llCoO {■ I' i / \ s i 4 ,1 j Wi \ f- .y u i RELIGIOUS FREEDOM IN JAPAN. A MEMORIAL AND DRAFT OF CHARTER. BY ARINOEI MOEI. PRIVATELY PRINTED. Digitized by the Internet Archive in 2017 with funding from Columbia University Libraries https://archive.org/details/religiousfreedomOOmori To His Excellency, SANEYOSHI SANJO, Prime Minister in His Imperial Majesty's Government. Sir : Among many important human concerns, the one re- specting our religious faith appears to be the most vital. In all the enlightened nations of the earth, the liberty of conscience, especially in matters of religious faith, is sacredly regarded as not only an inherent right of man, but also as a most fundamental element to advance all human interests. It is a strange and grievous fact that we fail to find in the whole history of the long and glorious continu- ance of our intelligent race, a trace of the recognition in any form of this sacred right. It is even more remarkable, amid the wonderful progress we now be- .hold, that our people are not as yet quite earnest and thorough in their consideration of this important sub- ject. To those who have been brought up in the strange school of that political economy which advocates the superior excellence of ignorance over knowledge for all the governed, as well as to those who believe in the senseless precept of simplicity or the natural state, 4 such doctrines as the rights of man or the liberty of conscience may appear as something strange and dreadful. Even our government may not find itself in a position practicall}^ to adopt these views. It has wisely to overcome all the influences of prejudice and ignorance, which are still blindly hostile to the light of the new idea. The department specially established for the admin- istration of our religious affairs, has indicated to the public as yet no mailt of its success in gaining the con- fidence of the people. Far from it. Its policy of com- bining the two antagonistic faiths of Buddhism and Sintooism, which some time since was inaugurated under its sway, has utterly failed to command our respect. Its attempt to impose upon our people a relig- ion of its ereation cannot receive too severe condem- nation, because such an attempt not only disregards our sacred liberty of conscience, bnt its effect is to crush the very soul of man. Every one that lives is himself solely responsible to his Creator for all his thoughts and deeds. He who is deprived of the knowledge of this responsibility, and the freedom to exercise it, can no longer be rightly called a man in the proper sense of the term. The notion of making a new religion or precept by the authority of the State, which now prevails in our countr}', has a strange ap- pearance in the light of reason. Religion can neither be sold to, nor forced upon, any one. It is, if set forth in a word, a duty of man as a rational being, and ac- cording to the internal conception of its light, we, independently of each other, are enabled to know and to enjoy the happy life of faith, and insight into 5 spiritual truths. One of the great beauties of nature is its abounding and inexhaustible variety. There is a corresponding beauty in the infinite variety existing in our mental and moral worlds. The array of various religious faiths is one of the most interesting and edi- fying spectacles that can be presented to the mind of man. Religion undergoes changes from time to time, adapt- ing itself to circumstances. “ The religions we call false,” observed Emerson, a profound American phi- losopher, “were once true. They also were affirma- tions of the conscience, correcting the evil customs of their times.” It may be said in defense, that the necessity of our present situation demands action, for the protection of our people from the strange and fearful influences of the many new doctrines which now threaten to invade us from abroad. Our experience of Christian troubles in the past, warns us strongly against the faith from which they were supposed to have sprung, and while permitting an indulgence of the supposition that the Christian faith may contain something good and -bene- ficial, it may be contended that we are not yet suffi- ciently prepared to allow its introduction, because vve are still incapable of discriminating between the good and the bad. It is generally believed to embrace so man}' evils and superstitions that the very name of Christianity is, in the popular estimation, almost iden- tical with those bad qualities just described. These objections are urged by one class against Christianity, and another class denounce it as dangerous to our national constitution, because its introduction will 6 produce a sad discord between superiors and inferiors, in our class system of society. And, finally, there will be others who will argue, in a submissive manner, against its immediate introduction, because it will be likely to involve some unnecessary disturbance, and thus retard our progress. Other objections might be raised ; but it is believed that those of the gravest kind have been described. Let me now proceed to reply to them, and try to show how unreasonable and worthless they will all prove. The objections first mentioned rest on the notion that the Christian religion is bad and superstitious : if it were good and perfect no opposition to its intro- duction or invasion could exist. There is no better way of indicating the absurd character of this objection than that of asking the question. Whether those who oppose Christianity have any knowledge of its char- acter ? The prevalent notion that it is wrong to allow the Christian faith to come into the empire, without dis- criminating between its good and bad qualities, appears to be much more unreasonable than the objection just referred to, when wm inquire who can be found with the requisite authority to perform the awful and re- sponsible duty of separating the good from the evil. To dare to undertake the task one should possess qual- ities essentially equal to those of Christ himself. Let him discriminate if he please in his own case, but not for another person who may not have given him au- thority so to do. He cannot possibly" assume to de- cide for another, without committing a serious crime 7 of violence upon the right of the other. Nor can anj’ government perform this service without prostituting its sacred office to one of transgression. The protec- tion of the people in their proper rights is one of the most important among the many grave respon- sibilities with which the government is charged. To practice violence against our inherent rights of con- science is not one of the purposes for which it has been created. The second objection is raised from a needless fear that the introduction of Christianity will produce dis- cord in our social relations. Progress without revo- lution is impossible. A discord in society is often a blessing. The question therefore stands whether the anticipated discord would prove to be one of injury or of blessing. The answer cannot, either socially or politically, be otherwise than that it would decidedly be a blessing, because the society which receives the addition of a new knowledge, and a power of the char- acter of the Christian morality and faith, will neces- sarily better its condition b}’^ becoming both wiser and stronger. This is no mere assertion. It is fact, demon- strated by the histor}^ of the nations of the earth, among which none have so grandly advanced to the head of civilization as those whose religion has been Christianity. However injurious and fearful it may temporally appear, the evidence of the benefits of such a polity will sooner or later accustom opponents to its adoption in the ratio of their better acquaintance with the true philosophy of social improvement and political progress. Since religion is entirely a matter of individual belief, no one or government can be pre- 8 sumed to possess the authority of repudiating whatever faith any man may cherish within himself. And the facts place beyond dispute the averments that none of us, either high or low by political institution, is different one from another in human organization ; and that, irrespective of our class organization of so- ciety, nature or the Creator distributes human quali- ties unequally among us, and therefore it cannot be expected that all will take the same view of such a question. It may with propriety be remarked here that no’man or society of men is in the least entitled to assume the power of dictating the thought and action of the sovereign or any other person, without committing a grievous wrong. It is painful to observe that this enormity is too often practiced among those who hold despotism above the right principles of humanity. It may be noted that these wrong-doers generally style themselves, either ignorantly or craftily, as the most faithful in discharging duties to their country. The third and last objection is entirely based upon precaution against any tendency to disturbance, re- sulting from an immediate introduction of Christianity, In all matters we deal with, true precaution is impor- tant, nay, absolutely essential. The precaution that we exercise in accomplishing a difficult purpose is a part of the action, and is an assistance in reaching the re- sult. The precaution that forbids an attempt to under- take the task is not precaution ; it is rather neglect. The precautio'n suggested in the objection partakes of the last-described character. This kind of precaution, signifying inattention, or, correctly speaking, negligence. is truly a wall against progress. It fails to answer its purpose, and therefore should be turned in another and better direction, and become an active and protecting element of progress. The best and most practical precautions for progress are as follows : The establishment of proper laws by which all the proper rights of man shall be recognized and protected from violence ; and the organization of an educational system by which the whole condition of our people shall be so elevated that their moral strength will sufficiently protect their rights, even with- out the additional dry and unsatisfactory shield of the written law of the state. The established laws should secure a complete liber- ty of conscience ; first, by a sufficient protection for the free exercise of that libert}^ in matters of religion, so far as its outward action does not conflict with the law of the state ; second, by a perfect impartiality in the attitude of the state in relation to all religious de- nominations ; third, by the protection from disturbances which ma}^ arise from disagreement in their religious faith and formulas. In consideration of these points the paper accompanying this address, and bearing the title of “Religious Charter of the Empire of Dai Niphon,” has been prepared as a draft, and is now humbly sub- mitted to your distinguished attention. It must be remembered, that progress can only be achieved through revolutions and trials, inasmuch as such is the law of nature. The benefits of so- cial revolution have been amply experienced by our people now for many centuries, especially within the last twenty years. Who will deii}^ this plain fact? 10 We should, moreover, be fully aware that iuditference to such au important aud vital human interest as religious liberty, is, in fact, to silently sanction the perpetuation of a practice of violence upon the sacred rights of man. Against such an indignitj" let us firmly and resolutely stand, even to the sac- rifice of our life, so that our nation may live without crime. Yea, let the law be speedily established to se- cure for us all our inalienable rights. It will be in- jurious to none to perpetuate the good, and rectify the bad. The best laws are the safest guide for both the governing and the governed. The governor, under such circumstances, has the best prerogative, and the governed the fullest liberty. I venture now to indicate what I consider as the other but more important element of the precautions for progress, namely, an educational organization by which we shall secure all our rights. While the laws are the best protection for our liberty, its greatest security depends 'wholl}^ upon the character and po- tency of our popular education. The value and urgency of an interest in education is at once manifest. Every one of us must be profoundly convinced that our present position is one of awful responsibility. We are charged with the task of moulding the destiny of our nation. Nay, more, the influence we shall exert cannot fail to have its fruit in the initiation of similar laws in all other nations of Asia. It is of the utmost importance that we should with full force aud great solemnity hasten forward in the right direction, and with herculean zeal endeavor to do our best in the great cause of humanity. No civilization, or enlightened state of human soci- 11 ety can be attained, so long as we remain beneath our proper degree of manhood. It has justly been illus- trated by the renowned Horace Mann, one of the most distinguished American characters and a most eminent writer on education, in the following expression : “ As an apple is not in any proper sense an apple until it is rii)e, so a human being is not in any proper sense a human being until he is educated.” Another saga- cious and emphatic word by the same great personage may not less appropriately be quoted : “ Education,” says he, “ is our only political safety ; outside of this ark all is deluge.” Let me now for a moment dwell upon the character and scope of the proposed educational organization. A few words are sufficient to indicate generally what I have in my mind in relation to them ; the principal characteristic being an entire absence of any particular religious influence ; the scope should comprehend uni- versal learning, and include all classes and kinds of persons without distinction and with perfect impar- tiality. Since it has already been amply stated in these pages that religious faiths are purely matters of indi- vidual conviction, and cannot be subject to an}" political authority, it need hardly be added that it is wrong for the state to usurp, as a function within its province, the introduction of religious influences into the educa- tional administration. There are those who are opposed to the interference of the state in any affairs of educa- tion. These persons hold that it may reasonably be asserted that education is entirely a subject for per- sonal and private determination. I have no desire to 12 oppose such a view, so long as parents or guardians are faithful to their trust. If the state has any authorit}" at all to punish crimi- nals, or, correctly speaking, to protect its people from violence, it certainly has equal authority to assure their peace. No, the State cannot possibly disclaim its re- sponsibility. It can best discharge its obligations by assisting in the diffusion of a knowledge of facts in science and art, and thus it shall establish peace upon a solid foundation of enlightenment, and let the base influence of ignorance, — the source of all human mis- eries, — perish through its own weakness as speedily as possible. By the diffusion of knowledge among the people it is not intended to confine the spread of information to aii}^ special class or kind, but to extend it so that every one, whether male or female, without exception, shall be its recipients. The mode of giving every one in the community an opportunity to receive an education may vary according to his or her condition in regard to age and occupations. It is not necessary in this paper to discuss details ; but it is sufficient to say that every possible means that can be adapted to the cir- cumstances should be employed to advance all kinds of useful knowledge for the general improvement of our entire people. Let our nation be an apt scholar, and soon it may be its lot to wait upon other nations as their beneficial educator, as well as their agreeable associate in living the life of happiness and true grandeur. Before concluding this paper, permit me. Sir, to express my sincere hope that you will be disposed to 13 consider seriously its important subject, and that ^’’ou will be able to make such disposition of it and the ac- companying draft of a Religious Charter of Japan, as will be best calculated to serve the public interest. If, in the course of the preceding remarks, there appears anything which, contrary to my expectations, may possibly be offensive, I must humbly yet firmly assure you that it occurs, not from any want of respect or lo3^alty, but is a result of the excess of my intense solicitude for the interests and happiness of my country and her people. I have the honor. Sir, to be yours Most respectfully, Arixoei Mori. Washington, D. C., U. S. A. The 5tli j^ear of Meidi aud the 35th of the 10th month. November 23, 1872, THE RELIGIOUS CHARTER OF THE EMPIRE OF DAI NIPHON. Whereas, in matters of conscience and relig- ious.' faith, it has been justly observed that the manner of exercising them can be properly de- termined only by reason and conviction, not by force or violence, and Whereas, no man or society of men has any right to impose his or its opinions or interpreta- tions on any other in matters of religion, since every man must be responsible for himself, and Whereas, we have no other purpose than that of avoiding for our nation the misery which the experience of the world shows has followed the patronage, by the State, of any particular religion. It is now solemnly resolved and declared that the Imperial Government of Dai Hiphon will 16 make no law prohibiting, either directly or in- directly, the free exercise of conscience or relig- ious liberty within its dominions. And it is further solemnly resolved and declared that the organization of any religions order shall not be interfered with by either local or national authority, so long as such organization does not conflict with the laws of the State. And it is further solemnly resolved and declared that the law of the Empire shall recognize no religious institution as special or -different from any other kind of social institution. And it is further solemnly resolved and declared that no special privilege or favor shall be granted by either local or national authority to any par- ticular sect or religious denomination, without extending the same at once to every other. And it is further solemnly resolved and de- clared that no religious or ecclesiastical title or rank shall be conferred by the State upon any person belonging to any religious association. And it is further, and in conclusion, solemnly resolved and declared that no action which may promote religious animosity shall be permitted within the realm. I ) if \ / \ -.y