[Boucher (Jonathan)]. A Letter from a Virginian to the Members of 
 the Congress to be held at Philadelphia, on the First of September, 
 ' 1774. Boston : Reprinted by Mills and Hicks at their Printing Office 
 in School Street, and Cox & Berry in King Street, 1774. Very fine 
 copy, complete with the half title, half polished morocco, edges entirely 
 uncut, extremely rare. [E. 13168], 8° £5 5s (263) 
 
 *** The writer points out the duties of Congress, and endeavours to dissuade the 
 members of that body from adopting the non-importation and non-exportation 
 ■agreements. He compares the blessings of peaceful government under the 
 protection of Great Britain with the uncertain outcome of war, invasions from 
 Canada, incursions of savages, revolts of slaves, ruin of trade and the misery of 
 the whole country, and finally warns Congress of drawing the sword in defence of 
 political problems, about which the best and wisest men, the friends, as well as 
 the enemies of America, differ in opinion, lest while denying the mother country 
 •every right of taxation, it gives to her the right of conquest. Boucher, on arcouiu 
 of his political principles, became a refugee and fled to England in 1775. For an 
 edition secretly printed in Xew York, sec Xo. 854. 
 
A 
 
 L E T T E R 
 
 From a VIRGINIAN, £*. 
 
LETT E R 
 
 From a VIRGINIAN, 
 
 TO THE 
 
 Members of the Congrefs 
 
 TO BE HELD 
 
 At PHILADELPHIA, 
 
 O N 
 
 The firft of September, 1774. 
 
 PRINTED IN THE YEAR *774* 
 
A LETTER, &c, 
 
 Gentlemen, 
 
 I N Times of publick Danger, every Man 
 has a Right to offer his Advice; there 
 are fome Men Who think it their Duty to 
 do it, although on common Occafions 
 they may be naturally too diffident of their owrt 
 Opinions, or too indolent, to give themfelves 
 the Trouble to obtrude them on the World. If 
 fuch Men happen tomiftake their Talents, not 
 from Vanity but from an Excefs of Zeal, and 
 meddle officioufly with Matters above their 
 Reach, they may be forgiven on the Score of 
 their Intention: Even a modeft Man is apt to 
 over-rate his own Judgment where his Affedtions 
 and Interefts are deeply concerned. 
 
 My Zeal therefore in the common Caufe 
 muft ferve for my Excufe, if in the Courfe of 
 this Letter 1 fhould give my Opinion more 
 confidently than I ought to do, and feem to 
 think myfelf, which is a very common Cafe, 
 much wifer than I am. 
 
 You are foon to meet on the molt ferious 
 Occafion that ever prefented itfelf to this 
 Country fince its Exiftence, 
 
 The Harmony which fubfifted, with little or. 
 no Interruption, between Great-Britain and 
 her Colonies, from their very Infancy until of 
 )atef is in Danger of being deftroyed for ever. 
 The Habits of Kindnefs and Affedtion, on one 
 Side, and of Refpedt and Obedience, on the 
 other 
 
( 4 ) 
 
 other, (which prevailed during folong a Period, 
 were in the higheft Degree conducive to the 
 Profperity of this Country in particular, and 
 are ftill neeeflary to its Security and Happinefs) 
 are changed into Murmurings, Difcontents, 
 and Reproaches •, and will foon end, without 
 fome very extraordinary Interpofition, in mutual 
 and implacable Hatred. Complaints of Grie¬ 
 vances, real or imaginary, are heard from one 
 End of thefe Colonies to the other; the Minds 
 of the People appear to be agitated as at fome 
 great Crifis; they wifh, by a publick Confu¬ 
 tation, to be affured of the general Opinion, by 
 a Reprefentation of every Province, to colled 
 the calm, deliberate Determination of all the 
 Provinces, to eftablilh fome publick Mark of 
 mutual Confidence, that they may hold it up 
 to the Parent Country, in all its Weight and 
 Importance. For this Purpofe, Gentlemen, you 
 are delegated to the Congrefs. An abfolute, 
 perfed Reprefentation of the People, never ex- 
 ifted perhaps, but in Theory. You, it is true, 
 have not been fummoned, or convened, by any 
 jformal conftitutional Authority, or inverted with 
 any legiflative Powers: But you have been cho- 
 fen as freely as the Circumftances of the Times 
 would admit -, with lefs Cabal and Intrigue than 
 is ufually employed for a Seat in many of our 
 legal provincial Affemblies, and without even 
 the Sufpicioji of Venality, which is. but too 
 frequently and too generally pradifed among 
 us lor that Purpofe. Your Perfons, Charaders, 
 and Principles, are familiarly known to your 
 Conftituents; 
 
( s ) 
 
 Conftituents; you have been recommended by 
 the molt Honourable of all Interefts, the ge¬ 
 neral Opinion of your Knowledge, Abilities 
 and Virtues. We look up to you as the Oracles 
 of our Country •, your Opinions will have the 
 Effeit of Laws, on the Minds of the People, 
 and your Refolves may decide the Fate of A- 
 merica. All Orders of Men, who enjoy the 
 Happinefs of living under a free Government, 
 may boldly a flume the Charailer of Politicians; 
 they inherit a Right to it as much as the 
 proudeft Peer inherits a Right to his Seat in 
 Parliament, however ridiculous the Propor¬ 
 tion may appear to the Conceit and Arrogance 
 of Men who think themfelves born to domi¬ 
 neer over their fellow Creatures at Pleafure. 
 High Birth and Fortune, when they are not a- 
 bufed, confer the folid and fplendid Advantages 
 of Education and Accomplilhments, extenfive 
 Influence, and incitement to Glory ; but they 
 give no exclufive Title to Common Senfe, 
 Wifdom, or Integrity. The lowelt Orders of 
 Men in fuch a Country, have an unalienable 
 Property in their Induftry, their Liberty, and 
 their Lives, and may be allowed to fet fome Va¬ 
 lue at lead on the only Property they can boaft 
 of: Thefe may be all endanger’d, or loft, by the 
 Conduit of their Governors, they have there¬ 
 fore a Right, as Freemen, to examine their Con¬ 
 duit, to cenfure, to condemn it; without this 
 Right the freeft Government on Earth would 
 foon degenerate into the ranked Tyranny. The 
 great Out-lines, the fundamental Principles of 
 our 
 
( 6 ) 
 
 our Conftitution, are within the Reach of al- 
 moft every Man’s Capacity ; they require little 
 more than Leifure to ftudy them, Memory to 
 retain them, and Candour to form a true Judg¬ 
 ment of them; unhappily for the Order and 
 Peace of Society, this ineftimable Privilege is 
 but too often abufed. Men in general are go¬ 
 vern’d more by their Temper than their Judg¬ 
 ment ; they have little Leifure and ftill lefs In¬ 
 clination, to inform themfelves exadly of the 
 neceffary conftitutional Powers of the fupreme 
 Magiftrate, or of their own legal Rights •, they 
 have been often told that Liberty is a very 
 great Blefiing •, they talk inceffantly of it, they 
 find fomething inchanting in the very Sound of 
 the Word ; afk them the Meaning of it, they 
 think you defign to affront them ; pufh them 
 to a Definition, they give you at once a Defcrip- 
 tion of the State of Nature. Their Ideas of the 
 Nature, Origin and Conditions of civil Society in 
 general, are juft as confus’d and inaccurate ; 
 they take their political as they do their religious 
 Opinions (upon Truft) from the Nurfery, the 
 Company they fall into, or the Profeflions 
 and Scenes in which they are accidentally en¬ 
 gaged. They find the Movement of the 
 Paffions a more eafy and agreeable Fxercife 
 than the Drudgery of fober and difpaflionate 
 Enquiry. Hand Bills, News Papers, party 
 Pamphlets, are the fhallow and turbid Sources 
 from whence they derive their Notions of Go¬ 
 vernment ; thefe they pronounce as confidently 
 and dogmatically, as if a political Problem 
 was 
 
( 7 ) 
 
 Was to be folved as clearly as a Mathematical 
 one; and as if a bold Affertion amounted to 
 a Demonftration. 
 
 Ambition and Luft of Power above the 
 Laws, are fuch predominant Paffions in the 
 Breads of mod Men, even of Men who efcape 
 the Infeftion of other Vices, that Liberty, legal 
 Liberty, would be in continual Danger of En¬ 
 croachments, if it were not guarded by perpe¬ 
 tual Jealoufy. Crafty defigning Knaves, tur¬ 
 bulent Demagogues, Quacks in Politics, and 
 Impodors -in Patriotifm, have in all free Go¬ 
 vernments, and in all Ages, avail’d themfelves 
 of this neceffary Spirit of Jealoufy; and by 
 broaching Doftrines unknown to the Conditur 
 tion, under the Name of conditutional Princir 
 pies, by bold Affertions, partial Reprefen ta- 
 tions, falfe Colourings, wreded Conftruftions, 
 and tragical Declamations, have frequently 
 impofed on the Credulity of the well-meaning 
 deluded Multitude. Thus the mod honourable 
 Caufe that wife and good Men can engage in, 
 the Caufe of Liberty, has been often difgraced; 
 Nations once as free and as happy as ourfelves, 
 have been frighten’d into Anarchy, plung’d 
 into all the Horrors of a civil War, and ended 
 their miferable Career in the mod humiliating 
 and abjeft Slavery, until the facred Name of 
 Liberty has become a Word of Scorn and 
 Mockery in the Mouths of Tyrants, and their 
 abandoned Minions and EmifTaries. 
 
 Such are the Calamities which have fre¬ 
 quently arifen from an ardent midaken Zeal, 
 and 
 
and from the falfe Refinements of fpeculative 
 Men, who amufe themfelves and the World* 
 with vifionary Ideas of Perfeftion, which never 
 were* nor ever will be found, either in publiclc 
 or in private Life. You, Gentlemen, cannot 
 even be fufpected of being under the Influence 
 of fuch Delufions; there are many among you 
 who are eminently learned, not only in the Laws 
 of the Land, but in the Laws of Nature and 
 Nations, in the general Laws of Reafon and Juf- 
 tice, who know their Authority and revere them* 
 not as they have been fometimes explained on 
 the narrow illiberal Principles of party Spirit, 
 but as they have been underftood, and acknow¬ 
 ledg’d by the Wife of all Ages, and have 
 ferved for the Bafis of the moft perfect Syftems 
 of Legiflation. Thefe are the only Rules by 
 which all political Opinions ought to be tried 
 and examin’d, by which an honeft Man and a 
 good Citizen, can form a true Judgment of 
 the Duty he owes to his King and his Country. 
 
 It would have been happy for the World on 
 many melancholy Occafions, that the revealed 
 Will of God, which ought to be the lole Rule 
 of every Man’s Condudt, the. only tranfcendent 
 Authority from which there lies no Appeal* 
 had never received but one general Interpreta¬ 
 tion with Regard to the reciprocal Duties of 
 the Sovereign and the People; but even that 
 facred and eternal Standard of Right and 
 Wrong, in private Life has been alternately 
 perverted and profan’d in the political World, 
 by the indifcreet Zeal and wild Pafiions of 
 
( 9 ) 
 
 tnad Enthufiafts, or flavifh Bigots, has beeii 
 equally abufed,to ferve thePurpofes of aCharles 
 of a Cromwell, of a Gregory, or a Veriner, to 
 throw a Veil over the Horrors of Anarchy, and 
 Rebellion, or to fandtify the ridiculous and 
 damnable Dodtrines of Non-refiftance, arid Paf- 
 five-Obedience, on a proper Application of 
 the general Dodtrines, and Principles, I have 
 mention'd; to the peculiar and local Circum- 
 ftances of this Country; your Proceedings, and 
 Refolves, ought to depend, by a competent 
 Knowledge of the Charadter of the Times, 
 when the Colony Charters were granted; of the 
 Kings, by whorii they Were granted; of the 
 People, to whom they were granted; of the 
 Purpofes for which they were afk’d and ob¬ 
 tained ; of the Tenor and Spirit of the Charters 
 themfelves, how they were underftood, and con* 
 ftrued by our Anceftors; by a Knowledge iri 
 fhort of the Hiftory of our Country, we may 
 difcover the general Conftitution of the Colo¬ 
 nies, and be able to judge whether the prefent 
 Difcontents are founded on Truth or Ignorance. 
 
 By a due and candid Examination of this 
 very intereftirigSubjedt,it may perhaps appear, 
 that the Charadter of the Times, when molt of the 
 Charters were originally granted, bore very lit¬ 
 tle Refemblance to the prefent Times; that the 
 ineftimable Privileges of a modern Engliftiman, 
 j might indeed be found in fome Degree, in the 
 [Letter of the Law, but had never been en¬ 
 joyed, were generally very imperfedtly under* 
 Rood, and rarely claimed by our Anceftors; 
 
 B that 
 
( JO ) 
 
 that even thefe legal conftitutional Privileges 
 were encumbered with a Thoufand legal Cuf- 
 toms, which they patiently fubmitted to, altho* 
 they would exceed the Patience of a modem 
 Frenchman •, that they felt and difeover’d infi¬ 
 nitely more Zeal, for their religious, than for 
 their civil Liberty, and would have been con¬ 
 tented with half the Privileges their Pofterity 
 enjoy, for an Aft of Toleration. It will appear, 
 that the Kings, by whom the Charters were 
 granted, were not defpotick Kings, that they 
 conftitutionally pofleiVd the executive, not the 
 fupreme legiQative Power, of which they only 
 made a Part; that in all Queftions of Magni¬ 
 tude, they were under the Control of' the other 
 Parts of the legiflative Power. That our An- 
 ceftors, were Subjefts of the Kings of England, 
 not as the Inhabitants of Guyenne formerly 
 were, or as thofe of the Eleftorate of Hanover 
 are now, but Subjefts of an Englifh Parlia¬ 
 mentary King; Englifhmen in the fulleft Senfe 
 of the Word, with the fame Habits and Man¬ 
 ners, fpeaking the fame Language, govern’d 
 by the fame Maxims, Cuftoms and Laws, 
 with fcarce any Diftinftion, but the Latitude 
 and Longitude of their new Refidence. 
 
 That if their Charters were granted with¬ 
 out the Concurrence of Parliaments, it was not 
 becaufe a Parliament had no Right to interfere, 
 but becaufe they did not in thofe Days appear 
 of Importance enough to be agitated in the 
 great Council of the Nation. 
 
 That 
 
( II ) 
 
 That altho’ by their Charters, our Ances¬ 
 tors were empowered to make By-Laws for 
 their own local Convenience, they were never- 
 thelefs exprefsly and formally reftrain’d from 
 making Laws repugnant to the Laws of En¬ 
 gland ; and were univerfally underftood, both 
 there, and here, to owe in Common with all 
 Englilhmen, an Obedience to the Laws, from 
 which no King could releafe them, becaufe no 
 King could difpenfe with the Laws. That from 
 this parliamentary Authority, they never wifh’d 
 until of late, to be emancipated, but would 
 rather have fled to it for Protection, from the 
 arbitrary Encroachments of a James, or a 
 Charles, armed with the Ufurpations, and 
 Abufes, of privy Seals, Benevolences, Procla¬ 
 mations, Star Chambers and High Commiflion 
 Courts, and from the Enormities of the two 
 Succeeding Reigns; that fuch were the Prac¬ 
 tices of the-Times, when our early Charters 
 bear their Dates, that if they were not granted 
 by parliamentary Kings, they were granted by 
 Tyrants, and we lhall gain nothing by recur¬ 
 ring to firft Principles. 
 
 That no political Society canfubfift, unlefs 
 there be an abfolute Supreme Power lodg’d 
 fomewhere in the Society, has been univerfally 
 held as an uncontrolable Maxim in Theory, 
 by all Writers on Government, from Ariftotle 
 down to Sidney and Lock, and has been as 
 univerfally adopted in Practice, from the Defpo- 
 tifm of Morocco, to the Republic of St. Mari¬ 
 no ; as long as Government fublifts, Subjects 
 owe 
 
( ?2 ) 
 
 owe an implicit Obedience to the Laws of the 
 fupreme Power, from which there can be no 
 Appeal but to Heaven. We for fome Years 
 paft have been multiplying ineffectual Re- 
 folve$, Petitions, and Remonftrances, and 
 advancing Claims of Rights, &c. Our Petitions 
 have at laft been negleCted, or rejected, or 
 cenfured-, the Principles on which we found 
 our Claims, have been formally denied. To 
 what, or to whom, Jfhall we have Recourfe ? 
 Shall we appeal to the King of MalTachufetts 
 Bay, to the King of Connecticut, to the King 
 of Rhode Illand, againft the King of Great 
 Britain, to refcind the ACts of the Parliament 
 of Great Britain, to difpenfe with the Laws, 
 to which as a neceflary and efficient Part of 
 that Body, he has fo recently given his Affent ? 
 Ridiculous as thefe Queftions may appear, I 
 am afraid they are but too much of a Piece 
 with DoCtrines which have been lately broached, 
 inculcated every where, and almoft everywhere 
 receiv’d. The Colonies are conftitutionally in¬ 
 dependant of each other: They formally ac¬ 
 knowledge themfelves loyal, and dutiful Sub¬ 
 jects of his Majefty George the Third. But 
 feverally claim an Exemption from the Autho¬ 
 rity of the Britiffi Parliament. A DoCtrine fo 
 repugnant to the Ideas of all our Fellow-Sub- 
 jeCts in Great Britain, can I truft, have no 
 Place in your Aflembly. The Bufinefs you have 
 to tranfaCt, is too ferious to be trifled with; 
 the Confidence repofed in you, too facred to be 
 facrificed to idle Sophiftry and vifionary Dif- 
 tinCtions; the Fate of America, may depend 
 , on 
 
( 13 ) 
 
 on your Refolves •, they fhould be founded on 
 Principles that are plain, and intelligible, that 
 are marked with th? Authority of univerfal 
 Opinions and Truths, 
 
 The fupreme Power of the Britifh Parlia¬ 
 ment over her Colonies, was ever till very lately, 
 as univerfally acknowledg’d, by ourfelves, as 
 by our Fellow-Subjedts in England. It ufurps 
 no Claim to infallibility in its Opinions, but 
 gives the Subjett a legal Right of petitioning, 
 remonftrating, of propofing Plans of Refor¬ 
 mation, and Redrefs. Neverthelefs, tho’ it 
 pretends not to Infallibility, like all other Go¬ 
 vernments, it requires an implicit Obedience to 
 its Laws, and has a Right to enforce it. A Tribe 
 of Savages, unreftrained by Laws, human or 
 divine, may live in fome Harmony, and endure 
 for Ages, becaufe in the State of Nature, there 
 are at the moft but two or three Subjects, to 
 contend about,, and the Individuals are recipro¬ 
 cally over-awed by the natural Rights of private 
 Revenge. But in civil Society, compofed as 
 it commonly is, of fuch an infinite Number 
 of heterogeneous and difcordant Principles and 
 Interefts, in Trade, in Politics, and Religion, 
 where Subjects of Contention prefent themfelves 
 by Thoufands every Hour; no Conftitution can 
 fubfift a Moment, without a conftant Refig- 
 nation of private Judgment, to the judgment 
 of the Publick. 
 
 What Part then. Gentlemen, have you left 
 you to act, but to propofe, with the Modefty 
 of Subjedts, fome practicable Plan of Accom¬ 
 modation, 
 
( H ) 
 
 modation, and to obey ? Shall the Time of fo 
 refpectable an Afiembly be fquandered, in ad¬ 
 vancing Claims of Right, that have been urged, 
 and reje&ed a thoufand Times; that have been 
 heard, confidered, folemnly debated, and de¬ 
 cided by the only Power on Earth, who has a 
 Right to decide them ? Shall the Opinions and 
 Defires of a fmall Part of the Community, 
 prevail againft the Opinions, and Defires of 
 the Majority of the Community ? What new 
 Species of Eloquence can be invented to per- 
 fuade ? What new Logick to convince the 
 Underftandings of our Fellow-Subjefts ? Shall 
 the Britilh Senate be governed by the pernici¬ 
 ous Maxims of a Polifh Diet, and the Veto of 
 a fingle Member, or of a few Members, how¬ 
 ever diftinguifhed by extraordinary Wifdom, 
 and Virtue, obftruct or fufpend, or annul the 
 Legillation of a great Nation ? 
 
 Those wife and virtuous Citizens themfelves 
 hold fuch Do&rines in Derifion. While aQuef- 
 tion is in Agitation, they debate with Freedom, 
 but they claim no blind Submilfion to their 
 Opinions, no Authority, but the Authority of 
 their Arguments. They arrogate not to them¬ 
 felves, a Monopoly of all the Wifdom, and all 
 the Virtue in the Nation. When the Queftion 
 is decided, they fubmit their private fpeculative 
 Opinions, to the Opinion of the Majority, to 
 the Law of the Land. They revere the Law, 
 and make it the Rule of their Conduct 
 
 You therefore, Gentlemen, the Delegates of 
 a very numerous, and refpe&able People, will 
 furely 
 
( r S ) 
 
 furely think it below the Dignity of your Cha- 
 ra&er, to affemble with the Paffions and Lan¬ 
 guage of a common Town Meeting, to fit in 
 Judgment, like fome foreign Imperial Power on 
 the Decrees of a Britilh Legiflature; to arraign 
 the Conduit of Adminiftration, in the lofty 
 emphatick Tone of a Manifefto. Can fuch Pro¬ 
 ceedings anfwer any Purpofe, but the dan¬ 
 gerous Purpofes of exafperating and provoking 
 the Indignation and Vengeance of all Orders 
 and Degrees of Men in the parent Country ? 
 Of alienating the Affeftions of the People here, 
 feducing them from their Allegiance, inflaming 
 their Paffions, and exciting them to popular 
 Tumults, and lnfurreitions ? The Order and 
 Tranquillity of Government frequently de¬ 
 pends more upon the Manners and Morals of 
 the People, than upon their Laws and Inftitu- 
 tions. For the Honour of our native Country, 
 there are I believe, few Inftances on Record, of 
 any People under a free Government, who have 
 paffed thro’ the fame Length of Period, with 
 fo few civil Commotions, tho’ the Powers of 
 Government have never been vigilantly ex¬ 
 erted, nor the Laws held in any extraordinary 
 Veneration. But the Manners and Morals of 
 our Countrymen, are undebauched and inno¬ 
 cent, compared with thofe of the Inhabitants 
 of older Countries, where the Inftruments of 
 Corruption, and the Incitements to Vices and 
 Crimes are more general. The Danger is never- 
 thelefs the fame, or greater. There are no Peo¬ 
 ple on Earth more fecure from the humilitaing 
 Effete 
 
( i6 ) 
 
 Effefis of Poverty, more fuperiour to the 
 Smiles, or Frowns of Power, more unawed 
 by the Diftinftions of Birth and Fortune, more 
 confident, or tenacious of their own Opinions, 
 or more on a level with all the World in their 
 Converfation and Behaviour. The Pafiionsof 
 fuch Men, agitated by falfe Principles, and mif- 
 taken Zeal, are more dangerous to the Repofe 
 of the World, than the Frenzy of the moll 
 diflolute, and abandon’d Slaves. You will furely 
 beware how you inflame the Minds of fuch ho* 
 neft deluded Citizens, or the Time may come, 
 perhaps it is not very diftant, that you will 
 wifh, when it will be too late, to calm the 
 Storm you have railed, and will tremble every 
 Moment, left it burft on your own Heads. 
 
 Upon the Subjeft of a Non-Importation and 
 Non-Exportation Agreement, I am at a Lofs 
 what to fay, it has been fo often and fo warmly 
 recommended, as a fpecific Remedy for all our 
 Complaints, has received the Sanction of fuch 
 General Authority, that I am afraid it will look 
 like an affront to the Underftandings of my 
 Fellow Citizens, an Apoftacy from my native 
 Country to infinuate the leaft Doubt of its 
 Efficacy. Yet let me moft earneftly conjure 
 you, by the common Love we bear to that 
 Country, by the Gratitude we owe to the parent 
 Country, by the important Truftrcpofed in you, 
 as you value your prefent and future Peace, and 
 the Interefts and Happinefs of your Pofterity. 
 Beware how you adopt that Meafure, how you 
 engage in thatftrange conflict of Sullennefs and 
 Obftinacy, 
 
( 17 ) 
 
 Obftinacy, till you have given it the moft calm 
 and ferious Deliberation. 
 
 The efficacy of the Meafure, admitting it to 
 be a practicable one, depends, I prefume, upon 
 the Importance of our Commerce with Great- 
 Britain •, it is poffible that People in general 
 here, may have been much deceived, in this 
 Matter, by partial and exaggerated Calculations, 
 made under particular Circumftances, during 
 particular Periods, to ferve the Purpofes of 
 Party. It would be difficult, if not impoffible 
 to afcertain the exaCt Value of it. But if we 
 may truft to theAuthority of Men of Eminence, 
 who have treated this SubjeCt, as Politicians at 
 large, unbiaffed by partial* local, or temporary 
 Views, Men who have traced it through the 
 Books of Cuftom-Houfes, Merchants, Brokers, 
 Manufacturers, &c. the belt Sources of Infor¬ 
 mation ; if we can depend on the Opinions of 
 the moft intelligent Merchants of our own 
 Country ; if we can believe our own Eyes, 
 every Man of common Obfervation, and K ejec¬ 
 tion, muft be allured, that the amount of 
 Britifh Manufactures imported into thisCountry, 
 is very incortfiderable, compared with the Opi¬ 
 nions about it, that are fo induftrioufly circulated 
 thro’ all the Colonies, and fo generally received. 
 Let us examine by the fame Rule, the amount 
 of the Inland, and Coafting Trade, of Great- 
 Britain, and her Foreign Trade, with all the 
 Nations on Earth ; it will appear infinitely 
 greater, than our Countrymen in general (accuf- 
 tomed from the Vanity natural to all Mankind 
 
( i8 ) 
 
 to confider the little Scenes, and Tranfaftioni 
 immediately under their Eyes, as Qbjefts of the 
 greateft Magnitude) can form any adequate 
 Idea of. The Refources of her Trade are 
 infinite, the Combinations of it, too various and 
 complicated, the Revolutions of it, too bidden 
 and frequent,to be eafilyexplained,or underftcod. 
 But we may judge of it, by the Refult, and Effect 
 of the whole, whenever the aftonilhing Power 
 of the Nation is called forth into Exertion. Can 
 we ferioufly believe, thatthis Wealth,and Power, 
 is derived almoft entirely, from her North-Ame¬ 
 rican Colonies ? Can we, (who by our own 
 Confeffions do not yet enjoy even all the Necef- 
 faries of Life) can we reafonably hope, to ftarve 
 into Compliance, fo great, and lb powerful a 
 Nation ? Shall we punilh ourl’elves, like froward 
 Children, who refufe to eat, when they are 
 Hungry, that they may vex their indulgent 
 Mothers ? Or like defperate Gamefters, ftake at 
 one throw, our fmall, but competent, and happy 
 Fortunes, againft the fucceffive Stakes, the 
 accummulated Wealth of Ages ? We may 
 teize the Mother Country, we cannot ruin her. 
 Let us beware how we engage in fuch an 
 unequal Conteft, left while we are giving her a 
 flight Wound, we receive a Mortal one. 
 
 If notwithftanding, we are confident, that 
 the Meafure of a Non-Importation, and Non- 
 Exportation Agreement, bids fair to be a 
 fuccefsful one; it certainly behoves us as Men, 
 and as Chriftians to be fure, that it is a juft 
 Meafure. A Combination to Ruin, or to obftruct 
 the 
 
( l 9 ) 
 
 the Trade of a fellow Citizen, who happens to 
 differ from ns, in his religious, or political Opini¬ 
 ons, adopted in Paflion, profecuted by the 
 Intrigues'of a Cabal, by Innuendoes, Infinua- 
 tions, Threatnings, and publicly figned, by 
 large N umbers of leading Men, would I prefume, 
 be a manifeft Violation, cf the Laws of God 
 and Man, and would on Conviction, be feyerely 
 punilhed in every Court of Juftice intheUniverfe. 
 In what Colours then will appear, the Combi¬ 
 nations of a large, and refpeCtable Body of 
 Subjects, againft the fupreme Power of the 
 Community ? Adopted from the fame Motives, 
 prolecuted by the fame Arts, and publickly 
 figned, in the Face of the whole World ? 
 Happily for us, by the generous, and noble 
 Spirit, of the Britifh Conftitution, our own 
 Conftitution, the Crime of Treafon, which in 
 almoft every other Country, is vague, and un¬ 
 defined, often in the Bread: of a venal, and 
 corrupt Judge, and made not to warn, but to 
 enfnare the People, is exaCtly and circumftan- 
 tially, afeertained and defined. 
 
 Shall we abufe the Generofity, and Benefi¬ 
 cence of Laws, made for our Protection ? Shall 
 we fkulk, behind the Letter of the Law, 
 while we wage War, againft the Spirit of it. 
 Becaufe our Anceftors had forefeen the Pof- 
 fibiiity, of the Subjects levying Arms, a- 
 gainft the State in Paflion, and Defpair, but 
 knew no Inftance on Record, of their having 
 meditated, in cold Blood, its DeftruCtion, and 
 had therefore made no regular Provifion againft 
 
( 20 ) 
 
 an Enormity, which they prefumed, could never 
 happen. 
 
 It is, I believe, fufficiently notorious, that 
 there are great Numbers, of our Countrymen, 
 from one End of this Continent, to the other, 
 who are averfe from this Meafure, fome of them 
 from Opinion, others from Intereft, and many 
 from down-right Neceflity. 
 
 For the Sake of common Humanity, Gen¬ 
 tlemen, difdain to co-operate, with Hand Bills, 
 with News Papers, with the high menacing 
 Refolves of common Town Meetings; do not 
 confpire with them, to reduce, under the Pains, 
 and Penalties of Difgrace, and Infamy, Thou- 
 fands of your Fellow Citizens, to the cruel 
 Alternative, of involving themfelves, their 
 Wives, and Children, in Indigence, and Wretch- 
 ednefs; or of being publicly branded, and 
 pointed out by the frantic Multitude, as Apof- 
 tates, and Traitors to their Country. 
 
 Let us, in the Name of common Senfe and 
 Decency, be confiftenr. Shall we Proteus like, 
 perpetually change our Ground, affume every 
 Moment, fome new and ftrange Shape, to defend, 
 to evade ? Shall we eftablifh Diftinftions, be¬ 
 tween internal, and external Taxation one Year, 
 and laugh at them the next ? Shall we confound 
 Duties, with Taxes, and Regulations of Trade 
 with Revenue Laws ? Shall we rave againft the 
 Preamble of the Law, while we are ready to ad¬ 
 mit the enabling Part of it ? Shall we refufe to 
 obey the Tea Aft, not as anoppreffive Aft, but 
 as a dangerous, a foie Precedent of Taxation, 
 when every Poft-Day Ihews us a Precedent, which 
 our 
 
( 21 ) 
 
 our Fore-Fathers fubmitted to, and which we 
 ftill fubmit to, without murmuring ? Shall 
 we move Heaven, and Earth, againft a triflng 
 Duty, on a Luxury, unknown to nine Tenths 
 of the Globe, unknown to our Anceftors! 
 Delpifed by half the Nations of Europe I Which 
 no Authority, no Neceflity compels us to ufe ? 
 There are Thoufands of honeft induftrious Fa- 
 milies, who have no Refources, but in the 
 Confequences of Exportation, and Importation. 
 Shall we levy a Tax, uponthefe innocentCitizens, 
 a T ax unheard of, difproportionate, a Tax, 
 never fuggefted by the moft inhuman Tyrant ? 
 A Tax, to the Amount of their daily Bread ? 
 Refleft one Moment, on the Terms, in which 
 theRefolves of every-Town Meeting, on this 
 Continent, fpeak of the Bofton .Port Bill? 
 Alcho ? it is little more, than a temporary Suf- 
 penfion, of the Trade, of that City, until Refti- 
 tution, which God, and Man calls aloud for, 
 be made. And altho’ the Ports, at a very fmall 
 Diftance from Bofton, and every other Port on 
 the Continent, is as free as ever, lhall we 
 multiply thefe Calamities, ten Thoufand Fold ? 
 For fuch Calamities, muft be the inevitable 
 Confequences, of a Non-Importation, and Non- 
 Exportation Agreemeent. You ought therefore 
 to be confident, that it will prove effeftual be¬ 
 fore you adopt it. Can any Man ferioufly be¬ 
 lieve this, who is tolerably acquainted with the 
 Hiftory, and prefent State, of thefe Colonies ? 
 Who has vifited our principal Cities and Towns, 
 and has obferv’d by what Means they have 
 rifen to their Wealth, and Importance; how 
 
( 22 ) 
 
 they daily increafe, and how their Inhabitants 
 fubfift ? The horrid Puniihments, inflifted by 
 defpotic Princes, are commonly of little avail, 
 againft a contraband Trade, where any trifling 
 extraordinary Profit, is an irrefifi able Temptation. 
 What can we expect from a loofe Agreement, 
 where the foie Subfiftence of Thoulands is at 
 Stake ? In all trading Nations, where there are 
 Duties, or Prohibitions, there are Smugglers, 
 there ever were, and ever will be, until we find 
 fome Nation, where every Individual, is a Pa¬ 
 triot, or a Saint. 
 
 Such an Agreement will have the Defect 
 and Impotence, of Laws, framed on monkilh 
 Ideas of Purity, againft the indelible Feelings 
 and Paflions of Humanity. Can you hope, by 
 Promifes, by extorted Promifes, to reftrain 
 Men from carrying on a clandeftine Trade with 
 Great Britain ? Who Trade every Day, with our 
 inverate Enemies, in Defiance of all Law, and 
 who grow Rich by the Spoils of the-fair Trader ? 
 Will it not rather happen, as it has happen’d 
 already, that Province will fmuggle againft 
 Province, Citizen, againft Citizen, till we are 
 weary, and alhamed of being the Dupes, of 
 each other, and become the Laughing Stock 
 of the whole World ? 
 
 Let us no longer dece-ive ourfelves, with 
 the vain Hopes, of a fpeedy Repeal of the Tea 
 Aft, becaufe we triumphed in the Repeal of 
 the Stamp Aft ; the Afts themlelves, are 
 totally, different in their Principles, and their 
 Operation, the Occafion, by no means Similar. 
 
( 23 ) 
 
 W t have advanced from one extravagant Claim 
 to another, made fuch fudden Turnings, and 
 Windings, taken fuch wild* and rapid Flights, 
 that the boldeft of our Followers, can follow 
 us no longer •, our molt zealous Advocates,- are 
 afhamed to plead a Caufe, which all Men, but 
 ourfelves, condemn. Can we any longer doubt 
 that our Friends, on the other Side of the At¬ 
 lantic, as well as our Enemies, altho’ they may 
 differ in the Mode, of exercifing the Authority of 
 Parliament over us, arealmoit univerfally agreed 
 in the Principle ? Are we not convinced from 
 a thoufand Teftimonies, that the Clamour a- 
 gainft us, is univerfal, and loud ? Is this, Gen¬ 
 tlemen, a Seafon to frighten the Parent Coun¬ 
 try, into a Repeal ? No Man of Spirit in pri¬ 
 vate Life, even on the flighted: Quarrel, will 
 fubmit to be bullied, and expos’d to the Scorn 
 and Deri.fion, of the little Circle he lives in. 
 Can we feriotifly hope, that a great Nation, 
 a proud Nation, will be infulted, and degraded, 
 with Impunity, by her Colonies, in the Face of 
 every rival Kingdom in Europe ? Let us then, 
 Gentlemen, relinquilh for ever, a Project 
 fraught with Abfurdity, and Ruin. Let your 
 Constituents hope, that the Occafion of fuch an 
 important Afiembly, will not be wantonly 
 fquander’d, in opprobrious Reproaches, in bid¬ 
 ding Defiance to the Mother Country, but in 
 digefting and propofing fome new Plan of Ac¬ 
 commodation, worthy her Notice and Accep¬ 
 tance. Difputes are generally vain, and endlefs, 
 where there are no Arbitrators to award, no 
 Judges 
 
( 24 ) 
 
 Judges to decree, where Arguments, fufpefted 
 to be drawn from Intereft, and Palfion, are ad- 
 drefled to Intereft, andPallion, they produce no 
 ConviCtion. We may ring eternal Changes, upon 
 Taxation, and Reprefentation, upon aCtual, vir¬ 
 tual, and Non-reprefentation. We may end as 
 we began, and difagree eternally ; but there 
 is one Propofition, a felf-evident Propofition, 
 to which all the World give their Affent, and 
 from which we cannot withold ours; that whatever 
 Taxation, and Reprefentation may be, Taxa¬ 
 tion, and Government, are infeparablc. On the 
 SubjeCt of Taxation, the Authority of Mr. 
 Lock, is generally quoted by our Advocates, 
 as paramount to all other Authority whatever. 
 His Treatife on Government, as far as his Ideas 
 are practicable, with the corrupt Materials of all 
 Governments, is undoubtedly, a moft beauti¬ 
 ful Theory, the nobleft Aflertion of the unali¬ 
 enable Rights of Mankind. Let us refpect it 
 as the Opinions of a wife, and virtuous Philofo- 
 pher, and Patriot, but let us likewife, as good 
 Subjects, revere the Laws of the Land, the 
 collected Wifdom of Ages, and make them the 
 foie Rule of our political ConduCt. Let not Mr. 
 Lock be quoted partially, by thofe who have 
 read him, to miflead Thousands who never read 
 him. When he is brought as an Authority, 
 that no Subjedt can be juftly taxed without his 
 own Confent; why don’t they add his own 
 Explanation of that Confent ? “i.e. The Con- 
 “ fent of the Majority, giving it either by them- 
 “ felves, or their Reprefentatives chofen by them. 
 
 Do 
 
( 25 ) 
 
 Dp We compofe the Majority of the Britiflt 
 Community ? Are we, or are we not of that 
 Community ? If we are of that Community, 
 but are not reprefented, are we not in the fame 
 Situation with the numerous Body of Copy- 
 holders, with the Inhabitants of many wealthy 
 and populous Towns-, in lhort, with a very 
 greatNumberofour fellow Subjects, who have 
 no Votes in Elections ? Shall we affirm that 
 thefe are all virtually reprefented, but deny 
 that we are fo; and at the fame Time, be too 
 ' proud to folicit a Reprefentation.? of under the 
 trite and popular Pretences, of Venality and 
 Corruption, laugh at it as impracticable ? Shall 
 we plunge at once into Anarchy, and rejeCt all 
 Accommodation with a Government, (by the 
 Confeffion of the wifeft Men in Europe, the 
 freed and the nobleft Government, on the Re¬ 
 cords of Hiftory) becaufe there are Imperfec¬ 
 tions in it, as there are in all Things, and in all 
 Men ? Are we Confederates, or Allies, or 
 Subjects of Great-Britain ? In what Code 
 of Laws, are we to fearch for Taxation, under 
 the Title, and Condition, of Requifition, as 
 we underftand the Word? In what Theory 
 of Government, ancient or modern ? Is it to 
 be found any where on Earth, but in modem 
 Harangues, modern Pamphlets ? And in thefe, 
 only as temporary- Expedients. The Supply 
 of Government, muft be conftant, certain, 
 and proportioned to the Protection it af¬ 
 fords -, the Moment one is precarious the other 
 is fo too; the Moment it fails, civil Society ex- 
 D pires. 
 
( 26 ) 
 
 pires. We boaft much of our bountiful Com¬ 
 pliance with the Requifitions made during 
 the laft War, and in many Inftances with Rea- 
 fon; but let us remember and acknowledge, 
 that there was even then, more than one rich 
 Province, that refufed to comply, altho’ the 
 War, was in the very Bowels, of the Country. 
 Can Great-Britain then, depend upon her Re¬ 
 quifitions, in fome future War, a Thoufand 
 Leagues diftant from North-America, in which, 
 as we may have no immediate local Intereft, 
 we may look perhaps, with little Concern. 
 
 From the Infancy of our Colonies, to this 
 very Hour, ,we have grown up and flourifhed 
 under the Mildnefs,' and W ifdom of her excel¬ 
 lent Laws •, our Trade, our Poflefiions, our 
 Perfons have been conftantly defended againft the 
 whole World, by the Fame of her Power, or by 
 the Exertion of it. We have been very lately, 
 refcued by her, from Enemies, who threatned us 
 with Slavery, and DeftruCtion, at the Expence 
 of much Blood, and Treafure, and eftablilhed 
 after a long War, (waged on our Accounts, at 
 Out rhoft earned: Prayers) in a State of Security, 
 of Which there is fcarce an Example in Hiftory. 
 She is ever ready, to avenge the Caufe, of the 
 meaneft Individual among us, with a Power ref- 
 pefted by the whole World. Let us then, no 
 longer difgrace ourfelves, by illiberal, ungrateful 
 Reproaches, by meanly afcribing, the moft ge¬ 
 nerous Conduct, to the moft fordid Motives •, 
 we owe our Birth, our Progrels, our Delivery to 
 her i We ftill depend on her for Protection; we 
 
( ?7 ) 
 
 are furely able to bear fome Part of the Ex? 
 pence of it; let us be willing to bear it. Em¬ 
 ploy then, Gentlemen, your united Zeal and 
 Abilities, in' fubftituting fome adequate per¬ 
 manent and effectual Supply (by fome Mode 
 of aCtual Reprefentation) in the Place of un? 
 certain^ ineffectual Requifitions, or in devifing 
 fome Means of reconciling Taxation, the in- 
 difpenfible Obligation of every Subjeft, with 
 your Ideas of the peculiar and ineftimable 
 Rights of an Englifhman. 
 
 These are ObjeCts, worthy a Congrefs, Mea- 
 fures, that will confer lafting Benefits on your 
 Country,'and immortal Honour on yourfelves. 
 
 If on the contrary, like Independent States, 
 you arrogate to yourfelves, the foie Right of 
 judging and deciding in your own Caufe; if 
 you perfift in denying the fupreme Power of 
 Parliament, which no Parliament will’ ever re¬ 
 nounce, like Independent States, we have no 
 Appeal but to the God of Battles. Shall we 
 dare lift up our Eyes to that God, the Source 
 of Truth and Juftice, and implore his Affiftance 
 in fuch a Canfe ? There are Caufes, where, in 
 Spight of the ridiculous Tenets of pious, de¬ 
 luded Enthufiafts, or of the wicked and mon- 
 ftrous DoftrineSj of Slaves and Tyrants; the 
 very Principles, the original Principles on which 
 civil Society depends, require, where God and 
 Mature call aloud for Refinance. Such Caufes 
 exifted in the horrid Catalogue of Oppreffions 
 and Crimes, under a Philip the Second, a 
 Katharine of Medicis, and in the Lift of 
 P % . Grievances, 
 
( 28 ) 
 
 Grievances, during one Period at leaft, of the 
 Reign of the ill-educated, the ill-advifed, the 
 unhappy Charles •, on fuch melancholly Occa- 
 fions, Men of Sentiment, Spirit and Virtue* 
 the only genuine Sons of Liberty, engage in 
 the honourable Cauie of Freedom, with God 
 on their Side, and indignantly facrifice every 
 Advantage of Fortune, every Endearment of 
 Life, and Life itfelf. Do fuch Caules exift 
 now among us ? Did they ever exift ? Are 
 they likely to exift ? 
 
 Open if it be not too late, the Eyes of our 
 infatuated Countrymen •, teach them to compare 
 their happy Situation, with the Wretchednefs 
 of Nine Tenths of the Globe * (hew them 
 the general Diffuflon of the Neceffaries, the 
 Conveniencies and Pleafures of Life, among all 
 Orders'of People here •, the certain Rewards of 
 Induftry, the innumerable Avenues to Wealth, 
 the native, unfubdued Freedom of their Man¬ 
 ners, and Converfation •, the Spirit of Equality, 
 fo flattering to all generous Minds, and fo 
 efiential, to the Enjoyment of private Society, 
 the entire Security of their Fortunes, Liberty, 
 and Lives, the Equity, and Lenity, of their 
 civil and criminal Juftice, the Toleration of 
 teir religious Opinions, and Worfhip. 
 
 Teach them to compare thefe invaluable 
 Privileges and Enjoyments, with the abjeft and 
 miferable State of Men debafed by artificial 
 Manners, loft to all generous and manly Senti¬ 
 ment, alternately crouching and infulting, from 
 the vain and humiliating Diftinctions of Birth, 
 flat? 
 
( 2 9 ) 
 
 Place and Precedence, trembling every Moment 
 for their Liberty, their Property, their Con- 
 fciences and their Lives; Millions toiling, not 
 for themfelves, but to pamper the Luxury, and 
 not riot of a few worthlefs, domineering Indivi¬ 
 duals, andpining in Indigence, and Wretched- 
 nefs: Save them from the Madnefs, of hazard¬ 
 ing fuch ineftimable Bleffings, in the uncertain 
 Events of a War, againft all Odds, againft In- 
 vafions from Canada, Incurfions of Savages, 
 Revolt of Slaves, multiplied Fleets and Armies, 
 a War which muft begin where Wars commonly 
 end, in the Ruin of our Trade, in the Sur¬ 
 render of our Ports and Capitals, in the Mifery 
 of Thoufands. Teach them in Mercy, to be¬ 
 ware how they wantonly draw their Swords in 
 Defence of political Problems, Diftinftions, 
 Refinements, about which the beft and the wifeft 
 Men, the Friends, as well as the Enemies of 
 America, differ in their Opinions, left while we 
 deny the Mother Country, every Mode, every 
 Right of Taxation, we give her the Rights of 
 Concjueft, . 
 
 FINIS,