MAS! ER NEGATIVE NO. 91-80107-13 MICROFILMED 1992 COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY LIBRARIES/NEW YORK as part of the ^ "Foundations of Western Civilization Preservation Project" Funded by the NATIONAL ENDOWMENT FOR THE HUMANITIES Reproductions may not be made without permission from Columbia University Library COPYRIGHT STATEMENT The copyright law of the United States - Title 17, United States Code - concerns the making of photocopies or other reproductions of copyrighted material... Columbia University Library reserves the right to refuse to accept a copy order if, in its judgement, fulfillment of the order would involve violation of the copyright law. A UTHOR: WILI lAMS, JOHN TITLE: nt AND ACTIONS OF ALEXANDER THF PLACE: LONDON DATE: 182 COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY LIBRARIES PRESERVATION DEPARTMENT BIBLIOGRAPHIC MICROFORM TARGET Master Negative # _ _ lL'JLO^o:}sJi Original Material as Filmed - Existing Bibliographic Record j7 67 Vailiams, John, 1792-1858. Iho life and actions of Alexander the Ureat, by the Rev. John Williamo ... 2d ed. Londotj.Murray, vi, 414 p, maps, 16|- cm. • r^ V-/ *^ \J Restrictions on Use: TECHNICAL MICROFORM DATA FILM SIZE:__i.:\^_Qr)JV:^ IMAGE PLACEMENT: lA © ID IIB DATE FILMED: ^^Jj^l PUBLIC REDUCTION RATIO: ll^. INITIALS EH- HLMEDBY: RESEARCH PUBLICATIONS. INC WOODDRIDGE, CT 1 r Association for information and Image Management 1100 Wayne Avenue, Suite 1100 Silver Spring, Maryland 20910 301/587-8202 Centimeter 12 3 4 iij 5 6 7 8 iiiiliiiiliiiilii|ilii[ilimliiiiU I 9 10 liiiiliiiili TT 1 11 lllllllll T 12 13 14 15 mm iiliimn nimjhmlmmm iTTT^Mi Inches 1.0 I.I 1.25 3 iliHWMIIli 2.8 3.2 4.0 1.4 2.5 2.2 2.0 1.8 1.6 MRNUFRCTURED TO, flllM STRNDflRDS BY RPPLIED IMRGE. INC. .vj^.^jse-rt^jsn. jMftiaiajrfj'.j* .afetafl.'-'^'ttg'.,.*..-. '->.iAr .'n. ■*■ >'■ -■». .>.'.»!'•"??» Columbia StnitJersittp intljfCitpofilrtiigiJrk Xjli3 ivxxJtv X < THE LIFE AND i^CTIONS OF ALEXANDER THE GREAT BY I THE REV. JOHN WILLIAMS, IttCTOtt itV THE EDIMilRGH ACADEMY, AND VICAR OF I.AMPETER. SECOND EDITION. i LONDON: JOHN MURRAY, ALBEMARLE STREET. MDCCCXXIX. At ^«AiM«J ..ri4n("' • « • t <», • • • • • • • • • - . • ■• • ••• .• • « « * • • • • • t t • * • • • • . • • • • •• ttt ••• •#• • • • t • , • » • • • •< • • • • • • • • • • • • • t • • • • • • t • • • • • • • •• •••••• lac trtfi, TJa^Btn, f4.opREAT. '^ INTRODUCTION. Greece, its islands, and the western part of Asia Minor, have, from the earliest ages, been the principal scene of the great struggle between the eastern and western worlds. Between the Eu- ropean and Asiatic, even under the same latitude, there exists a marked difference in feelings, man- ners and character. That this difference is inde- pendent of climate and of country, and attributa- ble to long-established habits, and a system of education transmitted down from the remotest ages, is apparent from the well known facts, that the Greek at Seleuceia on the Tigris, at Palmyra, Antioch, and the Egyptian Alexandreia, con- tinued to be still a Greek ; while the Arab in Andalusia and Grenada was still an Arab, and the Turk in Europe has retained all the feelings, manners and customs of his oriental ancestors. It is not wonderful, therefore, that two races, so B. ALEXANDER THE GREAT. inherently different from . each otlier. should, wlueie 1 ''lit' rr, be ergaged in perpetual warfare. T'.ie'^'.i... . tgglc has, in general, been in the vici*iitv ^f those narrow seas that separate Europe from Ajiia. 'It lias iiow continued, with strange vicissitudes, for more than six-and-twenty cen- turies, and lof.g'-r tOo" if \*e add well-founded traditions lo iMiikiricail" rcGcrds, and yet there ap- pears no sign of an approaching termination. By a curious inversion of their relative positions, the Europeans are on the banks of the Ganges and on the shores of the Caspian, and the Asiatics on the hanks of the Danube and the shores of the Adriatic. Hut my present object is not to trace the result of the* struggle down to our day, but to give a short sketch of its leading events pre- vious to the invasion of Asia by Alexander. I pass over the conquest of the Peloponnesus by tlie Phrvgian Pelops, the establishment of a Phoenician colony in Boeotia, and of other ori- ental settlers in various parts of Greece. I dwell not on the Argonautic expedition, the conquest of Troy by Hercules, the seizure and occupation of Rhodes and its dependent islands by his im- mediate descendants, not from any doubt of the facts, but because they are not in the right line that conducts us down to the expedition ot A 1p Kinder Tlie result of the second Trojan war was fat different, as the superiority attained by the Eu- ropeans in that contest enabled tlieni to seize all the intervening islands, and to occupy the whole Asiatic coast, from Halicarnassus to Cyzicus, with INTRODUCTION. 3 their Dorian, Ionian and iEolian colonies. The first and last did not spread much, but the lonians, the descendants of the civilized Achaeans and Athenians, flourished greatly, covered the seas with their fleets, and studded the shores of the Euxine with wealthy and splendid cities. These colonists in Asia were the founders of Grecian literature ; from them sprung Homer and Hesiod, Alcaeus and Sappho, Thales ami Herodotus : and had they possessed a system of civil polity adapted for the purpose, they had strength, knowledge and energy sufficient to have conquered all Asia. But their circle of action was narrowed by their confined views of constitutional governments. Even Aristotle, su- perior as he was to his countrymen, wrote, in much later times, that a hundred thousand and five thousand citizens were numbers equally in- compatible with the existence of a free state, as the greater number would render deliberation imi)Ossible, and the less be inadequate for the purposes of self-defence. This limitation was grounded on the principle, that every Greek had an imprescriptible right to attend and vote in the great council of the nation, and was eligible, in his turn, to the highest offices of the state. To fulfil these duties ably and with advantage to the commonwealth, the constitution supposed all free citizens to be gentlemen or wealthy yeomen, able to live upon their own means, without devoting themselves to any particular profession or pur- suit. The number of such men, in comparison with the great mass of the population condemned B 2 4 ALEXANDER THE GREAT. to hopeless slavery, was very limited. Sparta, in the days of Aristotle, contained only nnie thou- sand citizens ; and the loss of seven hundred warriors, at the battle of Leuctra, proved fatal to her Grecian supremacy. The number of Athe- nian citizens varied from twenty to thirty thou- sand. When therefore one thousand, probably the prime and flower of the nation, fell at Chae- roneia, the blow was regarded as irreparable, and all thoughts of further resistance abandoned. Hence it is apparent that the erection of any powerful monarchy, in the vicinity of states con- stituted on this principle, must eventually prove fatal to their independence. Such was the fiite of the Grecian colonies in Asia. Their neigh- bours, the Lydians, under tlie government of the MermnadcT, a native dynasty, became a powerful race ; and the discovery of the gold excavated from Mount Tmolus, or sifted from the bed of the Pactolus, furnished them with the means of supporting a regular army. After a lengthened contest they therefore succeeded in reducing to subjection all the continental Greeks. The con- quered and the conquerors were united by Cyrus to his new empire, and became Persian subjects under Cambyses and Darius. The lonians re- volted from the latter, but were subdued after an unavailing struggle. At the commencement of the revolt, the Athenians sent a fleet to aid their colonists. The combined Athenian and Ionian forces marched to Sardes, and burnt the Lydian capital. This rash act drew on Athens and on Greece the whole vengeance of the Persian mo- INTRODUCTION. 5 liarchs. After a long and deadly contest the Greeks repelled the invaders, pursued them into Asia, and for a time liberated their Asiatic fellow- countrymen. But their own civil contests di- verted their attention from foreign objects, and their splendid victories had no further result. The same may be said of the two campaigns of Agesilaus in Asia, for the management of which Xenophon has praised him far beyond his merits. Then followed the disgraceful peace of Antalcidas, which once more consigned the Asi- atic Greeks to the tender mercies of a Persian despot. From that period Persia changed her policy, and spared neither money nor intrigues m attempting to embroil the Grecian states with each other. For this conduct she had sufficient cause, for the expedition of the ten thousand had revealed to the Greeks her weakness and their own strength. They had therefore, of late, been eager to free themselves from the harassing con- tests of the numerous aristocracies and demo- cracies, and to unite, under one head, in a serious and combined attack upon the Persian monarchy. Jason, the Thessalian, was rapidly maturing his plans, and had not death suddenly arrested his career, the Greeks would have probably in- vaded Asia under him as their captain-general : but his assassination only postponed the great event. Philip, the son of Amyntas, followed the path marked out by Jason; and, by patience, pru- dence, and vigour, succeeded in his great object. The Thebans and Athenians, who contested the ■■41 V a J..-J ri. . ■'. ■■ '.r t •i..ai-jm^-'-«*'* -*'■•' ■**«!■•- --tofl/aifeti. g ALEXANDER THE GREAT. Macedonian supremacy in the field were d^ feated ; while the Spartans, too FO<'J ^ ^"l"^'*' too weak to resist, sullenly ^'""'l^a oof f.om ti e general confederation, and wthheld tl.e.r vote from the Macedonian captam-general. 1 ersm, however, was again saved from nivasion by the Sth of Philip? and Alexander, i" ^e t-n^.e,, year of his age, succeeded to his father s throne and pretensions. ^jjUlj/aiMg/jtgJ/UtgSaaiijaStii B.C. 356.] ( 7 ) CHAPTER I. Of the Birth, Education, and early Life of Alexandtr. Alexander, the third king of Macedonia of that name, and commonly surnamed the Great, was born at Pella three hundred and fifty-six years before Christ. His father PhiHp traced his origin through Temenus, the first Heracleid king of Argos, to Hercules and Perseus. The family of his mother Olympias was no less illustrious ; for y the royal race of Epirus claimed lineal descent from Neoptolemus, Achilles, and Peleus. He could thus refer his origin to Jupiter by the three different lines of Perseus, Hercules, and Peleus; nor is it easy for us in the present day to cal- culate the impression made on his youthful mind by so illustrious a genealogy. Of this we are assured, that, from his earliest days, he deter- mined to rival, and, if possible, surpass the re- nown of his ancestors. Philip received the news of the birth of his son immediately after the capture of the city of Potidaea, the peninsular situation of which had enabled it long to resist the Macedonian arms. On the same day he received intelligence of a victory gained by Parmenio over the Illyrians, vind of the success of his horses in bearing away the first prize at the Olympic games. In after times the Asiatics remarked, with superstitious 8 ALEXANDER THE CREAT. [B.C. 356. awe, that the magnificent temple of Diana at Epliesiis was destroyed by fire on the night of Alexander's birth, and that the general confla- tiration of Asia had been typified thus early by The destruction of its most splendid ornament. Perhaps it ought to be remarked, as a proof of the eager and restless spirit of the times, that the incendiary, who ought to have remained name- less, was willing to purchase deathless notoriety at tlie ex5K?nse of life, and preferred an infamous death to an unrecorded existence. Such a state of morbid feeling could occur only in times of great and general excitement. Nothing certain is known respecting the m- fancy and childhood of Alexander. The letter whicli Philip is supposed to have written to Aris- totle on the birth of liis son, is, I fear, a forgery : its language seems rather incompatible with the fact, that Aristotle did not take the immediate charge of his pupil until lie had attained his fifteenth year. But as the philosopher's father had been the favourite physician in the Macedo- nian court, it is not unlikely that even the earlier years of the prince were under the superintend- ence of his great preceptor, and that his primary education was conducted according to his sugges- tions. If such was the case, we can easily deduce the principles on which both the earlier and more mature education of Alexander was conducted, from Aristotle's Treatise on Politics, where they are developed. He divides a regular course of education into three parts. The first comprises the period from the birth to the completion of the seveatii year ; ,1 ii ii:tat. 1—7.] EARLY EDUCATION. 9 the second from the commencement of the eighth to the completion of the eighteenth year ; and the third from the eighteenth to the twenty-first. According to Aristotle, more care should be taken of tlie body than of the mind for the first seven years : strict attention to diet be enforced, and the infant from his infancy habituated to bear cold. This habit attainable either by cold bath- ing or light clothing. The eye and ear of the child should be most watchfully and severely guarded against contamination of every kind, and unrestrained communication with servants be strictly prevented. Even his amusements should be under due regulation, and rendered as inte- resting and intellectual as possible. It must always remain doubtful, how far Olympias would allow such excellent precepts to be put in execution. But it is recorded that Leonnatus, the governor of the young prince, was an austere man, of great severity of manner, and not likely to relax any adopted rules. He was also a relation of Olympias, and as such might doubtless enforce a system upon which no stranger would have been allowed to act. The great strength, agility, and hardy habits of Alex- ander, are the best proofs that this part of his education was not neglected, and his lasting affec- tion for his noble nurse Lannice, the daughter of Dropidas, proves that it was conducted witli gentleness and affection. The intellectual education of Alexander would, on Aristotle's plan, commence with his eighth year. About this period of his life, Lysimachus, an Acarnaxiian, was appointed his preceptor. 10 ALEXANDER THE GREAT. [B.C. 348. Plutarch gives hiin an unfavourable character, and insinuates that he was more desirous to in- gratiate himself with the royal family, than effec- tually to discharge the duties of his office. It was ins delight to call Philip, Peleus; Alexander Achilles, and to claim for himself the honorary name of IMurnix. Early impressions are the strongest, and even the pedantic allusions of the Acarnanian might render the young prince more eager to imitate his Homeric model. Aristotle mentions four principal branches of education as belonging to the first part of the middle period. These are literature, gymnastics, music, and painting, of which writing formed a subordinate branch. As the treatise on politics was left in an unfinished state, we have no means of defining what was comprehended under his general term literature, but commencing with reading and the principles of grammar, it appa- rently included composition in verse and prose, and the study of the liistorians and poets of Greece. During this period the lighter gymnas- tics alone were to be introduced, and especially the exercises best calculated to promote grace- fulness of manner and personal activity. Aris- totle had strong objections to the more violent exertions of the gymnasium during early life, considering them as injurious to the growth of the body, and to the future strength of the adult. In proof of this he adduces the conclusive fact that in the long list of Olympic victors only two, or, at most, three instances had occurred, in which the same person had proved victor in youth and in manhood. Premature training and over- 1 Mm. 1^15.] EDUCATION — ARISTOTLE. 11 exertion he, therefore, regarded as injurious to tlie constitution. Not only the theory of paint- ing, but also a certain skill in handling the pen- cil, was to be acquired. Aristotle regarded this elegant art as peculiarly conducing to create a habit of order and arrangement, and to impress die mind with a feeling of the beautiful. Music l>oth in theory and practice, vocal and instru- mental, was considered by him as a necessary part of education, on account of the soothing and purifying effects of simple melodies, and be- cause men, wearied with more serious pursuits, require an elegant and innocent recreation. By way of illustration, he adds that music is to the man what the rattle is to the child. Such were the studies that occupied the atten- tion of the youthful Alexander between the se- venth and fourteenth year of his age. When he was in his eleventh year, Demosthenes, ^schines, and eight other leading Athenians, visited his father's court as ambassadors, and Philip was so proud of the proficiency of his son, that he ven- tured to exhibit him before these arbiters of taste. The young prince gave specimens of his skill in playing on the harp, in declamation, and in re- citing a dramatic dialogue with one of his youth- ful companions. But if we can believe ^Eschines, Demosthenes was particularly severe on the false accents and Dorian intonations of the princely boy. In his fifteenth year he was placed under the immediate tuition of the great philosopher, ac- cording to whose advice I have supposed his earlier education to have been conducted. In 12 ALEXANDER THE GREAT. [B.C. 342. the year B. Ci 342, Aristotle joined his iHustrious pupil, whom he did not quit until the invasion of Asia. The master was worthy of his pupil, and the pupil of his master. The mental powers of Aristotle were vast, and all arranged with ad- mirable accuracy and judgment; his style of speaking and writing pure, clear, and precise; and his industry in accumulating particular facts, only equalled by his sagacity in drawing gene- ral inferences. Alexandc r was gifted with great quickness of apprehension, an insatiable desire of knowledge, and an ambition not to be satis- fied with the second place in any pursuit. Such a pupil under such a master must soon have acquired a sufficient knowledge of those branches described before, as occupying the middle period of education. He would tlien enter on the final course intended for the completion of his literary studies. This comprehended what Aristotle calls Matheses, and included the branches of human learning arranged at present under the general term mathematics. To these, as far as they could be scientifically treated, were added moral philosophy, logic, rhetoric, the art of poetry, the theory of political government, and the more evi- dent principles of natural philosophy. On these subjects we still possess treatises, written by Aristotle in the first place, most probably, for the use of his pupil, and afterwards published for the public benefit. We learn also from a letter of Alexander, pre- served by Plutarch, that the Stagyrite had ini- tiated his pupil in those deep and mysterious speculations of Grecian philosophy, which treated MtJAt 15.] EDUCATION — METAPHYSICS. 13 of the nature of the Deity, of the human soul, of the eternity of matter, and of other topics which prudential reasons prevented the philoso- pher from publicly explaining. As the letter gives a lively idea of the exclusive ambition of Alexander, I insert it. It was occasioned by the publication of Aristotle's treatise on the branch of knowledge, called from that very book Meta- physics. " ALEXANDER TO ARISTOTLE, HEALTH. " You did wrong in publishing those branches of science hitherto not to be acquired except from oral instruction. In what shall I excel others, if the more profound knowledge I gained from you be communicated to all? For my part I had rather surpass the majority of mankind in the sublimer branches of learning than in extent of power and dominion. — Farewell!" But the great object of Aristotle was to render his pupil an accomplished statesman, and to qualify him to govern with wisdom, firmness, and justice, the great empire destined to be inherited and acquired by him. It was his province to inii)ress deeply upon his mind the truths of moral philosophy, to habituate him to practise its pre- cepts, to store his mind with historical facts, to teach him how to draw useful inferences from them, and to explain the means best calculated to promote the improvement and increase the stability of empires. It is difficult to say what were the religious opinions inculcated on the young Prince's mind. u ALEXANDER THE GREAT. [B.C. 341. In their effects they were decided and tolerant. We may therefore conclude that they were the game as are expressed by Aristotle, who mam - tained the imiversality of the Deity, and the ma- nifestation of his power and will under various forms in various countries. As in modern, so in ancient times, great dif- ferences of opinion prevailed on the subject of education. Some directed their attention princi- pally to the conduct of the intellect, others to the formation of moral feelings and habits, and a third party appeared more anxious to improve the car- riage and strengthen the body than to enlighten the°mind. Aristotle's plan was to unite the three systems, and to make them co-operate in the formation of the perfect character, called m Greek, the mXoc «cat ayadog. In truth, no talents can compensate for the want of moral worth; and good intentions, separated from talents, often in- flict the deepest injuries, while their possessor wishes to confer the greatest benefits on man- kind. Nor can it be doubted, that a sound con- stitution, elegance of manner, and gracefulness of person, are most useful auxiliaries in carry- ing into effect measures emanating from virtuous principles, and conducted by superior talents. It is not to be supposed that Aristotle wished to instruct his pupil deeply in all the above-men- tioned branches of education. He expressly states that the liberally educated man, or the perfect gentleman, should not be profoundly scientific, because a course of general knowledge, and what we call polite literature, is more beneficial to the mind than a complete proficiency in one OP JEtat. 16.] IBTCATION— Aristotle's views. 1,5 more sciences ; a proficiency not to be acquired without a disproportionate sacrifice of time and labour. It was also one of his maxims, that the education should vary according to the destination of the pupil in future life ; that is, supposing him to be a gentleman, whether he was to devote himself to a life of action, or of contemplation; whether he was to engage in the busy scenes of the world, and plunge amidst the contentions and struggles of political warfare, or to dwell apart from active life in philosophic enjoyment and retirement. Although the philosopher gave the preference to the latter mode of living, he well knew that his pupil must be prepared for tlie former; for the throne of Macedonia could not be retained by a monarch devoted to elegant ease, literary pursuits, and refined enjoyments. The successor of Philip ought to possess the power of reasoning accurately, acting decisively, and expressing his ideas with perspicuity, ele- gance, and energy. I have mentioned these particulars because it would be difficult to form just conceptions of the character of Alexander without taking into con- sideration, not only the great advantages enjoyed by him in early youth, but the recorded fact that he availed himself of these advantages to the utmost. Amidst his various studies, Homer was the god of his idolatry; the Iliad, the object of his enthusiastic admiration. The poet, as Aris- totle emphatically names him, was his inseparable companion : from him he drew his maxims ; from him he borrowed his models. The preceptor partook of the enthusiasm of his pupil, and the IG ALEXANDER THE CHEAT. [B.C. 338. most accurate copy of the great poem was pre- pared by Aristotle, and placed by Alexander in tlie most precious casket found among the spoils of Darius. Eager as the Prince was in the pursuit ot knowledge, it must not be supposed that Philip would allow his successor to form the habits of a recluse; on the contrary, he early initiated hini in the duties of his high station. At the age of sixteen he was appointed Regent of Macedonia, wliile his father was detained at the siege of Byzantium, and on a prior occasion astonished some Persian deputies by the pertinency of his tpiestions, and the acuteness of his intellect. His studies were diversified even by the toils of war; in his eighteenth year he commanded the left wing of the army at the celebrated battle of Chferoneia, and defeated the Thebans before Philip had been equally successful against the Athenians. In the following year Philip destroyed the peace of his family by marrying Cleopatra, the niece of Attains, one of his generals, and by dis- gracing, if not divorcing, Olympias. Philip had previously wedded many wives, but they were the sisters or daughters of Thracian, Illyrian, and Thessalian chieis, and probably not enti- tled to the honours of sovereignty; this mar- riage with a Macedonian lady of high rank and jM)werful connections could hardly fail to pro- duce a formal rupture with the mother of his heir. To widen the l)reach, Philip changed his bride's name from Cleopatra to Eurydice, his JEtat. 19.] Philip's marriage — death. 17 mother's name. That this was done by way of declaring her the legitimate queen, may be in- ferred from the fact, that when a princess called Adea married Aridaeus, Alexander's successor, her name also was changed into Eurydice. The natural consequence was, that Alexander became suspicious of his father's intention about the suc- cession, and a misunderstanding took place, which ended in the flight or banishment of several of the prince's most intimate friends, and in his own retirement with his mother into her native coun- try. Subsequently a reconciliation took place, and Olympias and the prince returned into Mace- donia. Alexander, the reigning king of Epirus, and the brother of Olympias, accompanied them, and the re-union was celebrated by his marriage with Cleopatra, the daughter of Philip. During the festivities attendant on the nuptials, Philip was assassinated by Pausanias, one of the great officers of his guards. As this event led some writers to question the fair fame of Alexander, it is necessary, in order perfectly to understand the subject, briefly to survey the previous history of the Macedonian monarchy. x ' 18 ALEXANDER THE GREAT. [B.C.700. CHAPTER IL Of the Maadonian Monarchy. In- the earliest ages of Greece, Macedonia was inhabited bv various tribes of barbarians, de- scribed by Homer as bearing arms in defence ot Priam, at the siege of Troy. About the year B. C. 700, and probably at the period when the Artrives changed their form of government from a monarchy into a republic, three Heracleid princes were banished from Argos, and took refuge first on the lllyrian coast; thence they marched inland, and finally fixed their seat at .Egae or Edessa. Here Perdiccas, the youngest of the princes, becc^me the founder of the Mace- donian dynasty. The name Macedonia is evi- dently taken from the Macednian tribe which Herodotus places in the vicinity of the original Dorian settlements of the Heracleids. In this neighbourhood, as well as in Asia, were found Phrygians, or Bryges : and the gardens of Midas, and the fountain where that monarch was said to have caught the satyr, were shown in the vicinity of .Egae,"^ and at the foot of Mount Bermius. Herodotus writes, that even in his time, wild roses of surpassing beauty, size, and fragrance, marked the spot. Extending their conquests from this centre, the Argive colonists gradually dispossessed the native tribes of their territories, and became masters of B.C. 4 13,] FIRST KINGS OF MACEDONIA. 19 all the country between the Strymon and the Pe- neius. On the west their territories were bounded by the great ridge of mountains which separates the waters that flow into the iEgean from those that flow into the Adriatic. In the protracted strug- gle they appear to have lost a part of their south- ern civilization, and so far to have alienated them- selves from Greece, as to render it necessary for Alexander, their seventh king, to prove his Argive origin before he was allowed to compete with his fellow Greeks at the Olympic games. Time and mutual intercourse had, in a consider- able degree, assimilated them to the various tribes of Illyrians and Thracians, with whom they alter- nately warred and intermarried. Before the year B. C. 413, when Archelaus, the ninth king, com- menced his reign, their cities were few; those on the sea coast were mostly in the possession of the Southern Greeks, who regarded the Macedonian kings as barbarous chiefs, on whose territories they might legitimately encroach, provided they had the power. Archelaus contributed more to the civilization of Macedonia than his eight predecessors. He formed roads, built cities, disciplined the irregular cavalry, and clothed the infantry with heavy ar- mour. He was also a patron of Greek learning, and his court was the favourite residence of the poet Euripides. He was assassinated by his fa- vourite, Craterus, who, after proclaiming himself king, was, together with his fellow conspirators, slain on the fourth day, when the crown was re- stored to Orestes the infant son of Archelaus. Aeropus, being appointed regent, abused his trust, c 2 20 ALEXANDER THE GREAT. [B.C. 394. slew his ward, and usurped the sovereignty. After a short reign of two years, he died also, and was succeeded by his son Pausanias. The direct line of the royal family had ended in Orestes. The right of Pausanias was, therefore, disputed by Amyntas, who claimed the crown as the lineal descendant of Alexander the First. He dethroned Pausanias, and assumed the sceptre. His reign commenced B. C. 394, and ended B. C. 370. During the greatest part of it, Macedonia was torn to pieces by intestine factions and foreign invaders. All the advantages derived from the improvements of Archelaus were lost, and the kingdom more tlian once ceased to have an inde- pendent existence. There can be no doubt that his title was defective. Some historians write that a competitor, named Argaeus, reigned for two years, while Amyntas was in banishment. He was succeeded by his eldest son, Perdiccas, who, in less than two years, was assassinated by Ptolemy Alorites. The condition of the royal family at this time is thus described by iEschines: " Aniyntas and Alexander, the eldest brother, had perished not long l)efore. Perdiccas and Pliilip were yet children. Eurydice was betrayed by those who ])retended to be her friends, and the banished Pausanias had now recovered his strength, and was returning to take possession of the throne." This Pausanias was apparently the son of Aeropus, whom Amyntas had only expelled, and not killed, as asserted by Diodorus. Eurydice, in her distress, placed herself and children under the protection of Iphicrates, the Athenian general, who drove out Pausanias, and restored the supreme power to the . aftw-atLJBt'Mtf .rtHWfc.sl B.C. 360.] ACCESSION OF PHILIP. 21 queen and her friends. Ptolemy Alorites was ap- pointed Regent, but at the end of three years was slain by the young king Perdiccas, who thus avenged the death of his eldest brother. Perdiccas was, at the end of five years, defeated in a great battle by the Illyrians, and fell on the field. He was succeeded by the youngest brother, Philip, who reigned for twenty -four years. The Macedonian throne was, to a certain extent, elec- tive, and it was election alone that could give Philip a title to it ; for his brother Perdiccas had left a son, by name Amyntas, whose hereditary right on modern principles was clear, but in an- cient times, the brother's claim was, in case of the infancy or boyhood of the sons of the last sove- reign, often preferred. But these, when grown up, invariably proved dangerous competitors to their uncles. -Justin, who can scarcely be supposed to have invented the case, writes, that Philip for a considerable period acted only as Regent for his nephew, and that the crown was forced upon him by the urgent entreaties of his countrymen. Macedonia, at this period, contained several principalities, the cliiefs of which, independent in other respects, owed a species of feudal homage to the king. The two principal dynasties were the Orestian and Lyncestian. Their dominions were situated in the mountains to the west of Macedonia, where they rebelled, revolted, and proclaimed their own independence whenever they could do so with any prospect of safety and ad- vantage. The C^restian princes claimed their de- scent from an Orestes, a supposed son of the Argive Orestes. The princes of Lyncestis were aaamsa-t.asakitoiife ini'jtogMaa!jf*s..f^tit>tajMi.ta*iife.iitai jj > ALEXANDER THE GREAT. [B.C. 360. descended from the Bacchiadc-e, tlie i)rincely nier- cliant iamilv of Corinth. Both these famihes used to intermarry with the royal house of Macedonia, and these intermarriages were hkely to give their chiefs a chance of succeeding to tlie throne. Aeropus, whose son Pausanias was dethroned by Amyntas, the father of Pliihp, was probably a Lvncestian ; as, according to Phitarch, all Mace- donia, at Piiilip's death, regarded Alexander, the son of Aeropus, tl»e Lvncestian, as the righttul heir to the throne. But Philip, confidmg ni his great success and popularity, made light of the superior claims of the Lyncestian house, and ot his nephew, Amyntas, the son of Perdiccas. 1 he Lyncestian princes held high offices about his per- son, and lie made his nephew liis son-in-lavv by civing him his daughter Cyna in marriage. 1 hese princes had probably viewed the dissensions be- tween the father and son with pleasure, and the reconciliation must have been regarded with very difterent feelings. . r *i It is curious that we have no account ot tlie conspiracy against Philip's life from any author of credit.* The authorities followed by Plutarcli, Diodorus, and Justin, were evidently some low writers of Southern Greece, totally ignorant of the very constitution of the Macedonian court. Ac- cording to them the death of Philip was an act oi private vengeance, perpetrated by the youthful Pausanias, whom a denial of justice, under the most atrocious injuries, had driven to the act of assassination. But luckily for the truth of history, and for the character of Alexander, Arrian in his iirst book, and twenty-fiith chapter, has left on B. C. 336.] THE ASSASSINATION OF PHILIP. record that Heromenes and Arrhabaeus, two Lyn- cestian princes, and the brothers of Alexander, the son of Aeropus, had been active accomplices in the murder of Philip. The leading assassin was Pausanias, an Orestian prince, who filled the important office of somatophulax, or commander of the body guard, the highest honour, (as wx shall hereafter see,) in the Macedonian court. No young man in Philip's veteran army could have by any possibility been raised to an office of so great responsibility and honour. Philip was slain late in the autumn of the year B. C. 3.'3G. He had succeeded in all his projects, and intended with the spring to lead the combined forces of Greece into Asia. He was celebrating the nuptials of his daughter Cleopatra with Alex- ander, King of Epirus, with great pomp and mag- nificence. The religious sacrifices, the processions, tiie theatrical representations, and the attendant festivities, were on the most splendid scale, and testified to the world the joy of Philip in being reconciled to his son and the royal flimily of Epirus. On one of these public days, Pausanias, whose office furnished him with ample opportunities, stabbed his sovereign to the heart as he was en- tering the theatre. He was immediately cut to pieces by the guards, who were too much attached to Philip to hesitate under such circumstances. This event appears to have paralyzed the conspi- rators, who apparently were ill prepared for such a result. In the confusion, Alexander, the son of Aeropus, was the first to buckle on his armour, to seek the prince, and escort him to the palace. The 24 ALEXANDER THE GREAT. [B. C 336. troops and the leading Macedonians were sum- moned to a tunndtiiary assembly, and Alexander was declared king by general acclamation. He returned thanks in an energetic speech; and ex- pressed his hopes that his conduct would soon cause them to say, that nothing but the name of their king had been changed. Even Justin allows that his first care was to put his father's assassins to death. Pausanias had already expiated his guilt with his life. The three leading men that surtered on the occasion, were Heromenes, Arrhabanis, and Amyntas the son of Perdiccas. Alexander, the son of Aeropus, was also accused of having participated in tlie plot, nor was there much doubt of his guilt. His conduct after the assassination ensured his safety, although it did not prove his innocence. Amyntas, the son of Antiochus, another prince of the blood royal, eitlier from fear, conscious guilt, or treasonable intentions, escaped into Asia ; where he was re- ceived with open arms by the Persian court, and at a later period entrusted with the conunand of the Greek mercenaries in the service of Darius. xlt is more than probable that the conspirators were in correspondence with the Persian court, and that ample promises of protection and support were given to men undertaking to deliver the empire from the impending invasion of the Captain Ciene- ral of Greece. Alexander, in his answer to the first proposals of Darius, openly charges the Per- sians vviili havinjy been the institrators of his father's murder ; and the transactions connected with Amyn- tas, the son of Antiochus, and Alexander the Lyn- cestian, hereafter to be noticed, show that the Per- iEtat. 20.] DEMOSTHENES. 25 sian court of that day was as little scrupulous about the means of destroying a formidable enemy as it had been in the days of Clearchus. Demosthenes was then the principal agent of Persia in Greece, and Charidemus, one of his great friends and sup- porters, was at ^Egae when Philip's death occurred. The event was public, and could not be concealed. The deputies of all Greece were assembled there; and no private messenger from Charidemus to De- mosthenes could have outstripped the speed with which the news of such an event passes from mouth to mouth in a populous country ; not to mention that Charidemus would not have been the only deputy likely to dispatch a messenger on such an occasion. Yet Demosthenes announced the death of Philip to the Athenian assembly long before the news reached Athens from any other quarter. He confirmed the truth of his assertion with an oath, and ascribed his knowledge of the event to an im- mediate revelation from Jupiter and Minerva. The accuracy of his information, and the falsehood respecting the alleged sources of his intelligence, almost indisputably prove that he was an acces- sary before the fact, and that he had previous notification of the very day on which the conspi- rators were to act.) ■^■■jh^iaDMill iBiw3hfcMMIHhi^AaM6i£a „, ( > ALEXANDER THE GREAT. [B. C. 336. CHAPTER HI. Ttiinsactiom in Fjiropc previous to the Invasion of Asia. Alexander had scarcely completed his twentieth year when he was thus suddenly called to fill his father's place. I lis difficulties were great, and enemies were risinjr on every side. The federal empire establislied by Philip was threatened with instant dissolution. The Barbarians on the west, north and east of Macedonia were preparing to renounce their subjection, and resume their hos- tile and [>redatory habits, la southern Greece Sparta, standing aloof from the general confede- racy, claimed tlie supremacy as due to her, and presented a rallying point for the disaffected. Athens, smarting under her humiliation, and eager for novelty, was ready to renounce her forced ac- quiescence in the terms of the union, and renew her engagements with Persia. But Alexander was equal to the crisis. After punishing the mur- derers of his father, and arranging the internal affairs of Macedonia, he marched to the south at the head of a chosen body of troops. The ThessaHans had been for many years the firm friends and supporters of the Macedonian kings. They had restored Amyntas to his throne ; and Philip, in conjunction with the noble family of the Aleuada% had rescued them from the domi- .T.tat. 20.] MARCH INTO ORE EC E. 27 nation of tyrants. The Thcssalians, in return, elected him as the national chief, and under his patronage enjoyed peace and tranquillity, to which they had long been strangers. But as in all Gre- cian states there existed violent factions, perhaps we ought to give credit to those historians who write that an attempt was made to occupy the pass ofTempCs. and prevent Alexander from entering Thessaly. If such were the case, it proved un- availing, and the king reached Larissa without any serious resistance. The General Assembly of Thessaly was called together, and by an unannnous vote decreed the same authority and honours to the son as had been enjoyed by the father. His Thessalian friends escorted him to Thermopyla?, where the Ami)hictionic Council had been sum- moned to meet him. The assembled deputies re- cognized him as one of their number, and as the successor of his father in the important office, to which the execution of the decrees of the council belonged. Hence he hastened to Corinth, where a Pan- Hellenic Council met, in which he was appointed Captain-General of the Greek confederacy, and empowered to make war on the Persians, their common enemies. The Lacedaemonians again dis- sented, and proudly alleged that it had been al- ways their practice to lead, and not to follow ; while the Athenians, whose conduct could not bear strict investigation, were more lavish of their honours to Alexander, than they had been to Philip. It is impossible to account for his great success in these delicate negotiations without confessing that all his proceedings must have been guided by "-I. -'^i^Z rfMoZ .jftJAjaftn-J UW'WtfKiHa 2S ALIXANDER THE GREAT. [B.C. 336. the most consummate wisdom. But Alexander had made no change among his latlier's ministers; the spirit of Philip still presided in the council- room, and the interpreters of his opinions predo- minated tliere. Antipater and Parnienio are re- peatedly mentioned hy the Athenian orators as the two great ministers of Philip. To the former lie trusted in civil, to the latter in military affairs. Two anecdotes, recorded by Plutarch, are well adapted to throw liglit upon the supj)osed charac- ters of the two men. Their trutli, in such a case, is of little importance. Philip at times loved to drink deeply. On one occasion, when lie observed his party rather reluc- tant to steep tlieir senses in forgetfulness, '' Drink," said he, '* drink; all is safe, for Antipater is aw.-jke." In allusion to tlie numerous generals whom the jea- lousy of the Athenian democracy united in the com- mand of their armies, and wliomits imi)atience often replaced by an equal number, Philip said, " For- tunate Athenians, in possessing so many generals, while I have never seen one but Parnienio." The greater credit is due to Alexander in this respect, as these two eminent men had naturally adhered to Philip in the misunderstanding between him and liis son; and the youthful monarch had personal friends, of distinguished merit, who at his father's death were exiles in his cause ; namely, Harpalus, I^tolemy the son of Lagus, Nearchus, Erygius, and his brother Laomedon. These were of course recalled from exile, but their promotion to high offices was slow, though certain. '1 heir names will often recur during the following life. Diogenes, commonly called by the Greeks 6 «.i;u>i', ta^j^gjMi^fi^l^Stem^ ^uu^^lii^gigjttEtt^^«iiSlg iEtat.20.] PARMENIO — AKTIPATER DIOGENES. 29 or the dog, and from whom the Cynic philosophers were named, resided then at Corinth. His con- tempt for aU the decencies and proprieties of civilized life, joined to rudeness of manner and readiness in sliarp and pithy replies, had procured him great notoriety. His usual residence was a tub, placed under the walls of the Corinthian gym- nasium. From this he declaimed to all willing listeners against the habits of civilized life, and upon the great superiority of savage existence. Alexander was tempted to visit him; and after questioning him respecting his doctrines, requested to know if he could be of any service. " Be so good" (said the basking philosopher, true to his principles) " as to stand from between me and the sun." The king was so much struck with the in- dependent s})irit manifested in this reply, that he said to his officers, " Were I not Alexander, I should wisli to be Diogenes." The king was young, the philosopher far advanced in years, yet their death occurred about the same period. Diogenes was one morning found dead in his tub, with his face enveloped in his cloak. His friends and dis- ciples, for he had many, could not decide whether his death had been caused by a voluntary suppres- sion of breath, or by indigestion. More probably from the latter cause, as his last meal had been the raw leg of an ox : at least so says his biographer and namesake, Diogenes Laertius. After having thus successfully arranged the af- fairs of Southern Greece, and succeeded in all his projects, Alexander returned to spend the winter in Macedonia, and to prepare for an early expe- dition against his more turbulent northern and 30 ALEXANDER THE GREAT. |[B«C. 335. western neighbutu >. With the spring he marched against the Thracians of Mount Haenius and its vicinity. The army set out from Pella, reached Amphi- polis, crossed first the StrymoM, then the Nestus, and in ten inarches from the hanks of the latter river arrived at tlie soutliern foot of Mount Hjemus, tlie modern Balkan. He found the defiles in ])OS- sessionofthe mountaineers and other independent Thracian tribes. They had occupied the summit of a height that completely commanded the pass, and rendered advance impossible. Alexander care- fully examined the moimtain range, but failed to discover any other practicable defile. He deter- mined therefore to storm the enemy's position, and thus force his way. The mountain's l)row was crowned with aline of waggons, intended not only to serve as a rampart, but to be rolled down pre- cipitously upon the asceiuling phalanx. In order to meet this danger, Alexander ordered the soldiers to open their ranks where the gromid would allow it, and permit the waggons to pass through the in- tervals; where that was impossible, to throw them- selves on the ground, lock their shields together in that position, and allow the waggons to roll over them. The shields of the Macedonian phalanx could be interlinked in cases of necessity. This enabled them to disperse the pressure of the wheels among many bucklers ; and when the first shock had been withstood, the waggons glided lightly over the brazen pavement and quitted it witli ii bound. A few w^ere injured by the crush, but not a man was killed. Encouraged by the success of their ji:tat.21.] DANUBE — n^MUS* 31 new manoeuvre, they rose, charged up the hill, gained the summit, and the victory was won ; for tlie half-armed barbarians could not withstand the charge of the serried line of pikes, and fled in every direction. The pass by which Alexander crossed Mount Ha^mus continues to be the main road between the plains of Uadrianople and the vale of the Danube. It follows the course of the Adra, one of the tri- butaries of the Hebrus or Marizza: it then crosses the main ridge and descends along the latrus, still called the lantra, into the vast plain between the northern foot of Hfemus and the Danube. This plain, at the period of Alexander's invasion, was possessed by the Triballi, a warlike Thracian tribe, against which Philip had often warred with vary- ing success. They had not long been masters of the country, because in the time of Herodotus it formed the principal seat of the Getae, whom the Triballi drove beyond the Danube. The modern maps of this country, except on the line of the great roads, are not to be trusted. Even Mace- donia is, to a great extent unexplored by modern travellers, and the site of its ancient cities is only matter of conjecture. Syrmus, the Triballian chief, did not wait to be attacked, but retired with his court and family into a large island in the Danube. The Greeks named it Pence, probably from the number of its pine-trees. Strabo places it twelve miles from the sea, and adds that Darius bridged the Danube either at its lower or upper end. But his Byzantine epitomist, who was perfectly ac- quainted with the coast, describes it as a triangle, incljstd between the two main branches of the 32 ALEXANDER THE GREAT. [B.C.335. Danube and the sea. The latter description is still applicable, and the name Piczina is easily identitied with Peuci^ or Peiicine. Nor ou<»ht it to be regarded as wonderful that a river of the size and rapidity of tlie Danube has effected so slijjrht a cliange during twenty centu- ries. For altliough it cannot be denied, mathe- matically speaking, that the annual tribute of soil carried by rivers to the sea must, in the countless lapse of ages, wear down the mountains and till the seas, yet, as far as I have been able to form a judgment, the actual changes witliin the last two thousand years have been very triHing. Polybius, in his second book, writes that the Palus Aljeotis was in his days all but filled, yet his description is as applical)U* to it now as in former ages. Azov, the ancient Tanais, is still the great emporium where the merchants of Euroiieand Asiatic Tartary meet and exchange productions. Even that sluggish lake, between the isthmus of Perekop and the Maeotis, still retains its ancient name, the Putrid Sea, and remains apparently in the same state as when described by Strabo. Pliny writes that the Tauric Chersonese was once an island; and no doubt it was easy to infer that such might have been the case: the isthmus, however, has not been sensibly enlarged since the period of Greek colonization. What is still more extraordinary, that long arul narrow neck of land, that juts to the south between the Liman of the Borysthenes and the sea, is accurately described by various ancient authors, as existing in their days, a thousand stadia in length, and four in average breadth. Even the Nile, with all the operative jwwer ,LUit. 2L] DEFEAT OF THE TRIBALLI. 33 < ascribed to it by Herodotus, has not advanced perceptibly since he wTOte. The ruins of Canopus are even covered by tlie sea. Nor does the land in general bulge more to the north than it did in the time of Ptolemy. For that great geographer places Alexandreia in latitude 31°, and the Phat- nitic mouth or the embouchure of the Damietta branch in latitude 31° 10'. The Bolbitine or Ro- setta branch, whicli in Ptolemv's time was in lati- tude 31° 5', has apparently advanced, but in its present vmsupported state is liable to be cut short by any coincidence of a furious sea and a powerful land flood. If, therefore, the operations of the Nile, when even concentrated in two main chan- nels, instead of being dispersed as in former days over the whole Delta, have proved so very triHing, there is no reason to suppose that the encroach- ments of the Danube upon the Euxine have been greater. Within three days' march of the Danube, Alex- ander crossed a stream called by Arrian, Lyginus. The name is not found in other authors, and was probal)ly given upon the spot to one of the slow streams tluit meander through the plain. In English its name is etjuivalent to the willow-river. Alexander was marching upon Peuce when he received information that the great body of the Triballi liad taken a circuit, passed to his rear, and posted themselves on the banks of the Lygi- nus. This movement must have intercepted all communication between him and Macedonia. He immediately turned round, marched his army back, and found the Triballi drawn up in the wood that lined the banks of the stream. A sharp engage- D. 34 AlEX ANDBE lEE GREAT. [B. €• 335. ment took place, in which the Tniballi were not inferior as long as it continued a contest of mis- siles, but when the cavalry supported by the pha- lanx had reached their main body, the charge was irresistible, and they were driven first into the ravine and then into the river. Three thousand Triballi were slain ; the prisoners were few, as the enemy could not be safely pursued through the thickets that covered the banks of the Lyginus. Alexander then resumed his march in the direc- tion of the island, and in three days arrived at the point where the Danube divided round it. Here he found his fleet that had sailed from By- zantium for the purpose of co-operating with the land army. He embarked a few troops on board the ships, which were not numerous, and attempted to make a descent upon the upper angle of the island. The ships descended the main stream, but fhe troops failed to make their landing good at the point, and if they swerved either to the right or to tlie left, the current, always strong below the point of division, hurried them down. To these diffi- culties was added the resistance of tlie enemy, who crowded to the banks and fought bravely m de- fence of their last refuge. The attempt, therefore, failed, and the ships were withdrawn. The invader of such a country cannot retreat with impunity. The first news of a serious re- pulse followed by a movement to the rear, converts every barbarian into an eager, resolute, and per- severing assailant. The Get«, the ancient ene- mies of Philip, were collecting in crowds on the opposite bank. Alexander finding the island im- pregnable, determined to cross the main stream GET.E. 35 I XtAt.21.] and attack the Getae. He ordered rafts on in- flated skins to be constructed, and collected the numerous canoes used by the natives both for fishing and piratical purposes. In these and on board his own fleet he threw across in the course of one night, a thousand cavalry and four thousand infantry. The troops landed in a plain waving deeply with standing corn. The phalanx marched first, and grasping their long pikes in the middle, levelled the opposing grain and formed a wide road for the cavalry. On reaching the open ground they dis- covereil the Getic forces. But these, alarmed by the unexpected boldness of the movement, and astonished at Alexander's success in crossing the Danube in one night and without constructing a bridge, waited not to be attacked, but fled to their city. There they hastily placed their wives, fami- lies, and more portable valuables upon their nu- merous horses and retired into the desert. Their town was captured, and the booty considerable ; for the demands of the Greek market had thus early converted these Scythians into an agricul- tural and commercial people. While the soldiers were employed in conveying the plunder to the right bank, Alexander oftered sacrifices on the lelt to Jupiter the Preserver, to Hercules, the sup- posed ancestor of the Scythian nations, and to the river god who had permitted him to cross his mighty stream in safety. The same day witnessed the commencement and the termination of the ex- pedition, for, before night had closed upon them, all the troops had regained their former camp. The Getae at this period were in a depressed D 2 ■^^aJMMaii'^feiiAaitftoBiBM se A£EXANDi:U TIIL GREAT. [II. C. 335. .Ktat. 21.] CELT.T. r.EONIANS. 37 State, otlierwise Aloxaiider iviight have had cause to repent tliis act of a^j^ression. As it was, the result was fortunate, for all the neiirhl)ouring tribes sent deputies requesting peace and alliance. Even Syriuus, dazzled by the brilliancy of the exploit, renewed the treaty which had existed between him and Macedonia. The barbarians on both sides of the Danube had been engaged in long and bloody wars with Phili]). Strabo even hints that, in his' war with Ateas, King of tlie Get;e. Philip had penetrated to the vicinity of the Borysthenes. All, therefore, IukI been taught by experience to acknowledge tlu' suijeriority of tlie Macedonian arms and discipline, and were now unwilling to renew* the contest with their former conted, aiul as provisions could not he pro- cured, a retreat hecaine necessary. The Ulvrians had already occupied the hills in the rear, and re- garded their success as certain. It was not witliout great ditlicidty that Alexander extricated his troops from their dangerous situation. He formed his phalanx into a deep column where the pass re- quired it, and gradually extended it into line where the valley hecaine wider. He j)rotected the flanks hy his light troops, and ordered the pludanx when tlueatened with a serious attack from either side, to hring their spears laterally to the charge, instead of projecting tliem to the front. By retiring cau- tiously in tliis manner, he gained the hrow of a hill, whence, if lie could in safety cross the river that Howed at its foot, liis army would he compa- ratively secure. The descent was considerahle, and the enemy on l)Oth flanks and in the rear were ready to fall on the troops while descending, and in the act of fording the river. To ohviate the danger, Alex- ander first crossed himself with the engines, and disposed tliem in the most commanding positions (m the opposite hank. Tlie phalanx was tlien ordered to descend from the hill, and ford the river with the greatest rapidity consistent with the pre- servation of order. The enemy pursued, hut the discharge of missiles from the engines checked jCtat. 21.] CAMPAIGN IN ILLYRIA. 41 their advance, and enahled the Macedonians to pass over in safety. Here Alexander halted for two nights, and re- freshed his troops after their fatigues. The Illy- rians, with the usual confidence of barbarians, did not pursue their advantage, but gave themselves up to exultation and festivities. Their whole ar- my encamped loosely on the heiglits, no regular watches were established, no ramparts thrown up, nor fears entertained that the fugitives might be- come assailants. Alexander observed their negli- gence, and, as the dangers of his position would not allow him to be magnanimous, determined to steal a victory. In the silence of the third night, he formed his troops into columns, re-passed the river, surprised the lllyrians in their tents, routed them in all directions, slew the greater part, and pursued the remainder to the l)orders of the Taulantii. Those who escaped threw away their arms, and thus in- capacitated themselves for future operations. The blow was so severe that the lllyrians gave no fur- ther molestation to Macedonia during Alexander's reign. Cleitus took refuge first in Pellium, but set it on tire in despair, and retired into the terri- tories of his ally. This victory was very seasonable, as important tidings from the south rendered Alexander's pre- sence in that quarter indispensal)le. Philip, after the battle of Cha^roneia, luid banished the leaders of the democracy, and placed a garrison in the Cadmeia, the citadel of Thebes. The exiles avail- ing themselves of Alexander's absence, returned Buddenly, entered Thebes by night, surprised I ,!''> T^^ ALEXANDER THE GREAT. [B. C. 335. Aniyntas aiul I'iinolaiis the Macedonian governors, and' put them to death. These officers, suspecting no danger, had quitted the Cadnieia and resided in the city. With the dawn the exiles, supported by their accompHces, summoned the Tliebans to an assembly. Under the specious names of liberty, independence, and deliverance from the Macedo- nian yoke, they exhorted them to revolt. They scrupled not to assert that the king had fallen in the Illyrian campaign ; and their assertions re- ceived the more credit, because the partial success of the enemy had intercepted all comnumications between Alexander and Greece. In an evil hour the assembly listened to the agitators, and Thebes revolted. The Macedonian garrison was still in the Cadmeia. It was, there- fore, encircled with a double line of circumvalla- tion, for tlie sake both of repressing its sallies and starving it into submission. The work had scarcely been completed, when Antipater at the head of the troops of the confederacy arrived in the neigh- bourhood. In the mean time the revolt of Thebes threw all Greece into a state of excitement. Demosthenes, according to his own confession, had been mainly instrumental in encouraging the exiles to make the attempt. He now exerted all his elocpience to induce the Athenians to follow their example. Even when the assembly had prudently decreed to wait for further information respecting the re- ported death of Alexander, the orator ceased not to intrigue with the neighbouring states and to aid the Thebans from his own private resources. The Lacedaemonians not included in the confede- .i:tat. 21.] REVOLT OF THEBES. 43 racy, were known to be anxious for the forma- tion of a powerful anti-^Iacedonian league. The court of Persia had already placed large sums of money at the disposal of its Grecian agents, and active exertions would ensure an ample supply of the sinews of war from the treasures of the Great King. Still, if we can believe J^.schines, the Per- sian agents behaved most culpably on the occa- sion, as the garrison of the Cadmeia, composed of mercenaries, offered to deliver tlie citadel to the Thebans for the paltry sum of five talents, which, nevertheless, Demosthenes refused to ad- vance. Alexander saw that the long-continued labours of his father and his own fair prospects of a glo- rious career were likely to prove vain, and that another desperate struggle against Persian gold and Grecian valour awaited the Macedonian arms. His deep conviction of the importance of the crisis may be inferred from the rapidity of his move- ments. In seven days he passed from the scene of warfare along a rugged and mountainous road to Pellene or PelliniEum on the banks of the Peneius. In six more days he reached the gates of Thermo- pylae, and soon after encamped at Onchestus, a small town crowning the summit of a hill between Thebes and the lake Copais. The deluded The- bans could not believe that the king himself had tlms suddenly arrived from the mountains of Illy- ricum. It was only a body of troops sent from Macedonia to reinforce Antipater! Even when the truth could no longer be concealed, and Alex- ander was known to be their commander, the ringleaders boldly affirmed, that it could not be 44 ALEXANDER THE GREAT, [B.C. 336. Alcxaiuler the Kiivj, but the son of Aeropus the Lyncestian. Their doubts were not destined to continue loni:ii Tiir. caiiEAT. [B.C. 335. We uivohintarily invest a nation with a species of existence inclependtnt of the ever-sliittinjr iiulivi- dualH tliat compose it. I'lus abstraction is hi or- dinary tlioujjlit and lanjjjuage imagined to exist for centuries, deserving gratitude in age for the good deeds of youth, and in decrepitude obnoxious to punishment for tlie crimes of its earlier existence. Thus tlie accumulated guilt of centuries becomes concentrated in one unhappy generation; and the penalties due to the numerous otfences of their fore- fathers, are exacted with interest from the indivi- duals tlien happening to exist. This is an instinc- tive feeling, never to be eradicated by phdosophi- cal reasoning, and implanted for wise purposes in tlie human breast. For a comnuuuty, abstraction as it is, possesses public feelings, a sense of right, and a respect for justice and mercy, that can never be violated without the most destructive reaction upon itself: and a nation that has lost its character, loses self-respect, and becomes as reckless vn its future conduct as the maletactor whom public jus- tice has degraded from his place in society. Arrian truly states, that he could not see how the conflagration of the Persepolitan palace by Alex- ander was any retaliation upon Xerxes and his army; yet there was a moral lesson conveyed in it which ought deeply to impress the powerful—that any tyrannical deed on their part may be severely visited on themselves, or their descendants. And although the disciples of Epicurus may say with the heartless Frenchman, " after me, the deluge, —yet the great majority of mankind will always feel a strong interest in the stability of their works, and the welfare of their posterity. Mm.2i.] TERROR AT ATHENS. 49 The idea of national retribution may be carried so far as to become ridiculous, as when the French republicans pretended to exact vengeance from the helpless successor of St. Peter, for the injuries inflicted on Vercingetorix by Julius Caesar. The case of Thebes was far different : — their mis- deeds had been of late occurrence, the memory of tliem was still fresh, and the Thebans of that day were profiting by the iniquity of their fathers. Tliey had willingly and actively aided Xerxes and Mardonius in the attempt to enslave Greece. They had compelled the Lacedaemonians to pass the mer- ciless decree, according to which the captured Pla- ta?ans were l)utchered in cold blood, their city rased to the ground, and their territory rendered desolate. Their vote had consigned Athens to a similar fate, when the Lacedfemonian conquerors refused " to put out one of the eyes of Greece." In the period of their supremacy they had attacked their neigh- bours, the Orchomenians, once equal to themselves in wealth and renown; stormed their town, put all the men to the sword, and sold the women and children into captivity. They could not, therefore, comjdain if their own city at last received the same measure which they had meted to others. Alex- ander is said to have regretted in after life his se- verity against Thebes : but of this we have no proof beyond the assertion of Plutarcli. It was no part of his character to conceal his feelings, and had they been those of deep regret on this occasion, he would naturally have relieved their bitterness by ordering the restoration of the ruined city. The suddenness of the blow, and the severity ;w|sj»^|5iK*sKgfSt'i^^ !' S'tlfpwsss^swp-sf -iSj ;5^3*«;*t4 50 ALEXANDER THE GREAT. [B. C. 33&. with which it was followed up, struck terror into the boltlest leaders of the Anti-Macedonian party. The Arcadians were already on the road to Thebes when its fate was announced. It is ditKcult to ac- count for the real cause of their conduct; some rni- pute it to the gift of ten talents which Antipater, previous to Alexander's arrival, had sent to them; others impute it to the terror caused by the fall of Thebes. The result is not disputed; the troops, as in many other similar cases, V)rought their leaders to trial, and put them to death. The Atlienians, being more deeply implicated m the intrigue, felt proportional alarm. The presence of the Theban fugitives announced the ruin of l'hel)es to the citizens, then engaged in celebratmg the Eleusinian mysteries. The holy rites were intermitted; Eleusis, its temple, and goddesses were forsaken, and all the inhabitiints, with llien- more valuable effects, took refuge within the walls of Athens. Nor was the alarm causeless, for the Thessalians of the confederacy had already decreed to march into Attica, and Alexander himself was known to be exasperated against the Athenian leaciers* - Demosthenes, a great statesman and matchless orator, was not a good man ; his failings, perhaps his vices, were notorious : but his devotion to the cause of Athenian supremacy was boundless. His zeal, his activity, and, at times, his success in that cause, had distinguished him as the champion of the Greeks ajijainst the encroaclnuents of Philip. When the battle of Cha-roneia had raised the Macedonians to the supremacy, successively pos- sessed bv Lacedaemonians, Athenians, and Thebans, iEtat. 21.] DEMOSTHENES CHARIDEMUS. 51 Philip had laid aside all animosity, and permitted Athens to enjoy an unqualified independence. But in the mind of Demosthenes the defeat of his measures deeply rankled, and he welcomed the tidings of Pliilip's murder with unmanly exulta- tion. He advised the Athenians to offer the same sacrifices on the occasion as were customary when intelligence o{ a victory arrived. He went further, lie proposed to deify the assassin, and erect a tem- ple to his memory. He had loaded the youthful king witli tlie most opprobrious epithets, and pro- nounced him a new Margeitis. The name was well known in Greece : for Margeitis was the hero of a mock lieroic poem, attributed to Homer : the interest of which depended on the ludicrous situa- tions in which the vanity, folly, and cowardice of the hero were perpetually involving him. Demos- thenes and his party had, therefore, much to fear, and little to hope from Alexander. Short time, however, was left for deliberation : the assem- bly met and decreed that ten citizens should wait on the young king, to congratulate him on his safe return from Thrace and Illyricum, and on the suppression of the Theban revolt. Demosthenes was appointi'd one of this deputation, but his heart failed liim, and he returned from the centre of Mount Citha?ron. This fact, mentioned by lEs- chines, proves the truth of Phitarch's assertion, that the first deputation consisted of the Anti- Macedonian party, and that Alexander refused to admit them to an audience. ^ The assembly, therefore, met a second time, and Demades, Pliocion, ./Eschines, with several others, known friends to the Macedonian interests, were Jti*r% *h f f^t mriii'iijiiiliiMfiiiiiiia iiftt,i*aMw.«4i. i. , -r- ', --t<-i- '- S'jiAa'iiwaKit',- i.*«.*iMi * JlSy-A^-ttf . /4ffi»iiBrf.ittf ■WMJfBH^f'jiinmiiwiii'MatVL't.^MaA.-is- . . - •* ••MMuA-J^HtMaSf.x ('•(^ ALEXANDER THE GREAT. [B.C. 334« CHAPTER V. ♦ mm campaign tit Am. 1 N tlie sprinsT of tlie year B. C. S34, Alexander placed himself at tlie head of his assenil)led forces, and marched to Amphipolis. Passintr l)y the cities Al)dera and Maroneia, he crossed, first, the Hehrus, and then the Melas. On arriving at Sestus he found his fleet, consisting of one hun- dred and sixty triremes, already assembled. Par- menio was ordered to superintend the passage of the troops, while Alexancler indulged his youthful feelings of enthusiasm and poetry in pilgrimages to the shrines consecrated by tlie genius of Homer. At the southern point of the Thracian Chersonese was raised the tomb of Protesilaus. There Alex- ander sacrificed to the manes of the hero who had first set foot on the hostile shore of Asia, and be- sought his influence to save him, whose intentions were the same, from a similar fate. He then em- barked, and steered for the Aclu-ean liarbour. On faining the middle of tlie Hellespont, a bull, the lomeric sacrifice to Neptune, was offered to the Deities of the sea, and due libations made from golden cups. Witli his own hand he steered the vessel, and when it neared the shore, was the first to spring on Asiatic ground. He was in complete armour, and brandished his spear, but there was .f:tat.22.J PASSAGE OF -THE HELLESPONT. CI no Hector to encounter the new Protesilaus, nor a Laodameia to lament him had he fallen. Tlie inhabitants of the Troas were peaceful ^olians, more inclined to remain neutral spectators of the contest, than to side actively with either party. If Achilles had his Patroclus, Alexander had his Hephc-estion, a young nobleman of Pella ; an early partiality for whom had ripened into a steady friendship, equally honourable to both parties. The tumuli of the two Homeric friends were still conspicuous ; while, therefore, Alexander duly honoured the monumental pillar of Achilles, H-e- pha^stion off^ered garlands and sacrifices at that of Patroclus. Th€»nce he ascended to the sacred and storm- exposed city of Priam, worshipped in the temple of the Ilian Minerva, and hung his own arms as a votive offering on the walls. In exchange he took down a suit of armour said to have been worn by one of the Homeric heroes. The shield, of great size and strength, might have graced the left arm of the Telamonian xijax, and in all his after fields was borne before Alexander by one of his armour-bearers. The venerable Priam was not forgotten, and the descendant of Pyrrhus sought by sacrifices to avert the anger of the royal shade. Would that he had also honoured the tomb of the amiable and pa- triotic Hector! But the representative of Achilles had no sympathy to spare for the slayer of Patro- clus. He turned with scorn from the lyre of Paris, accustomed to guide the voices of feeble women, but eagerly demanded a sight of the harp with 62 ALEXANDER THE GREAT. £B. C. WW. which Acliilles had soothed his soul and sung the glorious deeds of heroes. " It is also said,". (I quote a very intercstnig pas- sacre from Arrian,) " that lie pronounced Achilles happv in liavincr Homer to herald forth his praise. And* in truth Achilles might, in this light, be iustlv pronounced happy by Alexander, as he himself did not experience his general good lor- tune in this respect, nor have his deeds been worthily blazoned among men, either in prose or heroic verse. Neither has he been sung in lyric strains, like Gelo, Theron, Iliero, and others, not to be compared to Alexander. Thus his exploits are for less known than the most trifling ancient deeds. Even the ascent of tlie ten thousand that aided Cyrus against King Artaxerxes, and the sufferings of Clearchus and of the generals caj)- turcd with him, and the retreat under Xenophons command, are, through Xenophon's own writings, far more renowned among men, than Alexander and his achievements: although he was not the auxiliary of a foreign potentate, nor in his flight from the great king overcame tliose who at- tempted to prevent his retreat to the sea-coast, but stands unrivalled among Greeks and barba- rians, both for the multitude and magnitude ot his splendid actions. This was the reason that in- duced me to undertake this history, as I do not regard myself unworthy to si)read among men tlie renown of Alexander's deeds." Arrian succeeded partlv, but not to tlie extent of his anticipations, nor will the life of Alexander be ever worthily written, before the eastern be as well known as the western world. ^tat. 22.] PERSIAN LEADERS. 63 According to the accurate Strabo, the king was deceived in believing the Ilium of his day to have been the city of Priam. Yet a mistake scarcely seems possible: for the yEolian colony was not later than sixty years after the capture of Troy, and no event from that ])eriod occurred to destroy the pure vehicle of tradition. Herodotus, a better authority than Strabo on this head, writes that Xerxes ascended to the Pergamus of Priam, of- fered sacrifices to the Ilian Minerva, and duly honoured the memory of the heroes. It is, there- fore to be hoped, that tlie enthusiasm of Alexan- der was not expended upon a spurious object. If, however, the Pergamus was further inland, tlie Simois, the Scamander, the broad Hellespont, and the summits of Ida, were points which could not be mistaken, and it remained for modern tra- vellers, labouring under the most inconceivable ignorance, to confound the streams, and metamor- phose the Scamander into some obscure puddle, iar removed from the scenes of the Iliad. The Troad is almost a peninsula, placed be- tween the Gulf of Adramyttium, on the south, and the Gulf of Cyzicus, on the north. In the intermediate space rises Mount Ida, stretching westward to Cape Lectus or Baba, and eastward as far as the vale of the Rhyndacus. The com- mon road, leading from the I'road to the south- eastern provinces, crossed the western extremity of Mount Ida, and passed through Antandrus and Adramyttium. But Alexander was not allowed to choose his road. The Persian satraps had evidently been taken by surprise by the rapid movements of the in- 64 ALEXANDER THE GREAT. [6. C. 334. vader. They had thus, without makin ALEXANDEE THt GREAT. [B. C. 334. to check the eagerness of his youthful sovereign by tlie following observations: '• It appears advisable to encamp for the present on the river's side as we are. For the enemy, tUi inferior in infantry, will not in my opinion dare to spend the night in our vicinity; so that we may cross with ease in the morning, before their troops can be formed and brought to oppose us. But the attempt at present appears dan- gerous, because we cannot lead our army in line through the river, as many parts of it are evi- dently deep, and tlie banks are, as you see, very liigh, and in some places precipitous. When, therefore, our men reach the opposite bank in disorder and in separate cohuims, they will be exposed to the attacks of the enemy's cavalry drawn up in line. Should this our first attempt prove a failure, the immediate consetpieuces must prove disastrous, and the fmal issue of the contest be seriously attected." Alexander replied — "I am aware of all this, Parmenio, but feel ashamed, after crossing the Hellesimnt without dilliculty, to allow this petty stream to prevent us from fording it as we are. I regard such conduct as inconsistent with the glory of tlie Macedonians, ;uul my own eagerness to encounter dangers. I feel also that the Persians, if they doiiot in- stantly suffer evils correspondent to their fears, will recover their courage, as being able to face the Macedonians on the field of l)attle." Had tlie passage of the Granicus been the sole object, the veteran general's proposition was the safest. For we know, from the writings of Xeno- - llnllna^l^l^l' ■rirfiiiii,i'^--"**>'*— ■•*- -~'-*it.s-«j .j«>--rf*.iri iEtat. 22.] BATTLE OF THE GRANICUS. 67 phon, that a Persian army, consisting principally of cavalry, could not safely encamp near an enemy superior in infantry. But Alexander felt the necessity of making a strong impression, and refused to steal an advantage, as much from a chivalrous impulse, as from a well-grounded be- lief that one field fairly and openly won is, in its ultimate effects, worth ten advantages attained by stealth, stratagem, or treachery. Immediately above tlie right bank of the Gra- nicus, a step, or narrow strip of level ground, extending from the river to the foot of a long line of low hills, ran parallel with the stream. On it the Persian cavalry, 20,000 in number, were drawn up in line. The hills in their rear were crowned by an etpial number of Greek mercenaries under the command of Omares, a Persian. The Macedonian phalanx, composed of eight brigades, containing 2000 men each, was com- manded by eight generals of equal rank. These could act separately or conjointly, as every bri- gade was complete in itself. It was divided into regiments of 1000 each, commanded by their own colonels. Each regiment was composed of two battalions of 500 each, officered in the same manner. Each battalion was subdivided into eight companies, led by their ow^n captains. For the pur|)ose of command the Macedonian army was divided into two wings. Alexander always commanded the extreme right, and the most con- fidential officer the extreme lefl. The brigades of the phalanx were attached arbitrarily either to the right or the left wing. On the present occa- sion, the right wing consisted of the Companion F 2 ALEXANDER THl OEIAT. [B. C. 334. cavalry, the Agrian infantry, and the archers under' Philotas, the heavy lancers, and the Vxo- nians under Amyntas, the son of Arrhabanis, and the royal foot guards, also honoured with the title of Companions, under Nicanor, the son of Par- menio. Next to him were drawn up five brigades of the phalanx commanded by Perdiccas, Ccenus, Craterus, and two others, who were all under the immediate command of Alexander. On the ex- treme left were posted the Thessalian and confe- derate cavalry, and the Thracians. Next to them were the three remaining brigades of tlie phalanx, under their several otticers, who looTied to Par- menio for orders. As soon as the Persians perceived that Alex- ander had placed himself at the head of the Companion cavalry, on the extreme right, they strengtliened their own left with denser masses of horse. The king was easily recognised by the splendour of his arms, the white plume in his helmet, his gorgeous shield and polished cuirass, and by the magnificent and dazzling ecjuipments of his immediate retinue. Both armies halted on the very brink of the river, and surveyed each other for some time. A deep silence prevailed during this moment of hesitation and doubt. Then" Alexander, having mounted the gallant charger destined to carry him triumphant over so many fields, briefly exhorted his immediate companions to follow him and prove themselves good warriors. Ptolemv, the son of Pliilip, whose right it was on that (lay to lead the attack, first entered the river. He was supported by Amyntas, the son ^Elat.22.] BATTLE OF THE GRANICUS. 69 of Arrhabacus, and Socrates, who led forward the heavy lancers, the Pa^onians, the Prodromi, and one brigade of infantry. Then the whole right wing was led by Alexander into the current amidst the sound of trumpets and the loud paeans of the troops. Amyntas, Ptolemy, and Socrates, soon reached the opposite bank, but struggled in vain to make their landing good, as the Persians, not content with showering tlieir missiles from the upper ground, rode down and combated the Macedonians in the vvater. As Memnon and his sons, together with the flower of the Persian cavalry, were en- gaged in this quarter, they succeeded either in cutting down this vanguard or driving it back on Alexander, who was now advancing. He, him- self, with the Companion cavalry, charged where he saw the densest mass and the greatest number of Persian chiefs assembled. The battle was more of a personal struggle between individuals tlian regular charges of cavalry. In the shock Alex- ander shivered his lance to pieces, and called upon Aretas, his chief groom, to furnish him with another. The saiue misfortune had happened to him, although he continued fighting bravely with the broken stump. Holding this up, he desired his sovereign to ask some one else. Demaratus, the C'orinthian, one of the Companions, then lent him his. The superior strength and skill of the Macedonians were now manifest, and the Persian javelins and scimetars were found ineffectual against the Macedonian lance, the shaft of which was made of tough cornel wood. The efforts of the cavalry drove the Persians from the bank, 70 ALEXANDER THE GREAT. [B. C. 334. and Alexander, witli the licad of the column, gained the level step between the river and the mountains. . There ht was instantly marked out by Mithri- dates, the son-in-law of Darius, who dashed at him at the head of a troop of horse drawn up in the form of a wedge, with a very obtuse angle. As Mithridates was in front, Alexander did not wait the attack, but spurred his horse forwards, and, directing his lance against the face of his an- tagonist, slew him on the spot. While he was disengaging his weapon, Uhwsaces, another Per- sian nobleman, rode up, and with his sword struck off a part of his plume and helmet. Tlie king, thus assailed by another antagonist, pierced his breast through the corslet, and brought him also to the ground. But this could liardly have been done without wheeling round and re-charging. While he was engaged in this second single com- bat, Spithridates, the Ionian satrap, came behind him and had raised his scimetar to strike a blow, which was anticipated by Cleitus, the son of Dro- pidas, who, with one tremendous stroke, severed the Persian's shoulder from his body. Cleitus, the brother of Lanice, the nurse of Alexander, was captain of the royal troop of the Companion cavalry, to which, in an especial man- ner, tlie safety of tlie king's person was entrusted. On this occasion he was at his post and did his duty. We have no reason to suppose that the light scimetar of Spithridates would have made a t'reater impression on the proof armour of Alex- ander than a similar weapon in the hand of Rhoc- saces ; but what woidd have been thought of the ^SCFr*«.ij§Bi!p||p^; il^Itat. 22.] BATTLE OF THE GRANICUS. 71 royal guards, had they allowed their sovereign, after bringing down the two foremost champions of the enemy, to be slain by the third ? On equal ground tlie Persians failed to with- stand the charjije of the Macedonian lances, and their line gave way, first at the point where Alexander himself was engaged, and finally in all directions. For Parmenio and the Thcssalian and confederate cavalry had completely defeated the Persian right wing. The rout was therefore gene- ral, but the actual loss of the Persians was not great, as there was no pursuit. Among the thou- sand horsemen, who fell on the field, were, in addition to tlie chiefs before mentioned, Niphates, Petenes, Mithrobarzanes, governor of Cappadocia, Arbupales, son of Darius Artaxerxes, and Phar- naces, the brotlier of the queen. The surviving leaders, among whom was Memnon, fled disgrace- fully, and left the Grecian mercenaries to their fate. These had remained in their position, idle spectators of the short but desperate contest, which in a few minutes had dispelled the delusion that Greece could never furnish a cavalry equal to the Persian. The phalanx liad not engaged ; and the defeat of 20, 000 Persian horse was achieved by the light troops and cavalry alone. But as the mercenaries under Omares still kept their ground, the phalanx was brought up to attack them in front, while Alexander and Parmenio with their cavalry assailed them on both flanks. Omares fell at his post, and the whole body, with the ex- ception of 2,000 prisoners, was cut to pieces. These saved their lives by throwing themselves u ALEXANDER THE GREAT. [B.C. 334. on the ground and permitting the terrible phalanx to march over their l)odies. Their lives were spared, but they were loaded with chains, and sent to till the ground in Macedonia. It is diffi- cult to sympatliise with men who, tor daily pay, could be tlms brought to array themselves against their fellow countrymen, and to tight the l)attles of barbarians against the captain-general of Greece. Of the Macedonians, there fell twenty-five of the Companion cavalry, sixty other horsemen, and thirty foot soldiers. It nuist not be imagined that no more fell ; for it is clear that the generals who wrote the account of Alexander's campaigns, men- tioned only the loss of the native born Macedo- nians. Tlie fallen were all buried on the field of battle, clad in their armour, the noblest shroud, according to Xenophon, for a slain warrior. The twenty-five Companions were honoured with mo- numental statues of bronze, the workmanship of Lysippus, the favourite sculptor of i\lexander. They were erected at Dium, in Macedonia, where they remained until the rapacious Romans carried them to Italy. The Persian leaders were also buried with due honours, as well as the mercenary Greeks who had fallen in a bad cause. The king was particular in his attentions to the wounded ; he visited every individual, examined his wounds, and by asking how, and in what ser- vice he had received them, gave every man an opportunity of recounting and perhaps of exag- gerating his deeds. Alexander selected 300 panoplies as an offering ^Etat. 22.] BATTLE OF THE GRANICUS. 73 for the Athenian Minerva. They were sent to Athens, and suspended in the Parthenon, with the following inscription : " Alexander, the son of Philip, and the Greeks, except the Lacedaemonians, these, from the barba- rians inhabiting Asia." This is generally regarded as a compliment to the Athenians: — if so, it was intended for the Athenians of former days, not for the contempora- ries of Demosthenes ; for no distinction was made between the Athenians captured in the enemy's ranks and the prisoners belonging to other states. rrom the very beginning Alexander regarded Asia as his own, and the Asiatics as his subjects. His first admonition to his soldiers w^as, to spare their own. There occur no instances of plunder, no system of devastation, similar to that practised by Agesilaus and described by Xenophon. The only change was to substitute a Macedonian in- stead of a Persian satrap. Acting on this principle, he appointed Calas, the son of Harpalus, governor of the Hellespontian Phrygia, with strict injunc- tions not to exact more from the provincials than the regular revenue payable to Darius. The chief city of the satrapy was Dascylium, situated on the Propontis, to the east of the Rhyn- dacus. Parmenio was sent forward, and took pos- session of it without resistance. Alexander him- self visited Zeleia, a Homeric city on the banks of the '* dark flowing waters" of the iEsepus. The river is now called Biga, and the town of the same name cannot be far from the site of the ancient Zeleia. Alexander might have marched up the vale of 74 ALEXANDER THE GREAT. [B. C. 334. the Rliyndacus, surmounted the pass called by the Turks, the Iron GatCy and descended into the plain of the Caicus. But lie returned to Ilium, as dis- tinctly mentioned hy Strabo, and marched into Southern Asia by the more frequented road through Antandrus, Adramyttium, Pergamus, aiid Thya- teira. The intervening towns offered no resistance, and when within eight miles of Sardes, he was met by a deputation, headed by the principal citi- zens and accompanied by Mitlirenes, the Persian governor of the citadel. Tlie Lydians, once a warlike and powerful nation, liad, since their sub- iujiation bv Cvrus the Elder, been Persian tribu- taries for nearly 200 years. Alth(uigh the yoke was, perhaps, not burdensome, yet their hapj)iness must have depended on tlie character of their satrap, at whose mercy the policy of the Persian government completely placed them ; while their recollections of ancient glory and independence still remained. Men in their situation seldom have an opportunity of testifying their love of the latter except by changing their masters: and such a change, if unattended with danger, is always welcomed. The deputation presented the keys of the Lydian capital to the descendant of Hercules, and had they known the weak side of their new master, would have expressed their joy at returning under the Heracleid dominion, after the long continued usurpation of the Mermnadte and Acha^menidaj. Mithrenes, who came to surrender the citadel and the treasures entrusted to his care, was a traitor — perhaps a weak man, paralyzed by the iEtat.22.] SARDES — LYDIANS. 76 defeat and death of Spithridates, his superior, and overcome by the prayers of the Sardians. Trea- son, however, had been busy in the western pro- vinces, and it appears unaccountable that so many of the connections of Darius should have been without command in the Persian camp, except we suppose that the satraps, having disowned their authority, fought the battle of the Granicus in defence of their own governments, and not of the empire. Whatever were the motives of Mithrenes, his act was base and fatal to his country. The citadel of Sardes was the most important fortress in Wes- tern Asia, and the surrender of it at this critical period furnished Alexander with money, of which he was greatly in need, and enabled him to pursue Memnon, the only antagonist in Asia Minor from whom he had anything to dread. Alexander encamped on the banks of the Her- mus, whence he issued a decree, by which all their laws, rights, and privileges, as existing before the Persian conquest, were restored to the Lydians. Their nominal independence was also proclaimed, and hailed with as much applause as if it had been real. He then ascended to the Sardian citadel, impregnable from its natural position. A lofty mountain, triangular in figure, rises abruptly from the plain of the Hermus. A deep ravine, render- ing the southern side a perpendicular precipice, separates it from the frowning masses of Mount Tmolus. The summit of this isolated rock was crowned by the towers and palace of the Lydian monarchs. According to a long cherished tradi- tion, an oracle had forewarned an ancient king oi I 76 ALEXANDER THE GREAT. [B.C. 334. Lydia, that if be carried his son Leon, or as some translate it, the Lion, his son, round tlie citadel, it would always remain impregnable. He obeyed partially, but thouglit it useless to go round the precipitous side, whicli nature itself liad aj)parentl) rendered impregnable. Alexander, struck with tlie boldness of the situation and extent of view from the sununit, proposed to occu})y the site of the Lydian palace with a Sjilendid temj)le of the Olympian Jupiter — a [)lan which, like many otiier magnificent schemes, he did not live to execute. The Argives of the army, apparently in comjdi- ment to the Heracleid connection, were left to garrison the citadel. From Sardes Alexander marched to Ephcsus. Here he came first in contact with the aristocratic and democratic factions, which, for the two preced- ing centuries, had destroyed the haj)piness and tranquillity of every Grecian city of consecpience. The aristocratic party, always patronized by Persia, had, with the aid of Memnon, lately overthrown the existing democracy at Ephesus, and ac(piired the direction of the government. But the news of the victory at the Granicus, followed by the rumoured approach of Alexander, caused the Persians to retire to Miletus. With them also retired Amyntas, the son of Antiochus, and other Macedonian exiles, who had made Ephesus their city of refuge. This flight restored the supremacy to the demo- cratic faction, which proceeded, with more violence than justice, to take vengeance on its opponents. Some of the aristocratic leaders were immediately stoned to death, and a general massacre was threat- ened, when Alexander arrived and compelled his mm. 22.] EPHESUS. 77 friends to be satisfied with a bloodless supremacy. Arrian writes, that this active interference of the king in defence of the adverse party, gave him more inmiediate renown than any other of his deeds in Asia Minor. The conduct of the Lace- dannonians and Athenians, the two great patrons of the opposite fijctions, had been so different on similar occasions, that we need not be surprised at the natural effect of Alexander's more merciful and judicious conduct. The temple of l-^phesus, destroyed by fire on the night of his birth, was in the act of being rebuilt. He assigned the revenues paid by the city to the great king, to the promotion of the work. In after-times he offered to bear the whole expense, great as it must have been, on condition of having his name alone inscribed on the buildinj;. The Ephesians |)rettily evaded the offer, by saying *' that it did not become one god to dedicate a temple to another." Alexander paid due honours to the great Diana of the Ephesians. The misshapen statue, the heaven-fallen idol, was carried in procession, while he, at the head of his troops, formed a part of the pageantry. The disciple of Aristotle was a Poly- tlieist in the most extensive sense of the word, and could bow his head with equal reverence in Grecian, Tyrian, /Egyptian, and Assyrian temples. Erom Ephesus Alexander marched to Miletus, the Ionian capital, celebrated for its wealth, naval power, and colonies. The governor promised to give up the city without resistance, but a distant view^ of the Persian fleet, far superior to the Ma- cedonian, induced him to retract his word. MaaaiMka'aai 78 ALIXANDER THE ©EBAT. [B.C. 334, iMiletiis was situated at the nioiith of the IVIa-an- der, which then emptied its waters into the upper end of a eonsiderabk^ creek. This is now tilled up, and the fair harbour of Miletus converted into a fertile plain. This is a well known fact, and often paralleled ; for the undisturbed water of a long creek, acted upon by an operative river, will neces- sarily become tirm land. Nor does this admission contradict the observations tcirmerly made on this subject, as they refer more to the action of rivers, the mouths of which have reached the open sea. The narrow entrance into the Milesian harbour had been occupied by the Milesian fleet previous to the arrival of tlie Persians. The Milesians, thus blockaded by sea and land, intimated to Alexander their wish to be neutral, and their wil- lingness to receive the Persian as well as the Macedonian fleet into the harbour. As they had not the power to enforce their proposed system of neutrality, their ofler could be regarded oidy as an insult. As such Alexander viewed it, and told the deputy to depart instantly and warn his fellow citi- zens to prepare for an assault. The deed followed the word, and Miletus was carried by storm. Three hundred Greek mercenaries, partly by swim- ming, partly by floating on their broad sliields, reached a small island in tlie harbour. Alexander, admiring their gallantry, spared their lives, and incorporated them with his own troops. Although the Macedonian fleet had prevented the Persians from entering the harbour, it was not strong enough to face the enemy on the open sea. Hence its future motions became a subject of grave deliberation. Parmenio proposed the embarkation iEtat. 22.] PERSIAN FLEET. 79 of a chosen body of the land forces, and a sudden attack on the enemy's fleet. But Alexander, whose exhausted exchequer severely felt the naval ex- penses, was for immediately dismantling it. He refused to risk his gallant soldiers in a contest on the unsteady and tottering waves, where the supe- rior skill of the Phoenician and Cyprian sailors might render bravery and military discipline un- availing. Much might be said in favour of both proposi- I tions, and tlie arguments of the veteran general and of the monarch are equally weighty. But it may surprise a modern reader to find that, either from policy or faith, the question mainly turned on the right interpretation of an omen. An eagle had by chance perched on a Macedonian vessel, which had been drawn ashore. Parmenio argued that as the bird's face was directed seaward, a naval victory was clearly indicated. Alexander, on the contrary, contended that as the ship on which the eagle had perched was a-ground, the fair inference was, that they were to obtain the victory by watch- ing the enemy's motions from the shore, and pre- venting them from landing on any spot. His rea- soning prevailed in the council, and the fleet was laid up in the harbour of Miletus. Parmenio was sent, at the head of a strong force, to receive the submission of the great cities Magnesia and Tralles in the vale of the Ma^inder ; while Alexander him- self marched along the coast to Halicarnassus. Darius, on receiving intelligence of the defeat at the Granicus, and of the death of so many satraps, appointed Memnon his lieutenant-general, with unlimited power of action in Lower Asia and its ■^' '-i^p^'ii^ i^f ^f^^^ t ''^'■'^''' 80 ALEXANDER THE GREAT. [B.C. 334. maritime dependencies. Memnon had collected a fleet of four hundred triremes, with which he pre- pared to counteract the ])rojects of Alexander. The rapidity of the latter's movements had wrested Ionia from the empire ; hut every ettbrt was made for tlie preservation of Caria. Halicarnassus, its capital, situated on the south-western shore of the Ceramic guU^ was carefully fortified and provi- sioned. It was guarded by two citadels, one called l)y Straho the island-fort, and the other Salniacis, celebrated for the supposed effeminating qualities of its fountain. 'I'fie island fortress is now united to the continent, and continues, under the name of Boodroom, to he the strongest })lace on that coast. The city itself was protected on the land side by an immense ditch, thirty cubits wide and fifteen deep. The besiegers had to fill this, before they could bring their l)attering engines to bear on the wall. Memnon had abundance of troops, of all denominations and races. Numerous sallies took place, in one of wliich Neoptolenms, the son of Arrhabanis, a Macedonian exile of high rank, fell, while bearing arms against his country. In another skirmish the Persians had become mas- ters of the bodies of some Macedonian soldiers, which, according to tlie laws of Grecian warfare, Alexander demanded by herald, for the purpose of burial. Diodorus writes that Memnon comj)lied with the request, in opposition to the advice of two Athenian leaders, Ephialtes and Thrasybulus. Mitford from this draws an inference to prove the inhuman ferocity of the Demosthenean party : but this, like many other of his deductions, is unfair. Among the southern Greeks no skirmish, how- -Etat. 22.J MEMNON CARIA. 81 ever trifling, took place that was not followed by the erection of a trophy. As both parties were bound to bury their dead, the inability to do this without requesting the leave of the opposite party, was the test of defeat, and a trophy erected under such circumstances was regarded as legitimate, and consequently sacred. But the Macedonians had long ceased to raise trophies, and scrupled not to destrov them if erected. The fair inference there- fore from the above-mentioned fact is, that the Athenian generals were unwilling to restore the bodies unless Alexander would allow them to raise a trophy — a circumstance of which, as he did not understand trifling in war, he was not likely to ap- prove. As the works of the besiegers were advancing, the Athenian, Ephialtes, at the head of a chosen body of troops, and supported by Memnon, made a bold attempt to burn the works and the engines. A regular battle took place, in which the assailants were, not without difficulty, driven back. The Macedonians lost nearly as many men as at the battle of the Granicus. Among others fell Pto- lemy, a general of the body guard; Clearchus, commander of the archers ; and Addaeus, a chiliarch or colonel of a regiment. The Persians, regarding the city as no longer tenable, set it on fire, and retired to the citadels. As these appeared impreg- nable, a body of troops was left to observe and blockade them. The city was the capital of a race of princes, who, in subjection to Persia, had long governed Cariau Hecatomnus, in the preceding generation, G. ^uiUsjiiS^^mMl^S'S^^^s^'^l^ii^^i^HtM^^^^baslgBi^ AitM HWatMW-^'fiiiimHilfiJiifcie 82 ALEXANDER THE GREAT. [B.C. 334. liad left three sons and two daughters. Accordinir to a practice conuiion among the royal families in Asia, Mausolus, the eldest brother, had married Artemisia, the elder sister, who, by a law peculiar to Caria, was entitled to the tlirone if she survived her husband. She became a widow, and testified her respect for his memory by the erection of that splendid and tasteful monument which lias given the name of Mausoleium to all similar structures. Grief soon destroyed her, and she was succeeded by the second brother, Hidricus, who had married the younger sister, Ada. She survived him, but had * been dethroned by the youngest l)rother, Pexodarus. Orontobates, a Persian nobleman, had married his daughter, and the Persian court had tlius been inducecl to connive at the usur})er's injustice. The deposed queen still retained the fortress of Alinda, where she was visited by Alex- ander, and restored to the Carian tlirone. She adojited her benefactor as her son ; nor did he disdain to call her mother. This princess, accustomed to the refinements and delicacies of an oriental court, was shocked at the plain fare and simple habits of the Macedonian soldier. During his stay at Alinda, she regularly supplied his table from her own kitchen, and when he was departing, presented him with some of her best cooks and confectioners ; but he refused to accept them, saying, " he had been supplied with belter cooks by his governor, Leonnatus — a marcli, before day, to season his dinner, and a light dinner to prepare his supper." On this occasion he added, that Leonnatus used to examine the chests JEUU 22. J WINTER QUARTERS. 83 and wardrobes in which his bedding and cloaks were put, lest something of luxury or superfluity should be introduced by Olympias. The summer was now drawing to a close, and Alexander rendered it memorable by an act of kindness, oftener praised than imitated. He granted permission to all his soldiers, who had lately mar- ried, to return and spend the winter with their brides. No distinction was made between officers and privates ; and tlie whole body marched home- wards under the command of three bridegroom generals, Ptolemy, the son of Seleucus, Coenus and JMeleager. Should we view this as an act of policy, and not as emanating from the kind feelings of a \\arm heart, the success would be the same. Young warriors, with their laurels still green, returning to their homes and their youthful partners, and spread- ing over all Greece their partial accounts of the valour, generosity and kind feelings of their vic- torious captain-general, would be tlie most in- fluential agents that ever roused eager spirits to take up arms and rush to war. Parmenio conducted the Thessalians, the Greeks of the Confederacy, and the baggage and artillery, to Sardes, into winter (piarters. But winter could not arrest Alexander's own exertions. Advancing into h^fchi and Pampliylia, he proceeded to wres^t the whole line of sea-coast from the enemies, and thus to paralyse the operations of their superior fleet. On entering Lycia, Telmissus, a city on the banks of the Cal})is, and celebrated for its race of diviners, opened its gates. He then crossed the river Xanthus, and received the submission of the cities Patara, Xanthus and Pinara. These were G 2 Ml£riMihAMjdaU>MHfil 84 ALEXANDER THE GREAT. [B.C. 334. the seats of the Homeric heroes, Glaucus and Sarpedon, whose amiable apd warlike character belonged to the Lycians in general. The contrast between their conduct and the villainies and ever- lasting robberies of all the other inhabitants of the recesses of Mount Taurus, may induce the reader to dwell a moment on their portrait. It is de- lightfid to feel that a free and civilized people should for so many ages have dwelt in peace and happiness, under a long succession of foreign mas- ters. It is Strabo who gives the account. " While the pirates of Pamphylia and Cihcia were in their greatest state of prosperity, and masters of the sea as far as Italy, the Lycians con- tinued their constitutional and temperate mode of life. They were not excited by any desire of dis- honest gains, and adhered steadfastly to the con- stitution of the Lycian confederacy as established by their ancestors. Twenty-three cities are en- titled to vote. Deputies from each state meet in a common council, assembled in the city previously fixed upon. The most powerful cities possess three votes each, the next in rank two, the rest one. Their contributions and liabihty to public offices and burdens follow the same proportion. The six most powerful, according to Artemidorus, are Xanthus, Fatara, Pinara, Olympus, Myra, and Tlos. In the common council, first the Lyciarch 18 chosen, then the other officers of the confeder- acy. Courts of justice, with general jurisdiction, are appointed. Formerly they deliberated con- cerning war, peace, and foreign alliances: but this power is now necessarily vested in the Romans ; nor are they allowed to entertain such topics, ex- I .^itat. 22.] LYCIAN CONFEDERACY. 85 cept with the permission of the Romans or for their advantage. Judges, and archons are, however, still elected according to the majority of state votes. Being thus under the government of good laws, well ad"ninistered, they, under the Romans, still retain their freedom, and cultivate then* mhe- rited patrimonies, and have witnessed the total ex- termination of the pirates." But these quiet and good men, when incensed by wrong, used to exhibit desperate valour. Twice has Xanthus, their capi- tal city, been distinguished in history for resisting, to dea'th and extermination, first, Harpagus the ge- neral of Cyrus the Great, and secondly, the Roman Brutus, whose treatment of these free and brave men was singularly wicked and atrocious. It is much to the credit of Alexander's character and policy, that not a sword was drawn to oppose his progress. He, according to his general princi- ples, would respect their franchises and privileges; and thev, Cretans by descent, and living apparently under the institutions of Minos, would naturally not be averse to a Greek connection. Alexander, continuing his march up the Xanthus, arrived in that part of Lycia called, from its original inhabitants, Milyas. There he was overtaken by deputies from the important city of Phaselis, bring- in.r a crown of gold and ofiers of submission. In descending from Milyas to Phaselis, he had to cross a mountainous ridge, the pass over which was commanded by the Pisidian town Termessus. This he took bv storm, and thus conferred a signal favour on the peaceful occupiers of the low-lands, who had long been harassed by its bandit pos- sessors. 86 ALEXANDER THE GREAT. [BX.334. It was now mid-winter; and tlic rich and litx- nrious citv of Phaselis enabled Alexander to re- criut the strength of liis troops, and to enjoy a sliort reiMise himself. But this was disagreeal)ly interrupted by a communication from Parmenio, announcing a traitorous correspondence between Alexander, the son of Aeropus, and the Persian court. We liave before seen that he was almost known to have partici[)ated in the cons|)iracy to which Philip fell a victim, and tliat nothing but liis apparent exertions in favour of Alexander, at a very critical period, had saved him from the fate of the other traitors. He was now tlie first ])rince of tlie blood, in high favour with Alexander, who had lately appointed liim connnander-in-chief of the Thessalian cavalry. 'fhe pur})ort of Par- menio's comnuniication was, that he had arrested a suspicious-looking stranger, by name Asisines,who, when (juestioned, had confessed himself to be a Persian emissary: that Amyntas, the son of Anti- ochus, on deserting, had carried some written j)ro- posals from the son of Aeropus to Darius; that he, the emissary, had been conmiissioned to confer with the Lyncestian, to otter him the Macedonian throne and a thousand talents, provided Alexander the king were jmt out of tlie way. The Persian was sent in chains to l)e interrogated by the king and council. The king immediately placed the information before his friends, who unanimously accused him of rashness, in bestowing the most important com- mand in the army on a man whose past conduct had rendered him justly liable to suspicion. They advised therefore his instant removal, before he iEtat. 22.] ALEXANDER THE LYNCESTIAN. 87 could ingratiate himself with the Thessalians, and be thus enabled to do mischief. But the management of the affair required con- siderable delicacy. Parmenio had only one com- pany of Macedonians: even the Sardian garrison was Argive, and the remainder of the force under his connnand consisted of Thessalians and other Greek confederates. It appeared therefore pro- bable, that if the Lyncestian obtained the slightest hint of the discovery of the plot, he might excite some serious disturbance, or at least carry a part of tlie troops over to the enemy. No written or- ders were therefore judged prudent, but Ampho- terus, an officer of high rank, was despatched with a verbal message to Parmenio. Disguised in the native dress, and guided by Pisidians, he arrived safely at Sardes, and delivered his orders, accord- intr to which the Lyncestian was instantly taken into custody. Phaselis was situated at the foot of that part ot Mount Taurus which terminates opposite the Che- lidonian islands. The highest point of the range, immediately overlooking the sea, was anciently called Solynia, from the warlike Solymi of Homer. A little to the south of this was the mountain Chi- mser-d, with its Bellerophontic fables. It is curious that a strong fiame, called by the Turks yana, still burns there unconsumed, and proves to this day the connection between the fiibulous poetry of nhe Greeks and natural phfcnomena. Mount Solyma itself is 7800 feet high, and some of its eastern ridt^es, under the name of Climax, or the Ladder, des'cend almost abruptly to the western shore of thegulfof Attalia. Alexander therefore, in ad- 1 i 88 ALEXANDER THE GREAT. [B. C. 334. vancing from Phasclis to Perga, had either to cross the ahnost precipitous ridge of Mount Climax, or to march along the sea shore, at the foot of the clifis. He preferred the latter; and as Strabo's account of this renowned adventure is particularly clear, I introduce it. " Mount Climax overhangs the Pnmphylian sea, but leaves a narrow road upon the beach. This, in calm weather, is dry, and passid)le by tra- vellers; but when the sea flows, the road, to a great extent, is covered by the waves. The pas- sage over the hills is circuitous and ditHcult: con- sequently, in fine weather, the shore road is used. But Alexander, although the weather was bois- terous, trusting principally to chance, set out before the swell had ceased, and the soldiers had to march during the whole day up to their middle in w^ater." It was a rash adventure, and attended with danger; for had a strong south wind arisen, the whole army would have been dashed against the rocks. As, on the contrary, a smart north wind had succeeded violent storms from the south, ample occasion was given to the royal sycophants to proclaim aloud, that the sea had acknowledged the sovereignty of Alexander, and obsequiously retired before its lord and master. Alexander himself made no miracle of the event: in his letters, as quoted by Plutarch, he simply wrote — " I marched from Phaselis by the way called Climax." *' Menander, (I quote from Langhorn's Plu- tarch,) in his pleasant way, refers to this pretended miracle in one of his comedies : Jf.m. 22.] MARCH THROUGH THE SEA. 89 " How like great Alexander ! Do I seek A friend? Spontaneous he presents himself. Have I to march where seas indignant roll.' The sea retires, and there I march." This is in far better taste than the attempt of Jose])hus to illustrate the miraculous passage of the Red Sea, by a reference to this adventure. Thence he visited in succession Perga, As- pendus. Side, and Sillium. At the last place his further pros^ress eastward was arrested by hearing that the Aspendians, who had agreed to pay fifty talents and deliver up the horses which they were breeding for the Persian government, were in- clined to evade both conditions, and preparing to withstand a siege. He instantly retraced his steps; and, arriving sooner than they expected, made liimself master of the lower town, on the banks of the Eurymedon, and confined the Aspen- dians within their mountain citadel. Overawed by this activity, they submitted to harder terms than they had before refused to execute. Thence he returned to Perga, and marched up the narrow vale of the Cestrus, with the intention of crossing Mount Taurus, and entering the greater Phrvgia. During this route he had to pass through the territories of the Pisidae-Moun- taineers, who retained a wild independence amidst their hill fortresses, and whose hand was always raised to smite their more civilized neighbours. A strong pass in the main ridge of Taurus, and probably in the ravine of the Cestrus, was com- manded by the inhabitants of a second I elmissus. Alexander forced his way through the dehle, but unable to capture the city without his battering 90 ALEXANDER THE GREAT. [B. C. 334. train, continued his march up the Cestnis. The Sagalassians, a powerful Pisidian tribe, possessed tlie upper part of the vale. Tliese beinj^ joined by tlie Tehuissians, who, by mountain roads, had outstripped the Macedonian army, foujrht a gal- lant but unsuccessful battle in front of Sagalassus, which was taken. The Selga% who dwelt in the upper vales of the Eurymedon and its tributary streams, entered into alliance with Alexander, who thus brought the wliole of Pisidia to acknow- ledge his sovereignty. This winter campaign, among the snows, torrents and preci[)ices of Mount Taurus, is one of Alexander's greatest achievements. Ap|)arently he was the lirst fo- reigner that ever concjuered the Pisidians. A march of five days brought him to Celjenae, the capital of the greater Phrygia. Its situation, at the sources of the Marsyas and of the Mae- ander, has been elegantly described by Xenoj)hon. The town subnntted without resistance: but its citadel, crowning the summit of a dark frowning rock, equally high and precipitous, was impreg- nable, if honestly defended. The garrison, how- ever, consisting of mercenary Greeks and Carians, engaged to surrender if not relieved by a certain day. Alexander agreed to their proposal, and left fifteen hundred men to watch the fortress, and receive its submission at the appointed period. Antigonus, the son of Philip, who had married Stratonice, either the daughter or sister of tlie late king, was decla-ed satrap of the greater Phrygia. After the king's death he became one of his most distinguislu'd successors. He had hitherto been the commander of tlie Greeks of the Confederacy. 1 iEtat. 22.] GORDIAN KNOT. 91 From Celanae Alexander sent orders to Parme- nio to join the head-tpiarters at Gordium, whither he was*himself marching. Here the whole army re-united; for the bridegrooms from Macedonia, attended by a strong body of recruits, arrived there also. At the same time came an Athenian embassy, requesting Alexander to liberate the Athenians captured at the Granicus. Their re- quest was refused, as it was judged impolitic to lead others to regard the bearing arms against imited Greece, in behalf of barbarians, as a light oftence. They were, however, told to renew their petition at a more favourable season. Gordium, in the time of Phrygian independ- ence, was the capital of a powerful kingdom, and coidd boast a long line of resident monarchs. Placed on the left bank of the Sangarius, and nearly equidistant from the Propontis, the Euxine, and iEgean Seas, it continued, even in Livy's age, to be a commercial mart of considerable import- ance. Within the citadel were built the palaces of Gordius and Midas. Thither Alexander ascended, in order to examine the famous Gordian knot, the solution of which was to indicate the future sove- reign of Asia. The tradition of the Phrygians respecting it is highly interesting, as presenting a vivid picture of the ancient Asiatics. Gordius, according to the tale, was a husband- man, possessing a small plot of ground and two yokes of oxen, one for his plough and another for his cart. As he was ploughing his field an eagle perched upon the yoke, and remained till the ter- mination of the day's labour. Anxious to obtam an explanation of the singular omen, he set out to ■■-ismiSf'im- 92 ALEXANDER THE GREAT. [B. €. 3M. consult tlic diviners of Telmissus. As he was approaching one of their villages, he saw a young maiden who had come forth to draw water: to her he opened his case. She was of the gifted race, and advised him to return liome and sacrifice to Jupiter I'he King. Gordius persuaded his fair adviser to accompany him, and teach him how to perform the ceremony duly and rightly. She consented, the sacrifice was completed, and the grateful Inishandman married the maiden. Midas was their only son, and grew up a handsome and spirited man! In the mean time, the Phrygians liad suffered severely from civil dissensions. In their distress they consulted the gods, who an- swered, "that a cart should hring them a king to terminate their internal broils." As the whole assembly was deliberating on the meaning of this oracular promise, Midas drove up his father and mother in their rustic vehicle to the outer circle, and was immediately recognized as the sovereign promised by the oracle. In memory of the event he consecrated the cart to Jupiter The King, and placed it in tlie citadel, to which he gave his fa- ther's name. The yoke was tied to the pole by a band formed of the bark of the cornel tree, and the knot on this was the celebrated tent of future eminence. in this account we see manifest traces of the existence of a republic of husbandmen in Phrygia, who, unable to free themselves from the evils of faction in any other manner, chose, like the Is- raelites, a king. Long before Homer's age the Phrygians had been subjected to monarchial rule, as even the aged Priam refers to his youthful .Etat. 22.] GORDIAN KNOT. 93 campaigns on the banks of the Sangarius, when he bore arms in aid of the Phrygian kings Otreus and Mygdon, against the invading Amazons— most probably the loose-robed Amazons. Various accounts were spread of the mode in which Alexander solved the difficulty. The most prevalent is, that, baffled by the complicated na- ture of the knot, he drew his sword and cut it asunder. This, as being supposed most accordant with his character, has obtained universal belief. But Aristobulus, who was probably present, wrote, that he took out the pin that traversed the pole, and was thus enabled to detect the clews before invisible. At all events he did not descend from the citadel without satisfying the public that he had fulfilled the tradition, and was thencefor- ward to be regarded as the lord of Asia. . ■ "!ppiiSS*fSif§'i ALEXANDER THE GREAT. [B.C. 333, CHAPTER ¥1. Th( Mcond Campaigm im Jfin, B. C. 333. ALtXAMJiii > object in foneentratinfij bis forces at Goriliiiiii, was the conquest ol' the two powerful provinces of Paplihigonia and Cnppa(h>cia. \yitli the sprinjj, therefore, he inarched from (iordium to Ancyra, the modern Ant^ora. Here a deputa- tion from the Papldagonian diiefs waited on him, professing their submission, but requesting as a favour not to be visited by an armed force. Such messages in aftertimes met with Httle favour from Alexander. l>ut the period was critical, and he knew from Xenophon, that the Papldagonian sove- reign of his day could bring 1()0,()()() horsemen into tlie field. Their submission was, therefore, re- ceived, and they were ordered to place themselves under the government of Calas, the satrap of the Iiellesj)ontian Phrygia. He then advanced into Cappadocia, and subdued the whole country with- in the Halys, and a considerable part beyond it. The whole of Cappadocia was entrusted to the care of a satrap called Abistamenes by Curtius, Sabictas by Arrian. Thence he marched south- ward into Cilicia. The south-eastern part of Cap- padocia is an elevated ste|), whence the waters that do not flow into the Halys, have fall sufficient to burst through the barriers of Mount Taurus in their course to the Cilician sea. The ravines are, i£tat. 23.] SECOND CAlitAIGN. 95 consecjuently, very narrow, and of great depth, and form defiles' " where one man is better to prevent than ten to make way." The main pass, situated between Tyana and Tarsus, has often been cele- brated in ancient histories. But its value as a military post has been much exaggerated, of which the best proof is, that no successful defence of it is recorded in history. The main ridge of Mount Taurus is intersected in this vicinity by so many- streams, that great advantages are placed at the command of the assailant, and enable him to choose his point of attack. One day's march to the north of the main pass was a fortified camp, attributed by Arrian to the Younger, by Curtius to the Elder Cyrus, who, in the campaign against Cra^sus, fortified it as a sta- tionary position. As Alexander came from the Ancyra road, he did not follow the steps of the Younger Cyrus, who, we know from Xenophon, formed no stationary camp there. We may be, therefore, certain, that Curtius on this occasion followed the better authority. Parmenio, with the main body, was ordered to halt in this camp, while Alexander, witli his own guards, the archers, and his favoiu-ite Agrians, entered the mountain passes by niglit, and turned the enemy's position. On discovering this, the defenders of the pass fled, and left the road to the plain open. Next day the whole army surmounted the main defile and com- menced the descent into Cilicia. Here information readied Alexander that Tarsus was threatened with conflagration by its satrap Arsames, who, accord- ing to Memnon's i)lan, had already laid waste a great part of the province. Alexander, with his 9G ALEXANDER THE GREAT. [B. C. 333. cavalry, reached Tarsus with extraordinary speed, and saved it from destruction But overpowered with heat and covered with dust, »"'! -''"^^f^^^J the limpid ai)pearance of the waters of the Cydnus, he impnuhntly bathed. Although .t was summer in the plain, the stream partook more ol t''^ te">- peratuJe of the melting snows o I aurus 1 an of h,e circumambient atmosphere. 1 he ^o»«' ";'"^^ was a violent reaction, and a fever that neatly '"evcVSou. the intervention of the cold waters of the Cvdn,.s, it is ahnost impossible to conceive how a pr-inee of Alexander's early '-^'^ ■'"'\ ^t; soned habits could have borne up "'">''; '^^"»- merous mental anxieties, and the unceasmd bod.ly labours endured by hin. smce lus accession U he throne. If we except the short repose a Dunn, it had been one uninterrupted scene ol violent ex- ertion. We ought not, therefore to wonder that nature should at last vindicate her rights, and compel a short cessation from fatigue. Philip, an Acarnanian, was the physician «. whom, aJ this critical period, < 'evolved the respo„. sibilitv of attending the royal patient. 1 he late of the two continents depended upon the resul , and the Macedonians, to w^hoin at tl'='t — " ' their kings life was literally the breath of their nostrils, were not likely to discriminate "icely be- tween the inevitable decree of nature and the «ork of treason. Therefore, it may truly be said, tha the lives of both physician and patient trenib ed in the same balance. At the very turn of the disease, when the king was preparing to take a powerfid medicine, he received a letter from Par- .I".tat.23.] ALEXANDER S ILLNESS. 97 I menio, announcincr a strong suspicion that the Acarnanian had been bribed by Darius, and that his prescriptions were to be avoided. Alexander, like Julius Ca\sar, and some other noble spirits, vvoidd })robably liave preferred being poisoned or stabbed a thousand times, rather than prolong a wretched life under the conviction that no friends, no dependants were to be trusted. While, there- fore, with one hand he presented Parmenio's letter to Philip, with the other he steadily carried the medicated potion to his lips, and drank it with un- hesitating confidence. I have read, that the king before he swallowed the draught must have seen the innocence of the physician in the expression of his coimtenance, on which conscious truth and virtuous indignation would alone be impressed. It might have been so, but the natural eftect of so serious an accusation from so high a quarter, joined with the known uncertainty of all remedies, would be an over}>owering feeling of anxiety, easily to be confounded with the indications of a guilty con- science. " I praise Alexander, (writes Arrian,) for the confidence he placed in his friend, and for his contempt of death." Flis noble conduct met with its reward. The remedy succeeded, youth pre- vailed, and the soldiers had soon the happiness to see their king and captain once more at their head. Then Parmenio was sent with a strong force to occuj)y the passes between Cilicia and Syria. He himself, with the rest of the army, marched to the sea-coast and visited the ruins of Anchialus; which, according to Aristobulus and Ptolemy, bore witness to the former existence of a mighty city. Among I w >MJwthft t-jh.*" - - . 98 ALEXANDER THE GREAT. [B. C. 333. otlicr remains tliey saw the statue of Sardanapa- liis, the last monarch of Upper Assyria, crowning the summit of a monument dedicated to his me- mory. 'Hie hands of the statue had one palm across the other, as in the act of clapping. The inscription was cliaracteristic of the man. " Sardanapalus, the son of Anacyndaraxes, ])uilt Anchialus and Tarsus in one day. But do you, () stranger, eat, drink, and be merry, as all other human pursuits are not worth this:" alluding to the clapping of his hands. But the Alacedonian strangers were not inclmed to take advice from the Assyrian debauchee, whom, on the strengtli of the above inscription, Mitford has attempted to raise to tlie character of a moral philosopher. The Assyrians, in the tmie of their v)rosperity, had penetrated into those re- gions, and made important settlements. Since, all the inhabitants of Cappadocia, taken in its largest acceptation, were Syrians or Assyrians. These were zealous practisers of the j)recepts of Sarda- napalus, and, consequently, the most degraded and vilest of mankind. In proof of this assertion, I refer to the account given by Strabo, of the abominations carried on under the cloak of reli- gion, in the two great Comana temples of Cappa- docia. From Anchialus he moved westward to holi. Thence he made an incursion into the rugged Cilicia, and connected the line of his maritnne communications with the point where the revolt of Aspendus had stayed his progress. On re- turning to Soli, he received despatches from Pto- lemy, "the governor of Caria, and Asandrus, his I DEATH OF MEMNON. 99 r ^Etat.23.3 satrap of Lydia, announcing a complete victory over Orontobates, who had been appointed the successor of Pexodarus by Darius. The victory was followed by the capture of the fortresses which had liitherto held out, and the accession of the island of Cos. Thus the whole of Asia Minor was subdued in the month of Se})tember, B. C. 533. This important victory, and his own recovery, were celebrated with public games, theatrical representations, and the festivities that usually accompanied the performance of a great sacrifice. The whole army attended the image of ^Escu- lapius, in solemn procession, and the amusing spectacle of the lamp race was exhibited at night. Memnon had commenced naval operations with the spring. From Samos he had sailed to Chios, which was betrayed into his hands. Thence he sailed to Lesbos, and soon induced four out of the five cities of the island to renounce the Mace- donian alliance, and to submit to the terms im- posed on the Greeks by the peace of Antalcidas. But Mitylene, the chief city, withstood a siege. As Memnon was eagerly pressing it forwards, he fell ill, and died. According to Arrian, this was the severest blow that could l)efal Darius. Mem- non's plans were to reduce the islands, occupy the Hellespont, invade Macedonia, and subsidize the Southern Greeks. How fiir he was capable of carrying them into effect must now remain un- known. His plans procured him a great name, but his actions are not worthy of being recorded. He was a Khodian, whose sister, a lady of great H 2 i 100 ALEXANDER THE GREAT. [B. C. 333. personal beauty, bad married Artabazus, tbe Per- sian satrap of tlie HelU'spontian Pbrygia. Hence he became early involved in tbe mtrigiies ot tlie Persian court, ' Artabazus was one of the rebel- Uous satraps, and although supported by Memnon, had been eoinpeih d with him and his iannly to take refuge in the Macedonian court, where Plulip had given tlieni a hospitable recei)tion. The higlj j.ppointment of Mentor must have mtroduced Memnon again upon the stage of Asiatic politics; vet at the commencement of the war, his situation in the Persian cami. appears to have l)een very Kubordinate. At the battle on the (iranicus he fouffht bravely, but, as a general, displayed no more self-possession and talent than Ins compa- nions, A brave man would have taken his station with the Greek mercenaries; an able man, from a fugitive cavalry, 19,000 in number, and not pursued, would have rallied some, at least, and brought tliem back to support the retreat of the iiifan'try. At Ephesns, his plans were counter- ')cted-'at Miletus he was too late; and at Ilali- carnassus he lost the strongest maritime fortress m Asia, altliough he was master of the sea and ot 100 triremes, and had unlimited resources in men and money. If we judge of him by his actions we must infer that party spirit invested linn with talents that did not belong to him. Pharnabazus, his sister's son, was appointed Ins successor. lie in conjunction with Autoi)hradates, tlie ad- miral forced Mytilene to submit, and separated Tenedos from the confederacy. Here their enter- tirize and success ceased. Thymodes, the son of JElSii. 23.] THE BATTLE OF ISSUS. 101 Mentor, arrived with a commission to convey all the Greek mercenaries to Syria. The fleet was thus left comparatively helpless. But the hopes of the anti-Macedonian party m Greece, were great during the whole of this sum- mer. The Persian fleet commanded the .^gean, and all the information that reached Greece was from the partizans of Persia. The battle of Issus was not fought till October: not a single military exploit of consequence had marked the progress of the great army during the previous summer. Darius was known to have passed the Great De- sert, and his cam]) was thronged witli repubhcan volunteers, offering and pressing their military services: and eager to re-assert the supremacy ot the Southern Greeks on the plains of Syria. 1 he translation of the following passage, from the famous speech of .Eschines, will illustrate this assertion. He is addressing Demosthenes. "But when Darius had arrived on the sea-coast with all his forces, and Alexander, in Cdicia, was cut oli' from all his communications, and in want of all thin'Ts, as you said, and was on the point, as you expressed 'it, of being trodden under foot, together with his troops, by the Persian cavalry; when the city could not bear your insolence, as you went round with your despatches hanging from every finger, and pointed me out as melancholy m coun- tenance and downcast in spirits, adding, that my horns were already gilt for the impending sacrifice, and that I shouhrbe crowned with the garlands as soon as any misfortune befel Alexander, yet even then you did nothing, but deferred acting till a better opportunity." Demosthenes was content i 1 02 AWXAMWll THE GRIAT, [B. C. 333. uitli speakinjr, but Agis, the king of Sparta, was more active: embarkiiijjr on board a trireme, he sought an interview witli Pharnal)aziis at the small island of Syphnus, where they conferred on the best manner of forming an anti-Macedonian con- federacy in Greece. liut the arrival of the infor- mation of the defeat at Issus, put a sudden end to their deliberations. Darius had encamped in the great plam be- tween the Syrian Ciates and tlie modern Aleppo, where he |»repared to await the attack of his anta- ironist. But the long delay caused by the illness of Alexander, l)y the expedition into Western Cilicia, and by the apparent necessity of waitmg the result of the operations in C'aria, induced Darius to believe that his opponent had no intCE- tion to give him battlf. ^ Tlie Persian king was nui without Greek advi- sers; among others was Charidemus, the Athenian exile, lliis democrat, having sought the court of a desi>ot as a refuge, was not forgetfid of his liberty^ of speech; but having overstepped those limits of decorum, of which the Medes arul Persians were immutablv jealous, was put to death. Amyntas, tlie son of Antiochus, besought Darius to remain in his camp, and assured him, from his knowledge of Alexander's character, that lie would l)e certam to seek his enemy wherever he was to be found. But Darius, contident of success and hostile to delay, sent tlie principal i)art of Ws court and equipage to Damascus and began his march into From Soli, Philotas with the cavalry crossed the great alluvial flat formed l)y the depositions of > i .i:tat.23.] ADVANCE OF DARIUS. 103 the Cydnus and the Sams, and called the Aleian plain by the ancients, while Alexander conducted die infantry along the sea-coast, and visited hrst, a temple of Minerva, built on a rising mound called Ma.rarsus, and then Mallus. To this city, an Argive colo"nv, he remitted all the public taxes, and sacri- ficed \o their supposed founder, Amphilochus, with all the honours due to a demi-god. 1 he Persians had, of late years, behaved tyrannically to most ot tlieir subjects in Western Asia. Caria as we have already seen, had been deprived of its native princess: so had Paphlagoma and Cilicia: for the Syenesis, (long the name of the independent kings of the latter province,) had been replaced by a satrap. The natives, therefore, welcomed with pleasure their change of masters. At Mallus, Alexander received information ot the advance of the Persian army to a place called Sochi, within two davs march of the Syrian Gates. On this he summoned a council of war, and con- sulted it as to ulterior measures. 1 he council unanimously advised him to advance and give bat- tle In accordance with this resolution, the army moved forwards, and in two days arrived at Cas- tabala, where Parmenio came to meet the kmg. He had forced his way over the western ridge ot Mount Amanus, through the pass called the lower Amanian gates, had captured Issus, and occupied the more eastern passes into Syria. In two clays more the army surmounted the Xenophonteian gates of Cilicia and Syria, and encamped at Myri- Indrus. A heavy storm of wind and rain conhned the Macedonians witliin their camp during the en- I r -m ^g. t' * -^J^ lot ALB3tANDER THE GREAT. [B.C. 333. suing night. Next clay Alexander was surprised by the intelHgence that' Darius was in his rear. 'Tlie Persians had marclied through tlie upper Anianian gates into the plain of Issus, re-captured that town, and put the Macedonian invahds to a cruel death. Thence Darius advanced to the Pinarus, a river that Hows through the i)lain ot Issus into tlie western side of the head of the gult. Alexander, unable to believe that Darius was in his rear, ordered a few of the Companions to em- bark in a thirty-oared galley, to sad up the gult, and l»ring back accurate intelligence. Nothuig can be a stronjrer proof either of the overweening confidence or^of the extraordinary indiecihty ot the Persian leaders, tlian that, with the full com- mand of the sea, with innumerable shii)s, and with time suiKcient to have concentrated their whole naval force, they had not apparently a single vessel in the Issic gulf, or on the Cilician coast. Ihe Companions on board the galley, having executed their orders, reported that the curve of the bay had enabled them to see the whole country, to the west of the gates, covered with the enemy's troops. UiMin this Alexander summoned the generals, the chief orticers of the cavalry, and the leaders ol the confederates, and addressed them in a speech, of which Arrian has enumerated the principal topics. When he liad linished speaking, tlie veteran officers crowded round their young captam, em- braced his hands, cheered his hopes by their con- fident speeches, and desired him to lead them to the Held without delay. Tlie day was now draw- \ .Etit.23.] THE ARMIES PASS EACH OTHER. 105 in.r to a close, the men took their evening meal, and the whole army, preceded by a strong re- connoitring party, retraced its steps towards the crates. At midnight it re-occupied the defile. Stroncr watches were stationed on the surrounding height's, whilst the rest were indulged with a short renose. The kinii ascended a mountain, whence he could see the whole plain blazing with the camp iires of the Persian host. There he erected an altar, and with his usual attention to religious duties^ sa- crificed by torch-light to the patron gods ot the *' tvi*th the dawn the army moved down the road, in single column as long as the pass was narrow ; but as it opened, the column regularly deployed into line, with the mountain on the right and the sea on the left hand. Alexander, as usual, com- manded the right and Parmenio the left wing. Craterus under Parmenio, and Nicanor under Alex- ander, commanded the wings of the phalanx. Darius, whose movements were embarrassed by the multitude of his forces, ordered his 30,000 cavalry and 20,000 light troops to cross the Pina- rus, that he might have more room to form his lines. In the centre he stationed his heavy armed Greek mercenaries, 30,000 in number, the largest Greek force of that denomination mentioned in history. On each side he distributed 00,000 Per- sians, armed in a similar manner. 1 hese troops were called Cardaces, all natives of Persis or Persia Proper, and trained to arms from then- youth. 'I o the extreme left of these were posted 20,000 light troops, on the side of a hill, and ij. ijtiiittr'^"* *"" 106 ALEXANDER THE GREAT. [B.C. 333. tlireatening the rear of Alexander's rij^ht winjr. 1 o understand this, it must l)e supposed, that tlie mountain at the western foot of which the Pinarus flows, curves to the east with an inclination to the south. Alexander's troops, who occupied a much shorter portion of the course of the Pinarus, were Llms not only outHanked, hut had their right wing conipletelv turned. While l)arius was thus forming his line, Alex- ander hroujrht up liis cavalry, and sending tiie Pelopoimesians and other confederates to the left wing, retained the Companions and the Thessa- lians. His orders to Parnienio were, to kee]) close to the sea and avoid heing turned. But when Darius had recalled his cavalry and posted it be- tween the Cardaces of the right wing and the sea, Alexander, alarmed for the safety of his own left, weak in horse, despatched the Thessalians by the rear to the support of Parmenio. In front of the Companions were the Prodromi and P.-eonians. Tlie Agrians, sui)ported by a body of archers and Ciivalry, were so drawn up as to face the enemy posted on the hill conunanding the rear. But as Alexander had determined to make the main at- tack witli his riglit wing, he made a trial of the gallantry of these troops on the enemy's left, and ordered'the Agrians, the archers, and the before- mentioned cavalry, to charge them. But instead of waiting to receive the attack, the cowards, nu- merous as they were, retired from the side to the summit of the hill. Satisfied, therefore, that he had nothing to dread from that (juarter, Alexander incorporated tlie Agrians and archers with the right ,*:tat. 23.] BATTLE OF ISSUS. 107 wing, and left the 300 cavalry to keep their oppo- nents in check. The infantry with which he proposed to support the charha^stion had drawn back, and one o( the attendants had pointed to Alexander, as being the king and the (pieen, confused by her mistake, was retiring, he told her there had been no mis- take, for his friend was also Alexander. 1 have written this report not as true, nor yet as alto- izether to lie disbelieved. But if it be true, 1 praise Alexander for his compassionate kindness to the princesses, and the attection and respect shown bv liiin to his friend ; and if it be not true, I praise him for his general character, w uch made writers conclude, that such actions and speeches would, if ascribed to him, appear probabk\ In the present case we must be content witli ti.e latter clause of the eulogy ; for long after this, Alexander, in a letter quoted by Plutarch, writes, •• For mv part, I have neither seen nor desired to see the wife of Darius ; so ftir fVoni tliat, 1 have not suffered any man to speak of her beauty before me." , , i i ■ i On the following day, although he had received a sword wound in the thigh, he visited the wounded. i .iltat. 23.] THE WIFE AND MOTHEE OF DARIUS. 113 and buried the dead witli great magnificence. He himself spoke their funeral oration. The soldiers and officers who had principally distinguished themselves were publicly praised, and received honours and rewards according to their rank. Among the Persians slain were Arsames, Rheo- mithres, Atizyes, and Sabaces, the satraps respec- tively of Cilicia, the Greater Phrygia, Paphlagonia, and Egyi)t. These, and others of high rank, were buried according the orders of Sysigambis, the mother of Darius. Of the Greek mercenaries who fought in the battle, 4,000 accompanied Darius in his march to the Upper Provinces, 8,000 under Amyntas, the son of Antiocluis, reached Tripolis in Phoenicia. There they embarked on board the fleet whicli had conveyed many of them from the yEgean. Amyntas then persuaded them to sail into Egypt and seize upon it, vacant by the death of'^the satrap. On landing, Amyntas first gave out that he came as the legitimate successor of Sabaces, but unable to restrain his troops from plunderino- and maltreating the natives, he was soon disco- •yered to he an impostor. A war then took place, ill wliich, after some successes, Amyntas fell.' Thus perislied a Macedonian prince of consider- able talents, and who had distinguished himself by inveterate enmity against Alexander. From Cilicia, Parmenio, at the head of the riiessalian cavalry, was sent to seize the trea- sures, equipage, and court of Darius at Damascus. 1 his easy service, accompanied with the proba- bility of great booty, was assigned to the Thes- sahans as a reward for their exertions and suffer- I. .,._.^^^.isur-^^-^^-^i^'i^'^\:^i(^^^si^giS*i ^' ■ig'VfyVtJHt.iauiiwgtelL.ftta^a-i: j ir" s'i. jC ^l- . .ri*- ^' -f.. - j^ 1 ',. '.a.^. ^ -^' jEjMr^y^n ;?*!^ '^Sf^isi^fevS^f ^i^lS^^-^.^i^i^'^' '^■^■■^ 'P:''^-^ ',ff. 116 ALEXANDER THE GREAT. [BX.333. compulsory, they are willing to serve inider my banners. 'As I'tlicretbre am now master ot all Asia, come in person to me. If you have any fears for your personal safety, send some Inends to receive my pled^red faith.' On coming to me, ask for vour mother, wife, and chihlren, and what- ever else you may wish, and receive them; for every reasonahle request shall be granted. Hence- forth, if you have any communication to make, address irie as the King of Asia; and pretend not to treat witli me on etpial terms, but petition me as the master of your fate : if not, 1 sliall regard it as an insult, anil take measures accordmgly. It, however, vou still propose to dispute the sove- reignty with me, do not tiy, but stand your ground, as I will march and attack you wherever you may This certainly is not worded m the style ot modern despatches: but were it made a model for drawing up such papers, the art of diplomacy might be reduced to very simple principles. There is no attemi)t to delude, no wish to overreach, no desire to lull his antagonist into a fatal security : hut the fmal object in view, and the resolution to attain it, are distinctly mentioned, and the sword made the only arbiter of the dispute. The Persian court, with the treasures and the families of the principal Persians, and tlie foreign ambassadors, had been captured by Parmenio. The whole body had moved eastward, but had been overtaken through the activity of the Thes- salians, or the treachery of their own guules. The Thessalians reaped a rich harvest of booty upon the occasion. Alexander ordered Parmenio to /Etat.23.] CAPTURE OF THE PERSIAN COURT. 117 conduct tlie whole convoy back to Damascus, and to send the foreign ambassadors to head-quarters. Among tliese were Theban, Athenian, and Lace- daemonian envoys. Alexander ordered the The- bans to be immediately set at liberty, as he felt conscious that they were justified in having re- course to any power likely to restore their country. The Lacedaemonians, with whom he was virtually at war, were thrown into prison, but released after the battle of Arbela. According to the law of Greece, the Athenian ambassadors were traitors; and it is difficult to say in what capacity they could appear at the Persian court, with which, in their confederate character, they were at open war. They, however, were immediately set at large, principally, as Alexander himself alleged, for the sake of their chief, Iphicrates, the son of the pro- tector of Eurydice and her infant princes. From Marathus Alexander marched to Byblus, an ancient town celebrated for the worship of Adonis. The king was with the Persian fleet, but the inhabitants, like the Aradians, submitted. The Sidonians did not wait to be summoned, but eagerly availed themselves of the opportunity of shaking off the Persian yoke. Twenty years had not elapsed since Sidon had been captured by Ochus, and burnt by the inhabitants in a fit of phrenzy and despair. Forty thousand Sidonians are stated to have perished in the conflagration. If we can believe Diodorus, the conduct of Mentor the Rhodian, on the occasion, was most execrable. He commanded the auxiliaries in the Sidonian ser- vice, and betrayed his employers into the hands of their tyrants. f 118 ALEXANDER THE GREAT. [B.C. 333. Alexander was now in the centre of Phcenicia, the cradle of Greek literature, and nitimately con- nected with the remote traditions of the earliest colonization of Greece. With Phcrn.cia are con- nected the names of Europa, Minos, and KhacLi- manthus, of Cadmus, Semele, and Dionysus; and not even Egypt had left a deeper impress of her intellect and arts on the i,lastic mind ot Greece But events unhappily occurred which prevented Alexander from hailin- her as the mother ot let- ters, commerce and civilization, and caused the sieire of Tyre to be the most mourntul page in his history. While he still remained at Sidoii, a ly- rian deputation waited upon him presented liim with the customary crown of gold, and expressed the wish of the Tyrians to acknowledge his autho- rity and execute his commands. He dismissed the deputies witli honour, and announced to them his intention to visit Tyre, and to otler sacnhces in the temple of Hercules; "not the Grecian hero, his ancestor," says Arrian, "but another Hercules, worshipped many ages before him m a temple the oldest known on earth." Selden, m his ti^^atise concerning the Syrian gods, has identitied this Hercules with the Scripture Moloch, on wliose altars the Tyrians and their Carthaginian cojonists used, on extraordinary occasions, to otter human victims. It was consequently in the temple ot Moloch, "horrid king," that Alexander wished to sacrifice, but certainly not with the impious ntes of his oriental worsliippers. The Tyrians, imagining it more easy to exclude than to expel their royal visitor, refused to admit him within their walls j aiid, according to Curtius, JEtat.23.] SIDON — THE TYRIAN HERCULES. 119 added, that the original temple was still standing in Old Tyre, where the god might be duly ho- noured. On receiving this refusal, Alexander summoned a general council of officers, and thus spoke; — " Friends and Allies ! In my opinion we cannot march safely into Egypt while the Persians are masters of the sea; nor pursue Darius while, in our rear, Tyre remains undecided in her policy, and Cyprus and Egypt are in the power of the Persians. The latter alternative is peculiarly ha- zardous, both for other reasons and on account of the state of Greece : for should we pursue Darius and march to Babylon, 1 fear the Persians, taking advantage of our absence, might re-capture the maritime cities, gather a powerful force, and trans- fer the war to Greece. The Lacedaemonians are already our open enemies : and the Athenians are restrained more by their fears of our arms than affection to our cause. But if we capture Tyre, and thus take possession of all Phoenicia, the Phoe- nician fleet, the most numerous and efficient part of the Persian navy, will most probably come over to us : for when they hear that we are in possession of their homes and families, the seamen and naval combatants will not be likely to endure the hard- ships of sea and war in behalf of strangers. Should this be the result, Cyprus must either willingly fol- low, or be invaded, and easily subdued. When we sweep the seas with the united navies of Phoenicia, Macedonia and Cyprus, our maritime superiority will be undisputed, and the expedition to Egypt facilitated. Finally, by the conquest of Egypt, all future alarms for the safety of Greece and Mace- 120 ALEXANDER THE (JKEAT. [B. C. 333. donia will be removed, and we shall commence our march to Babylon with a conscious feelinj^ of the security of our homes, and with additional fame, from havinj^ deprived the Persians of all communi- cation with the sea, and of the provinces to the west of the Euphrates." These arfruments easdy induced tlie Macedonians and their allies to com- mence the siege of Tyre. The Tyrians, although not so early celebrated either in sacred or profane histories, had yet at- tained greater renown than tlieir Sidoniiui kinsmen. It is useless to corrjecture at what period or un- der what circumstances these eastern colonists had quitted the shores of the Persian gulf, and iixed their seats on the narrow belt between the moun- tains of Lebanon and the sea. Probably at Hrst they were only factories, established ibr connecting tlu'' trade between tlie eastern and western world. If so, their origin must be sought among the na- tives to the east of the Assyrians, as that race of industrious cultivators possessed no shipiiing, and was hostile to commerce. The colonists took root on tliis shore, became prosperous and wealthy, covered the Mediterranean with their Heets, and its shores with tlieir factories. Tyre in the course of time became the dominant city, and under her supremacy were founded the Pluxjnician colonies in Greece, Sicily, Africa, and Spain. The wealth of her merchant princes had often tempted the cupidity of the despots of Asia. Salmanassar, the Assyrian conqueror of Israel, directed his attacks against Tyre, and continued them for five years, liut was finally compelled to raise the siege. Na- bucliadonosor was more persevering, and succeeded /{:tat. 23.] ANCIENT TYRE. 121 in capturing the city, after a siege that lasted thir- teen years. The old town, situated on the conti- nent, was never rebuilt; but a new Tyre rose from its ruins. This occupied the area of a small island, described by Pliny as two miles and a half in cir- cumference. On this confined space a large popu- lation existed, and remedied the want of extent by raising story upon story, on the plan followed in old Edinburgh, Leipsig, and many other w^alled cities of Europe. It was separated from the main land by an armlet of tlie sea, about half a mile in breadth and about eighteen feet deep. The city was encircled by walls and fortifications of great strength and height, and scarcely pregnable even if accessible. The citizens were bold and skilful, and amply supplied with arms, engines, and other warlike munitions. Apparently no monarch ever undertook a more hopeless task, than the capture of Tyre with the means of ofience possessed by Alexander. But no dilficulties could daunt him. Without a single ship, and in the face of a for- midable navy, he prepared to take an island fortress with his land forces. His plan was to construct a mound from the shore to the city walls, erect his battering rams on the western end, there effect a breach and carry the town by storm. Materials were abundant; the whole shore was strewed with the ruins of old Tyre; and the acti- vity of the leader was well seconded by the zeal of his troops, 'i'he work advanced rapidly at first. The waters were shallow, and the loose and sandy soil easily allowed the piles to reach the more solid strata below. But as the mole advanced into deeper water, the difficulties of the undertaking X Xv#w ALEXANDER THE GREAT. [B.C. 333. became more l\ uleiu. The labour of construction was greater, the currents more rapid, the progress slower, and the annoyance given by the enemy more effectual. Missiles,"^ discharged from the engmes erected on the wall, reached the work in front; triremes, properly fitted out, attacked it on both flanks. The men employed found it difficult to carry on the labour, and at the same time to defend then'iselves. Engines were therefore raised on the sides of the mounds, to resist the triremes; and two wooden towers were built at the extreme end, in order to clear tlie city walls of their defenders. These were hung in front with raw hides, tlie best defence against the enemy's tire-darts.^ ^ To counteract these measures, the Tyrians con- structed a fire ship, tilled with the most combus- tible materials, and towed it to the mound. They then laid it alongside of the wooden towers, and there set tire to it. When the flames liad taken effect, a ^eneral attack was made by the Tyrian fleet in front and on both sides. The Macedonians, blinded by the smoke, and enveloped in Hames, could offer no effectual resistance. The Tyrians ascended the mound, destroyed the engines, and directed the progress of the flames. Their success was complete, and in a few hours the labours of the Macedonians were rendered useless. Alexander possessed perseverance as well as ar- dency of character. lie reconuiienced the construc- tion of the mound on a larger scale, so as to admit more engines and a broader line of combatants. In the interval, he varied his labours by making a short excursion against the robber tribes of Mount Lebanon. This was not a service of great danger, \ .Etat.23.] SIEGE OF TYRE. 123 but the necessity of pursuing the robbers into the recesses of their mountains, occasioned the follow- ing adventure, which Plutarch has recorded upon the authority of Chares. Lysimachus, his preceptor in earlier days, had accompanied Alexander into Asia. Neither older nor less valiant than Phrenix, he claimed a right to attend his former pupil on all such expeditions. Night overtook the party among the wilds of Anti- Libanus; the rugged ground compelled them to quit their liorses, but the strength of the old man began rapidly to sink under the united effects of age, fatigue, and cold. Alexander would not for- sake him, and had to pass a dark and cold night in an exposed situation. In this perplexity he ob- served at a distance a number of scattered fires whicli the enemy had lighted : depending upon his swiftness and activity, he ran to the nearest fire, killed two of the barbarians who were watching it, seized a lighted brand, and hastened with it to his party. They soon kindled a large fire, and passed the night in safety. In eleven days he received the submission of most of the mountain chiefs, and then descended to Sidon. He was convinced by this time that he could not entertain any reasonable hope of taking Tyre with- out the co-operation of ships. Winter had now set in, and he had every reason to hope tliat the Pha}nician fleets would return, and as usual, spend that season in their own harbours : nor was he disappointed ; the kings of Aradus, of Byblus, and Sidon, returned home, and finding their cities oc- cupied by Alexander, placed their vessels at his disposal. A few ships also joined from other har- 1 u ALEXANDER THE GREAT. [B.C. 333. I hours; and tlnis the king suddenly found himself master of more than a hundred sail. This number was soon after more than doubled l)y the junction of the kings of Cyprus, witli a hundred and twenty ships of war. These were Greeks, but their season- able arrival was too welcome to admit of reproaches for past misconduct ; all was forgotten, and their present appointments confirmed. .Etat. 24.] ( 125 ) CHAPTER Vir. Third Campaign, B, C. 332. The siege of Tyre occupied tlie first five months of this year, supposing it to have commenced in November, B. C. 333, but if it did not commence till December, the capture did not occur till the end of June, 332. The Tyrians were surprized and dismayed when Alexander came with his formida- ble fleet in sight of their city. Their first impulse was to draw out their vessels and give battle ; but the enemy's superiority disheartened them. Their next care was to prevent their own fleet from being attacked; and to ensure this, they sunk as many tnremes in the mouths of their two harbours, as would fill the intervening space. The island, now a peninsula, was in shape a parallelogram, with its longest sides exposed to the north and south ; the western end threw out a small promontory to the north, and- in the curve thus made was the principal harbour, secured by strong piers, and a narrow entrance; ofi^ this Alexander stationed the Cyprian fleet, with orders to keep it closely blockaded. In rough weather the fleet could take refuge in the northern angle, between the mound and the shore. The opposite side was occupied by the Phaniician fleet, which thence watched the southern harbour. This was the only use derived from the mound, as the city walls in front of it were 150 feet high, and of proportional 126 ALEXANDER THE GREAT. [B.C. 332. solidity. Had not this wall defied the battering ram, the Tyrians had ample time and room to triple and quadruple their defences on tliat smgle point. It does not appear, however, that the mound ever reached the walls, or that an assault was made from that quarter. The camp was now filled with smiths, carpenters, and engmeers, trom Rhodes and Cvprus, who constructed luige ratts, on which battering rams and other engines were erected, and exposed the wliole cu'cumterence ot tlie walls to attack. But it was found that these enormous masses could not approach close enough to allow the en- crines to be plied with effect, as the outermost foundations of the wall were protected by a breast- work of huge stones, placed there to break the vio- lence of the waves. The Macedonians, therefore, with great labour and loss of time, had to remove these unwieldly obstacles, and to clear the ground. Tlie vessels employed in this service experienced every species of active annoyance from the lynans. Small boats with strong decks slipped under their sterns, and cutting their cables, sent them adrift. And when Alexanaer had protected his working vessels with a line of boats similarly decked, the Tyrian divers eluded their vigilance, and cut the cables close to their anchors. Cham cables were finallv substituted, and the work proceeded. Ropes were' fastened to immense masses, and they were drawn to the mound and sunk in deep water be- tween its western end and the wall. It was pro- bably these stones that, in aftertimes, converted the island into a peninsula. At this period tlie Tyrians made an attempt to Mmt, 24.] SIEGE OF TYRE. 127 regain their naval superiority. They secretly pre- pared three quinqueremes, three quadriremes, and seven triremes ; these they manned witli their most skilful and active sailors, and with their best armed and boldest warriors. The intention was to sur- prize the Cyprian fleet; the time chosen mid-day, —when the sailors usually went ashore, and the watches relaxed their vigilance.' Then the Tyrian ships quietly glided one by one from the inner harbour, formed their line in silence, and as soon as they came in sight of the Cyprians, gave a gal- lant cheer, and plied every oar with zeal and eflTect. The first shock sent down three quinqueremes, and in one of them, Pnytagoras, a Cyprian king ; the rest, partly empty and partly half manned, were driven ashore, where the victors prepared to de- stroy them. Alexander's tent was pitched on the shore not far from the station of the Phoenician fleet. He, like the rest, probably in consequence of the heat,' used to retire to his tent at noon. On this day his stay had been much shorter than usual, and he had already joined the Phoenician fleet, when the alarm was given of the Tyrian sally. The crews were instantly hurried on board, die greater number ordered to station themselves off the southern har- bour, to prevent another sally from that quarter, while he, with all the quinqueremes and five tri- remes, moved round the western end of the island as rapidly as the crews could row. The Tyrians, who from the w^alls viewed this movement, and recognized Alexander by his dress and arms, saw that if he succeeded in doubling the point and gaining the entrance into the northern iSBj ijfc^ ^..^jJiiJ AIJuj-H 1 ?S ALEXAMDIE THE GREAT. [B.C, 332- harbour, before their ships returned, their retreat must inevitably be cut ott". One universal cry was therefore raised, and ten thousand voices called upon the detaclied party to return ; and when the combatants, in the moment of their triumph, dis- regarded sounds easily to be mistaken for cheers of applause and encouragement, signals were dis- played on every conspicuous point. These were at length observed, l)ut too late for the safety of the ships. A few regained the harbour, the greater number were disabled, and a ciuinquereme and the three quadriremes were taken without being da- maged. As the crews abandoned them and swam to the sliore, the loss of lives was trifling. The attempts to batter down the walls were HO longer liable to be interrupted by the Tyrian navy, but great ditHculties still remained; lor the be- sieged, from their commanding position on the walls, could seriously annoy the men who worked the engines. Some they caught with grapphng- hooks, and dragged within the city ; others they crushed with large stones or pierced with engine darts. They also threw hot sand on their nearer assailants; 'this penetrated the cliinks of their armour, and rendered the wearer frantic with pain. Diodorus adds, (and lie could not have invented the tale,) that from tlieir (ire-casting engines they threw red-hot iron balls among tlie dense masses of the besiegers, and seldom missed their aim. The attack on the eastern and western sides had already failed, when a more vulnerable part was found 'in the southern wall; a small breach was there made, and a slight assault by way of trial given. Tlie ensuing day was devoted to prepa- .^•:tat. 24.] SIEGE OF TYRE. 129 rations for the final effort; every ship was put in requisition and furnislied with missiles, its proper place assigned, and orders given to attack at the preconcerted sile, was with due ceremony to release the statue from its chains, and to give it the new name of Phil-Alexander. The sacrifice to Hercules, the ostensible cause of the war, was celebrated with due pomp; and the vessels sailed, and the troops marched, in solemn |>rocession. The usual festivities followed, accompanied by gynmastie contests, and the whole was closed by the'favourite lamp race. Tlie quin- quereme, which he had himself taken, the sole trophy of his naval wars, was dedicated with an inscri'ption in the temple of Hercules. So also was the battering-ram with which tlie walls had been first sliaken^. Its beam probably was formed of die trunk of one of the magnificent cedars of Lel»anon. '• Arrian (says Mitford) relates, as a report ge- nerally received, and to which he gave credit, that, soon after the battle of Issus, a confidential eunuch, a principal attendant of the captive queen of Persia, found means to go to her unfortunate husband. On first sight of him, Darius hastily asked, if his wife and children were living. Tlic eunuch assuring him, that not only all were well, but all treated with respect as royal personages, equally as before their captivity, the monarch's apprehension changed. The queen was generally said to be the most beautiful woman in the Persian empire. How, in the usual concealment of the persons of women of rank throughout the eastern nations, hardly less in 133 JEttt. 24.] PROPOSAL OF DARIUS. ancient than in modern days, this could be known, unless from report of the eunuchs of the palace, Arrian has not said ; but his account rather im- plies that her face had been seen by some of the Grecian olKcers. Darius's next question, how- ever, was said to be, Was his queen's honour tar- nished, either through her own weakness, or by any violence/ The eunuch protesting with solemn oaths that she was as pure as when she parted from Darius, and adding that Alexander was the best and most honourable of men, Darius raised his hands towards heaven and exclaimed, ' O Great God, who disposest of the affairs of kings among men, preserve to me the empire of the Persians and Medes, as thou gavest it ; but if it be thy will that I am no longer to be king of Asia, let Alex- ander, in preference to all others, succeed to my power.' The historian then adds his own remark, ' so does honourable conduct win the regard even of enemies.' " This, which Arrian has judged not unworthy of a place in his Military History of Alexander, is obviously not, like numberless stories of private conversations related by Diodorus, and Plutarch, and Curtius, and others, what none who were likely to know would be likely to tell ; but, on the contrary, what no way requiring concealment, the eunuch would be rather forward to relate : so that not improbably many Greeks, and among them some acquainted with his character, and able to estimate his veracity, might have had it from him- self." I have transcribed the above anecdote from 4 13 t ALEXANDER THE ORE AT. [B.C. 332. Mitford, and added his judicious observations; as I regard the second embassy from Darius as the eft'ect of the impression made upon his mind by tlie eunuch's communication. It arrived in the camp before the fall of Tyre. The ambassadors wTre empowered to offer, on the part of Darius, ten thousand talents as the ransom of his fiimdy, one of his daujrliters in marriage, and, as her portion, all Asia to the west of the Euphrates. Wlien these proposals were as usual submitted to the consideration of tlie Macedonijm council, Par- menio unhesitatingly said, " Were I Alexander, I would conclude the war on these terms, and incur no further risk." " So would I, (said the King,) were I Parmenio, but as 1 am Alexander, anotlier answer nuist be returned." This, in the direct form, was to the following purpose : " I want no money from you, nor will 1 receive a part of the empire for the whole; for Asia and all its trea- sures belong to me. Should I wish to marry your daugliter, I can do it, without asking your con- sent. If you wish to obtain any favour from me, come in person and ask for it."— Darius convinced by tins answer of tlie inutility of negotiations, re- newed his preparations for the final struggle. Although the siege of Tyre had lasted seven months, no attempt to relieve it was made from any quarter. It is difHcult to say what prevented the Cartliaginians from aiding tlie mother city, which, with their maritime superiority, tliey could so effectually have done. Rumours of civil dissen- sions and wars in their own territories have been alleged, but history fails us as to particulars. Car- if:tat. 24.] SIEGE OF GAZA. 135 I 4 i r \ I I thaginian ambassadors were found in Tyre, but they do not seem to have interfered between the belligerents. Palestine, with the adjoining districts, submitted to the conqueror. The patrimony of David and the city of Goliah equally acknowledged his sove- reignty, and Ace, Ashdod, and Ascalon, neither lifted a spear nor drew a sword. Gaza alone, under the government of Batis, an eunuch, dared to resist, and remained faithful to its king amidst the general defection. The city was built on a mound, near the edge of the desert that separates Egypt from Syria. Tlie fortifications were good, and the vici- nity furnished no materials for the construction of works. Batis took into pay a body of Arabs from tlie desert, on whose ferocity, if not skill, he could depend. Alexander threw up a mound against the southern side of the city, and on this mounted part of the engines and battering rams with which Tyre had been overthrown. The labour was great, as the sandy soil gave way under the works, and no timber could be procured. But as the city walls encircled the outer edge of the mound, they were liable to be undermined, and the miners were set to work. While Alexander was one day sacrificing with the sacred wreath round his brows, and was cutting the hair of!^ the victim's forehead, one of those car- nivorous birds, which in eastern cities are half tame, and were then probably well acquainted with the nature of a sacrifice, happened to hover above the king's head, and drop a small stone upon his shoulder. The omen was judged important, and, 136 ATrTAKTIFR TlIK CRKAT. [B. C. 332, according to Aristuiuler, tbrebodetl the eventual capture of the city, but ])ers<)nal danger to the king, if ht' cxjiosed himself during tliat day. In obedience to the warning, he retired beyond the reach of missik's. But the besit-ged having salhed at the moment, and threatening to burn the en- gines, Alexander cither forgot, or despised, the caution, and hurried ibruard to repel tlie assail- ants. He succeeded, l)ut was struck bv an arrow discharged from a catapult; which, penetrating the shield and breast-plate, sunk deep into his shoulder. His Hrst feeling on receiving the wound was joy, as it implied the veracity of Aristander, and the consequent capture of the town. But the wound was severe and painful, and was not easily healed. Soon after, the wall being liattered down and undermined in various places, the assault was given. Tlie breaches still required scaling ladders, but tlie emulation of the Macetlonians was great, and the place was carried by storm. The first to enter the city was Neoptolemus, one of the Com- panions and an yKacides. The garrison refused quarter, fouglit to tlie last, .-.nd were all put to the sword. Some historians have amused ihemsclves witli inimitely describing the fate of Batis. Ac-* cording to them he was slain in cold blood by the orders of Alexander, who Achilles-like, dragged liis body twice round the citv walls. The fiction 18 contradicted by the silence of Arrian, the dan- gerous wound of Alexander, and by the fact tliat the whole garrison perished in the assault. Gaza possessed a good harbour, and was a con- siderable emporium for tlie productions of Arabia. Among the booty, great stores of frankincense, 4 ^tat.24.] VISIT TO JERUSALEM. 137 myrrh, and other aromatics, fell into the con- queror's hands. The sight of these brought an anecdote of his boyisii days to his recollection. Leonnatus, his governor, one day, observing him at a sacrifice throwing incense 'into tlie fire by handfuls, thus admonished him, " Alexander, when you have conquered the country where spices grow, you may be thus liberal of your incense ; in the mean time use what you have more sparingly." He now sent his governor large bales of spices^and added the following note. " Leonnatus, I have sent you frankincense and myrrh in abundance, so hereafter be more liberal to the gods." Here, also, he found many of the specimens of the arts and productions of the East. He selected some of these as presents for Olympias, and his favourite sister, Cleopatra, the Queen of Epirus. According to Josephus, Alexander inarched, with hostile intentions, from Gaza ,to Jerusalem, nor did he invent the account, as it is also given in the Book of Maccabees. The (piestion, as to the truth of the statemt=lit, has been debated with more virulence than the case recpiired. The description given by Josephus is highly wrou li. was slee])injT after the sacrifice, and told liini to hv of jiood cheer, to crown the city with gar- Unuls, to throw open tlie gates, to go forth to meet tlie Macedonians, with alltlie priests in their sacer- dotal rohes, and with the peopU* in white garments, and not to fear, as God wouUl provide for tlieir defence. *',la(hleus rose from sleep, and rejoicing in spirit, communicated the Divine message to the people. lie then performed all that he was commanded to do, and awaited the arrival of the king. " On learning his approach to the city, he went forth attendetl by the priests and i)eople, so as to give tlie procession a sacred character, distinct from the liabits of other nations. The spot where the meeting took place was at Sapha, or The Watch-tower, so called l)ecaiise Jernsalem and the Temj»le are thence visible. But the Phcrnicians antl Clialdwans, who followed the king, and ex- pected him in his anger to allow them to plunder the city, and put tlie high priest to death with every species of torture, witnessed a far ditierent scene. " For when Alexander from a distance saw the multitude in white garments, and the priests in front with tlieir variegated rohes of fine linen, and the chief priest in his hyacinthine dress em- broidered with gold, and bearing on his head the cidaris, with its golden diadem, on which was in- scribed the name of (iod ; be advanced alone, prostrated himself before the holy name, and was the first to salute the high priest. But when the Jews with one voice had saluted and encircled the king, the Syrian kings and the rest of his re- VISIT TO JERUSALEM. 139 t .IStit. 24.J tinue began to doubt the soundness of his intel- lects. Parmenio then ventured to draw near and ask ' ^^'hy he, before whom all prostrated them- selves,^ paid that honour to the high priest of the Jews V he answered, ' I did not prostrate myself before liim, but before the God with whose priest- liood he has been honoured. For while I was as yet at Dium, in Macedonia, I saw him in the same dress in my dreams. And as I was deliberating in what manner I should conquer Asia, he ex- horted me not to hesitate, but to cross over with confidence, as he would be a guide to the expedi- tion and deliver the Persian empire into my hands. As, therefore, I have seen no other in a' similar dress, as this spectacle reminds me of the vision in my sleep, and of the exhortation, I conclude that my expedition was undertaken under Divine Pro- vidence, that I shall conquer Darius, put an end to Persian domination, and succeed in all my plans.' " After this explanation, x\lexander took the high priest by the right hand and entered the city, while the priests ran along on both sides. He then went up to the Temple and sacrificed to God according to the directions of the high priest, and highly honoured both him and the other priests. 1 hen the Book of Daniel, and the prediction that a Greek was destined to overthrow the Persian empire, were shown to him. From it he concluded that he was the person signified, and being much delighted, dismissed the multitude." Tims Josephusr—It might easily be shown that the time Hxed by him is a mistake, but of the oc- currence of the visit there can be entertained no UA,. ». *.^uiiAadiidalli!^'k3b4i^^tf4f:AA^ii f* ^i 'L'tejit ji. . — Jii-..fc< 1 40 4 T FT ^ x'j^vn THE GREAT. [B. C. 332. rational doubt. The Ijehaviour of Alexander is the same as in all other similar cases, and according to bis maxim — '* to pay the highest reverence to the priesthood of every country, and to invoke the gods of every nation." It is also incredible that Alexander, who was detained nine months on the sea coast, and whose curiosity as a traveller was equal to his ambition as a warrior, did not visit a city of the importance and magnitude of Jerusalem, and a temple and priesthood, the fame of which was great, at least on the adjacent coast. But when we liave the direct testimony of the people most concerned, that he did not in this instance act con- trary to his usual habits, it is too nnich to call upon us to disbelieve the positive testimony, merely be- cause other writers have omitted to notice the oc- currence. Perhaps the only stain oil the character of Ptolemy, the son of Lagus, is bis cruelty to tlie Jews, and if, in oi)pressing them, he was gudty of violating the j)rivileges coiderred upon tljem by Alexander, we have a sufHcient reason why he passed over the circumstance in silence. That such was the case, may almost positively be in- ferred from the fact stated by Curtius, that while Alexander was in Egypt, the Samaritans revolted and put the Macedonian governor to a cruel death. They could have no otlier cause for this conduct than the superior favour shown to their enemies tiie Jews, with whom they had been beforehand in acknowledging the authority of Alexander, and submitting to liis will. We read in ancient and modern historians of the difficulties to be encountered by armies in march- /ttat. 24.] MARCH INTO EGYPT. 141 ing across the desert from Gaza to Pelusium, and of the great preparations necessary for such a hazardous enterprise ; but Alexander encountered no similar difficulties, and his army passed in safety between the '' Sirbonian Bog" and " Mount Casius old," without suffi-ring from thirst or being swal- lowed in quicksands. At Pelusium, which he reached in seven days, he found Iicp]ia>stion, who had conducted the fleet from Phcjonicia. One hundred and ninety-four years had elapsed since the conquest of Egypt by Cambyses, but the Egyptians had never been willing slaves to their masters. Their revolts had been numerous, bloody, and often successful. After enjoying a turbulent independence for more than sixty years, they had been re-imited to the empire by the late king Ochus, aided by a large Greek force."^ But their wounds were still green ; and hatred against Persia was as strong a motive to revolution, as affection to Ma- cedonia could have been. Sabaces, the satrap, with all the disposable troops, had fldlen at Issus. His lieutenant, Mazaces, was powerless, and in the hands of tlie natives. He, therefore, made a grace of necessity, and attempted no resistance. Thus Alexander took quiet possession of this mostancient and once powerful kingdom, without tlirowing up a mound or casting a spear. From Pelusium he advanced up the country along the eastern branch of the Nile, and first visited Heliopolis, and then Memphis, the capital of Lower Egypt. Here he remained for some time, and, according to his usual policy, offered sacrifices to the Egyptian gods. Even Apis was tradition rejK)rted, beneath a tempest of moving sand, could not deter Alexander. Cam- byses was the contenuier of religion, the violator of the gods of Egypt. The devoted troops sought the holy shrine for the acknovvletlged purj>ose of pollution and destruction. But their guides through the desert must have been natives. Many of these, iu a case wliere their religion was so deeply concerned, might be found willing to conduct the infidels into pathless wilds, and to purchase the safety of the sanctuary at the expense of tlieir own lives. He:>ides, all the warriors of Egypt had not fallen in one battle, and the islands of the desert would be the natural refuge of the boldest and noblest of the band. Probably, therefore, human agency, as well as physical causes, combined in preventing the return of a single messenger to an- nounce the fate of sixty thousand men. Alexander, on the contrary, was hailed as the deliverer of Egypt, who honouretl the gods whom the I*ersians insulted, and who souglit the tem|)le in order to consult the deity, worship at his shrine, and tlius add greater celebrity to the oracle. Escorted by a small and select detachment, he set out from Alexandreiat and marched along the seashore until he arrived at Parsetonium. Here he supplied the troops with water, and turned to the south, and in eleven days arrived at the Am- monian Oasis. The Macedonians had been prepared to expect miracles on this expedition, and certainly, according to their own account, they were not disappointed. When threatened with thirst, they were relieved by sudden and copious showers of rain, and when a south wind, the terror of the wanderer in the deserts of northern Africa, had arisen, and oblite- rated all traces of the paths, and the very guides confessed their ignorance of the right way, two ravens appeared to the bewildered party, and guided them in safety to the temple. This, per- haps, adnu'ts of an explanation; for a raven in the desart \vould towards nightfall naturally wing its way to its accustomed roosting place. But what can be said for Ptolemy, who writes that two large serpents, uttering distinct sounds, conducted them both to and from the temple ? Is it to be sup- posed, tliat the sovereign of Egypt, drawing great sums from the consulters of the "^oracle, was" guilty of a pious fraud, for the sake of raising his fame, and multiplying its votaries? If this can.ot be admitted, we must have recourse to the mystic theories of Bryant, according to whom both the Ravens and the Serpents were only the symbolical names of Egyptian priests. Later writers pretend to give in detail conversa- tions supposed to have taken place between the king and the priests, and the royal questions and the divine answers. But they are proved guilty of falsehood by the testimony of the original histo- L. m 1 If) ALEXANDER THE GREAT. [B. C 332. rians, who agree in stating that Alexander alone was admitted into the innermost shrine, and that when he came out he merely informed his followers that the answers had heen agreeable to him. He much admired the beauty of this insulated spot, surrounded by a trackless ocean of sand, and not exceeding six miles in diameter eitjjer way. It was covered with olives, laurels, and shady groves of palm-trees, and irrigated by innumera- ble bubbling springs, each the centre of a little paradise, fertilized by itself. In the middle stood the ])alace of the chief, inclosing within its build- ings the residence of the god. At some distance was another temple, and the celebrated springs which cooled with tlie ascending and warmed with the departing sun, were at midnight liot, and icy- cold at noon.' Imagination aided the Macedonians in verifying this miracle of nature, although pro- bably tlie change of temi)erature belonged to the judges rather tlian to the waters. According to Ptolemy, he returned across the desert to Memphis, where he was welcomed by tlie deputies of numerous Greek states, who all succeeded in the various objects of their mission. lit- also renewed with great splendour the feasts, games, and spectacles, and offered a public sacri- Ice to the Olympian Jove. Nor did these festi- vities interfere with his active duties, for during his stay at Memphis lie settled the future civil and military government of Egypt. Doloaspis, a native, was appointed governor of the central part; Apollonius, of the side bordering on Libya; Cleomenes, of the vicinity of Arabia. These two were ordered to hold the local magistrates respon- iEtat. 24.] GOVERNMENT OF EGYPT. 147 sible for the collection of the public revenues, but not to interfere with their peculiar duties, and allow them to administer justice according to the ancient laws of the country. Memphis and Pelusium were occupied by strong Macedonian garrisons, the rest of the country was guarded by Greek merce- naries. The army was supported by a fleet, but the commanders in chief by sea and by land were independent of each other. Arrian says, "He thus divided tlie government of Egypt among many, from being struck with the natural defences of the country, so that it did not appear safe to commit the entire command to one man; — and the Romans— taught, as I think, by the example of Alexander, to be on their guard with respect to Egypt— never appointed its proconsul from the senatorian, but from the equestrian rank." The history of Egypt, for the last twelve hun- dred years, is the best commentary upon the po- licy of Alexander and the observations of Arrian ; for, during that period, it has been either an inde- pendent government, or held by rulers whose sub- jection has been merely nominal. Alexander was desirous of visiting Upper E^ypt of viewing the magnificent ruins of the hundred- gated Thebes, and the supposed palaces of Tithonus and Memnon. But Darius was still formidable, and the remotest provinces of the East were arm- ing in his defence. The king, therefore, reluctantly postponed his examination of the antiquities on the banks of the Nile, and directed his march to — — ■' / / L 2 ( ^'^ ) [.ttat. 25. .Etat. 25.] FESTIVITIES AT TYRE. 149 CHAPTER VIII. Fourth Cam pa ign. B.C. 331. With die spring the army moved from Memphis, and arrived a second time at Tyre, where Alex- ander received numerous communications from Greece, concerning the operations of Agis, king of Sparta. The Lacedaemonians had not concurred in the general vote of the confederates, according to which Alexander had been appointed captain- general. They were therefore justified in attempt- ing to dissolve the confederacy, as the confederates would have been justified in compelling them to submit to the general decision. But both Philip and Alexander, abstaining from offensive mea- sures, liad permitted them to enjoy their undis- guised neutrality, until they, unable to remain passive any longer, took up arms, and invited the Southern Greeks to form a new confederacy under their ancient leaders of Sparta. Darius had sup- plied them with money, whicli they employed in bribing tlie chief magistrates of the republics, and in hiring mercenary soldiers. The Arcadians, Eleians, and Achaeans, joined them ; some of the mountain tribes in Thessaly excited disturbances; and had Athens acceded, all Greece, with the ex- ception of Argos and Messenia, would apparently have disclaimed the Macedonian supremacy. But Athens, if deprived of the leading place, cared little whether it belonged to Sparta or Ma- cedonia, and we have the positive testimony of /Eschines, that Demosthenes remained inactive at this critical period. The great patriot went still farther, for when the Athenians sent ambassadors in the public ship Paralus, to wait on Alexander at Tyre, these Paralians, as .Eschines calls them, found a friend and emissary of Demosthenes in constant communication with the Macedonian king, who was also said to have received a letter full of fair words and flattery from the orator. Under these circumstances, Alexander released the Athenian prisoners, sent money to Antipater, and ordered a powerful fleet into the Peloponnesus. The Homeric principle, that there could be no heroes without continual feasting, was regularly acted upon by Alexander. At Tyre, previous to entering upon the grand expedition to Babylon, he offered a public sacrifice to Hercules, and feasted the whole army. They were also entertained with dancing, music, and theatrical games. Tragedies were represented in the greatest perfection, both from the magnificence of the scenery and the spirit of the exhibitors. Plutarch, from whom we de- rive this information, does not say whether the Tyrians had a public theatre or not. Probably a city so much frequented by Greeks was not without one. It is impossible for the great body of the people in modern times to take the same lively interest in theatrical representations as the Greeks did; their theatres were invariably scenes of contest either between rival poets or rival actors; party spirit entered deeply into the busi- 150 ALEXANDER THE GREAT. [B. C 331. ness of the sta*^e, and large sums of money were lost or won according to the sentence of the judges. In the present case, the spectacles had been got up at the expense of the kings of Cyprus. Athenodorus and Thessalus, the two greatest tra- gic actors of the day, were brouglit to compete with each other. Pasicrates, the king of Soli, risked tlie victory upon Athenodorus, and \ico- creon, king of Salamis, upon lliessalus. We are not told whetlier the two actors played in the same piece ; — probably not, and each had to choose his favourite character. Alexander's feelings were interested in the contest, as Thessalus was his favourite ; he did not, however, discover his bias, until Athenodorus liad been declared victor by all the votes ; then, as he left the theatre, he said, *• I commend the judges for what tliey have done, but I would have given half my kingdom rather than have seen Thessalus conquered." Tlie above anecdote proves the warmth of his feelings, the following fact tlie steadiness of his affections. He beard that his misguided friend, HarpaUis, was a fugitive at Megaris — his plans, whatever they were, having miscarried, and his associates deserted liim. Alexander sent to re- quest him to return, and to assure him that bis former conduct would not be remend)ered to his disadvantage. Harpalus returned, and was re- stored to his situation. This was a dangerous ex- periment ; — and it failed, for on a subsequent occa- sion be acted in tlie same manner, only on a much larger scale. I lis re-appointment was, however, an error of the head and not of the heart. yi:tat. 25.] PASSAGE OF THE EUPHRATES. 151 All the necessary preparations had been com- pleted, and the army quitted the shores of the Mediterranean, and marched to the Euphrates. There were three main passages over that river, whicli all at different periods bore the common name of Zeugma, or the bridge. The most ancient was the Zeugma at Tliapsacus, where Cyrus, Alex- ander, and Crassus passed into Mesopotamia. This was opposite the modern Racca. The next was the Zeugma of the contemporaries of Strabo, at Samosata. The third was the Zeugma of later writers, and was the passage opposite the modern Bir. Two bridges had been partly thrown across beforehand ; these were completed as soon as the army arrived, and all passed into Mesopotamia. Mazaeus, a Persian general, who watched the passage, retired with his 3,000 horse without offering any resistance. According to Pliny, Alex- ander was struck witli the advantages of the site of tlie modern Racca, and ordered a city to be built there; it was called Nicephorium, and by its vicinity soon exhausted the less advantageously placed Tliapsacus. In the middle ages it became the favourite residence of Haroun al Rashid. At tliis point Alexander had to decide upon the future line of advance. He could either follow the example of the younger Cyrus, and march down the left bank of the Euphrates, or cross Mesopo- tamia, ford the Tigris, and enter Assyria from the north ; he preferred the latter, because it was bet- ter furnished with necessaries, and less exposed to the heat of the sun. ■,»ioa^ j>... '-u ■.-^.jri..^-...wj»A.t..- j..j.-ij.».josited. The combatants thence marched to the Lycus or Great Zab, and consumed five days in traversing the bridge. Military men may, from tliis fact, make a gross calculation of their numbers. The Persian Army wliich captured xlmida, in the reign of Constantius, was, according to Ammianus Mar- cellinus, himself a spectator of the passage, only three days in crossing a bridge thrown over the same spot. IIIB JEiSit. 25.] PASSAGE OF THE TIGRIS. 153 Darius then advanced to Gaugamela, or the Ca- mel's House, so called from the animal which had borne Darius, the son of Hystaspes, in his retreat from Scythia. It was situated not far from the river Bumadus, the modern Hazir Su. Here the immense plain of Upper Assyria, stretching north- ward between the Gordya?an mountains and the Tigris, presented the field of battle best calculated for the operations of a Persian army. Darius selected his own ground, and after levelling the hillocks and carefully removing every obstacle that could interfere with the movements of cavalry, sent forwards light troops to observe rather than con- test the passage of the Tigris. Alexander had reached this river in the vicinity of Beled or Old Mosul. Although the season was favourable, as all the rivers that flow from Mount Taurus are lowest in autumn, and no enemy ap- peared on the opposite bank ; yet the army en- countered great difficulties in the passage, both from the depth and force of the current, and the slippery nature of its bed. The cavalry formed a double line, within which the infantry marched with their shields over their heads, and their arms interlinked. In this manner they crossed without the loss of lives. Their entrance into Assyria was signalized by an almost total eclipse of the moon ; which, according to the calculation of astronomers, occurred on the night of the 20th of September. The soldiers were alarmed, and feared its dis- astrous influence; but Aristander soothed their agitated minds, by saying that it portended evil to Persia rather than to Macedonia. It is not easy to discover on what principle tliis explanation was usjSilllSMtVtltif^. . , 1 '> i A L i: X V N D i: R THE G RE AT. [B. C . 33 1. founded : for, as the sun, the fjlorious Mithra, was the patron god of Persia, that kingdom could scarcely be supposed to sympathize with the La- bours of the moon : but Aristander was an able man, as well as a diviner, and boldly affirmed, that the sun properly belonged to the Ci reeks, and the moon to tlie Persians ; on the same principle, he saw in the ensuing battle an eagle hovering over Alexander's head, and pointing upwards, an- nounced the fact to the soldiers. It is a curious historical coincidence, that the battle of Arbela, the greatest victory achieved by the Macedonian arms, and the defeat at Pydna, which proved fatal to tlieir empire, were both preceded by eclipses of the moon, and tliat the victor in each case knew how to convert the incident to his own purposes. Alexander as well as Paul us yEmilius ottered sa- crifices to the sun, moon, and earth, to the regular motions of which they knew the plioenomenon to be attributable. For three days the army marched down the left bank of the Tigris without seeing an enemy ; on the fourth, the light horsemen in front announced the appearance of a l)ody of l*ersian cavalry on the plain ; they did not wait to be attacked, and were pursued by Alexander himself and a chosen body of horse. He failed to overtake the main body, but captured a few whose horses were inferior in speed ; and discovered from them that Darius was encamped as before described, and ready to give battle. It is evident from the al)ove account and from tlie authority of other historians, that the population of the whole country to the west of the field ol' battle had been swept away by the Persian J^tat. 25.] PREPARATION FOR BATTLE. 155 cavalry, and that no inhabitants remained from whom any information could be derived. The army halted for four days on the spot where the king received the long-desired intelli- gence ; this pause being granted to enable the sol- diers to recover from their fatigues, and to prepare for the ensuing contest ; but of even this brief re- laxation from active duty part was employed in forming an intrenched camp for the protection of the baggage and non-combatants. At three o'clock on the morning of the fifth day he recommenced his march at the head of his com- batants, bearing nothing but their arms. It was his intention to arrive in front of the enemy at day- break, but the distance had been miscalculated, and the day was far advanced, when on surmounting a range of low hills, the King saw at length the in- terminable lines of the Persians drawn up in order of battle, and about four miles distant. Here he commanded a halt, and proposed the question to the leading officers hastily called toge- ther, whether they should immediately advance or postpone the battle till the next morning. The great majority were adverse to delay, but Par- menio, whose experienced eye had already dis- covered the traces of the levelling operations, was for encamping on the spot, and carefully examining the ground, as he suspected various parts in front of the enemy's lines to be trenched and staked. This prudent advice prevailed, and the army en- camped on the brow of the hills, under arms, and in order of battle. Then the king in person, escorted by a strong body of light troops and ca- valry, examined every part of the field as narrowly ittiiiyi^ ^Ijj^BlAiiM^ljaUkA 156 ALEXANDER THE GREAT. [B.C. 331. as circumstances would allow. On liis return to the main body he again called his officers together, and told them, it was needless for him to exhort men whose own courage and past deeds must prove the strongest incitement ; but he earnestly besought them to rouse the spirits of those under their com- mand, Jind impress upon all minds a sense of the importance of the impending combat, in which they were to contend, not, as before, for Syria, Plurnicia, or Egypt, but for Asia and for Empire. For this purpose every captain of horse and foot ought to address his own troop and company ; every colonel his regiment; every general in the phalanx his brigade. The men, naturally brave, needed not long liarangues to excite their courage, but simply to be told, to keep tlieir ranks carefully during the struggle, to advance in the deepest silence, to cheer with a loud and clear voice, and to peal forth the shout of victory in the most terrilic ac- cents. I le requested the officers to be quick in catching transmitted orders, and in communicating them to their troops, and to remember that the safety of all was endangered by the negligence and secured by the laborious vigilance of each mdividual. The generals, as at Issus, told their king to be of good cheer, and to rely with confidence upon their exertions. The men were tlien ordered to take tlieir evening meal, and to rest for the night. It is said that Parmenio, alarmed by the im- mense array of the Persian lines, and by the dis- cordant sounds of the congregated nations, borne across the plain like the hoarse murmurs of the agitated ocean, entered the king's tent at a late ^ iEtat 25.] POSITION of the Persians. 157 hour, and proposed a night attack. The answer was (for Parmenio was not alone) " it would be base to steal a victory, and Alexander must con- quer in open day and without guile." While the Macedonians were thus snatching a brief repose, the Persians were kept all night under arms, as they had been during the greatest part of the preceding day ; this alone was suffi- cient to break down the spirits of the men and to jade the horses. But Darius had chosen and pre- pared his ground, and could not change it without throwing his whole line into confusion. His order of battle, described on paper, fell into the hands of the Macedonians. The troops were arranged according to their nations, under their own satraps, in the following manner: — On the left were the Bactrians, Dahae, Persians, (horse and foot intermingled,) Susians and Cadusians. These last touched the centre. On the right were the Syrians, Mesopotamians, Medes, Parthians, Saca?, Tapeiri, Hyrcanians, Albanians, and Saca- senre. The last touched the centre ; which, com- manded by Darius himself, was composed of the Royal Kinsmen, the Immortals, the Indians, the expatriated Carians, and the Mardian archers. Behind, a second line was formed of the Uxians, Babylonians, Carmanians, and Sitacenians. In front of the left wing were drawn up 1,000 Bac- trians, and all the Scythian cavalry, and 100 scythe-armed chariots. In front of Darius, and facing Alexander's royal troop of Companion ca- valry, were placed 1 5 elephants and 50 of the war- chariots. In front of the right wing were posted M ffiffiiiHi f*'iif ■rJtv...,,--'. ■■■ ■ w .. ■■■i... >- ^ . ■ -amjiat ■j^.j.g.j.j^i^^^ 158 ALEXANBEE THE GREAT. [BX,881. the Armenian and Cappadocian cavalry, and 50 more of the eliariots. The Greek mercenaries were drawn up on both sides of Darius, opposite to the Macedonian phalanx, as they alone were supposed capable of withstanding the charge of that dreaded l)ody. With this list of nations before lis, it is absurd to impute the victories of Alexander to the effe- minacy of the Medes and Persians. The bravest and hardiest tribes of Asia were in tlie field : Bactrians, Scythians, and Dahas with their long lances, barbed steeds, and steel panoplies; Saca* and Parthians, mounted archers, whose formidable arrows proved in after ages so destructive to the legions of Rome ; Armenians, Albanians, and Ca- dusians, whom the successors of Alexander failed to subdue; and Uxian and Mardian mountaineers, unrivalled as light troops and skirmishers. Ar- rian computed tlieir united numbers at 1,000,000 of infantry, and 40,000 cavalry. Supposing the infantry did not exceed one fourth of that number, there would still remain troops enough to bear down and trample the Macedonians under foot. But the ijreat mass was without an efficient head; their nominal chief could not bring them to co-operate, as there was no principle of cohesion between tlie different ])arts. The sole point of union was the royal standard : So long as that was visible in tlie front of battle, it cannot be said that tlie Persian satraps ever forgot their duty; but if the king fell, or still worse, if the king fled, all union was dissolved, all eflbrts against the enemy instantly ceased, and a safe retreat into his own i 4 ^tat. 25.] BATTLE OF ARBELA. 159 province at the head of his own troops became the object of every chief. In attaining this object no distinction was made between friend and foe, all who obstructed the escape were indiscriminately treated as enemies. Cyrus had betrayed the fatal secret to the Greeks, Xenophon had made it pub- lic, and Alexander proved the truth of the maxim, " if the commander in chief of an oriental army be killed or forced to fly, all is gained." The king's sleep was deeper and longer than usual on the morning of this decisive day ; nor did he awake till Parmenio entered his tent to an- nounce that the troops were under arms and ex- pecting his presence. The general then asked w^hy he slept like a man who liad already conquered, and not like one about to commence the greatest battle of which the world had hitherto heard? Alexander smiled and said, *' In what light can you look upon us but as conquerors, seeing we have no longer to traverse desolate countries in pursuit of Darius, who does not decline the com- bat?" Alexander was neither tall nor large, but, with more than ordinary power of limb, possessed great elegance of ligure ; the many portraits on coins yet extant, give assurance that liis countenance was of the best models of masculine beauty; his com- plexion was fair, with a tinge of red in his face ; his eye was remarkable for its quickness and viva- city, and defied imitation; but a slight inclination of the head to one side, natural to him, was easily adopted by his courtiers, and even by many of his successors. His dress and arms on this memorable day are described by Plutarch, and deserve atten- h "fcWJJ -t" ..•i* jom the Rhodians, on wliich Helicon, at an ad- vanced age, had exerted all his skill in order to render it worthy of Alexander's acceptance. If we add to these the shield, lance, and light greaves, we may form a fair idea of his appearance in battle. The army was drawn up in the following order: on the extreme right were the Companion cavalry, in eight strong divisions, under the innnediate com- mand of Philotas ; the right wing of tlie plialanx was commanded by Nicanor, the son of Parmenio; the left by Craterus; the cavalry of tlie left wing was composed of the Thessalians and Greek con- federates ; Parmenio commanded the left, Alexan- der the right wing. This was the main battle. Behind the phalanx a second line of infantry was formed, with orders to face to the rear if any attack were made from that quarter. On the riglit Hank of the main battle, and not in a line with it, but in deep column behind the royal troop of Companion cavalry, were placed half the Agnans, lialf the archers, and all the veteran mercenaries. The flank of this column was covered by the Prodromi, Pfeonian, and mercenary cavalry, under the command of Aretas. Still more to their /Etat. 25.] BATTLE OF ARBELA. IGl right Bfenidas commanded another body of merce- nary cavalry. The left flank of the main battle was protected in a similar manner, by the Thra- cians of Sitalces, the Odrysse, and detachments from the confederate and mercenary cavalry. In front of the Companion cavalry were the rest of the Agrians and archers, and a body of javelin men. The king's forces amounted to forty thou- sand infantry, and seven thousand horse. The necessity of the unusual arrangement of the troops is obvious from the circumstance that Alexander, on his own extreme right, was opposite Darius, who occupied the Persian centre. The Macedo- nians were certain, in that great plain, of being en- veloped within the folding wings of their adver- saries, so that it was alike necessary to be prepared for attack in front, on both flanks, and from the rear. Alexander, either to avoid the elephants and the scythe-armed chariots, or to turn the right of the Persian centre, did not lead his line straight forwards, but caused the whole to advance obliquely over the intervening space. Darius and his army adopted a parallel movement. But as Alexander was thus rapidly edging oflP the ground levelled for the use of the chariots, Darius ordered the Bactrians and Scythians, who were stationed in front of his left wing, to wheel round and attack the enemy's right flank, in order to prevent the extension of their line in that direction. Menidas and the mercenary cavalry rode forth to meet their charge, but were soon overpowered by the num- bers of the enemy. Then all the cavalry under Aretas was ordered up to the support of Menidas. M. 1C2 ALEXANDER THE GREAT. [B.C. 331. These also were roughly handled, as the barba- rians were not only in greater force, but the com- plete armour of the Scythians made it very diffi- cult to make any impression upon them. The Macedonians, however, stood their repeated charges, and by keeping their own squadrons in close order, succeeded in driving them hack. Then the chariots were driven against Alex- ander and the right wing of the phalanx. But these, as usual, made no impression; for the greatest part of the horses and drivers were killed in the advance by the javelin men nnd the Agrians, who even ran between these once-dreaded machines, cut their traces, and speared the drivers. The few that reached the line were allowed to pass through to the rear, where they were easily caj)- lured by the grooms and royal attendants. Not a word is said of the operations of the elephants. Their attack must, therefore, have proved as un- successful as that of the chariots. The two main bodies were still at some distance, when Darius ordered his line to advance. Alex- ander observing this, commanded Aretas, with all the cavalry and infantry of the flank column, to charge tlie left wing of the enemy, who were now wheeling round, while instead of meeting Darius with his line, he advanced in column, and as soon as his leading troops had broken through the first line of the barbarians, he directed the whole force of the Companion cavalry and the right wing of the plialanx to the ope'n interval. There he pierced and divided the Persian line, and then attacked tl»e left centre of Darius in flank. His great object was to break through the Kinsmen .i:at. 25.] BATTLE OF ARBELA. 165 and Immortals, and reach that monarch. The close combat did not last long. The Persian cavalry were thronged, and in the press their missiles were of no avail against the Macedonian lances. The infantry also broke and fled before the bristling pikes of the phalanx, which nothing could with- stand on the levelled surface of the plain. Aretas and his troops were equally successful, and routed the enemy's left wing; so that in this quarter the victory of the Macedonians was decisive. I wish it were possible to believe that Darius, as recorded by Curtius and Diodorus, behaved with courage and spirit. 13ut the testimony of Arrian is expli- cit: — " Fearful as he was before hand, he was the first to turn and fly." The result was bv no means the same in otiier parts of the field. The three brigades attached to the left wing had not been able to accompany the rest of the phalanx in the great charge, but had halted for the protection of the troops to the left, who were in great danger of being defeated. An immense gap was thus opened, and the Indians and the Persian cavalry passing unmolested through it reached the baggage where the army had slept the preceding night. There they killed many of the camp attendants, and were busied in plundering, when the second line of the phalanx faced round, attacked them in the rear, slew many, and compel- led the rest to fly. The Persian right wing, where the Sacae, the Albanians, and Parthians were stationed, wheeling to the left at tlie beginning of the battle, attacked Parmenio on every side. The decided success of M 2 164 ALEXANDER THE GREAT. [B.C. 331. the assailants compelled the veteran general to des- patch a messenger to announce to the king the dangers of his situation, and the necessity of instant aid. One great ohject of Alexander's amhition was to capture the Persian monarch on the field of battle ; and that ohject, at the moment he received this message, was apparently within his grasp. Not hesitating, however, between duty and inclination, he instantly cheeked the pursuit, and with the Com- panion horse galloped towards the enemy's right wing. He had not proceeded far when he met the Persian and Parthian cavalry in full retreat. It was impossible for them to avoid the contest, and a desperate engagement took place. The Persians and Parthians' fought manfully, when not the vic- tory, but their own lives, were the stake, and many of them, piercing the Macedonian squadrons, con- tinued their flight without turning round. In this encounter sixty of the Companion cavalry fell, and Hephiestion, Cocnus, and Menidas, were wounded. In the mean time the Thessalian cavalry, already, perhaps, feeling the benefit of the king's victory in the relaxed eftbrts of their assailants, renewed their' exertions, and only allowed liim to witness their final charge and the enemy's flight. Satisfied with this result the king immediately turned round and resumed the pursuit of Darius, until night over- took him at the bridge over the Lycus. There he rested for a few hours, and again setting out at midnight, in the course of the following day reached Arbela, forty miles from the field of battle. Darius, however, was not there, but all his treasures and equipage fell into the victor's hands, and a second chariot, bow, and spear, were added to the former trophies. /Etat. 25.] FLIGHT OF DARIUS. 165 Thus terminated this famous battle, the success of whicli was principally due to the gallantry of the Companion cavalry and Alexander himself We have no means of ascertaining their number, but it is evident tliat it had been much increased since the last battle. Their labour and consequent fatigue were enormous, and they alone lost five hundred horses from wounds or over-exertion. It would be idle to speak of the number of men who fell on both sides. Perhaps we may infer from Arrian, that a hundred Macedonians of rank were slain. As the Lycus was not fordable, and Alex- ander obtained early possession of the bridge, the whole Persian army was at his mercy. Hence Arrian, who estimates the Persian loss of lives at three hundred thousand, states the number of pri- soners to have been far greater. Their king had brouglit them into such a position between the river Tigris, the Gordya^an mountains and the Lycus, that they had no choice but to conquer, or be either captured or slain. Darius fled from the field of battle, not down the 'J'igris towards Babylon, but across Mount Zagrus, probably by the pass of Kerrund. He was joined in his flight by the Bactrians, two thousand iSreek mercenaries, and the surviving remains of the Royal Kinsmen and body guard. These formed an escort strong enough to conduct him to Ecbatana. He did not dread an immediate pursuit, as Babylon and Susa would naturally attract the first notice of the victor. Alexander marched from Arbela, and in four days arrived at a town called Memmis by Cur tins, Ecbatana by Plutarch. There he viewed and ad- Bh*' '".af"'* ^**\t XA**-; haj»fc.u..iL ■.%.* .h. 'V-Adii'A^A.d J ()6 ALEXANDER THE GRl'AT. [B. C 331. ii:iat.25.J ENTRANCE INTO BABYLON. 167 mired the perpetual Hanits uhich from time hnme- morml liave issued from a gulf or cavern in the vicinity of the modern Kerkook. The place was also remarkable for its fountaui of liquid naphtha, of so combustible a nature, that the Greeks con- chuled it was the fabled drug with which Medea anointed the robes that proved fatal to the Corin- thian princess. The natives, eager to show its powers to the foreigner, formed a long train in front of the king's lodgings, and as soon as it was dark set fire to one end, when the whole street burst into an instantaneous blaze. Such spots were highly venerated by the worshippers of fire. Near the burning fountain were built a temple in honour of the great Persian goddess Anaiiis, and a palace, once the favourite residence of Darius, the son of Hystaspes. Tlience he advanced through a submissive coun- try to Babvlon, the imperial seat of Semiramis and Nabuchadonosor. I'his mighty city had once given law to all the nations of the East, but was now rapidly sinking in wealth and importance, and the marshes of the Euplirates were yearly recover- ing their lost dominions. The Persians had been seA-ere taskmasters to tlieir more civilized neigh- bours. (\rus had treated them kindly, but the rebellion against the first Darius had been followed with heavy penalties, and the partial destruction of their massy fortilications. His son Xerxes proved a tyrant to' them, he plundered their shrines, slew the chief priest of Belus, took away the golden statue of their god, and partly destroyed his great pyramidical temple. When Herodotus visited the city, about one hundred and twenty years before Alexander, he found all the signs of a declining nation. The Babylonians hailed the change of masters with joy, and poured forth in crowds to meet the conqueror. MazcEus, the Persian satrap, and the military commander of the citadel, headed the pro- cession. The Clialdaeans, in their sacred robes, and the native chiefs, followed in order ; aod all, according to the customs of the East, bore presents in their hands. The first order of Alexander was to restore the shrines destroyed by Xerxes, and even to rebuild the temple of Belus in all its original magnificence. The immense revenues attached to its establishment by the piety of the Assyrian kings were restored to the priests, to whom the manage- ment of the funds, and tlie superintendence of the building, were entrusted. He then oflTered a sacri- fice to Jupiter Belus, according to the regular forms of the Chaldaean religion. Mazasus was restored to his satrapy, but his authority was limited to the civil government, and the administration of justice. The command of the troops and the receipt of the revenue were entrusted to two Macedonians. Having arranged the affairs of Assyria, and its dependent provinces, Alexander marched eastward to Susa. Thither he had despatched one of his officers from the field of battle. On the road he met a deputation, accompanied by the son of the Susian satrap, who bore a letter from the Mace- donian officer, announcing the safety of the trea- sures and the readiness of the Susians to surrender their city and citadel. Abulites the satrap came forth to meet Alexan- 168 •itMtiiJkM H If JS A »■ 'M la UIMtA i • [B.C. 331. tier on the banks of the Choaspes, the modem Kerah, and coiiductetl liiin into tlie most ancient palace of the monarchs of Asia. I'liis had been a ftTvourite seat of the Persian dynasty, on account of its central situation between l*ersia, Media, and Assyria; nor had Persepolis or Pasarprada been more favoured with their presence and regard. Its citadel was a gaza, or treasury, where the surplus revenues of Asia had been accumulatinj^ for ages. According to Herodotus, all the coin that remained, after defraying the regular expenses of the year, was niehed into earthen jars. When the metal had cooled, the jars were broken, and the bullion placed in the treasury. Again, when tlie annual disbursements exceeded the regular income, or some extraordinary expenses from war or other causes took place, bullion, according to the emergency, was recoined and sent to circulate through the pro- vinces. Alexander foimd fifty thousarul talents of silver tims treasured up in the citadel of Susa. Three thousand of these were immediately sent to the sea- coast, in order to be forwarded to Anti- pater, for the expenses of the Lacedannonian war, and the pacification of Cireece. The same sum, wisely expended by Darius at the commencement of the war, would have retained Alexander to the west of the Hellespont. The concpieror drew a strong line of diflerence between the Susiansand the nations hitherto visited by him. He paid no honours to the indigenous gods, but celebrated his arrival with (Irecian sa- crifices, gymnastic games, and the lamp race. Probably he regarded the Susians as a component part of the dominant tribes of Media and Persia, .Etat. 2S.] SUSA DANIEL. 169 whose supremacy it was his object to overthrow. The Susians, originally called Cissians and Cos- sa^ans, were a peaceful people, described, since history has recorded facts, as always subject to the ruling nation. But, according to their own tradi- tions, their monarch, in the I lomeric ages, was the king of kings, and their city was the capital of Tithonus, whose ever-blooming bride was Aurora, destined to witness tlie gradual decay and imbe- cility, not only of her once youthful husband, but of many successive dynasties of the lords of the East. Their citadel, in the days of iEschylus and Herodotus, still bore the name of Memnoneium, and these two great antiquaries, as well as Strabo, regard the Susians or Cissians as possessing a far better right than the Egyptians to claim the dark- visaged auxiliary of Priam as their countryman. At Susa also, in the gardens of the palace and on the banks of the Ulai or Choaspes, the Projihct Daniel saw those visions which so clearly describe the career of Alexander, and the destruction of the Persian empire. Nor is it the least striking cir- cumstance connected with the history of Susa, that — when her citadel has tumbled into dust — when her ])alaces have disappeared — when the long lines of Persian, Greek, Partliian, and numerous other dynasties have passed away, and left not a vestige of their magnificence and glory to attest their former existence— a small temple still commemorates the burial-place of Daniel, and the wilderness of Shus is annually visited by thousands of Israelites, who, from the remotest periods, have ceased not their pilgrimages to the tomb of the Prophet. Aristagoras the Milesian, when exciting the 170 ALIXAKDER THE OHEAT. [0.0 331. Spartan king to invade Persia, had concluded his picture by saying, " When you have taken Susa, you may vie with Jupiter himself in wealth." Nor were the Macedonians disappointed ; for, in addi- tion to tlie gold and silver, they found other valu- ables of inestimable price. But, what was as gratifying to Alexander's own feelings, he there found many of the trophies which Xerxes had carried away from Greece; — among others, the bronze statues of Harmodius and Aristogeiton, the supposed liberators of Athens. These he selected as the most appropriate present for the Athenians ; and they returned in safety to their original pedes- tals, wliere they still remained in the daysof Arrian. The fact is worth being recorded, because it both proves that Xerxes was an admirer of the fine arts, and that Alexander was in his own con- science so guiltless of a wish to tyrainiize, that he scrupled not to honour these celebrated tyramii- cides. Having reappointed Abulites to the satrapy, and left a Macedonian garrison and governor in the cita- del — the king now marched against Persia Pro- per, which hencetbrward I shall distinguish by its Grecian name, Persis. He set out from Susa, and crossed first the Coprates, the modern Abzal, and then the Pasi-tigris, the modern Karoon, both large and navigable rivers. On crossing the latter, in the vicinity of the modern Shuster, he entered the Uxian territory. The Uxians of the plain were a peaceful race, who lived in obedience to the laws of the empire. But their kinsmen of the hills were robbers and warriors. As the royal road between Susa and Persepolis passed through a defile in their F.tat. 25.J MARCH INTO PERSIS. 171 i j>ossession, the command of this enabled them to make the great king tributary, and to extort a fixed sum whenever he passed from one capital to the other. They now sent a message to Alexander, announcing that he should not pass unless he paid the customary gratuity. He told them briefly '* to attend next day at the defile, and receive their due." As soon as the messengers had departed, taking his guards and eight thousand chosen infantry, he entered the mountain gorges, and, under the conduct of Susian guides, readied the chief Uxian villages by night, and surprised the inhabitants in their beds. A few escaped, many were slain, and their flocks and herds were driven away. Thence he hur- ried to the pass, where the mountaineers had assem- bled their whole eftective force. Panic-struck on seeing Alexander descending from the hills in their rear, and the main army, under Craterus, at the same time advancing along the royal road, they broke and fled in all directions. Some fell by the Macedonian sword, others threw themselves over precipices, and thus gave the bandit tribes a fearful proof that the sceptre of Asia had passed from feeble to energetic hands. It was not without dif- ficulty that they were allowed to retain their mountain fastnesses, on engaging to pay a tribute. Ptolemy adds, that they owed their safety to Sysi- gambis, the mother of Darius, who interfered in their behalf. Did the present rulers of Central Asia behave with the spirit and decision of Alex- ander, some hopes might be entertained of the civi- lization of that fair portion of our globe, the inha- bitants of which form only two great divisions, the 1 172 ALEXANDER THE GREAT. [li.C.331. robber and the robbed— the bandits of the desert and the mountain, and the half-starved cuhivators of tlie plain. Tlie geography of Persis is peculiar and strongly marked. From Media it is sei)arated by the con- tinuous ridge of Mount Zagrus, and from its own sea-coast by another nameless ridge, which, part- ing from Mount Zagrus near the sources of the river Tab, takes a south-eastern direction, and breaks into numerous branches before it enters Carmania. The country inclosed between these two ridges was, from its position, called Ccjcle, or Hollow Persis, and forms the most fertile dis- trict of the kingdom. Its vales are numerous, and irrigated by various streanis, of which the priiicipal were tlie Medus, the Araxes, and the Cyrus. The Medus and Araxes, flowing flown from difterent parts of Mount Zagrus, united their streams, and, after passing under the walls of Persepolis, were either expended in tlie irrigation of the great vale, or, as at present, discharged their waters into an inland lake. The Cyrus lias not yet been identified with any modern stream, but will be found, ac- cording to ancient autliorities, considerably to the east of Persepolis. In Alexander's time, two roads appear to have existed between Susiana and Persis, one leading to the sea- coast, and thence turning to the left across tlie nameless ridge into tlie great vale, the other following tlie course of the modern Tab up to the strong pass called by tlie ancients the Persian Gates, by tlie moderns Kelat Sutteed, (the Castle of the Daemons). Parmenio with the baggage was /Etat. 25. J THE GATES OF PERSIS. 17 ordered to take the lower road, while Alexander with the effective force marched to The Gates. Persis was wealthy and populous, and the inha- bitants must have been aware that the invader had in deed and word distinguished their case from that of tlie subject nations. According to this dis- tinction, the Persians alone had been guilty of all the outrages against Greece. They, as the domi- nant power, had assembled their slaves, and driven them forwards to the work of destruction. They were, personal enemies, and to be effectually hum- bled. The satrap Ariobarzanes, therefore, had no difficulty in arming forty thousand men for the defence of the passes. These are defended at one point by a lofty rock, abrupt and precipitous on all sides. The summit is a small plain, supplied with copious springs, and impregnable if faithfully defended. These Gates, and the hills on both sides, were occupied by the satrap's forces, and a fortified camp commanded the narrowest gorge, Alexander marched into the defile, and reached the foot of the rock. Then Ariobarzanes gave the signal for attack, and the Macedonians were overwhelmed with stones and missiles of every description, not only from the front, but also from both flanks. The success of the Persians was for the time complete, and their enemies retired before them for the space of nearly four miles. Alexander then summoned a council, and exa- mined prisoners as to the existence of any road by which the pass could be turned. Some were found who promised to guide the army, by mountain paths /] 174 ALEXANDER THE GREAT. [B. C. 331 .Etat. 25.] FATE OF PERSEPOLIS. 175 and precipitous ways, into the plain of Persis. The king's plans were soon formed. lie ordered Cra- terus, with the main body, to encamp at the mouth of the pass, and to make a vijrorous attack from the front, as soon as he should understand, from the sound of the trumpets, that the king had j^^ained the rear. With the evening twilight he led out the rest of liis troops, entered the mountains, and, having fol- lowed the guides for six miles, sent Amyntas, Philo- tas, and Cannis forward, with orders to descend into the plain, antl throw a bridge over the river, which, he understood, intervened between tlie pass and Persepolis. 'I'hen putting himself at the head of the guards, the brigade of Pcrdiccas, the most ac- tive archers and Agrians, and the royal troop ot the Companion cavalry, lie turned to the right over high mountains and ditHcult paths, and in succession surprized three posts of the enemy, without allow- ing a single individual to escaj)e in the direction of the satrap's camp. At break of day he found himself in tlie rear of the pass and of the fortified camp. He attacked and carried the latter with his usual impetuosity, and drove out tlie Persians— surprised and panic- struck, and more anxious to Hy tlian eager to fight. In front they were met by Craterus, and driven back upon Alexander, who pressed close upon tlieir rear. In their despair they attempted to regain their camp, but this was already occupied by Ptolemy, the son of Lagus, with three thousand men. Hemmed in, therefore, on all sides, the greater part were cut to pieces. A few, with Ariobarzanes, escaped up the sides of the inoiin- f tains. It is not mentioned that the rock was taken; probably it was deserted in the general ])anic, or surrendered to the victor when its further defence could have no rational object. On the road between the defiles and Persepolis, the King met a messenger from Tiridates, the go- vernor, desiring him to hasten his advance, as the Persian soldiers were threatening to plunder the royal treasury. Thidier, therefore, he hurried at the head of his cavalry, found the bridge across the 1 iver completed, and readied Persepolis in time to save the treasures. According to Diodorns and Curtius, the city, with the exception of the palace, was given up to the Macedonians, who plundered it with all the license usually granted to soldiers when towns are taken by storm. The palace, according to Arrian, was deliberately committed to the flames, to avenge the destruction of Athens, the conflagration of the temples of the Grecian gods, and the other evils inflicted by Xerxes on Greece. Parmenio at- tempted in vain to dissuade the king from the commission of this outrage. Among other argu- ments, he represented how unseemly it was in liim to destroy his own property, and how such conduct must naturally incline the Asiatic nations to regard him more as a passing depredator than as their future and permanent sovereign : but the spirit of Achilles predominated over the voice of justice, generosity, and prudence, and the palace of the Aclu-emcnid*, at the gates of which the de- ])uties of a hundred nations used to bow and listen to their destiny, was reduced to ashes. It is impossil)le to say whether the after tale of the revelry and excess, and of the influence of the "IP 1 7 i> \ X rxAMBKE » H« 0*EA,X. [B. C. 331 . Athenian Thais, in proilucin<( tliis eatastroplio, was invented as a paHiation or exairuxration of the nio- narch's conduct. By tlic Greeks at home tlie ac- tion woidd he hailed as a deed ot'laiuhihle vcnjxeancc and retrihutive justice, hut perhaps it was wisdom to whisper among the Eastern nations that it spnmg from the wihl excess and excitement of the moment, and not from the cool and deliherate resolution of their conqueror. Previous to the destruction of the palace, the victor entered it, and examined the whole with tlu care and attention justly due to the taste and mag- nificence displayed in its erection. He entered tlu presence chamher — and seated himself on the throm of the king of kings. I'here can he no douht tliat such a sight must have heen a source of the greatest pride ami exultation to every Greek who possessed a single spark of national feeling. Demaratus, the Corinthian, who was one of the royal Companions then i>resent, hurst into tears, with the exclamation, *' What a pleasure have the Greeks missed who died without seeing Alexander on the throne of Darius!" At the entrance of the palace stood a colossal statue of Xerxes. This, prohahly hy the Greek soldiers, had heen thrown down Irom its pedestal, and lay neglected on the ground. Alexander, on passing it, sto|)ped and addressed it, as if it had been alive, *' Shall we leave you in this condition on account of the war you made upon Greece, or raise you again for the sake of your magnanimity and other virtues?" He stood a long time as if deliberating which he should do, then passed on. and left it as it was. Both tliese anecdotes are given by Plutarch. /Etat.25.j PERSEPOLIS AND PASARGADA. 177 The ruins of the palace of Persepolis are still to he seen near Istakar, on the left bank of the united waters of the Medus and Araxes. Travellers speak __^ of them with admiration— not unmixed with awe. ^1 Many pillars still remain standing, a melancholy monument of the wealth, taste, and civilization of the Persians, and, in this instance, of the barbarian vengeance of the Greek. The winter had already set in, but the activity of Alexander was not to be repressed ; at the head of a chosen detachment he invaded the mountain tribes, known by tlie names of Cosseei, Mardi, and Paranacc-e, pursued them into their hill villages during the most inclement season of the year, and thus compelled them to submit to his authority. ^ He also visited Pasargada, built by the elder Cyrus, on the spot where^ he had finally defeated the Median Astyages. The treasures and citadel were delivered up without resistance, and made the third gaza which fell into his hands. Con- scious that he had not treated the inhabitants of Persis like a generous conqueror, he did not ven- ture to leave the treasures within the province. An immense train of baggage-horses were there- fore laden with the spoils of Persepolis and Pasar- gada, and attended tlie motions of the army, which, after remaining four months in Persis, set forward again in pursuit of Darius. That monarch had hitherto h'ngered at Ecbatana, where, instead of manfully preparing to renew the contest, he had been indulging idle hopes that some untoward accident might befall Alexander in his visits to Babylon and Susa, and in his conquest of Persis. N. ( 178 ) [B. C. 330. CHAPTER IX. Fi/lh Cawptilgn, B. C. 330. Alexander advanced from Pcrsepolis, and on the road heard that the C^adusians and Scythians were marchinjT to tlie assistance of Darius, who, accord- inu to the report, was to meet the Macedonians and tjive them battle. On this, he separated his effective force from the lonjr train of attendant baiTgage, and in twelve days entered Media, where he ascertained the talsehood of the report concern- ing the Cadnsians and Sc\ tliians, and tliat Darius was preparin{]j to fly to tlie" Upper IVovinces. On this he quickened his pace, and when within three days" march of Kcl)atana, met Bisthancs, the son ol Ochus, the late king ; from him he received certain information that Darius had conmienced his flight live days before, with G,(K)0 infantry, y,()0() cavalry, and witli 7,000 talents taken from the ^Median trea- sury. Alexander tnitered Ecbatana, tlie modern Ispa- han, the cai)ital of tlie second imperial nation ot Asia. This city, like Persepolis, is situated on a river that finds no exit into the sea, but is lost in sandy deserts. Its own natural stream was too scanty to irrigate the great plain and supply tlie wants of the rising city. Semiramis, therefore, or one of those great Assyrian monarch s, whose names have per'^b'^f^ bnf wliose works remain, had with .£tat. 26.] ECBATANA. 179 « f incredible labour, and by perforating a mountain, conducted a much larger Viver into the plain. This, at present, is called the Helmund. The spot where tlie rock is perforated is about three days' journey to the south-west of Ispahan. The climate of this cajiital is most delightful and healthy. The hottest day in summer is tempered by the mountain breezes, and instead of relaxing, braces the human frame ; hence it was the favourite summer residence of the ancient monarclis, from the elder Cyrus to the last of the Sassanidcx. The plain on which it is situated is unrivalled for its fertility, and capable of sujiply- ing a countless population with abundant provisions. Polybius describes the city as infinitely surpassing its sister capitals in wealth and magnificence ; and Herodotus writes, that the citadel alone, within which was inclosed the palace of Dejoces, the foun- der of the second Median monarchy, was equal in circumference to Athens. Here terminated the service of tlie Thessalian and (Confederate cavalry, who had followed Alexan- der with so much valour, fidelity, and success. In addition to their full pay and to the booty accumu- lated during the four campaigns, they received, as a further proof of their leader's approbation, a gra- tuity of 2,000 talents to be divided among ihVm. Tlie king purchased their war-horses, and ap- pointed a body of cavalry to escort them to the sea-coast, whence they were to be conveyed in siiips to Eubcea. Leave to enter the Macedonian service was, however, granted to all, and many preferred the dangers and excitements of a war- rior's life to the comforts of a peaceful and wealthy home. N 2 :!-:#%':.at^'|s?t;£*sssfc 180 ALEXANDER THE GREAT. [B. C. 330. 1 ^tat.26.] SEIZURE OF DARIUS— BESSUS. 181 Six tliOHsand Macedonians and a strong body of horse were left in garrison at Ecbatana. The treasures of Persepolis and Pasargada, entrusted to the care of Harpalus, were deposited in the citadel by Parmenio, who, after arranging affiiirs at Ecbatana, was ordered to lead the mercenaries, the Thracians, and all the cavalry but the Com- panions, by a circuitous route, through the territory of the Cadusians into Hyrcania. Alexander himself, with the Companion cavalry, the greater part of the phalanx, the archers, and the Agrians, went in pursuit of Darius. Two roads lead from Ispahan to the north-eastern pro- vinces of the empire, one through Yezd, and thence along the eastern edge of the Great Desert into Khorasan; the other, more frequented, through either Kashan or Natunz, along the western edge of the Great Desert, to the i)ass of Khawar (the Caspian gates), and thence along the southern foot of Mount Taurus into Khorasan. As Darius was conveying a heavy treasure along tliis latter road, Alexander entertained the hope of overtaking him within the gates. He therefore pressed forward with extraordinary rapidity, so that not only a great part of the infantry fell be- hind, but many horses perished from fiitigue and heat. In eleven days he reached Khagae, placed by Strabo about thirty miles south of the Caspian gates, and consequently not to be confounded with the Arabian Key, more than fifty miles to the north- west of them. Here, being informed that Darius had already past the defile, he halted for five days to refresh his wearied troops and re-assemble the numerous stragglers. During his short stay he i i i appointed a Persian nobleman, by name Oxydates, to be satrap of the important province of Media. He liad found him a prisoner in the citadel of Susa, and this very dubious test was looked upon as a sufficient pledge for his fidelity. Resuming liis march, the king in the course of the second day passed through the Caspian Gates, and reached the edge of a small desert to the east of tlicm. Here he had halted, and dispatched parties in different directions to procure forage and pro- visions, when Bagistanes, a Babylonian nobleman, and Antibelus, the son of Mazanis, came and in- formed him that Nabarzanes, the commander of the royal guards, the satraps, Bessus, of Bactria, Barsaentes, of the Drangae, Brazas, of the Ara- chosians, and Satibarzanes, of Areia, had seized the person of their sovereign and were keeping him in confinement. Alexander, without a moment's delay, or even waiting for the return of the foraging parties, se- lected the ablest and most active of the infantry, and with these and the Companion cavalry, bearing nothing with them but their arms and two days' provisions, hastened forward to rescue, if possible, the unhappy Darius from the hands of traitors. The party marched all night, and did not halt till next day at noon. At nightfall they again re- sumed their march, and with the dawn reached the spot where Bagistanes had left the satraps en- camped. Here further information was procured that Bessus, recognized as chief by the Bactrian cavalry and the barbarian followers of the satraps, had confined Darius in a covered waggon — that the supposed plans of the conspirators were to sur- iffawfiBitt\jftJ!L.jaHV, *am*!fcj.a.A>i AfcAifco^ifrti ^:% j.yj.'?-.t^ 1 S ,' ALEXANDER THE GREAT. [B. C 330. render him to AlexaiuKr, if he pursued closely ; hut if not, to assenihle all their forces and assert the independence of their several satrapies. It was also ascertained that tlie Persian Artabazus, his two sons, and tlic Greek mercenaries, liad remained faithful to their prince, but that bein-,' too weak to prevent the treason, they had separated from the traitors and retired to the mountains on the left. Alexander reposed for tlie whole of that day at the place where he procured this information, for both men and liorses were exhausted by conti- nued exertion. At night the march was again resumed, and contiimed until the next day at noon, when they arrived at a village, where the satraps had encamped during the preceding day, for they also marched by night. Here he ipiestioncd the inhabitants, whether there were no shorter road than the one along wliicli the enemy was pro- ceeding, and heard^ that there was, but across a desert and without water. He immediately or- dered guides, and as the foot could no longer keep up witli him, he dismounted ,300 of the cavalry and gave their horses to the same num1)er of in- fantry oiHcers and others, distinguished for their strength and agility: these men were to act as foot-sc)ldier8, should such service become neces- sary. Nicanor and Attains were ordered to select the most active of the remaining troops, and to pursue the enemy along the main road, while the main body, under Craterus, was to follow slowly and in battle array. The king himself, with the Companion cavalry, and mounted infantry, set out early in the evening, advanced five-and-twenty miles during tlie night, .Etat. 26.] DEATH OF DARIUS. 183 and at break of day had the satisfaction of seeing the troo[)s of tlie satraps marching in disorder, and mostly without their arms. The very siglit of Alexander put the greater number to flight, and a few of those wlio offered resistance being cut down, all fled. Bessus and his companions at- tempted for a time to hurry forward the vehicle in which the unfortunate Darius was confined ; but, on discovering that the victor was rapidly gaining upon them, Ikirsaentes and Satibarzanes wounded him latally, and left him to expire by the road side. Fie had breathed his last before Alexan- der came up, who thus lost an opportunity of show- ing how generously he could treat his rival, when fortune had decided the contest. The assassination took place in the month of July, B.C. 330, and the scene was probably the plain to the south-west of the modern Damgan. Arrian's estimate of the character of Darius, is so judicious, that I shall content myself with translating it freely. ** This (says he) was the end of Darius, who, as a warrior, was singularly remiss and injudicious. In other respects his character is blameless, either because he was just by nature, or because \\e had no opportunity of displaying the contrary, as his accession and the Macedonian invasion were simul- taneous. It was not in his power, therefore, to oppress his subjects, as his danger was greater than theirs. His reign was one unbroken series of disasters. First occurred the defeat of his satraps in the cavalry engagement on the Granicus, then the loss of .i^lolia, Ionia, both Phrygias, Lydia, Caria, and the whole maritime coast as far as Ci- licia; then his own defeat at Issus, followed by 184 ALLXANDBE TH'l ©rniAT. [B. C. 330. the capture of his mother, wife, and children, and by the loss of Phoenicia and all Ej2jypt. At Arbela, he was the first to commence a disgraceful flight, where he lost an innumerable army, comjiosed of barbarians of almost every race. Thenceforth he wandered from place to place, as a fugitive in his own empire, until he was at last miserably be- trayed by his own retinue, and loaded, king of kings as he was, with ignominy and cliains. Fi- nally, he was treacherously assassinated by his most intimate connections. Such was the fortune of Darius while living. After his death he was buried with royal honours, his children were brought up and educated in tlie same manner as if their father had been still king, and the conqueror married his daughter. At his death he was about fifty years old." Alexander then entered Ilecatompylos, the an- cient capital of Parthia Proper. It received its Greek name from being the centre where many roads met, and is probably tlie modern Damgan. Here he rested until he liad re-collected and re- freshed the army, scattered and exhausted by the extraordinary rapidity of the pursuit. Nicanor, tlie son of Parmenio, who had held the most con- fidential commands during all the compaigns, and who had of late undergone great fatigue, sunk under the exertion, and soon after died. Alexander now prepared to invade Hyrcania. This province situated between Mount Taurus and the south-eastern shores of the Caspian Sea, contained the greater portion of the modern Ma- zanderan, and the whole of Astrabad and Jorgan. The country between Mount Taurus and tlie Cas- MUX. 26.] INVASION OF HYRCANIA. 185 pian is low, marsliy, and covered with excellent timber, well adapted for ship building. Thus it forms a striking contrast to the elevated steps of Media, Areia, Carmania, and Persis. As the mountain passes were beset by bandit tribes, the king divided his army into three bodies. The mcJst numerous and active division was under his own com- mand, and crossed the mountains by the shortest and most difficult roads ; while Craterus, with two brigades of the phalanx, and a body of archers and cavalrv, made a circuit to the left throuirh the ter- ritories of tlie Tapeiri, who have bequeathed their name to the modern Tabari-stan ; and Erigyius, the friend of his youth, now rapidly advancing to dis- tinction and rank, led the main body along the royal road leading from Hecatompylos to Zadra- Carta. The three divisions crossed Mount Taurus, and re-united in the Hyrcanian plains, without, however, falling in with the Greek mercenaries of Darius, who had heen one object of this combined movement. While the army was thus encamped, Artabazus and his three sons presented themselves before Alexander, and brought with them Auto- phradates, the satrap of the Tapeiri, and deputies from the Greek mercenaries. His satrapy was restored to Autophradates ; and Artabazus and his sons were received with great distinction and honour, both on account of their high nobility and of their fidelity to their unhappy sovereign. The Greek deputies, who came to seek some terms of pacification, were briefly told that they must submit themselves to the judgment of the king. On promising to do this, officers were sent to 186 ALEXANDER THE GREAf. [B. C. 33U. conduct them to tlie camp. In tlie mean time he himself marched westward into the country ot the Mardi, who inliahitcd the lofty mountains to the north-west of tlie Caspian Gates, and m the vici- nity of the modern Tehran. This nation, into whose mountain fortresses no enemy within the memory of man had penetrated, suhmitted atter a slifzht resistance, and were commanded to obey the satrap of the Tapeiri. I lad Alexander known as much of the heroic poetry of the East as of the West, he would have prided liimself on having traversed tlie regions, and conquered the enemies, who had already conferred an immortal name on Rustan, the Hercules of Persia. On returning from tliis expedition, he found the Greek mercenaries, and ambassadors, from various states, who had continued to the last in the court of The Great King. Among others, deputies from Lacedfemori and Athens proved how busy had been of late the intrigues between the sQUthern Greeks and Darius. These were imprisoned, but the envoys from Sinope and Carthage were dis- missed. "In tlie case of the Greek mercenaries, a distinction was drawn. Those who had entered the Persian service previous to tlie decree consti- tutin*' a captain-general to lead the Cireeks into Asiafwere dismissed. Pardon was offered to the rest, on condition of entering the Macedonian ser- vice; and these, willingly accepting the alternative, were placed under the command of Andronicus, who had conducted them into the camp, and inter- ested himself in their behalf. Alexander then moved to Zadra-Carta, probably .Elat. 26.] REVOLt OF THE BACTRIANS. 187 the modern Sari, where he remained fifteen days, which were mostly devoted to public sacrifices, festivities, and gymnastic games. Then marching eastward tlirough Parthia, he arrived at Susia or Susa, a city of Areia, the mo- dern Khorasan. Satibarzanes, the satrap, came and made his submission; and, although he had been one of the actual murderers of Darius, was restored to his government. An ofncer and forty horsemen were sent to escort him to Arta-Coana, his chief city, and to announce to all that he was recognized as satrap by the victor. Many Persians came over to Alexander, while remaining at Susia, and informed him that Bessus had assumed the distinctions peculiar to the king of kings, the up- right tiara, the robe with the intermingled white and purple stripes, and the royal name of Ar- taxerxes. They added, tliat his claims to the sovereignty of Asia were supported by the Per- sians who had taken refuge in Bactria, and the majority of the Bactrians — and that he was in daily expectation of being joined by a strong body of Scythian auxiliaries. This important intelligence determined Alex- ander immediately to enter Bactria. He had al- ready collected his forces and was preparing to march, when suddenly it was announced that Sati- barzanes, after murdering the officer and cavalry escort at Arta-Coana, was collecting forces to sup- port Bessus. As this was the first breach of faith, committed by any Persian nobleman ad- mitted into his service, Alexander, alarmed by the precedent, returned instantly, reached Arta-Coana in the evening of the second day, and by his cele- S..1H Jl^ - <* <- •-a ^^l^^.J^^- AAOS- . JMfaw.'jA>^,i»tAgi5i 188 ALEXANDER THE GREAT. [B. C. 330. rity confoundccl tlic plans of the satrap, wlio tied and left his accomplices to the mercy of the victor. Arta-Coana was prohablv the city which, by the later Greeks, was called the Areian Alexandreia. The latter was imdoiibtedly the modern Herat, and the struggle betvieen its native and Greek name was longhand doubtful :— even as late as the four- teenth century it was called Skandria by the Per- sians. It was situated on the river Aries, which according to ancient authors ended either in the desert or a lake ;— although modern maps pro- long its course into the Tedjen or Ochus, which, if not impossible, is at least imiirobable. Alexander, thus forced to return to Arta-Coana, did not resume his original route into Dactria, but changed liis plan. The inclination shown by the Areians to rise in arms rendered it iinprudent to advance into Bactria, while Areia on the right and Sogdiana on the left flank were hostile. After suppressing the Areian revolt, he therefore marched into Drangiana against Barsaentes, the satrap, the accomplice of Satil)arzanes in the murder of Da- rius, and probably in the late revolt. The assassm fled into the eastern provinces ; and, being there seized and delivered to xVlexander, was ordered to be executed for his treason. While the army was encamped in this province, a conspiracy was' discovered, which ended in the execution oV the two most powerful men in the army. Arrian's brief and consistent account is our best guide in the examination of this dark and me- lancholy transaction. " Here (he says) the king discovered the treason iEtat. 26.] DEATH OF PHILOTAS. 189 of Philotas, the son of Parmenio. Both Aristobu- lus and Ptolemy write that his guilty intentions had been mentioned to Alexander even as early as the visit to Egypt ; but that the information ap- peared incredible to the king, on account of the friendship which, from their earliest years, had subsisted between him and Philotas, and of the honours with which he had loaded both the father and the son. Ptolemy, the son of Lagus, writes that Philotas was brought before the assembled Macedonians, that Alexander was vehement in his accusations, and that Philotas spoke in his own de- fence ; that witnesses were brought forwards and convicted Philotas and his accomplices, both by other clear proofs and by his own confession, that he had heard that a conspiracy was forming against Alexander. He was tlius convicted of having con- cealed the matter from the king, although he had to wait upon him twice a day in the royal tent. Philotas and his accomplices were, therefore, pierced to death by the darts of the Macedonians." One of the Roman emperors complained, with equal truth and humour, that baffled and detected conspiracies are never supposed to have existed ; and that the only chance a sovereign had of being believed in such a case, w^as to allow the traitors to execute their designs. It is not, therefore, to be wondered, that the republicans of Greece have de- picted this most imhappy and melancholy occur- rence in the colours best adapted to blacken the character of Alexander. According to them, Phi- lotas was put to the rack, tortured, and, while yet hanging on the wheel, blasted by the withering look of his sovereign ; and a confession of guilt, thus — * .rw* t -jfc ■- :v:JL c*^'^*J,*^T-'. L'Sifetft.^^rfAaafaiattaaiMMtfMa^^ 1 190 ALEXANDER THE GREAT. [B.C. 330. extorted, was pressed against him when brou«^ht before llic Macedonian assembly. For these atro- cities there does not appear the shghtest foundation. The facts of the case, as far as they can be ex- tracted from the ditlLrent accounts, appear to have been as follow- . Dymnus, an ollict r of no great rank or authority, attempted to induce his friend Nicomachus to join in a conspiracy aiifainst the hfe of x\U xander. Ni- comachus liaving'pretended to enter into tlie design, and drawn from Dymnus the names of the prm- cipal conspirators, immediately disclosed the whole aiiair to his l>rother C'ebalinus, who, as the olhers nations would probably be watched, was to dis- cover tlie altair. But Cebalinus, fnuhng it diflicult to procure personal access to the royal presence, accosted Pliilotas, who was in daily attendance, and requested liim to transmit the information to the king. Pliilotas agreed to do so. But Ce- balinus, naturally surprised that no inquiry took place, and that neither lie nor Nicomachus had lieen summoned to give evidence, waited again on Philotas, and asked if he had made the communi- cation. Philotas answered, that Alexander liad been too busily engaged all day, but that lie would certainly meni'ion it next morning. This also was passing without any inquiries, wlien the brothers, either suspicious of the integrity of Pliilotas, or fearful lest tlie discovery should reach the king by some other cliannel, applieil to Metron, one of the rovid patres, who instantly laid the whole atlaiv before Alexander. Nor was any delay safe, as according to Dymnus the very next day was fixed for carrying iliV plot into executioii, Alexander .Etat. 26.] DEATH OF PHILOTAS. 191 himself examined the informers, and sent a detach- ment of the guards to seize Dymnus ; but they failed to bring him alive before the king. He either slew himself, or by his extreme resistance compelled the guards to slay him. His conduct in either case was conclusive of his guilt, and proved that his patrons, whoever they might be, had rightly judged of his fitness for the desperate service on which he had entered. The clue being thus broken, it was natural that suspicions should f;dl upon the great officer whose most culpable negligence had thus endangered the life of his sovereign ; and he was brought to trial before the great jury of the Macedonian army. According to Curtius, the assembly in peace, and the army in war, had alone, under the Macedonian constitution, the power of inflicting capital i)unisli- ment. Philotas was a brave and gallant man, of ex- pensive habits, fond of pleasure, affecting Persian magnificence in his equipage, retinue, and mode of living. It is said also, that among ])rivate friends, and even to his mistresses, he was wont to speak in a disparaging tone of the abilities and achievements of Alexander — call him the hoy — and claim for himself and his father the whole glory and merit of the Macedonian victories. Indul- gence in conversation of this description, equally foolish and indecorous, must have tended to foster, if not produce, in his mind feelings of contempt and disreixard for his sovereign. " Make yourself less conspicuous, my son," was the wise but in- effectual counsel of his father. His insolent de- meanour could not escape the personal observation 1 92 ALEXAN DER THE ©EEAT. [B. C. 330. of the quick-siglited monarch, nor were there wanting those who carefully repeated in the royal presence the arrogant language of Philotas. Thus was the king*s confidence in tiie son of Parmenio shaken ; and the haughty warrior had the mortifi- cation of seeing Crateriis, his personal opponent, entrusted, during the two last campaigns, with every separate conunand of importance. A pre- ference so marked must naturally have increased his discontent, caused him to regard himself as overlooked and aggrieved, and made him a willing participator in any desperate scheme. He had been left behind in Parthia, to celebrate the funeral obsequies of his brother Nicanor, and had not long rejoined the camp before the discovery of the plot took place. It is not unlikely that Parmenio also paid the last honours to his gallant son ; and both the veteran general, we may easily believe, and Fhilotas felt tliat, while royiil favour had passed away, tlie casualties of war were pressing heavy on their family— for the youngest brother Hector had also perished. One fact is certain — Parmenio had refused to obey orders. Alexander had commanded him to advance from Media, through Cadusia, into Hyr- cania; and the king's western march into the territories of theMardi was apparently undertaken for the sake of meeting him. IJut neither Par- menio nor his troops seem to have quitted the walls of Eebatana. Had Alexander fallen by the hand of Dymnus, or some such desperado, Philotas, the commander of the Companion cavalry, would undoubtedly have been entitled to the command of the army ; and j¥.m. 26.] DEATH OF PARMENIO. 193 as Eebatana and the treasures were in the power of Parmenio, the empire would have been com- pletely at the disposal of the fother and son. The Macedonian nobles were a turbulent race, who scrupled not, on what they conceived adequate provocation, or even prospect of personal advan- tage, to dip their hands in the blood of their sove- reigns. Of the eight immediate predecessors of Alexander only two died a natural death ; one fell in battle ; five perished by the blow of assas- sins. Without takin the king marched eastward, receiving, as he advanced, the submissitm of the Drangie,the Drangoga>, and the Arachosians; but while he was thus employed, Satibarzanes made an irruption into Areia at 'the head of 2,000 Bac- trian cavalry, granted to him by Bessus, and suc- ceeded in organizing a formidable insurrection. The Persian Artabazus, Erigyius, and C'aranus, were sent back to suppress this, and Phrata])hernes, the Parthian satrap, was ordered to invade Areia from the west. Satibarzanes stood his ground, and fought a well-contested battle ; nor had tlie barbarians the worst, until Erigyius with Ins own hand slew their general, piercing him in the face with his lance. The Asiatics tlien fled, and En- crvius had the honour of being the first Macedo- nian in Asia, who carried away what the Romans would have called the '* Spolia Opima," the arms of a commander-in-chief, won in single combat by in opponent of the same rank. Alexander's main armv still continued their ad- vance, and toiled over the mountains of Candahai in deep snow, and with great labour. 1 hey then approached the southern foot of the great range of mountains, which hitherto they had called Taurus, but to the eastern part of which they now, in compliment to the king, gave the name o*. Cau- casus. The more accurate geographers call it I a- ;f!;tat. 26.] THE PAROPAMISUS. 197 ropamisus. Here Alexander founded and called after his own name a city, which, as I shall have occasion to show in describing the march from Bactria into India, could not have been far from the modern Cabul. At this point he remained for two months, until the severity of the winter had relaxed. IIS£.'iA.j -■ •'■•i.ii'i 'ii-jji~.ar.s*' B i\ir' rrvtt i-^ftxfiaffji'iSliSk ( 198 ) [B.C. 329. CHAPTER X. The Sj*!* Can^migUt B. C. 3.29. With the spring tlie army moved from its winter quarters, and in titteen 'days crossed the main ridijc of mountains that separated the southern provinces from Bactria. Aristohvdus writes that nothinjj grew on these hills but pines and the herl) silpliiuni, from which the lascrpitium of the Ro- mans, and tlie henzoiri of tlie Orientals was ex- tracted. This drug, so highly prized by tlu ancients, is, according to naturalists, the modern assaftEtida: if so, taste must have strangely altered during the last 2,000 years. The hills were well inhabited by pastoral tribes, whose flocks and herds grazed' the silphium, a nourishing and favour- ite food. On reaching Adrapsa, on the northern side, the Macedonians found the whole country laid waste by Bessus and his supporters ; who hoped by this system of devastation to prevent the ad- vance of Alexander. But, in Arrian's simple style, " He advanced nevertlieless, with difHculty, indeed, on account of the deep snow, and in want of all necessaries, but still he advanced." As the king drew nearer, the lieart of Bessus failed him, and with his associates he witlidrew across the Oxus into Sogdiana. Seven tliousand Bactrian cavalry, however, who had hitherto followed his banner, re- fused to abandon their country, disbanded, and re- 1 I iEtat. 27.] COURSE OF THE OXUS. 190 1 1 turned to their several homes. The Macedonians soon after captured Bactra and Aornus, the two chief cities, and effectually relieved themselves from all their difficulties. Tims, Memnon's plan may be said to have been fairly tried, by Bessus, and to have utterly failed ; in fact, the only case where such a system can succeed, is where there is some great barrier within which the invaded can defy the attack of the invader. Bactra, the modern Balk, and once called Zari- aspa, was built on the banks of a considerable streatn, which flowing down from the Paropamisus, entered the Oxus about a day's journey to the north of Bactra. In the days of the Arabian geographers, the whole of its waters was expended in irrijration, lonjr before its junction with the Oxus ; and this probably is its present state. Balk, although fallen from its regal magnificence, is still a considerable city. The whole district followed the flite of the capital, and submitted to the con- queror, who appointed iVrtabazus to the vacant satrapy. lie then prepared to cross the Oxus and pursue Bessus into the Transoxiana of the Romans, the Mawaralnahr of the Arabians; but the Thessalian and confederate troops, who had volunteered at the commencement of the last campaign, had been sickened by the snow, cold, and hunger to which they had been lately exposed ; Alexander, there- fore, seeing the state of their minds, gave them leave to return home. At the same t.me a scrutiny took j)lace among the Macedonian soldiers, and all whom age, wounds or other infirmifies, had ren- dered either unable or unwilling to encounter fur- ( 198 ) [B.C. 329. CHAPTEK X. The Sixth Campaign, B. C 329. With the spring the army moved from its winter quarters, and in litteen "days crossed the main ridge of mountains that separated tlie southern provinces from Bactria. Aristobuhis writes that notliing grew on these hills but pines and the herh silphiunC from which the laser pit in in of the Ro- mans, and the benzoin of the Orientals was ex- tracted. This drug, so highly prized l)y the ancients, is, according to naturalists, the modern assafwtida; if so, taste must have strangely altered during tlie last 2,000 years. The hills were well inhabited by pastoral tribes, whose Hocks and herds grazed the silpliium, a nourishing and favour- ite food. On reaching Adrapsa, on the northern side, the Macedonians found the whole country laid waste by Bessus and his supporters ; who hoped by this system of devastation to prevent the ad- vance of Alexander. But, in Arrian's simple style, " He advanced nevertheless, with diflieulty, indeed, on account of the deep snow, and in want of all necessaries, but still he advanced." As the king drew nearer, tlie heart of Bessus failed hini, and with his associates he withdrew across the Oxus into Sogdiana. Seven thousand Bactrian cavalry, however, who had hitherto followed his banner, re- fused to abandon their country, disbanded, and re- if:tat. 27.} COURSE OF THE OXUS. 199 turned to their several homes. The Macedonians soon after captured Bactra and Aornus, the two chief cities, and eftectually relieved themselves from all their difficulties. Thus, Memnon's plan may be said to have been fairly tried, by Bessus, and to have utterly failed ; in fact, the only case where such a system can succeed, is where there is some great barrier within which the invaded can defy the attack of the invader. Bactra, the modern Balk, and once called Zari- aspa, was built on the banks of a considerable stream, which flowing down from the Paropamisus, entered the Oxus about a day's journey to the north of Bactra. In the days of the Arabian geographers, the whole of its waters w as expended in irrigation, long before its junction with the Oxus; and this probably is its present state. Balk, aUhough fallen from its regal magnificence, is still a considerable city. The whole district followed the fate of the capital, and submitted to the con- queror, who appointed Artabazus to the vacant satrapy. He then prepared to cross the Oxus and pursue Bessus into the Transoxiana of the Romans, the Mawaralnahr of the Arabians; but the Thessalian and confederate troops, who had volunteered at the commencement of the last campaign, had been sickened by the snow, cold, and hunger to which they had been lately exposed ; Alexander, there- fore, seeing the state of their minds, gave them leave to return home. At the same time a scrutiny took place among the Macedonian soldiers, and all whom age, wounds or other infirmities, had ren- dered either unable or unwilling to encounter fur- 200 ALEXANDER THE GREAT. [B. C. 329. ther hardships, were sent home with the Thessa- lians. AccordinjT to Aristobiilus— and he is the best authority even in our days— the Oxus, of all the rivers of Asia, was inferior to the {Treat Indian rivers alone; its sources were supposed to be near those of llie Indus and the Ganges— and its termination in the Caspian. I'his last assertion has been uni- versally adopted as a truth, and the map of Asia, to this' day, traces an imaginary course for the Oxus or Jihoon from the vicinity of Urgantz to the shores of the Caspian sea. But the waters of the Oxus never had, as I believe, any other termina- tion than tlie lake Aral. In the tentli century, Ebn Haukal, in the thirteenth, Edrisi, describe it as falling into that lake. Abulghazi Khan certamly does assert that one branch did once pass under the walls of Urgantz ; if so, it must have been an artifi- cial canal, which, when the labour of man ceased to be bestowed ujjon it, was soon closed. Ancient geograpliers looked upon the mouth of the Ochus or modern Tedgen, as the main branch of the Oxus, althouoli modern observations liave proved that there is no communication between them. Aristobulus, who could not be mistaken in this point, describes the Oxus, as six stadia, or some- thing less (according to the measure adopted by the companions of Alexander) than half a mile broad. This great stream presented a formidable obstacle to the northern progress of Alexander. Many attempts were made to construct piers on the bank, but as it consisted of a loose sandy soil, the short piles formed from the stunted tiniber of the vicinity, were swallowed, and no solid work I ilitat. 27.] CAPTURE OF BESSUS. 201 1 ) could be constructed. The king, however, was not to be batHed ])y these untoward circumstances; floats were formed, supported on hides, either in- flated, or stuffed with hay and rendered waterproof; and on these frail barks the whole army was ferried across in the course of five days. As soon as the Macedonians had gained the right bank, S})itamenes, satrap of Sogdiana, and Dataphernes, two of the leading Persians who had hitherto adhered to Bessus, sent messengers to Alexander, promising, were a small force with a respectable commander sent to strengthen their hands, to deliver up Bessus, whom they had al- ready placed under arrest. Ptolemy, the son of Lagus, was sent forwards, with a small but select force, and his account of the transaction must cer- tainly be regarded as the most authentic. He advanced with great rapidity, and in four days traversed a space equal to ten ordinary marches. On approaching the enemy, he was informed that Spitamenes and Dataphernes, scru- pled actually to deliver Bessus into the hands of the Macedonians, but that the pretender to the empire of Asia was left almost destitute of troops in a walled village. Thither Ptolemy proceeded, and made himself master of the person of Bessus without encounterintr the slightest resistance. As soon as he had thus successfully executed his com- mission, he wrote to the king for instructions as to the manner in which he was to conduct the pri- soner into his presence. The answer was, to deprive him of his arms, to place a rope round his neck, and thus lead him to meet Alexander. Ptolemy obeyed, and when the king appeared, nilUi.ii nMfci— ■■■» -nmt ■ x*U2 ALEXANDEB THE GREAT. [B.C,829. ^ jEtat. 27.] DESCRIPTION OF SOGDIANA. 203 drew his prisoner to one side of the road. Alex- ander, when oj)posite, stopped liis chariot, and asked Bessus wliy he had seized, hound, and murdered his kinsman ami benefactor, Darius? The unfortunate man answered, that it was not his individual (U'ed; that all the satraps had con- curred v%ith hiin in the necessity of the measure, and that tlieir common object was to secure the favour of Alexander. This excuse, false certaiidy in its latter part, was not received. Bessus was publicly seourijed, while a herald announccMl to all the nature of his ort'ence, and was sent to Bactria, there to await his final doom. Alexander then marched onwards, and arrived at Maracanda, the modern Samarcand. Many readers may imagine that the Macedo- nians had now been conducted into sandy deserts and barren rerS?i!;*:,5^,:.:, ~;iVf'^ ;-VLJ>^}"^i "{^^ili^^^i. 208 ALEXANDER THE CHEAT. [B.C. 3^9. Jaxartes was seen crowded by Scythian cavalry, eager to render assistance to the insursrents. These Scythians, so much extolled by the so- phists, and even poets, of Cireece and Rome, tor their virtues and the happy simphcity ot then- lives, have, in all recorded ages, l)een the curse ot the civilized world. Issuing in all directions troiii the steppes of Tartary, they liave spread rum and desolation over the fairest portions of our glohe. Their habits and practices have been the same tor five-and-twenty centuries, and imder the various names of Cimmerians, Trerians, Scythians, (ieta\ Tochari, Parthians, Goths, Huns, Mongols, Zaga- taians, Tatars, Turks, and Turkomans, they have never ceased to be the scourge of agricultural Asia and Europe; nor will any thing ever stay this plague but the introduction of European arts and sciences among the peacefid inhabitants ot the banks of the great Asiatic rivers. Alexander had already come in contact with their kindred tribes, to the'west of the Euxine— and he was now des- tined to hear their taunts from the right bank ot frhf* I'l^irtes He was then engaged in founding and fortifying that Alexandreia which was named by the Greeks Eschfita or Extreme, and whicli should probably be identilied with the modern Aderkand on^ the left bank of tlie Jaxartes, at the eastern end of the fertile district of I'ergana. El)n Maukal says, "It enjoys the warmest climate of any place in the district of Fergana. It is next to the enemy, and has an ancient citadel, and suburbs, with groves and gardens, and running streams." The army was engaged for three weeks in fortifying this i^tat. 27.] PASSAGE OF THE JAXARTES. 209 liniitarv town. The termination of the labour was celebrated by the usual sacrifices and their accom- panying festivities. The soldiers competed for prizes in horse races, chariot races, and other trials of skill, strength, and activity. The colonists, for the new city, were selected inditferently from Greeks, barbarians, and Macedonians. But each returning day presented to the view of Alexander the hated Scythians on the opposite hank. They even shot their arrows across, as the river was not broad in that quarter, and dared the Macedonians to the combat, telling them that if tliey came over, they would soon be taught the dif- ference between the Scythians and the Asiatic barl)arians. Exasperated by these and similar taunts, Alex- ander ordered floats and rafts, supported by in- flated skins and stufled hides, to be constructed, for the purpose of conveying the troops across. But the sacrificial omens were pronounced by the diviners to be most inauspicious. Aristander and his companions were probably alarmed for the honour and safety of the king. They must have known that the Jaxartes was the river which, under the name of Araxes, the great Cyrus had crossed previous to his fatal defeat by the Scythian Massagctae. The narrow escape also of the first Darius, and the consequent irruption of his pur- suers into Thrace, had rendered the Scytliian name terrible in Greece. The diviners, therefore, per- sisted in reporting bad omens; and Alexander, angry and indignant as he was, dared not (nor would it have been wise) to disregard their an- swers. As the Scythians, however, still continued r. glO ALEXANDER THE GREAT. [B.C. 329. to line the opposite bank, he also persevered in consulting the omens. He had no other choice; he could not niarcli back into Sogdiana and Bactria to suppress the rebellion, and leave the Scythians to cross the river without molestation. His per- severance succeeded, and Aristander at length pro- nounced the omens favourable for the expedition, but portending great personal danger to the king. By this answer, probably, he hoped to soothe the angry feehngs of Alexander, while he calculated that the great officers, supported by the voice oi the array, would interfere and prevent operations likely to prove fatal to their sovereign. But Alex- ander declared that he would run every risk rather than like the first Darius be braved and balHed by the Scythians. Tliere is no reason to suspect any collusion be- tween him and the diviners. If any did exist, it was probably between the great officers and the latter. Aristander's declaration was, " that ht could not falsify the omens, because Alexander wished them different." The army was drawn up on the edge of the river ready to embark. Behind the troops were placed the engines, from which missiles of every kind were discharged, in order to dislodge the enemy from the o[)posite l)ank, and leave room for the soldiers to land. The Scythians, terrified by the execution done by the powerful catapults, es- pecially bv the fate of one of their chief warriors, who \vas translixed through shield, breastplate, and back-piece l)y an engine dart, retired beyond the reach of the missiles. The trumpets instantl\ gave the signal, and the floats pushed from tlu MUt. 27.] DEFEAT OF THE SCYTHIANS. 211 shore, headed as usual by Alexander in person. The first division, consisting of archers and slingers, kept the enemy at a distance, while the second division, consisting of the phalanx, were landing and forming. Alexander then ordered a troop of tlie mercenary cavalry, and four troops of heavy lancers, to advance and charge. The Scythians not only stood their ground, but wheeling round the Hanks of this small body, severely galled the men witli their missiles, and yet easily eluded the direct charge of the Macedonian horse. As soon as Alexander ascertained their mode of fighting, he distributed the archers, Agrians, and other light troops, between the ranks of the cavalry. He tlien advanced, and when the lines were near, ordered three troops of the Companion cavalry, and all the mounted dartmen, to attack from the flanks, while he formed the remainder into columns, and charged in front. The enemy were thus prevented from executing their usual evolutions, ibr the cavalry pressing upon them on every side, and the light troops mingling among them, made it unsafe for them either to expose their flanks or to turn suddenly round. Tlie vic- tory was decisive, and a thousand Scythian horse- men were left dead on the field. The pursuit was across a parched and sandy plain, and the heat, for it was in the middle of summer, was great and overpowering. Alexander, in order to allay the thirst from which, in common vvidi the whole army, he suffered excessively, drank some brackish water, which, either from its own noxious qualities, or from the overheated state of his person, had nearly proved fatal. The pursuit, p 2 O 1 > ALEXANDER THE GREAT. [B.C. 329. which, as usual, had been led by himselt; was in- stantlv stayed, and he was carried back to the camp more dead than alive. Thus the credit of Ans- tander was preserved. , . Soon after an embassy arrived from the hcythian kincT, impiuing the late'hostilities to bandit tribes, tharacted without the authority of the great council of the nation, and professing the willingness ot the Scythian government to obey the conmian( s ot Alexander. The apology was accepted, and the ambassadors received with kindness. The rumour of this victory and of the consequent submission o the Scythians, hitherto regarded invincible, proved hiizhlv'advantageous in repressing the further pro- gress* of insurrection. The Macedonians, eitlier from ignorance or flattery, called the Jaxartes the Tanais, and boasted that their victorious king had passed into Europe through the north-western boun- daries of Asia. This victory over the Scythians was very season- able, as soon after tlie news arrived of the heaviest blow that befell the Macedonian arms during the whole war. While Alexander was detained on tlie Jaxartes, Spitamenes, at the head of the insurgent Sogdians, had marched to Maracanda, gained possession ot the citv, and besieged the Macedonian garrison in the citadel. Alexander, on hearing this, despatclied to the assistance of the besieged a reinforcement of Greek mercenaries, consisting of fifteen hundred iniantrv and eight hundred cavalry. To these were added sixty of the Companions, Ihe mili- tary commanders were Andromachus, Menedemus, and Caranus. But these were ordered to act under jEtat. 27.] VICTORY OF SPITAMENES. 213 Pharnuches, a Lycian, skilled in the language of the country, and accounted an able negotiator. Perhaps Alexander thought that, as the insur- rection had principally been caused by a mis- conception, Pharnuches would be more likely to suppress it by explanations, than military men by the sword. Spitamenes, learning their approach, raised the siege of the citadel, and retired down the river Polytimetus towards the royal city of Sogdiana. The Polytimetus is the modern Kohuk, and the royal city is Bokhara, called by Ptolemy Tru- Bactra. Spitamenes was pursued by the Greeks, who, in their eagerness to expel him entirely from Sogdiana, followed him into the territory of the Scythian nomads, who possessed the great steppe between the Sogd and the lake Aral, the present country of the Uzbeks. The invasion of their territories roused the tribes of the desert, and six hundred chosen horsemen joined Spitamenes. In- spirited by this accession of strength, greater in name even than reality, the Persian halted on the edge of the desert, and prepared to give his pur- suers battle; and the tactics, which the genius and activity of Alexander had repeatedly baffled, proved successful against commanders of less skill and vigour. Spitamenes neither charged himself, nor awaited the Macedonian charge; but his cavalry wheeled round them in circular movements, and discharged their arrows into the centre of the infantry. When the Greek cavalry attacked, the Scythians easily eluded them by the greater swiftness and freshness iipi^RiWpejy;^- 214 ALEXANDER THE GREAT. [B. C. 329. of their horses. But the moment the assailants halted or retired, the Scythians again returned and re- sumed the offensive. When many Greeks had heen thus wounded and a few slain, tlie generals formed the whole into a square, and retreated in the direc- tion of the PoJxtiBietus, in the vicinity of which a wooded ravine seemed likely to protect them trom the enemy's missiles. But, on approaching the river, Caranus, the commander of the cavalry, without communicating with Andromachus, the commander of the int'antry, attempted to cross, and thus give his own charge a chance of safety. The infantry, being thus deserted by their only protectors, broke their ranks, and without listen- ing to the voice of their otHcers, hurried in disor- de^r to the bank of tlie river. And although this was high and precipitous, and the river itself far larger than the Thessalian Peneius, they rushed dov^n the bank and into the stream, heedless of consequences. The enemy were not slow in taking advantage of the confusion; their cavalry rode into the river, and, while some crossed, took possession of the opposite bank, and drove back the floundering Greeks— others pressed from the rear, and cut down tliose who were entering the stream: large parties stationed themselves on each flank, and showered their darts and arrows upon the helpless Greeks, who, being thus surrounded on all sides, took refuge in a small island. But here they were equally exposed to the arrows of the barbarians, who ceased not to discharge them until the de- struction was complete. Only forty of the cavalry, JEt^L 27.] RETREAT OF SPITAMENES. 215 and three hundred of the infantry, returned to Maracanda from this scene of slaughter. According to Aristobulus, Pharnuches, as soon as the service appeared dangerous, wished to yield the command to the generals, alleging that his commission extended only to negotiate, and not to fight. But Andromachus and Caranus declined to take the command, in opposition to the letter of the king's conuiiission, and in the hour of danger, when nothing but great success could justify the assumption. ' The victory of Spitamenes was, therefore, partly insured by the anarchy and con- sequent indecision of the Macedonians. The con- queror returned to Maracanda, and again invested the citadel. When Alexander received information of this serious defeat — the loss in which, from the consti- tution of a Greek army, cannot be stated at less than five thousand men— he took with him one half of the Companion cavalry, the guards, the Agrians, the archers, and the most active soldiers of the plialanx, and, after a march of ninety miles, arrived at Maracanda on the morning of the fourth day. Spitamenes did not await his approach, but retired as before to the desert. Alexander pressed him hard in his retreat, until he arrived at the scene of the late disaster. The sight of his slaughtered soldiers, with whose fate he deeply sympathized, arrested the pursuit, and the dead were buried with due honours. He then turned his wrath against the inhabitants in the vicinity, who had aided Spitamenes in the work of destruc- tion, and overran the whole country, until he ar- rived at the spot where the Polytimetus, large as 216 ALEXANDER THE GREAT. [B. C. 329. it was, sunk into the sands of the desert.* After this act .>f venjxeance, Alexander eonthicted his troops across the Oxus, and spent the winter at Bactra. As the Sogdians were still in arms, it is evident that some causes, of which we have been left ignorant, caused this retrograile march. During the short intervals between his military operations, Alexander had of late, when appearing in his civil capacity, adopted the Persian dress and regal costume. This gave serious offence to many Macedonian veterans, who could ill brook to see the barbarian cidaris on the brow of an Ileracleid prince, or his limbs enveloped in the loose folds ol the Median robe. In their opinion, it not only betrayed a degrading sympathy with the feelings of the vanquished, but also foreboded an inclination to claim the privileges, and exert the unlimited authority, possessed by his predecessors on the throne of Cyrus. They, therefore, regarded this tendency to innovation with a jealous eye. On the other hand, the Persian nobility were naturally scandalized at the rude and boisterous manners of the Macedonian oflicers, w ho, claiming almost an equality with their sovereign, pressed into his presence without tliose tokens of respect and reverence which the Orientals in all ages have regarded as necessarily connected with the siqjport of kingly authority. They remonstrated, therefore, with Alexander upon the rude manners of his court, and pressed him to adopt some of those ceremo- nies, the absence of which would be certain in the • Such also was its termination in the days of the Arabian geographers, and such probably it is now, altliough on modern inaps we se« its stream conducted into the Oxus. .Etat.27.] ADORATION PROPOSED. 217 end to draw upon him the contempt of his eastern subjects. Nor could a man of Alexander's talents and knowledge ever suppose, that the innumerable mil- lions of his actjuired empire were to be governed by the brute force of his few Macedonians. He was therefore more anxious to amalgamate than to keep separate the Greek and Persian races. But this could not be done without sacrifices on both sides, and a mutual approximation to each other's habits. Of all the practices of the oriental courts, the ceremony called by the Chinese kotou, which en- forces prostration at the feet of the sovereign, is the most repugnant to European feelings. Some- thing similar, but not recpiiring so humiliating a posture, was necessary on approacliing the pre- sence of the Persian King of Kings. It consisted most probably of a low inclination of the body, as we read that a sturdy Spartan once satisfied the master of the ceremonies, and at the same time his own conscience, by dropping a ring, and stooping down to pick it up in the royal presence. The Greeks in general regarded the ceremony as ido- latrous, and as a species of adoration due only to the gods. When, therefore, it was proposed to pay the same outward respect to Alexander, it could only be done by asserting, that he was as much entitled to divine honour as Dionysus, Her- cides, and the Dioscuri, Castor and Pollux. As far as i can trace, Alexander never attempted to claim any other homage as a divinity; nor do I find, from any respectable authority, that he 218 ALEXANDER THE GREAT. [B. C. 329. ever asserted himself to be tlie son of Ammon, That such a tale was whispered in the camp, and publislied both in Europe and Asia, there is no doubt; but it will he diHicult to show that Alexan- der treated it otlierwise than as an excellent subject for witty sayings and j^ood jokes. Arrian's account of tlie first attempt to introduce the adoration, or TrpofTKvrtifTir, is so descriptive ot the feelinj^s and opinions upon the subject, that I cannot do better than translate it. — It ought to be premised, that the court of Alexander was fre- quented by many literary characters, eager to sec the new w'orld opened to their observations, and to ^ain tlie favour of the king. Among these, Anax- archus, a philosopher from Ahdera, and Agis, an Argive poet, were supposed more eager to gratify their great patron than to uphold their own dignity and inde[)endence.— " It had been agreed (writes Arrian) between the king, the sophists, and the most respected Medes and Persians, to introduce the subject of adoration while the wine was going round. Anaxarchus conunenced by saying, ' that Alexander could with far greater justice be deemed a divinity than Dionysus and Hercules, botli on account of the numerous and splendid actions per- formed by liim, and because Dionysus was a I'he- ban, liavinii no cf)nnection with the Macedonians, and because Hercules was an Argive, ecjually un- connected with Macedonia, except through the family of Alexander, who was an Heracleid. It was also more proper for the Macedonians to dis- tinguish their own sovereign by divine honours, especially when there could not be a doubt that they if:tat. 27.] ADORATION PROPOSED. 219 i I would honour him as a god after his departure from nmong men. Much more just would it be, then, thus to honour him while living than after his death, when all such distinctions would be unavailing.' — " When Anaxarchus had advanced these and similar arguments, those to whom the proposition had been previously comnumicatcd applauded his speech, and wished immediately to commence the adoration. The majority of the Macedonians, althougli hostile to the ceremony, remained silent ; but Calisdienes took up the question and spoke-- " ' O Anaxarchus, Alexander in my opinion is worthy of every honour which, without exceeding due bounds, can be paid to a man ; but a strong line of distinction has been drawn between divine and human honours. We honour the gods in va- rious ways — by building temples, erecting statues, exempting ground consecrated to them from pro- fane uses ; by sacrificing, pouring libations, and composing hymns in their praise—but principally by adoration. Men are kissed by those who sa- lute them ; but the divinity, seated aloft, beyond the reach of the touch of man, is honoured by ado- ration. The worship of the gods is also celebrated widi dances and sacred songs. Nor ought we to wonder at this marked line of difference, for even different gods have different honours paid to them, and those assigned to deified heroes are distinctly separated from those paid to the divinity. It is unbecoming, dierefore, to confound all these dis- tinctions, and to swell men by excessive honours beyond their fair proportion, and thus, as far as depends upon us, by granting equal honours to men, degrade the gods to an unseemly humdiation. li 220 ALEXANDER THE GREAT. [B. C. 329. Even Alexander himself would not tolerate the conduct of any private individual, wlio might at- tempt by illegal suttrages and election to arrogate roya! lionours to himself; with much greater jus- tice will the anger of the gods be excited against those men, wlio either themselves arrogate divine honours, or |>ermit others to claim such for them. •* * But Alexander beyond coni])arison is, and has the reputation of being, the bravest of brave men, the most princely of kings, and the most con- summate general. And you, O Anaxarcbus, who associate with Alexander for the purpose of being his instructor in philosoiiby, ought to be the first in enforcing tlie princi[>les laid down by mc, and in counter*icting the contrary. In you, therefore, it was highly unbecoming to introduce this proposal, and to forget tbat you are the companion and adviser, not of a Cambyses or a Xerxes, but of the son of Philip, by birth a Heracleid and an .Eacide, whose ancestors emi- grated from Argos to Macedonia, and whose fa- mily, for successive generations, has reigned oyer Macedonia, not by tyrannical force, but according to the laws. No divine honours were paid by the Greeks even to Hercules while living, nor yet after his deatlj until the oracle of Delphi had enjoined tlieni to worship him as a god. " ' But if we are to adopt the spirit of barbarians because we are few in number in this barbarous land, 1 call upon you, O Alexander, to remember Greece ; and tbat the whole object of your expedi- tion was its welfare, and to subject x\sia to Greece, not Greece to Asia. Consider therefore w hether it be your intention after your return to exact adora- .-Etat. 27.] OPPOSED by calistiienes. 221 tion from the Greeks, who of all men enjoy the greatest freedom, or to spare the Greeks, and im- pose this degradation on tlie Macedonians alone ; or, finally, to be honoured by the Greeks and Ma- cedonians as a man and a Greek, and only by the barbarians according to tbeir own fashion ? " ' But since it is said that Cyrus, the son of Cambyses, was the first who was adored among men, and that from his time this humiliating cere- mony has continued among the Medes and Per- sians, recall to your memory, that the Scythians, poor and independent, chastized his pride — that the insolence of Darius was checked by their Eu- ropean countrymen — that Xerxes was brought to a proper sense of feeling by the Athenians and Lacedemonians — Artaxerxes by Clearchus and Xenophon with the ten thousand — and Darius by Alexander, not yet adored.' " Thus far Arrian — Cnhsthenes, (he proceeds to say,) by these and similar arguments, excessively annoyed Alexander, but spoke in unison with the feelings of the Macedonians. The king, observing this, sent round to inform them, that the adoration or prostration was not expected from them. As soon as silence was restored, the Persians of the highest rank rose and performed the ceremony in order. Leonnatus, one of the Companions, as a Persian was performing his salaam without much elegance, ridiculed the degrading posture of the performer. This drew upon him at the time the severe animadversion of iVlexander, whose dis- pleasure however did not last long. The following account has been also recorded. Alexander pledged the whole circle in a golden A» Ar 'm])arisoii with the achievements of Alexander. Others ot the company were not more favourable to the pre- tensions of Hercules, and both parties agreed that envy alone prevented men from paying equal ho- nours to living merit. Cleitus, who had previously testified his contempt for the barbaric innovations of Alexander, and the baseness of his flatterers, being much excited by wine, protested that he would not allow the exploits of the deified heroes of ancient days to be thus undervalued ; that the personal achievements of Alexander were neither great, wonderful, nor worthy to be compared to tht actions of the demigods ; that alone he had done notliing, and that bis victories were the work of tlu Macedonians. I'his argument was retorted by the opponents, as being ecpially applicable to the actions of Phih}), the fav'ourite hero of the veteran, while they in- sisted that, with the same means and with the DEATH OF CLEITUS. 00 K I ! MiSii. 27.] same Macedonians, Alexander had infinitely sur- passed his father in the magnitude and glory of his deeds. On this Cleitus lost all self-command, exaggerated beyond measure the actions of the father, and derogated from the lionours of the son. Loudly reminding his sovereign that he, a veteran of Phili]), had saved his life when he had turned his back on Spithridates, he, repeatedly extended his right hand in an insolent and boastful manner, calling out, '' This hand, O Alexander, — this hand saved your life on that day I" The King, who was also under the excitement of wine, unable any longer to endure the drunken insolence of an officer, whose especial duty it was to check all such conduct in others, rushed at Cleitus in his wrath, but was held back bv the eonn)any. Cleitus, however, did not cease to utter the most insulting and irritating language. Alex- ander then loudly called for his guards, remon- strated with those who detained him, complained that he was as much a prisoner as Darius had heen in tlie hands of Bessus, and that he was king oiilv in name. With that he broke with violence from the hands of his friends, sprung forwards, tore a lance from a sentinel's hand, and thrust it through the unfortunate Cleitus, who fell dead on the spot. Aristobulus writes, and it is the more probable account, that when Alexander first rushed from liis seat and was restrained by his friends, others of the party Imrried Cleitus out of the banqueting room, and conveyed him to the head-quarters of Ptolemy, the son of Lagus, the commander of the guard. But as Alexander, in a paroxysm of phrenzy, was loudly calling him by name, that Utauib 22() ALEXANDER THE GREAT. [B.C. 329, lie rushed back into the room with these words, «* Here am I, Cleitus, for you, O Alexander! and was instantly slain. , The sight of blood, and the completion ot his insane vengeance, prcxlucing the natural and usual eftect, immediately restored the King to his reason. His first impulse was to place the shaft of the lance against the wall and to rush upon the point ; but his friends prevented liim, and conveyed hmi to his cliamber, where for three days he remained inconsolable. . « I blame Cleitus severely," says Arrian, tor his insolence to his sovereign, and I i)ity the mis- fortune of Alexander, who thus proved himselt the slave of two evils, wine and anger, by neither of which ought a temperate man to be overcome. But I praise Alexander for his subsequent conduct, as he became instantly conscious of having per- petrated an atrocious deed." " The majority ot historians write tliat he retired to his chamber and lay there lamenting and calling on Cleitus and his sister, Lannice, his own nurse, and saying how generously he, when grown up, had repaid hei fostering care. Her sons had already tallen in battle m his defence, and now he, with his own hand, had murdered her brother. He did not cease to call himself the murderer of Ins triend, and obstinately abstained for three days, not only from meat and drink, but also from all attention to his person," . . By degrees he allowed his friends to mitigati the violence of his grief, and especially listened i.' the consolations of Aristander, who imputed tlic misfortune to the immediate displeasure of Diony- DEATU OF CLEITUS. \ ^tat. 27.] sus, who had thus severely punished the King for the neglect wliicli he had experienced. He, there- fore, offered an extraordinary sacrifice to the Theban god, and was happy to impute the rash deed to the anger of a deity and not to the infir- mity of his own temper. It may be added, that the extreme irritation, and consequent phrenzy, dis- played by Alexander on this melanclioly occasion, may have partly been caused by tlie severe blow on the nape of the neck and back of the head, which he had received the preceding summer in the assault of Cyropolis. Numerous recruits from southern Greece and Macedonia joined the winter quarters at Bactra, where probably also Alexander heard of the de- feat of Agis, king of Sparta, and his allies, by the regent Antipater. Curtius writes that the first information of the actual commencement of hosti- hties did not reach Alexander before liis first visit to Bactra. And the expressions of yEschines, as to the situation of the King at that period, can only be applicable to his Bactrian and Sogdian campaigns. A second embassy from the king of the Scythians brouglit valuable presents, and offered the daughter of their sovereign in marriage. Alexander re- ceived them kindly as before, but declined the honour of a Scythian connection. To Bactra also came Pharasmanes, king of the Chorasmians, escorted by fifteen hundred cavalry. His object was to pay his respects to the conqueror of Asia, and to offer his services in guiding and provisioning the army, if the king wished to subdue the nations to the north and west of the Caspian Q 2 vi'PifSE .:?m»!sgff>¥mf:g;»V9^ .-« .V i> ALEXANDER THE GREAT. [B.C. 329. sea. Pharasmanes was treated with due honours, and told to pkice himself in conununication with Artabazus, satrap of Bactria. 'Vhv king, anxious to enter India, deelined his otters ior the present, but mentioned his intention at a future period to conduet a large naval and land force into the Euxine, where tlie co-operation of the king of Chorasmia wovdd he thankfully received. Tliis Cliorasmia, unknown to the ancient geo- graphers, i> till modern Kliarasm, of which the present capital is Khiva, situated in the delta of the Oxus, not much inferior in poi)ulation and magnitude to the delta of the Nile. Had Alex- ander known its vicinity to the Sogd, he would probably have visited it. But Pharasmanes must have exaggerated tlie distance, since he si)okc of ** his neighbours the Colchians and Amazons.*" This is also evident from the supposition of Alex- ander, that the king of Kharasm, on the lake Aral could aid his operations in the Euxine. The omis- sion to trace the course and ascertain the termina- tion of the great rivers Oxus and Jaxartes was contrary to Alexander's usual habits of research. and his' eagerness to extend the boiuularies of the known world. For this, perhaps, two reasons may be given : the want of ship timber in Bactria and Sogdiana; and the king's expectation that his future operations in the Caspian would leave nothing obscure in that quarter. Before he left Bactra, the untbi lunate Bessus being brought before a general council, was con- demned to have his nose and ears mutilated, and to be sent to Ecbatana to meet his fate in the great assembly of the Medes and Persians. /Etat. 28.] ( 229 ) CHAPTER XL Seventh Cuvipalgji, B. C 328. Bactria and Sogdiana were still in a state of in- surrection, as well as Margiana ; Alexander, there- fore, left Craterus with four lieutenants to subdue and pacify the Bactrians, while he himself a second time crossed the Oxus. Having entered Sogdiana, he separated his army into five divisions, of which one continued underhis own command, the others were led by Hej)ha^stion, Perdiccas, Ptolemy, the son of Lagus, and Ca^nus. These, after scouring the country in all directions, and reducing the strong holds of the insurgents, united under the walls of Maracanda. Hence Hepha^stion was sent to found a city at the lower end of the Sogd, and Ccenus, supported by Artabazus, marched east- ward towards the Massageta^ in whose territories Spitamenes was said to have taken refuge. Alex- ander himself marched northward, and subdued most of the insurgents, who still held out in that quarter. But Spitamenes, finding Sogdiana thus guarded against his operations, changed the scene of action. Having persuaded GOO Massageta- to join his Bactrian and Sogdian troops in an expedi- tion into Bactria, he crossed to the left bank of the Oxus, took by storm a border fortress, and ad- vanced within 'sight of the capital itself. AVith the 230 ALEX A N DF. R T II E G RE AT. [B.C. 328. assistance of the Scythians he jratbered tosjether a lame booty, principally (locks and herds, with which he pVeparetl to retiirn to the desert. There happened to be then stationed at Bactra a few of the Companion cavalry and other soldiers, who were recoverinjr their health and strenjjjth after wounds and illness. These, indij^jnant at the insolence of the Scythians, sallied forth, and by the suddenness of their attack dispersed the enemy, and were in the act of returnincr with the rescued booty ; when neglectincr the rules of dis- cipline, (as their most eHective commanders were Peithon, master of the king's household, and Aris- tonicus, a minstrel—) they were overtaken and nearly all destroyed by Spitamenes. Peithon was taken prisoner, but tfie minstrel fought and fell like a brave man,— contrary (says Arrian) to what might have been expected from one of his cralt. The observation of Arrian proves that the minstrels of his days were not the same characters as in the time of Alexander. Aristonicus was a minstrel who recited heroic poems to his lyre— one of the ancient rhapsodists, who could fight as well as sing, use the sword as well as the harp. When Craterus received information of this disaster, he pursued the Massageta? with the greatest speed, and on the edge of the desert over- took them reinforced by one thousand of their mounted countrymen. He defeated them after a keen conflict, but was prevented by the vicinity ot the desert from availing himself of the advantage. At this time Artabazus, the Persian, wearied with the distracted state of his satrapy, retired from his government, and was succeeded by Amyntas, the .f:tat. 28.] EXTENT OF THE INSURRECTION. 231 son of Nicolaus. The successful resistance hitherto maintained by Spitamenes must liave caused a strong sensation among his countrymen. In read- ing gt'ueral history, two years seem scarcely an object of calculation, but to contemporaries they appear in a far ditterent light, and a successful re- l)ellion for that length of time is sufficient to shake the stability of the greatest empire. We find, con- sequently, that the Areians were disposed to revolt for a th'ird time, at the instigation of their own satrap, Arsames, the successor of Satibarzanes ; that the satrap of the Tapeiri had refused to attend when summoned to the camp ; and that Oxy dates, the Median satrap, was wilfully neglecting his duty. Atropates, a Persian nobleman of the highest rank, was sent to displace and succeed Oxydates ; and Stasanor and Phrataphernes, the Parthian satrap, were commissioned to seize Arsames. They suc- ceeded, and brought the Areian satrap in chains to the camp. Stasanor, one of the Companions, and a native of Soli, was appointed to succeed him as satrap both of Areia and the Dranga> ; and Phra- taphernes was sent to apprehend the Tapeirian satrap, and bring him to head-quarters. Ccenus, with a powerful force, still continued on the eastern frontier of Sogdiana, watching the pro- ceedings of Spitamenes, whose activity was likely to be renewed by the approach of winter. 1 hat enterprizing leader was still among the Massagetae, whom he induced to make a second incursion into Sogdiana. Nor was this difficult, for having no settled homes, they could easily, if invaded, remove their families, flocks, and herds, into the inmost re- cesses of Eastern Tartary. The hope ot plunder 232 ALEXANDER THE GREAT. [B.C. 328. therefore outweigfied their fears of Alexander, and three thousand of their chosen horsemen accom- panied Spitamenes and his troops. Their sudden onset did not take the wary Camus hy surprise, and in the bloody contest which ensued, eight hun- dred Scytliian horsemen were left on tlie field of battle. Tlie survivors withdrew with Spitamenes into the desert. His Bactrian and Sogdian follow- ers despairing of future success, gave up the cause and surrendered to Cannis. This conduct was pro- bably accelerated l)y their allies of the desert, who, when the battle had proved unsuccessful, indenmi- fied themselves for their loss by plundering tlie baggage of those whom they professed to aid. On their return home the Massagetje received intelli- gence that the King himself was preparing to pene- trate into their country. Alarmed by this report, and dispirited by their late defeat, they seized Spita- menes, cut off his head, and sent it as a peace-offer- ing to Alexander. Thus perished the oidy Persian whose talents and spirit had rendered him formida- ble to the Macedonians. Upon this C(rnus re- turned to the winter quarters at Nautaca, near Ma- racanda, where Craterus soon afterwards arrived to announce the pacification of Bactria. While Alexander, at the commencement of tliis campaign, was encamped on the banks of the Oxus, two springs, one of water, another of oil, burst forth near his tent. The prodigy was mentioned to Pto- lemy, the son of Lagus, who reported it to the King. Alexander sacrificed on the occasion, under the guidance of the diviners. Aristander said that the fountain of oil signified great labours, but victory also at the close of them. Whatever may be our .£tat.28.] RESOURCES OF SOGDIANA. 133 opinion as to the occurrence of die prodigy, we may be certain that the events of the campaign corre- sponded with the prediction ascribed to Aristander, and that prol)ably, as it was the least glorious, so also it was the most toilsome of all the Asiatic cam- paigns. The whole country was in arms ; the Mace- donians had to spread themselves in small bodies over the face of regions capable of maintaining an immense population— provided, under a wise and beneficent government, the waters of the great rivers be judiciously diffused and carefully hus- banded. At present it is in the hands of the most bigoted Mahometans in Asia; but in the tenth cen- tury, according to Ebn Haukal, Mawaralnahr alone could furnish, without feeling their absence, 300,000 cavalry and 300,000 infantry for foreign service. ( 234 ) [B.C. 327. CHAPTER XIL Eighth Cumpntgn^ K C. 327. As a few strong fortresses still held out, Alexander with tlie tirst peep of spring led his aniiy into 8og- diaria, and sat down before a precipitous rock where Oxyartes, a Bactrian chief who still kept the field, had placed his wile and children. I1ie Macedo- nians, on examination, discovered tliat it was im- pregnal)le by assault, and abundantly i)rovisioned for a long blockade. A heavy fall* of snow in- creased the difficulties of the assailants, and the confidence of the barbarians, who were thus fur- nished with plenty of water. The last fact partly accounts for the total silence, as far as my researches have gone, of all the Ara- bian geographers and historians concerning this ap- parently impregnable and certainly indestructible fortress; for the rock, it appears, hatl no sj)rings, and depended upon the heavens for its supplies of w-ater; Alexander, perhaps, was ignorant of this circunistance, or could not wait until the hot wea- ther had drained tlie capacious cisterns. The place was duly sunnnoned, and safety and protection were j)roniised to all vvitli liberty to re- turn to their homes on condition of immediate sur- render. The garrison answered with little courtesy, that Alexnnder, if he wished to capture the rock, .^^tat.29.] THE ROCK OF OXYARTES. 23o must furnish himself with winged men. When the Kin.^ received this answer, he proclamicd through the camp, that the first soldier who ascended the rock, should receive twelve talents; the second, eleven; the third, ten; and so down to the twelfth, who was to receive one talent, or 300 dareics. It is impossible for us in the present day exactly to appreciate the current value of any of the an- cient coins, because that depended not only on the weight, but also on the comparative abundance or scarcity of the precious metals. The dareic was a (Told coin of the purest kind, equal m weight to fifty Attic drachma^ each of which is supposed equivalent to two pennyweights six grams of Eng- lish troy weight; but we may form some idea of its real marketable value, when we read, that m the time of Xenophon one dareic a month was regarded as full pay for the Greek heavy-armed soldier. We may, therefore, easily imagine the emulation that would naturally be excited among the Macedo- nians bv this proclamation, which promised wealth and independence to the most successful, and a handsome competency to the twelfth in order. From the multitude that volunteered for this dan- gerous service, the three hundred best rock-climbers were selected; these were furnislied with a sutti- cient number of the iron pegs used in fixing down the canvass of the tents, to be inserted where ne- cessary in the interstices of the clift, and in the frozen snow. To each peg was attached a strong piece of cord, by way of ladder. I he climbers selected the most precipitous face of the rock, as beincr the most likely to be carelessly guarded, and commenced their labours as soon as it was dark. : ; jSf ^f i,5?ii*i;|j-pi-i«:<'-3:|^^ ^tJU ALEXANDER THE GREAT. [B.C. 327. Thirty out of tlie three hundred lost their hold aiul footing, fell headlonjjr, and sunk so deep into th< snow, that their hotlies could not be recovered for burial; the remainder succeeded in their perilous enterprize, and by day-break reached the top of the precipice; this was considerably higher than the liroad platform occn])ied by the barbarians, who were not inunediatelv aware of their ascent. Alexander, therefore, again soundetl a }iarley, and called on the garrison to surrender the Ibrtress, a- he had already procured the winged soldiers, with the want of whom tliey had before taunted him. The barbarians were astonislied, on looking up, to see the summit occupied by Macedonian soldiers, who, according to orders, shook long pieces of linen in the air, to imitate the motions of wings. They, therefore, surrendered without further delay, and thus proved the truth of Alexander's favourite maxim, " That no place is impregnable to the brave nor secure to the timorous." For althougli we need not suppose, according to the account, tliat the defenders were 30,000 in number, yet it is clear, that a few brave men could easily have overpowered an enemy without defensive arms, without a chance of being supported, and with tlieir limbs necessarily benumbed by the cold and their excessive night fa- tigue. Among the captives was the family of ()x- yartes, whose eldest daughter, Hoxana, is said to have been, with the exception of the wife of Da- rius, the loveliest woman seen by the Macedonians during their Asiatic expedition. The Bactrians held a middle place between the Persians and Scythians, partaking more of the polished manners of the former than of the rude- i:tat. 29.] THE BACf RIAN EOXANA. 237 ness of the latter. They still exist in Khorasan ;ind Mawaralnahr, under the modified name of Bukhars. Wearied with the unceasing succession of new tribes of conquerors from the deserts of Tartary, they have for ages renoimced the prac- tice of arms, and, like the Armenians and other eastern nations, retain their industrious habits and peaceful occupations, as far as their barbarous masters will allow them. The Uzbek Tatars, the present sovereigns of these regions, call them Tajiks, or Burgesses,, a name equally descriptive of their social and mercantile character. " They have, (writes my author,) for the most part, large eyes, black and lively; their hair black and very line: in short, they partake nothing of the de- formity of the Tatars, among whom they inhabit. The women, who are generally tall and well- shaped, have fine complexions and very beautiful features." The dazzling beauty of his young captive made a deep impression upon the victor, and the mo- mentary passion ripened into a lasting attachment. But, warrior as he was, and with the bad example of his model, Achilles, before his eyes, he scorned to take advantage of her unprotected state, and pul)licly solemnized his marriage with her. It is said that he consulted his two friends, Craterus and Hepluvstion, upon the subject, and that Cra- terus strongly dissuaded him from an alliance so repugnant to Macedonian prejudices, while the gentler nature of Hepha^stion saw no political reasons powerful enough to prevent his friend and sovereign from lawfully gratifying an honourable passion. I doubt the 'truth of the report— for I *i''5?*»f9faplied with wood and water was selected for tlie ])urpose, inclosed witliin lofty walls, and stocked with every species of wild beasts. The younger Cyrus, according to Xeno- phon, possessed one of great extent roimd the sources of the Meander, and we learn from St. Jerome, that, in his age, Babylon itself liad been Mm. 29.] A PERglAK PARK Oil PARADISE. 21-3 converted by the Parthian kings into a royal park. Julian, The Apostate, in his fatal expedition to the East, broke into one of these inclosures, and destroyed the wild beasts by the assistance of his army. We may infer from the report of the natives, that the remoteness of the Bazarian chase had prevented the last four monarchs from visiting it. Alexander, therefore, anticipating considerable^'re- sistance, led a strong detachment of his army into the royal preserve, and declared war against its denizens — few of which probably had ever before heard the trumpet sound, or seen tlie broad and j)ointed blade of the hunting-spear. 7'he King was in front and on foot, when an enormous lion, roused from the lair in which he had reposed for so many years undisturbed, faced his assailants and seemed inclined to select the King for his antagonist. The lion never attacks wliile running, walking, or stand- ing, lie first crouches and gathers his limbs under him, and thus gives ample vvarning of the intended spring. Lysimachns, destined in time to be one of Alex- ander's great successors, had encountered a lion in single combat on the banks of the Euphrates, and had slain him, but not without receivinji a dantrer- ous stroke from the paw of the wounded brute, which laid liis ribs bare and seriously endangered his life. This gallant officer now stepping forward, placed himself in front of his King, but Alexander, jealous of the honour already ac(piired by his gene- ral, ordered him instantly to retire : saying *' he coidd kill a lion as well as Lysimachus," His words were confirmed by the deed, for he received R 2 241 ALEXANDER THE GREAT. [B.C. 327. the animaFs spring on the point of liis hunting- spear with so much judgment and coohiess that the weapon entering a vital part proved instantly fatal. It was on tins occasion that a Spartan am- bassador, who liad been deputed to wait upon him after the defeat of Agis, exclaimed, " Bravo, Alex- ander, well have you won the prize of royalty from the king of the woods!" But the Macedonians, who were too sensible of the value of their Sovereign s life to permit it thus to depend upon the critical management of a hunt- ing spear, convened an assembly, and passed a de- cree, that thenceforward Alexander should not com- bat wild lieasts on foot, nor hunt without being personally attended by a certain number of the great officers. Probably this was not the first time in which the King's life had been endangered by wild beasts. For Craterus consecrated, in the temple of Delphi, a hunting-piece in bronze, — the joint workmanship of Lysippus and Leochares — which represented a lion and dogs — tlie King fighting with the lion — and Craterus hastening to his assistance. These hunting parties were not only dangerous from the ferocity of the wild beasts, but also from the unskilful or rash management of their weapons by the followers of the chase. Thus Craterus had his thigh pierced through by the lance of Perdiccas, while they were engaged in hunting the ichneumon on the banks of the Nile. Four thousand head of animals of various kinds were slaughtered in the great park at Bazaria, and the sport was closed by a public banquet, principally composed of the venison. It ought to be added, that even Curtius allows that the foolish story of the exposure of iEtat. 29.] CONSPIRACY OF THE PAGES. 245 Lysimachus to a lion had no other foundation than the facts above recorded. But there occurred, either during this or another hunting party about the same period, a circumstance which in its consequences had well nigh proved fatal to Alexander. It had been the policy of Philip to educate the sons of the Macedonian nobility in his own palace, both for the sake of their greater improvement, and probably of ensuring the loyalty and fidelity of their parents. In order more immediately to con- nect them with the court, some of the offices about the King's person were entirely committed to their charge. They acted as the royal chamberlains; as chief grooms they had the care of the horses from the door of the stable until the King and his own immediate retinue were mounted. They had also to attend him on hunting expeditions, probably to manage the dogs, and supply the King with fresh weapons. The title of royal pages, therefore, will suit them better than any other in our lan- guage. H^t-molaus, the son of Sopolis, one of these young gentlemen, had in the heat of a boar- hunt, forgotten his duty and slain the animal — per- haps unfairly, (for the laws of the chase in all ages and climes have been very arbitrary,) — certainly so as to interfere with the royal sport. The page was deprived of his horse, and ordered to be Hogged ; apparently the usual punishment for such offences. But Hermolaus regarded it as a personal disgrace, not to be effaced but in the blood of his Sovereign. He persuaded Sostratus, the son of Amyntas, his particular friend among the pages, to enter into his designs ; and Sostratus succeeded in 246 ALEXANDER THE GREAT. [B.C. 327. seducing Antipater, the son of Asclepiodorus, the satrap of Syria, Epinienes the son of Arses, Anticles the son of Theocritus, and Phih>tas the son of Carsis the Tliracian, to become partners in the con- spiracy. 1,1 As the pages in turn watched the royal bed- chamber, tlie young traitors agreed to assassinate the King on the night when it would be the duty of Anticles to watch. But Alexander did not enter his chamber on that night until the pages were changed. Tlie cause assigned for his absence is curio'us. A Syrian female, an enthusiast and sup- posed to be divinely inspired, had attached herselt to Alexander, and' had so far ingratiated lu'rself with the inmates of the palace, as to be allowed free ingress and egress at all hours of the day and niglit. It was often her practice to watch all night at the King's bed-side. Her predictions also had been so successful, that either from policy or super- stition great resj)ect was paid to her person and attention to her advice. On this memorable night she met Alexander as he was retiriiig from the banqueting room to his chamber, and earnestly besouglit him to return and prolong the revelry till 111 V— hrpik The King, who probably had never before re- ceived a similar exhortation from the prophetess, immediately replied, " the gods give wholesome counsel," and complied with the advice. It is more than probable that the Syrian, whose privi- leged liabits enabled her freely to visit every place, had overheard the conversation of the pages, and had taken this strange mode of comiteractiiig their treason. vEtat. 29.] DETECTED AND PUNISHED. 247 Strange however as it must appear — it proved sufficient. For on the next day Epimenes com- municated the plot to Charicles, the son of Menan- der, who immediately informed Eurylochus, the brother of Epimenes. The latter gave the same information to Ptolemy, the son of Lagus, who laid it before the King. The conspirators were seized, put to the torture, confessed their own guilt, and named some accomplices. They were brought before the Macedonian assembly, where, according to some authors, Hermolaus spoke at length and apologized for his treason. Ilis arguments were, that the Median dress and the attempt to enforce the ceremony of prostration, the drunken revelries and consecjuent somnolency of Alexander — were more than could be any longer tolerated by a free- man; and that he had done well in desiring to deliver the Macedonians from a tyrant who had put Philotas to death unjustly, Parmenio without even the forms of law, and who had murdered Cleitus in a fit of drunkenness. But the assembly had no sympathy with the young regicide, who wished to screen his own vindictive passions under the cloak of patriotism and love of freedom. They therefore, condemned him and his associates to death, but in executing the sentence did not use their darts as in the case of Philotas, but over- whelmed the culprits with stones. This conspiracy originated not in Macedonian but democratic principles, nor ought Alexander to have been astonished at the consequences of his own conduct. He was the patron of democracy in the Asiatic cities. He delighted in the con- versation, and encouraged the visits, of the demo- I j fl 1 -imJM&f.'ii-Hi S^'S ALEXAKDER THE GREAT. [B.C, 327. cratic philosophers of Southern Greece. Flat! he confined himself within these bounds, liis conduct wouhl iiave been as liannless as the coquetry of Catherine of Russia and of Frederick of Prussia, witli siniihir characters in modern times. But he committed a serious mistake, in entrusting the most important part of tlie education of the ''royal pages to Calisthenes. This man, a pupil of Aris- totle, and, according to some writers, liis nephew, owed his situation in the court of Alexander to the recommendation of the Stagyrite. Me was an Olynthian by birth, rude of manner and bold of speech, of strong intellect and considerable elo- quence. His principles were those of extreme democracy, and the following anecdote proves that he had not forgotten the destruction of his native city by Philip. " Once at the King's table he was requested to pronounce an extemporaneous eulogy upon the Macedonians. This he did with so much eloquence, that the guests, not content witii ap- plauding him, rose up and covered him with tlieir garlands. Upon this Alexander said, in the words of Euripides, * When great the theme 'tis easy to excel;' " But now Calisthenes, show your powers in re- presenting the faidts of the xMacedonians, that they inay see them and amend." The orator innne- diately took the other side of the question, grossly abused the Macedonians, vilified Philip, "whose successes he imputed not to his own talents, but to the divisions among the republican Greeks, and concluded with a quotation to this purpose— " The wicked wretch tlirough discord honour won." j:tat. 29.] CALISTHENES. 249 IJy this he drew upon himself the implacable ha- tred of the Macedonians, and Alexander said, that " he had given a specimen not of his eloquence but of his malevolence." Plutarch's account of this ill-judged exhibition is closed with the observation of Aristotle, that the eloquence of Calisthenes was indeed great, but that he wanted common sense. It appears that he indulged in violent speeches, even in the presence of Aristotle, who is said to have answered one of them by simply repeating the Homeric line — " Short date of life, my son, these words forbode." A quotation, perhaps, more applicable to the in- vective against the Macedonians and Philip — than to any other speech. Of late having lost ground in Alexander's favour, he had become more inso- lent in his manners. He had repeatedly quitted the King's presence, with the following line of Ho- mer on his lips — " Patrockis died a better man than tliou." It is also recorded, that when asked by Philotas, Whom the Athenians most honoured ? he answered, Harmodius and Aristogeiton, because they slew one of the two tyrants and abolished the tyranny. Philotas then asked, Where could the slayer of a tyrant obtain a safe asylum? *' If no where else," said Calisthenes, " among the Athenians, who had defended in arms the helpless Heracleidae against Eurystheus, the then powerful tyrant of all Greece." It is difficult for persons who form their general 250 ALBXAHIIIE TUB GREAT. [B.C. 327. idea of a Greek philosopher from Plato, Xenophon, and Aristotle, to conceive the difference betweeii these truly great men and the swarm of sophists, who in later times usurped the name of philoso- phers, Plato, Xenophon, and Aristotle, were gen- tlemen in the most comprehensive sense of the words, the companions and friends of monarchs, and knew how to respect the rights and privileges of others, without betraying their own dignity and independence. But the later sophist, the imitator of Diogenes, found it much easier to acquire the name of a philosopher by despising the decencies and even charities of life, and inculcating the doctrine of indiscriminate equality: — according to which all distinctions, except those of superior intellect and virtue, monopolized of course by the philoso|)hers and their admirers, were to be con- temned and set at nought. Thus Calisthenes was accustomed to say publicly, that Alexander had more need of him than lie had of Alexander-^ that the King's achievements w^ere at his mercy— and that his inniiortality did not depend upon the falsehoods propagated respecting his birtfi, but on what he, the historian of his actions, might choose to relate. As Hermolaus was a favourite pupil and strongly attached to his person and doctrines, the pupil's conduct naturally excited suspicions against the preceptor. All the writers agree that the conspirators confessed tliat Calisthenes had always given a willing ear to their complaints against the King. Some add, that when Her- molaus was bitterly lamenting his punishment and disgrace, Calisthenes told him " to remember that .£tat. 29.] ACCUSED AND PUT TO DEATH. 251 he was now a man ;" an expression, after such a castigation, liable to a very dangerous interpreta- tion. But why should we doubt the united testimony of Ptolemy and Aristobulus, who both wrote, that the pages had confessed that they had been incited and encouraged by Calisthenes in the prosecution of their plot t He was therefore seized and im- prisoned. Respecting his end Aristobulus and Ptolemy disagree ; the former says he died in cus- tody, the other that he was first tortured and then hanged. On such a point the commander of the tjuard must be the best authority ; but the account followed by Aristobulus was probably the one made public at the time. I have dwelt the longer on the subject of Calis- thenes, because his chains and death were regarded hy his brethren of the long beard and short cloak, as an insult and an outrage committed against their order. He was regarded as a martyr to the great doctrine not of the equality but of the superiority of the self-styled philosophers to the kings of the earth, and his persecutor was loaded with slanders and calumnies, many of which are believed to this day. Alexander left Amyntas governor of the regions between the Jaxartes and the Paropamisus, with ;]500 cavalry and 10,000 infantry. The spring had already passed away and the summer had set in, when he set out from Bactria to commence his In- dian expedition. As the troops for the last three years had been engaged in hard service, abounduig more with blows than booty, he proposed to remu- nerate their past labours by leading them to attack 252 ALEXANDER THE GREAT. [B. C. 327. nations supposed to be more wealthy and less war- like. He soon arrived at the northern foot of the Paropamisus, where, according to Curtius, he had already founded a city. Nor is this unlikely ; for, according to Strabo, he founded eight cities in Soa- diana and Bactria, and one of them might well liav^e been intended to command the southern range of the main pass over the mountains. The city^An- derab, on the same site, still retains a considerable portion of Alexander's name. ** The town of An- derab (writes an old traveller) is the most southern which the Usbeks possess at present, being situate at the foot of the mountains which separate the dominions of Persia and the Great Mogul from Great Bukharia. As there is no other way of crossing those mountains towards India with beasts of carriage but through this city, all travellers and goods from Great Bukharia, designed for that coun- try, must pass this way ; on which account the khan of Balk constantly maintains a good number of sol- diers in the place, though otherwise it is not very strong." Having passed the defiles, he reached in ten days the Paropamisan Alexandreia, founded during his previous visit, and which he now supplied with fresh colonists. It did not, however, prosper long un- der the name of Alexandreia; and the ancient Or- tospana, which the new city was to replace, reco- vered either its name or importance. For Strabo writes, that the main road from Bactra to the In- dies, was across the Paropamisus to Ortospana; and Ptolemy has no Alexandreia in that neigh- bourhood, but a Cabura, also called Ortospana. Cabura, witliout any real change, is the modern ^tat. 29.] INDIAN EXPEDITION CABUL. 253 Cabul, the key of India in all ages, whether the invader is to advance from the west or the north, from Candahar or from Balk. The Paropamisan Alexandreia was, therefore, either the very same as Cabul, or in its immediate vicinity. The dis- tance on the map between Anderab and Cabul, is about a hundred miles. Nor could the Macedo- nian army, with its regular baggage, have crossed the intervening hills in less than ten days, for the road is scarcely better than the beds of torrents ; and Timour, who was ill, and had to be carried in a litter, on his return from India, was obliged, during this route, to cross one river twenty-six and another twenty-two times. Thence advancing to a city called Nicaea, he «,fratified the army with a sacrifice to Minerva, and summoned to his presence the Indian satraps be- tween him and the Indus. Taxiles, the chief of these, and the minor satraps obeyed, brought pre- sents, and promised to deliver up all the elephants in tlieir possession. Here he divided his army. Hepliaestion and Perdiccas, accompanied by Tax- iles and his fellow-satraps, conducted one division through Peucaliotes to the banks of the Indus, across which they were ordered to throw a bridge. Antes, the governor of Peucaliotes proved refrac- tory, but was soon subdued, and his chief city Peu- cela, probably the modern Peishwar, was taken ; tlie two generals then proceeded to execute their further orders. Alexander, with the rest of the army, marched to the left, into the mountainous regions intersected by the western branches of the Indus. He crossed in succession the Choes, or Clioaspes, the Euaspla >i ^ij^ ALEXANDER THE GREAT. [B. C. 327. A HOMERIC COMBAT. 255 and the Guraeus. It is useless to attempt to fol- low him *jeogra})liJcally throujjjh these unknown re- gions, in which his personal adventures were full of incident. Between the Choes (which still retains its name, and nuist be crossed in travelling from C'abul to the Indus) and the Euaspla he besieged a city de- fended by a double wall. In the assault of the outer wall an arrow entered Alexander's shoulder, but as the point did not penetrate through, the war- riors of his army pronounced the injury slight; although, as usual in such cases, they took ample vengeance for the king's wound. Leonnatus and Ptolemv were also amonjr the wounded. C'raterus was left in this district, to complete its reduction, wliile Alexander moved into the country, between the Euaspla and the Gurauis. The iniiabitants of the first city approached by the Macedonians, set fire to it, and fled to the mountains ; they were pursued and many over- taken before tliey reached their fastnesses. In the pursuit, Ptolemy, the son of Lagus, ac- companied by a troop of horsemen, saw the Indian king, surroundetr by his guards, on one of the lower hills, at the foot of the mountains. As the hill was too steep for cavalry, he ordered his men to dismount, and led them to the attack on foot. The Indian seeing the small number of his sup- porters, so far from shunning, advanced to meet the assailant ; whom, without parting with his weapon, he struck on the breast with a long and stout lance ; the point penetrated the breastplate, but did not reach the body, whidi probably was defended by thick quilting. Ptolemy, in return, threw his Jaiice, .Etat. 29.] which pierced the Indian's thigh and brought him to the ground. But the natives on the heights, witnessing the fall of their chief, rushed down to save his arms and body from falling into the ene- my's hands. Ptolemy must therefore have retired without the trophies of victory, had not Alexander himself at the critical moment arrived at the foot of the hill. I le immediately ordered his guards to dismount, ran up, and after a severe and well-con- tested struggle, saw the arms and body of the In- dian borne away by the Macedonians. This was tridy a Homeric combat, and had not the king been in the field, would have entitled Ptolemy to the second " spolia opima" won during this war. It is worth observing, that both Erigyus and Ptolemy, who thus distinguished themselves, were the youth- ful favourites of Alexander. Erigyus unfortunately had died at the close of the last Bactrian campaign, to the great sorrow of his friend and master. Craterus, on whom devolved all separate com- mands of consequence, was now ordered to build a new town on the site of the one burnt by these Indians ; and Alexander, marching in the direction of a lofty mountain, where the neighbouring in- habitants were said to have taken refuge with their flocks and herds, encamped at the foot of it. Ptolemy was sent to reconnoitre, and brought back information that, as far as he could judge, the fires in the enemy's stations were far more nu- merous than in the King's camp. Alexander, con- cluding from this that a combination of various tribes had taken place, resolved to anticipate any intended attack. He took with him what he judged a sufHcient number of troops, left the rest in the 4 256 ALEXANDER THE GREAT. [B. C. 327. vElat. 29.] MASSAG A — INDIAN WARRIORS. 257 camp, and ascended the mountain. After Iiavinjj approaclied the enemy's fires, and reconnoitred their position, he divided his force into three co- lumns; he liimself led forward one, Leonnatus the other, and Ptolemy the third. They all proved successful in the end, altliough not without mucli hard fighting, as the inhabitants of these districts were distinguished for their hardiness and valour. The booty was immense. Forty thousand prison- ers, and two-hundred-and-thirty thousand head of various kinds of cattle, were captured. Alexander, struck with the size and activity of the Indian oxen, selected the finest animals from the spoil, and sent them to Macedonia for the sake of improving the breed in his native dominions. Thence he advanced to the river Guraeus, which he forded with great difficulty, as the waters were deep and the current strong. Like all other moun- tain streams, its bed was formed of round slippery stones, which rendered it difficult for the soldier to keep his footing. The Gurfcus is probably the Suastus of Ptolemy, the modern Kamah or river of Cashgur. I'he country to the east was inhabited by the Assaceni or Affaceni, supposed to have been the ancestors of the Artghans, Their chief city was Massaga, a large and wealthy place, agree- ing both in name and position with the modern Massagour, not far from the left bank of the Ka- mah. This capital was garrisoned by seven thousand Indian mercenaries, warriors by profession, and probably by caste, whose own country lay far to the east. The inhabitants, supported by the mer- ceuaries, advanced into the plain and gave battle :1 i to the Macedonians, but were defeated and driven into the city. There the resistance of the merce- naries became more effectual, and all attempts to carry the place by storm failed. The King, ex- posing himself as usual, was wounded in the leg by an arrow. In the mean time the engines were brought up, and wooden towers constructed. The assailants in one of these had cleared the opposite wall of its defenders, when Alexander ordered a moveable bridge, similar to that with which he had captured Tyre, to be thrown across from the tower to the wall. This was done, and the bravest of the guards rushed forwards; hut, unfortunately, their numbers and weight snapped the bridge in the centre, and they were all precipitated to the foot of the wall. Before they could extricate tliem- selves, they were overwhelmed from above by every species of missiles, and the enemy sallied forth upon them through numerous posterns in the wall. Renewed exertions soon repaired this misfor- tune, and within four days another bridge was flun(T from the tower to the wall. The mercenaries fought bravely as long as the governor lived, but when he had fallen by an engine dart, they pro- posed to surrender on terms. The best were oflered, provided they would enter Alexander's service. They consented, quitted the city, and encamped on a hillock over against the Macedonian camp. Some misunderstanding, however, took place ; either mistrusting the promises of Alexan- der, or unwilling to join the foreign invaders, they attempted to withdraw bv nijrlit into tlie neiirh- bouring cities. But the King either anticipated s. Zj6 ALBXJINDS'E TM:E GEEAT. [B.€,32'7. their iriovements, or overtook tlieni in their flight (for hoth accounts are given) and put them all to the sword. As Arrian gives no hint of any l)reach of faith on tlie part of Alexander, we may easily pass over in silence the charge adduced l)y otlicr ivriters. I le prided himself particularly on the ex- treme punctuality with which he observed all pro- mises, and was never known to violate his i)le(lged word. At the same time he was inexorable in punishing all those who either acted with bad faith themselves, or neglected to fulfil their engagements from a suspicion that he intended to act with bad faith to them. While engaged in the siege of Massaga, the King had detached a body of troops to invest Bezira and Ora. The latter was taken; but the inhabitants of the former, together with the wliole population of the neighbouring province, took refuge on the celebrated rock Aornos, rej)orted imi)regnable, and to have thrice resisted the arms of the famed and l^ibulous Hercules. Ditliculties calculated to deter others only excited the energies of Alexander, who resjarded the present as a fair opportunity of enter- ing into competition with the great hero of Greece. And tlie contest was to be of that nature, that the meanest soldiea- in the army could judge of its final issue. It was of no importance whether the rock had been unsuccessfully besieged or not ; for his object it surticed that tlie Macedonians believed, or' even that the report was current, that his great ancestor had failed in capturing tlie supposed im- pregnable fortress. Arrian describes the rock as near twelve miles in circuit at the base, with its lowest point three quarters of a mile above the J.tal. 29. J THE ROCK AORXOS. 259 plain, and having its summit crowned with a culti- vated ])latform, well watered by perennial springs. On encamping at its foot, Alexander was visited by some of the natives of the vicinity, who, as iistial in similar cases, promised to betray the secrets of the stronghold, and conduct the Mace- donians to a spot where the operations for the final reduction of the place would be much facilitated. Alexander despatched Ptolemy, with an active party of men, to make the necessary circuit, and seize the spot described by these voluntary traitors. This was performed; and Ptolemy, by kindling a beacon-tire, indicated to the King his success and position. The post occuj)ied appears to have been a detached summit, which considerably liampered the proceedings of the besieged. The King made an attempt to ascend from his side also, but was repulsed without much difficulty. Tlie enemy, encouraj^rcd by this success, then turned tlieir forces against Ptolemy, who with difticulty maintained his position. Alexander, anxious to rejoin his isolated general, conveyed, by the hands of another traitor, a letter, ordering Ptolemy to make a vigor- ous attack from his j)osition as soon as he saw the Indians assailed by himself. The simultaneous assault began with the dawn, and, after a severe contest, succeeded by mid-day; when the Indians, being attacked from below by Alexander, and from above by Ptolemy, retired and left the path open. Thus the Macedonian force was united on tlie point pre-occupied by Ptolemy. But great difficulties still remained, for tlie summit thus mastered was separated tVom the main body of the rock by an immense ravine. The victories of the Macedonians I I I s t 260 AIiIXANBlR THE ORFAT. [B.C. 327. >i:tat. 29.J NYSA — DIONYSUS. 261 had, however, been achieved as iimch by toilsome lal)()urs as by disciphiie and valour ; they thi'ielbre instantly bej^an to fill up tlie inteiveninjT gulf. In four days, under the immediate inspection of the King, the wonderful exertions of the army had advanced the mound, and the works erected on it, witliin bow-shot of the rock. Soon after, another detached summit, on a level with the great plain, was seized and occupied by a small party of Ma- cedonians, Tlie Indians, finding themselves thus exposed to the enemy's missiles, sent a herald an- nouncing their intention to surrender on terms, provided the assault were postponed. Alexander listened to the proposal, but soon discovering thnt the object of tlie Indians was to gain time, and to withdraw, under cover of the night, to their several liomes, he withdrew all his outposts, and left the paths open. As soon as the enemy, with- drawing under cover of tlie night, had deserted the outworks, the Macedonians were ordered to scale the rock. The tirst wlio gained the summit, drew up their comrades by ropes, and thus acliieved this memorable conquest. I'lie command of the fortress and province was entrusted to Sisicottus, an Indian whom lie had found in the retinue of Bessus, and of whose fidelity he had received ample proofs. . . . The rock is not known to me from modern authorities, nor do I know of any traveller who has examined this remote corner. It is on the right bank of the Indus, close to the river; but I have no means of ascertaining its exact site. A traveller going up the right bank from Attock could not fail to find it, . . . Here Alexander was informed that the king of the Assaceni, on retiring to the mountains, had turned out his elephants, thirty in number, to enjoy a temporary liberty in the rich ])astures on the banks of the Indus. Alex- ander had already assembled a large troop of ele- phant-hunters, and with their assistance recovered all the animals but two, which were represented to have fallen over precipices, in their attempt to escape. As the banks of the Indus were covered with forest trees, he cut down timber, built vessels, and emliarked on the river. It was as the fleet was falling down the stream that he visited Nysa, the inhabitants of which claimed his protection, as being descendants of part of the victorious host of Dionysus, who had founded their city, and peopled it with the invalids of his camp. In proof of their assertion they showed ivy, the Bacchic emblem, which, according to them, grew in no other part of India but their territories, and a mountaii above their city, called xMerus, or the Thigh, in remembrance of the miraculous birth of Dionysus. Their chief, Acuphis, gave Alexander a description of their constitution, according to which the su- preme power was lodged in a council of three hun- dred, consisting of the citizens most respected for ase, rank, and abilities. Alexander was willing to Ijelieve their Bacchic origin, and that at last heliad found traces of the two demigods who in remoter ages had preceded him in his oriental career. He therefore treated the Nysans with particular favour, and granted all their requests, on condition of being furnished with ^00 horsemen as a military con- tribution, and a hundred (I must not spoil the Greek pun) of their best men as hostages. At the 4 2iri AMXAN'BKE THl ©mE AT. [B. C.. 327. last demand Acupliis smiled, and when asked to explain liis mirth, re[)lied, that Alexander was welcome to that number of the bad and vicious characters in Nysa, but wished to know how any city could be governed if deprived of a hundred ot its best men. Alexander, pleased with the an- swer, took the cavalry, but remitted the hostages. It is difbcult to account for these and other traces of Hercides and Dionysus, which are gravely recorded in the writings of Alexander's most trust- worthy historians. The arms of Darius, the son of Mystaspes, had no doul)t been carried to the Indus', and the rock Aornos might have been re- peatedly besieged in vain by the Persians. Greeks also from Ionia, Doris, and* .Eolis might have been settled, according to a well-known Persian policy, on this distant frontier, and have carried with tlieni the mysteries of IJacchus. Yet with all this it is difficult to believe that the Macedonians, who had traversed the most erdightened and civilized states of Asia without discovering one trace of Hercules and Dionysus, shouhl tluis fmd vestiges of the sup- jK)sed expeditions of both heroes in the obscure corner between the river of Cabul and the Indus. Might not some Macedonians have visited Nysa during the celebration of the festival of the Hindoo god Kama, and easily recognized his identity witli their own Dionysus ? The following passage from Bishop Heber's Journal in India is the best illus- tration of the subject:— " The two brothers, Kama and Luchmun, in a splendid palxee, were conduct- ing the retreat of their army. The divine Flunni- man, as naked and almost as hairy as the animal whom he represented, was gamboling before tlieni, .ttat. 29.] BACCHAKAUAN REVELRY. 263 with a long tail tied round his waist, a mask to represent the head of a baboon, and two great pointed clubs in his hands. His army followed, a nunil)er of men with similar tails and masks, their bodies dyed with indigo, and also armed with clubs. I was never so forcibly struck with the identity of Rama and Bacchus. Here were before me Bacchus, his brother Ampelus, the Satyrs, smeared with wine-lees, and the great Pan com- manding them." The Macedonian chiefs would gladly avail them- selves of an opportunity to impress their Sovereign with a belief that he had reached the boundaries of the conquests of Hercules and Dionysus, and that to suri)ass them by a few marches more to the cast would be sufficient to satisfy the wildest dream of aml)ition. Acuphis and his companions could easily be induced to enter into a plan calcu- lated to ])romote their own honour and advantage, and few in the army would venture to be very critical in their strictures respecting the claims of these self-styled Bacchi. Even the interview with the King, as conducted by the deputies of Nysa, was far too theatrical not to liave been studied. When ushered into the royal tent, they found liim covered with dust, and in complete armour — helmet on liead and spear in hand, being his usual costume during a march. The deputies on seeing him were apparently over- powered with feelings of awe and admiration, fell prostrate, and remained in that position without uttering a word, until they were raised by Alex- ander's own hand. Then they told their Bacchic tale, as before described. ■ -^ .i'-- # J ''*'' f ALEXANIIEE f H« ©ElAt. [B..C. 827. 'I'he Kinj^r, with the Coiri|)aiii(>ii cavah-y and thi* fldvver of his phahinx, asccnuled Mount Merus and found it covered with ivy, hiurels and dense *(roves of other trees: the Macedonians, deh«rlued once more to see the jyrreen ivy phmt, wreathed it into chajdets for their brows, sunij hymns to Baccluis, and invoked him by his numerous namei. Alex- ander himself ottered a majrnifieent sacrifice to the god, and feasted the whole army. According to some authors, many of the k'adini^ generals bein^r seizetl at the termination of the baiujuet with the bacelianalian phrenzy, sallied forth in the height of tlieir enthusiasm, and caused Mount Merus to re- echo the cries of Evoe, lacche, and Lyiee. From Nysa, the whole army arrived at the bridge, already constructed by Perdiccas and Hephcvstion. The whole summer and winter, as recortled from Aristobulus by Strabo, had been spent in the march from Ikctria, and their late camijaign among the mountains : With the commencement of spring tliey descended into the plains. Kt.it. 30.] ( £65 ) CHAPTER XIII. Ninth Campaign, B. C. 326. Tiie region immediately to the east of the upper course of the Indus, was, at the period of Alexan- der's invasion, possessed by three leading chiefs; — Abissares, whose territories were on the left among the mountains ; Taxiles, who ruled over the country inunediately in front, between the Indus and the Ilydaspes; and Porus, whose dominions were to the east of tlie Ilydaspes, but who seems, from his military power, to have been an object of suspicion and alarm to liis neighbours on every side. Taxiles, thus named either from his capital or from his otKce, immediately submitted, and with munificent ])resents hastened to meet the conqueror on the l)anks of the Indus. The bridge gave a safe pas- saw to the Macedonian army, which for the second time thus found itself bevond the extreme limits ot the Persian empire. Arrian regrets that none of the historians of Alexander had described the con- struction of the bridge, although he concludes that it nuist have been supported on boats. From the Indus the army marched to Taxila, the largest and wealthiest city between the Indus and the Ilydaspes. Here time was allowed to the sol- diers to recruit their streniith and their health, after the late severe duty among the hills; and the King 2()tt ALEXANDER THE GREAT. [U.C.32b. was SO pleased with the hherality and f^eiierous kindness of 'iVixih's, that — far froni deprivin«r him of any tliinsi — he presented liiin with a thousand lak»nt*s; — wliith drew from some diseontented Ma- cedonian the remark *' that Alexander had a])pa- rently found no object worthy of his munificence before he entered Itidia." Ahissares, tlie seat of whose government was probably the modern C'asli- iiiere, sent his brother with other embassadors to make his submission, and to carry rich gifts to tlu- King. Deputies also came from Doxares, the go- vernor of a district, on the same errand. 'I'be stay of the army at Taxila was further marked by sa- crifices, festivities, horse races, gymnastic contests, and other amusements calculated to revive the drooping spirits of tlie soldiers, who suffered ex- cessivelv from the heavv rains, which had not ceased to fall since their entrance into India. Although Alexander treated Taxiles with such distinguished honour and attention, he nevertheless stationed a Macedonian garrison in his capital, and left lliere all the invalids of the army, while he con- ducted the rest to the Hydaspes, on the eastern bank of which Porus had assembled his troops, and stood prepared to dispute the passage. According even to the modern laws of war, Alexander, after the conquest of Darius and the Persians, was justified in requiring the obedience of all the tribes whicli had formed component parts of their empire. But — barbarous as our military code still continues to be— we should in vain search its pages for a justification of a system of aggression similar to that which Alexander was now directing against the Indians. His conduct, however, must .€ttt.30.J roiius. 207 be examined, not on our principles, but on tliose of liis countrymen. The (i reeks held that they were naturally in a state of war witli all barbarians, and that nothing but a specific treaty could suspend this natural liostility. Tliose nations, therefore, between whom and the Greeks such treaties did exist, were termed Enspondi, and entitled to inter- national rights. All others were Respond], and liable to be assailed, despoiled, and enslaved with- out ceremony. Even Aristotle writes that the Greek, from his superior virtue and ability, had a natural right to seize and claim the services of the barbarian ; — while, on the contrary, the l)arbarian who abused the chances of war, and made a Greek his slave, was guilty of most unnatural conduct. It is not, therefore, surprising that the pupil of the Stagyrite felt himself justified in exacting an ac- knowledgement of his su])remacy from all bar- barians;— and in warning those who disputed his right to take the field and abide the decision of the sword. Modern Europeans, with the exception of the Spaniards in Peru and Mexico, have managed such matters with more delicacy and semblance of jus- tice—but the final result has been the same. We are informed by Strabo, that the Macedonians inarched in a southern direction from the bridge across the Indus to the I lydaspes. As there can be no doubt that the bridge was built in the vicinity of Attock, we may be almost certain that the advance of the army was along the main road leading from Attock to Jellick-pore, on the Hydaspes, now called the Jhylun. The opposite bank of this noble river was lined with the infantry and cavalry, **»H AT.FXWnKn TTTF f:T3|:*\T. ffVC 356. the war-chariots, and thi> cK'phauts of Porus. Every spot, both ahove and l)eh)vv the main roail, that pre- sented tacilities tor crossintjj, was dilijxently jijuarcU'd. Vhe invader dividini^ liis troo|>s into nmnerous boilies, sent them uj) and (h)vvn the streinii, in order to contnse and distract the attention of tlie Imh'ans, who, however, were not tluis to he thrown o\Y their jjjuard. In the mean time Alexander formed hirjre mai^razincs, as if he intended to re- main encamped till the waters shonld decrease w iili the approacin'nix antnmn : — for the rivers of north- ern India, like tlie Enplirates and Tigris, swell with the approach of the smnmer solstice, and shrink within their cliannels in the winter. The month of July still tound Alexander on the right bank of the Hydaspes, rolling before his eyes a turbid and im|>etuous mass of waters, fourteen feet deej), and a t'ull mile broud. This obstacle alone might easily have been overcome ; for the ships built upon the Indus had been taken to pieces and car- ried l»y land to the Hydaspes, and rafts and Hoats. supported on inHated hides, constructed in abun- dance. But what rendered the passage dangerous, was the line of elephants on the left bank. Alex- ander despaired of being able to form bis cavalry after disembarking. I le even doubteil whether the horses would not precipitate themselves from the floats into the water, rather than face those large animals, the sight, smell, and voice of which were equally objects of alarm and abhorrence to the war-horse. The King, therefore, was compelled to steal a passage; which be effected in the follow- ing manner. Having publicly declared his intention to wait i (at. .30] PASSAGE OF THE HYDASPES. 269 t for the falling of the waters, he did not for a mo- ment internn't his usual activity. For several nights in succession he ordered large detachments of cavalry to parade the banks of the river, to sound their trumpets, to shout, sing jKcans, and by outcries and dissonant clamours, rouse the attention of the enemy. Porus for a time led liis troops and elephants in a j)arallel line with these disturbers of his repose ; but seeing that the alarms were not succeeded by any serious attempts to cross, he gradually ceased to regard them, or to harass his troops by useless night marches. When the vigi- lance of the Indian had been thus lulled to sleep, Alexander pre])ared to put his plans in execution. Ten miles above the camp he discovered a wooded jiromontory, round which the river made a con- siderable bend. About midway an island, covered also with wood, and uninha})ited, divided the river into two main channels. He fixed upon this spot as well adapted for his purposes, because the woods and tlie island screened his operations from the view of the enemy. For the dangerous en- terprise he selected five thousand cavalry and six thousand infantry. Amonn the former were 8cv- thians, l>actrians, and a thousand mounted archers from the Dahai' tribe ; but the main strength was the formidable Companion cavalry. The infantry were the guards, two brigades of the phalanx, the Agrians, and the l)Owmen. The leading officers were Coenus, Perdiccas, Ptolemy, Lysimachus, and Seleucus, now mentioned for the first time, al- though destined to be the greatest of Alexander's successors. Craterus, whom, next to Alexander, the Mace- ■ ° '''^ : tj^^ ^v ' V'>4'^~; :!:S'^:::;as**^^^ t70 ALEXANDER THE GREAT. [B. C. 320. iloiuaius li^vcdand aclmiretl, was left in coniinand of the camp. His orders uert% to remain (nui t il Porns witlulrinv only a porti*>n of his troops and elephants to meet 'the Kin Tlie archers and the Agrians, on the other hand, directed their missiles not so much against the animals as against their guides; for an elephant deprived of his guide was equally dangerous to friend and foe. While this novel contest was going on, the Indian cavalry recovering their cou- rage and order, sallied forth to support the ele- phants, but were again met and driven back by Alexander and his horse, superior to the Indians both in personal strength and skill. Coenus had already broken through, and the whole Macedonian cavalry were thus united. At the liead of these Alexander made repeated and desperate charges upon the Indian infantry, and where he charged entirely broke their ranks. The scattered troops universally took refuge among the elephants, which by the activity of the Macedonian infantry were gradually driven upon each other ; many, irri- tated by their wounds, and deprived of their guides, became furious, and indiscriminate in their attacks, while the Macedonians allowed them no respite; but giving way to the animal in his rage, pressed again on him exhausted. At last the elephants wearied out ceased to charge, and began to retire, trumpeting loudly with their uplifted trunks, a sure sign that they had become unmanageable. Arrian compares their retreat to the motion of the ancient war-galley, retiring in the presence of an enemy with the stern foremost and the beak to the foe. Alexander then stationed his cavalry at intervals round the confused mass ; and the phalanx in closest order, with shield linked to shield, and pikes pro- jecting, advanced and bore down all opposition. At this moment Craterus brought up his troops, and T 2 ii iiiiSuiiin ■! I iiii iiM III ill iiiiM « jii Bh'fc.jiM 276 ALEXANDER THE GREAT. [B.C.3'i6. pursued the enemy, who were flying in all directions througli the intervals between the Macedonian ca- valryr According to Arrian, twenty thousand of the Indian intantry, and three thousand of their ca- valry, fell in this bloody battle; the chariots and surviving elephants were all captured. Porus himself, inferior to his antagonist in talent> and military skill but not in valour, fought as long as he could keep any of his troops together. His heit^ht exceeded the common stature of man, and he rode an elephant of proportionate size. He was completely cased in armour w ith the exception of his right arm, bared for the combat. 1 lis cuirass, of great strength and beautiful workmanship, ex- cited the admiration of the Macedonians, who pro- bal)ly had never seen such excpiisite specimens ot scale armour. „ , Alexander had long witnessed the gallant hear- ing of the Indian king, and the perseverance with which he maintained the combat, for the battle lasted till two o'clock in the afternoon. Anxious to save the life of so brave an opponent, especially as he could see that a wound in the shoulder had in some degree disabled his right arm, the King desired Taxiles to ride up and persuade him to surrender. Porus, however, no sooner discovered the approach of Taxiles, an ancient foe, than he turned Ids elephant, and would have slain him, had not the speed of his horse quickly borne lum be- yond the reach of weapons. Alexander, probably more amused than displeased with this result, sent other messengers in succession, and Hnally Meroes, an Indian, who, as he found, was an old friend ot the king. Porus listened to him, and being over- ^tat. 30.] DEFEAT AND CAPTURE OE PORUS. 277 powered by thirst caused by loss of blood, the pain of his wound, and the noon-tide heat, descended from his elephant. Having then drunk and cooled liimself, he was conducted by Meroes to Alexander, who, attended by a few friends, rode forward to meet the lirst potentate whom he had captured on the field of battle. He admired not only the size and handsome person of the prisoner, but the total absence of servility that characterized his bearing. He approached with all the confidence with which one brave man should always meet another, and with a consciousness that he had not impaired his claims to respect, by gallantly defending his native kingdom against invaders. Alexander was the first to speak, and asked if he had any request to make? ** Only to be treated like a king, O Alexander," was the short and ex- pressive answer. " That shall be done on my own account ; but ask any particular favour — and it shall be granted for your own sake." " I have nothing further to ask, for every thing is comprehended in my first request." This was an enemy according to Alexander's own heart: he treated him with marked honour, gave him his freedom on the spot, restored his kingdom, and afterwards added largely to its extent. He was not disappointed in his estimate of the Indian's cha- racter, and ever found him an attached friend and a faithful subject. The Macedonians who fell in the battle were buried with public honours. Then thanksgiving sacrifices were offered to the gods, and the usual games and festivities closed the ceremony. In order to secure the passage in future, Cra- i ■... I.H- »-• -J,-.. j-:iiii&iiiinj!iiam.aaMaaMJiBi 278 ALEXANDER THE GREAT. [B.C. 326. terus was ordered to superintend the building ol two cities, one on the left bank called Nica>a, the other Bucephala, in honour of the favourite Buce- phalus which died in the battle without a wound, l>ein«' worn out by age, heat, and over-exertiou. He was then thirty years old, and had been pre- sented to Alexander in early life by Demaratus the Corinthian. He was a large, powerful, and spirited horse, whose duties were restricted to the held ot battle, and that disdained to bear any other rider than Alexander. From a mark of a bull s head im- printed on him he had his name Bucephalus, though soiiie say that he was so called because being a black horse he had on liis forehead a white mark resembling a bull's head. When this famous charger had fallen into tlie hands of the Uxian bandits, \lexander issued a proclamation that were Buce- phalus not immediately restored he would wage a war of extirpation against the whole tril>€. 1 he restoration of the animal instantly followed tlie re- ceipt of the notiiication ; so great was Alexander ^ regard for his horse, and so great the terror ot hi name among the barl)arians. " Thus far (writer Arrian) let Bucephalus be honoured by me lor tlie sake of his master." , ,. , i The whole country between the Hydaspes and the Acesines was reduced, and placed under the government of Forus. I'he population was great and wealthy, for Alexander received the submis- sion of thir'ty-five cities, not one of which containecl fewer than five thousand inhabitants. The Ace- sines (the modern Chun-ab) was then crossed with- out much difficulty, for the natives ottered no op- position;— but the channel, as described by I to- .£tat.30.] THE CATHAIANS— SANGALA. 279 lemy, the son of Lagus, was nearly a mile broad. The principal chief between the Acesines and the Hydraotes was another Porus, surnamed the Coward by the Macedonians. Previously he had sent am- bassadors and submitted himself to Alexander's au- tliority, but, on hearing that his enemy the brave Porus' was in high honour with his victor, he lost confidence and fled with all his warriors beyond the Hydraotes. Alexander sent Hephaestion to take possession of liis dominions and dehver them to his rival. A second embassy also arrived from Abis- sares, bringing large sums of money, forty ele- phants, and promises of unconditional submission. But Alexander, who had discovered that previous to the battle this prince had been on the point of joining Porus, sent back a peremptory order for him to appear in person or expect a hostile visit. He then led his army across the Hydraotes, (the modern Iravati or Ravee,) and heard that a warlike nation, called Cathaians, had roused two other in- dependent tribes to arms, and were preparing to receive him under the walls of a strong city called Sangala. This nation, both from its name and for other reasons, appears to have been Tatar, and not to have been long established in the country. Po- rus and Abissares had lately invaded their settle- ments with their combined forces, but had been driven back with loss. The Macedonians arrived before Sangala on the evening of the third day after crossing the Hydrao- tes, and found the Cathaian troops encamped on a rising ground close to the city. Their camp was surrounded with a triple line of waggons, which — 280 ALEXANBia TOI OlE AT. [B.C. 326. with the absence of elepliants — amounts ahnost to conclusive proof of the Scythian origin. Alexan- der attempted to charge the waggons with his ca- valry, but was easily repulsed by tlie Cathaiau missiles. The infantry of the phalanx being then brought up, carried the first line without much diffi- culty ; but the second was not forced without con- siderable loss, as they could not advance in order until they had withdrawn all the waggons of the first line. They succeeded at hist in bursting the triple barrier and driving its defenders into the town, which was inclosed with a brick wall, and had a shallow lake on one side. The inhabitants placing no confidence in their fortifications, repeat- edly attempted to break out and escape, but were as often beaten back by the Macedonians, who had already thrown up a double rampart round tlie whok' city except on the lake side. The besieged, tliere- fore, determined to ford this in the niglit and march away. Intimation of their plan reached Alexander, who commissioned Ptolemy to prevent its execu- tion. This officer in haste gathered all the wag- gons which had formed the triple barrier, and drew them up in a single line round the edge of tlie lake. Tlie Cathaians sallied out at midnight, crossed the water, but foiling to force the luistily erected bar- rier, retired into tlie city» which was soon after car- ried by assault. Seventeen thousand of the Cathai- ans were slain, and seventy thousand taken prison- ers. A hundred Macedonians fell, twelve hundred were wounded— Lysimachus and several other lead- ers being among the latter. The great dispropor- tion between the wounded and the slain proves that Jiiat.30.] PALIBOTilRA. 281 the Cathaian wea])ons were principally arrows and hand-missiles, which seldom proved fatal to men well furnished with defensive armour. Eumenes, the secretary, (now mentioned for the first time,) was sent with three hundred cavalry to the two other tribes, who had made common cause widi the Cathaians. His orders were to promise an amnesty for past proceedings and protection for the future, provided they would submit ; but they had already heard of the capture of Sangala, and moved away in a body. Alexander pursued ea- gerly, but could not overtake them, and in all pro- bability they did not halt until they had gained the mountains, whence the Hydraotes descends. The territories of the three tribes was given to Indians who in ancient days had been independent, and who in the present instance had willingly submitted to the Macedonians. It appears more than probable diat they had been deprived of thera by the intru- sive C'athaians. Here Alexander received information, that India beyond the Hyphasis — the modern Bezah, or per- haps the united streams of the Bezah and Sutlege — was very fertile, inhabited by warlike nations skilled in agriculture, and wisely governed. He might also have heard of the magnificent Palibothra, the Indian Babylon, superior in wealth and power to the Assyrian, the seat of the great monarch whose autliority extended over all the Indian peninsula, and who could lead into the field six hundred thou- sand infantry, thirty thousand cavalry, and nine thousand elephants. He heard also, that these animals in the vale of the Ganges were far larger and bolder than those of the Indus. Excited by ^^j■-:;.■v.v..^..v'.^-i-J^«u»■^M^tLl^i^;l;'afe3.Ml^»J n2 ALEXANDER THE GREAT. [B.C. 326. these reports, he prepared to cross the Hyphasis, and follow the j^^reat road to Pahbotlira, situated, accordinjr to Arrian, at the junction of the Eranno- lioas and the Ganj^es. But the Macedonians were worn out with wounds, fati«rue, and disease. The spirit with which tliey had surmounted otlier labours and toils sunk under the drenching rains to which they were continually exposed. And the j^olden dreams and brilliant prospects with which they had commenced their expedition, had vanished before the sad i^alities. Besides this they had been disappointed in their Indian expedition in every way. To use Arrian's words, ** they discovered that the Indians had no gold— were by no means luxurious in their mode of living, that they were large of size, exceednig the common stature of Asiatics, and by far the most warlike of the then inhabitants of Asia." Frequent meetings therefore took place in the camp, and the formation of circles round individual speakers proved that the minds of the men were deeply agitated. In these meetings the more quiet characters only lamented their lot, while others ve- hemently encouraged their comrades to stand lirni to each other, and to refuse to cross the J lyphasis, even if Alexander kd the way. The King soon discovered the symptoms of ap- proaching mutiny, and that the disinclination to march farther south had extended from the pri- vates to tlic officers. Before, therefore, this feel- in«T sliould assume any more offensive form, he called a council of war, to which all the officers ot superior rank were summoned. And as the speeches reported by Arrian be^'r strong internal marks ot ilitat. 30.] MURMURS OF THE ARMY. 283 being copied from the original historians, I here introduce them. " Macedonians and Allies, (said Alexander,) seeing that you do not follow me into dangers with your usual alacrity, I have summoned you to this assembly, that either 1 may persuade you to go further, or you persuade me to turn back. If you have reason to complain of our previous labours, or of me your leader, I have no more to say ; but if by these labours we have acquired Ionia, the Hel- lespont, with Phrygia, Cappadocia, Paphlagonia, Lydia, Caria, Lycia, Pamphylia, Phoenicia, Egypt, Cyrenaica, part of Arabia, Ccelo-Syria, Mesopo- tamia, Babylon, Susiana, Persis, Media, and all the provinces governed by the Medes and Persians, and others never subject to them;— If we have subdued the regions beyond the Caspian Gates and Mount Caucasus, Hyrcania, Bactria, and the countries between Caucasus, the river Tanais, and the Ilyrcanian sea; — If we have driven the Scy- thians back into their deserts, and the Indus, the Hydaspes, the Acesines flow within our empire, why do you hesitate to pass the Hyphasis also, and add the nations beyond it to tlie Macedonian con- quests ? Or do you fear the successful resistance of any of these barbarians, of whom some willingly subinit, others are overtaken in their flight, others escape, and leave their territories to be distributed by us among our allies ? " For my own part I recognize no limits to the labours of a high-spirited man, but the failure of adequate objects; yet if any one among you wisiies to know the limits of our present warfare, let him learn that we are not far from the river Ganges llH^h A.Li:.JkA^.jL?i.ii TEE OftB'AT. [B.C. 326. and the Eastern Ocean. Tliis, I venture to assert, is connected with the llyreanian Sea, for the great ocean Hows round the whoh* earth; and 1 shall prove to the Macedonians and their alhes, that tlu Indian Gulf flows into the Persian, and the Flvrcn- iiian into the Indian. From the Persian Clulf our fleet shall carry our arms round Africa, until it reach the pillars of Hercules, and Africa within the pillars be entirely subject to us. Thus tlu* boundaries of our empire will be the same as those with which the deity has encircled the earth. But if we now turn back, many warlike nations between the Hyphasis and the Eastern Ocean, many in m northern direction between these and the llyrea- nian Sea, and the Scythian tribes in the latter vicinity, will remain unsubdued. And there is cause to fear lest the contjuered nations, as yet wavering in their fidelity, be excited to revolt by their independent neighbours, and the fruits of our numerous labours be thus entirely lost, or secured only by a repetition of the same labours antl dangers. " But persevere, O Macedonians and allies— glorious deeds are the fruits of labour and danger. Life distinguished by deeds of valour is delightful, and so is death when we leave behind us an im- mortal name. " Know ye not that our ancestor did not, by remaining at Tirinthus, Argos, or even in the Pe- loponnesus and Thebes, attain that glorious fame which elevated him to the real or imaginary rank of a god ! Nor were the labours of Dionysus, a more venerable deity than Hercules, trifling. But we have advanced beyond Nysa; and the rock ,i,iat. 30. J SPELL ii Oi' ALE)iAiiDiu&, ns I Aornos, impregnable to Hercules, is in our pos- session. Add therefore the remainder of Asia to our present acquisitions, the smaller portion to the greater; for we ourselves could never have achieved any grc'at and memorable deeds had we lingered in Macedonia, and been content without exertion to preserve our homes and repulse the neighbouring Thracians, Illyrians, Triballi, or those Greeks who might prove hostile to us. " if I, your leader, exposed you to labours and dangers from which I shrunk myself, there would be cause for your faint-heartedness, seeing that you endured the toils, and others enjoyed the re- wards: but our labours are in common; I, equally with you, share in the dangers, and the rewards become the public property. For the conquered country belongs to you ; you are its satraps ; and among you the greater part of its treasures has already been distributed. And when all Asia is subdued, I promise, and I call Jupiter to witness, not only to satisfy, but exceed the wishes of every individual; — either in person to lead, or safely to send into Macedonia, all who wish to return home; — and to render those who may remain in Asia objects of envy to their returning friends."' This speech was succeeded by a deep silence. They could not approve, yet no one wished to be the first to oppose. Alexander repeatedly called on some individual to express his sentiments, even if imfavourable to his proposal; yet all remained silent. At length Coenus, the son of Polemocrates, the oldest of the generals, took courage and thus spoke — " Since you, O King, are unwilling to lead the ALEXANDER THE GREAT. [B.C. 3*26. iVIacetlonians further bv the mere exercise of your authority, but propose to do so only in case you succeed in persuading them, and by no means to have recourse to compulsion, I rise to speak, not in behalf of myself and the great officers now present,— who, as we have been honoured espe- cially, and have most of us already received the reward of our labours, and exercise autlionty over others, are zealous to serve you in all things,— but in behalf of the great body of the soldiers. Nor will I advance what is calculated to gain their favour alone, but what 1 judge most advantageous to you for the present, and safest tor the tuture. '- And my age, the high authority delegated to me bv yourself, and tlie unhesitating boldness which' I have hitherto manifested in all dangerous enterprises, give me the privilege of stating what appears to me the best, »* The number and magnitude of the exploits achieved under your command by us, who orijii- nally accompanied you from Macedonia, are in my opinion so many arguments for placing a limit to our labours and dangers ; for you see how few ot the Greeks and Macedonians, who originally com- menced the expedition, are now in the army. ^Vhen you saw tlie Thessalians no longer encoun- terintly be brought a^J^f ;; ' boldly conducts Alexander to the Ganges, and Imes Us oppu site banks with innumerable foes. AstAt 30.] CIVILIZATION. 291 'i Alexander returned from the Hyphasis, re- crossed the Hydraotes and Acesines, and arrived on the banks of the Hydaspes. In building the new cities of Nicaea and Bucephala, sufficient al- lowance had not been made for the rise of the river, which therefore had seriously damaged them. The towns were now repaired, and the mistake corrected. Here a third embassy from Abissares waited upon Alexander, and among other presents brought thirty more elephants. A severe illness was alleged to be the sole cause of the king's ab- sence ; and as, upon inquiry, the allegation ap- peared true, the apology was accepted, and the future amount of tribute determined. During the whole summer, part of the troops had been engaged in ship-building, on the banks of the Hydaspes. The timber was found in the mountain forests through which the river descended into the plain, and consisted, according to Strabo, of firs, pines, cedars, and other trees well adapted for the pur- pose. The men employed in felling the timber disturbed a great multitude of monkeys and ba- boons. These, flocking to the crown of a hill, whence they could view the destruction of their ancient sanctuaries, presented to the workmen the appearance of disciplined troops, and they were hastily preparing to arm themselves and march against their supposed foes, when they were unde- ceived by their native comrades. It is a melancholy consideration that hitherto on this globe a high degree of civilization has first destroyed national feelings or patriotism, then na- tional independence, as the inevitable consequence, and, finally, national existence. The Chaldaean u 2 292 ALEXANDER THE GREAT. [B. C. 3'2(i. and Assyrian have been swept from the face of the earth ; the descendants of the Medes and Persians are outcasts from their country ; a few Copts re- present the ancient Egyptians ; the Greek is the barliarian slave of a barbarian tyrant; and Italy, with her double wreath, with her two eras of liirlit and liberty, is partly enslaved and partly barba- rized. Thus also the Hindoos have, for centuries, been the prey of more warlike tribes, who liave fought and bled for the sovereignty of that great peninsula, while the inhabitants have remained passive spectators of the contest, as if a change of masters was to tliem a matter of indifterence. China alone has escaped the common fate, not so much from its admirable constitution, as from its great population and exclusion from the rest of the world — two circumstances tliat have enabled it twice to al)sorb its bandit concpierors without any material change in the nature of the institutions and of the people. It must not be supposed that the inhabitants of Southern Greece, the descendants of the heroes of Marathon, Salamis and I'latiea, partook largely in tlie glorious deeds of the Macedonians. We have already seen the paltry quota which originally joined Alexander from the confederate states. These had been gradually falling away, and few of any consi- deration had reached India. Alexander, in order to obtain an eflective fleet, liad appoiiUed most of his great officers to be temporary trierarchs. These of course would be required, after the manner of tlie Atlienians, to equip and man their own gallies in the most gallant style. And as Arrian, in his abridge- ment of the ** Voyage of Nearchws," has given a list yEtat. 30.] ABSENCE OF SOUTHERN GREEKS. 293 of their names, I transcribe it here, as useful to show who the master-spirits were who worked the great revolution in the eastern world. Trieraichs. Hepliaestion. . Leonnatus .... Lysiniaehus . . . • Asdeinodorus.. Archon Denionicus. . . . Archias Ophelias Timanthes .... Nearchus Laoniedon .... Androsthenes . . Craterus Perdiccas Ptolemy Aristouous .... Metron Isicarchides . . . Attalus IV-ucestas Peithon Leonnatus .... Pantarchus.. . . ^lylleas son of Vmyntor. . . . .... Eunus .... Agathocles . . .... Timander . . . .... Cleinias .... .... Athenanis . . . .... Anaxidotus. . .... Seilenus .... • .... Pantiades . . . .... Androtimus. . — ^— .... Lariehus .... "-■■ ■■' « « M ■ v/ciiJ isli mcs • • .... Alexander . . — ^— .... Oiontes I Pellseans. Amphipolitans. . La;jus . . . Peisiuus » ■> V • Epicharmus. Simus Andromenes. Alexander . . Crateas .... Antipater.. . \icolaus . . . ZoVlus The above were all Macedonians, were Greeks : — son of . . ]\Iedius .... Eumenes . . Critobulus . Thoas Maeandrius . Andron . . . Oxyntliemis . Hieronymus. . Plato Menodorus . . ]Mandrogenes Cabelus .... ' Orestians. J Kordncans. f from Pydna. s . a Stymphjean. . a Miezian. . from Alcomenc. . Aigx. . Alorus. . Bercea. The following . from l^arissa. . Cardia. . Cos. Magnesia. Teos. 20 i ALEXANDER THE GREAT. [B.t".32(i Nkorles . . *'>n of ... . Pasicrates . . j j^.^^^^ Cypius. Nithahed situation in a naval armament. But tlie republicans of Greece had no part or portion in the glory of tlie war. Hence arose that jealousy of the Macedonian fame, that bitter hostility to Alexander, who had so dimmed and obscured their exploits by the splendour of lu^s renown, and, as the literature of Greece was in their hands, that systematic attempt to depress his fame and blacken his character. It is also curious, that in the above bst we do not find a single native ot Lyncestis, although it was the largest province ot Macedonia. Either the Lyncestians, with the true feelings of a mountain clan, liad retired from the service wlien their chief was slain, or Alexander, after that event, did not feel that he could trust them in confidential situations. W bile all were busily engaged in preparing tor the vova^e, the veteran Coenus fell ill and died. He had taken a distinguished part in all the great battles ; was an oHicer in whom Alexander placed implicit confidence; and was buried with all the magnificence and honours which circumstances would admit. Curtius imputes a brutal observa- tion to Alexander on the occasion—" that Ccenu.-^ jhUU 30.J VOYAGE DOWN THE HYDASPES. 295 had made a long speech for the sake of a few days' life." Hut the general did not make a long speech. The historian composed a long one for him ; and if anv one wishes to see the difference between ambitious declamation and the simple elotjuence of a soldier, let him compare the speech recorded by Arrian with the one invented by Curtius. An assembly of the general officers and of the deputies from various nations, was then held, in which Porus was proclaimed king of seven Indian nations, com- prising within their limits two thousand cities. The three hundred horsemen were sent back to the city of Dionysus, and Philip was appointed satrap of* the country immediately to the west of the Indus. Tlie army was then separated into three divisions : Ilephsestion led one, including the ele- phants, amounting to two hundred, down the left, and Craterus another division down the right bank. The third embarked with Alexander on board the fleet, consisting of eighty triaconters, and of more than two thousand river craft of every description, partly built and partly collected. The triaconters were' thirty-oared gallies, constructed on the plan of the ancient ships of war. Nearchus was ap- pointed admiral, and Onesicritus, a Greek islander, chief pilot or master of the whole fleet. The crews consisted of Phoenicians, Cyprians, Carians and Egyptians, who had followed the expedition. When all the preparations had been completed, sacrifices were offered to Neptune, Amphitrite, the Naiades, and other gods. A public feast with the usual games followed. The army then embarked with the dawn; and Alexander, standing on the nrow of his own ship, poured from a golden cup a i 2 9 6 A L E X A N I> E R Til K O R 1 AT* [B.C. 32ti. iihatioii into tlie streain of the I lytlas|M.*s. lit- then invoked the river g«Ml of the Acesines, of which the Hythispes was a trihutary, ami the still more powerful deity of the Indus, iiUo which the united waters of hotli dischari^ed themselves. 'I'he trumpet then i^ave the sijjrnal for castiui; oB", and the whole forest of vessels moved majestieally down the river. Tlie strokes of the inmunerahle oars, tlie voices of the'otlicers who rej^ulatetl the motions, and the loud cries of the rowers as they sinndta- neonsly struck the waters, produced sounils sin- gularly pleasinjj and harmonious. I'he hanks, in many places loftier than the vessels, and tlie re- tiring ravines on either side, served to swell, re- echo, and prolong the notes. The ajipearance of the gallant soldiers on the decks, and of the war [jorses — seen through the lattice- work of the sides of the strong vessels, purposely huilt for their conveyance— esjKicially struck the gazing harha- rians with astonishment and admiration. Even Hercules and Dionysus were surpassed, for to neither of them had' tradition or fable ascribed a naval armament. The Indians of Nicfva and Bu- cephala, whence the fleet departed, accouii)anied its motions to a great distance, and the dense population on both sides, attracted by the sounds, rushed down to tlie edge of the river, and ex- pressed their admiration in wild chaunts and dances. '* For (writes Arrian) the Indians are lovers of the song and the dance— ever since Dio- nysus and his Bacchanalians revelled through their land.'^ In eight days the fleet arrived near the con- fluence of the* Hydaspes and tlie Acesines. The i .Ktal. 30.] COAf Lli±.JNCL — NAEB©Wi, 297 channel of their united streams i« contracted im- mediately below the point of junction. The cur- rent is consequently sharp and rapid, and strong eddies are formed by the struggling waters that swell in waves and encounter each other, so that the roar of the conflict is audible from a great dis- tance. Alexander and the crews had been fore- warned by the natives of these narrows, probably the remains of a worn-down cataract. Yet as they ajiproached the confluence, the sailors, alarmed by the loud roar of the waters, simultaneously sus- pended the action of their oars, and even the re- gulators became mute, and listened in silence to tlie harsh greetings of the sister streams. On nearing the upper edge of the narrows, the pilots ordered the rowers to ply their oars with their utmost activity, and thus rapidly impel the vessels over the boiling surge. The rounder and shorter vessels passed througli in safety: but the gallies, the extreme length of which rendered the exposure of their broadsides to the current parti- cularly dangerous, were not so fortunate. Several were damaged, some had the blades of their oars snapped asunder, and two fell aboard of each other, and sunk with the greater part of their crews. A small promontory on the right side offered shelter and protection to the partly disabled fleet. Tlie Indians on eacli side had hitherto submitted, or if refractory, had been easily subdued: but Alexander here received information that the Malli and Oxydraca% two powerful and free states, com- pared bv Arrian for their militarv skill and valour to the Cathaians, were preparing to give liim a hostile reception, and dispute the piissage through i 298 AWXAKBEE TKE OBEAf . [B. C 326. their territories. 'Ilie MnWi occupied the eoiintiv between the lower part oi^ tlie courses of the I ly- dniotes and the Acesines, and also the district beyond ilie Hydraotes in tlie same line. The plan agreed upon by the two nations was, for the Malli to send their warriors down the rivers, and make the territories of the Oxydracje the scene of war : for the former looked upon themselves as suHici- ently protected from any lateral attack by a consi- derable desert that intervened between their upper settlements and the banks of the Acesines. Craterus and Ilepluestion had already arrived at the confluence. The elephants were ferried across and placed under the care of Craterus, who was to continue his route along the right bank of the Acesines. Nearchus was ordered to conduct the fleet to the junction of the Hydraotes and Acesines. The remaining troops were divided into three parts. He[)haestion with one division com- menced his march five days before, and Ptolemy with anotlier was ordered to remain for tliree days after Alexander's departure. Tlie intention of this distribution was to distract tlie enemy's atten- tion, and that those who fled to the front should be intercepted by Hepluestion, those who fled to the rear by Ptolemy. The difterent bodies were told to meet again 'at the confluence of the Hy- draotes and Acesines. Alexander selected for his own division the guards, the bowmen, the Agrians, the brigade of Companion infantry, all the mounted archers, and one half of the Companion cavalry. With these he marched laterally from the left bank of tlie Ace- sines, and encamped near a small stream which iMiii.ao.J THE MAtU — HYDRAOTES. 299 skirted the western edge of the desert tliat inter- vened between liim and the upper settlements of the Malli uiion the Hydraotes, Here he allowed the men to take a short repose, afler which they were ordered to fill all their ves- sels with water. He then marched during the remainder of the day and all night, and with the dawn arrived before a Mallian city, the inhabitants of which had no fears of being attacked thus sud- denly from the side of the desert. Many, accord- inii to the early habits of their country, were already in the fields. When these had been slain or cap- tured, Alexaiider ])laced detachments of cavalry round the town, until the arrival of the infantry. Their march across the desert had exceeded twenty-five miles ; nevertheless, as soon as they had come up, they carried by storm first the city and then the citadel. The Malli fought boldly and resolutely : but the passage of the desert had taken them by surprise, and entirely deranged the plans of the chiefs, who had conducted their war- riors down the river. The cities, therefore, even the most important, were evacuated on the King's approach, and their inhabitants either fled beyond the Hydraotes, or took refuge in the dense jungles that lined the banks of that river. The capture of the first city was the morning's work ; the afternoon was given to repose. ^ The army having resumed its march at break of day, reached the Hydraotes, which the fugitive Malli were then crossing. Their rear guard refusing to surrender, was put to the sword, while their main- body escaped into a strongly fortified city. Pei- ALEXANDER THE URliAT. [B.r.3'2(i. thon beintj detached to attack this, stonucd thi place and captured tlie garriscHi. Alexander then crossetl to the U^ft hank of thi Hvdraotes, and arrived at a liraeVmKin town- either inhabited by Brachnians, (or HrahniinH,) or being the })ropertyof that thuninant caste. They, as was tlieir boiui'den duty, had bei-n tictive in ex- citing their countrymen against the invaders, and were not backwards in showing a brave example When the walls had been undermined and bnaehes made, the Ikachmans retired to the citadel, which was gallantly defended. Alexander himself was the tirst to 'scale the walls, and remained for a time the sole captor of the fortress. Five thou- sand Indians were slain, as no quarter could be given either to the warriors, who ft>ught wlnle hit- remained, or to the citizens, who closed then doors, and set fire to their houses with their own hands. After one days repose, Peithon was despatched to scour the jungles on the left bank ot the Hv- draotes, and to put all who resisted to death. It was in these jungles probably that Peithon killed the largest snake which the* Macedonians saw in India, 'it was t went v-four feet long; and althougli this is but a small* size for a boa constrictor, it ivas a monster to whicli the Greeks had seen no- thing similar, as the marshes of Lerna and the borders of tbe Lake Copais had, since the hernu ages, ceased to teem with these enormous reptik >. But the Indians assured them that serpents ot a far greater magnitude were to be seen. Accord- ing to Onesicritus, the ambassadors of Abissares mentioned in Alexander's court, that their sovi /Etat. 30.J run SUIT OF Tin: mat.li. 301 reign possessed two, of which the smaller was eighty, the larger, one hundred and forty cubits long, ft is curious that tlie Macedonians did not sec a royal Itnigal 'ligcr, altfiough in modern days his ravages are very destructive between Guzerat ;nid the lower Indus. They saw his skin, and heard exaggerated taleH respecting his size, strength, .ind ferocity. May it he inferred, from his non- :ij)|)earance in the vales of the Indus and its tribu- taries, that the natives of those regions were, at the period of the Macedonian invasion, more pf>w- crfiil, poj)ulous, and warlike, than in our days? The Malli Hed before the advancing Alexander, and evacuating their principal cities on the left l»ank of the Ilydraotes, re-crossed to the right bank, where they concentrated their whole force. Their numbers amounted to 50,000, and their intention was to disj)nte the passage, and prevent him from recrossing that stream. Thither, there- fore, without delay he directed his course, and as soon as he saw the enemy on the opposite bank, dashed into the river at the head of his cavalry. The Ravee or Hvdraotes is in Julv more than five hundred yards broad, and twelve feet deep. In the dry season the breadth remains nearlv the same, but the depth does not exceed four feet. The autumn beinu far advanced at the time that Alexander crossed, the waters were probablj at their lowest point of depression. We may well be astonished at the extraordinary baldness, not to sav rashness, with which the Kn\g, unsupported by infantry, entered a river of this magnitude, in the face of more than 50,000 enemies. But during these operations lie was ^.itffc isti^ y- fj jv 302 ALEXANDER THE GREAT. [B. C.32(). aciiiijj; uniler morbid excitement. Angry with lus soldiers, who, while they loved and adored Imn, had yet thwarted his schemes of universal con- (jucst, and checked liiin in the full career of vic- tory, he expended his wrath and soothed his irri- tation by courtiufr danger, setting his life at nought, and like the lieroes of old, achieving vic- tor)" with his own right hand and trusty sword. His energy was terrific, and the Indians were paralyzed by the reckless daring that characicnzea every action. On tlie present occasion, as soon as they saw that he had gained tbe middle of the stream, they retired, but in good order, from the bank. He pursued, but tlie Malli seeing him unsupported bv infantrv, awaited his approach and vigorously repelled the charge. Alexander then adopted tlie Parthian tactics, wheeled round their flanks, made false attacks, and tluis impeded their retreat, with- out bringing his cavalry in contact with their dense mass of infantry. The arrival of the Agnails. archers, and other light troojis, and the sight ol the phalanx bristling with pikes, and rapidly ad- vanciniT over tlie plain, completetl the contusion of the^ Indians, who broke their ranks and took refu<'e in a neighbouring fortress. Thither tluy were pursued by Alexander, who surrounded tlie place with detachments of cavalry until the infantry arrived. It was now late in the day, and the soldiers were wearied with the length of the march, tbe horses fatigued with the sliarpness of the pur- suit, and with the toilsome passage of the river. The niglit was therefore given to repose. Next day, the army being formed into two di- ^€tat. 30.] RASHNESS OF ALEXANDER. 503 visions, under Alexander and Perdiccas, gave the assault. The King's division having burnt a postern gate, rushed into the city, when the alarmed garrison quitted the walls and hurried into the citadel. Perdiccas regarding the deser- tion of the walls as a proof of the capture of the place, sus|)ended the attack on his side ; while Alexander, having closely pursued the retreating enemy, was preparing to storm the citadel, of which the defenders were numerous and resolute. Some were ordered to undermine, and others to scale the walls. But the motions of those who were bringing up the ladders seemed slow to his impatient mind. He, therefore, seized a scaling- ladder from the foremost bearer, placed it against the wall, and ascended under the protection of his shield. He had captured one fortress already, and seemed determined to owe the possession of another to his own personal prowess. Close be- hind the king ascended Peucestas, bearing the sacred buckler, taken from the temple of the Ilian Minerva. He was followed by Leonnatus, the son of Eunus, a commander of the body guard. Abreas, a soldier of the class to whom, for supe- rior merit, double pay and allowances were as- signed, was ascending by another ladder. The Indian wall had no battlements nor em- brasures. Alexander, therefore, placing the lowest riin of his shield on the coping, partly with it thrust back his immediate opponents, and partly swept them oft' with his sword. He then mounted and stood alone on the wall. At this moment, the guards alarmed beyond measure by the dangerous 304 ALEXANDER THE GREAT. [B.C. 326. position of the Kinc?, crowded the ladders, and broke them with their weight. The Indians easily recognized Ak-xander, both by the s|dendour of 'his arms, and l)y his uncalcu- lating boUhiess. At liim, therefore, was anned every missile, both from the neighbouring bas- tions, and from the body of the place, whence, as the wall on the inside was low, he could be struck almost with the hand. He (eh that while he remained thus ex|)Osed, the peril was great, and active exertion impossible. He scorned to leap back into the arms of his beseeching guards; but were he to spring into the citadel, the very boldness of the deed might appal the barbarians and ensure his safety. Even should the event prove fatal, the feelings of Alexander were m unison with those of the Homeric Hector. " At least let me not perish ingloriously without exer- tion, but in the performance of some great deetl of wliich posteritv shall liear." Animated by this principle, he sprung from tlu' wall into the * fortress, and the gleaming ot Ins armour flashed like lightning m the eyes ot the barbarians. For the moment they retired, but bein.4 led on bv the governor, they rushed upon the un- supported warrior, who for greater security had placed his back against the walL In this i>osition he slew his first assailant, tlie governor, with the sword—checked the advance of a second, and ot a third with large stones, favourite weapons with the Homeric heroes-and again with Ins svyord slew the fourth, who had closed with Inm. 1 he barbarians, daunted bv the fate of their leaders, .€tat. 30.] WOUNDED DANGEROUSLY. 305 no longer drew near, but formed themselves into a semicircle, and showered missiles of every de- scription upon him. At this critical moment Peucestas, Leonnatus, and Abreas, who, when the ladders broke, had clung to the walls, and finally made their footing good, leaped down and fought in front of the king. Abreas soon fell, being pierced in the forehead by an arrow. The ancients wore no vizors, and trusted to the shield and eye for the protection of the face ; but no vizor could have availed Ahreas, tor the Indian arrow, as described by Arrian, was irresistible. " The bow (says he,) is six feet long, the archer places the lower end on the ground, then steps forward with his left foot, draws the string far back, and discharges an arrow nearlv three cubits lonlood, and the extreme pain attendant on every movement of self-defence, he sunk down behind his shield and dropped his head on its uppermost nin. The very position indicates great self-pos- session, for helpless as he was he presented no 306 ALEXANDER THE GREAT. [B. C. 326. vulnerable part to the enemy. Peiieestas and Leonnatus performed their duty gaUantly and affectionatelv; they ne-lected their mvn persons, and held bodi their shields in tront ot then- bleed- ing Sovereiirn. Wliile thus enjjagt'd they were both ^vounded with arrows, and Alexander was on the point of faintinijr. But the Macedonians were scalmg the w-al m various ways: -some drove pe passions, and every man, woman, and chdd, witmn the walls, was put to the sword. ' This perilous adventure of the conqueror ot Asia was variously described by his numerous historians, some of whom were tar more anxious to study etiect than to ascertain the trutli. AC cording* to some," says Arrian, - C ritodemus o Cos, a physician of the race of .^^sculapms, enlarged .i^tat. 30.] EXTRACTION OF THE ARROW. 307 the wound and extracted the arrow ; according to others, Perdiccas, by Alexander's own desire, as no surgeon was present, cut open the wound with his sword, and thus drew out the weapon. The operation was accompanied with great loss of blood ; Alexander again fainted, and furtlier effu- sion was tlius stayed According to Ptolemy, the breath, together with the blood, rushed througli the orifice Many fictions also have been recorded by liistorians concerning this accident, and Fame, receiving them from the original in- ventors, preserves them to this day. Nor will she cease to hand down such falsehoods to posterity except they be crushed by this history. The common belief is, that this accident befel Alex- ander among the Oxydracae ; but it occurred among the Malli, an independent Indian nation. Tlie city was Mallian, the archer who wounded Alexander was a Mallian. They had certainly agreed to join the Oxydracce, and give battle to Alexander, but the suddenness and rapidity of his marcli across the desert had prevented either of these tribes from giving aid to the other." Before the King's wound would allow him to be moved, the various divisions of the grand army had arrived at the confluence of the Hydraotes and Acesines. The first account that reached the camp affirmed the death of Alexander, and loud were the lamentations, as the mournful tidings spread from man to man ; tlien succeeded feelings (jf despondency and doubt, and of anticipated dif- liculties and dangers in the, appointment of a new commander-in-chief. Many Macedonians ap- peared to possess equal claims ; some from hiuh Xo ^^MHWMajidiMi^h^MAfail ijOo ALEXANDER THE GREAT. [li.C.a2t>. tiirth and seniority, others from jrrcater talents and popularity— tor since Parnienio's death no one had been regarded by all as the second in command. Alexander led 120,000 men into In- dia, an army composed of the boldest and most adventurous spirits of the difierent regions whicli he had traversed. It was not likely, that when the master spirit, the guiding mind, the ()nly centre of union, was lost, this great mass of dis- cordant materials would continue to act on com- mon principles. Many satraps, wlm hated tlu Macedonian supremacy, were personally attached ti> Alexander; the only link being broken, their revolt would necessarily follow. The conquered nations, also, no longer paralyzed by the magic of a name, would rise and assert their national indo- pendence; wliile the numerous and warlike tribes, hitlierto unsubdued, would beset their homeward path, and treat them more as broken fugitive.. t!ian returning conquerors. Depressed by these considerations, the Macedonians felt that, deprived of their King, tlieir only prospect was danger in every form. \Vhen the false report was contradicted by tht announcement of the truth, their fears predomi- nated over their hopes, and represented his death a. inevitable; even when letters from himselt, r-nnouncing his speedy arrival, were received, they still remained incredulous— suspecting them to hv forgeries of the commanders of the guard, and the otlier generals. Alexander, therefore, anxious to obviate any commotions, was conveyetl, as soon as he could be moved with safety, to the banks of the Hydraotes; there he was placed on board a vessel, .Etat.30.] RETURN TO TIIL CAMP. 309 and sailed down tlie river. On approaching the camp, the awning which overhung the couch on which he reclined, being removed, displayed to the troops, as they imagined, the dead body of their King. But when he, as he drew nearer, raised his arm, and stretched his hand to the multitude that crowded the banks, the whole body of sol- diers welcomed with loud cheers this signal of life and consciousness, and either lifted up their hands to heaven or stretched them to their King, while tears gushed involuntarily from many eyes. He was carried from the vessel; but borrowing new strength from his enthusiastic reception, re- fused the litter which was offered by the guards, and called for a horse. He mounted, and rode slowly through the crowd. This additional proof of his convalescence was hailed with redoubled cheers and applause : on approaching the royal tent he dismounted and walked. Then the sol- diers crowded around him ; some touched his liands, some his knees, some the hem of his gar- ments, some, satisfied w ith a nearer view, implored blessings on him and withdrew, and others covered him with garlands and the flowers of the clime and season. The friends who supported his steps were harsh in their rej)roofs of liis reckless conduct, and blamed him in no measured terms for endangering liis life without an adequate object, and perform- ing the duties of a soldier rather tlian o^ a com- mander-in-chief. A Ba^otian veteran, observing from the King's countenance that these remon- strances were far from agreeable, and certainly not the more so on account of their truth, ap- :i 1 AilXASDER THE iiKi. AT. [B. C. 326. proaclied, luul in his native dialect said, "O Alex- iinder, actions cliaracterisc the liero ;" and then repeated an land)ic line expressive ot" this senti- ment : — i{ }|p ^^.|,o strilc***; nivij*t also bleed." Alexander was pleased with the readiness and apt- ness of the qnotation; and the wit of the veteran, Bcrotian as he was, procured him present ai)plaust and tiitnre patronajjfe. The triends on whom Alexander leaned alter dismountinfc were most |irohal)ly He])hiestion and Craterus, the two chiet commanders in the sta- tionary camp. The former, mild and ^'entle, can- not be suspected of treatinjr his indnljxent Sovereign with asperity ; but Craterus, who was accused hy Alexander liimself of *' lovinEE THE GRFAT. [BX.m. CHAPTER XIV. Tenth Canipuignf B. C 325. Alexander, with an increased fleet, having fallen down the Acesines into the Indus, was jonied by more vessels, which had been built in various places on the latter river. He ordered a town to be built, and naval docks constructed, at the con- fluence, as in his estimation it was a spot well calculated to become the site of a powerful city. A strong body of men, including the I'hracians ot the army, were left to colonize it under the super- intendence of Philip. Here tlie king received a visit from his father-in-law Oxyartes, who was appointed satrap of the Paropamisan districts. Thence he sailed down the Indus to the royal palace of the Sogdi, deriving their name most pro- bably, like their northern namesakes, from the great vale occujiied by them. The elephants, un- der Craterus, had been repeatedly ferried across. as tlie nature of the country favoured their move- ments on eitlier side. They were now transferred to the right bank for the last time, and advanced through the country of the Arachosii and Dranga>, of whom Arrian makes the Indus the eastern limit. He himself sailed down the river into the domi- nions of Musicanus, said to have possessed the wealthiest and most productive regions in that part of India. This description suits well with .iitit. 31 •] MUSICANUS OXYC A NUS. 313 the rich and well-watered plains between tlie lower eourse of the Aral, (the Arabis of Ptolemy,) and the Indus . . . t Musicanus and Oxijcanus (the ap- pellation of a neighbouring chief) point, probably, to the names of the territories governed by these princes ; — as the word kliawn is constantly found, even to this day, on the lower Indus ; such are chack-khawn, khawn-gur, and gui-khawn, and other similar compounds .... Musicanus, (who perhaps might be properly described, in the mo- dern English fashion, as tlie rajah of Moosh, and Oxycanus, as the rajah of Ouche,) had sent no ambassadors to make peace, offer presents, or re- quest favours ; nor taken any step which a wise governor ought to have done, on learning the ap- proach of the mighty conqueror, whom the current of the Indus was certain to bear into the heart of his dominions. He took the alarm, however, when Alexander had reached the upper confines of his realms, and came to meet him with presents, with all his ele- phants, and what was more likely to procure favour, with an apology for his previous neglect. He was restored to his government, but Alexander, admir- ing the advantageous site of his principal town, built within it a citadel, well calculated in his opi- nion to keep the neighbouring tribes in awe. We have seen before, that even in the case of Taxiles, he made no exception, but placed a garrison in his capital. His plan was, to treat friendly chiefs with great kindness, but to put it out of their power to revolt. Oxycanus attempted resistance, but Alexander iiU ALBXANBER THE GREAT. [B. C. 325. captured his two ])rinclpal cities, and hiinstlf in one of tliein, with liis cavalry and Vu^hi troops alone ; for, as Arrian strongly expresses it, the minds of all the Indians were struck with servile terror by Alexander and his success. lie then entered the dominions of Sabbas or Sambiis, who formerly had been appointed satrap of these rej^ions by Alexander, but who, like the cowardly l*orus, no sooner heard that Musicanus. his enemy, iiad been well treated by the kiiK^, than he Hed into the desert. On approacliing his capital, Sindo-mana, of which the very name proves its situation on the Indus, (called by the natives, both in ancient and modern times, the Sinde,) the Macedonians found the gates open, and the puhlic officers ready to deliver up the treasures, and the elephants— as according to tliem, Sabbas had lied, not from disafiection to xMexander, but from fear of Musicanus. Tlie capital of Sabbas could not have been very far from the modern Sehwaun, or Sebaun. It appears that the Brachmans had in- stigated the partial revolt of Sabbas ; Alexander, therefore, attacked and ca])tured a city beloDi;in«^^ to that inilueiitiai caste, and put to death the most guilty. VV'liile he was tints occupied, the revolt or rathei rebellion of Musicanus, was announced to him. He, also, was induced by tlie Brachmans to take this rasli step. Alexander instantly returned, took and garrisoned most of his towns, and sent Peitlion against Musicanus himself Beithon captured him and the leading Brachmans, and brought them to Alexander. Probably the insurrection had been /iitat. 31.] COMMERCIAL VIEWS. 315 characterized by .atrocious deeds, for Alexander ordered the whole party to be conducted to the capital, and there hanged. He was now approaching the upper end of the delta of the Indus, where the river divides into two streams of unetpial size, that enter into the sea more than 100 miles a})art from each other. The inclosed space was named Pattalene by the Greeks, from the city of Pattala, situated within the delta, helow the point of division, probably at no great distance from the modern Hydrabad ; they may be the same cities, as some Hyder might easily have imposed his own name on the ancient Pattala. The frovernor of Pattalene withdrew into the desert with most of his people ; but the latter, on being pursued and informed that no injuries were to be inflicted upon them, returned to their homes. Hephaestion was ordered to build a citadel, and construct docks and a harbour at Pattala, while Alexander himself sailed down the right branch into the ocean. " That Alexander (writes Dr. Vincent) had con- ceived a plan of the commerce whicli was after- wards carried on from Alexandreia in Egypt to the Indian ocean, I think capable of demonstration by his conduct after his arrival at Pattala. In his passage down the Indus, he had evidently marked that river as the eastern frontier of his empire; he had built three cities and fortified two others on this line, and he was now preparing for the esta- blishment of Pattala at the point of division of the river, and planning other posts at its eastern and western mouths." He had selected the best sailing and largest ves- sels for his voyage into the ocean, but his progress 3 1 (i ALEXANDER THE ORE AT. [B. C. 325. immediately after leaving Pattala was at first slow, from want "of pilots ; tins diiHculty was increased by the regular monsoon, which blew up the livn with great violence. Alexander's light craft were seriously injured by the rough contest between tht winds and the currents, and some even of the tria- conters went to pieces. The damage was repaired, and the land force that was acconn)anying the nio- tions of the fleet, received orders to bring in prison- ers, from whom persons ca|)able of steering the vessels were selected. On reaching the estuary, which was more than twelve miles broad, they en- countered a brisk gale, which compelled them to seek protection in a small creek, wliere they nioored for the niglit. Next day they were astonished to find the river at a distance, and' the vessels aground. This astonishment was redoubled, when they wit- nessed the furious return of the waters at the re- gular hour. The tides in tlie great Indian rivers. called bores, are of the most formidable descrip- tion; they instantaneously raise the level from six to twelve feet, and rush* up the stream with in- conceivable force and velocity. For this pheno- menon, the sailors of the Mediterranean, and espe- cially of the .Kgean, where the tides are snirnlv perceptible, were by no means prepared. From this place,* two light boats were sent to examine tlie passages, and returned with the in- formation, that they had discovered an island well furnished with harbours, and otherwise ada[»ted for the objects in view. The small fleet, re-com- mencing its voyage, safely reached the island, called Killuta by the* natives. Alexander landed, and ot- fered a sacrifice to those gods, whom, according to ,f:tat. 31.] VISIT TO THE OCEAN. .317 his own declaration, the oracle of Amnion had in- dicattnl. This fact proves, that as early as his Egyptian voyage, he had contemplated his visit to the shores of the eastern ocean, and his wish to open a communication between it and liis western dominions. About twelve miles lower down, he found a smaller island, whence an unimpeded view of the ocean was commanded. He landed here also, and sacrificed to the same gods. Next day he entered the ocean, and spread his sails on waves before unvisited, or, if visited, undescribed by Eu- ropeans. The bull, the favourite victim at the al- tar of Neptune, was sacrificed, and precipitated in- to the sea: and not only libations were duly poured into the " wineless waves," but the golden bowls and paterfT were likewise consigned to the bosom of the deep. These were thanksgiving offerings for past success. The future was not overlooked, for he bound himself by fresh vows, for the return of his fleet in safety, from the estuary of the In- dus, to the mouths of the Tigris and Euphrates. Then he returned to Pattala, where the citadel was already compli'ted. liepha^stion was ordered to proceed w ith the formation of the docks and bar- hours, while he himself sailed down the left branch. riiis brought him to a spacious lake, on one side of which, finding a place well adapted for a naval station, lie ordered another harbour to be formed. Native pilots guided the fleet through the lake, and eventually into the ocean; — but the King was satisfied that the western branch was better calcu- lated for navigation than the eastern. He marched for three days along the shore of the ocean be- tween the two great moutlis. and sunk wells at 318 ALEXANDER THE GREAT. [B.(. a2a. regular intervals, for the purpose (»f turnishinjr liis future navy witli fresh water. He then returned to the sliips and sailed back once more to Pattala. Prei)arations for the homeward march were now commenced in earnest. Craterus, with the ele- phants, the heavy haijrgafze, tlie feehk% the old, and the wouncU-d,' aiul with three bri sets in about the beginning of November. Alexander himself left Pattala in the l)eginimm of September, B. C. S25, and began his march to the westward. Mephii?stion conducted one detach- ment along a more inland route, while the King at the head of his most active troops turned to the left, and followed the sea shore. His great object was the safety of his fleet; and he had no hop* that in strange seas and on rocky sliores, where thv inhabitant,s were described as barbarous in the ex- treme, and water and provisions scarce, Nearcbvi> could ever accomplish his voyage without the co- operation of the land forces. His determinittiDU tliereforc was at all risks to advance along tlie sea- coast, and |>repare provisions aiid sink wells for the use of the fleet. Ktat. 31.] OEDROSIAN DESERT. 31" Between the lower course of the Indus and the Arabis of Arrian, the King found, and subdued, a tribe of savages, called from the river, Arabitae. To the west of these lived an Indian nation named Oreita? — who probably occupied the vales of the modern Pooralee, and its tributaries. These also, after some lirief demonstr;»tions of resistance, sub- mitted. Alexander ordered a town to be built at a })]ace called Kambacia, in their territory ; and left Leonnatus, latterly one of his favourite officers, with a strong force, to preside over the establish- ment of the new city, to collect provisions, and wait on the coast until the fleet under Nearchus had past the shore of tliat province in safety. I lere tlie King was joined by HephcTestion; and the united force, principally composed of picked men, ventured into the desert of Gedrosia, the modern Makran. During sixty days spent in tra- versing this waste from the edge of Oreitia to Pura, thev had to strujia-le aijainst difliculties greater than were ever before or after surmounted by a regular army. The ancients knew nothing of this exten- sive desert, more than was communicated by the ■survivors of this desperate experiment. We in modern times know as little of it bevond its ex- treme edges, where some scanty tribes of Ba- looches contrive to support a wretched existence. Edrisi, the Nubian geographer, to whom the sandy wastes of Africa were well known, gives the fol- lowing more formidable character of the desert of Makran : — " To the east of Persia and Carmania, lies tliat immense desert, to which no other in the world can be compared. There are many villages and n few cities on its extreme skirts That " *'■ ALEXANDER THE 0REAT. [B.C. 386. great desert is bordered by the provinces of Kir- inan, Pars, (Persis,) Moultan, and Segestan. But few houses are to be seen in it. Men on liorse- back cannot cioss it without great difficnlty. Un- loaded camels traverse a few paths, which (witli God's assistance) I proceed to describe." But all the bnes indicated by Edrisi are through the northern parts, and throw no h'ght on the route followed by Alexander. I shall therefore restrict myself to Arrian's narrative, and merely add a few circumstances from Strabo. The commencement of their desert march was over a region covered with myrrh-bearing shrubs, and the plant whence spikenard was extracted. The Ph(enician merchants who accompanied the army recognized these aromatics, and loaded beast of burden with them. The trampling of the Ion- columns crushed the fragrant stems, and diffused a grateful perfume through the still atmosphere. The sandy desert is the native soil of aromatics, but the Slacedonians soon found that its balmy gales were no compensation for the want of food and ivater. They were compelled to make long marches by night, and at a considerable distance from the sea, for the maritime part was one series of naked rocks. Thous, the son of Mandrodorus, was sent to examine if there were harbours, an- choring grounds, fresh water, and other such facilities for the progress of the fleet, to be found on the coast : on his return he announced that he had discovered only a few starving fishermen, who ilwelt in stifling hovels, tlie walls of which were formed of shells, and their roofs of the backs and ribs of large fish, and who procured a scanty sup- .Etat.3i.] SUIIERINGS OF THE ARMY. 321 s ply of brackish water by scraping holes in the sandy beach. Alarmed by this representation, as soon as he had reached a district in the desert wliere provi- sions were more plentiful, or probably a magazine had been formed, he loaded some beasts of burden with all that he could secure, sealed the packages with his own signet, and sent them to the coast for the use of the navy ; but the escort lost their w ay among the barren sands ; their own allowances failed ; and regardless of the King's displeasure, the men broke oj)en the packages and devoured the contents. Nor did this conduct meet with any animadversion — as it was proved to have been the result of extreme hunger. By his own exertions he collected another supply, which was safely con- veyed to the sea-side by an officer named Crctheus. He also proclaimed large rewards for all such in- habitants of tlie more inland regions, as should drive down their flocks and herds, and carry flour and meal to the naval forces. Hitherto his care and fears were princi})ally on their account ; but he was now entering the lieart of the desert, wliere the safety of his accompanying land force became a doubtful question. All the companions of Alexander, who had fol- lowed him from Macedonia to the Hyphasis, agreed that the other labours and dangers in their Asiatic expedition, were not to be compared with the fa- tigues and privations of the march through Gedro- sia. The burning heat and the scarcity of water proved fatal to a great portion of the men, and to almost all the beasts of burden. For the desert was like an ocean of moving sand, and assumed Y i ^1.. f^^,. ^ .-, '.■■— .tjLAii^w -iJfc-.jLA.inJaifcr*ifc'> i ■>. <.'jTvrf^*tt. t^ A^a<-A.iB*tojfitf'ih^atfiWiagflahfeiflg^^ liJiSiaB'j> ate^-li. ■*: '.■• tH-'Vil. V »* , h jBfJ to«<.jfahJ!ha» JjhJfjr^i 322 ALEXANDER THE GKBAT. [B. C. 325. I all tlie fantastic shapes of driven snow. Tlie men sunk deep into these banks or wreaths, and the progress of all the wheeled vehicles was soon stop- ped? The length of some of their marches ex- hausted them to the last degree, for these were regulated not by the strength of the men, but by the discovery ot* wjitcr. If, after ;. night's travel, they reached wells or rivulets in the morning, there was not much suflering. But if the march was prolonged till the sun was high in the hea- vens, and darted his noontide rays upon their heads, their thirst became intolerable and even unquencliable. The destruction of the beasts of burden was principally the work of the men, who in then- hunger killed and devoured not only the oxen but horses and mules. For this purpose they would lin«Ter behind, and allege, on coming up, that the aninials had perished of thirst or fatigue. In the general relaxation of discipline, winch invariably accompanies similar struggk^ for life, few officers were curious in marking what was done amiss. ^ Even Alexander could only preserve the form of authority, by an apparent ignorance of disorders which could not be remedied. But the destruction of the beasts of carnage was the death-warrant of the sick and exhausted, who were left behind without conductors and without consolers. For eagerness to advance became the f^eneral cliaracteristic, and the miseries of others were overlooked by men anticipating their own doom. At such moments the mind would natu- rally recur to the old traditions— that, of the innu- merable host led by Semiramis to India, no more I I i vEtat.3l.] SUFFERINGS OF THE ARMY. 32S than twenty survived the return through this de- sert ; and that the great Cyrus was still more un- fortunate, arriving in Persis with only seven fol- lowers — while the bones of the rest of his soldiers were left to bleach on the sands of Gedrosia. Amidst such appalling recollections the strong man could not sympathize with his feebler com- rade, but husbanded his own strength for the eventual struijjrle. As most of the marches were performed by night, many were overpowered by sleep, and sunk' on the road side. Few of these ever rejoined the .army ; they rose and attempted to pursue the track, but a consciousness of their desolation and the want of food, for fiimine in all its horrors was in the rear of such an army, soon paralyzed all exertion, and after floundering for a short period among the liillocks of yielding sand, they would lay themselves down and die. Another and most dissimilar misfortune overtook them. They had encamped one evening in the bed of a torrent, from the cavities in which they had scantily supplied themselves with water, when late at night, in consequence of a fall of rain among the mountains, the waters suddenly descended with the force and depth of an impetuous river, and swept every thing before them. Many helpless women and children, whom the love and natural affection of their protectors had hitherto preserved, perislied in the flood ; wliich also carried away the royal equipage, and most of the remaining beasts of burden. A similar misfortune had befallen them in India ; but they w ere then encamped too near the brink of the magnificent Acesines ; and were r2 ■<.J-jl«^a.jlj|-i^ll.a.JllU-'.tlfal...JJ.jL '..J.WA *'t T*^ il> ALEXANDER THE GREAT. [B.C. 325. not prepared to fear a like disaster from tlie sudden swell of a paltry torrent in Gedrosia. Many perished from drinking immoderate draus^hts of water. I'or as sot)n as it beeanic known that the head of the column had arrived at wells, streams, or tanks, the soldiers, eajrer to allay their hurning thirst, broke their ranks, rushed to tlie spot, antl drank at their own discretion; the most impatient even plunged into the water, as if anxious to imbibe the cooling moisture at every pore. This intemperance proved equally fatal to man and beast. Alexander, therefore, taught by experience, made the troops halt at the distance of a mile, or a mile and a half, from the watering places, and employed steady men in conveying and distributing the water among the soldiers. One day, the army was thus toiling along through the yielding sand, parched by thirst, and under the scorching rays of a mid-day sun. The march had continued longer than usual, and the expected well was still tar in front, wlien a few of the light troops, who had wandered from the main body, tburul at the bottom of a ravine a scanty j)ortion of brackish water. Had it been thickened with the golden sands of the Pactolus, it could not have been more highly estimated, iu)r collected with more scruj)U- lous care. A helmet served for a cup, and witli the precious nectar treasured in this, they hurrieil to the King. The great otticers had long ceased to use their horses; every general, for the sake of example, marched on foot at the head of his bri- gade. Alexander, wlio never imposed a duty on others, from which he shrunk himself, was also on foot, leading forwards the phalanx with labour .Ktat. 31.] SELF-DENIAL OF THE KING. 325 and difficulty, and oppressed with thirst. He took the helmet from the hands of the light trooper, thanked liim and his comrades for their kind ex- ertions, and then deliberately, in sight of all, poured the water into the thankless sands of the desert. The action, as Arrian justly observes, marks not only the great man, able to controul the cravings of nature, but the great general. For every soldier who witnessed the libation, and the self-denial of his King, received as strong a stimulus to his fainting fiiculties, as if he had par- taken of the refresliing draught. At one period, the guides confessed that they knew not where they were, nor in what direction they were moving. A gale of wind had swept the surface of the wilderness, and obliterated every trace in the sands ; there were no landmarks by which they could ascertain their position, no trees varied the eternal sameness of the scene, while the sandy knolls shifted their ground, and changed their figures with every fresh storm. The inha- bitants of these deserts had not, like the Libyans and Arabs, learned to shape their course by the sun and stars ; — the army therefore was in the greatest danger of perishing in the pathless wild. Alexander, thus thrown upon his own resources, took with him a few horsemen, and, turning to the left, hastened by what lie deemed the shortest cut to the sea shore. His escort dropped oft' by degrees, and five alone remained when he was fortunate enough to reach the coast. On digging into the sandy beach, these had the inexpressible pleasure of seeing pure and sweet water oozing into the cavities. Notice of the discovery was instantly j8|isisiwfe:! 326 ALEXANDER THE GRK AT. [B. C. 325. communicated to the main body, and all were brought down to the shore. Alonj^ this they marched for seven days, and were supplied with water from these temporary wells. 'i'hen the guides recognized their way, and all again dirt'ct- ing their course inland, arrived at l*ura, the ca])ital of Gedrosia, where after a desert march of sixty days* continuance, their severe sufferings termi- natetl. Such is Arrian's account. Strabo adds : ** Many sunk down on the road side, exhausted by fatigue, heat and thirst. These were seized with tremors, accompanied by convulsive motions of the hands and feet, and died like men overpowered l)y rigors and shivering fits There was a tree, not unlike the laurel, which proved poisonous to the l)easts of burden. I'hese, after browzing it, lost the use of tlieir limbs, foamed at the mouth, and died. There was also a prickly plant, the fruit of which crept, like a cucumber, along tlie ground. This, when trodden upon, spurted a milky juice, and if any drops of it struck the eyes of man or beast, instant blind- ness followed. There was danger also from venom- ous serpents, diat lurked under some shrubs vvhich grew on the sea shore. 'I'heir bite was instant death. It is said that the Oreitc-B anointed their arrow-points, made of fire-hardened wood, with a deadly poison; and that Ptolemy, the son of Lagus, was at the point of death from such a wound, but that Alexander, in his sleep, saw a person who showed him a root peculiar to that country, and ordered him to crush it and apply it to the wound ; that on awaking he recollected his dream, and by searching soon found the root, which abounded in .Etat. 31.] PURA — CARMANIA. 327 the neighbourhood, and applied it with success : and that the barbarians, perceiving that a remedy had been discovered, made their submissions Most probably" (continues Strabo) " some person acquainted with the secret gave Alexander the in- formation, and the fabulous part was the addition of flatterers." Pura, the capital of Gedrosia, is either the mo- dern Bnnpore itself, or must have been situated in its immediate vicinity. For, with the exception of the Bunpore river, ihere is no stream within the prescribed limits capable of fertilizing a district large enough to support a metropolis, and to re- cruit the famished army of Alexander. Arrian's Pura may still lurk in die last syllable of Bunpore, especially as the numerous Pores of India have no connection with the names of cities in Makran. Ptolemy calls the capital of Gedrosia Basis, pro- bably a misprint for Oasis, the general appellation for isolated and fertile spots surrounded by deserts. The satrap of Gedrosia, Apollophanes, had shame- fully neglected his duty, and left undone all that he had been ordered to do. On him therefore fell the blame of die soldiers' sufferings : he was de- graded from his office, and succeeded by Thoas, the son of Mandrodorus. But he soon died, and^ Sibyrtius was appointed to the united satrapies of Arachosia and Gedrosia. As the King was marching from Pura to the capital of Carmania, the modern Kirman, he re- ceived intelligence that Philip, whom he had left in command of all the country to the west of the upper Indus, had been slain, in a mutiny, by the Greek mercenaries under his command, but that 328 ALEXANDER THE GREAT. [B. C. 325. the mutiny liad been quelled, and the assassins put to deatli, hv the Macedonian troops. Alexander did not inmiediately apj)onit a successor, but sent a commission, empowerin<4 I'^udenuis, a Greek, and the Indian Taxiles, to superintend the satrapy for a short time. At Kirman Alexander was joined by Craterus. It does not appear that he had had to encounter any great difJiculties. I lis course nmst have been up the Aral and down into tlie vale of the Heer- numd. I'his great river would conduct liim throuj^h tlie rich territories of the EuergetcU and lower Drangiana, till its waters terminate in the swampy lake of Zurrah. From tbe western edge of the lake to Kirman, there is a regular caravan road, which, with common precautions, can be traversed by armies. Here also arrived Nearchus, the ail- miral of the fleet, wlio had conducted his charge in safety from the moutli of the Indus to Har- iiiozia, on the coast of C'armania. The city and its name were in later ages transferred from the continent to the island, which, under the style of Onnns, became for a time the most celebrated mart in tlie Indian seas. But its glory has past away, and tlie *' throne of Ornuis" is now a barren rock. Of all the voyages distinctly recorded by the ancients, this was the boldest, most adventurous, and most successful. Its able conductor was one of tlie earliest friends and favourites of Alexander, and was one of the live exiled from Macedonia for their attachment to the prince. Nearchus, })y birth a Cretan, was, by admission, a citizen of Amphi- polis on the Strymon, whence he called himself a .Elat. 31.J SAFE ARRIVAL OF THE FLEET. 329 Macedonian. Many of the ancients suspected his credibility as an author, and for tliis two good reasons might be assigned : first, he was a Cretan, and that for a popidar argument was sufficient — for, according to the well-known axiom, " All Cretans are liars ;" Secondly, Onesicritus, his master of the fleet, wrote an account of the same voyage; nor did he scruple to introduce into it the most improbable fictions and romances; so that Strabo calls him the arch- pilot not only of the fleet, but of falsehood. The ancients had no means of deciding between the conflicting testimonies of the admiral and the mas- ter, and, as a natiu'al inference, doubted tlic cre- dibility of both. Arrian alone, with his keen perception of the difference between truth and falseliood, after attentive examinations, ascertained the value of the narrative, and pronounced Near- chus to be an '' approved writer." Hut still, implicit confidence cannot be placed in the admiral's statements. One feels that he does not tell " the whole truth and nothing but the truth." lie was evidently a vain man; and pro- hablv was not, after Alexander's death, treated by tlie great Macedonian officers with all the deference to which he thought himself entitled. He there- fore dwelt rather ofiensively on every proof of Alexander's friendship and affection for him, as if labouring to show that the King made no difference between him and Macedonians by birth. If we make allowance for this feeling, and for one or two extraordinary statements, we may confidently rely upon the general facts of the narrative. 330 ALEXANDER THE GREAT. [B.C. 325. There arrived also, at Kirman, Stasanor, satrap of Areia and Zaranga, and the son of the satrap of Parthia and Ilvrcania. I'hese chiefs liad anti- cipated the result of the march through (Jethosia, and brought with them horses, mules and camels, for the use of the army. 'I'he troops left in Media were also conducted thither by their generals, Cle- ander, Sitalces and I leracon. These great officers were publicly accused, both by the natives and their own soldiers, of sacrilege, in plundering tem- ples and ransacking the tombs of the dead, and of tyranny, in perpetrating various acts of extortion and outrage on the property and persons of the living. When the charges had been fully substan- tiated, they were condemned and executed, as a warning to all other satraps of the certain fate that awaited such malefactors under tlie administration of Alexander. It was the knowledge of his inflex- ibility upon tliis point, and of his determination to protect tlie subject from the extortion and tyranny of the satraps, that preserved tranquillity in the numerous provinces of liis extensive empire. With the exception of tlie Bactrian and Sogdian insur- rection, caused by the artifices of Spitamenes, there does not appear to have occurred one single rebel- lion of the people, from the shores of the Helles- pont to the banks of the Indus, from the borders of Scythia to the deserts of /Ethiopia. Several satraps attempted to wear the cidaris upright, or, in the language of Scripture, to exalt their horn, but were easily put down, without even the cost of a battle. .Etat. 32.] ( 331 ) CHAPTER XV. Tramaciiom of ike Eleventh Year in Asiuy B. C. 324. The fable-loving historians of Alexander's life are more than usually luxuriant in their descriptions of the Bacchanalian processions, and wanton revelry of the march from Carmania to Persis. According toCurtius, all the roads were strewed with flowers; all the villages were hung with garlands; before every door were placed capacious wine vessels, whence the soldiers drank at their own discretion, while long tents, supported on waggons joined to- gether, and furnished with delicacies of every kind, conveyed along the Bacchanalian rout. For seven whole days the army drank, feasted, and advanced— advanced, feasted, and drank, in a state of riotous intoxication. That very clever writer, but most ignorant man, affirms with an oath, that a thousand sober barbarians could have easily massacred the whole army of helpless drunkards. According to Plutarch, who is no less absurd, for seven days Alexander marched through Car- mania with Bacchanalian pomp. Upon a magnifi- cent chariot, drawn by eight horses, was placed a lofty platform, where he and his chief friends revelled day and night. The carriage was fol- lowed by many others, some covered with rich tapestry 'and purple hangings, and others shaded with branches of trees, fresh gathered and flou- rishing. In these were the rest of the King's AI 1 \AM)ER Tin; GREAT. [B.C. 324. friends and generals, crowned with flowers and heated witli wine. In this wliole company there naN not to he seen a shiekl, liehiiet, or spear, hut instead, cups, flaiigons, and howls. These the sol- diers di|>|)ed in large vessels of wine, and drank to each otlier, some as they marched along, and others seated at tahles, which were placed at proper dis- tances on the way. The whole country resounded witli flutes, clarionets and songs, and with the dances aiul riotous frolicking of the women. This disorderly and dissolute mardi was attended with all the licentious rihaldry of the Bacclianalians, as if Bacclius himself liad heen present to carry on the dehauch. " Not a word of this procession (writes Arrian) is mentioned hy Ptolemy the son of Lagus, Aris- tobulus, or any other author entitled to helief on the subject, and this alone is sufHcient to induce iiie to reject the whole accoimt as unworthy of credit." But tliere are otlier reasons for rejecting it. The season was tlie very tiepth of winter. There could not, therefore, be any flowers, any burning sun, any leafy lioughs, or want of thcni. The whole fiction was probably grounded on the fact recorded hy Aristobulus, that Alexander in Carman ia oflered a thanksgiving sacrifice for his Indian victories and safe return, and that the re- ligious ceremonies were terminated by gymnastic games and theatrical representations. As the lattt*r had been intermitted for the last six years, their revival would naturally be celebrated with due honours and sacrifices to Dionysus, to whom all dramatic entertainments were sacred. From Kirman, HephaBstion conducted the main Etat. 32.] TOMB OF CYRUS. 33.'3 body of the army, the baggage, and the elephants to the sea, as the road to Susiana along the coast wm better supplied with provisions, and the cli- mate warmer. Alexander himself, with the Com- panion cavalry, and a select force of infantry, marched to Pasargada. According to Aristobulus, Alexander early ex- ])ressed an anxious desire, if ever he subdued Persia, to examine the tomb of Cyrus the Great. Herodotus and Xenoiilion had given very contra- dictory accounts of his death:— the former assert- ing that he had been defeated, slain, and decapitated by the Scythian queen Tomyris;— while, accord- ing to the latter, he had attained length of days, and been gathered to his fathers in peace. It is impossible to impute this intention of Alexander to any other cause than the desire to decide be- tween these two conflicting testimonies; and an examination of the body would enable him con- clusively to determine the question. During his hostile visit to Persis, he had found means to examine the tomb, and Aristobulus, who recorded the particulars, was the oflScer employed upon the occasion. It occupied the centre of the royal park at Pasargada, anil was embosomed in a shady grove. The surrounding lawn was irrigated hy various streamlets from the river Cyrus, and clothed with deep and luxuriant herbage. The tomb itself was a square l)uilding of hewn stone. I'he basement, of solid masonry, supported on one side a range of steps, that led to a small door m the face of the upper story. The entrance was so narrow, that it was difficult for a man, below the usual »ize, to force his way in. Aristobulus, how- :=|i|gp|||.y|i^^^^ 334 ALEXANDER THE GREAT. [B. C. 324. ever, succeeded in j:raining entrance, and careAilly examined the whole. The chamber was roofed with stone. In the centre stood a couch, or bed, supported on ^ohh'n feet, and covered with purple cushions. On the couch was placed a jrolden coffin, containing the einhalnied body of Cyrus. Over all was spread a c()\ erlet of the richest Ba- bylonian tapestry. Tlu^re were robes, and tunics, and drawers, of the finest texture, and of every variety of colour. On tlie table were placed orna- mentsof various kinds, gold cups, scimitars, chains, bracelets, earrings, set in gold, and genuued with precious stones. On tlie wall was engraved the following inscrijition in the Persian language: — " O man, I am Cyrus, son of Cambyses, who ac- quired the empire for the Persians, and reigned over Asia. Do not, therefore, grudge me this tomb." . . . :\t tlie foot of the range of steps which led to the door in the chamber, appeared a nmmil residence, built for the Magi, to whose care the sepulchre w;is intrusted. A sheep, and a corre- sponding (juantity of wine and corn, were allowed for their daily subsistence, and a horse every month to be sacrificed to the manes of Cyrus. But although Aristobulus might have satisfied Alexander, no information has reached us respect- ing the state in which the body was found; whe- ther it corresponded with Xeuophon's description, or attested tlie superior judgment of Herodotus, who, among various Persian reports, had })referred that wliieh recorded his defeat by Tomyris, and the separation of the head from the body. Many reasons might be alleged why Alexander should be loth to confirm the truth of the defeat .=i:tat. 32.] TOMB OF CYRUS. 335 of the great conqueror of Asia by the still formi- dable Scythians, but not a single one for suppres- sing its contradiction, had tlie body been found unmutilated. Moreover, the positive manner in which both Strabo and Arrian speak of the mis- fortune of Cyrus, proves, almost to a demonstra- tion, that Herodotus, on this point, had been the historian, and Xenophon the novelist. Alexander, in the language of Greece was a Philo-Cyrus, and admired and venerated the founder of the Persian monarchy. He was, there- fore, deeply shocked to find on his return to Pa- sargada, that tlie tomb which had been so reli- giously preserved and honoured for more than two centuries, had, during his absence in the East, been sacrilegiously profaned and plundered; for on a second visit, nothing was found but the body, couch, and coffin. 'Phe lid was stolen, the corp3e dragged out and shamefully mangled, and the cofiin itself bore marks of violent attempts to break it to pieces, and, by crushing together the sides, to make it portable. It is worthy of remark, that die body of Alexander himself, a greater con- queror than Cyrus, was, for the sake of the golden cofBn, treated in a similar manner by Cocces, and Ptolemy, surnamed the Intruder. The great, if they wish their ashes to repose undisturbed, should leave their wealth on this side of the grave ; any superfluous decoration of the tomb but serves to tempt the hand of the spoiler. Alexander, with pious care, commissioned Aris- tobulus to restore every thing to its prior state, and when that was accomplished, to build up the door with solid mason-work. The Magi, suspected Juti ALEXANDER THE GREAT. [B. C. 324. of having connived at the sacrilege, or at least criminally neglected their duty, were put to tlie torture; hut they persisted to affirm their inno- cence and total ignorance of the offenders, and were dismissed. As Straho properly ohserves, the tailure to carry away the golden colli n, is a convincing proof that the attempt liad heen made in haste by some band of prowling robbers, and not under the sanction of any constituted authorities. The Pasargadi*?, according to Herodotus, were the leading Persian clan or tribe. To it belonged the royal family of the Aclia^menida?, who, since the days of Cyrus, had possessed the empire of Asia. Pasargada, apparently named from his own tribe, was built by Cyrus on the spot wliere he had gained his final victory over the Medes. Men of great learning and judgment have fallen into error, from confounding Pasargada with Par- sagarda, the oriental name of Persepolis. The mistake is as old as Stephanus Byzantius. Were the site of Pasargada discovered, we might still hope to find the basement of the tomb of Cyrus. From Pasargada Alexander went to Persepolis. or Parsagarda, where, as Arrian says, he repented of his deed as he viewed the raelaiicholy ruins of the royal palace. Phrasaortes, the satrap of Persis, had died, but Orxines, a Persian nobleman, had, without waiting for Alexander's nomination, usurped the oiiice. Nor had this bold deed, wlien first communicated to Alexander, excited his displeasure, as it seemed to originate in conscious worth. But when he arrived in Persis, so many acts of violence and oppression were laid to the self-elected satraps iEtat. 32.] THE GYMNOSOPHISTS. 337 charge, and supported by Persian evidence, that the King, who had not spared his own officers, condemned Orxines to death. Peucestas, who already for his faithful services in the Malliau citadel had been appointe.•■.{ ; ;. J--. . .1^. .yi.«iM r> ' „*» AlEXJOHlim THE GREAT. [B. C. 324. confined to agriculture : an enlarged commerce, and the creation of a powerful fleet on these streams, were among his favourite objects. He therefore destroyed all tlie bunds between the mouth of the Tigris and the city Opis, and re- duced the river to its natural level. On tlie sup- position that they were defences he is said to have declared, ** that 'such devices were not for con- ^"xhe city Opis was not fur from the month of the river Gyndes : at this period it was a city of some importance, hut the foundation of Seleuccia hit'her up the rivet* proved its ruin. Alexander eidier landed here and marched with all the army alonT the royal road to Susa, or, as stated by Pliny, sailed from 'the estuary into tlie Eulaus or Cho- aspes, the modern Kerah, and ascended by that stream to Susa. There he summoned the Macedonians to a gene- ral assembly, and announced his intention to grant a discharge to all invalids from age, wounds, or disease, and to have them conducted m safety to their several homes. He promised ^' to render the condition of tliose who were to reniam still more enviable, and thus to excite other Macedo- nians to share their labours and dangers. ' Alexander had a right to expect that this an- nouncement would be hailed with gratitude and applause. It comprehended every recjuest made by Ctrnus in beludf of the veterans, nor could they for a moment doubt the liberality of the provision intended for them on their retirement, l^ut tlie Macedonians had long been ripe for mutiny. 1 he iEtat. 32.] MACEDONIAN MUTINY. '6b2> \ barbarians among the Companion cavalry, the for- midable array of the Epigoni, their Macedonian arms and discipline, were grievances that could be no longer borne, especially as they proved their king's intention to act and speak in future without bowing to the will of the military assembly. The whole body, therefore, broke out into loud and mutinous cries, called upon him to discharge them all, and to " take his new father Amnion for his associate in future campaigns." Alexander was too well prepared to be intimidated by this violent exi)losion ; he rushed from the tribunal, and being supported by his great ofiicers, entered the crowd, aiul ordered the guards to seize the ringleaders. He pointed out the most guilty with his own hand, and when thirteen had been thus apprehended, he ordered them all to be led to instant execution. When by this act of vigour he had terrified the assembly into a state of sullen silence, he reas- cendt'd the tribunal and thus spoke — *' I have no intention, Macedonians, to dissuade you from returning home; you have my full leave to go your own way ; but I wish to remind you of the chanire in your circumstances, of your oblijxa- tiOES to my fiimily, and of the mannc^r in which you now propose to repay them. I begin, as in duty bound, with my father Philip. At his acces- sion you were poverty-stricken wanderers, mostly clad in skins, herding your scanty flocks on the bare hills, and fighting rudely in their defence against the Illyrians, Triballi, and Thracians. Un- der him you exchanged your garbs of skin for cloaks of cloth. He led you from the hills to the plains, taught you to withstand the barbarians on I \ 354 AIEXAKDEB THE GREAT. [B.C.324. ccnial -round, anil to rely for safety on lu-rsoual V ov rfnot on mountain fastnesses. He assembled vou in cities, and eivili/.ed you by useful laws and ns itutions/He raised you from a '^t^ "' >^--y -.nd depen.lenci', t.. be the masters ot the barba- rians -V whom vou had so long been despo.led !.na ..huulered. He added Thrace to your empire, occupied the most advantageous situations on the occupitu iMv secrintr the blessing's of com- ZTI^ enabHng you to -nvert d^Vc^uce of the mines to the best aclvantag^. \"^^^ »"'^,^^ became the leaders ol tlie ^ ^^^^f ^'^"^'^^^V Z nrevimislv vou entertamed a deadly terror. 15y r humiflation of the Phocians, l-.^--^;!" and easy entrance into Greece, whu^h behn^ cm^ he entered only by one narrow and ^^^^^^ '^^P^^^j Bv the victory at Cha^roneia, whe e, Y^ g ^^ ^^ was, 1 shared in the danger, he humbled the Athe- nians andThebans, the eternal plotters agamst the ^ea^ of Macedonia, and converted you i -in being he tributaries .,f Athens and the va^sa^s ot 1 heb^, to be tlie lord-protectors of l>oth states He then entered the l>ek>ponnesus, ^J^-f^^^l^"^^^ was declared captam-general ot ^Y'/^^^;^^^^^^^^^ Persia. This appomt.iient was no les^ Ik^uo m^ to himself in particular, than to t^^^^ ^^ in ireneral. I'bese are my lather s works,— great, !? ^^ated unrinsically,-trirting, if compared with the benefits conferred bv me. u \t mv accession 1 mherited a teu gold ana silver cups, and sixty talents in the treasury, win e rlv VltleVs debts exceeded five hundred. I made "^stlf Lswerable for these, and borrowed ei^ luuidred more in my own name ; then lea. mg iEtat. 32.] SPEECH OF Alexander. S55 Macedonia, which furnished you witli only a scanty subsistence, I immediately opened the passage of the Hellespont, althougli tlie Persians were then masters of the sea. With my cavalry alone I con- (juered the satraps of Darius, and added to your empire Ionia, i^iolia, the Phrygias and Lydia. I besieged and took Miletus, and as the other pro- vinces gave in their submission, appointed you to draw the revenues. You derive the advantages accruing from /Egypt and Cyrene, acquired by me without a blow. You possess Coelo-Syria, Palestine, Mesopotamia, Babylon, Bactra, and Susa. To you belong the wealth of Lydia, the treasures of Persia, tlie luxuries of India and of the eastern ocean. You are satraps, generals, and colonels. What do I retain from the fruits of all my labours but this purple robe and diadem? Individually I have nothing. Nobody can show- treasures of mine which are not yours, or pre- served for your use, for I have no temptation to reserve anything for myself. Your meals differ not from mine, nor do 1 indulge in longer slum- bers ; the luxurious among you fare, perhaps, more delicately than their King, and I know that he often watches that you may sleep in safety. *' Nor can it be objected that you have acquired all by your toils and dangers, while I, the leader, have encountered neither risks nor labours. Is there a man among you who is conscious of having toiled more for me than I for him ? Nay, more, let him among you who has wounds to show, strip and display the scars, and I will show mine, for no part of my person in front has escaped un- wounded, nor is there a hand-weapon or missile J% l\ Af 356 ALEXANDtill HI GREAT. [B.C. 324. of which I bear not the mark on my body. 1 have hPPn struck hand to hand with the s«ord, by jave- nrrows ind darts discharf;ed from enfrmes. 1ms, •^""'''••.^'"' ''''"f\tones and steel-shod mis- It IS luuier showers oi hiuin-» a'i« s les t It I have led you to v.ctory, glory, and wealth, bv sea and land, over ,nountan.s, rivers. "•"' Ke tmed from the same class as your- selves and my children and the '''•U-" ^<^, "-^7 amon.'vouwll be blood-relat.ons Without ni- nS' into the n.a.uer n> which they were con- ,'rac ed, have ,>ai partictdar honours, and are tree trom all pubht duties and imposts. j ^ " It was mv intention to have sent l.omt an ii t invalids and t'o have made their condition env.abU ,mo their IcHo"" "^^'"' ' '»'* ''T ," '* ^°''\ among r , , ( ..n „( you, and wish to de pait altogtuiti, i j on your return home announce, '•" f | -X'^^ ^der, your King, iuul con.iuered the Medes, Bac- ?^i,ns wd Saca- ; had subdued the I, xians, Ara- n o iartnd Dringians; had a.lded to tlje empire Par hia 'O'orasmia, and Ilyrcania, a"'l"'o. shores raiuii'M , ,1 vou over Mount Laii- of the Caspian sea; ^^*;>^\>^V' ' bevond the casus and through the Caspian Gates, bi>ona ^tal. 32.] PERSIAN riTALANX. 357 Oxus and Tanais, and tlie Indus, previously crossed by Dionysus alone, and the Hydaspes, the Acesines, and the Hydraotes; and had your hearts not failed, would have led you beyond the Hyphasis also ; after he had entered the ocean by both mouths of the Indus, liad passed throujrh the Gedrosian de- sert, never before traversed by an army, and had eonquered Carmania and Oreitia during the march — when his fleet had circumnavigated from India into the Persian Gulf — and all had arrived at Susa — you there deserted him and turned him over to the care of the conquered barbarians. These facts, faithfully reported, cannot fail to gain you the applause of men and the favour of the gods. De- part." With these words he descended hastily from the tribunal and entered the palace. There he remained secluded from public view for two days, but as the Macedonians showed no signs of submission he took more decisive measures. Had he yielded on the present occasion, his real authority must have ceased, and a mutiny would have become the na- tural resource whenever the army judged itself aggrieved. On the third day, therefore, he sum- moned the Persian nobility to the palace ; with their assistance he formed a barbarian force, mo- delled on the same ])rinciple and armed in the same manner as the Macedonian army. The Epi- goni furnished abundant materials, and the whole soon assumed the names and divisions of its proto- type. The barbarian phalanx had its select brigade called Ajjema. A division of the barbarian Com- panion cavalry received the same distinguished name. Persian guards were also embodied to re- ■JhniJjJ-MMBjJha ^ -h^. _s.w....-fcjJ.**.^fyal Knis- inen, who alone liad tlie privilecre of salutuvij the Kin.r of Kinors, alarmed the Macedonians beyond measure, and proved that nothinj^r but instant sub- mission could save theni from being all discharged and dispersed. . , i For two davs they liad remained under arms on the ground where the assembly had been he d ;— expecting probably that the third day would as hefore, produce a change in their favour, isut when the result proved so contrary to their hopes, they hurried in a body to tlie gates of the palace, ami piled their arms to show the nature ot their application. Tbey liere loudly im|)lored the King to come forth ; declaring their willingness to give up the surviving ringleaders, and their determma- tion not to quit the spot by night or day betore thev received pardon and mercy. \Vlien this change was reported to Alexander, he hastened forth; nor on witnessing their nimble behaviour and expressions of sorrow, could he re- frain from tears. He remained thus for some time ^wishing to speak, but unable to express his feel- ings, while they still persevered in their supplica- tions. /. 1 /-I -^^ \t last Callmes, a commander of the Companion cavalry, whose age and rank gave him superior privil/ges, spoke in behalf of all. - 1 he Macedo- nians are principally grieved because you have made Persians your relations, and 1 ersians are SUPPRESSION OF THE MUTINY. 359 J£UU 32.] called the kinsmen of Alexander, and thus allowed to kiss you, while no Macedonian enjoys that pri- vilege." The king immediately answered, " But you are all my kinsmen, and sliall hencefor wards bear that name and enjoy the distinction annexed to it." Upon this Callines approached and kissed him, and his example was followed by others. Thus the reconciliation was sealed, and the sol- diers resumed their arms, and returned to the camp with loud pieans and acclamations. Thus terminated a mutiny that broke out with- out any specific cause, and was quelled without concessions. The King's victory was complete, and the establishment of a Persian force under separate officers enabled him to hold the balance between his old and new subjects. In order to celebrate the happy reconciliation, a public ban- quet was provided, to which all of rank and dis- tinction—Greeks and Asiatics — were invited. The guests were nine thousand in number. The Gre- cian priests and the oriental magi prefliced the libation with the usual prayers, and implored the gods to confirm and perpetuate the concord and union of the Macedonians and Persians. At the close of this prayer every individual poured the libation, and tlie pa^an or thanksgiving hymn was chaunted by nine thousand voices. As some readers may find it difficult to conceive how nine thousand iiuests could be accommodated at the same banquet, I add for the sake of illustration a description of a similar feast from Diodorus Si- culus. •* When the troops arrived at Persepolis, Peu- cestas, the satrap, ofiered magnificent sacrifices to 3 GO ALEXANDER THE GREAT. [B. C. 324. the gods and to Philip and Alexander. Victims and all other reqnisites for a haiKinet liad been collected from all parts of I'ersis, and at the con- cliisiou of the sacrifices tlie whole army sat dcnvn to the feast. 'Hie troops were formed mto toni concentric circles. The circumference ot the outer- most circle was ten stadia. 'I his was couiposed of the allies and mercenaries. The cireumterence of the second circle was eijrht stadia ; it was com- posed of the Argyrasiiidc^ and t\^c other troop who had served under Alexander. Hie unci circle was four stadia in cireumterence, and ni- cluded the cavalry, the otHcers ot interior rank, and the friends of the generals, hotli civil and mili- I'lrv The centre was two stadia in cireumterence, and the space within was occupied by the tents ot the generals, of the chief otticers ot the cava ry, and of the noblest Persians. In the very middle were tlie altars of the gods and ot Alexander and Philip The tents were shaded with green boughs, and furnished with carpets and tapestry hangings— as Persis furnishes in abundance all materials tor luxury and enjoyment. The circles were tormed so iudiciouslv/that although there was no throng- ing nor crovvding on each other, the bantpiet was within the reach of all." r *i ^ Peucestas had arranged his guests alter the model furnished bv Alexander. For at the re- conciliation dinner" (if I may venture upon the word), immediately round the King the Macedo- nians were seated— next to them the Persians— and beyond the Persians the individuals ot otiier nations, according to their rank and dignity. iNor, perhaps, would we be wrong ui supposing the ,f:tat 32.] DISCIIAIIOE OF THE VETERANS. 361 whole order to have been Persian and not Gre- cian. For the Great King used to give public bancpiets at periodical seasons, not only to his courtiers and guards, but to the deputies from his numerous satrapies. On such occasions, we learn from the Book of Esther, the King occupied the chief j)lace of honour, while immediately in front of him were the representatives of the seven great families of Persia, with the other guests behind tliem, according to their rank. We are informed by Herodotus tliat the Persians regarded them- selves as the centre of the created world, and the noblest tribe on the face of it ; and that other nations partook of honour and nol)ility in propor- tion to their pro})in(iuity to the influence-spreading centre. Had therefore the original etiquette of the Persian court been enforced, the Macedonians must have been placed in the rear of their own Thracian dependents. A scrutiny now took place, and a selection was made of all the Macedonians whom age, wounds, or other accident had incapacitated tor active ser- vice. Their number exceeded ten tliousand. Alex- ander allowed them full pay until they reached their several homes, and })resented every invalid with a talent more than was due to him. As many had children by Asiatic women, he took the main- tenance and education of all these upon himself, that they might not give rise to jealousies and domestic disturbances between their fiitliers and their connections in Macedonia. He promised to educate them like Macedonian soldiers, and in due time to conduct tliem home and present them to their veteran fathers. ;jti2 ALEXAKBER THE GREAT. [B. C 324. But wliat the invalids regarded as the highest compliment, was the appointment of Craterus to take the charge of them. Tlic health of this amiable man and great officer had declined of late, and a return to his native air was judged advisable for its re-establishment. He was to conduct the veterans home, and to succeed Antipater in the regency of Macedonia, and the management of Greece. Antipater had discliarged his duties with great judgement, prudence, and success : nor does Alexander's conHdence in him appear ever to have been sliaken. But the continued comi)laints of Olvmpias, a restless and, as she afterwards proved herself, a blood-thirsty woman, had of late grown more violent ; and Antipater also had been com- pelled to represent in more severe terms, the tur- bulence and ferocity of her conduct. ()lymi)ias received from lier son every thing tliat lie could give, but political power ; while nothing l)ut the possession of this could satisfy her imperious tem- per. She was loud in her accusations of Anti- pater, who, according to lier, had forgotten the hand that raised him, and exercised his authority as if i' he rent in himself. Alexander, therefore, anxious to prevent any act of violence, in whicli the increasing animosities of the two parties appeared every instant liable to explode, sent Craterus, whom in Arrian's words, lie loved as his life, to act on this delicate occa- sion ; and ordered Antipater to lead a new levy of Macedonians into Asia. The parting between the veterans and Alexander was most toucliing. Every soldier was permitted to take personal leave. All were in tears, nor £tat. 32.] BAGISTANE. 363 was the King an exception; it was not possible for him whose heart was so warm, and his affections so strong, to take leave, without deep emotions, of the rugged veterans whose foster-child he had been in earlier years, and with whom in youth and manhood he had fought, bled, and acliieved vic- tories of unparalleled importance. The late quar- rel and reconciliation were calculated to increase the feelings of mutual good-will ; for a commander is never so kind as when his authority is esta- blished beyond dispute; — nor the attachment of soldiers so strong, as when tempered with the con- viction that they cannot offend with impunity. Autumn was now approaching, and Alexander marched from Susa to Ecbatana. His hurried advance through Media had not allowed him time to examine that rich province, and its splendid capital. He therefore devoted the short season of rei)ose, to the inspection and improvement of his chief cities. From Susa he marched to the Pasi- Tigris, and encamped in the villages of Carae, probablv the site of the modern Sinister. Thence he advanced to Sitta or Sambana, where he rested seven days ; at the next stage he found the Ce- lonae, a Btrotian tribe, carried into captivity by Xerxes, and placed among tliese mountains. They still retained traces of Grecian manners and lan- guage, but were rapidly barbarizing. Their situa- tion was about midway between Shuster and Is- pahan. Near them was Bagistane, a delightful spot, abounding with streams, rocks, springs, groves, and all that can render oriental scenery picturesque and pleasing. A park and palace, ascribed to Semiramis, furnished accommodations :J(JI ALEXANDER Till. OREAT. [B.C. 324. for the court, and Alexander lingered tor tlurty days amidst beauties of natnre, better adapted, ac- cording to Dioilorus, for tin* enjoyment ot gods, than ot* mortals. During this stay, be interfered between bis two friends, fleplKCstion and Kunienes,^ who bad long been at variance with eacb other. The cause did not originate witli the secretary, nor had he any wisli to' entertain a fend with the favourite of Ins Sovereign. But the connnander of the Companion cavalrv scorned the advanees of the Cardian, the former amanuensis of PbiH|), and threatened bun with future vengeance. I'nfortunately we have only the termination of tb*' (piarrel, as reported by Arrian, wlio writes ** llepha'stion dreading this speech was rcconciUd reluctantly to I'.unienes. The substance of the King's speech as given by Phitarcli, was a remonstrance with Hephicstion, who, without the King's favour, would l)e a |>erson of no weight: while Eumenes, on the contrary, was a man whose talents would render him con- spicuous and formidal)le in any situation. Alexander thus showed not only bis ability to estimate duly the talents of his officers, which per- haps is no uncommon power — but, what is far more rare, firm determination to su])|)ort the use- ful, against the arts and inHuence oi the agreeable character, and to patronize merit, even if obnnxious to favourites. In this vicinity were the famous pastures, where- in the roval brood-mares reared their numerous foak. Before the war, one hundred and fifty thousand horses of all kinds and ages, were said to have grazed in these pastures, but when Alex- /Etat. 32.] NYS.iiAN STLLDS— AMAZONS. 365 ander visited them, the number did not exceed fifty thousand. The rest had been stolen during the troubles. Arrian, from inattention, confounded two accounts given by Herodotus, and affirmed the identity of these herds, with the Xysaean steeds. But the Nysc-ean plain, as distinctly mentioned by Strabo, was close to tlie Caspian Gates; and tlie number of Nysfcan horses, so far from being count- able by tliousands, was very limited. No more than seventeen of these higldy-prized animals formed part of the procession in the advance of tlie Persian army under Xerxes, and even one was regarded as a fit present for a king. Their de- scription suits well the cream-coloured horses of the royal Hanoverian stud. It is in these rural retreats that some writers place the interview between Alexander and the Amazons. According to them, Atropates, the satrap of Media, j)resented Alexander with a hun- dred Amazons, armed, mounted, and equipped ; but the silence of Ptolemy and Aristobulus out- weighs the assertion of others. If, however, a hundred young maidens, in the Amazonian dress, with the right bosom bare, armed with the bow, the quiver, and the pelta, and tauglit to manage their chargers with ease and elegance, were really presented to Alexander by Atropates, it is easy to account for their masquerading dress. Atropates was the governor of the very countries where the Amazons were supposed to have resided, and a wish expressed by Alexander to see some of the race, if still existing, was enough to recall them from the dead. Without some such supposition, it is difficult to account for the belief, universal III --'-•"■^'"■~-,^.... MlKlMMMJ^M ,'i(ii. ALEXANDER THE oaEAT. [^.€.324. for the court, and Alexander linjjrered for tliirty days amidst beauties of nature, better adapted, ac- cording to Diodorus, for the enjoyment ot gods, than of mortals. . Durincj this stav, he interfered between his two friends, HephiFstion and Eumenes, who had long been at variance with each other. The cause dul not oritrinate with the secretary, nor had he any wish to entertain a feud with the favourite of his Sovereign. liut the commander of the Companion cavalry "scorned the advances of the Cardian, the formef amanuensis of Philip, and threatened him with future vengeance. Unfortunately we have only the termination of the quarrel, as reported by Arrian, who writes " I lepha^stion dreading this speech was reconciled reluctantly to I^unienes. The substance of the King's speecli as given by Plutarch, was a remonstrance with Heplurstion, who, without the King's favour, would be a person of no weight; while Eumenes, on the contrary, was a man whose talents would render him con- spicuous and formidable in any situation. Alexander thus showed not only his abi ity to estimate duly the talents of his officers, which per- liaps is no uncommon power— but, what is tar more rare, firm determination to support the use- ful, against the arts and influence of the agreeable cliaracter, and to patronize merit, even it obnoxious to favourites. In this vicinity were the famous pastures, where- in the roval brood-mares reared their numerous foals. Before the war, one hundred and htty thousand horses of all kinds and ages, ivere^ said to have .jrazed in these pastures, but when Alex- iEtat. 32.] NYS.CAN STEEDS— AMAZONS. 3C)5 ander visited them, the nunil)L'r did not exceed fifty thousand. The rest liad been stolen during the troubles. Arrian, from inattention, confounded two accounts given by Herodotus, and affirmed the identity of these herds, with the Nysaean steeds. But tlie Nysa^in plain, as distinctly mentioned by Strabo, was close to tlie Caspian Gates; and the number of NyscTean liorses, so far from being count- able by thousands, was very limited. No more than seventeen of these liighly-prizcd animals formed part of the procession in the advance of the Persian army under Xerxes, and even one was regarded as a fit present for a king. Their de- scription suits well the cream-coloured horses of the royal Hanoverian stud. It is in these rural retreats that some writers place the interview between Alexander and the Amazons. According to them, Atropates, the satra]) of Media, presented Alexander with a hun- dred Amazons, armed, mounted, and equipped ; but the silence of Ptolemv and Aristobulus out- weighs the assertion of others. If, however, a hundred young maidens, in the Amazonian dress, with the right bosom bare, armed with the bow, the quiver, and the pelta, and taught to manage their chargers with ease and elegance, were really presented to Alexander by Atropates, it is easy to account for their masquerading dress. Atropates was the governor of the very countries where the Amazons were su})posed to have resided, and a wish expressed by Alexander to see some of the race, if still existing, was enough to recall them from the dead. Without some such supposition, it is difficult to account for the belief, universal I -«ji.ijfcMS 366 ALEXANDEE THE GREAT. [B.C. 324. amontr inferior writers, of the Amazonian visit. Ptolemy and Aristobulus, aware ot the tacts ot the cas^, mijrht easily have \ei\ the device ot Atro- pates unnoticed. The writers who describe tlu' appearance of the iair warriors, add, that Alex- ander sent a gallant messajre to their fpieen, and ordered tlie vounj? ladies to be immediately es- corted bevoiul the precincts of the encampment, before the youniijer officers undertook to ])ut the valour antl 'tr^illantry of tlie maiden chivalry to proof in arms. , rr i When Alexander reached Ecbatana he offered a splendid sacrifice in gratitude for his continued prosperity. This was followed by the contests ot the pahestra, and theatrical representations. Dii- rinious draughts, and gird themselves to grapple witli the bottle as with an antagonist. Hel^acleides of Cuma, as cpioted by Athemeus, goes still further, and writes, that ^' those guests ot the King of Kings who were admitted to share the royal compotations, never cpiitted the i)resence in the possession of their senses." A fever, whicli attacked Hepluestion at this time, might, therefore, iEtat. 32.] BEATH OF HEPH.ESTION. 367 have been produced by hard drinking, as asserted by some writers ; but the hardships which he had lately undergone, and the continual change of cli- mate, are of themselves sufficient causes. It was the seventh day of his illness, Alexander was pre- siding at tlie games, and the stadium was full of spectators, when a messenger brought information that Hepha?stion was alarmingly ill: Alexander hurried away, but his friend was dead before he arrived. " Various writers," says Arrian, " have given various accounts of Alexander's sorrow on this oc- casion. All agi-ee that it was excessive, but his actions are differently described, as the writers were biassed by affection or hostility to Hephaes- tion, or even to Alexander. Some, who have described his conduct as frantic and outrageous, regard all his extravagant deeds and words on the loss of his dearest friend, as honourable to his feel- ings, while others deem them degrading and un- worthy of a king and of Alexander. Some write, that for the remainder of that day he lay lamenting upon the body of his friend, which he would not quit until he was torn away by his companions ; others, that he remained tliere for a day and a night. Others write, that he hanged the physician Ghiucias; — because, according to one statement, lie gave him wrong medicine ; according to another, because he stood by and allowed his patient to fill liimself with wine. I think it ])robable that he cut ofl' his hair in memory of the dead, both for other reasons and from emulation of Achilles, whom from liis childhood he had chosen for his model. But those who wrote that Alexander drove the hearse — "— ^.''^-'■"-JM*' 308 Al-tXAI. DEB THE OBE AT. [B . C . 324. xvhich conveved the bo.ly. state what is incredible. Nor are they more entitled to beliel "h" ->; ' 'f he destroved the tem,.le oi /t.seulapn.s at Lcba- tana,the deed of a barbarian, and nu-onsistent with the character of Alexander, bnt more m un,rf.i^'a.at *■ ( 514 ) [II.C, iW. CIlArTKH Wl. \i in:K IkuI crt>ssea tlu' TigriH on Ins liKul to rKilnUnK ulicn mlqnuation of \^l'^»^*'^*'";' l"';';**" ..aiUxliUM." him, ana lusouj^ln !nni not Ui rnt n the citv, as Ihtnr ginl lUh.s liad ronnnnnicatid i\» f^d A^exlnder. A^.y^e^^od at this, had annonnml his intention to employ the whole army m .ts eom- pletion. This declaration was by no means agr e- Lble to the Chalda-ans, to whom Alexander ha.l ^^ored the broad lands with which the Assyr.an kings had endowed the temple; tor as long as^thc edifice remamed unfinished, the priests enjoyed without deduction its ample revenues, which on its completion would be principaUy expended on lot .'liJ.J MIITI.'- $7§ ihcvirtiiiiM, hj^hu, Invvnuv, uiu\ rHJrnfroijft Mrrvaritu ulumi llir pomp and ci-ri-iiiony cif A>i5*yrir'iri wnr- Mliip rviu\rrrt\ iii-ci-WNary, llf thf »xt«rit lif thi4 expt'naihire, arid fif the llia{^iiinc:i-ric:i; of thi: wor- ship, Homv hUh may !»«• formrfl from a fact iit.'4t#;a by Ih'KMhihiM, that, (hirinj^ tfiir fifmtival of fJfltK one thdiiHand tahritw 0I' irnitkifivjuHc. wcrnr f.on- siuiicd on one ahar. Ah'xarifhr wan, tb#:rf'forf;, K'd to hi licvc that thi; warriiii(( voiei! prfK:i:*:d^rd [V(tni the Mclf-intereMt of the prifc»tH, aoa not from the [)rovi«nodorus [f ewed this letter at Ecbatana the day betore Hepha^stions death. Peithaj^oras theu sacrificed ->ncernmg Alexander, found the same nnperlect.on in the liver, and transmitted the information to his bro- ther. He, to prove his loyalty, showed the letter to Alexander, who commended his openness, and on arriving at Babylon, asked Peithagoras wha ^he inauspLous om'en was. The c-.ner rephe.1 that it was the alisence ot the head ol the livu. The King then asked what this foreboded, and was honestly answered, ^some great "i'jt<>^time. Alexander, so far from being angry with 1 eitha- goras, treated him with greater ^«"«\deration be- cause he had honestlv told him the truth. Aris- tobulus writes that he received this account Irom Peithagoras himself." , . , • „rv„. It is easy to remember prophetical sayings after the event has taken place, and many Macedonians recalled to mind that Calanus took leave of al Im friends but the King, whom he said he was soon to see at Babylon. Such reports lose nothing by transmission; we ought not, therefore, to be sur- prised that Cicero, in h.s work on ^^'vma ion a - sens as a well-known fact that Calanus distinctly foretold the impending death of Alexander. Numerous embassies iVom Grecian states waited the Kings arrival at Babylon ; they were all com- plimentary, and received due honours lo then was entrusted the care of the trophies winch Xerxes had carried away from Greece, and whicli the King ordered to be reconveyed to the several cities whence they had been removed. Athenaeub iEtat. 33.] FLEET IN THE CASPIAN. 379 has quoted a passage from Phylarchus descriptive of the appearance of Alexander's court on public days, which, in the absence of better authority, I introduce here. " The golden plane trees, the vine of pure gold loaded with clusters of emeralds, Indian carbuncles, and other invaluable gems, under which the kings of Persia used to sit and give audience, were not equal in value to the sum of Alexander's expenses for one day. His tent contained a hundred coaches, and was supported by eight columns of solid gold. Over head was stretched cloth of gold wrought with various devices, and expanded so as to cover the whole ceiling. Within, in a semi-circle, stood five hundred Persians, bearing lances adorned with pomegranates. Their dress was purple and orange. Next to these were drawn up a thousand archers, partly clothed in flame-coloured and partly in scar- let dresses. Many of these wore azure-coloured sashes. In front of these were arranged five hun- dred Macedonian Argyraspides. In the middle of the tent was placed a golden throne, on which Alexander sat and gave audience, while the great officers of the guard stood behind and on either side of him. The tent on the outside was encir- cled by the elephants drawn up in order, and by a thousand Macedonians in their native dress. Beyond these wTre arranged the Persian guard of ten thousand men, and the five hundred courtiers allowed to wear purple robes. But out of this crowd of friends and attendants, no one dared to approach near to Alexander, so great was the ma- jesty with which he was surrounded." But neither the homage of suppliant nations nor i.x.n ifci;-Ba>j^w-iia«.^A*, :n«. -.A-ja ^-•■•jn.^iift.ijLaJLi; ;J80 AtEXANDER THE GREAT. [B.C. 323. the pomp and magnificence of his court, could divert the active mind of Alexander from useful projects. He sent Argaeus with a band of ship- wrights to the shores of the Caspian sea with or- ders to cut timber in the Hyrcanian forests, and to build ships on the plan of the Grecian war vessels. For he was anxious to discover with what sea the Caspian communicated. The Greek philosophers, reasoning from analogy, had not given credit to Herodotus concerning its alleged isolation. Nor was their scepticism blamable. Herodotus wrote only from report ; and as his account of the rivers that flow into that sea is grossly erroneous, his ac- curacy respecting the sea itself can be regarded only as casual. The narrow outlets that connect the Maeotic with the Propontis, the Propontis with the Euxine, the Euxine with the Mediterranean, and the Mediterranean with the Atlantic, had pre- pared them to expect a similar outlet in tlie Cas- pian. They would not, therefore, without a careful investigation of every creek on its coast, allow tlie anomaly of an inland sea that did not communicate with the circumambient ocean. Alexander did not live to hear of the success of his plans, but Seleu- cus carried them into execution, and a fleet under his admiral, Patrocks, was employed to survey carefully the shores of the Caspian. The dangers attendant on the navigation of that rude and bois- terous bason seem, however, to have been too great for the courage of Patrocles. His pretended discoveries of the mouths of the Oxus and Jax- artes, and of a south-east passage into the Indja" Ocean, are proofs that he never in reality fulhlled his commission, nor examined the shores. Had ^tat. 33.] ARABIA. 381 Alexander himself lived, the veil of darkness that enveloped those regions for thirteen centuries longer would probably have been removed. The Indian fleet, under Nearchus, had sailed from the great estuary, up the Euphrates to Baby- lon. Alexander, on his return to Ecbatana, found it there, as well as two quinqueremes, four qua- driremes, twelve triremes, and thirty triaconters, which had arrived from the Mediterranean. The vessels had been taken to pieces on the Phoenician coast, carried by land to Thapsacus, re-constructed there, and navigated down the Euphrates to Baby- lon. There he ordered a harbour, large enough to accommodate a thousand ships of war, to be exca- vated on the banks of the Euphrates, and covered docks in proportion to be constructed. Sailors from all parts of the Mediterranean hurried to man his fleet ; among these the fisliermen of the murex or purple-fish, on the Phoenician coast, are particularly mentioned. Agents were sent to en- gage the most skilful seamen, and to purchase the ablest rowers for his service. In a word, it was his intention to form on the Susian and Babylonian coast, a second Phoenicia,— equal in wealth and population to the Syrian. He had fixed upon Babylon for the seat of em- pire, as the central spot between Egypt and the Mediterranean on one side, and the Indus and Eastern Ocean on the other. The fertility of As- syria was boundless, and its revenues, in the time of Herodotus, formed a third of the annual receipts of the Persian kings. But these had neglected the interests of Assyria, and the ruined cities on the banks of the Tigris, described by Xenophon, attest 382 ALEXANDER THE GREAT. [B.C. 323. the extent of desolation. It 3«, ^^^^^^^^^^^^ nolicv to heal the wounds inflicted by them and ^restore Assyria to her ancient ^"F^niacy. But l^fore this couUl be done effectually, and an un- ^strained communication opened between t^^^^^^^^^^^^ vinces of the south-western empire, i wan neces- Lrv to reduce the Arabs to subjection. Their Sio'. to the west of Babylonia "-^^ mcursiom Into the province easy, and their command of the course of the Euphrates enabled them to exact :inTus sums fronf the merchants ^^f^^^^ river. His plan for their subjugation ^^as or tht fleet to circumnavigate the Arabian peninsula and fts motions to be atinded by a laml f-ce heve^^^ ral triaconters were despatched to exammt tlu Southern shores of the Persian Gidf, and to repo t the state of the Arabian coast. H-^' ^^^ k^ tain from Soli, ventured furthest. "^^ ^^ ^;;^':^ been to sail round into the Red Sea, imtil he ai S ^ the vicinity of t}- E^yi^V^ "^ ^ But when he had coasted along the u hole txtcnt of he bore within the gulf, and ^loubled le o. midable cape now called Has ^^-X'^Z^^ also failed him, and he returned to ann "ct tu Alexander the greatness of the ^«f [»^^"^^;^ ^,,^ But difliculties only stimulated him, a u k preparations tor the departure of the gi^aexiK^U- don were carried on without any ^/f^^^"?."/ /^ it Ml ov.t under tlie command of the King, j nrobabihty is that it would have P^^ved succc^st^.^J Ihe Arabs were not fonmdable in tlu. heUl, ami an active land force, supported by a ^^^^^^^^^^^^^^ .night, without enduring "-'^^ j^^^^^f^^ ^ *^, f^^^^^^^^ lion, liave made the circuit ot the peninsula, nu JEtit. 33.] ARABIA. 383 fertile spots between Muscat and Mocha, and Mo- cha and Mecca, are numerous enough to fiimish ample provision for an invading army ; and from Mecca he could easily have transferred his troops to the Egyptian shore, where the resources of the valley of the Nile were at his command. /Elius Gallus, who invaded Arabia under the auspices of Augustus, found no resistance from the natives, and during an eight months' campaign lost only seven soldiers by the enemy's weapons. Nor is the boasted invincibility of the Arabs founded in truth. Sha-Poor, or Sapor, one of the greatest mo- narchs of the Persian dynasty of Sassan, marched victoriously from Hira, on the western frontier of Bahylonia, to Medina, on the Arabian Gulf; and the great Nushirwan completed the conquest of Arabia, and compelled every sheik and saladin within the peninsula to acknowledge him as their head. It cannot therefore be supposed that Alex- ander's activity, forethought and prudence, in pro- portioning the means to the end, could in the com- mon course of calculation have failed. Probably also, as the expedition was to partake of the cha- racter of a voyage of discovery as well as of con- quest, the sheiks would have soon discovered that resistance would only irritate, and cause the con- queror to delay his course and exterminate, while a ready submission would save the inhabitants from all molestation, except the transmission through their territories of the travelling force. While the preparations were still continueil, the King turned his attention to the canals and irriga- tion of Assyria. To the west or south-west of Babylon was a long succession of large cavities or I 381 ALEXANDER THE GREAT. depressions 5n Ae soil, into which the superfluous water-i of the Euphrates could he turned in the season ol the floods. These cavities were sup- rsed to have been the works of former Assyrian kings, and were equal in extent to an inland sea The canal, which connected the Euphrates «ith these reservoirs, was called the Pallacopas; Us up- [ne!>c 11 •' ,i.„ riwhi hank of the great river, per end being in the right nauK oi vm t, Uout thirty-six miles above »»''>'»"• ,,i'*„": trance into the Pallacopas was opened during the floods, in order to reliev^ the banks --r and belo« Babylon from part of the pressure of the watcis, bot when the floods subsided, it was necessary again to obstruct the entrance, and to prevent k titer in its fertilizing state from -^^'-T'^S '"^" J; lakes. It was easy to cut the bank, and admit thi fl™,d waters into the Pallacopas^ and thence in ., r great basons; but it was a Herculean ask » repair the breach, and compel the l'"P»'"f " .elume its ordinary channel. 'I •- -'-'P "^ ^ " Syria had every year to employ 10,000 mtn, lo. tf^ree months, in the work ol obstruction. Alex- ander sailed up the Euphrates, and examining tho mouth of the 'pallacopas, fo""V^'"^cu w " remedy the evil at the point where tl e cut « annually made, as the whole soil in the v ic.n. u w^ gravelly and alluvial, and almost dehed W task of obstruction : but on examining te b k higher up the stream, he found, about lour m U> from the ancient place, a spot where the bank ^low the surface das rocky. Here he oi^lere ^w channel to be excavated, which rn'ght. « 'J comparative ease, be obstructed in the propci geason. Ktat. 33.] THE PALLACOPAS. 385 As the spring floods had already commenced, he sailed down the PaHacopas into the lakes. On arriving at the foot of the hills, below which in after ages the Arabs built Cufa, he fixed on the site oi' the last Alexandreia founded by him. It is supposed to have been the I lira of a later period Thence he sailed back towards Babylon, pleased that he had thus escaped the misfortune foretold by the Chalda?an seers. The lakes on which he was sailing were studded with small islands, many of which were crowned with the sepulchres of the ancient kings of Assyria. As he was steerino- his own vessel between those islets, the broad-brinmied hat, which he wore as a protection against the heat and round which the royal diadem or band was wreathed, was lilown overboard by a violent gust of wind. 'JMie hat fell into the water, but the dia- dem being lighter was carried by the wind into some tali reeds, that grew around one of the royal tombs. A sailor swam ashore, recovered the dia- dem, and, in order to preserve it dry while he was sunnniing back, placed it on his head. For this presumption, according to Aristobuhis, the man, who was a Phamician sailor, received a floo-trintr • according to others, who were more anxiousTor an antithetical sentence than for the truth, he received ' talent for his good service, and death for his pre- sumption. According to a third account, the re- ' overer of the diadem was Seleucus, whose future j^reatness, as the most powerful of the successors '^i Alexander, was thus indicated. These various •ucounts prove that the incident at the time was looked upon as a trifle, and that, after Alexander's c c fl tJ^nrMM J},: t t. ..... ■,»m.,tia-th- ujjajaJMiA^- -»'fe'-V.:-.^;j-J^-hi-lAj£^tA|i>^<^^ A 1. EX AhBE R TU£ GEl AT. [B,C.. 3*23. death, the superstitions narrated it according to their own fancies. ,, , „ . i At Babylon Alexander tound I'eucestas, who had liroiigiit ^0,000 Persian recruits au(l a con- siderable force of l^apeiri and Coss^i?., whom the Persians represented as tlieir most war ike ueij^'h- bours. These were not incorporated with the already existin- Persian force, biU formed nito a separate body. The lowest dnision ot this nevv nllahmx was called a decad, although it contmned sixteen individuals, of whom twelve were Persians. The front and rear men were Macedonians, withan increased pay ; as were the two oilicers answenij^ to the moder'n Serjeants, wliose duty it was to drill and discipline the division '1 he superior o^^cr^ of this new corps were all Macedonians, so that it'- establisliment must have caused an immense pro- motion amona them. It is curious tl^at w1n.e t e four Macedonians bore the arms ot the Outk Leavv-armed infontry, the twelve Persians wt.e partl'y armed with bows and partly with dart>. This new force appears to have been admirably adapted for the service which the army had to ex- pect in its march round Arabia. The naval preparations were earned on vMtUoiu intermission. Cypress trees, the only ^^\^-'T^ on the banks of the Enplirates^ were cut dou , and new ships constructed. 1 he rowers and ;i- lots were exercised daily, and prizes awarded tu superior activity and skill in the management ol the vessels. ^....loto Embassadors from Southern Greece now ca nt to preseEt Alejtamler with golden crowns ; and tliuc .F.tat. 33.] OIIIENTAL rrsTOVfcJ. 387 on advancing to his presence, appeared in tlie sa- cred garlands, whieh were never worn by deputies, except when commissioned to consult oracles, or to carry gifts to tlie shrines of distant deities. But wliile these servile republieans l.ailed him with di- vine honours— while the bravest and best-disci- plined army on the face of the earth loved him as their leader and revered liim as their King while his newly-created fleet was furrowing Avith un- wonted keels the bosom of the Euphrates, and preparing to si)read its sails on seas unknown— uhile he was anticipating the fulfilment of his early dreams of becoming the master of the gold, the aroniatics, the myrrh, and the frankincense of the liitherto untouched Sa])a'a, and of com[)elling the sons of the desert to add a third god to their scanty Pantheon — while he was preparing to forge the las't link of the golden chain whieh was to bind together liis subjects on the Indus, the Tigris, and the Nile, by the strong ties of mutual advantages—the scene was suddenly changed, and he was cut down in the prime of life, in the height of his glory, and in the middle of his vast projects. "And perhaps (says Arrian,) it was better thus to de))art, to the extreme regret of all men, while Ins glory was unstained, and before he was over- taken by tliose calamities to which mortals are exposed, and on account of which Solon advised trtesus to consider the end of life, and to pro- nounce no man happy on this side of the grave." A few days before his last illness, he was busily employed in superintending the formation of his new corps. The tent, which was his favourite re- sidence, was erected on the plain ; and in front c c 2 386 ALEXANDER THE 6EEAI. [B,C. a-23. death, the superstitious narrated it according to their own fancies. At Bahvlon Alexander found Peucestas, who had hrouj^ht 2(),00t) Persian recruits and a con- siderable tbrce of 'I'apeiri and Cossiei, whom the Persians represented as their most war ike neigh- bours. These were not incorporated wMh the already existing Persian force, but forined mto a sepanue body. Tlie lowest division ot this new phalanx was' called a decad, although it contained sixteen individuals, of whom twelve were 1 ersiuus. The front and rear men were Macedonians, witU an increased pay ; as were the two oHicers answenus to the modern Serjeants, whose duty it was to tlnli and discipline the divisicm The superior o hrers of this new corps were all Macedonians, so that its establishment must have caused an nmnense pro- *" 1 ¥. ! :,...., *-Kot villi P the /Em. 33.] OHIENTAL ( IMOMS. o6i motion among tlii^ni It is curious that, while the motion aiinni- tncm. n i> cunvin , , four Macedonians bore the arms ot the Orttk heavy-armed inlantry, the twelve Persians were partly armed with bows and partly with darts. This' new force appears to have been admirably adapted for the service which the army had to ex- pect in its march round Arabia. The naval preparations were carried on without intermission. Cypress trees, tlie only -^"l^^;*;; ;;; on the banks of tlie Euphrates, were cut dmM , and new ships constructed. The rowers aiu pi- lots were exercised daily, and prizes awarded to superior activity and skill in the management ol the vessels. ^^ ..,w»tn T:mbassadors from Southern Greece now ca m ;' present Alexander witli golden crowns ; and tlict, on advancing to his presence, appeared in tJie sa- cred garlands, w hicli were never worn by dej)uties, except when commissioned to consult oracles, or to carry gifts to the shrines of distant deities. But while these servile republicans hailed him with di- vine honours— while the bravest and best-disci- plined army on the face of the earth loved him as their leader and revered liim as their King—while his newly-created fleet was furrowing with un- wonted keels the l)osom of the Euphrates, and preparing to si)read its sails on seas unknown— wlnle he was anticipating the fulfilment of his early (Ircams of becoming the master of the gold, tlie aromatics, tlie myrrh, and the frankincense of tlie hitherto untouched SabaM, and of comj)ellinEE TUB CRF.AT. [B. C. 323. WM placed the throne, whence he coiihl inspect Vim piatiu i-oiirse of the t av he re- tbe proceedtnjTs. in tJie conrst ^ lired to qmnch his thirst mu -»^^"' ""i , 7^£ ,l,e fjreat otRcers, «ho left the h" "^- "" , ^^"^^ ^„le care of the euiuuhs of the pah.ee. An ol)s( nre G X«ho was on the fieUl, secn^ the throne and the .eats on both sides eniptv, ".th the eunuchs rLtelv seated hin.self upon the throne he eo- 1 ;, ..,.,u"irs were prevented 1)V the etniiiettc 7i V rr eou:t".Vo\n disturhin, the intruaer. but they raised a lond erv of --';;«^;:f,;X their L'arnients, beat their breasts and iorthemls, ^d shoCl other si,ns of ,rief, - " -me ^rea misfortune had befallen then.. I he event ^s , d r^ to be hi^ldv important, and the n, ruder i "s 1 o the tortuVe in order to .liseover whether e In accomplices or not in this overt act ol trea- son -for s^,e , it was regarded by all the Persians soil, — lOr »uv..it r^ „.....,.,. ii-liirli fhpV of the court. lint the only ansuer «!'"• '»'> l,d extract ^^o^^;-;:^y ::^ :^^^t liMfl acted most unnitentioniMix, ^lu^i , nail €iLitu ,.^,,i\.KKHm n the opnuon ot uherior vunvs. I h.s tonttssion, » ^ » ^ f • ... •! nir»r(> tiitiil coniplexion i" '^'"^ thedivniers, gave a '""l%**''*'j. ,;.;.,..,, custoniN omen Without a kiiowkHlge ot hastirn cusion rwoidd have Iwen hnpossihle to (hscover why so r liort nice was paid to a tritiin- occiirrenci-: much unporianct \%a^[Hi a.,, l^,nl»pror B;i- but the followinfi passage from '» ' " »" "'^^ !, ber-s autobiosiraphy wdl dlustrate tin. and otiur obscure points of Eastern ''.'^'"'■y: f ,5^,„„i " It IS a singidar custom m ''•'^, ''''>'"'>;'' ',"". ,l,-.t there is little of hereditary descent in s etc;. In „ the sovereijintv. There is a throne allotiert for the kinr"^-- - '" ^^' ">"""" * "^^ " ' Etat. 33.] ORIKXTAL CUSTOMS. 'JSi) tion assigned for eacli of the aniirs, vazirs, and s()))(lars. It is that tlirone and these stations ah)ne which engage the reverence of the people of Ben- gal. A set of dependents, servants, and attend- ants are annexed to each of these situations ; wlien the king wishes to dismiss or appoint any person, whosoever is placed in the seat of the one dis- missed, is immediately attended and oheyed hy the whole estahlishment of dependents, servants, and retainers annexed to the seat which he occupies ; nay, even tin's rule ohtains even as to the royal throne itself; wlioever kills the king and succeeds in placing himself on that throne is immediately iicknouledged as king. All the annrs, vazirs, sol-- (liers, and j)easants, instantly ohey and suhmit to him, and consider liini as much their soverei«ni as they did their former i)rince, and obey his orders as implicitly. 'IMie people of Bengal say, ' We are faithful to the throne ; whoever fills the throne we are obedient and true to it.' " To this passage the editor of Baber adds the Jbliowing note : " Strange as this custom may seem, a similar one prevailed down to a very late |)eriod in Malabar. There was a jubilee every twelve years in tlie Samorin's country, and any one u ho succeeded in forcing his way through the Sa- Hjoi ill's guards and slew him reigned in his stead. The attempt was made in 1695, and again a few years ago, but without success." The Persians and Medes were not Hindoos, but >>eem to have adopted many ceremonies from the Assyrians, who were a cognate people with the Egyptians and Indians. This doctrine of obedience ^0 the throne had been established for the safety of -Jt3»» ftHw^^Wii'i.'.iiilliiaigf.-'J 390 ALEXANDER THE CTT- -. [B. C. 323. the creat body of tlic nation durin kin-, umil thev had witnessed tlie defeat ot tlu roval armv; althou-h (\rus had long beton claimed the crown, because he was a better man ^ 'Xhe as^!Isin!iiion of Darius by Bessus and his accomplices must be reflTred to the same pnnc.pk-. By the murder of his sovereign, Bessus transieired his ri-hts to himself. But liad Darius fallen alive inio the hands of Alexander, they would have (!(- volved upon the captor. Many battles in the East l'^^^, ^^^"^^^V'rhil^ sequent of this fVelin.^ Mahmoud of G n^n, .raiiied the battle which upcucd India to his aini^ because the elephant of Iris victcmous opponeiU became unruly and bore tlie B:yah oil he iM And Dara, a descendant ot the same Balei 1 on whom we derive the knowledge oi J^'^ ^'^""J^' ^' the throne of Delhi, because in the battle M secured the crown to bis brother Aunmgzebe he .'Etat. 33.] IttNESS OF ALEXANDER* 391 happened to dismount from his elephant in the heat of tlie contest. From this digression we may form some opinion of the reasons which induced the Persians to treat with such severity the chance-occupant of the roval seat of Alexander. Previous to setting out on the Arabian expedi- tion, the King, according to his usual practice, oflered a splendid sacrifice for its success; wine and victims were distributed among the divisions and subdivisions of the army, and the great offi- cers were entertained magnificently by the monarch himself. The wine eircuhited freely until the night was far spent ; the King then rose and was retiring to his tent, when Medius, the I'hessalian, who, since the death of Ilepha^stion and the departure of Craterus, had most personal influence with him, hcsouglit him to visit liis lodgings, where he would find a pleasant party assernhkni. For wliat fol- lowed, Arrian has copied the Royal Diary, in which the movements and healtli of the King were made known to the public. It forms the most ancient series of bulletins on record, and is here presented to tlie reader, reduced from the indirect to the tlirect form. " The king banqueted and drank wine with Medius ; he then rose from table, bathed and slept. " He again dined witli Medius, and drank till late at night ; on rising from the table he bathed, and after bathing, ate a little, and slept there, for he was now in a fever. "He was carried on a coucli to the place of sacrifice, and sacrificed according to his daily cus- tom. After finishing the service, he lay down in :i92 ALEXA??I>ER THE OEEAT. [B.C. 323. the public room until it was dark. During tlie day he gave orders to the leaders concernuig the march and voyage ; the land forces were told to be ready to connnence their march oil the fourth, and the fleet, which he proposed to accompany, to sail on the fifth day. I le was then conveyed in a litter to the river side, where he was placed on board a vessel and ferried across into the park. There he again bathed and went to rest. •* Next day he batlied and olfered tlie usual sacrifices ; he then returned to his chamber, where lie lay down and conversed with Medius. Orders were' given to the generals to attend luui next morning. After tliis he dined sparingly, and was carried^back to his chamber. During the whole of this night, for the first time, theve was no niter- mission of fever. .« , , '* Next day he bathed and sacrificed, then gave orders to Nearchus and the other leaders to be ready to sail on the third day. " Next day he bathed agam, ottered the ap- pointed sacrifices, and finished the service ; aiul although there was no remission m tlie violence o the lever, lie yet called in the leaders and ordered them to have every thing in readiness lor the de- parture of the fleet. In the evemng he batlied, and after badiing was very ill. » Next day he was removed to the house elos. to the great swimming-bath, where he ottered tin appointed sacrifices. Ill as he was, he called in the principal officers, and gave orders about tli> expedition. . . ^ ,.,.. - On the following day it was not without dith- culty tliat he was carried to the altar and ottered [•tat. 33.] ILLNESS OF ALEXANDER. 393 the sacrifice ; he would nevertheless give fiirther orders to the great officers concerning the voyage. " Next day, although extremely ill, he offered the a])pointed sacrifices, and ordered the generals to remain assembled in the court, and the chiliarchs and the pentacosiarchs in front of the gates. Be- ing now dangerously ill, he was carried from the park into the palace : when the generals entered, he knew them, but said nothing, as he was speech- less. The fever was very violent during the night. " And the following day and night. '' And the following day." This was the account written in the Royal Diary : " Upon this (continues Arrian) the soldiers became eager to see him ; some to see him once more alive, others because it was rej)orted that he was already dead, and a suspicion iiad arisen that his death was concealed by the chief officers of the guard— but the majority, as I think, from sorrow and anxiety for their King ; they therefore forced their way into his chamber. As the men past his couch in suc- cession, he, although speechless, greeted them in- dividually, by raising his head with difficulty and by the expression of his eyes." " Moreover," according'to the Royal Diary, " Pei- thoii, Attains, Demophon, Peucestas, Cleomenes, •Menidas, and Seleucus, slept in the temple of Sera- pis, and asked the god if it would be desirable and better for Alexander to be conveyed to the temple, and to supplicate the god and be healed by him ; but the answer from the god forl)ad his removal, declaring that it would be better for him to remain where he was. The companions reported this answer, and Alexander not long after expired, as I 1 1 1 iJthJMhufc'i 391 ALEXANDER THE ©BEAT, [B.C. 323. if, under all circumstances, that were the better fate." Till The account given by Ptolemy and Aristol)nlns does not essentially diHer from this. Accordincr to some writers, his friends asked liim to whom he bequeathed the empire, and he answered '* to the stropjTfst ;" accordincj to others he added, " that he foresaw a bloody C(mipetition at his funeral iranies.* These extracts from Arrian contain all tliat cim hv rtHTarded as authentic respecting the last illne^v and iieath of Alexander ; for Plutarch, who h:i- ijiven a version of tlie lloyal Diaries, agreemi; m inost points with the above, lias most unfairh sup- pressed everv notice of the impending expedition, ill order to make his readers believe that the gre;u man, whose life lie was recording, had latterly lost all vicronr of mind and energy of character, and becoine the abject slave of interaperance and super- stition. The fever to which he fell a victim, was pro- bably contracted in his visit to the marslies ; aiul the tliirst which compelled him on a public day to quit his military duties, proves that it was raging in his veins betbre it absolutely overciime hnn. The exertions at tlie public banquet, and tlie pro- tracted drinking at the house of Medius, must luivc seriously increased the disease. Strong men, like Alexander, have often warded otf attacks of illness by increased excitement, but if this fail to produce the desired effect, tlie re-action is terrible. It is curious that no physician is mentioned. The King seems to liave trusted to two simple remedies, abstinence and bathing. His removal to the sum- mer hou<'^ flose to the large cold bath, shows how I tat. 33.] ins DEATH. 395 much he confided in the latter remedy. But the extraordinary fatigues which he had undergone, the exposure within the last three years to the rains of the Punjab, the marshes of the Indus, tlie burning sands of Gedrosia, the hot vapours of Susiana, the frost and snow of Mount Zagrus, and the marsh miasma of the Babylonian lakes, proved too much even for Iiis iron constitution. The numerous wounds by which his body had l)een perforated, and especially the serious injury to the lungs from the Mallian arrow, must have in some degree impaired the vital functions, and enfeebled the powers of healtliy re-action. Under such disadvantages we must admire the nnconquered will, the unflinching spirit with which he bore uj) against the ravages of the disease, his resolute performance of his religious duties, and the regular discharge of his royal and military func- tions. On the ninth day, when he was carried to the palace, and all the ofKcers down to the com- manders of five hundred were commanded to attend, it was evidently his intention to have taken leave and given his last orders; but nature failed, and he was unalile to express his wishes when tlie generals were admitted. Tlie report, therefore, of his having bequeathed the empire to the strongest is probably either an invention, or an inference from previous conversations, in which he miglit have foretold the natural consequences of his jiremature death. The sleejiing of the officers in the temple of Serapis, is a curious fact in the history of supersti- tion. It proves that Serapis was an Assyrian god, whom the first Ptolemy must have well known, and utterly subverts the account preferred by Tacitus, ol'the introduction of the worship of Serapis into . t.j.'^T'tSjtfaA ,tAi -yji-" p. '^itf ^.BEJijJi taiaij.y ariaftjp^iiuhdS *■ 39G ATrxi'^JBlR THE CIEEAT. [B. C. 323. Ftaf. 33.] VARlors REPORTS. 397 Egypt. Tliat most felicitous painter of tlie darker traits of lunnaii nature, and unrivalled master in the art of hinting more than he atHrms, is a gross perverter of tlie truth, whenever lie ventures on th( suhject of Eastern Antitpiities. Strabo furnishes us witii the be^t explanation of the conduct of the great oliicers, and of their nio- tives for sleeping in the temple of Scrapis. ** Cano- pus possesses the temple of Serapis, that is iHnioured with great reverence and disiinguishetl for its lual- ing powers. I'he most respectable characters be- lieve this, and sleep in the temide either for theui- selves or for their friends. Some historians give an account of the cures, others of the oracles." In these few words we see why the iViends slept there, and why tliey were anxious to carry their bcloveil sovereign tliither. But— as manv readers may be surprised to hear that Alexander' died in the 'course of nature of a regidar marsh fever, and that neither poison nor tlie cup of Hercules proved fatal toliim— 1 add for dieir sati-f'-tion the fcOhnving paragraph from Arriaii. •* I know that many other accounts have been written concerning the'death of Alexander— that he died of poison sent by Antipater, and prepared by Aristotle, wlio since the death of Calisthenes was afraid of him ; that Cassander carried this— accord- ing to some, in the hoof of a mule, (for even this absurdity has been recorded);— tliat lollas, the younger brother of Cassander, administered it, as lie was the royal cupbearer, and had a sliort time before been aggrieved by Alexander ; — that Meduis, the IViend ot* lollas, was an accomplice, and per- suaded the King to join the revellers;— and that on draining the cup, he was instantly seized with sharp pangs— and quitted the party. One writer lias even been graeeless enough to attirni, that Alexander, on discovering that his illness was likely to prove fatal, rushed out with the intention of throwing himself into the EuphraU's, that his disappearance might incline men to believe his divine descent and super- natural departure— that while he was quitting tlxj p.ilace clandestinely he was discovered by Koxana, and prevented; and that he then lamented with a si^rh, « that she had grudged him the eternal honour of being esteemed a god.' I have noticed tiiese reports, not because they are credible, but from a v.isli to show that I am not ignorant of them." "Alexander (continues Arrian,) died in the hun- dred and tburteentli Olympiad, when Hegesias was :iichon at Atliens, (about Midsummer, B.C. 323.) fie lived, according to Aristobulus, thirty-two years and eight months, of whieli he reigned twelve years and eight months. In body he was most hnndsonie, most indefatigable, most active; in mind 111 .St manly, most ambitious of glory, most enter- I'lizing, anil most religious. In sensual ])leasures !k' was most temperate, and of mental excitements, insatiable of praise alone. Most sagacious in dis- covering the proper measures while yet enveloped darkness, and most felicitous in inferring the |>robable from tlie apparent. In arraying, arming, und marshalling armies most skilful In raising the soldiers' courage, filling them with hopes of victory, and dispelling their fears by his own un- (iaunted bearing, most chivalrous. In doubtful 'iiterprizes most daring. In wresting advantages troiii enemies and anticipating even their suspicions "Hiis measures most successful. In fulfilling his li . J a..jjg.ri....<.r?-.<.«.fm..^.—..H-.i. ■■.. j..-.i«a.^.iuf.rf-m»^^.— ti^..a«aiMMa?«M sm ALEXANDER Til E G II E A T . [ B .C . 323 . Em. 33.] HIS CHARACTER. 39i) own engagements most faitliful, in guarding against being overreached by others most cautious. In liis own personal expenses most frugal, but in nuuiiti- cence to others most unsparing. "If then he erred from quicknt^s ut uiupir and the influence of anger, and if he loved the display of barbarian pride and splendour, I regard not these as serious otlenees ; ibr, in candour, we ounlu to take into consideration liis youth, his perpetual .succtws, and the inBuence of those men who court the society of kings, not for virtuous purposes, but to minister to their pleasures and to corrujn their principles. On the other hand, Alexander is the only ancient king who, from the native goodness oi his' heart, sliowed a deep repentance for his mis- deeds. Most princes, even when conscious of guilt, foolishly attemi>t to conceal their erimes,by defend- ing thein as rightly done. The only atonement for misdeeds is the acknowledgement of the otleiuler. and the public display of repentance. Injuries an the less keenly ielt by the sutierers, an(l hopes are entertained tliat he, who shows sorrow for the past, will not be guilty of similar oHences in future. Neidier do I esteem his claim to divine origin as ?. serious otVence, as perliaps it was only a device, tc ensure due respect from his subjects. M inos, .l.acus. and Rhadamanthus were never accused of oHensive pride, because men of old referred tlieir origni in Jupiter: no more were Theseus and Ion, the reputed sons of Neptune and Apollo. Yet Alexander was surely not a less illustrious King than these. 1 re- gard 'tlie Persian dress also, as only a device to pre- vent the barbarians from regarding their Kiii-i as a foreigner in all respects, and to show the Macedo- nians that he possessed a refuge from their nnhtary asperity and insolence. For the same reason lie mixed the Persian body-guards with the Macedo- nian infantry, and tlieir nobility with his own select cavalry. Even his convivial parties, as Aristobu- lus writes, were not prolonged for tlie sake of the wine, of which he drank little, but for the sake of enjoying social converse with his friends. *' Let him (concludes Arrian) who woidd vilify Alexander, not select a few blamc-worthv acts, but sum up all his great deeds and qualities* and then consider who and what he himself is, wlio would thus abuse the man who attained the pinnacle of iinman felicity— who was the undisputed monarch of both continents— and whose name has pervaded the whole of the earth. Let him consider these things— especially if he be of no consideration, a labourer in triHes, and yet unable properly to ar- range even them. Tliere did not, as 1 believe, in that age exist the nation, the city, nor the indivi- dual, whom the name of Alexander had not reached. My own opinion, therefore, I will jjrofess, that not vvitbout especial purpose of the Deity such a man was given to tlie w orlil, to whom none has ever yet been equal." «itoaai">il fce-B. ;JK'!m • • • • •- » ■ • • • • • * t • • • I I m ■"i ini.i> i .i]ii».,iiu,:... at.!.s3a7rT- • ••-••• ^ • -• •! ••••• n ••••' • • • • • . ••,;> •• ••• •• "5^ 1 ^H^^H||JII|li ^'W- HI '' "" -ji ~* ■■ Abissares, Indian king, 365. Presents " rfv clephanis to Alexander, 279. K tSAy, 2U1.300. Abistainenes, or Sabictas, 94. Abreas, 303. — slain in fullo wing Alex- ander into an Indian citadel, 305. ^ "^!?t*, satrap of Siisa, 167. 339. } '-, tbe army sets out from, 64. Abzal, river and valley of, 360, 370. Acesiues, the river, 278. 291. 296. 2i». 312. 324. \ 1 t aiis join the Spartans, 148. - li-caa harbour, the, 60. Vchceinenida*, their palace at Perse- !'..li<,175. I .its, tomb of, 61. His harp, 62. Acuphis, ruler at Nyka, 261. 263. Ada, queen of Caria, 82. AddiiL'Us, a chiliarch, 81. Aderkand, in Fergana, 208. Admetus, serves at Tyre, 129. Adoration, the question of, discussed in presence of Alexander, 218. Adraniytliuui, Clulf of, t>3. Adrapsa, town of, 198. -Eg«, or Edessa, 18. 23. Elian, quoted, 366. -Elius Gallus invades Arabia, 383. Vtropns usurps the throne, 19. Eschylns, quoted, 169. Eschincs, of the embassy to Philip, 11 — and to Alexander, 51. Speech of the Orator, 101. -'Eeculapius, his temple, 368. -Ilsepus, a stream of Ida, 65. 73. Etulians, fl. like character, 58. Alli;hans, ai. - of the, 256. Ahjca, discoveries in, 290. Agesilaus, campaigns of, 5. Aj^is.kiuj^uf Sparta, 57. He confers with Pharnabazus, 102. Defeated by Antipater, 111. Hea soldiers who were slain : humane attention to the wounded, 72. Marches to Sardes and Ephesus, 74. 77. Takes Miletus by storm, 78. Declines a naval action, 79. Lays siege to Halicarnassus, 80. His second victory over Memnon, 81. His maxims of diet, 82. Dis- misses the married soldiers to DD »l; 402 INDEX, INDEX. 403 (ALEXANDER THl GREAT.) winter in Macedonia, 83. Invades the Ljcians and Pamphyliaiii, 83. A ■ - their institutions 85. ^: - by the ftK>l i>f Mount Climax, 88. Fasitage of Mount Tanrns, 89. He conquers the Pisi- dians, 90. Collects his troops at G'lrdhnn, 01. Unfastens the Gor* dian knot, 03. jEtat. 23 —Forces the defiles of Taurus, M. Sickness after bathing; in llie C>polis, 141. Founds Alexamlreia, 143. He cronses Ihe desert to the Amnionian Oasis, 143. Mtat. 25.— Festivities and thea- tricd uprrtacUs, 149. Anecdotes of Alexauiler, IM. He crosses the Tiiiris, 1.13. Is vicl«)rion8 over Darius near Arbela, 155 et »eqq. His maKuanimons reply to Par- menio, 157. Calmness and confi- dence before the battle, 159. Alex- ander's stature ami complexion, 159. His arms. 160. V * - to Jupiter Belus at It . Treasures captured by ihe King, 168. He invades Persis, 170. De Btroys the Cxian banditti. 171. Forces the deft' ' n Gates, 173. Bull- , ■ ; i i- lepolis, 175. Anecdote of Thais, 176. Mtat. 26. — Al. V ' - -' rs j^batana* 178. i' •• ._..>, (alfxa.nder thk great.) 180. Beholds the murdered bo(i\ of the Persian monarch, 183. Puis Satibar/.anes to flight, 188. Con- s piracy of Philotas to assassinaio the king, 189—194. Death of Par- menio, 191. Alexandreia in the Caucasus founded : the king win- ters there, 19a, . > of the ft>lU)wer» i( Dionysus, 261. He sacritices Bacchus, 264. -£Mf. 30. —Alexander crossoj (ALEXANDER THE GREAT.) the Indus, 265. His generous con- duct to Taxiles, 266. Apology for his invasion of India, 266. The passage of the Hydaspes guarded against Alexander, 268. He crosses it after a thunder storm, 270. He defeats P<»nis, ami takes him pri- soner, 273 et neqq. Alexander restores the Indian king, 277. He defeats the Cathaians under the walls of Sangala, 280. This was his furthest conquest, 281. Alex- ander's speech to his dincontcnted soldiers upon their desiring to re- turn, 283. He erects twelve altars, like towers, on the bank of the Hyphasis; and sacrifices, 289. The King's displeasure, 288. The H in- doos possess no traditions respect- ing Alexander, 2iM). He begins to retrace his steps, 291. He em- barks on board of the fleet of Ne- archu9,295. He subdues the Malli and Oxydracas 298. He is the first to enter a Brachman city, 300. Boldness of the king in passing the river Hydraotes, 301. His energy and exeitement, .302. He assaults a fortress of the Malli, 303. His predominant valour, 303, .304. His severe wound, 305. Proof of the affection of the soldiers for their King, .309. s'Ktat. 31. — He sails down the Indus, 312. Makes Oxycanus his prisoner, 313. Puni.«he8 the Brach- mans, 314. He arrives at the delta of the Indus, 315. He marches westward along the shores of the Indian ocean for the protection of the vessels of Nearchus, 318. Alex- ander enters the desert of Gedro- sia, 319. His loss of men in this levere march, 321. The King's en- durance of suflering and privations, 325. Arrives at Pnra,326. Happy meeting with Nearchus, 328. The King condemns Cleander, Sitalcee, and Hcracon, S.'IO. ^'/lat. 32.— Description of the inarch of Alexander from Car- nifuiia to Persia, 331. He repairs to Pasargada, 3.33. He visits the tomb of Cyrus the Great, 333. (ALEXANDER THE GREAT.) The tomb of Alexander the Great pillaged by Cocces and Ptolemy the Intnider, 335. His sorrow on revisiting the ruined palace of Per- sepolis, 336. He applauds Peu- cestasfitr conciliating the Persians, 337. The King admires the Medei and Persians above all the Asiatics, 340. His nuptials with Barcine or Stateira, 340. Is recognised as the King of Kings, 340. Musicians and artists patronised by him, 343. His unbounded liberality to his army, 346. He styles a corps of 30,000 youths " the' Epigoni," 347. Alexander embarks on the Pasi- Tigris river, 34!). His voyage to the Persian Gulf, and on the Tigris river, 349. Arrives at the city Opis, and repairs to Susa, 352. His army mutinies, 353. Speech in which the King recounts his father's and his own glorious actions, 353. He models a Persian army according to the discipline and under the desig* nations of the various Macedonian corps, 357. His generous sensibility evinced upon the penitent conduct of the soldiery, 358. The term royal kinsmen, how applied by Alexander, 358, 359. His 9000 guests invited to an entertainment, .35P. He dismisses the wounded veterans to their homes with pre- sents, 361. The King takes leave of them, 362. He marches to Ec- batana, 363. Thence to the Pasi- Tigris, 363. His sorrow for the death of Hephapstion, 367. The fame of Alexander attracts embas- sies from all the Western nations, .370. Roman and Italian embassies, 370, 371. Question discussed whe- ther Alexander could have sub- dued the Romans, 371. jEtat. 33.— The Chaldiean di- viners in vain attempt to dissuade Alexander from entering Babylon, 374. His attempt to rebuild the temple of Belns, 374. Omens of his death, 374. 388. Splendour of Alexander's conn, 379. His de- sign to explore the Caspian Sea, 380 — 392. Alexander fixed upon DD 2 404 INDEX. (ALEXAWDIB TMB ORIAT.) Babylon to be Iht' capital of his empire, 381 . Hi* attention i» called to the Arabs, 3m.. He »*iU Euphrates, ami b> the Pal, canal to the lakes, 3M. His naval preparations at Babylon, 386. Re- ceives an embassy of the .Sonlhern Greeks, 387. An obscure Greek seat* himself on the ihi ..u* ; he is put to the torture, The King Mcrilices ( out on an exp» aft. He banquets with Mt«liu!i, 391. His illness; roy-tl diary, 3yl. He balbes each day, 3i«. Death of Alexander, (In the year B.C. 3t3,) 303. A victim to iheclimatf of Assyria and India, 3!J5. Various accounts of bis (kaih, 3M). His age, his person, and his character, 3tl7. Altxatider, ion of Kin? Acropus, S3. H\i treason and arrest, HO. IM. Alexander of Epirus, his nuptials witli Cyna, 17. M. Alexandreia, the Are tan, 188. Akxandreia, in Erypt, 14151. Alexaudrei». the Ejetrmm, 908. Wi. Akxisthe! iie.rhapsodist, 343. Al-Hash, tli^..i. » «»f, WS. AliiMia, fortress of, 8*1. Al-Uogd, beautiful valley of, 202. Amanian (iates, the, 103, 101. Amanu.*, mount, 103. AmaMr " ughterof Ojty»itei,llI. xVmasii ii of, 341. Amazons, 3tt^ Amida, capture of, 151. Amphictionic council, 37. Atnphoten .87. .%inyntas,u as kingdom, n. , ion of AnttocJiiitf 21. 641. 101. 113. — '■ , SOB of Airhalr* ■ ■ , governor of 1 1 il. , Attalus, and Simmias, 194. ~-, son of Nicola us, 230. , claimant of the thjuiie, es- pouses Philip's daughter, 21. All' •'- •eraple of the Goddess, 166 All is, sophist of Abderi, 118. Anciiulus, ruin* of, 97. Ancyra, the modern Angora, 94. Andcrab, city of, 252. Andromachns, 212. 215. Andron of Teos, 303. Andr ■ t- ■ = , 186. Aii.i .LS,8on of Callistrates, 293. Anlibtluu, son of MasEseus, 181. Amides, a cons|>ir«t<.r, 24^. Antigonus, 37U. Antioclieia .Margiaua, 'IJii. AtJiip^ter, uiini&ter of Philip, u Hard pressed by the Grecians, 57. He defeats Agis, 111. 227. Trea- sure remiltetl to him from Susa, im. He is accu8C, assassination of King, 10. Archias of Pella, 293. Archon, son of (.'k-iiiias, 203. Areia, province of, 187. 106. Areians, revolt of the, 187, 188. 231. Aretas, anecilole of, 09. 160. Arg^at'iis, 39. His mission, 380. Arg«)s, colonists from, 18. Ariobarxanes di-lends Persis, 17S. Arisba, Alexander at, 64. Aristagoraa th> " " 169. Aristauiler, « , i omen at Gaza, 136. At Alexandreia, 143. In Afsyria, 153, 154. In Scythii. 210. .it Bactra,226. On the banl^ of Ihe river Uxus, 232. INDEX. 405 Aristobuliis, 93. 200. 225. 251. 394. Aristocrates the Theban, 343. AristcHlemtis of Phei-a*, 110. \ri«tonicus the Minstrel, 230. Anstonoos, »on of Peisveus, 293. Aristotle, his »ystem in the education of Alexander, 9 et »eqq. 267. Aristus and Asclepiades, 371. Anns of Alexander, described, 160. Arrian, 48. 62. 183. 188. 218. 2,58. 892, 305. 329. 367. 371. 396. Arsames, 64. 95. Slain, 113. , satrap of Sogdiana, 231. Arses, Per.'«ian monarch, 56. Arsites, governor of Phrygia, 64. Artabazus, 100. His fidelity, 182. 195. Satrap of Bactria, 199. 230. Artacana, daughter of Artabazus, 341. Arta-Coana, 187 ; or Herat, 188. Artaxerxes Mnemon, 55. Artaxerxes Ochus, reign of, 55. Artemisia, the queen, 82. Artonis, daughter of Artabazus, 341. Asandrus, a Macedonian captain, m. Ascalon rednceti, 135. AsclepitMlorns, son of Timander, 293. Asm Minor, 55. 99. Asiatic Greeks, sentiments of thei 57. Aspasia, 966. Aspenduii, reduction of, 89. Assaceni, or Attaceni, 256. Assembly of the Macedonians, 189. Assyria, 153. 381. 383. Assyrian kings, the, 351. 384. Assyrians, the, 98. 389. AsteropxMs, he wounds Achilles, 37. Athena'us and Chares, 343. Athenians, their enjbassies to Alex- ander, 51. Their generals in Asia serve against Alexander, 80. Re- quest the liberation of the Athe- nian captives, 91. Their envoys to Darias, 117. Athenodorus, tragedian, 150. ~- , the Teian, 343. Atizyes, slain at Issus, 113. Atropates, Persian noble, 231. 365. Attalus, son of Androraenes, 182. 293. 393. Attock, 267. Austanes made prisoner, 242. Autariatas the, ;J8. Autophradates, 100. 185. Baba Cape, or Lectus, 63. Baber, the emperor, 388. Baboons and monkeys of India, 291. Babylon, match of Alexander to, 166. 243. 374 et seqq. Bactra, city of— the modern Balk, 109. 216. 223. 252. Bactria, 168. Cities of, 252. IJactrians, the, 158. 204. Bagisian«>8, noble of Babylon, 181. Bacchiad-*(i «.|, 117. mm, 50. ' ■ } «yc it* 1 Hi«iS« Cftbul, nidderii cu> , 107. It U the ke> to India. '153. Cabara, tlir city, Wt. r'udiiHiii, ihf, 41. Catititiiau!*. ihe, 5.5. f' ■■■ plain of * rt. < . ihr -ophisi, barns litiHs'rlr tm 4 tjriai pile, 338. His pri'diciion, 37H. Calas, MitccHiouiaii. 73. Ca''- ' !i of, 'iiiJ. Anrr- *i' cliHinencf, 2W. Itilfiiiprrnii- I ti, : ..i^e, 2411. 251. *'■"■ ' M-r-.'- = !< ,„. 358. < »f. I4J. < . T»tini», 95. < ... .••....iv.. ....^va of, mu ' % 33- Temple of Sera pis, dM. ' ■' «pli!asi;«uiiji, 04. « ..tii, 212. 214. Canr, viliage of, 3«3. *''--*' " •- - ■■■'" «•• -. 105. < (kfptiii (i«te»;— the FaM of Kha- w»r, IW). C«spi.ui Sta. the, 184. US. 380. Caisander, 300. Castabala, the march to, 103. Caste, Imtinn, 'LW. 314. Castor ami Vu>ht\.fite In honour of ttit' Dionciiri, 223. < slain. 341. < ■ ■ uioii, 'iiii. * I tilt*, iWi. * I of I'hn^ia. *¥». * tiJin trjb'f, ;t*..i. * the, 37. 370. < 1.1 of MiHiiit TiuriK, 80, ('hulda-an rite*. 167 V'-- ' .. ''■^.* r. 21/. < ■ -'k-r, 52. < >n», the, l.l». 3/4. < iiiiii bitni.ilied, .5*2. lOf. ' tian liilaiitl.x, t)7. Ciii;r»AjiH'BU» 1'aiirica, 'Jrz. — . t}i«- Tbrarian, *)0. Chimar.!' rvlatint; t.,> thb lIIOlJni.iui, r^t . Cliiiug the integrity of, 2111. >r Chocs, the, 168. 433. ( ■ t ^4. ( horasiiiia, 228. Cboriencs, his fortress, 240. Cilicia, Alexander uiarc4ie<( into, {r, Cleander, lieutenant of Pai IW. Aceusetl t»f sacrilet;e, J , .. riearchuv, kiUed in battle, 81. Cleitiis op|io»t» the Mncedoii! ■ ni>ria, 37. Vanquished, 3» , ion of Dropidaii, bis gal- kiitry, 70. His promotion, l!«. Coniinauder of the ('t»nip?inioM e.i valrj , 223. H i* freedom of s pe. t h . 224. His death by the hand ot Alexander, 225. f" \m. 3J1.3. ♦ Mount Taurus, 87, 88. Cocce« pdlages the tomb of Alexaii der the (Jreat, 335. CatU Per»i», 172. Cienns, son of I'oleniocrates, 08. 83. Wounded, 104. 231. 274. His «(l dresi to Alexanrter in favour of ;i return from India, 285. Hi» dc ceaie, 2114. Colon.e, position cia, 98. Coin notions entertained by Al. r of an extended, 315. Commooweallhs, the ancient, 3. Companion, the cavalry so name ' • ■ ■- 252. 331. Customs and costume of the Persian court, 216, 217. Of India and Persia, 342. 344. 388 et seqq. Cydnns, river, !»0. Cyna, the princess, .18. Cypress trees, for ship building, 386. Cyprus, fleet from, 124. t'\iopolis, besieged, 206. Cyrus, the elder, his empire, 4. 95. l!>5. 200. 209. 323. The tomb of Cyrus the (Jreat explored by Alex- an , the younger, 204. 366. .300. , river in Persia, 172. 333. Cyzicus, Gulf of, 03. Daha*, their armour, 158. 260. Damascus, the gh«»uteh of, 113. 203. Damgan, nHKlcrn city of, 183, 184. Ddncts of the Indians, 2!»(J. Dandanis, the gymnosophist, 337. Daniel, nrediction by the prophet, 130. His visions, 109. His sepul- chre, 100. Danuhf, 32. Passage of the, 35. Dara dethroned by Aunmgzebe, .190. Darius CfKlomannus, his elevation to the throne, .5m Eebatana, 180. His satraps d«-prive him of liberty, 181. He is slain by the satraps, 330 years B. C. ; ptu/e 183. Sum- mary of his reign, 183 et seqq. dm. ;— Oehus, ciptiired Sidon, H7, His conquest of Egypt, 141. ; son of Hystas'pes, 153. Con- quests in India, 2H2. Dascylinm, on the Propontic, 73. n rne-* the Persian, 201. ■ . , |>alace of, at Eebatana, 170. Delta of the Nile, 33. of the Indus, 315. Demades the Athenian, 51. Demaratus, his admiration of Alex- ander, 69. 176. He presents Bu- cephalus to that prince, 278. Demetrius, suspected of treason, 194. Deniunicus, son of AthenaMis, 293. Demophon, 393. Demosthenes announces early the deaih of Philip to the Athenians, 25. He insults Alexander, 51,52. Desert of Gedrosia in India, 319. , the Great, 180. , the Western, 144 et seqq. , near the Hyphasis, 289. Diadochi, the ; and the Epigoni, 347. Dinocrates, architect, 143. DiodorusSiculus, 103. Bescriptionoi a suttee, 338. Description of a» entertainment, 359. Diogenes, visited by Alexander, 29. Diomed and his companions, 347. Dionj sins, despot of Heracleia, 341. Dionysus, or Bacchus, 217. 223. 227. Nysa founded by him, 261. 296. The drama sacred to him, 332. Dium,cityof, 53. Statues by Lysip- pus, 72. Dogs of India, described, 311. Doloaspis, an Egyptian, 146. Doxares, Indian chieftain, 266. Drangas territory of the, 312. Drangiana, 194. Dymnns, a conspirator, 190. Easis, in Gedrosia, 327. Ebn Haukal. See 190. 202. 208. Eebatana, Darius flies to this city, 165. 177. Entered by the Coii- ^ queror, 178. 303. Festival, 366. Eclipse of the moon, 153. Edrisi, the geogra|)her, 319. Education, Aristotle's maxims on, 8. Eg\ jn asserts her independence, 55. Subdued by Bagoas, 50. Elephants captured by Alexander, 2ti0. 208. Their importance in battle, 274. Elephants of the Gan- getic valley, 281. 312. Elensis, temple of, 50. Epardus, river of, 239. Ephesus, temple of Diana burnt, 8. Prnresnion, 77. Temple rebuilt, 143. Ephialtest Athenian comnianderi 80. 408 IMBBX. INDEX. 409 Eptcureant, the, 3T5. Epidaiirti*, dei>«tk'» from, 388. Epigoni, corps of, :i-l7. Bpimenes, Enumobcas, uiv >• - «• Ena*pl«. tiver of, ■- KnlogiitJ of Baccliii^, .W4. . Alexamkr, ill. Erigon, river, 39. Erigyimf TcatV - •■^. "«»'»>* 8atib«rxaae> ceas€',255. Either, Botik ul, M4. Ml. EtvmandiT, river, l»4. Eudc'imi*, liis apptnotinenl, 338. Eaergeias or Agrwipa", 195. 3*28. F"i .■>•«!, or Chrtitso*"*. river, 352. :t'», 281 CardiHii, 'ilW. 11 u mirriagi . d^* i . Hii Itud witli ll«pli»«laoD, 3«4. Euphrates, l)«riM» fllt't beyond the, IWJ. «». 349. Euripides, 19. Eurybatei, his death at the Mcge of Theb€», 46. Eurydicc, lb« qneen, 30. liiir>KK;h»s,24T. Buryiiieiltm, river of, 90. Fat* of the Latins, the, 378. Fire worshippers, 166. Fleet , the Peniaii , 71 '"> H crnltef iu the -l-Ifean sea, in I. , Mw. 'H). 201, 202. 313. \' . - ail silly for the safety »>i it of Nearchii»,318. Fortress, cekbratcd hill, 23^1. 23». Gandarkies, Indian nation, GcnceSf the, 2t)l. Gaitgam«la' the Camel's Hooic, 133. Gaia, resistance to AJevaoder, 1.1.^. , or treasury, amon^ ihe Perswn cities, dmcripiion of. ItiH. Ocdrwia, Indian pro V .^ebrated for its desert, 326, j^ '5- , Alexaniler's calamitous inarch. 319 et »rqq. Generals and Trierarchs, catalogoe of the. 203. Cctii% their drfeat, 34. Glaucias commands tlie Taulantii, 37. __ , phxHcian, J«7. Gordian kLi. how loosened, 92. Oorrlium, the Macetlimians aMenibl* at this Phrygian town, J»l. Gordius and Midas, their palaces, «1. GordyiTan mountains, the, 165. Granicus, bailie of the, 65. Grecian triM>p» serving nndcr Ak'\ auder, 59. 179. 186. llW. 292. . — . Darius, 56. Tlieir defc;it, 72. 113. Fn - . -...i al Arbela, 1.58. 186. Greece, lutrwltiction dtscuiJtivi of, 1. Military force of, 57. 2J«. Em bassy to Alexander from, 386. i : of Italy ami Sicily, 370. . .the river, 254. 256. Gm '», the, 10. G\ . liisU, the, 337. G'm le river, 350. 352. Ha-mns, mount : the Balkaih 31. Hafar canal, 350. Hat -sua, capital of CarlB, SO Hai ir, IM. Haian of the Scriptures, 152. Harmmlius and Aiistogeilon, ih. a statues of bronze, 170. H;, 1H4. Hector, son of Pannenio, 192. Heermund, river, 195. 328. He«»»loehu8, admiral, 143. H, % 141. Hl... , at, passage of the, CO. Helmiind. a perforated mounmin, ll'J- H. i. Ill, companion of Alexan , I. In the tent of Uariur. 112. li wounded, 164. His coui. sels, 237. 295. His character, 3U' Kuilds a citadel at Pattala, 315. 317 His uuptialN SU. Hisquarrel with Eumenes, 361. His death, 3«. 348. 377. H< ' ' ' "ies, 'jtu-ii-ii, 308. H. he, 18. Heracun, put to death, 330. Hercules his worship at lyre, l;- Visited the Ammonian Oasis, HJ- Divinity of, 217. 218. His advin iurr> in India, 262. 296. Hcimolaue, 245. Herniiis, river, 75. Herodotus, his visit to Babylon, 166. His account of the death of Cyrus tbc Great, 333. H* ' «, Arrhabaeus, and Amyn- ( nted, 23. Heroopolis the Egyptian, 382. Hidricus of Halicarnassus, 82. Hiero, a sea-captain, 382. Hindoos, history uf the, 292. Homer, Alexander's admiration of, 15. The monarch perambulates the scene of the Iliad, 60. Horses, breed of, 364. Human sacrifices, 39. Hanuim.^n, mythologic personage of India, 262. Hnnting, and parks in Asia, 242. Hydaspcs, the, 265. Width and depth of this river, 268. 291. 296. , the Bactriau, 348. Hydrabad, city, 315. Hydraotes, the river, 279. 296. 301. Hypereides, 52. H}phasis, river, 281. Hyrcanian furests, ship timber, 380. Hyrcania, 180. 184. hxtates, river, 202. 208. Ichneumon, of the river Nile, 344. Idi ! its of, 63. I'i'i an, the, 31.7. Plienomcna of its tides, 316. Indus, the, 253. Rith pasljres, 261. Bridge by which Alexander passetl the river, 265. He sails on the Indus, 312. The Delta, 315. The uidth of the estaary, 316. Iberi, dress of their envoys, 370, 371. lllyrians, the, 21. 41. Immortals of the Persian array, 157. India, the expedition to, 251. 268. Indian king, the great, 281. 289. Indians, 157. 254. 256. lolaus, grove of, 44. loUas, brother of Cassander, 396. Ionian colonies, revolt of the, 3. Iphicrates the Athenian, 20. Iiavati, or Ravee, river, 279. Iron Gate, a gorge so named, 74. Ispahan ; see Ecbatana. jlssus, taken, 103. The Persians re- capture the town, 104. The battle of Issus, 105 et seqq. Italy, state of, 57. Itanes, brother of Roxana, 318. Jaddeus, high priest of the Jews, 137. Jason the Thessalian, 5. Jerusalem, Alexander sacrifices to God in the Temple of, 137. 139. Josephus, the historian, 89. 137. Jugglers, or wonder-workers, 343. Julian, the emperor, 243. Jupiter the King, sacrifice to, 02. '• — Ammon, 144. Kamah, the river, 256. Kelat, the fortress of, 241. Kerrnnd, pass of, 165. Kerkook, fountain of Naphtha at, 166. Khiva, capital of Kharasm, 228. Khorasan, 180. Killuta, island of, 316. Kirman, the lake of, 327, 328. Lacedivmon, deputies from, 186. Laceda-inonians, the, 119. Lampsaciis, modern Lamsaki, 64. Langarus the Agrian, 3S. Launice, nurse of Alexander, 9. 226. Laomedou, of Amphipolis, 28. 293. Lebanon, mount, 120. Leonnatus, early preceptor of Alex- ander, 9. 82. Receives a presenf from the hero, 137. the son of Eunus, 303. Offends Alexander, 221. He is wounded, 254. 306. 318. 347. Lesbos, its cities, 99. 143. Leuctra, the Spartans defeated at, 4. Libya, ambassadors from, 370. Lion, Alexander combats a, 243. Lycia, 83, 84. Lycon, Phormion, and Arislon, 344. Lycus, river, 152. Lydians, their history, 74. Lydia governed by the Mirmnadae, 4. Lyiicestis, province of, 294. Lysimachus, the preceptor, 9. , king, 243. 269. 280. 341. L>sippu8, sculptor, 72. 244. Lychnidas, or Ochrida, lake, 39. L3 ginus, action near this river, 33. Lyncestian princes, the, 22. 294. Macednian tribe, 18. Macedonia, its kings, 18. Its supre- macy depended upon opinion, 57. Ma^ander, river, 90. ££ 410 IKDEX. INDEX. 411 M • n, *103. ... , ;. iiipk' at, 103. Ill, hi» viciory, 31MI, . htr wotind* ,•■ , .i; ~ , . ,,..„. ., , ;mu. 3ic». Miiiltati towns twkeii t>v stonii, 21>). Manieancia, city of, «rt. Hl'i. 2tit. MarathtiA, icmu of Flicfnici.i, 114. Mitrdi. Co^!',^■^,&: l*»r.»taca', 177. 18C. Mai'futis, the Ukf, 14*2. Margeitis. a fictitU»ns p«>i»tHiai;r, 51. M " ' ' 'iuoit into, *£ttf.-13». \lar»>a«, simrccs of the river, M. Ma.sj>ag4, town of: Ma»8aKi»ur. t5tl. MsmMg^lx, Scvtliiaos, 201). t'ii*, 2W. Mrtasolim, his tomb. 82. Mawaraliiitiir, of tlit> Arabians, IW. T ■■ '• I- tXi. I M ' in Eg>|)i, 141. Maxt«;:us, FtTinari i.alr.ip, 15'. K**- flored tt» bi» gdvrrninriH, Hit. 377. i^lt'Cca, 383. Mtntiiis of L 1 . 3W7- Mwius, rivfi - Medrt; see Per»ians, M. V . . :-. 83. \i , town naiiie• Mentor llie HbiKitKi, :»<». lHron,a royal |>«g*^. 1S*0. Mii.ks, t'iinU-nsof, 18. Hw ptisce, 91. bt-clartd King of Phrygia, »2. Milttiis, caoital of Ionia, TT, J». Vlilvas, in Lycia, 85. Miiitjva, «le in baule. 71. Mil) lent!, be»iegeiiMnu», king, 312. 314, 315. Ms Ilea*, son of Zoiliis of Btrui, 'ti^. Mjia ami Tlos, citiei of Ljtia, »4. Myriandins, town «>f, U»3. Mirrh, of tlie Indian ' •, 32«. Nab,irf,ine», the IVrMau, IHI. Nahiich^dunosor capniK'd Tyr«' , lit. N.;mhus. friend ot .\lexaudii, v:>. 32!». Hi> mainaue, 341. 347. Hi nails up the Euphrates to Hh Ion, 381. Nioptoltnuis, first enteru i S4crifiee8a:an plain, 365. Oa»i!«, Aminonian, riitited, 143. Ochus, river, 2mpias, the queen, her descent from Achilles, 7. Her quarrel will King Philip, 16. Her diacwuteui 3G2. ()Jy;,.pns, town in Lycia, 84. Oinare.s, . Orestes, son of Archeluu>4. 19. Onnus, city ai.d i-nlaiid of, 328. Oruntcs, death of, 204. Oroulobates, his defeat, 99. Orpheus, statue of, omtm, 53. Ortospaiia, city of, 2.52. OiAines, a Persian, 3;i«». Oxatbres, his tieaih, 3.'19. Ovus, river, 128. 200. Oxyartes, father of Rovaua, 234. 238. brothfi of Darius, 341. . , Indian chieftain, 313. Ovydates, satrap of Media, 181. 231. Oxydracaj, 297, 298. 307. 310. P.eunians, their civilization, 37. Pagis, conspiracy of the rojal, 245. Palestine, conquest of, KJ5." Palibotlira, Indian city, 281. Pailacopas, a canal in AssMJa, 384. Palus Ma?oti8, 32. Pamphylia invaded, 83. Pail, the g*H]. 263. Paumeus, mount, 'M. Pautarchu-., son of Nuolau.s 293. Paphlagonia, 94. Papjrii » Cursor, 371. Panetacn', Ihe, 177. 239. Paralus, the Athenian ship, 119. Pdruieniu, 28. 00. His advice on the bank of the Granicus, (k). At xVr- bela. 156. He is condeinnetl to death, l>»8— 194. j Paropannsus, the, 203. 251. Paisagarda or Persepolis, 3:iO. Parthia overrun by Alexander, 184. Parthian cavalr> : archers, 1.58. Pasargada built by Cyrus, 177. Its treasury, 180. Alexander at, 333. Pt ■ ' , tribe of the Persians, 330. P- . kiiig of .Soli, 150. J'ttsj -Tigris, river, 170. 349. [Passes of Mount Taurus, 89. 95. Of Mount Amauus, 103. Patara, town of Lycia, 83. Pattala, city of, 315. 317, 318. Pattalene, the, 315. Pausanias, dethronement of, 20. , assassinates Philip, 17. 23. Peithagoras, a diviner, 377. Peilhon, 230. 29f». He kills a boa constrictor, 300. He makes Mu sicaniis his prisoner, 314. 393. Pellium besieged and burnt, 39. Pelusium. march to, 141. PeiTott', now Bergase, 64. Perdiccas, founder of the M.-jcedo- nian mouaichy. 18. , sonof Amyntas, 20. Death of this king, 21. , his camptigns under Alex- ander, 68. 224. 253. 303. Perga, and vale of the Cestrus, m. Perimliiis, attack of, 50. Perseitclis, Alexander hastens to seize upon, 175. The palace, 170. Its ruins near Istakar, 177. 336. Perseus, 143. Persian Gates, the defde now callod Kelat Sutfeed, 172. Gulf, the voyage to the. 349. women, beauty of the, 344. Persians, 360. Their customs, 389. Persis, or Persia Proper, 170. 172. Peteues, 64. 71. Peucaliotes, march through, 253. Pence, island in the Danube, 31. Peucela, the city, 253. Peucestas bears the sacred buckler from Ilium, 303. 306. His conduct as satrap of Persis, 337. 347. His guests at a great feast, 359. He leads troops to Babylon, 380. 393. Phalanx, the Macedonian, 07. Pharasinanes, the Chorasmian, 227. l*harnaces, slain at the Granicus, 71. Pharnabazus, 100. Pharnuches, the I.ycian, 213. Pharus, the island of, 142. Phaselis, city of, m. Phasimelus, dancer, 344. Philip, king of Macedonia, 5. As- sassination of, 6. 17. Victorious at Charomeia, 16. His reign, 21. His marriage with Cleopatra, 16. His military successes, 58. — — — , the physician, 96. , .«atrap of the territory we>l of the Indus, 295. 311. 327. 412 INDEX. INDEX. 41^ Philota*, Mm of Ptrmenio, 68. lOft. His complricy and €ic-ciitioii, 189. , son of Carsiu, the Thiacian, mm mm '9 Pboeioii, Arhenian commander. 51. PhoE-nkia, 114. Conquest of, 118. PhaiiiciHn nuTchantii, 3*10. Phrasaoitts, taiiap of Pursis, 336. Phratapheriw'S, satrap, 231. Phylarchut quoted by Atb€MmM,S79. Pieria, 33. Pinara, Lycian city, 83. PiuaruA, rivii, l«»4. PiiKlar's house respecteil, 47. Pirates of Parapbyliaaud Cilick,84. Piiiila-, the. m, 90. Platxa «k:stroyed by the Thcbans, 49. Plato, 250. Plunder, the Asiatic conquests often exempted from, 73. Plotarch, S»0. Description of Alex- amler's reiurii, 331. 394. Pnytajsoras, king of Cyprus, 1*27. Polemon, evasion of, IM. Politics, Ari-' ■" <»*"> •*• p,j.,r...,as, i...,- i : - - - iia, I'll. P A, 340. P er, 213. 215. Pi t" of, 7. Porns, cl< 1* of King, 2«5. ^c euartlft i..v ..tiik of the Hvdaspes, 166. His xon slain. 271. His order ofbatil i.erb armour, ajfl. 1 >• He II re- ftored by Alexander, 277. Hw kiuRdom extendei!, 295. -, saruauieil The Cowanl, 279. Practius, description of this river, 64. Prasians. Umi dwelling near the Ganges, fftO. PHapiis, city of, 65, Protesilaus, tomb of, 60. Ptolemy Alorites, regency of ,^20. , son of La2u», «- Defeats Orontobates, 98. He oppresses tiie Jews, 140. 247. Slays an Imlian king, 2*4. 259. Is wounded by a poiiomsd arrow, yi6. His marriage with the daughter of Arlabaiu*. Ml. Quotations from, 251. 307. 332. 394. ,son of Philip, fords the GraniciM, 08. 81.201. ■, ton of Selcucns, 83. Ptolemy, wrMMed The latmder, 335. Punjab, ndna of the, 395. Pura, near the desert of Geilrosm, 319. Arrival in this city, 320. Putrid Sea, the, 32. Pyrrhus, king of Eplras, 372. Rama. Hindoo god, 2«2. Ilamb vvn built at, 310. Ras M on, Uie cape called, 3b'2. Red Sea, the, 382. Rev, in Arabia, 180. Rhacotis, town of, 142. Rheomithres, 64. 113. Rhag.e, near the Caspian Gate?, 180, Rhci-saces slain at the Granicus, 70. Rhyridacu*. the vale of the, 74. Robbers «.f Mount Lebanon, 122. Oi the Ixian defiles, 171. Romans, their embassy, 371. Roxana, 236. 397. Sabaccs, his death, 113. Sabbas, or Sambus, 314. Sabte, the frankincense of, 387. Saraf. the, 158. ^ . 'IS, 90. h.;.........*.isar besieged Tyre, 120. Samarcand, or Maracanda, city of. airi. lis valley described, 203. 2l'i Samaritans, revolt of the, 140. Saniorin, throne of the, 380. Saniosiua, the bridge at, 151. Sandracuttus. the j^reat sovereign, 2Ji!> SMngala,a5' ity of India, 279 Sangarius, lij ■ . 91. Sapha, or the watch-tower, 138. Sardanapalus, statue of, 98. Sartlrs, city of, 4. 74. Sarus, river, 103. Sassanida', dynasty of the, 179. Satibarzanes, the satrap, 181. Mur derer of Darius, 183. Restoretl t power by the conqueror, 187. Hi> treachery and flight, 188. Slaiu by Erigy ius, 196. Scauiander and Simois, rivers, 63. Scordisci, < 'be, 36. Sc>thiaus,l.- : .208.209.211.34.5 SelcHceia founded, 352. SeUucus, 26i). His treaty with thi i Indian Sandracoltus,289. He m;.. ries Apama,341. 385. \t Babyl-n on the decease of Akxander, ^yj. Semiramis, 178. The army of, 32.* Seiapis, temple of, 393. 395. SeMu«, the fleet at, 60. jShat nl-Arab, river, 349. jSliips on the Hydaspes, 291. 311. Shu."., wilderness of, 169. Lsimslor, the modern, 170. 3(i3. Sibyrtius, satrap of Arachosia, 327. Sidon, ii8 history, 117. Sihoon, river, 204. Silliiim an. Jtateira, daughter of Darius, married by Alexander, 340. jSti ppes, A.'*iaiic, 185. 208. »lr.ibo, citations from, h4. 88. 2(J7. 312. 321». .31*6. »tratonice, Macedonian princess, 90. MiHjlns, river, 2.^)6. ^usa, <*urrendere«l to Alexander, 167. The Memnoneiiim, 169. 352. Jusia, a city of Areiii, 187. ^iiiiians, or C- -, 168. >u^iHlla, 332. i ». ^iittee, of an Indian widow, 33S. >yene8ijs of Cilicia, the, 103. >yria, passes between Cilicia and, 97. Syrian Gates, the, 102, iyrian woman, saves Ab'v.imlrr from ^ conspirators, 246. \vrmus, a Triballian leackr, 31. 36. Tacilit.s, .305. Tapeiri, land of the, 185. Tai-sus, city of, 95, 96. Taurus, mount, bandits of, 81. 94. Taxila, Indian city, 265. .3.17. Taxiles, an Indian ruler, 253. 265. 276. 328. Tehran, city of, 186. Telmissus, soothsayers of, 83. , a town, SO. Termessus, Pisidian fortress, S5. Thais at Per.«epolis, 176. Thapsacii.s, 381. , Zeugma on the Euphrates at, 151. Thebe.«, the governors slain, 42. Sieuc, 43. 45. 47. VX Th«-ode€tes, armourer, 160. Thersippus, his mission, ILl. Thessalians, the, 26. 179. 199. Thessalus, Alhenodoni'*, and Aristo- critus, irai-edians, 150. 344. Thinibron, 340. Thoas, son of Menodorus, 293. 327. Thracians, defeat of the, 30. Thrasybulns the Athenian, 80. Thy mode*, son of Mentor, 100. Tides, hi<^ii, <>f the Indian ocean, 316. Titjer, the Bengal, .301. Tiuri.s river, 152. 268. 319. Tiin.'inthes, son of Panliades, 293. Tiniolans, 44. Timotheiis, 344. Timonr, conquests of, 238. 370. Tiridates, 175. Tithonns and Aurora, 169. Tmohis, mount, 75. ( Ponnris, the Si-ythian queen, .333. I Tratisoxiana, \\\v, 199. 204. Tribidii, victory over the, 34. Troas, i-lMilians inhabiting the, 61. Troy, visited by Alexander, 61. Tn.scans, eHd)assy of the, 370, 371. ; Tvana, city of, 95. Tyre, siege of, 118. City described "by Pliny, 121. The harbour, 125. Cruellies perpetrated, 130. Urgantz, town of, 200. Uxian and Mardian mountaineers, 1.58. 170, 171. 278. Uzbek Tartars, the, 237. 252. Valentine's Day, St., .342. Vincent, Dr., quotation from, 315. FF 114 INDEX. \,inthu», riTer,"iS. , city of, 83. Xenophoii deuils the mwle of bury- ing the Macedonians who fill in battle, 72. Maxim reported by, 150. AnecdoteK, W4. *2*22. His accounl of the death of Cyrus the Great, 333. 344. Xerxes, sacrificed to the IHan Mi- nt rva, 63. Phindered Babylon, 1«6. His statue at Persepolis, 176. Yezd, road Uuroa|li, ISO. Zab the Great, or river Lycus, 152. the Little, or Caprus river, 1.V2. Zadra Carta, royal road to, 185, Isi,. Zagrus, nioant. 165. 171. 350. Tl„ Ctmls inhabiting it, 370. 395. ZcUia, the satraps i.i force at, 64. 73, Zeugma, name of three bridges, 1"! Zuriah, the lake, 196. 328. THE END. LON dok: miNTBU IV C. ROWORTH, BU.LL YAHt>, Tft-MPLS BAH. COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY LIB! ^1 >'- book i ^u' ^p 1 0' V ind' '^^^ b'^' 8S^ .07 Wfc7 JAN 2 a mr