A L E TTE R F R O M A BY-STANDER T O A Member of Parliamant : Wherein is Examined What Neceffity there is for the Main¬ tenance of a Large Regular L A N D- Force in this Island; What Proportions the Revenues of the Crown have born to thofe of the People, at different Periods from the Reftoration to His prefent M A J E S T Y’s Acceffion. And whether the Weight of Power in the Regal or Popular Scale now preponderates. The Third Edition. LONDON: Printed for J. Robinson, at the Golden-Lion in Ludgate-Street. M dccxliii. . Price One Shilling and Six Pence. A LETTER FROM A BY-STANDER T O A Member of Parliament, &c. s i r. a F I apprehend rightly the Circum- ftances of the prefent Juncture, it is no Time for Apology, nor a pro¬ per Seafon to trouble you with any Impertinencies concerning my own Modefty and Diffidence in Writing; it is fuf- ficient, that I am induced to it out of a Regard to my Country, to the Freedom and Welfareof it, and a Defire that fome Points of the utmofl: Confequence to thefe fhould be better under- ftood, and more candidly received by the People of Britain. It is a Profpeft that is very melancholy to every one that regards the Liberty and Happi- nefs [ 6 ] nefs of Mankind, to obferve the prodigious mi¬ litary Eftablilhments in every Kingdom and Province of Europe ; thefe have for above a Cen¬ tury paft been continually increafing in all Parts around us. Princes formerly vy’d with each other in the Variety and Gaiety of their Diver- fions; magnificent Tilts and Tournaments, with Hunting and Hawking delighted thofe that were the moil martial, while fumptuous Feaft- ings and Mafks employed the milder Genius of others; and the moil puifiant then chiefly gra¬ tified their Ambition by poffefling extenfive Chafes and Forefts: But their Thoughts are now directed to more formidable Ends; their Expences are almofl: all employed in rendering themfelves terrible to their Neighbours; and for¬ tified Towns and Citadels are the i’overeign Game they hunt after. Applications of this hoftile Turn in fome, foon made them neceffary in all •, and we now fee the Face of Europe overfpread with military Grandeur ; and immenfe Bodies of Men, not call’d together as formerly, from the Plough, to make any fudden Irruption, but conftantly main¬ tained and kept apart for the Purpofesof War ; their Time is employed folely in Exercifes of this Sort, and they are trained up with exquifite Skill in the Art of flaughtering their Fellow- Creatures. The regular Forces of France in Time of Peace amount to about 200,000 Men, which if there be Occafion are readily augmented to 300,000, or a much greater Number, out of their efiiblilhed Militia. Let any one confider how [y] formidable thefe are to all neighbouring States.- The Troops of the King of Sardinia at prefent amount to about 50,000 Men, which he main¬ tains only in the Dutchies of Savoy and Piedmont: The late King of Pruffia in the midft of profound Peace kept up 100,000 difciplined Soldiers, which are faid to be fince conliderably aug¬ mented by his Succeffor. Nor are thefe military Expences barely for Pomp and Ornaments; the Ufe that has lately been made of the Prujftan Troops is evident to the World j and that the Soldiery of France are not merely defign’d for Shew, has been fufficiently demonftrated for this laft Century, nor requires to be prov’d by their prefent perfidious Attack of the Houfe of Auftria. This being the melancholy Situation of Things, it is become abfolutely necefiary for every State that would preferve its prefent Exiftence, to fup- port a considerable Body of difciplin’d Troops: And the more fo, fince the only imaginable Refource and Security of the Weaker, by form¬ ing defenfive Alliances and Confederacies, ap¬ pears in this Day to be of no Effedl: Themoft folemn Engagements are impioufly violated; Dominions are ravaged by thofe that have gua¬ rantied them; and the World at the fame Time fneeringly appeal’d to, for the Purity of the Ravagers Intentions. It is indeed the Happinefs of a Britain to be furrounded by the Sea, which is our glorious Barrier and Defence; it is this that preferves us fecure from the perpetual Alarms which diflurb the Powers on the Continent, which if we were join’d joined to, we fliould unavoidably be put to an immenfe Expence in fupporting Fortifications and frontier Towns •, and could not maintain our Rank and Security with lels than 120,000 difciplin’d Men, conftantly kept up without any Remilfion. But though we are free from pre- fent Alarms of Invafion, and are Mailers of the moft potent Navy that ever appeared upon the Globe, yet let us not be too confident of our own Security : It is by no means imprafricable for a Body of Troops to be landed in Britain , notwithftanding the utmoft Vigilance of our Fleet; Forces may be pour’d in upon us from Abroad by the fame Winds that lhall block up our own Ships in their Ports -, the glorious Re¬ volution and the Recovery of all our Rights de¬ pended chiefly upon.this Contingency ; and in the Reign of that heroic Prince, our Deliverer, an Invafion was twice determined to have been made upon us from France : The Tranfports were prepar’d, and the Troops appointed to each Expedition were ready to embark, but they were both wonderfully prevented •, though the Hifto- ries of that Time fufiiciently teftify the Terrors we were under, and the Confidence of our Ene¬ mies, upon thole Occafions. The fmall Embarkation at Dunkirk , in the be- ginning of the Year 1708, caus’d the moft dreadful Alarm amongft us; and though the French did not venture to land in Scotland, yet our Fears were fo great, that our public Credit was in the utmoft Danger; the Government Securities prodigioufly fell; and had the Exprefs from Sir George Bing of his Arrival in the Firth of Edinburgh , and of the Retreat of the French , been deferr’d a few Hours longer, the Bank of England had been ablolutely ruin’d. And however thofe who defirea Change, may fet forth our Inland Strength, and proclaim us to be invincible ; yet the real Sentiments of the moft difcerning Men are beft difcover’d by the Effedts which Alarms of an Invafion have upon our Public Credit; fpecious Arguments are ea- fily brought on either Side, either to prove our Power or Weaknefs: But the Public Credit is in fome meafure the Pulfe of the Nation ; and however this may be (lightly affedted by aceiden- dental Diforders, yet while it continues to beat high and regular in general, the Nation may be deem’d to be in a vigorous healthy State: Nor is it any Objedtion to this to fay, that the Rife and Fall of our Public Stocks is continually influenced by falfe, as well as by true Reports. For this will be far from proving that their Variation is no In¬ dex at all ; on the contrary it Ihews that it is the more extenfm one: And" if any Report of an Event refpedting ourfelves, whether founded in Truth or not, confiderably lowers the Value of our Public Securities, it undeniably appears, that fuch an Event isconfidered by the moft wife and wealthy Part of the People, as a real Detriment to the Nation : And when it is thus confidered, it evidently becomes fo, by lefiening the Public Credit, and diminifhing the Property circulating in the Kingdom. This Matter will be more precifely deter¬ mined, by throwing it into the Form of the following Propofitions. [ 10 ] PROP. I. The Report of an Event refpefling ourfehes, that is fuppofed to have actually happened, will have a greater or lefs Effeft upon our public Securities, according to the Opinion that prevails, of theTrutb of the Report, and of the Conferences that will enfue from this Event. PROP. II. The Report of an Event refpefting ourfehes, that is fuppofed not yet to have happened, but to be only in Agitation, will have a greater or lefs Effeft upon our public Securities, according to the Opinion that prevails, of the Probability that this Event will really happen, of the Succefs of it in cafe it does happen, and of the Conferences that will enfue, in cafe it is attended with Succefs. Of the former of thefe Sorts of Events is a Defeat or Vidtory ; of the later any intended Enterprize or Attack : Upon which it may be obferved, that' if an Event of this later Sort happens, and inftead of advancing our Public Credit, rather occafions its Eeclenfion ■, fuch an Event, however it may be recommended and ap¬ plauded, is underftood by the difcerning Part of the Nation to contain no real publick Advan¬ tage; but it may properly be faid, (to go on with the fame Speculation) that it muft how¬ ever be admitted, from this ' fmall Variation of our public ‘ Credit,- that this Event contains no very ill Confequences. In order to examine into this, it will be neceffary to obferve the Ten¬ dency [ 11 ] dency of this Variation ; and whether it be not towards a Diminution of tiie Value of our pub¬ lic Securities, rather than an Advancement: For if this Ihould be the cafe, it will fufficiently de- monftrate that fuch an Event has been detrimen¬ tal in general; and why it has been no more fo, is not at once to be attributed to its own na¬ tural Harmlejjnefs , if it Ihould entirely fucceed ; but perhaps to its being difappointed of total Snccefs ; as, fuppofe, by its Extent being nar¬ rowed, and by a Check being put upon that Part of it, which is the moft malignant. Thefe are Speculations of an abftraft Nature, which the Reader mull: excufe my falling into; though I confefs they are not fo peculiar, as they Ihould be, to the Subjeft of a Foreign Invafion upon this Kingdom: A Point which I could wifli was more coolly attended to; And that we were not fo unreafonably poflelfed with a Confi¬ dence of our own natural Strength, as to be per¬ petually railing at the Means, which feem abfo- lutely necelfary to our Safety; And indeed what¬ ever we may boaft when our Enemies are quiet, our Alarm upon any Apprehenfions of their intending an Attack upon us, is as terrible as can.be imagined ; and plainly demonftrates by the moft fenfible Effefts upon our public. Cre¬ dit, the real Opinion we then have of our own Weaknefs, and of the Probability of Succeis againft us. Her late Majefty Queen Anne was much indifpofed the latter End of the Year 1713, and continued fo the January follbwing, when an Article was publilhed in the Pofl-Boy, that the French were equipping fourteen Men of War, with Tranfports to receive twelve or four- B z teen [ 12 1 teen Thoufand Men. Now though this was entirely a Fiftion, yet the Dread of its Rea¬ lity fo affefted the Nation, that in an Inftant the public Securities fell, and a prodigious Run was made upon the Bank , who call’d in Forty per Cent, from the Subfcribers to the circula¬ ting of the Exchequer- Bills, and deputed four of their Dire&ors to wait upon the Trea- furer in this Exigency to reprefent the Danger they were under. The News was at length difcover’d to be falfe, and fo the Terror of the People gradually abated : But luch was our Dread at that Time upon the leaft Surmife of an Invafion. I am fenfible that the Ulnefs of the Queen was alledg’d by fome to occafion this Shock of our Credit j and her Majefty was induc’d to fend a Letter from Windfor to the Lord Mayor of London , with an Account of her Health being more eftablifh’d : but, however this Suggeftion that the Public Credit depended on Her Ma- jefty’s Life might agreeably flatter the Queen, fhe was, perhaps, the only Perfon in the King¬ dom that really believ’d it, or imagin’d our Credit would fuffer by her Deceafe, provided the Broteftant Succeffion had been efteem’d fe- cure ; fo that the Shock we endured lay wholly upon the Sulpicions which were held of the 'Lory Miniftry, and upon the Senfe of our real Inability to withftand an Invafion. How much of this Evil was to be attributed to the general Opinion of the Minifterial Attachment at that Time to the Pretender , is difficult for me to determine; let thofe who were then in the i Con- [ 13 ] Confidence of that Miniftry, and are now pro- tefting their Fidelity, and taking Oaths, to the prefent Eftablifhment, point out this Quantity, and what Portion of this Evil was juftly due to fuch Apprehenfions; and the Remainder of it then muft really arife from the general Senfe of our own Weaknefs: But, if they aver their Ig¬ norance, and declare their Difbelief of fuch Mi- nifterial Defigns, or of any ill Effedts on that Account, it will then come entirely to this, that the Shock of our publick Credit at that Time, and the great Diminution of the Property cir¬ culating in the Kingdom, was folely owing to the Alarm of the French Invafion, and the Con- fcioufnefs we were under, upon its being at¬ tempted, of the great Probability there was of its Succefs. It could not but be very Blocking to every Englijhman , who refledfed on the Glory of his Country a few Years before, and the Terrors of France from the Britijh Troops, to view the Scene fo quickly changed, to obferve Britain dreading the Attacks of the French , and tremb¬ ling at every Motion of their Troops; and it muft powerfully convince him, that the Main¬ tenance of a confiderable regular Land-Force is at all Times requifite to the Safety and Happi- nefs of his Country. It is very well known that the chief Induce¬ ment to Lewis the Fourteenth to conclude the Treaty of Reifwick, was in order to break the Grand Alliance, to have Opportunities of pradti- fing upon the Eledtor of Bavaria , who was Go¬ vernor vernor of the Spanijh Netherlands, and in hopes that the Allies, particularly Great Britain, would difarm, and weaken t'nemfelves, while he fhould at the fame Time cherilh and fupport his own Troops in their full Vigour and Number, and of courfe be ready to feize the Spanijh Monarchy upon the Demife of the King then regnant, be¬ fore any tolerable Force could be brought a- gainft him. How well he fucceeded in thefe De- figns is fufficiently known ; our Great Deliverer was far from being infenfible of them, but the Expence of the War being grievous to his People, he was defirous of giving us fome Re- fpite; at the fame Time warning us of the Views of the French, and pointing out the Neceflity of our fupporting a proper Body of regular Troops: But fo great was the Malice of the Tories, and the Infatuation of the Whigs, that no more would be fuffer’d to be maintain’d amongft us than about feven Thoufand Men, though the French King had no left than three hundred Thoufand Veteran Soldiers under our Nofes; and Plots and Affaffinationsagainft our Glorious Mo¬ narch were perpetually concerted. How greatly the Spirits of the French were hereby elated, is eafy to conceive; and it muft move the Indignation and Concern of every true Englifhman, to refleft on their triumphing in the Tranfaftions of our own Parliament, infult-, ing our Deliverer, and fubduing the Britijh Troops in St. Stephen's Chapel, whom they could never fairly overthrow in the Field. It cannot be forgot what Ingratitude was fhewn to our Glorious Prince, with refpeft to a few Butch Guards: [i5] Guards: his Majefty had a generous Afteftion for Men, who had bravely fought by his Side from his very Youth, and had proved their Valour and Fidelity upon numberlefs Occafions; he imagin’d they had fome Merit likewife with England, if the Part which they bore in the Refcue of our Laws, Religion, and Liberties, was to be thought fo, and their peculiar Share in the important Viftory of the Boyne. It was his Majefty’s Defire therefore, that thefe gallant Men might be received amongft our own Troops; but it was infolently determin’d to thruft them away: His Majefty interceded for them, and acquainted the Commons,“That he fliouldtake “ it very kindly, if they might be permitted to “ flay amongft us :”andit is hardly tobebeliev’d that it Ihould be denied to our Glorious Deli¬ verer, by thofe People he had fo lately refcued: It was know that he had it nearly at heart; and it could not be deny’d that the Nation was in¬ finitely oblig’d to thefe gallant Men: But alas! thefe were Objections, inftead of Recommenda¬ tions with the Tory Leaders; and they gratify’d their Malice in mortifying his Majefty, and putting a Difgrace, to the utmoft oftheirPower, upon thofe who fo bravely afted for the Caufe of Liberty, in almoft every Field of Europe. Such was the Tery-Gratitude to William the Third; but the Account is too melancholy to be long infifted upo'n, and muft affeft every generous Breaft with the moft tender Concern and Uneafinefs. In Ihort, thefe Troops were unworthily torn from him, and left their He¬ roic General with Tears, but ftepp’d from an ungrateful Land with Scorn and Deteftation. I f 16] I am by no means infenfible chat the Reduc¬ tion of the Army at that Time was concurred in by feveral well-meaning Whigs: and it is well known they heartily repented of it afterwards. “ I “ was (fays anobleLord in theYear 1733) oneof “ thofe who were the Caufe of the Army’s being “ reduced fo low after the Peace of Reifieick,per- “ haps, I repented of what I did at that Time, “ becaufe of the Turn that the Affairs of Eu- “ rope took foon after.” Hijl. Reg. Vol. 18. pag. 256. HisLordfliip undoubtedly afted in that Bufmefs, as well as fome other Gentlemen, in Support, as they thought, of our Conftitution ; and imagin’d, as fome Whigs do at prefent , that the Tories were all converted, and united with them in a fincere Regard for our Liberties: But the Confequence was alpioft fatal; the French feeing nothing at hand to oppofe them, were tempted to. feize the Spani/Ii r Monarchy; the Elector of Bavaria obferving 'their Power, and the \Veaknefs of other unguarded Nations, yielded into their Hands ihzSpaniJh Netherlands ; and the immenfe Expence of Blood and Trea r lure which was afterwards/pent in attempting their Recovery, was chiefly' owing to the fatal difarming of ourfelves after the Treaty of Reijwick. It cannot be imagined by any Gentlemen, that France is lefs active or defigning at prefent, than fire was then; or that we have lefs Caufe now to be upon our guard ; on the contrary our Circum- ftances at prefent,even if it was a Time of Peace, require a much greater Number of regular Troops than they did formerly. Our Pofleffions of Gibraltar [ i7] and Portmahone, Annapolis and Placentia, with other confiderable Places more than formerly we enjoyed, neceffarily demand not only a Body of Troops forr their Garrifon, but likewife an ad¬ ditional Number at Home, ready to be dif- patched to their Relief upon any Occafion, with¬ out leaving ourfelves unguarded. To this there is to be added a farther Confi- deration, of the greateft Confequence, and that is, the large Increafe of the French Shipping; it be¬ ing certain that the Number of their Merchant Ships i3 of late prodigioufly augmented: So that fhould they,under thefe Circumltances,determine to invade us, they will no more be at a Lofs for Tranfports, as they have been formerly, but may aftually land any Troops they pleafe upon us, before we have the leaft: Notice. This I apprehend is a new Article of the ut- moft Importance againft us, and loudly calls for the ferious Attention of every true Briton. It is our Happinefs atprefent, but may prove our Milery, without a proper Guard, that Riches and Plenty abound amongft us; and that every Part of our Country is capable of fubfifting a numerous Army. The open Cities and Towns thac are fpread throughout, are a great Tempta¬ tion, and can make little Refiftance to a power¬ ful Invader; and as the French are at prefent able to provide Tranfports fufikient for a large Body of Troops, at four or five different Ports at the fame Time, for fo fhort a Voyage as to Britain or Ireland, it feems next to impofiible for us to block them all up, and prevent their C Em- [i8] Embarkation, even under our prefent Superiority of naval Force; efpecially if it be confidcred what Advantage may be taken of any Separation of our Fleet, or Ablence of a Part of it upon Convoys or other Emergencies. It is indeed to be hoped that in England, we are generally united in an hearty Attachment to the ProteftantSucceflion, in the prefent illuftrious Family; however it is certain that we have many who are lukewarm , and not a few who are real Jacobites. In Scotland the Inclination of many Families are known to be favourable to the Pre¬ tender, and the French Intereft; and the Multi¬ tude of Papifts in Ireland, greatly fuperior to the Proteftants, leave no room to doubt of their Wilhes and Principles. It is the conftant Bufi- nefs and Application of thefe to follicit foreign Attacks upon us, and they are ready to join any Force that fliall be landed ; and how great an Encouragement thefe Circumftances are to an Invafion upon us, I leave to every Gentleman that defires our Welfare, calmly to refled!. If a regular Force of twenty or thirty Thou- fand Men, was embark’d for Ireland in Trans¬ ports and Frigates from Bourdeaux, and at the fame Time an equal Body for Scotland, from Ca¬ lais and Graveline ; whilft a powerful Squadron of French Men of War at Brefi, and a Body of Land Forces encamp’d at La Hogue and Diep employ’d the Attention of the Britijh Fleet, and kept them in the Channel; I fay, if we were thus attack’d, let every Englijhman, that loves his Country, think on the Conlequences of l'uch an ■Invafion, and determine coolly, whether a con¬ siderable [ J 9 ] Hderable Land Force is not always neceffary for the Safety of Britain. If in fuch a Conjuncture likewife the Crown of Spain fhould be againft us, and join their Fleet to the French , our own Navy mull con¬ tinue in the Channel, and could fcarcely venture to fend any Detachments to Scotland and Ireland , without being inferior to the Fleet of the Bour¬ bon Family. In this Situation likewife the Dutch might be aw’d by an Army upon their Frontiers, or otherwife entangled; whilft the Swedes might be induced tojoin in the Invafion upon Scotland, as the Spaniards naturally would in that upon I am by no means verfed in Plans of this Sort; but if it be eafy for any one, the moft unacquainted in fuch Matters, to point out the Dangers we are continually fubjeft to, without a fufficient regular Land Force, it may well be imagined that Perfons, who are ufed to thefe Defigns, will readily demonftrate the Facility of invading us, upon much better Schemes; for it is not to be imagin’d that the French want Pro¬ jectors ; and I fhall not be accufed of inftruft- ing our Enemies, by thofe who have our Wel¬ fare truly at Heart; on the contrary, fuch will bejuftly alarmed at our great Weaknefs, and honeftly concur in proper Meafures for our Se¬ curity. It is fufficiently obvious, that the landing of Troops from Spain upon the North of Ireland is fubjeft to li.ttle Obltruftion; and the Difficul¬ ties Queen Elizabeth was involv’d in by fuch At- C 2 tacks [ 20 ] tacks the greateft Part of her Reign, are abun¬ dantly recorded ;'they perplexed her Affairs, and exhaufted her Treafure, more than all other Circumftances together. It is likewife very well known, how eafily King James, in 1690, was convey’d from France to Ireland, with a great Number of Scotch and Irijh ; and after¬ wards 5000 difciplin’d French Soldiers were landed there under Monfieur Laufun, and 5000 Irijh returned to France in their Stead. We were then fuperior at Sea, yet the French were at no great Difficulties in fupplying their Troops in Ireland with Ammunition and other Neceflaries, as far as they judg’d proper; and at laft, when the Affairs of King James became defperate there, they withdrew the fame Troops again, with great Numbers of Irijh, in fpite of all the Attempts of our Squadrons': So that let no one imagine that the Retreat of our Invaders is ab- folutely impracticable; but the Facility of their landing upon us is quite undeniable. Hoy/ we are to oppofe them when landed, without a confiderable Body of regular Troops, is difficult to be conceiv’d : It was generally ad¬ mitted that th eDutch when they entred th dTbames, and burnt our Ships at Chatham, might have fenta Body of regular Troops into the City of London. King James in his intended Invafion of us from Calais in the Year 1692, with about fixteen or feventeen thoufand Men, defigned up¬ on his landing to have marched immediately to our Metropolis, being fenfible he could meet v/ith little Obftruction ; and it is very well •known in his late Majefty’s Reign, that a fmall [21] Body of Highlanders traverfed the greateft part of this Kingdom without Oppofition. The Be¬ haviour of the Weftmoreland Militia in thisBufi- nefs, who ran away at the firfl: Sight of them, though encouraged by feveral experienced Offi¬ cers, may Efficiently open our Eyes; and the Confufion and Terror of undifciplin’d People upon all thefe Occafions, may fully convince us, how little we can depend on any thing for our Safety, but a regular Land Force. The Power of our Navy, it is readily owned, is greater than ever; and it ought to be remem¬ bered with due efteem of the prefent Govern¬ ment, under whofe Care it has been fo highly advanced ; but we quite deprive ourfelves of the beft Effedts of it, without a confiderabie Body of difciplin’d Troops; for, with refpecl to other Powers, particularly France , we are now obliged to lie upon the Defenfive, and can only hope to protedl ourfelves from being invaded, without a- ny Ability to attack that Kingdom. I am not upon projecting Ccnquefts of France ; but I can¬ not apprehend the Policy of perpetually keeping ourfelves in a harmlefs Condition, with refpeft to that Kingdom. The Oppreffion of their People in general, together with the great Difcontent of the States of Normandy, Brit any, and Lan¬ guedoc, under the continual Abridgment of their Rights and Privileges, might probably occa- fion Efficient Difturbances in thofe Provinces, if they were well fomented and animated by a powerful Defcent from hence; but they muft fee an Ability in us, and a due Spirit to fupport them, before they can be expetted to venture to any purpofe. It [ 22 ] It is hardly to be imagined how tender the French Monarchy is in thofe Parts, where there is a confiderable Remnant of Proteftants ftill left: And upon a Defcent from hence into Bri- tany, and at the fame time from Ireland upon the Coafl: of Languedoc, in favour of thofe Peo¬ ple, it is much to be queftioned whether the French Court would venture to truft them with Arms, or to raife the Arriere Ban of thofe Pro¬ vinces. It is certain at leaft, that they would be put to much Expence in fortifying and garrifoning Places on their Sea-Coafts, and in de¬ fending fo vaft an additional Frontier from In- fults: And the Terror of the French Court would be fo great, that the Privileges and Abatement of Taxes they would grant on one Hand, and the Augmentation of Charges they would be put to on the other, would considerably diminilh the Strength of that Monarchy. It is not to be forgot, that the Infurreftion of a few perfecuted Proteftants in the Cevennes, in the Year 1702, gave Lewis XIV the utmoft Unealinefs, and had it been properly fupported by the Allies, might have had the moft glo¬ rious Confequences. There were Intentions in¬ deed of this Sort in England, but they were all betrayed and came to nothing: Monfieur Ca- vallier the chief Commander of that brave Peo¬ ple, in his Memoirs dedicated to Lord Carteret,' thus expreffes himfelf upon that Occafion; Pages 174, and 175. . “ The Truth is, I believe “ France had then Emiffarics in England, as it “ u/ually has, which put a flop to the Projedt “ of Monfieur Miremont, and prevented the “ Queen [ 23 ] “ Queen and her Allies from making ufe of “ fo favourable an Occafion to ruin France , “ which might have been effected in lefs “ than two Years; for being Mailers of the “ Sea, they might eafily have fent us Suc- “ cours, at leaft fome Arms and Money ; “ for had they fent us but twenty thoufand “ Pounds, we ihould foon have made up a “ Body of fifty thoufand Men: But as I faid “ before, they, looked on this War, as a fudden “ Blaze, which would foon vaniih away, and “ therefore neglected to fend us any Relief; “ and ’tis wonderful how we could refill for “ fo long a time againil twenty thoufand Men “ and two Marlhals of France And again, “ If the Reader will ferioufly confider the Ad- “ vantage the Allies had by our War, he will “ foon be perfuaded that if the twenty thou- “ fand Men who were lent diredtly againil us, “ had been employed either in Italy or Gcr- “ many, or Spain, they would have put a Hop “ to the Progrefs of the Allies, especially of “ his Royal Highnefs the Duke of Savoy, or “ in Spain, againil the Portuguefe And be¬ fore this, Page 155, he fays, “ The King was “ fully refolved todeilroy us all at once, fearing “ the ill Confequences of this War; for truly “ had the Allies been acquainted with the State “ in which France was at that time, and accord- “ ingly taken their Meai'ures, they would pro- “ bably have conquered all France in lefs than “ two Years.” This was a great Opportunity of weakning that infolent Monarchy; but it was entirely loft: By what Means, our Enemies can tell with Pleafure. I Hull I fhall only obferve, that when the Relief of thefe gallant People was generoully propofed in Council by her Majefty Queen Anne, and Prince George of Denmark, it was ftrongly oppofed by Lord Nottingham, who reprefented the ill Confe- quences of alfifting Rebels again ft their natural Prince ; which, as I humbly apprehend, were very extraordinary Sentiments to be held by the Secretary of State of England, who was conti¬ nually acquainted with the Practices of the Court of France, in endeavouring toraifeup Rebellions in this Kingdom ; and even to aliaffinate our Glorious Deliverer: However, it was determin’d to endeavour to fupply them with Arms, Am¬ munition, and Money ; but the Seafon of the Year was far advanced, it being the 15th of September before the Ships for this Purpofe en¬ ter’d the Gulph of Narbonne: and there, upon taking a French Tartane, they were informed by the Matter of it, that Marfhal Montrevell had Intelligence of their Defign, and had taken the heceffary Meafures to prevent it .; * fo that when they made the Signals from the Ships, which the Earl of Nottingham, who oppofed the Relief, had been careful to direft from Court under his own Hand, they were none of them an- fwered. Monfieur Cavallier, in his Memoirs before mentioned, appears to have been quite unac¬ quainted with the Arrival of any fuch Ships, and not to have had the leaft Notice of their failing; but intimates, that the Affair was fo ma¬ naged as to be a great Detriment to their People, • Boyer's Annals, Fol. Page 85. [2 5 ] by the Dire&ions they received to be upon the Referve till the Arrival of Succours, “ which “ proved (fays he, page 173) very prejudicial “ to us afterwards ; for it was then we were “ beginnings get the better over our Enemies, “ and our Remiflhefs gave them time to take “ Meafures to flop our Progrefs.” The Truth is, by fome Means or other, we have little attended tofupportany intettine Di- vifions or Commotions in France: Our perfidious abandoning of the Protejiants there, upon former Occafions, before they were reduc’d to this Ebb, is a Reproach upon the Stuarts that can never be wip’d off-, and the Guilt and Blood of it lies at their Door: But Circumftances of this fort in the prefent Times require to be nicely managed, and can no way be improved to much Advan¬ tage, without we have a confiderable Body of re¬ gular Troops at hand, which alone can convince the People of France of our Power to give them Affiftance. This is, perhaps, now the only Method of breaking the Strength of the French Monarchy, which is abundantly fortified on its Inland-Frontiers-, and whilft it has the whole Body of its people •within undillurb’d, will al¬ ways be able to exert a prodigious Force at thefe Extremities: But an Attack by Sea in the Heart of its mod fruitful Provinces, would interrupt its Commerce, and fupprefs its Revenues, and raife a Spirit in their People, which they might never afterwards be able to break; but all this it is in vain to think of, without we fupport a fufficient Land-Force. D Admit- Admitting the utmoft that can be attri¬ buted to our Fleet alone ; allowing, though it is by no means true, that it can effectually guard our own Coafts; is it not evident that our Wealcnefs at Land muff diminiih its Force ? for we muff always referve our mod potent Squadron at hand, for our own Defence againft an Invafion ; and the Remainder is all that we can employ at any Diftance; which, probably, may not exceed the French Squadron in the Straits , or Weft-Indies: [o that our Weaknefs at Land attudly deprives us of a Superiority at Sea. This at the fame time is fure to create an ignorant Clamour ; and the Wtfdom of a Minifter in not leaving us unguarded at home, fhall be branded for Cowardice ; and the Squa¬ drons that are referved for our own Defence, fhall be ridiculed, and Jligmatized, with being pacifick. But Perfons who indulge themfelves in Re- fie&ions of this Sort, are little acquainted with our prefent Circumftances. If they calmly con- fidered the Nature of Publick Credit, how eafily it is affefted in all Places, how difficultly re- ftored in any, and of what Confequence it is to this Kingdom, they would foon apprehend the Importance of guarding againft all Appre- henfions of the Stability of the Government, before every other Article whatfoever. It'is eafy to form Expeditions for five hundred Ships of War, if we had fo many •, and to propofe plaufible Schemes for employing all our Regular Land-Force, if it was fifty times as [ 2 7 ] by fome projecting Peribns, that we ought, in the Beginning of this War, to have difpatch’d almoft all our Fleet, and our experienc’d Regi¬ ments to the Weft-Indies. This might have been done indeed, if our Regular Land-Force was at all numerous, and would admit of any Deduction for foreign Service, confident with our own domeftic Security. But if we had thus ventur’d in our prefent Circumftances, and left the Nation expos’d with only eight or ten Thoufand difciplin’d Soldiers, and a weak Squadron, the lead Motion of the Troops of France towards Dunkirk, Calais, or the Coafts of Normandy, or Britany, would judly have given us the mod fenfible Alarm: And the Equipment of a French Squadron, or an Account of their collefting Tranfports toge¬ ther, would have immediately thrown us into the utmod Terror and Confufion ; have put a Run upon the Bank of England, and perhaps ruin’d it; and funk the Price of our Government- Securities almod to nothing ; and thus have an¬ nihilated forty or fifty Millions of Property cir¬ culating in the Kingdom. All this might have been brought upon us in unguarded Circumdances by France, without their embarking a Regiment, or running any Hazard on their Part, but merely by carrying on hodile Appearances of a formidable Defcent upon us: Tne Effects of midaken Rumours of this fort in the Year 1713, which are before-men- tion’d, diffidently demondrate it; and had any .Confirmation then come of a real Preparation of Tranfports in France, and of an Appearance D 2 of [28] of Troops ready to embark, we fhould have fuffer’d at that Time prodigious Mifchief •, fo much do we tremble at the Motions of France upon any Senfe of our own Weaknefs: And whoever confiders the exceffive Damage we fhould hereby endure ; the utter Stagnation of all Trade and Bufinefs, and the Ruin of Mil¬ lions amongft us; and fuch a thorough Diffi¬ dence of our Government-Securities, from this Evidence of their Uncertainty, that our Pub¬ lic Credit might never recover its former Glo¬ ry ; I fay, whoever confiders the Mifchief we fhould thereby be fubjeft to, will be fully con¬ vinc’d, that our Security at home is the grand Point to be guarded by a wife Miniftry >, and that the lead Apprehensions of it are not to be hazarded, for any Views of dijlant Aquft- tions. It is far from my Intention to deny the Be¬ nefit of thefe Acquisitions, if they can be made with Safety to this Kingdom ; I am very fen- fible of the Value and Confequence of them, and how much it is our Intereft to put our- felves in a proper Capacity for making fuch Coquefts: but this I apprehend can only be done, by a right Augmentation of our Regular Land-Force, fo that we may have a Surplus fuf- ficient for any Expedition, above what is re- quifite for our own Security; otherwife, if we venture our Troops from us, our Risk at home will be immenfely greater than any juft Prof pedis of Advantage alroad. It is certain, indeed, that our Regular Land- Force of late hath been fomewhat augmented, fo [ 29 ] fo that in Times of Peace the Wifdom of the Legiflature hath appointed, “ That the Number “ of effective Men to be provided, for Guards “ and Garrifons in Great Britain, and for Gttern- “ fey and Jerfey, lhould be, (including 1815 In- “ valids, and 555 Men, which the fix indepen- “ dent Companies confift of, for the Service of “ the Highlands) feventeen Thoufand feven “ hundred and four Men, Commiffion and “ Non-Commiffion Officers included : ” And though the Wifdom and Lenity of his Majefty’s Government have greatly promoted our Trade and Wealth, and advanced the public Credit of the Nation ; yet thofe, who have confidered thefe Things, will be fenfible that I am far from afierting too much, when I affirm that our pub¬ lic Credit could never have arofe to its prefent Glory, without this Augmentation of our difci- plin’d Troops, whereby the Stability of the Go¬ vernment hath been better fecured than for¬ merly, and the People relieved from perpetual Dread and Alarms of Invafions. 5 Tis natural, I am very fenfible, for Country Gentlemen to urge the Expence of our difci- plin’d Troops, and the Danger they bring upon our Liberties and Happineis; and they mean well and honeftly in it: But with the utmoft RefpeCt to thefe Gentlemen, I muft beg Leave to obferve, that they feem not fully to have confider’d the prefent Circumftances of the Na¬ tion ; our public Credit is now interwoven with the prefent happy Eftabliffiment; The Support of the Government, the Property of Millions, and the Continuance of our Trade and Manufactures depend upon this Credit; and it is certain that any confiderable Reduction of our difciplin’d Troops [ 3 ° ] would immediately affedt it; and that to diminilh thefe Troops as low as they were after the Peace of Reifwick, which fome Gentlemen are fond of, would deftroy at leaft twenty or thirty Millions of Property in the Government-Securities, be¬ longing to our moft ufeful Trading Subje&s; which would of courfe alfo proportionably leffen the Value of the Landed EJlates ; and thus we fltould annually lofe immenfely more by fuch a Diminution of thefe Troops, than we have ever yet paid for their Maintenance ■, fo that the Ar¬ gument from Expence is quite miftaken •, as is that likewife from the Danger of our Liberty and Happinefs ; if they are allowed to depend, as they certainly muft in a great Degree, upon the firm Eftablilhment of our Public Credit. - It cannot be denied then, that our Mainte¬ nance of a confiderable Body of difciplin’d Troops, is abfolutely necefiary to keep our Pro¬ perties from continually flu&uating, to preferve our Trade, and. to give Strength and Stability to the Government •, at the fame Time it muft be own’d with equal Candour, that the Maintenance of fuch a Body naturally augments the Power of the Crown. What then is to be done ? On one Side it improv'd, that we are continually liable to foreign Ravages , and to perpetual Mifchiefs from the Dread of them •, on the other it is fear’d, that we lhall lay ourfelves open toTyranny at home: It is necefiary therefore to enquire into the prefent' Balance of Power in this State between the Crown and the People ; And if it fhali appear, that the Power of the Crown is increafmg at prefent, then an Augmentation of our Regular Land-Force, or any other additional Weight to the Crown, is juftly to be dreaded by real Patriots; but if the Power [ 3 1 ] Power of the Crown at prefent is fwifcly decreaf- ing, we have then lefs Caufe for Apprehenfions from this Quarter, and ought heartily to provide for our Security from foreign Ravages, though the neceffary Means of making this Provifion ihould tend to increafe the Regal Power. This Poiver, lam fenfible, hath beenreprefent- ed of late in a very formidable Light, particu¬ larly by the Author of the Dijfertation on Parties ; And if Prejudices in general ought not to be ftriftly fuppreffed, efpecially in Matters of fuch high Importance, I mult needs acknowledge, that I fhould be ftrongly prejudiced again It any Tenets recommended by this Writer; for is not this the Man that hath efpoufed and betrayed all Parties, that broke the victorious grand Alli¬ ance, and preferved the Power of France ftill infolent and dreadful ? Is not this he that tramp¬ led under Foot all the Blood and Trcafure that had been fo freely fpent for the Liberties of Eu¬ rope ; that fneer’d the brave and fuffering Cata¬ lans ; and hath always fhewn the moft determin’d Hatred to the Freedom and Happinefs of Man¬ kind ? But he is now alarming us with the Power of our own Crown; Hear his Words. Page 235 of that Treatife, “ Much more “ might be faid concerning the Increafe of “ Power that the Crown hath acquir’d, and “ muft continue to acquire, according to the “ prefent Conftitution, and Management of the “ Revenue. Much more might be faid to fhew “ that the Power of Money, as the World is “ now conftituted, is real Power ; and that all “ Power without this is imaginary : that the “ Prince who gets Prerogative alone gets a “ Phan- [ 32 ] “ Phantom ■, but that he who gets Money, even “ without Prerogative, gets fomething real, and “ will be as much ftronger than his Neighbours, “ and his People too, as he hath a greater Com- “ mand of Money!' This feems at firft to beaParaphrafeupon Ear- rington's Pofition in his Oceana, that Dominion is founded only in Property ; and in the long Run this will always be found true, however it may happen upon fudden Occafions: But I mult beg Leave to diffent from one Affertion of this Gentleman’s, that the Prince who gets Prerogative alone gets a Phantom -, for Prerogative in full Power will command Money •, as was always fcverely felt, before it was reftrain’d, in this Kingdom ; par¬ ticularly in Loans, Benevolences, and free Gifts, which the' People were continually forc’d to grant, under the Terrors of its Power ; being lenfible, if they refus’d, they fhould be other- wife harafs’d with Amercements, on innumera¬ ble Pretences. The Fines and Compofitions for Scutage, and Knight-Service, were an inexhaufti- ble Fund of Wealth to the Crown. William the Second order’d twenty Thoufand Men to be ready for his Service in Normandy ; and when they were come to the Sea-lhore, in order to be tranfported, allow’d them all to return home, upon paying him Twenty Shillings a Man. The Grants of Monopolies, and Exactions of Ship-Money , fo late as in Charles the Firft’s Time, are known to everyone; and, in fliort,,nothing is more evident, than that the Prerogative was fo far from being a Phantom, as this Gentleman terms ir, that it gave the Crown a Power, almoll unlimited, over the Lives and Properties of the Subjects. It It is indeed for the Purpofe of this Gentle- man, who is reprefenting the prefent Power of the Crown as enormous, to conceal, as far as he can, every Branch of its ancient Power ; and to fet forth the Dread and Influence of the old Prerogative as quite imaginary : How falfe thefe Colourings are, is fufficiently known to every judicious Lover of Liberty; nor can we ever be too fenfible of the Bleffing, of having the Prero¬ gative confined within narrow Limits. But pa fi¬ fing from this, I return again to the Power of Money 5 It is continually urged, that the Power of the Crown in this Refpect is at prefent increafed, and increafmg beyond all due Proportion : If it be fo, I muft freely acknowledge it to be a juft Occafion for Jealoufy in the People. But, before I examine into this, by ftating the feveral Re¬ venues of the Crown at different Periods, from the Reftoration to his prefent Majefty’s Accefli- on, it is proper firft to obferve, that the.Crown, before the. Revolution, had.the abfolute Com¬ mand and Difpofal of the whole ftanding Public Revenue, which was then all call’d the Revenue of the Crown, and referved any Part of it for its own Purpofes and Defigns; employing as little as it pleas’d* for the honeft wAnfeful Purpofes of the Nation. Such was the abfolute uncontroulable Power which the Crown had over the Standing. Reve- nue : . before the Revolution ; and upon calling a Parliament, it was eafy to obtain, on various Pretences; a large additional Sum, the :Difpofal of which was likewire entirely in the Brealt of . the Crown: But indeed, Mismanagements of.the a E Govern- w Government under the two Janus's and Cbarks’s were fo great, that thefe Princes were generally unwilling to meet a Parliament; however, upon giving any moderate Satisfaftion to it, the Court almoit always obtain’d , whatever Aid they de- fir’d : And, if we examine the Hiftory of Charles the Second, we fhall fee large Sums continually procur’d from the People, and little, or fometimes nothing, apply’d to the Purpofes for which they were,given: This Method he followed fo clofely in the firft Dutch War, that when a Peace was only in View, before it was concluded, he negle&ed to fit out a Fleet, and left the Nation entirely defencelefs j which brought upon us the eternal Reproach at Chat¬ ham ; the Court pocketing one Million, eight hundred Thaufand . Bounds, that was given for the Services of this War but about fix.Months before, and was then in Colledtion by, a Poll- Tax and Monthly Afieffment: But the Nation ■was then forced to bear it;' for fuch was theP/w- fure of: the Court in thofeDays, and: its Power of Money.:, . ■ ir: !. The:lame Monarch, in the Year 1677; pre¬ tending to have real-intentions of declaring War againft France, according.' to. the Defires of his, People, began to levy Forces, and obtain’d an AS for raifmg Money by a Poll, and otberwife , to enabk'MsvMajefty to.enter.into an Actual - War againft the French King ; when, at the fame Time; he.was negotiating a Treaty by,,his Em- bafiador at. France, .for a Penfion three hun¬ dred Athoufand Pounds, per Annum from - that Crown. This was difeover’d to the Houfe of Commons by Mr.' Montague, who. was that [ 27 ] Embaffador; and prov’d by Letters which the King had underwritten with his own Hand j Whereby the Parliament found they were en¬ tirely impos’d upon, and that the King had ob¬ tain’d by the Bargain a large Sum of Money, and a numerous Army on Foot j which, as it was by no Means defigned for a foreign War, gave them juft Apprehenfions, and it was their Bu- finefsat any Rate to have thefe Forces. dilband- ed: And thus the Parliament, which had a few Weeks before given a large Sum of Money for raifing this Army, was now forced to provide another confiderable Sum for dijbanding it j and were glad to bring it to: this Iffue, without en¬ quiring into the Diftribution of the Money firft given. All that they could inlift upon was, that the Sum to be levy’d fordilbanding thefe'Forces, lhould not be intrufted: with the Grown, but with Commifiioners of their, own appointing ; nor could the Court, after fuch manifeft mil- applying of the Public Money,. well oppofe it in this Inftance ; but fatisfy’d itfelf with pocketing the greateji Part of what had been before given for the Pwrpofes of the War. This was the Power and Conduit of the Crown , with Regard to the Public Revenue before the Revolution: After 1 which glorious Mra iti was wifely concerted, for the Security of .the People from -perpetual. Embezzlements: of: the Money -appointed,for Public Services, to allot a feparate ■Income,, for- the .Houlhold -of the King, and for maintaining the Hpnour.ahdDignity.of. the Crown, which is now ufually call’d the Civil Lift Revenue and topurtheielbof the Public Re¬ venues entirely - under .the -.Com mand. .of the Par- E 2 liamenti liament; and no more to leave them to the dif- cretionary Diipofal of the Court. This likewife included in it not only the Command of the Pub¬ lic Revenues, but render’d at once all the Public Services of the Government entirely fubjed to the Parliamentary E'ifdom and Direction. The Crown was thus inftantly ftripp’d of the greateft Part of its Power ; and the Commons ac¬ quir’d a new zn&txtraordinary Weight on theLe- giflature. Every particular Service of the Govern¬ ment has from that Time beenfirftfubmitted to their Approbation in order to be provided for out of the Public Revenues: As every Step that con¬ cerns thefe Revenues muft firfl: proceed from the Commons; who, after they have examin’d and approv’d of the current Services for each enfuing Year, appoint the Manner of raifing theSupplies, and appropriate them to thofe particular Services only; the chief Bufinefs of the Crown, in thefe Re- fpeds,beingtofee to theApplicationof thelePublic Moneys according to their Appropriation ; And at the next Meetingof Parliament,before any Sup¬ plies are granted,an Account of theApplication of the Money given for the Services of the laft Year, is now conftantly fubmitted to both Houfes. This Appropriation of the. Public Revenues is the great Palladium of our Liberties; Its impor¬ tance is fo high and valuable, that it ought to be generally underftood and inculcated, and. will eafily excufe any Repetition I may fall into, in enumerating its Advantages. The firft: and moft: obvious Bene&t of the appropriation, of the . Public Revenues , is the ’ de« [ 29 ] depriving the Crown of the abfolute Power of diipofing of thefe Revenues at its Pleafure: For, though it may, perhaps, be imagin’d by fome. That, notwithftanding this Appropriation, the Crown can command thefe Revenues by the Means of corrupt Officers; It is certain that the Nature of thefe Services is fo well known at prefent, and the Non-performance of them fo eafily detefted; in lhort, the Number of thofe that are Checks, and muff be privy and con- fenting to every Fraud, are fo great, that no Minifter in his Senfes will attempt fuch a Crime, nor any Prince in thefe Bays offer to encourage or abet it: the Nature of the ori¬ ginal Contract, r and of the reciprocal Obliga¬ tion, are too well underftood at prefent by the People of Britain, to make thefe things pafs for Jefts, as formerly; nor would it be poffible for the Court to prevent the Dffcovery of fuch Wickednefs, if it was committed; or, being concern’d in it, to bear up againft the De¬ tection. The fecond great Benefit of thefe Appropri¬ ations, is hath been before mentioned, is the Neceffity. which it occafions of having every Article of the Public Service fubmitted to the Bifcujfion and Approbation of the Parliament. The third Benefit, and whatrcan never be too much valued, is the Method of this Appropria¬ tion, which is made only from Year to Year, with Regard to the Supplies for the current Ser¬ vices •, fo that without the Annual Meeting of the Parliament, the Navy, Amy, Ordnance , and all t 3°T the other neceffary Wheels of the Government, are entirely flopp’d. This is likewifeabundant¬ ly ftrengthen’d by the Method of granting thefe Supplies, fo far as they confift of the Malt-fox and Land-fox, which are given only from Year to Year; fo that the Annual Meeting of the Par¬ liament is become abfolutel-y neceffary for the Support of the Government ; whereby the Mea- fures of the Court are continually examin’d, and any Grievances of the People laid open with fuch Freedom and Weight, as will never fuffer them to be long unredreffed. j This excellent Improvement of the Power and ' Liberties of the .People is dear to every true, i Englishman ; and to treat this with Coldnefs. and I Contempt, is the Conduit that deferves the moft fevere Cenfure. It cannot butftrongly move our Indignation, .to hear the former unlimited. Power,oi the. Crown over the Public Revenues, reprefented as a.happier State of this Nation^ than we enjoy at prefent. I leave it to the Reader to judge of the following Words, Page the 12th and 13th in a remarkable Pamphlet, , entitled, An Enquiry, into the Conduit of our Do- | meftic Affairs from the Tear 1721, &c. Printed | for H. Haines , at Mr.. Franklin's. “• Let uscon- 1 “ fider a little.ltheo different Circumftances of “ theKingdom now from what they were for- merly. Whenr our Kings: had only Occafibnal Aids and Subfiles granted them for immedi- “ ate Services, which foon ceas’d, the Collec¬ tion, was by few Officers-, and at litiler. Ex- “ pence. .. As the Money, was ufually given to carry t on. Wars .undertaken! by The Crowd, ^fiand not in fo liberal a manner, as Supplies . “ have [ 3 1 ] u have been lately given, the Scantinefs of them “ engaged our Princes to keep a very watch- “ ful Eye over the Difpofuion of the Money ; “ There being no long continued “ PARLiAMENTsin thofe Days, ready to make “ good all Deficiencies demanded from them } “ NOR WAS THERE ANY OCCASION FOR “ Acts of Appropriation : The Neceffi- “ ties of the Prince were a continued Check in that Cafe upon the Conduft of his Mini- “ fters ; and their Mifmanagements feldom e- “ lcap’d HisRefentment: For it was Himfelf “ who fel: it more than his People.” “ But the whole Frame of our Government is “ fince chang’d, with Refpeft to the Method and “ Manner, as well as the great Sums of Money rais’d upon the People. Our Necefiities have “ rendet’d Annual Seffions of Parliament neceflary, “ for above forty Years paft, in order to carry on “ two very long and expensive. Wars, againfta Powerwhothreatn’d the Liberties of Europe-' This is fuch • an unjuft and unthankful Re- prefentation of the happy improvement of our .Conftitution-,; fince the Abdication of King James, z s muft give the utmoft Difguft to every •Friend to Liberty. • Is it not furprizing at this Tme to hear any Gentleman commend the Princes of this Kingdom before the Revolution, for not fuffering Parliaments to meet ? There be¬ ing, fays he, no long continued Parliaments in ■jthofe Days ready to make good all Deficiencies de- ( : mandedfrom them: whereas it was, the Reproach ■ of the Reigns of the Four Stuarts before the ; Revolution, that they could feldom endure the Great Great Council of the Nation, or fuffered it to meet: Is it then juft to reprefent this Conduit of theirs, as a public Benefit ? In fhort, this Paragraph, as it carries an Applaufe of the Ge¬ neral Behaviour of thofe Reigns with Regard to Parliaments, is highly Ihocking; and, if it be referr’d to Particulars, is notorioully untrue: For, is there any thing more glaring in our whole Hiftory, than the long and continued Parliament under Charles the Second ? a Parliament fo cor¬ rupt, and fo giving, that the Pretences lor alk- ing Supplies, were only efteem’d by the Court as Formalities ;. and little regarded in the Ap¬ plication of the Money. Hear the Words of a Gentleman, who liv’d in that Reign, and, in the latter End 'of it, thus recapitulated fome Circumftances in the.-Houfe of Commons; “ I “ remember wheh Eleven Hundred Thoufand “ Pounds was given for building of Ships, and “ not one Ship built; and above Tot Millions given to fupport the Triple League, arid “ then it was prelendy employ’d-for the break- “ ing. of it; when fioehe hundred thoufand Pounds was given for an 'dltual War with “ France , when at the fame Time we were un- “ der all 1 the Obligations for* Peace, and fo “ continued.” After this, let the Reader de¬ termine, whether the Public Money- was juftly apply’d' in thofeDays; Or, whether, as this Aii- ■thorafferts, there was t h en ko : Occafwnfor Apts of Appropriation:' ■ - - As to th eFrtigality and Oeconomy of Charles 1 the Second, or' indeed of , any of • die Stuart’s , which he'afterwards mentions; 'Arid- that the Mifmanagements of their Minifiers feldom efeap’J i their their Resentment, it is as untrue as any thing in Nature, and known to be fo, by every Child in Hiftory ; fo that to, offer to confute it ferioufly would be really ridiculous. It is very unaccountable how a Gentleman of Senfe and Difcernment, as the Author of this Pamphlet undeniably is, could fuffer him¬ felf to utter fuch Dodfrines ; and it fufficiently fhews how liable we are to overfhoot our Mark,, when we are too much agitated with Pique and Refentment: How painful aReftraint muft he have put himfelf under, and how fe- yerely have check’d His own Spirit, when he fpoke of the Revolution in the following flat and unanimated '.Expreflions: the. whole Frame , of our Government is ftnce changed, with refpeU'to the Method and Manner of it, 'as well as to ,the-great Sums rais’d upon the'People. In the latter Part of which Sentence, h$ leaves an Impreflioh, of its having prov’d too expenfiue and lurthenfome to the''Nation •, which' is the more extraordinary,, and fhews how far Paflion is capable of hurrying, us, ! fince I am convinc’d no one can lefs regret the Charges'we have bore,' in oppofing the ' arbitrary Deligns of France, than this Gentleman; of‘more tho¬ roughly abhor in h'is cooler Thoughts, any un¬ thankful Sentiment, with regard to the Revolu¬ tion : He adds, Our Neccffliies have render’d an¬ nua! Seflions of Parliament neceffary. To which I lhall only fay, that he has perpetually urg’d it himfelf, that we are in Danger, left the Par¬ liament fhould not be annually troubled about thefe Neceflities ; left fome future Rafh and Defpe- rate Minifler fhould think the Government is [ 42 ] in j iff Necefftty of Annual Supplies for the current Services-, but fhould attempt to provide for them out of the Sinking Fund and the Salt Duty. In Ihort, Annual Sejfions of Parliament are owing to the Weight of the People in the Legiflature-, and are not to be attributed to our Annual Ne- cefilies for New Taxes, which will not be ad¬ mitted to fubjift, when the People lofe that Weight-, though, at prefent, it is certain there is very little Danger in this refpett. I enter not into the reft of this Pamphlet, which is very diitinftly anfwer’d in an'excellent Treatife*, which 1 recommend to the Reader to pe'rufe; but, as it appears, from this Speci¬ men of the Traft I have quoted, that it is dilat¬ ed by too warm and .agitated a Frame of Tem¬ per -, fo I mu ft acknowledge the Spirit and Vi¬ vacity of it, which thjs Gentleman has the pe¬ culiar Happinefs of preferving, through Details of Accounts,' and fuch' Reprefentations, as are fat aid tedious in ail our Writers. . I beg Leave nextto fubmit to the Reader the Words of The Dijjertdiipnon Parties, Pagd : 222. *'• formerly (by winch he means; before; the “ Revolution) the Whole Expence of. the 'State “ was borne by the Crown -, and when thisEx- “ pence grew upon extraordinary Occafions top “ great for the. Revenue of the Crown to bear, *'■ the People aided the Crown, if they approv’d “ the Occafion of the Expence. Thefe Grants “ were properly Aids, no morefor the Reve- * Some Cmfderations concerning tie Public Funds, the J’ublici Remcnuss, end Annual Supplies, See. Printed for J- Kqbeiti.. , ‘ “ nue ‘ s nue of the Crown was engag’d in the firft “ Place, and therefore it might feem reafon- “ able, that the Crown Ihould have the Levy- “ ing and Management of the Whole •, of thefe “ Aids, as well as of the Standing Revenue: “ but it happen’d in this Cafe, as it does in “ many ; the Reafon of the Thing ceas’d, and the “ Thing continued: A feparate private Reve- “ nue, or a Civil Lift, as we commonly call “ it, was aflign’d to the Crown. From that c $ Time the former Order hath been revers’d ; cc our Kings, inftead of contributing moft, have “ contributed Nothing to the Public Charge: “ and the People of Britain, inftead of giving “ occaftonally Aids to the Crown, have taken upon themfelves the whole Load of ordinary and extraordinary Expences, for which they annually provide/’ This Paragraph is loaded with Malice, andi raife. Infinuations 5 the Drift of it is to perfuade his Readers, that the CroWn, fince the Revolu¬ tion, is greatly eafed from Incumbrances on its Revenue, and that the People have taken a new Burden upon themfelves: His Argument ftands thus: The Crown, before the Revolution, bom al\ the ordinary Expences of the Government 5 the Crown, fince the Revolution, bears'none of them ■, therefore the Crown, fince the Revolution , is un- reaforiably eas’d, and the People incumber’d. Now wo.uld not any one imagine, that theRr- vemie of the Crown was the fame in both Cafes, arid that no Author, in common Honefiy, would ptherwife urge this Argument to- his Readers * F o, ' for [ 44 1 for if the Revenue of the Crown, /met the Revo¬ lution, be extremely lefs than it was before , it is impcjfible for the Crown to contribute to the Pub¬ lic Charge, if it was its Duty, as much as it could formerly; and the whole Argument falls to the Ground. But nothing is more certain, than that the Re¬ venue of the Crown under James the Second was upwards of Two Millions per Annum \ and under George the Firft only Seven hundred Thou- fand Pounds. This th tDijfertator was fenfible, that many, are unacquainted with ; And to fuch as are ignorant of it, which are nineteen in twen¬ ty of his common Readers, his Argument ap¬ pears irrefiftible: And . they apprehend there is jdft Caufe for being jealous of the Encroach¬ ments of. the Crown. Thus he fuccefsfully pro¬ pagates Uneafinefs; — But is this a fair way of dealing with Mankind ? Or an honeft and virtu¬ ous Method of oppofingany Adminiftration ? .. This may deferve .to be more fully explain’d, though. T have before, enter’d into it: The Parliament, after th z Revolution,, being'.fenfible of the,.perpetual Mifapplication of the Reve^ nue, whilft it'was under the unlimited'Power of the Qrown, .wifely determia’d to come to a fair Explanation of this BuGnels; ' and to fix, what Part of‘the Revenue andwhat PartJ (hoiCtjl not , be in the Power of the' Crown to apply t6 its own particular Expences and' Purpoles; ac¬ cordingly, fuch a Part' Of' the Revenuej as theydjudg’d reafonable, was allotted, for/the" Maintenance of the King’s Houfhold,- and lup- porting. the, Honour; and, .Dignity of the Ciojyn: This irtte.private Revem of n lfe.Cr^m, -^\i\c^ [ 45 ] is ufually call’d the Civil Lift ; all the reft of. the Revenues the Parliament obtain’d the Power of appropriating and direffing- to the Public Services, according to their own Wifdom and Difcretion, without leaving them, as formerly, - to the abfolute Power of the Crown. This was a Point of the utmoft Importance gain’d by the People: nay, it is probable, its Extent was hardly' perceiv’d at firft •, though it is now undeniably leen to be the grand Barrier of our Liberties; and is fuch a new and effeftqal Weight in the popular Scale of Power, as, if I am not greatly fniftaken, is far from being overbalanc'd by any thing in the Regal. But to return, it is evident that the Crown,' at prefent, inftead of having the whole Public Revenues to range in, and to apply to its own private Purpofes, as formerly, is entirely con¬ fin’d, if I may be pardon’d the Exprefiion, to a particular Salary, It is not to be expefted, therefore, or defired, that the Crown fhould allot any Part of this Salary to the Public Ser¬ vices, which is exprefsly allotted for its own pri¬ vate Ufes. That Part of the Revenue, which the Crown formerly allotted,' or rather Jhou'd. have allotted , to the Publick Ufes, is now.taken from the Crown, and allotted to thefe Ufes 'by the Parliament. Is it reafonable therefore ? Is it poffiblefor'theCrown, atprefent, to take theBur- aen of the Public Charge on itfelf, as formerly ? Yet this is the Complaint of this Author; And tho’ we are fure', j 5 »re 'the Revolution , which we never were before, that the Revenue, which ought to be apply’d to the Public Services, is not ufurp’d by the Crown; yet this is his Infmuation. In [ 46 ] ftort, fuch falfe and dilingenuous Suggeffions, calculated to impofe on the Ignorance of his Readers, and to propagate groundlefs Uneafinefs, are to be detefted by every Man of Candour and Virtue ; and fufficiently demonftrate, that this Author was aftuated by another Spirit , than the Spirit of truth and Liberty ; notwithftandjng his forward Pretence} in this Treatife. The reft of this Paragraph carries on the fame Sort of Complaints and Infinuations againft the prefent Power of the Crown •, this is indeed the peculiar Talent of this Author; ffe excels in a Method of flurring over Fads, and leaving the tnoft uneafy Imprdlions upon his Readers, even when the real State of thefe Fadts ought juftly to Convey contrary Sentiments; of which the' reft that he offers upon this Subjedt is a very Extraordinary Specimen : “ Notwithftanding this vaft Alteration in the State of the Re- ** venue, and the irttereft pf the King and the “ People, in the Management of it, the fame ft . Forms of granting Aids to the Crown , and **■ cif levying faxes, and of managing the Pnb- lie freafure, have been continued ; fo that the People ftadd obliged (fojr the Crown, * that is trufted with the Whole, is bound for “ nothing) to make good alt Deficiencies, though ** they have no Share in the hdatfagemeftf of ? tiie Revenue ” . *" It is plainly intended, by this Paragraph, to create feyne dark jealoufies in the Reader,, about the fame Form of levying faxes' being continued, notwithftanding a vaft Alteration ; and about the Chwn's' being bmd'for nothing. With other 7 a*- ; ' rifying. [47) rifting Infinuations. I make .no Queftion but thefe Words have had that malicious Effeft, which the Author delign’d ; and yet they really contain no other Information than what follows, as the Reader will immediately fee, if he pleafes to be at the Trouble to make the Comparifon: Notwitbftanftng the Crown is thus limited in its own Expends to the Civil Lift Revenue, yet Taxes and Aids continue to be rais'd ,' as formerly, by All of Parliament: And they are Jlill granted, after the old Form, to the King, though they are appro¬ priated to publick Iffes ; fo that the Parliament pro¬ vides for all that is wanting for thefe public JJfes r for it is impoffible for the King to do it, who has i 'only his Civil Lift, though the Executive Power is fill left in the Crown. ■ This is the whole Subfiance of this Paragraph 5 but he has thrown it into fuch Words himfelf, as mud alarm any ordinary. Reader, and fuggeft to him very melancholy Apprehenfions: At the fame time, though he infimjates the utmoft .Mis¬ chief, he plays fo loofe, that nothing can well be fix’d upon , him ; ailing like an Irifh Rapparee, who is continually feen, but whenever you. ad¬ vance to attack him, retires intp his Bogs, and vanifhes, notdaring to maintain his Ground, like a, fair and manly Enemy. He goes on upon the fame Subject, “Our “ Kings, fince the Eftablilhment of the Civil Lift, have not only a private feparate Eftale ? “ but receive a kind of Rent-Charge out of “ the Public EJlate, to maintain their Honour “ and Dignity, nothing elfe.” Now here the Reader may underftand, if. he pleafes, that the Crown . [48 J .... Crown has not only, a .private Eftate, . but a Rent- Charge upon the Public Eftate befides. It has been the Care qf this Author to exprefs himfelf fo, that any one ignorant of the.Matter before, wou’d thus underhand it; Not only, fays he, a private feparate Eftate, but receive a Kind of Rent- Charge to maintain their Honour and Dignity, no¬ thing else. What else wou’d he have it for ? The Parliament have given it only for this ; they have thought fuch a Revenue re- quifite for this Purpofe only ; the Parliament like- ivife annually give the reft of the Revenue to the Public Ujes only ; or, according to his Phrafe, to,the Public Ufes; nothing elfe. If he thinks no fucK Rent-Charge fhou’d be given to the Crown,’ why does not he fay fo, and produce his Reafons ? jnftead of dropping mean Infinuations, without fairly ftanding, to any Circumftance. It is necefiary to add the Remainder of his Paragraph upon this Subject; wherein the Reader will fee the fame Deficiency of real Objections , and the fame Abundance of falfe Infinuations » “ And whether the Public Eftate thrive, or not, ‘ c this Rent-Charge iriuft be made good to them ; “ at ’lead as it hath been fettled on our prefent moft gracious Monarch ; if the Funds appro- “ priated produce the Double of that immenfe “ Revenue of Eight Hundred Tboufand Pounds “ a Tear, which Hath been fo liberally given “ him for Life : the Whole is his, without Ac- “ count; but if they fail in any Degree to “ produce it, the entire National Fund is en- “ gag’d to make up the Difference : But al- “ though our Kings have thus no longer any “ immediate Intereft in the Public Eftate, they “are [49 3 « are trufted with the entire Management of it; “ they are not only Stewards for the Public, “ but they condefcend to be fuch for all thofe “ private Perfons, who are the Creditors of the “ Public , and have the additional Trouble of “ managing about Three Millions a Tear on this “ Head.” The firft Part of this Paragraph fuggefting the Enormity of his prefent Majefty’s Civil Lift Revenue, I lhallanfwer hereafter, when I treat of this Revenue: But his Aim, in the latter End, is to infinuate, that the Crown ought to be deprived ' of the Executive Power, and only to be intrufted with the Adminifiration of its own Civil Lift Re¬ venue. This he has before ftrongly urg’d, and laid down his Realbns, why the Crown ought not to be trufted, at prefent, with this Power, though it ought formerly. But as this is a Subjeft of the utmoft Con- fequence, 1 defire to give his Argument, as it is drawn up in his own Words; though I have before confider’d them, with Regard to another Point: “ Formerly (fays he) the whole Ex- “ pence of the State was born by the Crown; “ and when this Expence grew, upon extraor- “ dinary Occafions, too great for the Revenue “ of the Crown to bear, the People aided the; “ Crown, if they approved the Occafions of the “ Expence. Thefe Grants were properly Aids, “ no more; for the Revenue of the Crown “ was engaged in the firft Place; and therefore, “ it might feem reafonable, that the Crown “ fhould have the Levying, and Management “ of the Whole of thefe Aids, as well as of the , “ ftanding Revenue.” G This [5°] This Argument in the ftrongeft Terms ftands thus; Formerly, the whole Ordinary Expences of die State were born by the Crown. Upon Extraordinary Occafions it was indeed fometimes aided by the People. But as the Crown took upon itfelf the whole Burden, it was but juft it fhould have the whole Management. The Fallacy of this .Argument lies in not righdy diftinguilhing about the Revenue of the Crown ; before the Revolution, the whole ordi¬ nary Revenue of the State was in the Power of the Crown, and call’d the Revenue of the Crown, without any Diftin&ion of what was to be al¬ lotted for the Civil Lift, and what for the cur¬ rent Service . After the Revolution, the Civil Lift only became the Revenue of the Crown -, fo that the Argument of this Author is really reduced to what follows: Formerly^ there were no Boundaries fix’d to the Expences for the Civil Lift, and for the. cur¬ rent Services, the whole Ordinary Revenue of the State being then under the uncontroulable Power and Management of the Crown. Therefore the whole Extraordinary Revenue of the State ought to have been under the fame uncontroulable Management likewife. This is to convince every one, that the Crown was more juftiy entitled to the executive Power ., for- [ JI ] formerly, than at prefent; and is a juft Spe¬ cimen of the profound Reafoning of this all- accomplijh’d Writer. What he alledges about the Burden on the Revenue of the Crown formerly, is exaftly of the fame Texture; that is, a mean Attempt to im- pofe upon his Readers, by concealing from them, that this Revenue before the Revolution included the Civil Lift and current Services ; and fince included the Civil Lift only.-But it is ne- ceffary to add fomething more concerning the executive Power. That this Power in the Crown lhould be limited , as at prefent; particularly, that the Public Revenues lhould be appropriated by Par¬ liament, is juft and requifite; and a great Im¬ provement of our happy Conftitution : But to take any principal Part of this Power entirely from the. Crown, and to lodge it, for the future, in other Hands, uncontroulable by the Crown, will be, in Reality, to create two fupreme inde¬ pendent executive Magiftracies in die fame Go¬ vernment ; the Abfurdity of which is fufficiently evident. I fay nothing of the Expence , though this muft be very confiderable, to fupport any fuch independent executive Power in new Hands, with proper Dignity; but, from the Nature of Things this new Magiftracy will immediately rival the Crown ; and fix what Limits you pleafe to their refpeftive Jurifdiftions, they will quick¬ ly clalh together, and in a little Time bend their Force to obftruft and fupprefs each other; whereby the Wheels of Government will be entirely ftopp’d, till one of them becomes at G 2 length [5*] length fubfervient to the other; in which Cafe the Supreme executive Power will again be lodg’d in one Corporation only. If this lhould be the new Magiftracy, which, by fupprefling the Regal Au¬ thority , lhould at length entirely prevail; Who can tell, in the violent Contentions and Struggles for Superiority between This and the Crown , (which mull: always continue till one of them is entirely fubdued,) what diftorted Model the Go¬ vernment of this Illand may beprefi’d into? Of, molt probably, it will, at length, be thrown into the Arms of one powerful refolute Perfon- •without any'Limitations. On the other hand, if in the Struggle the Crown lhould become the Conqueror, it mult, in Order to this, become fo powerful, as to break through all Reftraints whatever, whereby *we lhall inevitably fall under an ahfolute Mo¬ narchy ; and this, indeed; will probably be the laft Refuit, whatever Side lhall Obtain the Vic¬ tory. It appears then from Reafonj as it does from all Experience in Hiltory; that two fupreme in¬ dependent executive Magiftracies can never long fublift together in one State; and therefoie, to deprive our own Crown; for the future, of any principal Part Of the executive Power, fueh as the Cdlleftion and Diftriburidn Of the Public Seventies, according to the Irffiriuation of this Author, would unavoidably occafion the molt violent Convulfibris iri this Nation, and foon end in the Lofs of all the long preferved, long envfd Liberties of Britain. To [53 ] To confider the Confluences of this Author’s Infinuation in another Light;--If the Crown was deprived of the principal Part of the exe¬ cutive Power , it would immediately lofe the greateft Share of its Weight and Authority, and of its Usefulness likewife to the State; for the Crown is to be cOnfider’d now, as veiled with the Supreme Magi firacy ; To fupport which with proper Grandeur and Dignity, at the Head of fo great and wealthy a People, arid tb be a proper Balance to the Legiflative Power, a cori- fiderable Civil Lift Revenue is juftly allotted : But, if you take away the Employment of the Crown; and make it only a Sine Cure, fo that the Pofleffor of it lhall no more be the Supreme •Magifirate, what will be theConfeqUenOes? Will it not juftly be laid, that the Civil Lift was ori¬ ginally defign’d and appointed for fiipporting the Dignity of the Supreme Magifirate, and to at¬ tend upon him ? That whilft this Magiftracy was Veiled in the Crown, fuch a Revenue might have befen properly allotted to it; But that it Was by no means reafonable, while the State labour’d Under great Difficulties, to allow fo large a Sum for the Support only of an ufelefis Pageant. Thus the Reafon and Foundation of this Re¬ venue no mote iublifting, it will be impoffible for the Crown to avoid yielding up fome Part of it to the Public; efpecially, its Weight and In¬ fluence being gone away with the Supreme Ma¬ giftracy : And this firft Diminution of the Re¬ venue of the Crown Will ftill further abridge ■its Weight and Influence; and of courfe render a fecond Diminution of its Revenue more ealy. Let it be confider’d now where this is to Hop; [ 54 ] the Name of Monarchy will then be all that will continue of it amongfi: us; and that only, per¬ haps, but a little while: And I defire to know from any one, that is wife enough, what Frame of Government we lhall then be refolv’d into; for it is evident, that to deprive the Crown of any conftderable Part of the executive Power , will thus unavoidably run us out of our prefent Conftitution. Thefe Political Tenets and Infinuations of the Bijfertator being thus expos’d, I come next to confider the Power of the Crown over Mo¬ ney , or its Pecuniary Po wer and Influence , at dif¬ ferent Periods fmce the Reftoration: But it is firft necefiary to deteft another Artifice, carry’d on of late with much Difingenuity by feveral Au¬ thors ; they lay it down as a necefiary Confe- quence, that, becaufe the Income of the Crown is greater now , than at any Time fmce the Revo¬ lution •, therefore, that the Pecuniary Influence of the Crown is greater •, which by no means fol¬ lows •, unlefs it can be lhewn, that die Income of the People have not been equivalently increas’d in the feme Time; for if the Annual Income of the Crown, and of the People, fet out in any Proportion to each other, and you double both, the feme Proportion between their Incomes is {till preferv’d •, nor will the Pecuniary Influence of the Crown become greater thereby than be¬ fore; though thefe Gentlemen, according to . their Method of arguing, would not fail to re- prefent it to be double: On the contrary, that this Influence would be lefs than before, feems to me evident; and that the following Propo- fition holds true in Politics. Pro- [55 J Propofition. If the Income of the Crown, mid of the People, be refpeflively doubled, trebled, or equally augmented to any Amount ; though the Wealth of the Crown will be ftill in the fame Proportion to the Wealth of the People, as before ; yet the Power and Influence of the Crown will not be fo conftderable, as before, but will be much This I fhall endeavour to prove, by the fol¬ lowing Inftance : Suppofe a certain Manor to be wholly poffels’d by the Lord of it, and one Thoufand Cottagers; the Lord having Five Hundred Pounds per Annum, and each of the Cottagers Ten Pounds per Annum •, the Propor¬ tion then of his Income, to any one of theirs, is five hundred to ten, or fifty to one ; and he is certainly very great and powerful, in Compari- fon to any of thefe •, it will be eafy for him to bribe, or to ruin, as many as he pleafes. Let now the Rents of the whole Manor be uniformly rais’d, by real Improvements, ten times as high as before; then will the Lord of it enjoy Five Thoufand Pounds per Annum, and the Cottagers will all become Farmers of One Hundred Pounds per Annum Freehold each: Let it now be confider’d what Sort of new People the Lord has about him : Every one of thefe Farmers poflefs’d of One Hundred Pounds per Annum, will juftly look upon himfelf to be in a great meafure independent, and mil neither . be led, nor drove, as formerly; It is not eafy to ruin any of them; And, as they will foon. be fenfible, [ 56 ] fenfible, that they have new Charafters and Fortunes, it will be very difficult to awe or bribe a Majority of them. Again, if a Number of them unite together in any common Caufe, they are able to form a. Purfe amongft themfelves, and make a powerful Oppofition to any of his Defigns; whence he will fenfibly find, that, though his Income bears the fame Proportion to theirs which it did before , his Weight and Power, inftead of being the fame, are confiderably diminifh'd. This is eafily referr’d to the Crown and the People ; And the Reafon of this Effeft from a general Increafe of Property, will clearly appear, by examining into the Nature of Power, and wherein it is conftituted. Now this feems to me to be near the Truth; The Power of the Crown, and the Power of the People , ere to. each other, in Proportion to their refpeflive Abilities, and to their Disposition and Advantages for employing them agdinft each other. The Abilities of each, depend chiefly upon the Superfluity of their refpedtive Incomes, over and above the Expences, which they make, ne- cefiaiy to themfelves. In moft Countries, therefore, the Abilities of the whole People collefted together, are greater than thofe of the Crown ; But then it is evi¬ dent, that the Crown, by its Unity, Prerogative, and executive Power, lias more.ADVANTAGEs i for [ 57 ] for employing its Abilities, in order to gain an abfolute Superiority ; and under many Reigns has been found to have more Disposition for doing fo, than the People. Thefe Principles will appear more plainly, by examining again the foregoing Inftance : When the Cottagers had no more than Ten Pounds per Annum each, their whole Income, Care, and Thought, was employed to provide themfelves Food and Necefiaries: Their whole Scheme then was to keep themfelves from ftarv- ing; and all they could procure was juft fuffi- cient for that purpofe only: But every Addition to this Income was a clear Acquifnion of Strength to them, and gave them Abilities to procure and defend other Enjoyments; whereby,accord¬ ing to what is laid down above, Supetfluity ap¬ pears to be the Foundation of all their Abilities: And This, which was before peculiar to the Lord of the Manour, is now common tothofe that were the Cottagers; But his Income being to all theirs collatively, as five Hundred to ten Thoufand, or as One to Twenty, it is evident, if the whole Income of the Manour is increafed in the fame Proportion, that for every fingle Pound extra¬ ordinary that he obtains, they acquire amongft ' them aU Twenty Pounds, fo that they imme¬ diately gain upon him vaftly in Ability, for, though there is the fame Proportion Hill pre- ferved between the whole Amount of his In¬ come, and the whole Amount of theirs, yet there is by no Means the fame Proportion con¬ tinued between the. Amount of their refpeftive Superfluities, wherein their Abilities confift; ic being apparent, that the Advantage he had over H them them at fil'd, in this Refpeft, was infinite, if you fuppofe they had no Superfluity at all; for then, admitting One Hundred Pounds per An¬ num to be the narrowed Bounds he could contraft himfelf within ; his Superfluity is to theirs, as But upon doubling" their Incomes, the Cafe is altered, and his Superfluity is to theirs, only as Upon quintupling! 2400 to 40,000 their Incomes, it And upon decup¬ ling their Incomes, , his Superfluity is to > all theirs coileflively, 1 1 1, or infinitely greater. f 10,000/. fir An. r 0,000 S being requir’d for r *■ their Neceflaries, nearly. 1 to 17 nearly. And if all their Incomes be continually aug¬ mented in the fame, Manner, the Superfluity of the Lord, in Proportion to all theirs, will con- ftantly be diminilhed, and decline nearer and nearer to the Proportion of x to 20. As therefore by this uniform Increafe of Pro¬ perty, the Cottagers gain upon the Lord in Abi¬ lity, which is the chief condiment Article of Power ; fo will they likewife in another, that is in their Difpofition for employing this Ability : For their Senle and Spirit will rife with their Pro¬ perty, and they will foon aim at the third Article of Power, the procuring Advantages to themfelves, for employing their Ability in the bed Manner upon any Occafion. Thus, iflmiflakenot, it undeniably appears, that the Power of the Lord, with refpett to the Cot- f 59] Cottagers, will be confiderably diminifhed by a general uniform Increafe of the whole Property of the Manour: And, if this be referred to the Crown and the People of this Kingdom, which is only a larger Manour , it will hold equally true, and fully demonftrate the Reafonablenefs of the foregoing Propofition. This being fo, I proceed next to enquire into the refpe&ive Incomes of the Crown , and of the People, and of the general Increafe of Property amongft us, at different Periods, from the Refto- ration to his prefent Majefty’s Acceflion: And if the Income of the Crown hath only been pro- portionably augmented to the Income of the Peo¬ ple, it muff be admitted that the Power of the Crown is confiderably dimtnftid ; But, if this In¬ come hath by no Means been increased propor¬ tionally to the increafing Income of the Peo¬ ple, it will appear what little foundation there is for Suggeltions, that the Power of the Crown is become enormous of late, and ready to devour the Rights of the People. On the other hand, it may, perhaps, bring fome ferious Re¬ flexions into the Mind of Those, who fincerely mean the Welfare of their Country, but are fpirited up, and eager for fome Chace , when¬ ever their Leaders fhall direft the Cry, and urge on their Fury: These Gentlemen, it is to be hop’d, will at length hefitate, and coolly con- fider where they are driving to, or are rather drove by their haughty Rulers: And, as there is a Point to which the Power of the People ought juftly to arrive, that their Freedom and Hap- pinels may be well fecur’d; fo every Advance- . ment beyond this, direftly tends to involve us in H z Con- [ 6o ] Confufion, and to overthrow the juft Poife of our Government,-Unlefsthe increajing Abi¬ lity of the People be rightly temper’d with a new Moderation, and a juft Senfe of the Felicity of their prefent Situation, without grafping at all Dominion and Authority ; for that there is a very extraordinary Increafe of Ability in the People, I believe will immediately appear; and that our ‘Tendency at prefent, unlefs it be rightly moderated, lies much ftronger to Democracy , than to abfo- lute Monarchy. The Parliament, at the Reftoration in 1660, voted, that Twelve Hundred Thoufand Pounds per Annum fhould be fettled upon the Crown tor the Support of its Dignity, and for defraying the ordinary Expences. of the Government; towards which Sum the following Duties were foon after¬ wards granted to King Charles the Second for his Lite; viz. 1. The Cuftoms, being the old Subfidy of Tunnageand Poundage. 2. The Hereditary and Temporary Excife. 3. The Poft-Office. 4. The Wine-Licences. 5. The Hearth-Money. 6. To which are to be added, the fmali Branches arifing chiefly from the Hereditary Eftate of the Crown; viz. The firft Fruits and Tenths of the Clergy ; the Fines for Writs of Covenant, and Writs of Entry, payable in the Alienation- Office ; the Poit-fines; the Sheriffs Proffers; the Compofitions, and Seizures of Uncuftom’d and prohibited Goods; the Revenue of the Prin¬ cipality of Wales, and Dutchy of Cornwall the Rents [ 6 * ] Rents of the Crown-Lands, and Fines for Leafes; and the Four and a half per Cent, in Barbadoes, and the Leeward IJlands. The Tunnage and Poundage commenc’d from the 24th of July 1660 ; the Hereditary and Temporary Excife, both, from the 2 5th of De¬ cember 1660; the Poft-Office immediately from the Royal Affent to the Aft for eftablilhing ir, which was given on the 29th of December, 1660; the Wine-Licences commenc’d from th eLady-Day following; and the firft Half-Yearly Payment of the Hearth-Money was due at Michaelmas, 1662. The Neat Produce of thefe fettled Taxes arofe not firft to Twelve Hundred Thoufand Pounds per An¬ num ; though after a few Years they arrived to this Sum, and in the latter part of this King’s Reign far exceeding that annual Amount: Bur, to fupply this Deficiency in the Beginning, very confiderable Sums were given by the Parliament, befides providing for all extraordinary Services: A particular State of which Sums for feveral of the firft Years after the Rejloration is hereto fub- joined: Whereby it will appear, 1. What was the Receipt of the Crown in each Year from its fettled Revenue, and from extraordinary Supplies. 2. What Part of the Whole wasdifburfed for the Public Services. And laftly, how much was ob¬ tained by the Crown, for the CivilLift only. No. I. [62] No. I. An Account of the Sums granted to King Charles the Second, by the Convention begun at Wejlmittfrer, the 25 th of A- prtl, 1660, within the firft feven Months after the Relloration ; that is, from the 29th of May 1660, to the 29th of December following, when the Conven¬ tion was diffolved. L. ■1. AN Aft for putting in Execution an'i Ordinance for the AJfeJfment of Se- I venly Thoufand Pounds per Month, /or > 210,000 Three Months , commencing the 24th of\ June, 1660. J 2. The Tunnsge and Poundage Aft, com¬ mencing from the 2\th of July, 1660. This to the Chriftmas following, be¬ ing Five Months, produced about 3. Two Afts for continuing the Common¬ wealth Excife to Chriftmas, 1690. The Amount of this Excife for that Time does not appear, but is fuppos’d to exceed the Cuftoms, and for thofe Seven Months may be ftated at 4. Ah Aft for thefpeedy Provifton of Money,' for disbanding and paying of the Forces of this Kingdom, both by Sea and Land. This was a Poll-Tax the higheft, and moft particular, that had ever been / >, >°°OiOOo granted beforethatTime; and compre- 1,550,000 Brought [«3 ] Brought over —-1 Ij5 / 0 ,ooo hended likewife a Tax of Two Shillings in the Pound upon all Eftates Real and Perfonal; its Amount, probably, ex- l ceeded j 5. An Alt for the fpeedy raifmg of Seventy"! Thoufand Poundsfor the prefent Supply of\ his Majejly ; this was by an AJfeJfmcnt off 70,000 Seventy Thoufand Pounds for one Month , 1 commencing the 29 th ^September, 1660. ** 6, An Alt for thefpeedy raifmg of Sevenfcore' Thoufand Pounds, for the compleat dif- banding of the whole Army, and payinz of fome Part of the Navy. J This was, by an Affeflment of Se¬ venty Thoufand Pounds per Month,for Two Months, commencing the firft of November , 1660. 140,000 7. An All for levying the Arrears of the' Twelve Months AJfeffment of One Hundred ThoufandPounds pec Month, commencing the 241b of June, 1659; and of the fix Months Affeffmentof One Hundred Thou¬ fand Pounds per Month, commencing the 25^ e/December, 1659. If we fuppofe, with Mr. Coke, Three Months of thefe Eighteen to be in Ar- rear, as might eafily be, in the Confu- fion of that Time, the Amount of this 300,000 8. An AH for granting his Majejly Four-] • Hundred and Twenty Thoufand Pounds, 1 by an AJfeffment of Seventy Thoufand Pounds put Month, for Sis Months, fir Brought over-2,0900,00 disbanding the Remainder of the Army,' and paying of the Navy. Though this Affeffment was only to commence from the firft Day of Janu¬ ary, 1660; yet one Moiety of it was to be paid on, or before, the firft Day of February following; and the Remainder 1 of it on, or before, the firft Day of April 4 * next enfuing : Belides which, there is a Claufe for allowing Ten per Cent, ln- tereft to any Perfon who lhall advance Money upon the Credit of this A£t; fo that the whole Amount was, probably, receiv’d very foon after Cbrijlmas. J ^ 4 'his was likewife by an Affeffment of Seventy Thoufand Pounds for one v. „ 0]00 .j Month, to commence from the tint: Day of July, 1661: But upon the Credit of it, his Majefty, probably, foon j obtain’d the greateft Part of it. J 10 .To which are to be added the fmalY ^TheirAmount, according to Sir Wil¬ liam Petty , in his little Trcatife entitled, VerbumSapienti, wrote ta after the Reflation, wds One Hundred and 3 Thirty Thoufand Pounds per Annum ; and it is not to be doubted but the whole Produce for this Year was very exaftly The The Hereditary and Temporary Excife, the Poft-Office, and Wine-Licences, were grant¬ ed by the fame Convention : But as theft: Du r ties began not to be in Collection, till after Chriftmas 1660, they are not added to the following Articles, whofe Produce was almoft all. obtain’d by the King, within the firft Seven Months after the Rejloration: For, it is to be remark’d, that the far greateft Part of the Ar¬ my was difcharg’d before Chriftmas, 1660; and the laft Remnant of it was entirely difbanded on Tower-Hill, the 14th of February following •, and the Navy was likewife paid off about the fame Time: fo 'that the Six Months Affeff- ment of Four Hundred and Twenty Tboufand Founds muft have been all receiv’d before that Time; unlefs it be fuppos’d, that the Moiety of it payable on the firft of February, was fuf- ficient for fatisfying all the Forces: which, if it was fo, the Crown gain’d more confiderably by the Gifts of thofe firft- Seven Months, than I (hall venture, without full Proof, to charge to its Account. It is evident, indeed, by the very Titles of the A6ts, that the Convention, after granting the Poll-Tax, for the fpeedy Provifion if Money for difcharging the Forces by Sea and Land, com-, puted, that the further Sum of One Hundred and Forty Tboufand Pounds was fully fufficient for the compleat difbanding of the whole Army, and paying the Navy : but yet the Crown after¬ wards demanded and obtain’d, Four Hundred and Twenty Tboufand Pounds more, for difcharg¬ ing the Remainder of the Forces. How- [«] However, admitting that the King gain’d nothing but this Bufinefs ; and that the three Articles of One Million, One Hundred and Forty Ihoufand Pounds, and Four Hundred and Fweniy Tbottfand Founds, did no more than fatisfy all the Expences of the Army, Navy, and the Pay of the three or four Regiments in Dunkirk ; the Refult of the whole Account will ftand thus, for the firft Sevan Months after the Refio- ration ; Granted for the Public Services, and ? „ , Qn „ „ Civil Lift- J 2,680,000 Disburs’d for the Public Services, 1,000,0001 140,000 >1,560,000 420,000) . Remainder, being the Sum obtain’d for! the Civil Lift, ——— 1 1,140,000 It may be obferv’d here befides, that the Convention prelented the King with Fifty Fhou- fand Pounds when he was in Holland -, and he receiv’d likewife confiderable Prefents from the States General, the City of London, and from a great Multitude of private Perions, before and after his Arrival: All which I pafs over, as well as the Amount of the Forfeitures in England and Ireland, to a great Sum; having it far from my Intention to iwell this Account beyond its inmoft Limits. This profufe Liberality to the Crown, it may be expefted, will be moderated next Year; the firft Tranfports of the Reparation were [ 6 7 ] were then over: The Congratulory Poems from the Two Univerfities by that Time were extintt ; and the Cavaliers , having done with loafing of their Valour , were glad to leg any where a little Credit. To compleat our Hap- pinefs, upon the 8th of May i66r, the Nation was equipp’d with a Parliament entirely Tory -, Now, doubtlefs, we fhall fee great Frugality , an exact Infpettion into the Public Accounts , and a Pattern laid down for fucceeding Parliaments. However, before we triumph too much in thefe good Things, it will be proper to obferve a little how the Gentlemen fet forwards. I find then, amongft their firft Operations; I. An Act againjl Tumults and Diforders, upon Pre¬ tence of preparing or prefenting Public Petitions, or other Addrejfes to his Majejly, or the Parlia- 2 . An Act for the well governing and regulating of Corporations. By this Aft, all Perfons concern’d in the Ma- giftracy of any Corporation were oblig’d to take the following Qath - x 1 A. B. do declare and believe, that it is not lawful, upon any Pretence whatever, to take Arms againjl the King ; and that I do abhor that Traitorous Poftion of taking Arms by his Authority againjl hisPerfon, or againjl thofe that are commijfion’d by hittf: So help me God. This was abolifli’d, the firft of King Wil¬ liam and Mary, and had, in the Opinion of the Enaftors, entirely excluded us froni ever af- finting our Rights and Liberties. P 2 3. An I®] 3. An Act for preventing the MifchUfs and Dangers that may arife by certain Pcrfons called 'uakers, and Others, refufing to take lawful Oaths. 4. An Act for the Uniformity of Public Prayers, and Adminijlration of Sacraments, and other Rites and Ceremonies. This Aft, the great Mr. Locke fays, “ was “ fatal to oki' Church and Religion, in throw- “ ing out a very great Number (above two “ Thoufand) of Worthy, Learned, Pious, “ and Orthodox Divines, who could not come “ up to feveral Things in it.” * 5. An Act for preventing Abufes in printing Seditious, Treafonable and Unlicenfed Books and Pamphlets ; andfor regulating of Printing,andPrinting-PreJfes. This Aft was continued from Time to Time, to June 16S5; and thence for feven Years longer, which extended beyond the Revolution-, after which it was h 0 n e s t l y fuffer’d to ex¬ pire, being inconfiftent with the Liberties of a Free People. It would be eafy to fill a Volume with the worthy Exploits of this Sort perform’d by this Parliament; how ftoutly they fupprefs’d all Conventicles ; ■ imprifoning, and otherwife puni- mlhingThoufands of pious and fcrupulous Pro- Icflants, for quietly worfhipping God accord¬ ing to their own Confciences ; abolilhing the Rights and Liberties of the People, and credit¬ ing in their Stead Paffive Obedience and Non- Rejifiance ; A Letter to a Verfn of Quality. [69 ] Refinance : But, leaving thefe Heroical Acls, it is my Province, at prefent, to enquire into their Bounty to the King, who enjoy’d now a very cohfiderable fettled Revenue, and was therefore inlefr-Want of any Additional Sup¬ plies. An Account of the Neat Produce of the Settled Revenue, and of the other Sums granted to King Charles the Secondfrom Chriftmas 1660 to Chriftmas 1661. 1. 'T'HE Cufloms, then farm’d at? _ 1 about i 350,000 2. The Hereditary and Temporary Ex- ? „ „ „ cife, then farm’d at f VSW 3. The Wine-Licences firft paid at Lady- ) Day that Year, J 7 ,°°° 4. The fmall Branches, whofe Amount Sir William Petty about that Time computes, as follows, Crown-Lands per Annum 70,000 ■ Poft-Office, 20,000 Coinage and Pre-emption of Tin 12,000 Foreft of Dean, 4,000 j Courts of Juftice, 6,000 Firft-Fruits, 18,000 J 130,000 762,952 Brought L; 7 fo,?S« f 7° ] Brought over 5. An Act for the declaring, vefling, and' fettling, of all fuch Monies, Goods, and Things in his Majejly, which were re¬ ceiv'd, levied or collected in thefe late Times, and are remaining in the Hands or Pojfejfm of any Treafurers, Recei- ■ vers, Collectors, or others not pardon'd ly the Act of Oblivion, The Amount of thefe is unknown, but there were, doubtlefs, very confide- rable Sums outftanding and unfettled, for which this Aft was pafs’d ; I fhall, however, ftate what was obtained only at 6. An Act for a Free and Voluntary Pre -" fent to his Majejly. This was like a general Brief through¬ out the Kingdom; and confidering the Bent of the Times, and that many Peo- -ple wanted fuch Opportunities of ingra- '' tiating themfelves with the Court, its Amount muft have been very large: however, I fhall charge it only, ac¬ cording to Mr. Coke, at 1 7. An Act for veiling, in Ins Majejly the• Arrears of theExcife, and new Impojl. By this Adt his Majefty has a Power of profecuting all Perfons,or theirSecuri- ties; and theHeirs,Executors,andAdmi- iiiftrators of thefe, for all Arrears, and Sums, that were chargeable and deman- • dable for thofe Duties, whilft they fub- fifted : And thefe Perfons again have a • Power given them of profecuting others, to relieve themfelves in this Refpedt. The Sum that the King obtain’d by this, Mr. Coke charges at 50,000 300,000, 1,412,952. Brough^ L. Brought over 1,412,o<2 Thefe Aits were palled the 30th of July 1661, from which the Parliament was adjourn’d to the 20th of November fol¬ lowing, when they liberally yzfc’i, within lefs than a Month, the two following Afts, which, among others, receiv’d the Royal Aflent, the 1 Oth of Dec. 1661. 8. An Act for granting unto the King’s~\' Majejly Twelve Hundred and Sixty ( Thoufand Pounds. I This was by an Afleflment of Seventy F Thoufand Pounds per Month for Eigh- )■ 1,260,00a teen Months, commencing from the ’ 25th of December 1661: But, upon the Credit of it, his Majefty foon rais’d the greateft Part of this Sum. 9. An Act to enable the King’s Majejly to - make Leafes, Grants, and Copies of Of¬ fices, Lands, Tenements, and Heredita¬ ments, Parcels of his Highnefs's Dutchy of Cornwall, or annexed to thefame, and for Confirmation of Leafes and Grants already made. This empower’d the King to grant Leafes forThirty-one Years, or Three Lives, of the Crown-Lands, in the Dutchy of f 100,000 Cornwall ; the referv’d Rent only not to be lefs than one Quarter of the Year¬ ly Value ; by which, doubtlefs, very large Sums were rais’d; The old Leafes granted by his Father being almoft all expir’d ; and many Perfons bidding for the new Grants; fo that I may mode¬ rately ltate the Sum gain’d by this at [7*-l ’Tis requifite to ftate next . the Dilburfe- ments of the Crown this Year for the Pub¬ lic Services, which, according to the belt' In¬ formation I can obtain, were nearly as fol¬ lows. No. III. An Account of the Dijburfements for the Public Services from Chriftmas 1660, to Chriftmas 1661, difiinguijh'd under the 1 Jeveral Articles. 1. *T*HE Charges of Dunkirk, which Y i Mr. Coke, from the InformationC of feverai Members of Parliament, e-C flimates at ' 2. The Ordinary of the Navy and Ord-’ nance. His Majefty himfelf, in 1678, promis’d the Parliament, if they would fettle an additional Revenue upon him, to allot Fifty Thoufand Pounds per Annum, for the future, to this Service; it may, therefore, be fafely prefum’d, that before that Time, it had not coft him fo much 5 and that fo early as this Year, it did not amount to more than J 3. TheChargesofaSummer-Guard,andl Cruifers, reckoning Three Thoufand j Men, at the prefent Expence of Four I Pounds a Man per Month. This is | confirm’d by Sir William Petty, who J- eftimates the whole Charges of the Na- j vy; that is, including the Ordinary, I in. this,Reign, communibus Annie, at I about 200,000 /. J L. 6o,oo® 40,000 156,000 256,000 Brought 1 . 256,00 a [ 73 ] Brought over 4. The Pay of one Regiment of Horfe,' and of one’Regiment of Root, which, upon' disbanding the Army, his Ma- jefty form’d for his own Guard ; the Expence of thefe muft then have been lefs than the prefeut Pay of the Four Troops of Life-Guards, and of the Coldjirmm Regiment of Foot-Guards: However, that I may not under-efti- mate any thing, I fliall charge it at this, viz. The Horfe at 66,368 The Foot at 33,299- 5. Garrifons, Fire, Candle, and Contin- Total 375,667 And- the Refult of the. whole Account for the Year, ending at Chrijlmas 1661, will ftand thus; Received by the Crown for the Publick Services, and Civil Lilt, J2,772,952 Disburs’d for the Public Services, 375,667 Remainder, being the Sum obtain’d by the Crown for the Civil Lift, }2397,285 Thefe were the Firft-Fruits of this Loyal Parliament, and fuch is the Tory Liberality to the Crown, when the Pojfeffor, of. it.is .after their own Heart ; bur, firice the Revolution , they are the moft jqiteaniiflj of People, and have been frighten’d at-allowing the Grown an Arrear of One Hundred and Fifteen \Thmfand Pounds, even to fupply a Deficiency; which the Parliament was-engag’d to make good- K Bu c [74] But it is proper to obferve the further Progrefs of thefe Gentlemen. The Parliament was prorogued from the 20th of December 1661 to the ioth of January following, where they perform’d many noble A&ions againft the Rights and Freedom of their Country: But their Pecuniary Exploits be¬ ing what I am at prefent to fet forth, it is ne- cefiary to give. No. IV. An Account of the Neat Produce of the Settled Revenue, and of the other Sums granted to King Charles the Second, from Chriftmas 1661 to Chriftmas 1662. L. 1. ’J'HE Cuftoms, then farm’d at about 350,000 2. The Hereditary and Temporary Ex -1 cife, then farm’d at I 275,952 3. The Wine-Licences, 7,000 4. The fmall Branches, including thel Poll-Office 1 130,000 762,952 5. An Ait for ejiablijhing an Additional' Revenue upon bis Majejly, his Heirs and Succeffors, for the better Support of his and their Crown and Dignity. This was the Hearth-Tax, which, until the King had a Power of colleft- ing by his own Officers, I mult be fo Brought [ 75 ] Brought over fair to acknowledge, produc’d only' about One Hundred Thoufand Pounds per Annum, tho’ after this Power was granted to his Majefty, as it was very . foon, its Annual Produce was more than double that Sum; the firft Half- yearly Payment of this Duty was due, and levy’d at Michaelmas in t bis Year. _ 6. An Ail directing tbeProfecution of fitch"]' as are accountable for Prize-Goods. By this A£t all Prize-Moneys, or Goods, fince the Year 1642, which were unfettled and undetermin’d, were vetted in his Majefty: This compre¬ hended many very confiderable Cap¬ tures belonging to our brave Seamen, . that they had taken in the Common- wealth-War with the Dutch , and in the Protec tor’s~Wat with the Spaniards and Portuguefe. And it is faid in the , ASt, that thefe would, probably, a- i mount to confiderable Sums of Mo- ! ney ; and they may therefore be very j 1 moderately ftated at 7. An Act for the more fpeedy and ef --.: fectual bringing thofePerfons to an Ac- • count, whofe Accounts are excepted in ! the Act of Oblivion. As this feems to be only an En- ■ forcementof a former Adt pafs’d the laft Year, (Article 5. No. II.) I fhall not charge any thing here to its A- mount. K 2 L. 762,952 50,000 50,000 000,000 862,952- Brought [76 1 l Brought over 862,953 8 . An AH for ordering the Forces in thc~\ feveral Counties of this Kingdom. I His Majefty was empower’d, by this I Aft, upon any apparent Danger of the I Government, of which he was left the 1 Judge, to raife Seventy Thoufand J Pounds, per Annum, for Three Years, by an Afleflment, for defraying the Expence of any Part of the Militia, he fhould in fuch Cafe think fit to em¬ ploy. This, according to my Appre- henfion, was a Vote of Credit ; or an Additional Grant to the Civil Li/l, un~ der the Appearance of a Vote of Credit. And, as Articles of this Sort have been the grand Topic of Cenfure, of late Years, it is proper to be known; that . the Precedent of them was firjl intro¬ duc’d amongft us, by this Tory Par¬ liament. ' r 1.-. : . Total L. 1,072,952 The Smalnefs of this Sum, confidering. the Liberality of thefe Gentlemen, I muft confefs, furpriz’d me at firft; • and I could hot help wondering what Accident had diverted them from their former Speed, and his Majefty from his ufual Graving. . I observ'd,, that the .Par¬ liament was prorogued frpm. the 17th of May in this Yefr, when thefe.Afts received the Royal Aflent, to the 18 th of February (oh lowing, which is a confiderable Advance -into another Yegr j but T fooprecolleftcd that his Majefty was employ’d in felling Dunkirk to the French King, the latter End of this Summer, and receiv’d a large Portion with his Queen the Infanta of Portugal : The Amount of thefe two Sums is, therefore, to be added to z the [ 77 J the Former Articles; and the whole Account of his Majefty’s Receipts from Chriftmas 1661 to Chriftmas 1662, will Hand thus : The Amount of the Eight Articles be- ? fore fpecify’d, £ 1 >°72,95z, Receiv’d by the Sale of Dunkirk, (bc-j fides the French King’s engaging for { • his Sifter’s Portion to the Duke of [ Orleans) Five Millions of Limes ; 250,000 which then at about Twelve Pence [ each, though fince reduc’d, amounted I Receiv’d for Queen Catharine’s Portion 1 . about ' f 300,000 1,622,952 No. V. Jhi Account of the Dijburfements for the Public Services from Chriftmas 1661 to Chriftmas 1662, diftinguifld under the feveral Articles. 1. 'T'HE Charges of Dunkirk, which,*) though it was deliver’d to the / French before the End of this Year, I r 60, OOO fhall ftate the full Expence, J 2. The Charges of Tangier, which Sir-, JVtlliam Petty, in his Verb om Sa- / PiENTi,eftimates, communihus minis, L 6c,000 exclufive of the Charge of the Mole, f which was fcarce yet begun upon, at J [ 78 ] Brought over - 3. The Ordinary of the Navy and Ord- j nance, 4. The Expence of Lord Sandwich’s Squadron of eighteen Men of War this Year to Lisbon ; Part of which brought home the new Queen, and the reft un¬ der Sir John Lawfon attack’d the Al- _ gerines: If we reckon the whole Number of Seamen employ’d this . Year at Six Thoufand Men, and thefe ; at Four Pounds a Man per Month, j tho’ it is too much, the Amount is ; 5. The Horfe and Foot-Guards, as be-1 fore, though too much, J 6. Garrifons, Fire, Candle, and Con- J tingencies, S 7. The Sum of Sixty Thoufand Pounds-j ■ to the poor Cavalier Officers: this was j direfted to be paid them, by an Aft 1 of Parliament pafs’d this Seffion, en- | titled, .A/ Act ferDiftribution of Three- j fcore Thoufand Pounds amongft the tru- ; ly loyal and indigent Officers t out of the Affeflment of OneMillion,Two Hun- ; dred and Sixty Thoufand Pounds, granted to the King laft Seffion. It is . very obfervable, that the Oppofition of the Lords and Commons to the King in 1642, is in this Aft call’d a Barba¬ rous Rebellion ; tho’ the Convention in 1660, and all that regard the Rights of the People, juftify’d that firft Oppofi¬ tion, before the Exclufion of the Ma- ‘ jority of the Members of the Houfe of Commons; 120,000 40,000 312,000 99,667 20,000 60,000 Total 651,667 [ 79 I It will be admitted, I believe, by every Gen¬ tleman, who is at all vers’d in thefe Subjefts, that I have by no Means fupprefs’d or dimi- nilh’d, any Articles of the Expences of the Crown for the Public Services: If I difcover any Warmth againft Tory Principles and Tory Con- dull, I am far from being biafs’d by it into any unfair Reprefentation of Fadts, which are every where deliver’d with Probity, and from the belt Information I have been able to obtain. I beg Pardon for this Digrefiion, and return to examine the Refult of the whole Account of the Receipts of the Crown, and of its Difburfements for the Year, ending at Chrift- ms 1662 l. Receiv’d bv the Crown for the Public J , - „ „„„ Services and Civil Lift, {1,622,952 Disburs’d for the Public Services, 651,667 Remainder, being the Civil Lift Re-1 o. venue, 5 V 7 , 5 ’Tis proper to examine the Receipts and Disburfements of one Year more. The Parliament met the 18th of February 1662, and the following is. No; [ 8o] No. VI. An Account of the Neat Produce of the Settled Revenue, and of the other Sunn granted to King Charles the Second front Chriftmas 1662 to Chriftmas 1663. i.rr'HE Cuftoms, then farm’d at; about ; 350,000 2. The Excife, then farm’d at 3. The Wine-Licences 4. The finall Branches, including the 7 Poft-Office, V 27S.952 7,000 130,000 5. The Hearth-Tax, 6. An Aa for granting four entire Sut dies to his Majefty. by the Temporally, I 7. An Aa for confirming offour Subfiles f granted by the Clergy ; J ThefeTwocomprehend a veryftri£i-j Land-Tax of Four Shillings in the I Pound, which, though it is laid to have L been fome what .evaded,. I apprehend, l mult have amounted to this Sum. J 8. An Explanatory Actfor Recovery of the. Arrears of Excife. This being only to render more ef¬ fectual an Aft before palled, (Article : the 7 th, N. II.) I lhall charge nothing here for its Amount.. 000,000 Total 2,062,952 Thefe Thefe Afts were pafs’d the 3d of June and 27th of July 1663, from which laft Day the Parliament was prorogued to the 16th of March following. It is obfervable, that the King this Year gave the Wine-Licences and Poft-Office to the Duke of York, and a few Years after re¬ fum’d them again: However, thefe are both to be confider’d as the Revenue of the Crown, and are paid for accordingly by the People, whatever be his Majefty’s Method of difpofing of them. No. VII. An Account of the Dijburfements for the Public Services from Chriftmas 1662 to Chriftmas 1663, difingulf'd under the feveral Articles. i.f-£ANGIER, vAJ\ch as the Pro- jeft of the Male there now begun, I fhall ftate at double the| former Expence, or 2. The Ordinary of the Navy and Ord- J ther 3. TheCharges of a Summer’s Guard, and 1 Cruifers, reckoning Three Thoufand >■ 156,000 Men, at FourPounds a Man per Month, ' 4. The Pay of one Regiment of Horfe -1 Guards, and of One Regiment of Foot- 99,667 Guards, J 5. Garrifons, Fire, Candle, and Contin-? 2 o 000 gencies, S ’ L. 435,667 [ 82 ] Dunkirk was deliver’d to the French King' the latter end of laft Year; and I find no Account of any extraordinary Ex¬ pence that was incurred thisYear, unlefs it was the Pay of the Englijh Troops, that had been inGarrifonat Dunkirk \ and upon the relinquifliingof thatTown to the French, were fent into Portugal, and there adted as Auxiliaries under the Command ofCountSc/;s//ii5 7 , 5 The next Year the Parliament gave the King a Power of colledting the Heartb-Tax by his own Officers, which immediately rais’d the Produce of that Duty to about 160,000/. per Annum, and it went on further increafing'; befides this, about the End of this Year, they granted the King a Royal Aid of 2,477,500/. 2 for [ 3 3 ] for the Defence of the Nation, and his other Occafions. This was indeed given in Expec¬ tation of the Butch War, which was declared the 2 2d of February , 1664; and as it is diffi¬ cult to determine, how much of this vaft Sum, and of the other extraordinary Aids, was ap¬ plied by his Majefty to the Ufes of the War, I ffiall proceed no further in attempting to ftate his Civil Lift Revenue ; but only beg leave to obferve, that it was generally elleemed one of the chief Motives to his Majefty’s engaging in this War, that he fhould be able to obtain confiderable Sums out of the Supplies, for his own private Purpofes; and it is certain, that in Schemes of this Sort his Majefty took parti¬ cular Care never to be miftaken; I have be¬ fore mention’d the Reproach that befel us at Chatham, which was owing to his pocketing eighteen hundred thoujand Pounds that fhould have fitted out the Navy; it muft therefore be admitted, that a Computation of his Civil Lift Money from a Medium of the three firft Years and an half, when he was engaged in no War, and whilft the Produce of his fettled Revenue, was not half what it afterwards amounted to, will be a very low and moderate Eftimate; and therefore I fhall now ftate it accordingly, from the foregoing Accounts. The Civil Lift Revenue for the firft Half' l Year after the Reftoration, ending at '■ 1,120,000 Chriftmas, 1660. [,120,000 [8 4 ] L. Brought over. -— 1,120,000 The fame, for the Year ending at Chrift- mas, 1661, being the Firft-Fruits of [2,397,285 the Tory Parliament, j The fame, for the Year ending at Chrift- \ „_ T ~ mas, 1662. , 5 The fame, for the Year ending at Chrift - ^ 2 g^ Total 6,075,855 Which Sum of 6,075,855/. for three Years and an Half, is after the Rate of 1,735,900/. for one Year. And this may be fairly ftated as, upon a Medium, the annual Civil Lift Re¬ venue after the Reftoration. ‘ The Sum is indeed extravagantly large. But whoever accurately examines the Accounts of this Reign, will find it is by no means ex¬ aggerated ; on one Hand, is to be remembred his Majefly’s infatiable Appetite for Money, and his various Devices for procuring it; on the other , the forward Liberality of his Tory Com¬ mons. After the End of the firft Dutch War, when his Majefty could no more demand any Sums on that Pretence, he ftarted the Tr i p le Alliance, and required exorbitant Supplies, in order to keep the Peace ; and his Commons very readily granted him almoft three mil¬ lions sterling, for the Support of this League; the Lords upon this Occafion were quite alarmed at the Profufion of the Com¬ mons ; the Lord Lucas, in his Majefty’s own Prefence, thus freely complained of their ex¬ travagant travagant Bounty. “ In this wild Way, fays “ his Lordfhip, we have no Certainty at all ; “ for if you give thus much To-day, you may give “ as much more To-morrow, and never leave giv- “ ing, till we have given all that ever we have “ away ;- It is therefore necejjary to be “ able to make fome Efiimate of ourfelves ; would “ his Majefty be pleafed to have a Quarter of our “ Eftates ? For my part he fhallhave it. Would “ he be pleafed to have half? For my part, upon “ good Occafion, he fhall have it ; but then let “ us have fome Afjurances of the quiet Enjoy- “ ment of the Remainder, and know what we “ have to truft to. The Commons have here fent “ up a Bill for the giving his Majefty the twen- “ tieth Part of our Eftates -, and I hear there “ are other Bills alfo preparing, which together “ will amount to little lefts than three Millions of “ Money. A prodigious Sum! AidJucb, that “ if your Lordfhips afford no Relief, we muft “ fink under the Weight of it ; I hope therefore “ your Lordfhips will fet fome Bounds to the over “ liberal Humour of the Commons.” In fhorr, his Majefty was perpetually craving, and the Commons were gorging him; and whether he was in War or Peace, he never wanted Pretence for alking, nor the Commons for giving, ex- ceffive Supplies. I Ihall not dwell upon the Bribes which his Majefty received from the French Court, as Seven Hundred Thoufand Pounds for engaging in the fecond Dutch War: and, as it was gene¬ rally fuppos’d, about as much more for refu- fing to pafs the Bill of Exclufion ; befides his conftant ordinary Penfion from that Crown. But I beg Leave to infift a little upon two of his Majefty’s Pecuniary Exploits, viz. The flat¬ ting up of the Exchequer , and The Sale of the Crown-Lands. The firft of thefe Actions was an infamous Robbery of his Majeity’s Creditors to the A- mount of Thirteen Hundred and Twenty-eight Thoufand, Five Hundred , and Twenty-fix Pounds, whereby Thoufands of Families were ruin’d ; and it is proper to be remember’d, that the Advifer * of this Scheme, inftead of being im¬ peach’d, and expos’d to the National Cenfure, was created a Peer, and made High-Treafurer of England , upon the foie Merit of it: AH which was in thofe Days filently acquiefc’d in by a Tory Parliament. The Sale of the Crown-Lands, purfuant to an Aft for that Purpofe. in the Year 1670, brought in, as Mr. Coke fays, about Thirteen Hundred Thoufand Pounds ; or probably up¬ wards ; confidering that the Rent paid to the Crown was Seventy Thoufand Pounds per Annum, befides Reverfions; which, at Twenty Years Purchafe, amounts to Fourteen Hundred Thou¬ fand Pounds: And I mention this likewife, .that it may always be remember’d, that the depriving of the Crown of its ancient Patrimony, and thereby throwing upon the People the whole , Burden of its Maintenance, was the Aft and Heed of a Tory Parliament. I Ihall only add one Word more upon the Snbjeft of his Majefty’s Civil Lift Money: It appears that in the Year 1675, the Majority of of the Commons being then JVhigs, and hav¬ ing made an Enquiry into the Public Ac¬ counts, the Houfe found that the King, be- fides enjoying the Produce of his fettled Re¬ venues, had receiv’d a Million for the Ufes of the War more than he had expended in it: And “ In the Report made of this Affair, (as “ is mention’d by Rapin) it was faid, that “ the Parliament was not oblig’d to pay the King’s private Debts by a Tax : for, if this “ Pretenfion was admitted, they would have “ to pay the like Debts about a Year and half “ hence; and fo encourage the Court to exa£i “ yearly a Million and half \ as they had bitherlg “ 'done ; that fince the End of the War, the “ whole Charge of the Government, both “ by Sea and Land, amounted not to above “ Seven Hundred ‘Thoufand Pounds Sterlings “ and the clear Income of the Revenue came “ at leaft to Sixteen Hundred Thoufand Pounds “ Sterling: And confequently, there ought to “ have been a Yearly Remainder of near a “ Million.”. From whence it is obfervable, i. That the King had annually exadted from the Parlia¬ ment about a Million and a half. 2. That the Produce of his Revenue was then greatly in¬ creas’d, amounting to Sixteen Hundred Tkou- fand Pounds per Annum. 3. That the Ex- pences of the Government, in which, I ap¬ prehend, were of courfe included the Salaries of Officers, Ambaffadors, &c. &c. which are now confider’d as Charges upon the Civil .Lift, were Seven Hundred Hsoufand Pounds per Annum ; the Number of difciplin’d Forces being [ 38 ] being by this Time increas’d beyond the two Regiments of Guards, which were firft: efta- blifhed: And, if from this Sum be dedufted One Hundred Thoufand Pounds per Annum for the Articles which belong to the Civil Lift, the whole Amount of the Public Expence was then Six Hundred thoufand Pounds per Annum which is confirm’d by Sir William Petty, in his Political Arithmetic, Page the 103, who, fpeak- ing of this Reign, fays, “ the Ordinary Charge “ of the Government, in times of deep and ferene “ Peace, was not Six Hundred thoufand Pounds “ per Annum!' So that if this Sum be fub- ftracted from the Produce of the fettled Re¬ venue, there will be a Million left clear for his Majefty’s Civil Lift;- lefides what he an¬ nuallyexalted from Parliament, which in the fore¬ going Report is faid to be a Million and half more.-. -After this, I prefume, the Reader will be fully fatisfy’d of the Modefty of the foregoing Eftimate of the Civil Lift Revenue in this Reign, at One Million, Seven Hundred thirty-five thoufand. Nine Hundred Pounds per Annum. I come next to confider the Annual In¬ come of the People at the Reftoration: This is varioufly eftimated by different Authors, as muft naturally be expefted from the great Va¬ riety and Magnitude of the Circumftances^ a very fmall Difference in the firft Principles making a very large Difagreement in the Conclufion. Sir William Petty, in his Ver- lum Sapienti, which he wrote foon after the Reftoration, fays, Page 5, That the Number of People in England and Wales was then re¬ boot Six Millions and that their Annual Ex¬ pence and Four Pence per Plead, upon a Medium, a- mounted to Forty Millions. He then reckons the Rent of the Lands of England and Wales, without the Houfing, to be Eight Millions per Annum-, And computes further as fol¬ lows, L. The Value of all the Houfing in Eng- } land and Wales ‘ f 30,000,003 The Value of the Shipping 3,000,000 The Value of the Live Stock of Cattle, 1 Deer, Swine, Fifh, tstc. upon thefaid > 36,000,000 Land 3 The Gold and Silver Coin fcarce 6,000,000 The reft of the Perfonal Stock, com -1 prehendingWares,Merchandize,and [ 31,000,000 Utenfils of Plate and Furniture 3 Total Value of all the Houfing and of ) the reft of the Stock [106,000,000 To which he adds the Value of the ") Eight Millions per Annum in Land, [ r44,000,000 at Eighteen Years Purchafe 3 The Total Value of all the Land and 1 Stock of England and Wales at that [250,000,0 Time according to his Eftimation 3 Again, this One Hundred and Six Millions Value in Stock, exclufive of the Land, he computes to yield about Seven Millions per Annum: So that the Annual Income of the Land and Stock was Fifteen Millions: And the remaining Twenty-five Millions , wanting M to poles to be gain’d by Labour: But the fame Gentleman, Page-the 75 th of his Political A- rithmetick, fays. That the whole Number of People in Great Britain and Ireland, appear’d, from the Excife, Poll-Tax, and Hearth-Tax, to be Nine Millions and a half-, of which, as he eftimates the Number in Ireland to have been about One Million, One Hundred Ihotifand ; and that of all Scotland to be about as many; It follows that the Number of People in Eng¬ land and Wales was upwards of Seven Millions. This was fully confirm’d by the Hearth- Books, which fhew’d the whole Number of Houfes in England and Wales, foon after the Reftoration, to be about 1,230,000; And reckoning Six Perfons, at a Medium, to each Houfe, it fixes the whole Number of our People, at that Period, to be about Seven Millions. As to the Quaintity of our Coin at that Time, Dr. Davenant, from the Evidence of the Money brought in to be recoin’d, and ocjier proper Accounts which he afterwards determines, Page the 33d of the Second Vo¬ lume of his Difcourfes on the Public Revenues, That the Coin of England at the Red oration was Fourteen Millions Sterling. This differs, it is true, very widely from Sir William Petty, who, as well as mod: other Gentlemen, be¬ fore the Recoinage of our Clipped Money, en¬ tertain’d an Opinion, thac the Quantity of Coin in this Kingdom was very inconfidera- ble_: This they abundantly fortify’d them- [ 9 1 ] felves in, by their Ingenuity in demonftrating, how eafily a very fmall Sum, by circulating fwiftly through different Hands, might be a Medium fufficient for carrying on all our JBu- finefs. Mr. Lowndes , in his Report, Page the 108th, eftimates the whole Quantity of the Silver Coins, clipp’d and unclipp’d, hoarded and current in England in 1695, to be Five Millions, Six Hundred Fboufand Pounds ; which, within two Years after, at the Recoinage, appeared to be Nine Millions Sterling. How¬ ever, this happen’d to be a very fortunate Mis¬ take for this Kingdom : For a longer Delay of the Recoinage muft have been attended with the moll fatal Mifchiefs; And the Opinion, which prevail’d, of the fmall Quantity of our Coin, was an Encouragement to fome, more than better Arguments of the Pradticablenefs, as well as Expediency, of a immediate Remedy. It was happy for Britain, at that important Crifis, that the Great Mr. Mountague prefided at the Freafury .- His excellent Rea- foning animated the Attempt, and fix’d the Model of this vaft Undertaking. The Tor¬ rent of bafe Money poured into the Mints be¬ yond all Eftimation, and Provifion for its Deficiency, no way perplex’d his fuperior Genius; and whilft others were giddy with the Precipices on every Side, he almoft alone was calm and ferene; and di&ated the Whole with irrefiftible Strength, and unerring Dif- cernment. An Accomplifhment, the greateft that was.ever performed by any Minifter 1 Let it always be remember’d with the warmeft Grati¬ tude, and endear the Name of Halifax to M 2 Britain: [ 92 ] Britain: And though the Statues of Gold, that he merited, were not rais’d to his Memory, yet every Piece from that Mint is a M e d a l to his Glory.- Nor is it any Diminution of his immortal Fame, that he was foon after perlecuted by a c tory Fac¬ tion ; who, having exerted their utmoft Ef¬ forts to perplex, and defeat the Recoinage, never forgave Him that Service to his Coun¬ try ; but, whilft the Coin was yet blooming , brought a fcandalous Impeachment againft Him, and the Truly Great and Victorious Lord Orfor d. After this Digreffion, I return again to con- fider Dr. Davenant’ s Eftimate ; who,. though he feems juftly to have determin’d, from the Accounts of the Mints, and other Obferva- tions, the Quantity of the Coin in this King¬ dom, and the Reftoration, to be Fourteen Millions Sterling, yet has, by no Means, apprehended rightly the Quantity of our other Stock at the fame Period ; for, Page the 27th of the fame Volume, he eftimates the Amount of all our Stock in 1660, comprehending Gold and Silver Coin, Wrought Plate, Bullion, Rings, Jewels, Furniture, Apparel, Shipping, Stock for Trade, Stock for Confumption, and Live Stock of Cattle to be Fifty-fix Millions: But, as he fhews our Coin only to have been then Fourteen Millions, the Remainder, which is Forty-two Millions, or thrice the Value of our Coin, is all that he has left for the Amount of our 'whole Sto'ck befides: Whereas, it may fafely be judg’d, that this Amount was' more' than twenty-times as great as the • Value of our Coin '' .. • only, [ 93 ] oily, or upwards .of Two Hundred and Eighty Millions Sterling ; which I fhall thus cafily fhew to be extremely probable. If you go into the Houfe of the meaneft Cottager, you will find fome Sort of Furni¬ ture within, befides his own Tools, and ge¬ nerally fome little Stock without Doors. All which together may be worth Three or Four Pounds, or probably much more, though this Man fhall never have Five Shillings by him at once throughout the Year, and one Time with another not near Sixpence. If you go into a Farmer’s Houfe and examine his Cir- cumftances, you will find he has feldom more by him in'Money than Thirty or Forty Shil¬ lings, if fo much ; except for a few Days af¬ ter a Fair, and till he has carried it to his Landlord; whereas his conftant Stock in his Houfe, in his Barns, in the Ground, and his Live Stock of Cattle of all Kinds, fhall. be worth Three or Four Hundred Pounds. If you go into a common Shopkeeper’s Houfe, you will feldom find more than Ten or Twelve Pounds in the Till, though at the fame Time the Stock in his Shop is worth Two or Three Hundred Pounds. If you examine the Houfes- of wholefale Dealers, you, will find fuch as are worth Ten or Twelve Thoufand Pounds, and upwards, have feldom more than Two or Three Hundred Pounds in Cafh lying by them; and Merchants- worth Twenty or Thirty Thou¬ sand Pounds, who have the mod Occafion for Money at Command, will feldom keep more than a Thoufand, or Fifteen Hundred Pounds in Cafh at their Bankers, and much lefs than this Sum in general. And laffty,. if you enquire into the State of Gentlemens’ Houfes, from Peers [ 94 ] Peers to thoil of the loweft Rank, it will be found that the ready Money they have by them, is a very fmall Part of the Value of their Plate, Furniture, and Stock of all Kinds. As to the Cafh that lies with the Bankers, I have before diftributed that to the Merchants; and fo far are thefe Bankers from keeping any of their own Money by them, that is is certain they keep but a Part only of what is depofited in their Hands by other Perfons; without which they would have no Advantage: So that in the whole Circle of People of all De¬ grees, the Sum lying by them in ready Calh is a very fmall Part, not one Twentieth, it is pro¬ bable, of their whole Stock; that is, of the whole Stock of the Kingdom : And therefore, as this has always been the Cafe, if, at the Re- ftoration , the Coin of the Kingdom was about Fourteen Millions, as it appears to have been, it is probable that the Value of all the reft of the Stock was then, at the common Market- Price, Two Hundred and Eighty Millions Sterling. I might from hence endeavour to point out the Income of this Stock, and add to it the In¬ come of the Land-, and to thefe afterwards join the Amount of the Income that was gain’d by Labour ; all which together would be the whole Amount of the Annual Income of the People ; but as Eftimates of this Sort require much Ex¬ planation, in order to carry with them a pro¬ per Conviftion, it is neceffary in this Place to purfue a Ihorter Method. If therefore the whole Number of the People in England and Wales, at the Reftoration, was Seven Millions, and the annual Expence of each, at a Medium, was then about Six Pounds, Ten Shillings, which r 95 ] is nearly agreeable to Sir William Petty's Com¬ putation in his Verbttm Sapienti , it follows, that their whole annual Expence was Forty-five Millions and a Half Sterling. But all Perfons that are verfed in Speculations of this Sort, however they differ in other Points, unanimoufly agree, that the Trade and Manufactures of this Kingdom in general, were then in increafing Circumftances; and Dr. Davenant, in his Effay on the Balance of Trade, Page 103. fays, that Mr. Gregory King had efti mated upon the moil probable Grounds, that the annual Increment of our Stock about the Year 1664, was One Mil¬ lion, Two Hundred Thottfand Pounds, and was ftill going on with an accumulated Augmenta¬ tion. This Rate of Increafe being admitted, though it feems much too low, it follows, that the whole Annual Income of the King and People of this Realm, foon after the Reftora- tion, was about Forty-fix Millions, Seven Hun¬ dred Tboufand Pounds Sterling, or One Million,' Two Hundred Thoufand Pounds per Annum more than their Expence, f But the Annual Income belonging to the King only, or the Civil Lift Revenue at that Time, was 1,735,900/. therefore deducting this from 46,700,000/. the Remainder, or 44,964,100/. was the Income that belong’d to the Public ; and the Civil Lift Revenue at that Time, was to the Revenue belonging to the Public, as 1,735,900/. to 44,964,100/. or as 1 to 26 nearly in whole Numbers. James the Second fucceeded his Brother on the 6th of February 168-J, and foon afterwards Summoned a Parliament, which met on the rf9th of May following, -when thefe Revenue- Bills [ 96 ] Bills were difpatch’d through both Houles in a few Days, and receiv’d the Royal Affent. i ft, An AS for fettling the Revenue on his Majejly for his Life, which was fettled on his late Majejly for Life. 2d, An AS for granting to his Majejly an Impofition upon all Wines and Vinegar imported between the 24.1b of June, 1685, and the 24 th of June, 1693. 3d, An AS for granting to his Majejly an Impofition upon all Tobacco and Sugar imported between the 24th of June, 1685, and the 24th of June, 1693. 4th, An AS for granting an Aid to his Ma- jefty, by an Impofition on all French Linens , and all Eaft-India Linen, and feveral other Manufats turn of India, and on all French wrought Silks and Stuffs, mid on all other wrought Silks, and on all Brandies imported after the ift Day of July, 1685, and before the Jjl Day of July, 1690. And the clear fettled Revenue pojfejfed by this Monarch, flood thus, as appears by the following Account of it delivered into the Houfe of Com¬ mons foon after the Revolution. No. VIII. An Account of the Annual Produce of the chief Branches of the Revenue, clear of all Charges in the ColleBion, at the Time of King James’j Abdication. L. ifl. The Tunnage and Poundage, includ-1 ing the Wood-Farm, Coal- Farm and l 600,090 Salt-Farm, 3 2 Brought [97] 1.' Brought over 600,000.. 2d, The Hereditary and Temporary,Ex-) cife, with the additional Nine-pence for( the Year, ending 24th June, 1689, pro- C ' 666,383 duced clear of all Charges, J 3 d. The Hearth-Money, 245,000 4//;, The Poll-Office, 65,000 Sth, The Wine-Licences. 10,000 6 tb. The Impofition on Wines and Vi-1 negarfor the Year ending 29 September C 1688, 3 172,901 7 tb. The Impofition on Tobacco and Su- \ 148,861 gar for the fame Year, J 8 tb. The Impofition on French Linen, ? Brandy and Silk for the fame Year, : J 93 > 7 w To which are to be added the fmalU Branches, which, before his PredecefTor/ fold the Crown Lands, amounted t dOneS. 60,000 Hundred Thirty Thoufand Pounds per{ jZhhbot. • But fince that only to about J Total neat Revenue of the Crown 2,061,855 To this might be added his private Revenue, as Duke of York, which he brought with him to the Crown, arifing from Lands in Ireland, Scotland, and England ^ Stock in the African Company, Property in the Plantations, and great Sums of Money, befides his Rent-Charge of Twenty-four Thoufand■ Pounds per Annum, fettled upon the Excife, which is included in the preceding Account. But palling this over, I proceed to enquire into his Difburfements for. the public Services; wherein it is to be obferv’d, 1. That Tangier was demolifh’d’ in the latter End of his Predeceffor’s Reign ; fo that he had no Charge upon his Hands from this Article. 2. That he had no War, .or Oc- N cafion [ 9 «] eafion for any extraordinary Expence, except from the Attempt of the Duke of Monmouth, which was prefently fupprefs’d: However, it muft be, acknowledged, in Juftice to his Con- duft, that he was abundantly more careful of the Navy than his Brother •, and reckoning his extraordinary Expence on this Account, to ba¬ lance his faving by the Demolition of Tangier, the annual. Difburfements for the Public Ser¬ vices muft, in both Reigns, have been near upon ah Equality; reckoning towards the End of Charles the Second’s Reign, when he had aug¬ mented his Land-Force; fo that thefe Difburfe¬ ments amounted to about Six Hundred Tboufand Pounds per Annum, and confifted of the follow¬ ing Articles. No. IX. An Account of the Annual Dijburfemnts for the Public Services, during the Reign of ■ James the Second. 1. ly/TAintenance of Seamen, and Provi- iVJL fion of Naval Stores, 2. Ordinary of the Navy and Ordnance, 3. Guards, and other difciplin’d Troops, 4. Garrifons, Contingencies EsV, ■' 300,000 50,000 200,000 50,000 Total 600,000 As to the numerous.Army which this Monarch endeavour’d to form and eftablifh a- mongft. us by his abfolute Will and Authority, it was undeniably for his own private Views and Defigns, and is by no means to be efti- mated among th t Public Services: However, it fufficiently fhews the Largenefs of his Civil Lift Revenue, which, beftdes the Support of 3 his [ 99 ] his Houlhold, enabled him to bear fo great an Expence, as the Maintenance of this Army, together with endlefs Shoals of Jefuits, and Priejls of all Orders. It is indeed true, that befides this great fettled Revenue, King James receiv’d no other extraordinary Sums during his Reign, which happened entirely from his own arbitrary Max¬ ims, and a Refolution he had taken to owe little or nothing to his People: For the Par¬ liament, after the Defeat of the Duke of Mon¬ mouth, at the end of the JirJl Year only of his Reign, befides granting him the Revenue of his Predeceifor for Life, and the three additional Impofitions, voted likewife an extraordinary Sum of Seven Hundred Thoufand Pounds to his Majefty for his necelfary Occafions; and with¬ out doubt he might have obtain’d every Year from the Parliament a conliderable Sum in the ; l'ame Manner; but becaufe the Commons were unwilling to allow a Power to be inherent in him, of difpenfmg with the Penal Laws and Tcjt, tho’ they were preparing a Bill to capaci¬ tate his Popijh Officers for their Polls, he proro¬ gued the two Houfes, and relinquilh’d the Seven Hundred Thoufand Pounds , rather than endure that this Power, which he had affum’d, Ihould be brought into Quell ion; Nor did he ever af¬ terwards fuffer a Parliament to fit; having, un¬ doubtedly, determin’d to levy th z three Itnpofi- tions before lpecify’d, after their Expiration by Law, or whatever Duties befides he Ihould think necelfary by his own abfolute Will and Autho¬ rity ; in the fame Manner, as at his Acceffion he levy’d the Duties which ceas’d upon his Pre- deceffor’s Death, before they were granted to • himfelf by Parliament, . Haw- [ 100 ] ' However, under thefe his Refufals of Mo¬ ney, and before he had made himlelf Amends for them, as he would certainly have done in a little Time, by affirming the fame unlimited Power over our Properties, which he aftually ufurp’d over our Religion and Liberties-, it appears that the clear Amount of his Civil Lift Revenue was One Million, Four Hundred and Sixty-one Lhoufand, Eight Hundred and Eighty-five Pounds per Annum. It is neceffary, in the next Place, to enquire into the annual Income of the People , in .16.88 j in order to which it is to be obferv’d, that the Income of a People at ail Times arifes from the Produce of their Land, of their Stock, and of their Labour: And as Money has, for fome Years paft, been the common Meafure of all Things, it will be proper to refer the Income of the Peo¬ ple to this, in order to compare it with the ./»- come of the Crown, which is before reduced to the fame Standard. • Now, • it will appear, That our Produce was greater in 1688 than in 1660, if.it can.be : fhewn that our Lands were improv’d, that the Number of our Shipping, of our Furniture, of our Manufactures, of our Houfes, and of . our •People, was greater in the later Period. - But it appears from the Leafes.and Deeds ' in many Families, That the Improvements of • the Lands of England from 1660 to 1688, were apparently more, by inclofing of Commons, • and open Grounds, by clearing of Wood- Lands, by manuring,, and fertilizing what were • poor ancf.barren, .than had b,een made in fifty ■ Years before, .it C 101 ] It was evident From the natural Rate of the Increafe of our People, that their number was confiderably greater in 1668 than in 1660; and reckoning 6 Perfons to each of the 70,000 ppw Houfes, which were built within that Time, our People were 420,000 more at this later Period than they were at the former. It was evident from the Books of the Cuf- tom-houfe, and from the Teftimony of o.ld and experienc’d Merchants, that we had near dou¬ ble the Tonnage of Trading Ships in 1688, to what we had in 1660. Our Furniture of all Kinds, was greatly im¬ prov’d in the Quantity and Richnefs.of it: And, to inftance only in Plate, it was obfervable there was more wrought for private Families, from 1666 to 1688, than had been work’d for two Hundred Years before, Our Manufactures were increafing from 1660 to 1688, particularly, our Iron and Brafs Ma¬ nufactures, and Dying; and various new ones, asGIafs, §ilk, Hats, were beginning to be efta- blilh’d. ' ' ■' ‘ Many public and private magnificent Build¬ ings were eredted within the lame Time; and . Farm-Houfes were kept all the while in good Re¬ pair : ( Befides which, it appear’d from the Books of the Hearth-Money, and from other • Reafons, that within that Time there had been built, in London and the Country, not lefs than , Seventy fhoufarfd Tenement? upon new Founda- fions, To T * 02 3 ' To theft it is proper to add. That our Live Stock of large CSftle, and Sheep, (Ac. every Day increas’d, as appear’d by the Farm's being gene¬ rally more plentifully flock’d than formerly. And bur Plantations abroad grew every Day more confiderable, : . Thefe all undeniably demonftrate, that our Stock and Produce in i 688 was greater than in 1660 5 But this does riot come up to the * Point of fixing our Pecuniary Income, or the Amount of our whole annual Produce at the Mar¬ ket-Price in 16885 which is a Speculation of fome Difficulty; and is not to be determin’d by general Affertions of the Incredfe of Things, without affighing the dijlinft Quantity of fuch In, treafi: Blit as the different Quantities of our Coin In 1660, arid in 1688, arepietty exadtly known, I ffiall endeavour to lefve myfelf of thefe two Arr tides, in determining our precife Income at this later Period. " in order to which, it is proper to obferve,That •the whole annual income of the Kingdom* when "feferred to Money only, at any Period, is the whole Amount of Annual Produce of all forts, as of Trade, Labour, Lands, Stock, (Ac. accords ifjg to the ufual Market-Price at that Period. But-when we talk of the Market-Price of the, ■Wh.ole atmual Produce Of the Kingdom, this Pro¬ duce is riot to be fuppos’d to be all brought to Market at once , tq be fold for ready Money ; for then its whole Price Could be no more than the Money brought, to Market for its Purehafei which could not exceed the whole,Coin in the '.Kingdom, and might be much lefs; But what is, to [ IP3-1- to be underftocd, is, that in general one conjlani Share, or nearly fuch, pf the -whole annual Pro¬ duce, is continually flu&uating, and changing Hands; and that the worth-of the reft which is not upon Sale, is eftimated according to the Price which this fiuHuating Part of tlie fame Kind, bears at Market. This being premifed, I fliall beg leave to lay down the following Propofition. Propofition. ftihe Value or Amount^ any whole Produce of any Sort, eftimated according to the Market-Price, depends upon the Ability of the Buyers, and upon the greater or lefts Propenfity to Buying and Therefore admitting, that there was the fame Propenftty in general at each of thofe Periods to the Buying and Selling of all Produces, it follows that the Value of any whole Produce, or . of all our Produces of every Sort, that is, of our whole Income, at each of thofe Periods, vvas according to the Ability of the Buyers. . But it is evident, that the Ability of the Buyers at any Period, their Propensity to Buying being the fame, is according to the Quantity of Money then brought to Market for Purchafes; and will always be greater or lefs ac¬ cording to the whole Quantity of Coin circulating in the Kingdom. It therefore appears that our whole annual In¬ come ac either of thofe Periods, w r as greater or Ids, [ io 4 ] lefs, according to the whole Quantity of Coin then circulating in the Kingdom. Nor was this alter’d at all by any Paper Credit, fuppofing this Credit to have been greater or lefs proportionably to therealCoin in the Kingdom; which was nearly the Cafe in 1660 and 1688, though fmce then this Credit hath increafed much fafter. So that it is now evidently prov’d, that, J As 14 Millions, me whole Coin in 1660, To 18 4. Millions, our whole.Coin iri.1688, So was 46,700,000/. our whole annual In¬ come in 1660, • To 61,710,714 /. our whole annual Income in' " 1688. And if from 61,710,714/. we deduft 2,400,000/. which Mr. King eftimates to be the annual Increafe of our Wealth in 1688, over &nd above our Expences, the Remainder or 59,710,714 /. will be the Amount of our whole annual Expence at that Period; and if the whole Number of our.People at this Time was Seven Million four Hundred and twenty Ihoufand, the Sum of 59,710,714/. divided amongft them all, wiil amount-to about Eight Pounds, upon a Me¬ dium, for the annual Expence of each Perfon. As to the Amount of our whole Stock at this Period, exclufive of our Coin, it feems abun*. dantly probable that it was not lefs than twenty times the Amount of our Coin-only, or three Hundred and Ninety Millions Sterling, according to the Method of eftimating it bt foremen tion’d ; ‘fids Amount might indeed be approached to in another [ I0 5 ] another manner by confidering what Part of our Stock lies dead, as Plate, Furniture, Apparel, Equipage, &c. what Part is conftantly offered to Sale; and what Part is actually fluctuating, or continually changing Hands; which iaft is the Part that enlivens the whole, and denominates its Value; thefe being feparately enquired into, and what their refpeftive Amounts are, and their Shares of the whole Stock, would ferve mutually to correft, and to point out each other. I am fenfible that in the foregoing Eftimate of the Amount of our Stock, I have widely differ¬ ed from Dr. Davenant ; who imagined chat the whole Amount of it in 1688, including our Coin, was no more than 88 Millions Sterling-, or, as he (hews our Coin only at that Time to have been 18 4 Millions, that the Value of our whole Stock exclufive of our Coin was only 6 y 4 Millions Sterling ; and it may probably be thought to be a large Stride to ftate the Value of the fame Stock at 390 Millions Sterling :—But I have be- fore fhewn the Reafonable'nefs of eftimating this Value at twenty'times the Amount of our Coin alone ; and in confirmation of the Modefty of this Eftimate, it mult have been obferved by Gentlemen, that in moft Country Villages it ftiall be difficult to find Twenty Shillings in Silver, when at the fame time the.whole Stock in their Houfes, Barns, &c. and the Live and Dead Stock upon their Grounds, lhall be worth many Ihou- fand Pounds -, And though the Sum of 390 Mil¬ lions Sterling may be diffidently received at firli from its Magnitude, yet whoever confiders the Stock of all Sorts, in every City, Town, Village and privateHoufe, and upon the Land, through¬ out this Kingdom, togecher with the Stock of O Ship- [i°6] Shipping, and what is on Ship-board, willbefen- iible that for many Years pall, fince Trade and Manufactures have floiiriffied amongft us, the A- mountof this whole Stock at the common Mar¬ ket Price, has been a prodigious Sum; And in¬ deed without the Affiftance of a Stock of fuch a Value, as I have here affigned, confideringthata very large Part of it always lies dead, it is difficult to conceive how fo great an annual Income as 62 Millions Sterling, could belong to this Kingdom. It is further to be obferv’d, that the. Sum of 69 Millions and a half. Sterling, at which Dr. ; jbavejiant ellimates our .Stock, exclusive of our Coin in 1688, is very, little more than one Year’s. Income; even according to his own Conjecture concerning this Income; For Page 367 of the 2d Volume of his Difcourfes, he lays,..Fie had Reafon to think, that the annual Income of each. Perioil, at a Medium, in 1688, was 7/. 18 s. y/hich,. fuppohng the Number 61 our .People at riiat Time to be only 7,300,000, according to his" own Suppofitidn of theirlncreafe.frqm 1660, amounts to near 58 Millions Sterling; So that it will follow from. the Doctor’s own Eftimate,. that one Year’s Income only in i6S8 T was al- niofl. equal to our whole.Stock beforehand, ex- ■ clufive of our Corn.-, which however it may be allow’d with refpeCt to Servants, and Labourers, of if it ffiould even be admitted with regard tp Gentlemen, that their Plate, Furniture, Books, Apparel, Equipage,. Pictures, and.Stock of all ■Sortf in their Houfes, Stables, Gardens, &c. are worth little more .than their annual Income, though in general they many times exceed it; Yet it is by no means credible, that the whole Stock of. the Merchants, Shopkeepers and Far¬ mers [ IG 7 ] triers (which is the chief Part of the Stock of the Kingdom) fhould be little more than the Amount of their Annual Income, or that upon every 69 4-/. invelled in Stock, 58/. at leaft fhould be their diurnal Profit. As to Sir William Petty, though he was greatly miftaken in his Opinion of the Quantity of our Coin •, yet his Proportions are of a different Kind from thofe of Dr. Davenant ; for, he reckons about the Year r66o, L. ' The Value of our Shipping to be 3,000,000 The Value of our live Stock 36,000,000 The Value of the reft of our per- 7 : fonal Stock } 31,000,000 ■The Amount of our Coin 6,000,000 Total 76,000,000 Whereby he makes the Amount of our whole Stock, exclufive of our Coin, to be to our Coin alone, as 70 to 6, or, nearly as 12 to 1; which Dr. Davenant computes to be only as 42 to 14, or as 3 to 1; and thus falls into the greater Error, though he had all the Evidence of the Recoinage to correft himfelf by, which made him certain of the Amquntof one Article of the utmoft Confequence; an Advantage which if Sir William Petty had enjoyed, and feen his Mis¬ take in iinder-eftimating the Amount of our Coin, he would eafily have re&ified himfelf with regard to the Value of our, whole Stock likewife, and have affigned for it a much larger Amount than 76 Millions Sterling; ' -' ■ O \ But [ io8 ] But Speculations of this Sort require fome At¬ tention, and are not fuited to the Guft of every Reader. I fhall therefore proceed to clofe the Ccmparifon between the Income belonging to the Crown and to the Public in 1688 •,-- Since then the whole Income of the King, and of the People at this Period, appears to have been 61,710,214/. and the Income belonging to the King only 1,461,855/. it follows that the Civil Lift Revenue was to the Income belong¬ ing tothePublic,as 1,461,885/. to 60,248,859/. or as 1 to 41, in whole Numbers. It is obfervable from hence, that the Income of the Crown, in tlfts Reign, was left in Propor¬ tion to the Income of the People, than in the Reign preceding; and the Weight of the Crown, in this Refpeft, would have declin’d very confi- derably, ifhisMajefty had continu’d iatisfy’d with the Revenue then fettled : But the new Branches of Power that he affirm'd, in other Articles, over the Lives and Conferences of his People, far overbalanc’d the finking Proportion, with Re¬ gard to his Inconie: However, the growing Wealth of the People carry’ll naturally with it fo much Force, notwithftanding he check’d it as much as poffible, by exorbitant.Fines upon the .flighteft Pretences, that he could fcarcely have kept his Power fix’d at the fame Height, • without feizing upon an additional Share of the . Property of the Kingdom ; And this he would certainly have done, as foon as his Scheme had been in a little more Forwardnefs; In order to have balanc’d the Weight' in the popular Scale, and to have-preferv’d a due ^Equilibrium in the Syftem of hb Government.' r j p9 ] And thus having waded through thefe two feigns, and rak’d up fome of their Pecuniary, Exploits , I leave them naked to the View of this Age. If they are oppofite to the vulgar Prejudices in Favour of thofe Times, it may be obferv’d, that the Debaucheries of Charles the Second, attended with Lord Rochejler's Jefts, and the Intrigues and Drunkennefs then rioting throughout the Kingdom, left an Impreffion of Mirth and Gaiety upon ignorant People, which is handed down to the prefent Time; And de¬ ceives many in thefe Days into an Opinion of the Public Happinefs under his Government: But the Brave and Worthy at that Time fpoke, and felt, other Things •, and faw nothing flou- rilhing, that ought to flourilh, but our Trade and Colqnies, both owing to the natural Genius and Advantages of our People ; and thefe too greatly cramp’d by French Imports, and French Incroachments, under the lhameful Connivance or our corrupt Miniftry. I come next to the Reign of our Immortal J Deliverer, William the Third; a Series of ( I'ime ful| of Events, the moft intqrefting, and important to every Briton. In this Reign the National Debt grew to be confiderable; which, I am fenfible, is ufually afcrib’d to ^/^-Manage¬ ment •, All Concern in it being conftantly dis¬ claim’d by the Tory Gentlemen; But if it might be no Offence to their great Modefly, I would beg leave to lay the Commencement of this Debt, at theix Door; it being indifputable that thefirft and oldeft Article of it was the Banker's Debt, being 664,263 1 . or one Moiety of the Sum ieiz’d by King Charles the Second, at his ever rqemorable Ihutting up of the Exchequer. As to the Increafe and Continuance of the National Debt, and to whofe Conduce it is juftly to be attributed; as likewife what Grants have been made to the Civil Lift, and the refpedtive Amounts of it in this, and the fubfequent Reigns; and what Proportions the Revenues of the Crown have born to the Revenues of the People at dif¬ ferent Periods, from the Revolution to the pre- fent Time; They arePoints too curious and im¬ portant to be contracted and prefs’d within a narrow Stint, and muft therefore be referv’d for a Second Part; what has already pafs’d, hav¬ ing far exceeded the Limits that were ddign’d to this Treadle. • However, the Publication of this Firft Part to the World, may riot be unufeful in the pre¬ sent Juncture: It contains Afhort Specimen of the Tecuniary Exploits of the forks', and may ierve •as a Light to the Principles and Practices of thofe Men, when the Diftribution.of the Reve¬ nues was under their Power, and boafted Ma¬ nagement: Tor it cannot be improper fairly to explain the Meafurcs which they held; TheMc- deralion in Grants to the Civil LiH ; Arid the great Oppojition to the Encroachments ■ of the Crown in their Days of Authority and Go¬ vernment; That the Nation may judge, what is again to be expedted from THE M, ; if ever they fhould' be able (which 'Heaven avert) to thrurt ihemfelves into the Publick Adminiftration ;and ■thatthe whole World may fee, with what Mo¬ dify and Propriety they now complain of Whig Liberality- to the Civil Lift, and of Whig Profu- fioris and Mifapplications, [Ill] . But it is far from being here infinuated, that the Corruption of the 'Tories Ihould be any Jufti- fication of equal Wickednefs under Whig Ma¬ nagement; All that is here intended, is to point out to the World the Ads and. Principles of the genuine Tories, and how unrcafonable it is to ex- peft, that the Public Good, or an Hatred to Corruption^ Ihould be the Rule or Incitement to their Condud: This , only is to be expeded from the Equity and Difintereftednefs of the Whigs-, And they have with true Wiflom, Inte¬ grity, and Courage, ftep’d in at the late Breach and difappointed thofe, whofe Aim was Confu- fwn and Public Biftrahiion -, Their Excellent[ Tem¬ per, and Manly Contempt of difhoneft Suggeftions and Calumnies, has in this Bay preferv’d us, and merits the united Applaufe and warmeft Grati¬ tude of their ever oblig'd Country; 5 Tis on them only, and on their Moderation and Vir¬ tue, that the Nation happily relies for a ftriff and honeft Enquiry into the Meafures of the late Adpiniftratton ; And they will undoubt¬ edly make it,, without mean Rejentment, or falfe Partiality ; With a Arid Regard to the Public Good, and a reafonable Candour to the Perfon accufed : Nor will they fear to publilh his Ac¬ quittal to the World, if he (hall be found to merit it, after a ftrid Scrutiny and juft Exami¬ nation, defpifing the vain Reproaches of thofe, whp delight in Guilt, and feafi themlelves with the Contemplation of Wickednefs -- Nor will the Wife and Virtuous throughout the Kingdom cenfure the Equity, or difapprove the Example, of his honourable Acquittal: On the contrary, they will refled, with Gratitude, on his unuliial Lenity, and the happy Enjoy- [ U2'] . meet of their moft ample Privies,/ under ,hi%. Miniftry; when no harlh Exercife of Powers or any violent Profecutions appear’d, but all was mild and friendly, as his own frank and benevolent Heart: And though flagrant Guilt is not to be fcreen’d, who is it that will forbid Candour in the Interpretation of his Actions, who was of all others the moft candid? Or who will rcMeModeration to Him, who, in the Height of Power, was, of all Men living, the moft And now it is to be wifli’d only, that the fffiigs will coolly obferve the Defigns of their old and inveterate Enemies. Is it to be ima¬ gin’d, that the Aim and View of the ‘Tory Leaders is the Deftruftion of one IVhig , and confin’d to him only; and this merely from the Purity of their Hearts, and their deep Haired to all Corruption ?—-Their Principle and Practice have been evidently fhewn to be far otherwife. -—Every Whig in his political State, is to them equally deteftable; and it therefore behoves the Body pf the Whigs to confider in Time, whe¬ ther the-Defign of tire Tories at this Juncture Fs not their general Scandal and Deftruftion; And whatever perfonal Diftinflions may beat- tempted to be made, whether the Effeft of a Vary Triumph, will not be feverely felt, againft the whole Whig Interest, and the Friends of Liberty, throughout the Kingdom. 26 February , . . j 74t- FINIS.