellor of the Ex¬ chequer reduces the Sovereign one grain, very nearly 2d—for the sake of the argument say exactly 2d—then the National Debtholder ought to have the £1,000 he now holds in the funds increased to £1,008 6s. 8d., that his half-year’s interest may continue the same. This reasoning applies to all contracts, to the payment of rents, and to the gold given in exchange for bank notes. It is obvious that any change in the gold coin can be equitably carried out, only the immense temporary confusion it will impart into all sorts of commercial transactions renders it imperatively necessary that the same should be done only after serious consideration. It must be borne in mind that an order in 5 paper on London frequently commands the pre¬ mium on Gold, plus the expense of conveying the Gold. A Draft at sight, drawn in Paris by the writer on London, was sent by the hanker in Paris, in whose favor it was drawn, not to London, hut to Vienna; from whence it was sent to Berlin, then to St. Petersburg, then to Eotterdam, and to London, in all these cities cancelling debts, and almost certainly sold in every case at a higher price than the same amount in gold coin, because it represented gold, and because there was no expense in the transit. It is manifest the marketable value of that draft in these different continental cities entirely depended on the quantity and fineness of the gold in the coin for which the order was given. Therefore it is not only the Sovereign that would he depreciated by a diminution in the gold, but all the paper orders for Sovereigns, the amount of which weekly all over the world cannot be accurately estimated— and which is probably not less than £100,000,000 ; and if 2d. only is taken out of the Gold, and not compensated for the transactions in only one week would give a loss of £800,000 to those who have to receive the money. The reserve of the Precious Metals held by the Government of the United States is about 100,000,000 dollars, and it is probable the 6 relative proportions of the two metals are not very different from the Bank of France. All that would appear to he desirable to accomplish in reference to the Gold Coinage, is that the Merchant should find it less profitable to ' export 1000 ounces of Gold coin fresh from the Mint, supposing they can he procured, than the same amount in Bar Gold. But it is absolutely necessary he should be allowed to export the coin when he either cannot obtain, or it does not suit his purpose to send the Bar Gold, and that the difference in the value ought not to be greater than the charge for coinage, which should be as small as possible—limited to its actual cost,—and be by international arrangement the same in all the European Mints. This is the more evident because the Coin, as issued from the Mint, never can improve, and is always in process of deterioration, which must render the Sovereigns that have been in circulation less profitable under ordinary circumstanees to melt than Bar Gold, even should the existing system of Coinage remain unchanged. POSTSCRIPT. The above was written by the third week of August, and before most of the able correspondence in the Times on this subject had appeared, but as it has a view of its own, is designedly left untouched. It would have been printed immediately, only the author intended to bring before the Bank Court in September, at the half-yearly meeting for the declaration of the dividend, a monetary proposal closely allied with the subject of this essay, and which it was thought might be mentioned here, and this compelled the publication to be kept back until the same was made. One of the greatest evils in England is the abuse of the system of Credit. Tradespeople cannot on quarter day obtain the payment of their bills, and those in needy circumstances are frequently so harrassed that they are obliged to leave off business. This is greatly augmented by the fact of there being every three months, two quarter days instead of one. Rents are due the 25th of one month, and the Dividends on the Public Funds at the Bank of England are not 8 paid until after the 5th of the following month. The receipts being in every quarter so many days in arrear of the payments. Now the welfare of trade, and the proper circulation of money, require that the Dividends on the Govern¬ ment Stocks should he due and paid the very same day, that rents and other quarterly payments have to he mad#*; that, in fact, there should he a return to the ancient custom in England, and that there should he made by statute four quarter days in the year, and that these might he :— The last day of March, The last day of June. The last day of September. The last day of December. One advantage from this change would be that the householder would have in the quarter commencing in January, ninety days ; that com¬ mencing in April, ninety-one days; July, ninety- two days; October, ninety-two days. Now he is forced to put up with great inequalities : the 3rd quarter has ninety-seven days, and the 4th only eighty-seven. It is curious to trace how there became two quarter days every three months. For several centuries, indeed, from time immemorial, there were four quarter days in the year, and 9 not eight. These were great feasts, mentioned in the old statutes, as The Annunciation of the Blessed Virgin, or Lady Day—25th March. The Nativity of St. John the Baptist—24th June. The Feast of St. Michael the Archangel—29th September. St. Thomas the Apostle — 21st December, but afterwards altered to Christmas Day, the 25th December. When the Act came into operation for regulating the commencement of the year, and for correcting the calendar now in use, (24 George II., cap. 23,) eleven days were left out, and the 3rd September, 1752, became September 14th. But it was enacted, “ that nothing in this present Act contained shall extend or be construed to extend, to accelerate or anticipate the time of payment of any rent, annuity, or sum of money whatever,” and accordingly the days of payment at the Bank, which had been the 25 th March, 24th June, 29 th September, and 25th December, were changed to the 5th January, 5th April, 5th July, and 10th October (at present the 5th October.) But leases continued to be granted and rents were made payable on the old quarter days, so there became two quarter days every three months instead of one, and the days for the 10 payment of money were by custom placed before the receipt. It appears very desirable that this inconvenient arrangement should cease, and that the days for payment of rents and the receipt of dividends should be the same, and that on the morning of the 25th March the Fundholder can receive the money for dividends he has to pay away in the afternoon for rent. This is an important monetary question. About £26,600,000 are thus distributed by the Bank of England in the year, an average of £6,650,000 each quarter ; and until this distribution is made there is much monetary inconvenience, great pressure for money, and the quarterly bills of the . Fundholders are left unpaid. But the poorer shopkeeper with little credit must meet his quarterly engagements, must pay his rent, or fail. It is therefore most earnestly recommended the Legislature should restore the ancient order of things, and it depends upon how this is done whether it will involve any expense. The Fundholder, who, by the proposal, will be paid his Dividend on the 31st of March, obtains it six days earlier than at present. He can now in no case obtain it before the 6th of the following month; but as it becomes due the 5th, it may be a legal question whether the payment on the 31st 11 of March gives the interest five or six days before it is due. If five days—then as he is only entitled to receive at the time of payment all the Interest due and no more—the Interest for every £100 stock would be for the six months five days short, which amounts to lOd.; so that instead of £1 10s. he would have £1 9s. 2d. This would be the only alteration required. The following half-year would contain the full six months, and the £1 10s. would be due. Thus a diminution of the dividend of £2 15s. for every £100 interest for the first six months only is all that would be required, a diminution less than is sometimes made by the difference in a large or small Income Tax. This alteration would apply for the whole * National Debt to two half years—one ending the 5th of January, and the other the 5th of April—and the financial arrangement would be complete. With respect to rents; those now payable on the 25th of December, 25th of March, and 24th of June, would, if made due on the last day of December, March and June, be received six days later. In this case, the tenant who quits the last day of the month, will have to pay the additional six days rent. But as the rent of the September quarter is not due till the 29th, in that quarter he will have to pay only one day’s additional rent. 12 Thus the Legislature can carry this desirable change without loss to the Landowner or to the State, a change of greater importance and more closely connected with the prosperity of trade than is at first sight apparent. 22 nd September, 1869 . London, March, 1851. Dear Sir Henry Ellis, The supply of gold now coming from California, the probable amount that will come, and the effect that must thereby be produced on the standard of value in Europe, are questions very frequently discussed ; and perhaps I may be pardoned for briefly stating a few facts relative to the past in connexion with this question, which although known to many, may not be generally uninteresting. The proportion that gold bears to silver at the present time in France, where gold and silver are both legal tenders, is 15 T ^y w to 1; but in England, where silver does not circulate as a legal tender for sums greater than £2, and where practically the standard is exclusively a gold one, the proportion of gold and silver coin is as 1 4 1 5 9 f n 1 Ii Tooo T0 1 ‘ Now, Has this been the usual proportion be¬ tween gold and silver? and, Will this proportion remain with any degree of fixity? are the a 2 4 questions which it is the object of this paper to consider. From the earliest periods of history gold has not only been more valuable than silver, but the relative proportion of these metals to each other has varied; sometimes this variation has been very great, particularly when occasioned by temporary causes, such as war, intestine com¬ motion, or the arbitary decrees of an absolute monarch. Of all the sources whence gold and silver were derived before the discovery of America the mines of Egypt appear to have been most productive. As these supplies fell off from exhaustion, from foreign invasion, or from domestic anarchy, those of the Greeks and their colonies rose to importance. Herodotus (b.c. 450) states that in the time of Darius, the son of Hystaspes, the value of gold to that of silver was 13 to 1. Plato, who flourished fifty years after Hero¬ dotus, asserts, in his Hipparchus, that the value of gold to that of silver was 12 to 1. From a transaction in the expedition of the younger Cyrus against his brother Artaxerxes it is probable that the proportion of gold to silver was then Ilf to 1. According to Menander, about 300 years b.c., gold was to silver in Greece 10 to 1. In Rome, gold coins were first struck 207 years before Christ, and in its 547th year the proportion of gold and silver bullion was 14-j-f- to 1. In the conditions which the Romans made with the Etolians, gold to silver was, as in Greece, 10 to 1. There is a passage in Suetonius, which I give as literally as possible, and which, whilst it shows the proportion of gold to silver in Gaul, esta¬ blishes the fact that silver was absolutely neces¬ sary to a Roman army, as we cannot suppose so great a general as Caesar parting with gold, except for sufficient reasons :— 11 He neither ex¬ hibited moderation in the capacity of governor of a province, nor in the administration of his office at Rome. For, as some have testified in their records, he received money in Spain from the proconsul and from his friends, (money) which had been procured by beggarly means, for the purpose of lightening his debt; and he plundered in a hostile manner certain cities of the Lusita- nians, although they did not disparage his com¬ mands, and (although) they opened their gates at his approach.” u In Gaul he pillaged the shrines and temples of the gods, which abounded with gifts; he overthrew cities, more frequently for the sake of plunder than for the purpose (of punishing them) for a fault; whence it came to pass, that he had abundance of gold, and that he divided into pounds (gold), offered for sale at the price of three thousand sesterces, i. e ., 3 sestertia, i, e ., 7Jibs, of silver (per lb.) of gold.” Silver had, for several centuries previous to the reign of Justinian, held in general the proportion of 10 to 1 of gold, when gold suddenly rose, and silver became 14f to 1. This was perhaps owing to the inroads of the barbarians in the fifth century, who happened to throw themselves on a country in which the chief gold mines were situated. Thus the Asturian gold mines, which long had averaged 1,000,000£ per annum, were ruined by the invasion of the Yisigoths, and have never been opened since. In the reign of Claudius, according to Tacitus and the younger Pliny, it was thought proper to limit the fee of an advocate to 10,000 sesterces; this legal fee in another place being called 100 aurei, it follows that gold was to silver as 12J to 1, and this proportion continued until the reign of Alexander Severus. 7 In the reign of Constantine the Great, how¬ ever, the value of gold was much diminished, being to silver as 10 J to 1, and about 60 years afterwards the value of gold increased, being 14-| to 1. There does not appear to be any correct infor¬ mation of the proportionate value of gold to silver during those periods usually known as the dark ages. In England the price seems to have been fixed by the king. “ At a very early period,” says Euding, “the “ exclusive privilege of purchasing the precious “ metals was claimed by our monarchs; ” in return for which, says the Secretary of the Eoyal Mint Commission, 1849, p. 35, “ they seem always “to have been ready, and indeed to have held “ themselves bound, to purchase all bullion that “ might be offered them at prices which it was “ part of their prerogative to fix. For instance, “whereas up to 1464 the merchant had received “ for his lb. of standard silver bullion, 30$., less by “ 3 d. and 9<£ (seignorage and coinage expenses) “ or 29s., Edward IY. in that year ordained and “ proclaimed that the merchant for his lb. stan¬ dard silver should receive 33s., which was in “ fact the thenceforward current value of the lb. “of silver, 37s 6d., less 4s 6d. for seignorage and 8 “ coinage.” Similarly, in the indenture of 1548, it is recited, that “the king hath advanced the “ valuation of fine gold of the fineness of 24 carats “ to 485. per oz.” There seems also to have been very stringent laws for the purpose of preventing the exportation either of silver or gold. “In 1382 to 1398,” says Euding, “the laws “which forbad the carrying of bullion or money “ out of the kingdom were so strictly enforced, “that when a bill of exchange was drawn by “ Nicholas Luke, merchant of the Society of “ Guinigi, or his associates in foreign parts, in “ favour of John Clerevans, archdeacon of Suffolk, “ the King’s special license was necessary to per- “ mit it to be paid there, and this was granted “ only on condition that no bullion nor money “ of gold and silver should be carried out under “pretence of the said license, under pain of for- “ feiture.” The subjoined account of the current value of gold and silver according to the Mint Indentures, as given in the Mint Eeport of 1849, may be interesting. Mint Indentures. Date. Silver. Gold. 1344 1*108333 15* 1345 J J 13*16666 Edw. III. - 1346 1*116666 9 y 1347 1*1625 14* 1352 4 1*25 14* Hen. IY. - 1412 1*5 16*6666 Edw. IY. - f 1464 I 1465 1*875 >> 20*8333 22*5 1526 2*25 25*125 Hen. YIII. - 1543 2*4 28*8 1 [ 1547 Edw. YI. - f 1549 ( 1550 4*8 34* Mary 1553 3* 36* r 1572 3* 36* 1576 Elizabeth. 1577 1582 3*0125 }} 36*093759 >> 1593 .1601 3*1 33*5 r 1604 4*125 Nil. Janies I. - -) | 1605 | 1612 Nil. 3*1 40*5 40*916666 1623 19 41* Charles I. - - | ( 1626 [1626 3*275 3*1 44* 41* Charles II. - 1670 r 1718 ) George I., II., III. ! t0 3*1 46*725 1 11815 J George III. 1816 3*3 )> Xing Henry VIII., in the thirty-fourth year of his reign, began first to debase the silver coin. 10 In the thirty-sixth year he put 6 oz. fine silver to 6 oz. of alloy; and in the thirty-seventh year put 4 oz. fine silver and 8 oz. alloy ) and Edward VI., in the fifth year of his reign, again debased the silver coin by putting 3 oz. fine and 9 oz. alloy. During this time comparatively little alteration was made in gold coins, and the proportion between gold and silver was, in 36 Hen. YIII. 37 Hen. YIII. 3 Edw. YI. 4 Edw. YI. 5 Edw. YI. 6 t 9 t to 1. 5 to 1. 5 5 t 0 4i to 1. 9 3 9 4 f n i *"755 LU ±m Lord Liverpool, in his letter to the King, gives these proportions, but I cannot think they are right, although Euding follows him, for King Edward YI. made his shillings and half shillings 8 oz. fine and 4 oz. alloy, smaller monies being 4 oz. fine and 8 oz. alloy, whilst in 1553 the King made sixpences only 3 oz. fine and 9 oz. alloy, and for groats and smaller monies, 4 oz. fine and 8 oz. alloy. This caused the greatest possible confusion in trade; commercial transactions could hardly be carried on, and Parliament enacted, 5th and Cth 11 Edw. YI. chap. 19., “that no person, under “heavy penalties, should exchange any coined “gold or coined silver at a greater value than “the same was or should be declared by His “ Majesty’s proclamation to be current for within “ his dominions.” It was, however, soon discovered that no effec¬ tual remedy could be applied to the evils then existing, but a total reformation of the coins of the realm, and in the last year of Edward YI. the proportion became ll-g-lr to 1. With the exception of this period there does not appear any sudden alterations in the proportionate value of gold and silver. 18 Edw. HI. - 1914844 xn 2 5 4 0 3 H 2 17 5 to 1. to 1. iJ -2 5 4 0 3 20 Edw. III. - 11 1637 ii 2865 to 1. 27 Edw. III. - H-g-TT to 1. 13 Hen. IY. - io m to 1. 4 Edw. IY. - 1115 1 li 955 to 1. 18 Hen. YIII. - 11 5 9 to 1. 6 Edw. YI. - 11151 - Li TT5T to 1. 43 Eliz. - I n 5 614 - LL, 5 9 2 1 to 1. 2, 3 James 1. - 1 9 8 7 6 1Z '5 9 2 1 to 1. 9 James 1. 1310739 to 1. - L °2 9 0 6 5 17 James I. - 1Q2059 10 T 9IT to 1. 3 Charles II. - 14-3 3 1 to 1. 12 It thus appears that from the second of James I. inclusive, to the fifteenth of Charles II. the rise in the value of gold compared with silver was great and rapid, being nearly 33 per cent.; and great inconvenience both to the government and to the people was felt by the changes in the value of these metals, which could not be avoided, as gold was exported. On the 1st September, 1647, the Lords and Commons passed an ordinance that diminished silver coins might be received in payments for a limited period, at the rate of 4s. 10^. per oz. Little dependence, however, can be placed on the real proportionate value of gold and silver by its market price. Mr Lowndes, who was Secretary of the Trea¬ sury in 1695, in his essay written for the amend¬ ment of silver coins, says, “ Guineas and half “ guineas were first coined by Charles II., and “ were ordained to go at the rate of 20s. for the “ guinea, and 10s. for the half guinea, but I do “ not remember that they ever passed at so little “ as the prices which were then set upon them. “At this time the guinea runs for 30s., whilst “the 5s. piece has only risen to 6s. 2 \d., so that “ proportionally with silver the guinea should be “only 24s 10J., but it apparently runs for about 13 “ 5 s. more, so that in the time that the silver in “a crown is risen about one-fifth part, the gold “ in a guinea is risen in a much greater proportion, “namely, a complete one-third part. And this “ advance can be attributed to nothing but the “ present badness of our silver coins, which are “ so exceedingly counterfeited and dipt, that the “common people will take guineas almost at any “rate rather than stand the hazard and vexation “ of the silver monies now current.” Mr. Francis, in his History of the Bank of England, remarks of this period, “ the coins “ had been diminished by clipping and filing; “many of the shillings contained only 3 d. in “silver, an enormity attributed to the gold- “ smiths, who appear to have been rather sharp “traders; counterfeit coins had also been clipped “ and filed, that they might pass the more “ readily.” George I. lowered by proclamation the value of the guinea, which was then passing current at 21^. §d. to 215., although it was originally issued at 205.; thus practically increasing the value of the coin 5 per cent., making the proportion of gold to silver 15 r V j 4 7 0 - to 1. Thus the whole rise in the value of gold coin from the 1 James I., i.e. in 111 years, was 39|-|- per cent. 14 w There was no change in the preceding values of gold and silver until the year 1817, when the lb. of silver which for nearly two centuries, i.e ., since 1626, had been coined into 62 shillings, was coined into 66 shillings of the same standard of g fineness, but smaller in weight. The following is given on the authority of Mons. Tarhe : In France, under— Charles le Chauve - 12 to 1 . Phillipe le Bel 10 to 1 . 1888 - 10f to 1 . End of 15th century 12 to 1 . 1609 - 12 to 1 . Henry IV., Lewis XIII., a little more than - 13* to 1 . Louis XIV., XV., to 1726 14 « to 1 . 16* to 1 . 11 to 1 . 12 to 1 . 13 to 1 . 1726, fixed at a little less than - 14 * to 1 . 1775 - 14| to 1 . 1785 - 16* to 1 . 15 since which time no price has been fixed on gold, and it has taken its market value. Silver coins were a legal tender conjointly with gold until 1774, when the former was declared not to be a legal tender for any sum exceeding 25/. I find, by the Report of the Bullion Com¬ mittee, that from the middle of 1773, when the reformation of the gold coin took place, till about the middle of the year 1799, two years after the suspension of the cash payments of the Bank, the market price of standard gold remained stea¬ dily uniform at the price of 3/. 17s. 6d., with the exception of one year, when it was 3/. 18s.; but it was stated in the Lords Committee in 1797 by Mr. Newland, that the Bank had frequently been obliged to buy gold higher than the Mint price, and on one occasion had given as much as 4/. 8s. for it. But the price of standard gold in bars during the whole period of twenty-four years which elapsed from the reformation of the gold coin to the suspension of the cash payments by the Bank never was, never for any length of time, mate¬ rially above the Mint price. Again, it is important to observe, that the rise in the market price of silver in this country, which has nearly corresponded to that of the 16 market price of gold, cannot, in any degree be ascribed to the scarcity of silver, for the import¬ ations of silver have of late years been nnsually large, while the ordinary drain for India and China has been stopped. The Bullion Beport gives the following propor¬ tions of the value of gold and silver in 1810, when all Europe was at war: Amsterdam - 14-6 3 . X1 10 0 to 1. Hamburgh 1 4 8 3 to 1. Paris - 1 5 6 5 i0 T2 9 to 1. Cadiz Ifi 45 1 u Too to 1. Lisbon If) 2 6 - LJ TOO to 1. Naples 1 4 7 5 li TOO to 1. Genoa 1 ft 3 5 i0 Too to 1. Leghorn - 14 3 2 li T00 to 1. Venice 14 3 5 Ii Too to 1. Palermo - - 15 to 1. America - - 15-r^ to 1. Lord Liverpool, in his letter to the King, lays it down as a maxim, that as silver coins are most convenient for the payment of troops, war must have a tendency to raise the price of silver; and N. M. Bothschild, in his evidence in the Com¬ mittee on the Bank of England Charter, 24th July, 1832, states, “ standard silver is about 59 d. “ per oz.; it changes from day to day. Silver has 17 “ been 60^., but the importations haye been large, u and silver is lowered Id. per oz. When great u importations take place from South America, “ silver falls; and gold, in proportion to silver, is “nowhigher than it used to be, because there is u not so much importation of gold as silver. Gold 11 is preferred for every army before silver, and the u proportionate price is no object, as it is more “ portable. Gold was from 3 to 4 and 5 per cent. “ premium when the Emperor of Eussia made war 11 in Poland lately. Again, Eussia, in the war with u Turkey, caused the price of gold to be 2 to 3 per u cent, premium.” Such were the opinions of this eminent financier. It would appear that during the last war gold and silver were excessively scarce in this country. In 1799 the Bank of England found it neces¬ sary to caution the public to be upon their guard, and invariably to weigh all gold coins that might be offered, for much gold then in circulation had, by unlawful means, been reduced in its value; and hence, says Euding, “the diminish- il ing of the gold coins had been very little checked u by what Lord Mahon styled 1 the very trou- u 1 blesome Chinese fashion of weighing each u piece.’ ” In 1805 the want of silver coin in Ireland was B 18 so distressing, that the Governor and Company of the Bank of Ireland were under the necessity of issuing tokens for the small sums of fivepence and tenpence; the reverse had either “ Bank token fivepence,” or “ Bank token tenpence.” A rise of 10 per cent, in the current value of the dollar took place in 1811; and during the war silver was so scarce that the Bank were obliged to issue large quantities, gold being 51. per ounce; and this notwithstanding the Act 51 Geo. III. c. 127, commonly known as Lord Stanhope’s Act, which made it a misdemeanor to pay or receive the current gold coin of the realm at a greater value than the current value of such coin. When the Prussian and Austrian armies were in motion last autumn there was a great demand for silver ; there was also a demand for gold, but the demand for the former in this country was the greatest, and silver rose in price. It appears to me that large armies require both gold and silver ; silver is more convenient for the payment of the troops, but gold is carried and must always be carried for the purpose of changing into silver, because it is comparatively far more easy of transit. An army of 100,000 men could hardlv require 19 less than 10/. per man per month; and assuming a four months’ campaign in a foreign country the money required to be provided would be 4,000,000/. Now, as the value of silver is only 3/. per lb., it follows that 4,000,000/. sterling of silver would weigh 600 tons, whereas the same amount in gold would weigh but 40 tons. But even gold is sometimes too heavy for rapid transit, and generals of armies have not un- frequently taken precious stones for the purpose of changing into money; and this power of turning jewels into money has sometimes been of incalculable importance to the possessors. The Emperor Maximilian, being hard pressed for money, in 1508, sent to England a famous jewel belonging to the dukes of Burgundy, which he pawned to Henry YII. for 50,000 crowns of gold; in 1848 many of the French aristocracy fled from Paris so suddenly that they had time only to take a few jewels with them, upon which the capitalists of London willingly made advances, and the market for the sale of precious stones changed from Paris to London. I am therefore disposed to differ with Lord Liverpool, and to consider that large armies require both gold and silver. For although b 2 20 silver is necessary for the payment of troops, gold is required as being more easy of transit. Csesar doubtless changed bis gold for silver at to 1, because silver was absolutely required, but be probably did not change all bis gold at that rate. Upon consideration it will be evident, modern warfare cannot materially alter the rela¬ tive value of silver and gold. The present standard of gold coin is 22 carats fine and 2 alloy, and has continued so from the year 1670. Formerly gold in a manufactured state was obliged to be of exactly the same fine¬ ness as the coin; many persons suppose it to be the same now ; and this belief is strengthened by standard silver being the same as the coin; the cause of the alteration is not unworthy of notice. By the Act 24 Geo. 3, cap. 63, duties were placed on all gold and silver wrought plate, either manufactured in Great Britain or imported. On gold a duty was placed of 8s. for every oz. troy, and on silver 6 d., and 37 Geo. 3, cap 90, imposed additional duties of 8s. on every oz. of gold troy, and on silver Qd. In the following year the watchmakers made a representation to Mr. Pitt, that people would no longer buy watches, that they either used their old watches or went without them, that the watch- 21 makers were entirely ruined, and that now even to take off the duties imposed by the Acts of 1784 and 1797 would he of little value, for their repeal would not sufficiently benefit the manufac¬ turers, to enable them to continue their business. By the Act, 9th March, 1798, these duties were repealed with regard to watch-cases, and on the 21st June, 1798, another Act was passed, lowering the standard of gold used for manufactures, from 22 carats and 2 alloy, to 18 carats fine and 6 alloy. The preamble of this Act is, u Whereas it “ would be for the advantage of the manufactures u of gold in this kingdom, that gold of an inferior u standard to what is now allowed by law should u be permitted to be used for the same.” It then authorizes the Goldsmiths’ Company to assay and mark such manufactured gold. I believe this Act did not diminish the total quantities used in manufactures of gold, because the increased demand thereby created, more than compensated for the increased amount of alloy put into the gold. I cannot altogether agree in an able paper read before the statistical Society, December, 1850, by Mr. Danson, on the quantity of gold and silver supposed to have passed from America to Europe from its discovery to the present time. For, 22 admitting the quantities of gold and silver raised in the mines to be as stated by him, yet it does not seem probable, for many reasons, that even so large a sum as two-thirds of this amount has come to Europe. The fair deduction from his facts appears to me to he that from the discovery of America to the present time— The silver sent to Europe was 760,000,000 „ gold „ „ ,, 300,000,000 there being two and a half times more of silver than gold. Now even this large amount does not give the total increase of the precious metals in Europe during this period. Yery large supplies of gold have during the last twenty years been produced from the Ural Mountains. For several centuries, in addition to the produce of the silver mines in Europe, silver has been extracted from lead. James I. King of Scotland, in 1424, in his first parliament, enacted that all mines yielding three halfpennies of silver out of a pound of lead were declared the property of the king. “ Gif ony myne of gold or silver be fundin in u ony lordis landis of the realme, & it may be u previt that thre half pennyis of silver may be “ fynit out of the pund of leid, the lordis of Par- u liament consentis that sic myne be the Kingis, “ as is usual of other realmes.” 23 Macpherson in his Annals of Commerce, says, in 1704, of the Governor and Company of the Mine Adventurers of England, “ that this com- “ pany went on in a prosperous manner, adding so “many new shares as made the whole number “amount to 6,012, purchasing fresh mines, and “ raising vast quantities of lead, copper, litharge, “ from which they made a great deal of red lead, “ and from the lead they extracted considerable “ quantities of silver .” And this process of extracting silver from lead cannot have been uncommon, as this company, for five years from the date of the charter, went on imposing on the proprietors-by false and sham calculations of their profits, by purchasing lead and litharge from other people’s mines, declaring them to be digged from the company’s mines, buying also the silver extracted from other men’s lead, and getting it to be coined in the King’s Mint as coming from the company’s mines. “ A considerable quantity of silver,” says M‘Culloch, “ is now obtained from lead, the ex- “ pense of its extraction having been materially “ diminished by the invention of improved pro- “ cesses. It is believed that of 55,000 tons of “lead raised in Great Britain, about 25,000 tons “ yield 8 oz. per ton of silver. Supposing this H estimate to be correct, the entire produce of 24 u silver will be 200,000 oz., which at 5s. per oz. “ will be 50,000/. per annum.” My belief is, that from the period of the reign of Charles II. the silver added to the previous stock in Europe has been three times greater than the amount of gold, although it can only be an estimate, that the silver has been 600,000,000/. and the gold 200,000,000/. In 1816 and 1817 there was a large silver coin¬ age, in accordance with the principles laid down in Lord Liverpool’s letter to the King. The pound of silver was coined into 66 shillings in¬ stead of 62 shillings, and the profit was 365,900/.; from whence it follows that 5,671,000/. sterling of silver was in active circulation at that time in Great Britain. Since this coinage in 1816, it would appear that about 100,000,000/. of gold has been coined, and about 15,000,000/. silver. There is little reason to suppose that any material amount of the silver coinage has been melted. In 1819 gold fell to 3/. 17s. 10 \d. per oz.; and since that time the market price of silver has never equalled the price at which it circulates as co^n ; on the con¬ trary, much of the gold coin has been melted and exported. Assuming, therefore, that only 20 per cent, of the silver coinage has been either lost or sent to the colonies, whilst 40 per cent. 25 of the gold coin has been, in the same period, melted and exported, it follows, that at this time the amount of coin actually in circulation in Great Britain is— Gold - 60,000,000/. Silver - 12,000,000/* The foregoing facts have shown that there has been very little proportionate variation in the values of gold and silver since the reign of Charles II., who authorized only the circulation of the new standard or crown gold, the price of gold being then 44/. 10s. per lb., and the price of silver 62s. per lb.; and, as I have before men¬ tioned, in 1718, the gold was raised five per cent., by making the pound circulate as a guinea, whilst the silver remained at 62s. per lb. till 1817, when it was made current at 66s. Now, during this period of 180 years, immense supplies of silver and gold have been either sent to Europe or raised from mines, and these great supplies have not practically operated on the rela¬ tive values of the'precious metals. During this period paper money has added to the circulation of all the kingdoms of Europe, and prior to this period paper money was almost if not quite un- * The wear and tear of gold coin is estimated to be 4 per cent, in 100 yeais. 26 known. England and the great nations of , Europe have in this 180 years been both con- I vulsed with revolutions and impoverished by / wars, yet the market value of gold and silver has I proportionately remained much the same; and though the kingdoms of Europe have contracted debts of so colossal a magnitude, that the annual amount required to pay the interest is greater than the cost of former wars, yet the value of -1 gold and silver is on the whole unchanged. The rich men of the present day, men who have large payments to make on account of their business transactions, never see gold or silver or bank notes for the purpose of making these pay¬ ments. Cheques in their case supply all that gold and silver and bank notes formerly did, and yet the value of gold and silver remains the same. In the early ages of history, when com¬ merce was limited, gold and silver fluctuated in value. The stores of these metals were small, when compared with those of our day. An addition of 10,000,000 to the existing stock of precious metals . when the whole of that stock was under 100,000,000, has necessarily a very different effect when, according to Galatin, the existing stock is at least 2,000,000,000. It is then probable that an increase in the present large supply of the precious metals would 27 alter their proportionate values, paper money, bankers’ deposits, and national debts, all taken together, have failed to do so ? Much of the gold now produced by the Cali¬ fornian diggings is coined in the United States, and supplies the place of some of their small paper money. During the last fifty years the American mines have probably supplied 260,000,0007. of silver, and 150,000,000^. of gold, and yet the large discrepancy in the quantities has had no appreciable effect on their value. If, therefore, California supplied only gold, there is no reason to suppose that the propor¬ tionate value of gold and silver would be changed, because the supply of silver would not he stopped; gold would be produced in more nearly the same proportions as silver; and even if gold were found for a series of years in greater quantities than silver, yet as silver has not changed in value, although it has been so found for a series of years, and that too nearly in the proportion of 3 to 1, it is but fair to infer that the law that has obtained for silver will hold good for gold. The large supplies of silver have had the effect \ of in creasing the use of silver; any large supply * \ of golcTaiso would nave the effect of increasing its use, and of making it a medium of circulation in places where gold is now unseen. IhJi *> vsr*\A2 c ' ,SU -_L 28 No amount of reasoning would have told the people of Charles II. : ’s reign that an increase of 6.00,000,000 of silver and 200,000,000 of gold would have produced hardly any proportionate difference between the metals; hut the fact is so, and therefore it may confidently he predicted that the necessarily gradual production and cir¬ culation of Californian gold will operate in the next half century in precisely the same way as the last. It is, therefore, with great regret that I have seen so acute a people as the Dutch changing their gold for silver. I believe the policy of that measure to be permanently had for the nation that adopts it, and temporarily mis¬ chievous for Europe, as it alters the usual course of events without sufficient reason. I believe gold cannot be permanently plentiful in Europe without silver being the same. Any increase of gold, however large and rapid, will, amongst other results, supply the means to obtain silver. Some of the new gold will he employed to work silver mines, which now, from the want of capital, are laying wholly unproductive, and some will he used to pay for improved and new chemical methods to obtain silver. But should experience show this view to he incorrect, that, after a lapse of several years, the 29 relative values of the precious metals have altered, then it is probable that the ultimate, although not the immediate change, will be, all other things remaining the same, a decrease in the value of silver ; for, whatever made gold plentiful will diffuse it, and that diffusion will provide the means to procure silver, and this, in the long run, must somewhat more than counterbalance the increase of gold. Eut I wish to place on record my conviction that the probabilities are all in favour of no appreciable change, and at the commencement of the next century, in the year 1901, the relative values of gold and silver will be as they have been during the last 30 years. I remain, S>Cj My dear Sir Henry, Yours very sincerely, WILLIAM EAY SMEE. Sib, Heney Ellis, Secretary, Society of Antiquaries, Somerset House.