THE LEGAL ASPECTS OF 
 THE NEGRO QUESTION 
 
 \ r* '■‘i . 
 
 ( 1 -^ 
 
 An Address prepared by 
 
 MOORFIELD ^OREY 
 
 President of the 
 
 National Association for the Advancement of Colored People 
 
 and read by 
 
 Arthur B. Spingarn 
 Vice President 
 
 AT THE 
 
 ELEVENTH ANNUAL CONFERENCE OF THE 
 ASSOCIATION 
 
 held at Atlanta, Georgia 
 May 30 June 2, 1920 
 
 Price, 10 cents 
 
Digitized by the Internet Archive 
 in 2016 
 
 https://archive.org/details/legalaspectsofneOOstor 
 
Ladies and Gentlemen, Members of the National Asso- 
 ciation FOR THE Advancement of Colored People 
 AND Welcome Guests: 
 
 It is certainly an augury of better times that this Asso- 
 ciation formed to secure their equal rights for the colored 
 citizens of this great republic, should meet here in this great 
 Southern city by the invitation of her Mayor, her Chamber 
 of Commerce, and the Governor of Georgia. We feel that 
 they have offered us a cordial welcome, and we accept it 
 gladly, believing that it is an earnest of that genuine good- 
 will which should exist between all citizens of our common 
 country, no matter of what race or color. 
 
 It has been suggested that I should speak on the legal 
 aspects of the Negro problem, but that subject does not attract 
 me. There are no legal questions. The Constitution of the 
 United States knows only American citizens, and recognizes 
 no difference of race or color. Every right that any Amer- 
 ican citizen has belongs to all. 
 
 The law is no respector of persons. It gives every man 
 the right to a fair trial by a jury of his peers. It regards an 
 attack on any citizen, whether by individual or by mob aS a 
 crime, to be prosecuted and punished as such. The Supreme 
 Court of the United States has held Grandfather laws and 
 segregation ordinances to be unconstitutional, and has de- 
 clared peonage illegal. The law is clear, and it is idle to 
 discuss what is settled. It is not the law but its enforcement 
 which is wanting, and I prefer to discuss existing conditions. 
 
 Speaking in Atlanta, it is in every way fitting that I should 
 take as my text the words of your own great orator, Henry 
 W. Grady: 
 
 “The problem of the South is to carry on within her 
 body politic two separate races, equal in civil and political 
 rights and nearly equal in numbers. She must carry 
 those races in peace, for discord means ruin. She must 
 
 3 
 
carry them separately, for assimilation means debasement. 
 She must carry them in equal justice for to this she is 
 pledged in honor and in gratitude. She must carry them 
 even unto the end for in human probability she will never 
 be quit of either.” 
 
 When the doctrine thus stated is recognized and applied 
 throughout this country the work of this Association will have 
 been done. Equality “in civil and political rights,” “equal 
 justice” and that “peace” which assures them the undis- 
 turbed enjoyment of their lives, their liberty and their prop- 
 erty, except so far as either is taken by due process of law 
 are all that the colored people ask. But it must be under- 
 stood that when Mr. Grady says “we must carry them sepa- 
 rately” this cannot he interpreted as meaning that segregation 
 which the Supreme Court of the United States has declared 
 forbidden hy the Constitution, or any separation inconsistent 
 with “equal civil and political rights'’ and “equal justice” to 
 all. The simple test is to be found in the Golden Rule which 
 is the foundation of the Christianity that we all profess. We 
 have only to imagine the conditions reversed and consider 
 what treatment white men would resent if suffered at the 
 hands of colored men to realize what the colored man resents 
 at the hands of his white neighbors. We stand here to ask 
 for what Grady asked — no more and no less. 
 
 The fear that if their rights are granted, the colored men 
 will seek to establish unwelcome personal relations is without 
 any just foundation. Social relations are not regulated by 
 law but by the tastes of men, and if there exists between the 
 races an instinctive antipathy, as many claim, there is no 
 danger of social intimacy or intermarriage, which every indi- 
 vidual may control for himself or herself. If we were to deny 
 equal civil and political rights to every man whom we would 
 not willingly receive as a son-in-law, a large majority of man- 
 kind would be ostracized and the world would be governed by a 
 very small oligarchy. The rights of men are not to be deter- 
 mined by any such test. 
 
 4 
 
The people of the South are wont to speak of the “Negro 
 question” and to insist that it is for them to deal with. We 
 of the North decline to be thus excluded from the national 
 family. We recognize that the ancestors of us all, North 
 and South alike, are responsible for the situation which con- 
 fronts their children, and since we share this responsibility 
 and are exposed to the dangers of the situation, we feel that 
 it is the problem of the nation as a whole, and that we must 
 help to deal with it. Chicago, Springfield and East St. Louis 
 in Illinois, Omaha in Nebraska, Coatesville in Pennsylvania 
 are not Southern cities. Washington belongs to us all, and 
 all these cities have witnessed outrages which disgraced the 
 whole country. Our point of view may be different from 
 yours. It has been for years, but we shall not advance by 
 emphasizing our differences, we must try to reconcile them. 
 Working in harmony we shall succeed, but dissension insures 
 delay and invites disaster. 
 
 Let me remind you first that the question before us is not 
 a Negro question but a white man’s question. The Negroes 
 did not come to America of their owm free will, but were 
 captured and brought here by white men. They were held 
 by white men for centuries as slaves, ignorant and degraded, 
 “with no rights which the white man was bound to accept.” 
 White men made them what they were when civil war waged 
 by white men set them free. White men gave them the 
 rights of citizens under our Constitution, and save for a few 
 years when under white leaders they exercised political power 
 and gave you governments not worse than white men have 
 given their fellow-citizens in our great Northern cities, white 
 men have made and now make the laws under which they live, 
 and white men enforce them. No colored man has sat for 
 years in either house of Congress, few if any sit in the legisla- 
 tures of our states, and in the Southern states of this country 
 only very few even have a vote. They are in no way respon- 
 sible for the evils of which men eomplain. If any of them 
 are ignorant or brutal, who made and have kept them so.^ 
 
 5 
 
No race ever owed another as much as the white race in 
 this country owes the Negroes, and those of you who remem- 
 ber the civil war cannot forget that colored men raised the 
 food which supported the Southern armies and protected the 
 wives and children of your soldiers who were fighting to keep 
 them slaves. ^Yith this memory you can appreciate what 
 Grady meant when he said: 
 
 “She must carry them in equal justice for to this she 
 
 is pledged in honor and in gratitude.” 
 
 Our colored people do their part as citizens. W hen the 
 country needs money they pay their share of taxes, they buy 
 their full allotment of Liberty Bonds. W^hen men are needed 
 they are called and serve bravely and loyally. In the late 
 war 417,000 of them were drafted, and in the words of Sec- 
 retary Daniels, “More than 200,000 Negroes went aeross the 
 sea to fight, not a few to seal their devotion with their blood, 
 and many to win deeorations for their fine fighting qualities 
 and faithful services.” Wlien it was suggested to the Sec- 
 retary that German spies were trying to enlist them against 
 this country, he replied to the speaker, “that though here and 
 there he might find a traitor among the American Negroes, 
 he might give himself no trouble for I knew that the Negroes 
 could neither be cajoled nor threatened nor bought to enter a 
 conspiracy to injure this country.” Twelve millions of citi- 
 zens like these are an asset not lightly to be thrown away, 
 espeeially when we consider how many disloyal elements are 
 to be found in our varied population. 
 
 Let me recall to you what has happened in half a century. 
 W’hen the end of the war came in 1865 it found four millions 
 of chattels without education, without property, without 
 experience, turned naked into a hostile world, changed in a 
 moment into men and citizens, with a freedom which many 
 of them did not realize and with rights whieh they knew not 
 how to exereise. Compare them with the twelve millions of 
 freemen who dwell in this country today, possessing millions 
 
 6 
 
of fertile acres, owning and managing banks, insurance com- 
 panies and business enterprises of every kind; winning dis- 
 tinction in every profession, founding and maintaining schools, 
 colleges, magazines and newspapers, proving their ability in 
 every walk of life. Their leaders would be recognized as 
 leaders of men in any country, and if the rank and file lack 
 something of the business ability and the aggressive qualities 
 of the whites, who shall say that they have not a larger share 
 of those virtues which are enumerated in the Sermon on the 
 Mount, the better and gentler attributes of man. History 
 contains no record of a greater advance in so short a time by 
 any race. Never forget for a moment that in this wonderful 
 progress they have not been aided by a sympathetic com- 
 munity helping them in every way to rise, but have won their 
 way against distrust, contempt, injustice, violence and every 
 obstacle which prejudice could put in their way. What they 
 have has been won by hard and persistent labor. They have 
 not met injustice and violence with violence, but with patience 
 and fortitude. They have kept their courage and their 
 progress has not been stayed. 
 
 Let us white men put ourselves in the position which the 
 freedmen occupied in 1865; let us imagine that we had faced 
 the prejudice and injustice which they have encountered, and 
 then ask ourselves whether we can be sure that we should 
 have risen any faster than they have done? We can certainly 
 be sure that we should not have endured w%it they have 
 endured with equal patience. If one seeks to measure the 
 progress of the glacier month by month or even year by year, 
 its advance seems negligible, but it moves with resistless force 
 and no human power can arrest or check it. The progress 
 of the colored race is like the movement of the glaeier, as sure, 
 as steady and as irresistible. In the words of Whittier: 
 
 “You may wrestle while you can. 
 
 With the strong upward tendency. 
 
 And God-like soul of man.” 
 
 but it is a contest in which you face certain defeat. 
 
 7 
 
Justice like truth “is mighty and will prevail.” We are 
 fools and blind if we fight against the inevitable. 
 
 I have said that the problem is a white man’s problem. 
 The root of all our difficulties is planted in the breast of the 
 white man, in his belief that he is superior, that he has the 
 right to trample upon his weaker neighbors, in his prejudice 
 against men whom he remembers as slaves, in his determin- 
 ation that his former servant shall be “kept in his place,” to 
 use the current phrase. It is this root that must be extir- 
 pated, this prejudice that must be discouraged. There is no 
 countenance for it to be found either in our political or our 
 religious principles. Might does not make right according to 
 our creed. The place of any man in this country is that 
 which he can win for himself by his ability and industry, and 
 no man can say to another, “Thus far shalt thou go and no 
 farther.” 
 
 I am proposing today to consider the subject from the 
 white man’s standpoint, and ask you to consider what his 
 interest requires. ^Miat is our duty to these millions of 
 Americans. I come back to the words of Grady. We must 
 recognize their “equal civil and political rights,” we must 
 carry them “in peace” and “in equal justice,” or we are sow- 
 ing dragon’s teeth which will yield an abundant crop of injus- 
 tice, dishonor, crime and perhaps of greater calamities. By 
 this I do not mean calamities to the Negroes, but to us all. 
 
 The Constitution of the United States forbids all “cruel 
 and unusual punishments.” It assures to every man charged 
 with crime “a speedy and public trial by an impartial jury.” 
 Is there a man in this whole country so lost to shame as to 
 propose that the Constitution be amended by striking out 
 those provisions.^ Yet during the year 1919 eleven men were 
 burned to death by mobs in this country and four of them in 
 this state. No civilized man can justify such barbarism, and 
 yet the men who committed these crimes have not been pros- 
 ecuted. The hideously revolting details of these burnings are 
 reported faithfully in the newspapers; the leaders of the mob 
 
 8 
 
take no steps to conceal their faces; women and children 
 crowd to witness the writhings of the victim, and the perpetra- 
 tors walk among their neighbors with heads erect, unpunished 
 and unashamed. What effect, think you, do such horrors 
 have on the good name of the United States .f* WUat should 
 we have said had Frenchmen been burned by Germany in 
 Louvain.^ How can we criticise Prussia, Bulgaria or Turkey 
 while these things are done here, not in war when “God is 
 forgotten” but in a time of profound peace, and in a country 
 where sufficient laws exist for the punishment of crime 
 
 If the laws are insufficient others can be passed. No mur- 
 der by any criminal is so dangerous to society as the over- 
 throw of all law which occurs when a man is burned by a 
 mob and no one respnsible for it is even arrested. Leave out 
 of view the disgrace to the nation, what is the effect on the 
 community where such outrages occur? What is the lesson 
 that is learned by the children whose parents take them to 
 watch the tortures? These are questions for you to answer, 
 for it is the community where lynchings occur that is most 
 affected by them, and which must deal with them. I admit 
 that Georgia must deal with crimes that occur in Georgia, 
 and that Massachusetts cannot help her until the law is 
 changed. The conscience of every good man and woman 
 who hears of these wrongs must be shocked, and from every 
 quarter must come indignant protests and condemnation. 
 Will you Christian men of Georgia, citizens of the great 
 republic whose government rests upon the principle that all 
 men are created equal, turn deaf ears to these protests and 
 let the crimes go on? No one but yourselves can answer 
 this question. 
 
 No one better than you can point out the consequences to 
 yourselves and to us all. I know that no man of character 
 anywhere can approve such barbarities, but when such men 
 are silent and a whole community tolerates the crimes, they 
 share the responsibility. In the language of the law they are 
 “accessories after the fact,” if not in the 'strict meaning of 
 
 9 
 
the phrase, at least in moral responsibility. This is a truth 
 which we must face. 
 
 Let me put you a very simple question. Is it profitable, 
 is it safe for us so to treat twelve million of our fellow-citizens 
 as to make them our enemies.^ They are men like ourselves, 
 with the same instincts and feelings; many of them are more 
 nearly white than colored, and inherit our own qualities. 
 Even if they were worms, the worm will turn. We cannot 
 deny to twelve millions of men the rights of men, we cannot 
 deny them justice, we cannot leave them at the mercy of 
 the mob to be killed on suspicion or an any charge which any 
 malicious, reckless or hysterical person may make, without 
 that trial by jury which the Constitution secures to every 
 man, and expect them to submit forever. Have we not 
 enemies enough within our borders? A year ago we led the 
 world, and all peoples sought our friendship. Now where 
 are our friends? England and France feel themselves deserted 
 by us since we repudiate the treaties on which they relied for 
 protection. Germany holds us responsible for her over- 
 throw. We certainly cannot rely on Russia, once our friend. 
 Can we afford to cultivate just discontent in our midst? 
 These twelve million men must seek friends elsewhere if the 
 governments under which they live and the men among 
 whom they dwell deny them justice and safety. Again in 
 the words of Grady, “Discord means ruin.” Can we afford 
 to run the risk? 
 
 Disregard wholly this aspect of the question, and consider 
 only the effect on our daily life. Labor is needed everywhere, 
 and we import it from every quarter of the world. WTiile 
 the great war was in progress I saw trains of Chinamen in 
 Canada on their way to France where they did work upon 
 which the safety of our armies depended. Racial prejudice 
 keeps these laborers from our shores. Can any community 
 have a more valuable asset than a body of well-trained, 
 healthy, willing workers? Here in the South your colored 
 men are fitted for the work you have to do. The climate 
 
 10 
 
suits them. Here has been their home, here should be their 
 hopes. You need them in your fields, in your factories, 
 wherever hands are needed. They will not stay here unless 
 they are treated well. The temptation of higher wages, 
 better schools for their children, greater safety of life and 
 property, assured political rights and wider opportunity is 
 always before them. Can you afford to let a situation con- 
 tinue where this temptation is becoming irresistible.^ Is it 
 wise for you to drive your laborers into the arms of your 
 competitors? Can you bear the money loss, to put my c{ues- 
 tion on the lowest plane? 
 
 Nay, more, can you afford not to educate all your people? 
 ^Yell-trained workers, mechanics who know how to do their 
 work, farmers who understand farming are a treasure in any 
 community. You cannot afford, again, as a matter of dollars 
 and cents to keep your labor ignorant. Your Negro schools 
 are a disgrace, as your own educators will tell you, and it is 
 not the colored men alone who suffer, but the whole country. 
 Inefficient work, spoiled material, badly cultivated fields cost 
 all of us something. I will not ask you to rely on my words, 
 but you cannot disregard those of the Southern University 
 Race Commission, from whose report I cpiote: 
 
 “The inadequate provision for the education of the 
 Negro is more than an injustice to him; it is an injury to 
 the white man. The South cannot realize its destiny if 
 one-third of its population is undeveloped and inefficient. 
 For our common welfare we must strive to cure disease 
 wherever we find it, strengthen whatever is weak, and 
 develop all that is undeveloped. The initial steps for 
 increasing the efficiency and usefulness of the Negro race 
 must necessarily be taken in the schoolroom.” 
 
 Or as the Report by the Bureau of Education in the De- 
 partment of the Interior puts it: 
 
 “The economic future of the South depends upon the 
 adequate training of the black as w'ell as the white work- 
 men of that section. The fertile soil, the magnificent 
 
 11 
 
forests, the extensive mineral resources and the unhar- 
 nessed waterfalls are awaiting the trained mind and the 
 skilled hand of both the white man and the black man.” 
 
 This is not the argument of a fanatical abolitionist to a 
 slave owner. It is mere common sense stated by a practical 
 business man to other practical business men. Do you not 
 see that this is so.^ Let me again turn to Atlanta for con- 
 firmation and quote from the great speech of Booker Wash- 
 ington during your Exposition: 
 
 “Cast down your bucket where j^ou are. Cast it down 
 among the eight millions of Negroes whose habits you 
 know, whose fidelity and love you have tested in days 
 when to have proved treacherous meant the ruin of your 
 firesides. Cast down your bucket among these people 
 who have, without strikes and labor wars, tilled your 
 fields, cleared your forests, builded your railroads and 
 cities, and brought forth treasures from the bowels of the 
 earth, and helped make possible this magnificent repre- 
 sentation of the progress of the South.” 
 
 “While doing this, you can be sure in the future, as in 
 the past, that you and your families will be surrounded 
 by the most patient, faithful, law-abiding and unresentful 
 people that the world has seen.” 
 
 Monroe N. Work, the statistician of Tuskegee has made 
 this statement: 
 
 “It is probable that the South is losing each year, 
 because of bad health conditions among its Negro popu- 
 lation, more than $300,000,000. It is also probable that 
 by improving health conditions among its Negro popula- 
 tion one-half of this great loss could be saved.” 
 
 This suggests another danger. Disease is no respector of 
 persons. It is absolutely just and knows no race or color. 
 The diseases which are devastating Europe may at any mo- 
 ment cross the ocean as did the Spanish Influenza. When the 
 citizens of any place tolerate within their borders dirty. 
 
 12 
 
squalid districts, badly drained and badly kept, they are 
 preparing to receive disease with open arms. It is not many 
 years ago that yellow fever desolated New Orleans and Mem- 
 phis and shotgun quarantines were maintained against the 
 infected regions. No shotgun quarantine will keep disease 
 from crossing streets and spreading from district to district 
 in any town. Only recall how the yellow fever and the 
 influenza spread within your memory, how typhus spread in 
 Serbia a few years ago, how the plagues of history devastated 
 continents, and ask yourselves whether for your own sakes 
 you can afford to tolerate the Negro quarters which deface so 
 many of our cities today. War against slums is war in self- 
 defence. The deaths which war causes strike the imagina- 
 tion, but more men have died of contagious disease than have 
 died of wounds since 1914. 
 
 Finally, can we afford any longer to deny the vote to our 
 colored citizens, whether by violence or threats of violence, 
 by tissue paper ballots or grandfather laws, by embarrassing 
 registration, or cheating in the application of educational tests? 
 Whatever device of force or fraud is employed, the admitted 
 truth is that the Negro vote in the South is suppressed. 
 
 In the long run only voters have rights in this country. 
 The politicians, whether they hold executive office or sit in 
 legislatures know, respect and fear the “labor vote”, the 
 “temperance vote,” the “soldier vote,” the “suffrage vote,” 
 and every other vote, but they have no thought to spare for 
 any class that has no vote. The non-voters are defenceless, 
 their needs are not considered, their rights are not defended, 
 and no body of tax-payers can long remain in that position. 
 “Taxation without representation is tyranny” whether the 
 tax-payer is black or white, and if men are counted as voters 
 when the number of Congressmen or presidential electors is 
 determined, and yet are not allowed to cast their votes, those 
 who profit by the system exercise an undue influence in the 
 councils of the nation to which their fellow-citizens will not 
 long submit. The Solid South rests upon the suppressed 
 
 13 
 
Negro vote, and it creates a political situation which cannot 
 endure. Both the colored tax-payer, whose vote is wholly 
 suppressed, and the white voter in the North and West, 
 whose vote is partly neutralized and so partly suppressed, are 
 bound to oppose it. Does it help the communities which 
 refuse to recognize the political rights of the Negro? Does it 
 insure them good government to let their political life hinge 
 on a single question? Is it wise to let a whole government 
 rest on injustice to its citizens as a corner-stone? What must 
 be the political and moral tone of men who see the laws habit- 
 ually spurned or evaded by the men who are chosen to govern 
 them? Is it an example which is likely to promote good 
 citizenship and love of justice among the citizens who are the 
 soil from which government springs? If they are just, their 
 rulers will be just and not otherwise. Again I turn to Atlanta 
 for wisdom. 
 
 A year ago at Hampton in Virginia I heard your eloquent 
 preacher, the Rev. Dr. Jones, say to the students of that 
 great college: 
 
 “You protest that you have not full political freedom 
 in the South today. No, and neither have I. You 
 answer that I have the ballot. Yes, but w’hat is the 
 worth of a ballot which can be counted before it is cast? 
 What is the value of a vote which cannot be backed by 
 freedom of political choice? * * * We said that we would 
 shut the Negro out of our political life, and yet, ever 
 since, the shadow of your race has rested upon every 
 political discussion, and you have in a real sense domi- 
 nated every political election. The simple truth is that 
 when we all became Democrats we did so at the cost of 
 our democracy. * * * For wherever ‘Democrat,’ or ‘Re- 
 publican’ stands for a sectional, racial, or class conscious- 
 ness, it is an evidence, not of political freedom, but of 
 party despotism.” 
 
 I have said my say, but the ideas which I have expressed 
 are not new or original with me. I have been only the mouth- 
 piece of Atlanta. It is Atlanta that has spoken to you, and 
 
 14 
 
surely the words which I have quoted from her leaders are 
 wise and true. When the people of the South will heed them 
 there will be no “Negro question.” 
 
 Let me add one word to the Southern men and women 
 whom my voice may reach. You have for years prided your- 
 selves upon being a chivalrous people. What is chivalry? 
 Can it be defined better than in the words of Lord Russell, 
 the Chief Justice of England, addressed to the American Bar 
 Association in regard to civilization: 
 
 “Its true signs are thought for the poor and suffering, 
 regard and respect for woman, the frank recognition of 
 human brotherhood, irrespective of race or colour or nation 
 or religion, * * * abhorrence of what is mean and cruel 
 and vile, ceaseless devotion to the claims of justice.” 
 
 Chivalry means respect for the weak, it is opposed to oppres- 
 sion of any kind, it lifts up the poor and ignorant, it spares 
 the lowly and beats down the proud. If you are true to your 
 owm traditions and to the quality which you clain, you can- 
 not continue in the wanton exercise of your strength to keep 
 your weaker and poorer neighbors down. Religion forbids 
 it. Law forbids it. A'our interest forbids it, and chivalry 
 forbids it. Be worthy of yourselves, and help us to end the 
 Negro question and assure the future of this country by ex- 
 pelling from ever}" white man’s breast the ignoble prejudice 
 of race, from which white and black alike are suffering. In 
 the words of our great general, “Let us have peace.” 
 
 15 
 
NATIONAL ASSOCIATION 
 
 FOR THE 
 
 ADVANCEMENT OF COLORED PEOHLE 
 
 70 Fifth Avenue, New York City 
 Official Organs: The Crisis and The Branch Bulletin 
 
 NATIONAL OFFICERS 
 President 
 
 Moorfield Storey 
 Vice-Presidents 
 Archibald H. Grimk^: 
 
 Rev. John Haynes Holmes 
 Arthur B. Spingarn 
 Oswald Garrison Villard 
 
 EXECUTIVE OFFICERS 
 
 Chairman of the Board 
 Mary White Ovington 
 Walter F. White, Assistant Secretary 
 J. E. Spingarn, Treasurer 
 Dr. W. E. B. Du Bois, Director of Publi- 
 cations and Research 
 
 James Weldon Johnson, Field Secretary 
 William Pickens, Associate Field Secretary 
 
 BOARD OF DIRECTORS 
 
 Chairman, Mary White 
 
 Baltimore 
 
 Bishop John Hurst 
 Boston 
 
 Joseph Prince Loud 
 Moorfield Storey 
 Butler R. Wilson 
 Bufalo 
 
 Mary B. Talbert 
 Chicago 
 
 Jane Addams 
 Dr. C. E. Bentley 
 Cleveland 
 
 Harry E. Davis 
 Greenwich, Ct. 
 
 William English Walling 
 Los Angeles 
 
 E. Burton Ceruti 
 Memphis 
 
 R. R. Church 
 New Haven 
 
 George W. Craivford 
 New York 
 
 Rev. Hutchens C. Bishop 
 Dr. W. E. B. Du Bois 
 Rev. John Haynes Holmes 
 
 Ovington, New York 
 New York 
 
 Dr. V. Morton Jones 
 Florence Kelley 
 Paul Kennaday 
 John E. Milholland 
 Harry H. Pace 
 Arthur B. Spingarn 
 J. E. Spingarn 
 Charles H. Studin 
 Lillian D. Wald 
 Philadelphia 
 
 Dr. J. Max Barber 
 Dr. William A. Sinclair 
 St. Louis 
 
 Hon. Charles Nagel 
 Springfield 
 
 Rev. G. R. Waller 
 T opeka 
 
 Hon. Arthur Capper 
 Washington 
 
 Prof. George William Cook 
 Archibald H. Grimk4 
 Charles Edward Russell 
 Neval H. Thomas 
 Wilberforce 
 
 Col. Charles Young 
 
 <^^^271 
 
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