|Ei| firU|]irDfiuilFrirnfrug I H THE LIBRARIES 1 i li COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY I 1 1 i i I % * 1 General Library i i i i m THE HISTORY OF CHIYALEY, G. P. R. JAMES, ESQ., AXTTHOB OF " DE L'ORMK," "DARNLEy," ' HICHKLIEU," ETC. NEW YORK: HARPER & BROTHERS, PUBLISHERS, 6 Q CLIFF S II K E T. ^A3 c.c^l- PREFACE. In writing the pages which follow this Preface, I have hud to encounter the difficulty of compressing very extensive matter into an extremely limited space. As the subject was, in my eyes, a very in- teresting one, and every particular connected with it had often been food for thought and object of en- tertainment to myself, the task of curtailing was the more ungrateful : nor should I have undertaken it, had I not been convinced by my publisher that one volume would be as much as the public in general would be inclined to read. I wished to write upon Chivalry and the Crusades, because I fancied that in the hypotheses of many other au- thors I had discovered various errors and misstate- ments, which gave a false impression of both the institution and the enterprise ; and I have endea- voured, in putting forth my own view of the sub- ject, to advance no one point, however minute, which cannot be justified by indisputable authority. A favourite theory is too often, in historical writing like the bed of the ancient Greek ; and facts are either stretched or lopped away to agree with it : but to ensure as much accuracy as possible, I have taken pains to mark in the margin of the pages the different writers on whose assertions my own state- ments are founded, with a corresponding figure, by which each particular may be referred to its authchrity IV PREFACE. In regard to these authors themselves, it seems necessary here to give some information, that those persons who are inelined to inquire beyond the mere surface may know what credit is to be at tached to each. On the first crusade we have a whole host ol' contemporary writers, many of whom were pre- sent at the events they describe. Besides these are several others, who, though they wrote at an after-period, took infinite pains to render their ac- count as correct as possible. The authors I have principally cited for all the earlier facts of the Holy War are, William of Tyre, Albert of Aix, Fulcher of Chartres, Raimond of Agiles, Guibert of Nogent, Radulph of Caen, and Robert, surnamed the Monk. William of Tyre is, beyond all doubt, the most illustrious of the many historians who have written on the crusades. Born in Palestine, and though both educated for the church and raised step by step to its highest dignities, yet minghng continually in the political changes of the Holy Land — the pre- ceptor of one of its kings — frequently employed in embassies to Europe, and ultimately Archbishop of Tyre and Chancellor of the kingdom of Jerusalem, Vv'sliiam possessed the most extensive means of gathering materials for the great work he has left to posterity. He brought to his task, also, a power- ful mind, as well as considerable discrimination ; and was infinitely superior m education and every intellectual quality to the. general chroniclers of his age. He was not born, however, at the time of the first crusade ; and consequently, where he PRKFACE. ipeaks of the events of that enterprise, we may look upon him as an historian, clear, taleiited, elegant, and not extremely credulous ; but we must not ex- pect to find the vivid identity of contemporaneous -writing. In regard to the history of his own days lie is invaluable, and in respect to that of the times which preceded them, his work is certainly superior, as a whole, to any thing that has since been WTitten on the subject. A much more vivid and enthusiastic picture of the first crusade is to be found in Albert of Aix,from whom William of Tyre borrowed many of his details ; but the Syrian Archbishop, living long after, saw the events he recounted as a whole, rejected nmch as false that Albert embraced as true, and softened the zealous fire which the passions and feelings of the moment had lighted up in the bosom of the other. Albert himself was not one of the crusaders ; but liv- ing at the time, and conversing continually with those who returned from the Holy Land, he caught, to an extraordinary extent, the spirit of the enterprise, and has left behind him a brilliant transcript of all (he passed-by dreams and long-extinguished en- thusiasms of his day Thus, as a painting of manners and customs, the Chruvicon HierosolymUanmn is one of the most valuable records we possess, and the account there given of Peter the Heimit and Gautier sans avoir is m many points more full and comprehensive than any other. Fulcher of Chartres set out for the Holy Land with Stephen, Count of Blois, one of the first cru* Vi PREFACE. saders. He soon after became cliaplnin to Bald- win, tlie brother ofGodrrey de Bouillon, anj ended his days a canon of tlie Holy Sepulchre. His rela- tion is usefid in many respects, especially in regard to the march of the crusaders through Italy — the proceedings of Baldwin at Edessa, and the history of Jerusalem for several years after its conquest. His style, however, is tumid and circumlocutory, and his credulity equal to that of Raimond d'Agiles. Raimond d'Agiles accompanied the Count of Toulouse on the first crusade, in quality of chap- Iain. Superstitious to the most hunentable de- gree, and as bigoted in party politics as in religion, he wrote as he lived, like a weak and ignorant man. Nevertheless there is, in his account, much excellent information, detailed with simplicity; and very often, through the folly of the historian, we arrive at truths which his prejudices concealed from himself. Guibert of Nogent did not visit the Holy Land ; but he lived during the first crusade, and, in com- mon with all Europe, felt deeply interested in the fate of that expedition. He examined and noted with accuracy all the anecdotes which reached Europe, and painted, with great vivacity, scenes that he had not himself witnessed. In his account of the crusade many circumstances, evincing strongly the spirit of the age, are to be met with which do not appear elsewhere ; and, as we have every reason to feel sure of his general accuracy, it is but fair to suppose that these are well founded. Radulph, or Raoul, of Caen, is inflated in style, and often inexact ; but he is perhaps less super- PREFACE. VU stitious than any other chronicler of the crusades. By poetical exaggeration, he often renders his nar- rative doubtful ; yet, as the biographer of Tancred, he tends to elucidate much that would otherwise have remained in darkness. Robert, called the Monk, was present at the council of Clermont, at which the first crusade was determined ; and, though he did not immediately take the Cross, he set out for the Holy Land not long after, and was present at the siegre of Jenisalem. He is, in general, accurate and precise ; and, though not a little credulous in regard to visions, apparitions, and such imagina- tions of the day, he is on the whole more calm, clear, and exact than any other contemporary author. Besides these writers, I have had occasion to cite several others of less authority. Of these, Baldric bears the highest character ; and, notwith- standing the fact of his not having been present at the crusade, he is in general accurate. Tudebodus is both brief and imperfect. Matthew of Edessa deserves little or no credit; and the part of the Alexiad which refers to the first crusade is far more likely to mislead than to assist. The most impor- tant parr of the whole work, as it is published at present, consists in the notes of Ducange. William of Malmsbury is more useful, but still his account is merely a repetition of what we find in other sources. For all the affairs of Normandy, I have consulted Orderic, Vital, and William of Jumieges. The history of WilliRm of Tyre was aflerv/ard continued by several writers, the chief of whom is an author taking the title of Bernard the Treasurer. Tin PREFACE. A Latin version of his book was published by Mu- ratori : Martenne, however, has since printed a work from an old French manuscript, the identity of which with the account of Bernard the Trea- surer has been proved by Mansi. This work is one of the most interesting extant; for altiiough it wants entirely either the power or the grace of Wil- liam of Tyre's composition, and is full of errors, in respect to every thing beyond the immediate limits of the Holy Land, yet there is a simple and inte- resting minuteness — an individuality of tone through the whole, where it relates to the affairs of Syria, which could not have been given but by an eye- witness. Even the old French in which it is written, slightly different from the exact language of France at the same period, gives it a peculiar character, and stamps it as the work of a Syrian Frank. Another continuation of William of Tyre is extant, by a Suabian of the name of Herold. This, however, is a much later composition, and possesses iew of the qualities of the other. The Cardinal de Vitry also wrote an abbreviated histoiy of the Crusades, bringing it down to his own time A. D. 1220. His work is prhicipally to be con suited for the account it gives of the events which passed under the author's own eyes, while Bishop of Acre, and for a great many curious particulars concerning the manners and customs of the Sara- cens, whicli are to be found in no other work. The second book of the Cardinal de Vitry's History has been omitted, I cannot conceivt why, in the Gesta Dei per Francos. It is, nevertheless, infinitely va- luable, as showing the horrible state of the Chris- PREFACE. IX tk ms of Palestine, and displaying those vices and weaknesses which eventually brought about the ruin of the Latin kingdom. The authorities for the second crusade are la- mentably few, and by their very paucity show what a change had come over the spirit of the age in the short space of fifty years. The only eye- witnesses who have written on the subject, as far as I can discover, are Odo, a priest of Deuil, or Diagolum, in the neighbourhood of Paris, and Otho, Bishop of Freysinghen. The first of these authors followed Louis VIL to the Holy Land as his chaplain, and his account is, more properly speaking, an epistle to the fa^r^ous Suger, Abbot of St. Denis, than a chronicle. Otho of Freysinghen was nearly related to the emperor Conrad, whom he accompanied on his unfortunate expedition. Both these authors, there- fore, had the best means of obtaining information; and in the ^vritings of each there is an air of truth and sincerity, which does much towards conviction. I have had occasion in speaking of this crusade to cite casually a number of authors, of whom it is not necessary to give any very detailed account. Their w^orks are to be found in the admirable col- lections of Dom Bouquet, Duchesne, Martenne, or Muratori. "Wherever I have been obliged to quote from any of the Arabian writers, I am indebted to the ex- tracts of Monsieur Reinaud. In regard to the crusade of Richard CcEur de Lion and Philip Augli^tus ; for the history of the first, 1 have borrowed from Benedict of Peterbo- B rough, from Hoveclon, and especially from Vinesauf, whose work is inestimable, 'i'iiese, with the other English authorities I have cited, are too well known to need comment. Having some time ago written a romance, not yet published, on the history of Philip Augustus, 1 had previously studied almost all the old chroniclers who speak of that monarch. The most important treatise on his reign is the work of Rigord, who was at once monk, physi(;ian, and historiographer at the court of Philip. William the Breton, one of the king's chaplains, continued his history in prose, from the period where Rigord abandoned the task. He also wrote a bombastic poem on the reign of his patron, which, however exaggerated and absurd, is useful as an historical document, and a painting of the manners and cus- toms of the time. On the taking of Constantinople by the French, I have found no want of authorities. Villehardouin, one of the principal actors in the scenes he describes, has been my chief source of information. I have also met with much in Nicetas, who was present ; and I have confirmed the evi- dence of other writers, by the chronicle in the Rouchy dialect, published by Monsieur Buchon, and by the metrical chronicle of Philippe Mouskes in the same collection. I need hardly say that the works of Ducange have proved invaluable in every part of my inquiry, and that his history ofConstanti- iiople under its French monarchs both gave me facts and led me to authorities. Joinvilie is the pFii>cipal writer on the crusade of St. Louis. He was an eyewitness, a sufferer, and a principal actor in the scenes he describes. Of PREFACE. XI all old chroniclers, with the exception, perhaps, of Froissurl, Joinville offers the most origuial, sim- ple, and de!-iglittul painting of times and manners long gone by. With the notes of Ducange, his work is an erudite repertory for antique manners and usages, and may be read and reread with gratification, and studied deeply with advantage. The foHo edition in my own library comprises the Observations, and Dissertations of Ducange, and the Commentaries of Claud Menaid ; together with the Establishments of St. Louis, and a curious trea- tise upon the ancient law of France, by Pierre de Fontaines. All these works aflbrd a great insight into the spirit of that day ; and many other particu- lars are to be found in the Branche aux royanx Licrnaires^ and in the Sermon of Robert de Saince- riaux. Besides the authors I have here particu- larized, I have had occasion to cite casually a great number of others, whose names, with some account of the works of each, may be found in the Mamul of Brunet. Vertot also has furnished us v/ith much information concerning the Knights of St. John ; and Dupuy, Raynouard, &.c. have spoken largely of the Templars. I cannot close the enumeration of authors to whom I am under obligations for in formation or instruction without mentioning M. Guizol, one of the most clearsighted and unpreju- diced of all modern historians. His views of causes 1 have often adopted, sometimes with very slight modifications, and sometimes with none ; and, in all instances to which his writings extend, I have been indebted to him for light to conduct me through the dark sanctuary of past events, to the Xll PREFACE. slirine of Truih, even where he has not unveiled the deity herself. 1 oan only regret that his essays did not embrace more of the very comprehensive sub- ject on which I was called to treat. Several motives have impelled me to give this long account of my authorities ; one of which mo- tives was, that often, in reading works on history, I have myself wished that ihe sources from which facts were derived had been laid open to my exami- nation ; but still, my principal view in the detail was, to show the ground on which I had fixed opi- nions directly opposed to those of several other au- thors. In many cases, the aspect under which I have seen the events of the Crusades has been en- tirely different from that under which Mills has regarded them, and I felt myself called upon not to attack any position of a clever writer and a learned man, without justifying myself as completely as possible. In regard to my own work I shall say nothing, but that I have spared neither labour nor research to make it as correct as if it had appeared under a much more imposing form. In space, I have been confined ; and in time, I have been hurried : but I have endeavoured to remedy the one inconve- nience, by cutting off all superfluous matter ; and to guard against evil consequences from the other, by redoubling my own exertions. Whether I have succeeded or not the world must judge ; and if it does judge with the same generous lenity which it has extended to my other productions, I shall hav* every reason to be both satisfied and grat*rru! CONTENTa CHAPTER I. j.^ A Definition, with Remarks and Evidence— An Inquiry into the Origin of Chivalry — Various Opinions on tlie Subject — Reasons fordoubtinu; Ihe great Aiiti(iuity ct Chivalry, properly so called — The State of Society which preceded it, and of that which gave it Birth — Its Origin and early Progress 17 CHAPTER n. Of Chivalrous Customs— Education— Grades— Services on the Re- ception of a Knight — On Tournaments— Jousts— Combats at Outrance — Passages of Arms — The Round Table — Privileges of Knighthood— Duties of Knighthood '31 CHAPTER HI. The Progress of Chivalry in Europe— Exploits— That some great Enterprise was necessary to give (Chivalry an exrcnsive and per- manent Effect — Thai Enterprise presented itself in ihe Crusades — Pilgrimaire to Jerusalem — Haroun Al Raschid — Charlemagne — Cruelties of the Turks — Pilgrimages continued- Peter the Her- mit — Council of Clermont • '. 53 CHAPTER IV. The 'EtTecfs of the Council of Clermont- State of France— Motives of the People for embracing the Crusade — Benefits produced — The Enthusiasm general—Rapid Progress— The first Bodies of Crusaders begin their March— Oautier sans avoir — His Army — Their Disasters — Reach Constantinople — Peter the Hermit sets out with an itnmense Multitude— Storms Semlin — Defeatei^ al ^issa— His Host dispersed — The Remains collected— Joins (Jau- tier — Excesses of the Multitude — The Italians and Germans sepa- rate from the French — The Germans extermniated— The French cut to pieces — Conduct of Alexius 73 CHAPTER V. The Chivalry of Europe takes the Field— The Leaders— G'dfrey of Bouillon — Conducts his Armv towards Crnstantinople— Hugh the Great— Leads his Army through Italy — Embarks for Durazzo — Taken Prisoner — Liberated— Robert, Duke of Normandy — Win- ters in Italy— Arrives at Constantinople — Robert, Count of Flan- ders -Joins the rest — Boemond of Tarentum — Tancred — Their March — Defeat the Greeks— Boemond does Homage — Tancred avoids it — The Count of Toulouse arrives — Refuses to do Homage —Robert of Normandy does Homage H9 XIV CONTENTS. CHAPTER VI. G«rm of Afler-misfortuiies already sprinsiiiifr up in the Crnsart©-^ Sieine of Nice — First Enjiagemem witli Cie Turks— Siege ron- tinueti — Th« Lake occupied — Surrender of Nice to the Etriissancs of Alexius— Uiscontent — March towards Autioch — The Army divides into two Bodies — Mattle of Dorylfieurn — Dreadful March throujih Piirysia — Adventures of Baldwin and Tancred— Arrival at Antioch— The City invested lOg CHAPTER Vn. The Host of the Crusade invests Antforh— Description of that City — Dini>-ulties and Errors of the Crusaders— Improvidence — P"a- mine — Spies — Desertions — Embassy /rom the Calif of Egypt— Supcours from the Genoese and Pisans — Battle — Feats of the Christian Knights — Boemond keeps up a Communication within the Town — The Town betrayed to the Christians — Massa(-res — Arrival of an Army from Persia — The Christians besieged in An- tiofih — Famine — Desertions — Visions — Renewed Enthusiasm — Diminished Forces of the Christians — Battle of Antioch — The Crusaders victorious — Spoils — Disputes with the Count of Tou- louse — The Chiefs determine to repose at Antioch — Ambassadors sent to Alexius — Fate of th^ir Embassy j.-^g CHAPTER VIH. Pestilence in Antioch— Death of the Bishop of Puy— The Chiefs separate — Siege of Marrah — Cannibalism — Disputes between the Count of Toulouse and Boemond — The Count iTitirches towards Jerusalem — Siege of Archas — Godfrey of Bouillon marches — Siege of Ghibel— Treachery of Raimond— Fraud of the Holy l,ance investigated — Ordeal of Fire — Decisive Conduct of the Crusaders towards the Deputies of Alexius, and the Calif of E'iypt — Conduct of the Crusaders towards the Emir of Trifioli — First Sight of Jerusalem — Siege and Taking of the City — Fana- tical Massacres 1*5S CHAPTER IX. Election of a King — Godfrey of Bouillon — Sketch of the History of .leriHHlem— Death of the chief Crusaders — New Btxlies of Cru- saders set out from Europe — Their Destruction in Asia Minor — Armed Pilgrimages — The Northern Armaments — The Venetians — The Genoese and Pisans — Anecdotes of the Crusaders — Battle of the Children at Antioch — The Thafurs — Baldwin's Humanity well repaiil — Superstitions — Arms of the Crusaders — Of the Turks— Hospitallers— Templars 173 CHAPTER X. Consequences of the Loss of E(iessa — The State of France unfa- vourable 10 a new Crusade — View of the Progress of Society — Causes and Character of the Second Crusade — St. Bernard — The Emperor "f Germany takes the Cross, and sets out— I.ouis V!I, follows — Conduct of the Germans in Greece — Their Destruction in Cappadocia — Treachery of Manuel Comnenus — I.ouis Vll. ar- rives at Constantinople — Passes into Asia — Defeats the Turks on the Meander — His Army cut to pieces — Proceeds by Sea to An CONTENTS. XV titw-fi — Fatp of his remaining Troops — Tntripiies at Antloch- Louis goes on 10 .Ie'ru*;ilein — ?it'?e of Daniasfits — Disgraceful Failure — Cdiirail returns to Europe — ('onduct of Stiger, Abbol of St. Denis — Tennaiatioii of the Second Crusade 198 CHAPTER XI. rrojrres!! of i'ociety— The Ri^seof Poetry iti modern Europe— T km badours — Trouveres — Various I'oetiral Coiripositions — Elfect of Poetry uooti Chivalry— F^llect of the Crusades on Society— State of Palestine after the Second (Jrusade— Cession of Edessa to the Emperor Manuel Comneiius — Edessa conijilptely subjected by the Turks— Asi-alon taken by the Christians— State of Egypt under the last Califs of the Fatiniite Race— The Latins and the Atabecks both desifjn the Conquest of Egypt— Struggles for that Country — Rise of Saladin — Disjiuies among the Latins concerning the Suc- cession of the Crown — Guy of Lusignan crowned — Saladin in- vades Palestine- Paifle of" Tiberias— Fall of Jerusalem— Con- quest of all Palestine— Some Inquiry into the Causes of the Latin Overthrow 2^ J CHAPTER XIL The News of the Fate of Palestine reaches Europe — The Arch- bishop of Tvre comes to seek (or Aid— Assistance granted by William ilie"Gcod, of Sicily— Death of Urban, from Grief at the Loss of .leriisalem— Gregory VIIL promotes a Crusade— Expedi- tion of Frederic, Eiriperor of Germany— His Successes— His Death — State of Europ --Crus-de promoted by the irouhadours —Philip Augustus and Henrv IL take the Cross— I. aws enacted— Saladin's Tenth— War renewed— Death of Henry IL— Accession of Richard Cteiirde Lion— The CTnjsadc— Philip's March— Rich- ard's March - Affairs of Sicily— Quarrels between the Monarchs — Philip goes to Acre — Richard subdues Cvprus — Arrives at Aero —Siege -ind Taking of Acre— Fresh Disputes— Philip Augustus returns to Europe -Ricliard marches on— Battle of Azotus— Heroism cf Richard -Unsteady Councils— The Enterprise aban- doned 237 CHAPTER XIII. Death of Saladin— Disunion among his Successors- Celestine III. preaches a new Crusade— Henry of Germany takes the Cross- Abandons his Purpose— Crusaders proceed without him— Saif Eddiii takes the Field, and captures .laffa— The Crusaders are reiniorced— Defeat Saif Edditi— Lav Siege to Thoron— Seized wilh Panic, and retreat— Disperse— Death of Henry of Cham- pagne. King of Jerusalem— His Widow marries Alineric, King of Cvprus— Truce -Death of Almevic; and Isabella Mary, Heiress of Jerusalem, wedded to John of Brienne— Affairs of Europe- Innocent HI. and Foulqiie, of Neuilly, promote a Crusade— The Barons of France take the Cross— Proceed to Vetiice— Their Dif- tiLullies— Turn toihe Siegeof 7ara--A Change of Punmsc— Pro- ceed to Consiantiiiopie — Sieae and Taking of that City— ^"ubse- queiit Proceedings— A Revolution in ConstantinopJe, Alexius de- posed by Muriuphlis— Se-oud Siege and Cai)ture of IUb GreeK jnri CONTENTS. Capital— Flight of Murzuphlis— Plunder and Outrage— Bali'win, Count of Flanders, elecind Emperor ^^>^ CHAPTER XIV. Divisions among the Moslems— Among the Christians — Crusade of Children— Innocent III. declares he will lead a new Crusade to Syria— The King of Hungary takes i he Cross— Arrives in Syiia —Successes of the Pilgrims — Abandon llie Siege of Mount Tha- bor— The King of Hungary returns to Europe— The Duke of Austria continues the W;ir — Siege of Damietta— Reinlbrcements arrive under a Legate — Famine in Damietla— The Moslems otfer to yield Palestine— The Legate's Pride— He refuses- Taking of Damietta— Tile Army advances towards Cairo— Overflowing oi the Nile— The Army ruined— The Legate sues for I'eace— Gene- rous ura— Pestilence in the Army— Tlie King taken— Ran- somed — Returns to Europe — Second Crusade of St. Louis — Takes Carthage — His Death — Crusade of Prince Edward — He delieats the Saracens — Wounded by an Assassin — Returns to Europe — Successes of the Tui k.s— Last Siege and Fall of Acre — ralestine Josi 286 CHAPTER XV. l?itp of the Order? of the Temple and St. John— The Templars aba n- don all Hopes of recovering Jerusalem — Mingle in European Poli- ti'-e — Otfend Philip tlie Fair — Are persecuted — Charges against llicm — The Order destroyed- The Knights of St. John pursue tlie Purpo.se of dofeiiding Christendom— Settle in Rhodes — Siece of Rliodes— Gallant Defence— The Island taken— The Kmthts re- move to Malta— Siege of Malta — La \'alette— Defence ol St. Elmo — Gallantry of the Garrison— Tlie whole Turkish Army attempt Jo storm llie Castle — The Attack repelled — Arrival of Succour — The Siege raised — Conclusion .?]2 ^OTKS S31 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY AND THE CRUSADES CHAPTER I. A Definition, with Remarks avd Evidence — Av Inquiry into the Origin of Chivalrij — Various Ofinionson the Subject— Reasons fnrdnubting the great Antiquity of Chivalry properly so called — The State of So- ciety which preceded it, and of that which gave it Birth — Its Origin and early Progress, The tirst principles of whatever subject we may attempt to trace in histoiy are ever obscure, but few are so entirely buried in darkness as the origin of Cliivalry. This seems the more extraordinary, as we rind ihe institution itself suddenly accompanied by regular and established forms, to which we can assign no precise date, and which appear to have been generally acknowledged before they were reduced to any written code. Although definitions are dangerous things — inas- much as the ambiguity of language rarely permits of perfect accuracy, except in matters of abstract science— it is better, as far as possible, on all sub- jects of discussion, to venture some clear and de- cided position, that the subsequent reasoning may be fixed upon a distinct and unchanging basis. If the position itself be wrong, it may be the more speedily proved so from the very circumstance of standing forth singly, uninvolved in a labyrinth of other matter ; and if it be right, the arguments that follow may always be more easily traced, and afford 18 KaSTORY OF CHIVALRY. greater satisfaction by being detliiced from a princi- ple already determined. These considerations leac' me to offer a definition of Cliivalry, together with some remarks calculated to guard that definition from the consequences of misapprehension on the part of others, or of obscurity on my own. When I speak of Chivalry I mean a milita y insti- tution, prompted by enthusiastic benevolence, sanc- tioned by religion, and combined with religious cere- monies, the purpose of which was to protect the weak from the oppression of the powerful, and to defend the right cause against the wrong. Its military character requires no proof; but vari ous mistaken opinions, which I shall notice hereafter, render it necessary to establish the fact, that religious ceremonies of some kind were always combined with the institutions of Chivalry. All those written laws and regulations affecting knighthood,' which were composed subsequent to its having taken an acknowledged form, prescribed, in the strictest manner, various points of religious cere- monial, v/hich the aspirant to Chivalry was required to perform before he could be admitted into tliat high order. What preceded the regular recognition of Chivalry as an institution is entirely traditional ; yet in ail me old romances, fabliaux, sirventes, ballads, &c. T»ot one instance is to be found in which a squire he- f''>mes a knight, without some reference to his rel - fious faith. If he be dubbed in the battle-field, he '-wears to defend the right, and maintain all the sta- fUes of the noble order of Chivalry, upon the cross of his sword ; he calls heaven to witness his vow, and ♦he saints to help him in its execution. Even in one oi' the most absurd fables' of the chivalrous ages, • T-? P4re Meneslrier, Ordres de Chevalerie; Jouvencel ; Favin 2 Fabliau de rordene de Chovalerie dans les fabliaux de Le Grand d'Aussi HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 19 wherein we find Saladin himself receiving the t>.*der of Chivalry from tlie hands of the Count de Taoarie, that nobleman causes the infidel suitan to be shaved, and to bathe as a symbol of baptism, and then to rest himself upon a perfumed bnd, as a type of the repose and joy of Paradise. These tales are all fictitious, it is true ; and few of them date earlier tiian the end of the twelfth century : but at the same time, as they universally ascribe, religious ceremonies to the order of knighthood, we have every reason to sup- pose that such ceremonies formed a fundamental part of the institution. Before proceeding to inquire into t?ie origin of Chivalry, 1 must be permitted to make one more ob- servation in regard to my definition ; namely, that there was a great and individual character in that order, which no definition can fully convey. I mean the S[)irit of Chivalry; for, indeed, it was more a spirit than an institution; and the outward forms with which it soon became invested, were only, in truth, the signs by which it was conventionally agreed that those jjersons who had proved in their initiate they pos- sessed the spirit, should be distinguished from the other classes of society. The ceremonial was merely the public declaration, tliat he on whom the order was conferred was worthy to exercise the powers with which it invested him ; but still, the spirit was the Chivalry. In seeking the source of this order through the dark mazes of the history of modern Europe, it ap- pears to me that many writers have mistaken the track ; and, by looking for the mere external signs, have been led into ages infinitely prior to the spirit of Chivalry. Some have supposed that the institution descended to more modern times, from the equestrian order of the ancient Romans; butt lie absence of all but mere nomi- nal resemblance between the two, has long placed this theory in the dusty catalogue of historical dreams. 20 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. Others ag'ain have imagined that the Franks, and the rest of tlie German nations, who, on the fall of the Roman eiripire, subdued and divided Gaul, hroug-ht with them the seedsof Chivalry, which spontaneously grew up into that extraordinary plant which has flou- rished but once in the annals of the world. This opinion they support by citing the customs of the German tribes' who, not only at particular periods invested their j^outh with the shield and the javelin, but also (especially towards the period of the con- quest of Gaul) chose from the bravest of the tribe a Lumber of warriors, to be the companions and guards of tlie chief. These were termed Leitdes, and we find them often mentioned under the whole of the first race of French kings. They served on horse- back, while the greater part of each German nation fouoht on foot only; and they were bound to the chief by an oath of fidelity.^ The reception of an aspirant into the body of Leudes was also marked with various ceremonies ; but in this, if we exa- mine correctly, we find neither the spirit nor the forms of Chivalry. The oath of the Frank was one of service to his prince ; that of the knight, to his God and to society : the one promised to de- fend his leader ; the otlier to protect the oppressed, and to ujDhold the right. The Leudes were in fact the nobility of the German tribes, though that no- bility was not hereditary; but they were in no respect similar to the knights of an after-age, except in the circumstance of fighting on horseback. A third opinion supposes the origin of Chivalry to be found among the ancient warlike tribes of North- men, or Normans, who, towards the ninth century, invaded in large bodies the southern parts of Europe, and established themselves principally in France; and certainly, botli in their traditions, and even in their actions, as recorded by Abbon, an eyewitness I Tacit, de Mor. Germ 2 Marculfus HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 21 in their deeds in the siege of Paris, there is to be found an energetic and romantic spirit, not unlike that which animated Chivahy at the rudest per'od of its existence. Still, there is much wanting. The great object of Cliivaliy, the defence of the weak, was absent, as well as every form and ceremony. The object of the Northman's courage was plunder; and all that he had in common with the knight was valour, contempt of death, and a touch of savage ge- nerosity, that threw but a feint light over his dark and stormy barbarities. Many persons again have attributed the founda- tion of all the chivalrous institutions of Europe to the bright and magnificent reign of Charlemagne; and as this opinion has met with much support, among even the learned, it is worth while more par- ticularly to inquire upon what basis it is raised. Of the reign of Charlemagne we have not so many au- thentic accounts as we have romances, founded upon the fame of that illustrious monarch. Towards the tenth, eleventh, and twelfth centuries, when Chivalry was in its imaginative youth, a thousand tales oT wild adventure were produced, in which Charlemagne and his warriois were represented with all the quali- ties and attributes of those knights, whose virtues and courage had b}'^ that time wrought deeply on tlie heart and fancy of the people. We should be as much justified, however, in believing that Vitgil was a celebrated necromancer, or that Hercules was a Preux Chevalier — characters which have been as- signed to them by the very same class of fables — as in giving any credit to the distorted representations that those romances afford of the days of Charle- magne. In regard to the tales of King Arthur, T am per- fectly inclined to use the energetic words of Menes- Irier, who, in speaking of t' e famous knights of the round table, says, without hesitation, " All that they tell of King Arthur and that fictitious Chivalry of %9 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. which they represent him as the author, is nothing but -a lie ;'" for, thoiii^h beyond all d:)iibi the romances of Chivalry afford a great insight into the manners of tlie times v/herein they were written, they are, nevertheless, (][uite worthless as authority concern- ing- the ages which they pretend to display, and which had preceded their composition by neail/ three centuries. After rejecting the evidences of such tales, we find nothing in tlie authentic records of Charlemagne which gives the slightest reason to suppose that Chivalry was Ivnown, even in its most infant state, during his reign. Though his great system of war- fare had that in common with Chivalry which all warfare mast have — feats of daring courage, heroic valour, bursts of feeling and magnanimity, and as much of the sublime as mighty ambition, guided by mighty genius, and elevated by a noble object can achieve — yet the government of Charlemagne was, in fact, any thing but a (diivalrous government. Too powerful a hand held the reins oi state for Chivaliy either to have been necessary or permitted; and in reading the annals of Eginhard, his life of Charle- magne, or the a{;count given by the monk of St. Gall, we find a completely different character from that which is visible in every page of the history of the knightly ages. We find, indeed, that Charlemagne, according to the immemorial custom of his Ger- man^ ancestors, solemnly invested his son Lewis with the arms of a man. A thousand years before, in the forests of tne North, his predecessors had done the same ; and Charlemagne, one of whose great objects ever was, to preserve both the habits and the language of the original country^ free from amalga- mation with those of the conquered nations, not only set the example of publicly receiving his son into the ranks of manhood and warfare, but strictly enjoined 1 Menestrier de la Chevalerie et ses preuves, page 230. 2 Tacitus de Morib German. 3 Eginhard Am» HISTORY or CHn'ALRY. 23 t1iat the snme should be done by his various governors in the provinces. But this custom of the Frnnks, as I have befoie attempted to sho\v, had no eartlily rv-hition to knighthood. Were nothing else a proof that Chivalry was perfectly unknown in the days of Charlemagne, it would be sufficient that the famous capitularies of that monarch, which regulate every thing that can fall under the eye of the law, even to th.e details of private life, make no mention whatever of an institution which afterward exercised so great an influence on the fate of Europe. Nor can we trace in the annals of the surrounding countries, a mark of Chivalry having been known at that period to any other nation more than to the Franks. Alfred, it is true, invested Athelstan with a purple garment and a sword; but the Saxons were from Germany as well as tlie Franks, and no reason exists for suppos- in:: that this ceremony was in any degree connected with the institutions of Chivalry. There have been persons, indeed, v/lio supposed that Pharaoh con- ferred knighthood upon Joseph, when he bestowed upon him the ring and the golden chain, and probably the Egyptian king had fully as much knowledge of tlie institution of Chivalry as either Charlemagne or Alfied. Of the annals that follow the period of Charle- magne, those of Nithard, Hincmar, and Thegan, to- gether with those called the Annals of St. Bertinus and of Metz, are the most worthy of (Tedit ; and in these, though we often meet with the word inileSi v/hich was afterward the name bestowed upon a knight, it is used simply in the signification of a sol- dier, or one o. the military race.' No mention whatever is made of any thing that can fairly be looked upon as chivalrous, either in feeling or insti- tution. All is a series of dark conflicts and blood- thirsty contentions, among which the sprouts of the » .See note L 24 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. feudal system, yet young and unformed, are seen springing up from seeds sown long before. In the picture of those times, a double darkness seemed to cover the earth, wliich, a chaos of unruly passio.^s, showed no one general institution for the benefit of mankind except the Christian religion: and that, overwhelmed by foul su]3erstitions and guarded chiefly by barbarous, ignorant, selfish, and disorderly priests, lay like a treasure hidden by a miser, and watched by men that had not soul to use it. This was no age of knighthood. Up to this period, then, I fully believe that Chi- valry did not exist ; and having attempted to show upon some better ground than mere assertion, that the theories which assign to it an earlier origin are wrong, I will now give my own view of its rise, which possibly may be as erroneous as the rest. Charlemagne expired like a meteor that, liaving broken suddenly upon the night of ages, and blazed brilliantly over a whole world for a brief space, fell and left all in darkness, even deeper than before. His dominions divided into petty kingdoms — his succes- sors waging long and inveterate wars against each other — the nations he had subdued shaking otf the yoke — the enemies he had conquered avenging them- selves upon his descendants — the laws he had esta- blished forgotten or annulled — the union he h;id ce- mented scattered to the wind — iir a lamental)ly brief space of time, the bright order which his great mind had established throughout Europe was dissolved. Each individual, who, either by corporeal strength, advantageous position, wealth, or habit, could influ- ence the minds of others, snatched at that portion of the divided empire w'hicji lay nearest to his means, and claimed that power as a gift v/hich had only been intrusted as a loan. The custom of holding lands by military service had come aown to the French from their German ancestors, and the dukes, the mar- quises, the counts, as well as a whole herd of infe- HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 25 nor officers, who in former days had led the arniios, ur commanded in the provinces as servants of the crown, now arrogated to themselves hereditary rights in the charges to v.'hich they had been in- trusted ; and, in their own behalf, claimed the feudal service of those soldiers to whom lands had been granted, instead of preserving their allegiance for their sovereigns. The weak monarclis, who still letained the name of kings, engaged in ruinous wars with each other and in vain attempts to repel the in- vasions of the Northmen or Normans, first tolernted these encroachments, because tliey had at the time no power of resisting, and then gradually recognised them as rights, upon the condition that those who committed them should assist the sovereign in his wars, and acknowledge his title in preference to that of any of his competitors. Thus gradually rose the feudal system from the wrec-ks of Charlemagne's great empire. But still all was unstable and unconfirmed ; the limits of the different powers in the state undecided and variable, till the war of Paris, the incompetence of the suc- cessors of Charlemagne, and the elevation of Hugues Capet, the Count of Paris, to tlie throne, showed the barons the power they had acquired, and crowned the feudal compar*: by the creation of a king whose title was found in it alone. Great confusion, however, existed still. The au- thority of the sovereign extended but a few leagues round tlie city of Paris; the Normans ravaged the coast ; the powerful and the wicked had no restraint imposed upon their actions, and the weak were every where oppressed and wronged. Bands of plunderers raged through the whole of France and Germany, property was held by the sword, cruelty and injus- tice reigned alone, and the wliole history of that age offers a complete medley of massacre, bloodshed, torture, crime, and misery. Personal courage, however, had been raised to the C as HtSTORY OF CHIVALRV. hio^hest pitch by the very absence of every thins: like security. Valour was a ne(;essity and a liabit, and EuJes and his companions, who defended Paiis against the Normans, would have come down as demig-ods to the present day, if they had but pos- sessed a Homer to sing their deeds. The very Nor- mans themselves, with their wild enthusiasm and supernatural daring, their poetical traditions, and magnificent superstitions, seemed to bring anew and extraordinary light into the veiy lands they deso- lated. The plains teemed with murder, and the rivers flowed with blood ; but the world was weary of barbarity, and a reacting spirit of order was born from the very bosom of confusion. It was then that some poor nobles, probably suffering themselves from the oppression of more powerful lords, bat at the same time touched with sincere compassion for the wretchedness they saw around them, first leagued together with the holy purpose of redressing wrongs and defending the weak.' They gave their hands to one another in pledge that they would not turn back from the work, and called upon St. George to bless their righteous cause. The church readily yielded its sanction to an institution so noble, aided it with prayers, and san;-tified it with a solemn blessing. Religious en- thusiasm became added to noble indignation and charitable zeal ; and the spirit of Chivalry, like the flame struck forth from the hard steel and the dull flint, was kindled into sudden light by the savage cruelty of the nobles, and the heavy barbarity of the people. The spirit spread rapidly, and the adoration of the populace, who almost deified their heroic defenders, gave both fresh vigour and purity to the design. Every moral viitue became a part of knightly ho- nour, and the men whose hands were evei ready to 1 Charles Nodiflr Oil 6t. PalaTft HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 27 draw the sword in defence of innocence — who m their own conduct set the most brilliant example — whose sole object was tlie establishment of right, and over whom no earthly fear or interested con- sideration held sway, were readily recognisd as judges, and appealed to as arbitrators. Public opi- nion raised them above all other men, even above kings themselves; so much so, indeed, that we find continually repeated, in the writings of the chival- rous ages, such passages as the following : — Chevaliers sont de mault grant pris, lis ont (le tous gens le pris, El le los et le seignorie. Thus gradually Chivalry became no longer a simple engagement between a few generous and valiant men,lnit took the form of a great and powerful in- stitution ; and as each knight had the right of cre- ating others without limit, it became necessaiy that the new class thus established in society should be distinguished by particular signs and symbols, which would guard it against the intrusion of unworthy or disgraceful members. The time at which fixed regulations first distin- guished Chivalry from every other order in the state cannot be precisely determined ; certainly it was not before the eleventh century. Then, however, it is probable, that this was done more from a general sense of its necessity, and by slow and irregular de- grees, than by any one law or agreement. Every thing in that age was confusion, and though the spi- rit of Chivahy^had for its great object the restora- tion of order, it is not likely that ils ow;i primary efforts should be very regular, amid a chaos of contending interests and unbridled passions, v/hich rendered general communication or association dif- ficult, if not impossible. Each knight, in admitting another to the noble order of which he himself was a member, probably added some little formality, as 28 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. he thought fit, till the mass of these customs col- lected by tradition formed the body of their ceremo- nial law. The first point required of the aspirants to Chi- valry, in its earliest state, was certainly a solemn vow, '• To speak the truth, to succour the helpless and oppressed, and never to turn baC' from an < nem ." ^ This vow, combined with the solemn appeal to Heaven in witness thereof, was the foundation of Chivalry ; but, at the same time, we find, that in all ages, only one class of people was eligible to furnish members to the institution; namely, the military class, or, in other words, the northern conqueiois of the soil; for, with very few exceptions, the original inhabitants of Europe had been reduced to the con- dition of serfs, or slaves of the glebe. Some f w, indeed, had held out till they forced the invaders to permit their being incorporated will» tliemselves upon more equal terms ; but tliis was very rare, and the race rustique, as it was called, though it fm-nished arcliers to the armies, was kept distinct from the military race by many a galling difference. This lower race, then, could not be invested with the ho- nours of Chivalry; and one of the first provisions we find in any written form, respecting the institu- tion of knighthood, is designed to mark this more particularly. Ad militarein honorem nullus accedat qui non sit de genere rnilitum, says a decree of the twelfth century. We may therefore conclude that this was the first requisite, and the vow the first for- mality of Chivalry. It is more than probable that the ceremony next in historic. ;1 order, attaclied to the admission of an aspirant into the ranks of knighthood, was that of publicly arming him with the weapons he was to use, in pursuance of his vow. This is likely, from many ckcumstances. In the first place, to arm hinj > Ordenu de Cbevalerie Fabliaux. HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 2D for the cause wns naturally the next preceding to his vowing himself to that cause, and also by his receiviiitr those arms in the face of the public, the new defender that the "people had gained became known to the people, and thus no one would falsely pretend to the character of a knight without risking detection. In the second place,* as 1 have before said, the arming of the German youth had been from tlie earliest ages, Hke the deiiveiy of the virile robe to young Romans, an occasion of public solem- nity; and it was therefore natural that it should be soon incorporated with the ceremonial of the new military institution which now took the lead of all others. The church of course added her part to secure re- verence for an order which was so well calculated to promote all tlie objects of religion, and vigils, fasts, and prayers speedily became a part of the initiation to knio^hthood. Power is ever ."ollowed by splendour and display; but to use the energetic words of a learned and talented writer of the present day,' the knights for long after the first institution of Chi- valry, were "simple in their clothing, austere in their morals, humble after victory, firm under mis- fortune." In France, T believe, the order first took its rise ; and, probably, the disgust felt by some pure minds at the gross and barbarous licentiousness of the times, infused that virtuous severity into the institu- tions of Chivalry which v/as in itself a glory. If v.'e may give the least credit to the picture of the iinmorality and luxury of the French, as drawn by Abbon in his poem on tlie siege of Paris, no words will be found sufficient to express our admiration for the men who first undertook to combat not only the tyranny but the vices of their age; who singly went fjrth to war against crimi^ injustice, and cruelty J Charles NoJier. 80 HISTORY OF CHIVALR?. who defied the whole world in defence of innocpTice, virtue, and truth ; who stemmed the torrent of bar- barity and evil ; and who, from the wrecks of cges, and the ruins of empires, drew out a thousand jewels to g-litter in the star that shone upon the breast of knighthood. For long- the Christian religion had struggled alone, a great but shaded light through the storms of drirk and barbarous ages. " Till Chivalry arose th.ere was nothing to uphold it; but from that moment, with a champion in the field to lead forth the knowledge that had been imprisoned in the cloister, the ijillu- ence of religion began to spread and increase. Though worldly men thereunto attached the aggran- dizement of their own temporal power, and knaves and villains made it the means of their avarice, or the cloak of their vice, still the influence of the divine truth itself gradually wrought upon the hearts of men, purii^ing, calming, refining, till the world grew wise enough to separate the perfection of the Gospel from the weakness of its teachers, and to re- ject the errors while they restrained the pozver of the Roman church. In the mean time Chivalry stood forth the most glorious institution that man himself ever devised. In its youth and in its simplicity, it appeared grand and beautiful, both from its own intrinsic excellence, and from its contrast with the thmgs around. In lis after-years it acquired pomp and luxury; and to pomp and luxury naturally succeeded decay and death ; but still the legac)^ that it left behind it to pos- terity was a treasure of noble feehngs and generous principles. There cannot be a doubt that Chivalry, more than any other institution (except religion) aided to woik out the civilization of Europe. It first taught devo- tion and reverence to those weak, fair beings, who but in their beauty and their gentleness have no de- fence. It first raised love above the passions of the HISTORY OP CHIVALRY. 31 brute, and by dignifying- woman, made woman worthy of love. It g-ave purity to enthusiasm, crushed barbaro.iS selfishness, tauj^ht the heart to expand like a flower to the sunshine, beautified glory with geneiosity, and smoothed even the rugged brow of war. For the mind, as far as knowledge went, Chivalry itself did little; but by its influence it did much. For the heart it did every thing ; and there is scarcely a noble feeling or a bright aspiration that we find among ourselves, or trace in the history of modern Europe, that is not in si)me degree referable to that great and noble principle, which has no name but the Spirit of Chivalry. CHAPTER II. Of Chivrilrmi.s Customs — Ebicntion — Grades — Services on the Rer.ep. tion of a Knight— Oa T ntninnitutt — Jmatg — Combats at. Outranci —Passa2:es of Arms — T!ie Rjuad Tabic — Friuilei-es of Kaighthood — Duties of Kaii^hthood. Although the customs which T am about to detail at once grew gradually up under the various circum- stances of difl'erent centuries, and were for the most part unknown to the infancy of Chivalry, I think it right to notice here the principal peculiarities of the institution, rather than to interrupt the course of my narrative afterward, when the history of knighthood may be traced continuously down to its final ex- tinction. We have already seen that each individual mem- ber of the order possessed the power of admitting any othei- person to its honours without restraint ; but it did noi by any means follow that all previous trial and education was dispensed with. Very soon after the first institution of Chivalry every one 33 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. became covetous of the distinction, and it natm^tly followed that the object of each boy's aspirations, the aim of eveiy young- man's ambition, was one driy to be a knio-ht. Those, iiowever, who had al- ready received the order, were scrupulously careful to admit none within its fellowship who mig-ht dis- grace the sword that dubbed them; and knighthood gradually became as much the reward of a long and tedious education, as the bonnet of the doctor or the stole of the clerk. The feudal system had now reached its acme ; and each individual lord, within iiis own domain, assuujed the state and importance of a prince. With the vain spirit of ostentatious imitation which unhappily is common to all climes and all centuries, the great feudatories of the crown copied the household of the sovereign, and the petty barons imitated them. Each had his crowd of officers, and squiies, and pages, and varlets. Even the monasteries and the abbeys af- fected the same pomp and ceremonial, so that Vv^e find the abbot of St. Denis riding' forth accompauied by his chamberlain and marshal, whose offices were held as feoffs. The manor or the castle of each feudal chieftain, however, soon became the school of Chivalry, and j-ny 1 oble youth who^e parents were eithei- dead or too poor to educate him to the art of war was will- ingly received in tlie dwelling of a neighbouiing ba- ron,"whotook care that his pupil should be instructed in all military' exercises, glad to attach to his own person as large a body of armed retainers as his cir- cumstances would permit. Till they reached the age of seven years the youths, afterward'destined to arms, were left to the care of the females of the household, who taught them the first principles of religion and of Chivalry. They were then in general sent fiom home, those fatlieri [i Felibien, Hist. St Denis. HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 33 i?ven, who possessed the means of conducting theii odiuraiion themselves, preferring- to intrust it to some othei- noble knight who could be biassed' by no pa- rental tenderness to spare the young Jispirant to Chi- valry any of those trials and hardships absolutely necessary to prepare him for his after-career. On entering the household of another knight, the first place filled by the youths, then fresh from all the soft kindnesses of home, was that of page or varlet, which, though it implied every sort of attendance on the person of their new lord, was held as honourable, not degrading-. Here they still remained^ much among the wo- men of the family, who undertook to complete their knowledge of their duty to God and their lady, instill- ing into their infant minds that refined and mystic i lea of love, which was so peculiar a trait in the Chivalry of old. In the mean while the rest of their days were passed in the service of their lord, accom panying him in his excursions, sjrving him at ta- ble, pouring out his drink; all of which offices being shared in by the children and young relations of the baron himself,^ were reckoned, as I have said, highly honourable, and formed the first step in the ascent to Chivalry. At the same time infinite pains were bestowed upon the education of these pages. They were taught all sorts of gymnastic exercises which could strengthen the body ; and, bj' continually mingling with the guests of the castle, receiving them on their arrival, offering them every sort of service, and listen- ing respectfully to the conversation of their ellers, they acquired that peculiar grace of manner whicli, unrier the name of courtesy, formed a principal per- fection in the character of the true knight. At fourteen the page was usually admitted to the higher grade of squire, and exchanged his short dag- 1 Coutumes de Beauvoisis. 2 st. Palaye. 3 Vie de Bayard. 34 HISTORY OP CHIVALRY. £^er for the manly swortf. This, however, was made a religious ceremony; and the weapon which lie was in future to wear was laid upon the altar, from whence it was taken by the priest,' and after several benedictions, was hung over the shoulder of the new squire, with many a sage caution and instruction as to its use. His exercises now became more robust than they had ever been before ; and, if we are to believe the old biographer of the celebrated Boucicaut, they were fir more fatigumg than any man of the present age could endure. To spring upon horseback armed at all pieces, without putting a foot in the stirrup; to cast somersets in heavy armoui*^ for the purpose of strengthening the arms; to leap upon the shoulders of a horseman from behind, without other hold than one hand laid upon his shoulder — such, and many others, were the daily exercises of the young noble, besides regular instruction in riding and managing his arms. Though it would seem at first that few constitutions could undergo for any length of time such violent exertions, we must remember the effects produced — we must call to mind that these veiy men in their after-life, are found bearing a weight, that few persons of the present times could lift, througli the heat of a whole summer's day, imder the burning sun of Palestine. We must remember the mighty feats of strength that these men performed ; and, when we see a Boemond fighting from noon to sunset cased from head to foot in thick iron, or in long after-days a Guise swimming against a torrent armed cap-a-pie, W(j must naturally conclude that no ordinary couise of training could produce such vigour and hardihood. Several degrees of squires or esquires are men- tioned in the ancient chronicles; and it is difficult to distinguish whicli class included the young noble — whiidi was filled by an inferior race. That there I Favin Th6itre 2 Vie .jC Boucicaut, Coll. Pelitot et Moinerque HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 35 was a distinction is evident; for in the life of Bayard' we rind an old squire meiitioned more than once, from whom he received instructions, but who never appears to have aspired to any hiirher degree. Ne- vertheless it is equally certain that many services which we should consider menial, were performed by the squires of the highest race about the persons of their lords. Nor was this confined to what mio-ht be considered military services; for we learn that they not only held the stirrup for tlieir lord to mount, and then followed, carrying his helm, his lance, his shield, or his gauntlets; but they continued to serve him at table, to clean his armoui', to dress his horses, and to fulfil a thousand other avocations, in which they were aided, it is true, by the gi^os z.-.rlets or common ser- vants, but whicdi they still had their share in accom- plishing with their own hands.^ The highest class of esquires, however, was evidently the ^cvyer d'hon- 7ieur, who, from the manner of Froissart's mention of many at the court of the Count de Foix, appears to have had in charge the reception and entertainment of STuests and stra; gers. The squires of tourse had often more important duties to perforrif. It was for them to follow their lords to tiie bifrie-field ; and, while the knights, formed in a long line, fought hand to hand against their equals, the squires remained watching eagerlv the conflict, and ready to drag their master' from the mel^e, to cover him if he fell, to supply him with fresh arms, and, in short, to lend him every aid; without, however, presuming to take an active part against the adverse knights, with whose class it was forbidden for a squire to engage. St. Palaye limits 'to these defensive operations the services of the squires in the field of battle,^ and it is possible that the strict laws of Chivaliy might justify such a restriction. Nevertheless there can be no J Vie de Bayard. 2 Froissart. 3 St. Pa.aye, liv. i 86 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY, cp.rt'hly doubt that they -were often much more actively engaged, even in the purest days of Chivalry. In all the wars between Richard Cceur de Lion and Philip Au,i?ustus,' we find them often fio^hting bravely ; and at the battle of Bovine, a squire had nearly taken the life of the famous Count de Boulogne. These services in the field perfected the aspirant to Chivalry in the knowledge of his profession ; and tlie 'jials of skill which, on the day that preceded a tour- nament, were permitted to squires, in the lists, gave him an opportunity of distinguishing himself in the eyes of the people, and of gaining a name among the heralds and chroniclers of knightly deeds. If a noble squire had conducted himself well du- ring the period of his service, it seldom occurred that his lord refused to bestow upon him the honoui' of knighthood at the age of twenty-one ; and sometimes, if he had been distinguished by any great or gallant feat, or by uniform talent and courage,^ he was ad- mitted into the order before he had reached that age. 'i'liis, nevertheless, was rare, except in the case of sovereign princes ; and, on the contrary, it occasion- ally happened that a knight w^ho did not choose to part so soon witli a favourite squire would delay on various pretences a cerem.ony which almost always caused some separation between the young knight and his ancient master.^ The squire, however, had always the right to claim the knighthood from the hand of another, if his lord ujijustly refused to bestow it; and that high sense of honour whicli was their great characteristic pre- vented the knights thus applied to from ever refusing, wlien the aspirant was fully justiiied in his claim. The times chosen for conferring knighthood were generally either those of great militaiy ceremony,'* as after tournaments, cours ])l^n{eres, the muster or 1 Guillaiimft Guiart.; Guill, Amoric; Higord ; Philipeid. 2 Branionie. 3 See note II. * Charles Nodicr'o Annotations on St. Palaye. HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 87 monstre, as it was called, of the army, or on days con- secrated by the church to some peculiar solemnity, as Easter-day, the day of Pentecost, or even Chiist- n: as-day.' This was, nevertheless, by no means imperative ; for we have already seen that knighthood was often conferred on any particular emergency, and even on the field of battle.^ On iheso occasions the forms were of course abridg'ed to suit the necessity of the case, but the knighthood was not the less valid or esteemed. The more public and solemn the ceremony could be made, the more it appeared to the taste of the nobles of the middle ages. Nor was the pomp and display witliout its use, raising and dignifying the order in the eyes of the people, and impressing deeply upon the mind of the young knight the duties which he had voluntarily taken upon himself. We all know how much remembrance depends upon external cir- cumstance, and it is ever well to give our feelings some fixed resting-place in the waste of life, that in after-years memory may lead us back and refresh the resolutions and bright designs of youth by the aid of the striking scenes and solemn moments in which those designs and resolutions were first called into activity. Nothing could be better calculated to make a profound impression on the mind than the ceremo- nies of a knight's reception in the mature times of Chivalry. On the day appointed,^ all the knights and nobles at that time in the city where the solemnity was to be performed, with the bishops and clergy, each co- vered with the appropiiate vestments of his order, the knight in his coat-of-arms, and the bishop in his stole, conducted the aspirant to the principal church of the ^lace. There, after the high mass had been chanted, 1 Durancre. Dissert, xxii. Mene!»trier, chap. 2; St. Falayc 2 Roman de Garin, Fabiiaux, vol. ii 8 MeKcs'.nsr. chap. 2. and 9. 38 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. the novice approached the altar and presented the sword to the bishop or priest^ who, taking it from hi? hand, blessed and consecrated it to liie service of reli> gion and virtue. It often happened that the bishop himself then so- lemnly warned the yonthof the difficuliies and reqni. sites of the oider to which lie aspired. " He who seeks to be a knig-ht," — said the Bishop of Valenciennes to the young Connt of Ostrevant on one of tliesc occasions,* "lie who wishes to be a knight should have great qualities. He must be of noble birth, liberal in gifts, high in courage, strong in danger, se- cret in council, patient in difficulties, powerful against enemies, prudent in his deeds. He must also swear to observe the following lules : To undertake no- thing without having heard mass fasting; to spare neither his blood nor his life in defence of the Catho- lic faith; to give aid to all widows and orphans; to undertake no war without just cnusc ; to favour no injustice, but to protect the innocent and oppressed; to be humble in all things,* to seek the welfare of those placed under him ; never to violate the rights of his sovereign, and to live irreprehensibly before God and man." The bishop, then taking his joined hands in -his own, placed them on the missal, and received his oath to follow the statutes laid down to him, after which his father advancing dubbed him a knight. At other times it occurred, that when the sword had been blessed, the novice^ carried it to the knight who was to be his godfather in Chivalry, and kneel- ing before him plighted his vow to him. After this the other knights, and often the ladies present, ad- vanced, and completely armed the you-th, sometimes beginning with one piece of the armour, sometimes another. St. Palaye declares that the spurs were always buckled on before the rest, but in the histoiy « Munestrier, chap. 9. « St PoIavo HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 39 of Geoffrey, Duke of Normandy, we find the corslet and the greaves mentioned first, and the spear and sword last. After havincr been armed, the novice still remained upon his knees before his godfather in arms, who then, rising from his seat, bestowed upon him the accolade, as it was called, which consisted g'enerally of three blovv's of the naked sword upon the neck or shoulder. Sometimes it was performed by a blow given with the palm of the hand upon the cheek of the novice, which was always accompanied by some words, signifying that the ceremony was complete, and the squire had now become a knight. The words which accompanied the accolade were generally, when the kings of F'rance bestowed the honour, "In the name of God, St. Michael, and St George, I make thee knight; be loyal, bold, and itue." Sometimes to the blow were joined the words,' "Bear this blow and never bear another," and some- times was added the more Christian admonition to humility, " Remember that the Saviour of the world was buffeted and scoffed."^ Whatever was its origin the custom was a curious one, and boie a strong resemblance to the ceremony of manumission among the Romans, who, on free- ing a slave, struck him a slight blow, which Clau- dian happily enough terms feliceni injuriam. 1 do not, however, intend to insinuate that the one cus- tom was derived from the other, though, perhaps, the fact of a serf becoming free if his lord struck him vvith any instrument,^ except such as were em- {ilviyed in his actual labour, may have been, in some deuree, a vestige of the Roman law in this respect, whicli we know descended entire to many of the barbarous nations. However that may be, after having submitted to 1 Hartknoch, lib. ii. c. 1. « Existing Orders of Knighthood. » Cappefigue. 40 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. the blow whi(;h ended his servitude as a squire, the new knight was decorated with his casque, which had hitherto been held beside him, and then pro- ceeding- to the door of tlie church, or of the castle, where his knighthood had been bestowed, he sprang upon his horse and showed himself armed in the principal places of the city, while the heralds pro- claimed his name and vaunted his prowess.' As long vigils, fast, prayers, and confessions had preceded and accompanied the admission of the new knight, festivals, banquets, and tournaments fol- lowed.^ The banquets and the festivals, as common to all ages, though differing in each, I will pass over: saf!i;:e it, that one of the strictest laws of Chivalry forbade gluttony and intemperance. The tournament, as a purely chivalrous institu- tion, I must mention; though so much has been already written on the subject, that I could have wished to pass it over in silence. The most com- plete description ever given of a tournament is to be found in the writings of one whose words are pic- tures ; and if I dared but copy into this place the account of the passage of arms in Ivanhoe, 1 should be enabled to give a far better idea of what such a scene really was, than all the anticjuarian researches in my power will afford. All military nations, from the earliest antiquity, have known and practised various athletic games in imitation of warfare ; and we of course find among the Franks various exercises of the kind from the very first records which we have of that people. Nithard,^ however, gives an elaborate picture of these mock-fights as practised in the reigns succeed- ing Charlemagne ; and we find but little resemblance to the tournament. Four equal bands of Saxons, Gascons, Austrasians, and Armoricans (or Britons,-* as they are there called) met together in an open 1 Ms-nestrier, ix.; St. Palaye 2 Adrfe Favin Thfe^t. 3 NitUard, lib. lii. 4 Bri. taunarum is tiie word. HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 41 place, and, while the populace stood round as spec- tators, pursued each other, in turn, brandishing their arms, and seeming fiercely to seek tlie destruction of their adversaries. When this had proceeded for some time, Louis and Charles (the two monarchs in whose history the description is given) suddenly rushed into the field with all their choice com- panions, and, with quivering lances and loud cries, followed, now one, now another, of the parties, who took care to fly before their horses. The first authentic mention of a tournament' is to be found in the Chronicle of Tours, which records the death of Geoffrey de Priuli in 1066 ; adding the words qui tomeamenta invenit — who invented tour- naments. From the appearance^ of these exercises in Germany^ about the same time, we may conclude that this date is pretty nearly correct ; and that if tournaments were not absolutely mvented at that precise period, they were then first regulated by dis- tinct laws. In England"* they did not appear till several years later, when the Norman manners introduced after the conquest had completely superseded the cus- toms of the Saxons. Thus much has seemed necessary to me to say concerning the origin of tournaments, as there are so many common fables on the subject which give far greater antiquity to the exercise than that which it is entitled to claim. The ceremonies and the splendour of the tourna- ment of course diflfered in different ages and differ- ent countries ; but the general principle was the same. It was a chivalrous game, originally insti- vuted for practising those exercises, and acquiring 1 Ducange apud Chron. Tur. an. 1066. 2 Munster. Geogr. lib. iii. 3 Ducange, in bis sixth dissertation, has satisfactorily overturned fhe assertion made by Modms, that tournaments were known in German/ al a much earlier period than here stated. 4 Ducange, Dissert, vii. D 42 HISTORY OF CHIVALRV. that skill which was likely to be useful in knightly warfare. A tournament was usually given upon the occasion of any great meeting, for either military or political purposes. Sometimes it was the king himself who sent his heralds tlirough the land to announce to all noblemen and ladies, that on a certain day he would liold a grand tournament, where all brave knights might try their prowess. At otlier times a tourna- ment was determined on by a body of independent knights ; and messengers were often sent into dis- tant countries to invite all gallant gentlemen to honour the passage of arms. Tile spot fixed upon for the lists was usually in the immediate neighbourhood of some abbey or castle, where the shiekls of the various' cavaliers who pur- posed combating were exposed to view for several days previous to the meeting. A herald was also placed beneath the cloisters to answer all questions concevning the champions, and to receive all com- plaints against any individual knight. If, upon in- vestigation, the kings of arms and judges of the field found that a just accusation was laid against one^ of the knights proposing to appear, a peremptory command excluded him from the lists ; and if he dared m despite thereof to present himself, he was driven forth with blows and ignominy. Round about the field appointed for the spectacle were raised galleries, scaffoldings, tents,*^ and pavi- lions, decorated with all the magnificence of a luxu- rious age. Banners and scutcheons, and bandrols, silks and clotli of gold, covered the galleries and floated round the field ; while all that rich garments and precious stones, beauty and youth, could do to outshine the inanimate part of the scene, was to be found among the spectators. Here too was seen the venerable age of Chivalry — all those old knights > Menestrier Online. 2 Favin Th^&tre. 3 St. Palaye. HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 43 whose limbs were no lon^^er competent to bear tne weight of arms, surrounding- the field to view the prowess of their children and judge the deeds of the day. Heralds and pursuivants, in the gay and many- coloured garments which they peculiarly affected, fluttered oVer the field, and bands of warlike music were stationed near to animate the contest and to salute the victors. The knights, as they appeared in the lists, were greeted by the heralds and the people^ according to their renown ; but the approbation of the female part of the spectators was the great stimulus to all the Chivalry of the field. Each knight, as a part of his duty, either felt or feigned himself in love ; and it was upon these occasions that his lady might de- scend from the high state to which the mystic adora- tion of the day had raised her, and bestow upon her favoured champion a glove, a riband, a bracelet,^ a jewel, which, borne on his crest through the hard- contested field, was the chief object of his care, and the great excitement to his valour. Often, too, in the midst of the combat, if accident or misfortune deprived the favoured knight of the gage of his lady's affection, her admiration or her pity won her to supply another token, sent by a page or squire, to raise again her lover's resolution, and animate him to new exertions. The old romance of Perce-forest gives a curious picture of the effects visible after a tournament, by the eagerness with which the fair spectators had en- couraged the knights. " At the close of the tourna- ment," says the writer, " the ladies were so stripped of their ornaments, that the greater part of them were bareheaded. Thus they went their ways Avith their hair floating on their shoulders more glossy than fine gold; and with their robes without the sleeves, for they had given to the knights to deco t St. Psdave « Vif' de Bayard. 44 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. rate themselves, wimples and hoods, mantles and shifts, slee"v as and bodies. When they found them- selves undressed to such a pitch, they were at first quite ashamed; but as soon as they saw every one was in the same state, they began to laugh at the whole adventure^ for they had all bestowed their jewels and their clothes upon the knights with so good a will, that they had not perceived that they uncovered themselves." This is probably an exaggerated account of the enthusiasm which the events of a tournament ex- cited in the bosom of the fair ladies of that day : but still, no doubt can be entertained, that they not only decorated their knights before the tournament with some token of their approbation, but in the case of its loss, often sent him even a part of their dress in the midst of the conflict. The other spectators, also, though animated by less thrilling interests, took no small share in the feelings and hopes of the different parties. Each blow of the lance or sword, struck well and home, was greeted with loud acclamations ; and valour met with both its incitement and its reward, in the ex- pecting silence and the thundering plaudits with which each good champion's movements were waite^i for and seen. In the mean while, without giving encouragement to any particular knight, the heralds strove to animate all by various quaint and characteristic exclamations, such as " The love of ladies !" " Death to the horses !" " Honour to the brave !" " Glory to be won by blood and sweat !" " Praise to the sons of the brave !" It would occupy too much space to enter into all the details of the tournament, or to notice all the laws by which it was governed. Every care was taken that the various knights should meet upon equal terms ; and many a precaution was made use of to prevent accidents, and to render the sports both HISTORY OP CHIVALRY. 45 innocent and useful. But no regulations could be found sufficient to guard against the dangerous con- sequences of such furious amusements ; and Ducange gives a long list of princes and nobles who lost their lives in these fatal exercises. The church often in- terfered, though in vain, to put them down; and many monarchs forbade them in their dominions ; but the pomp with which they were accompanied, and the excitement they aiforded to a people fond of every mental stimulus, rendered them far more permanent than might have been expected. The weapons in tournaments were, in almost all cases, restrained to blunted swords and headless spears, daggers, and battle-axes ; but, as may well be imagined, these were not to be used without dan- ger; so that even those festivals that passed by without the absolute death of any of the champions, left, nevertheless, many to drag out a maimed and miserable existence, or to die after a long and weary sickness. And yet the very peril of the sport gave to it an all-powerful interest, which we can best con- ceive, at present, from our feelings at some deep and thrilling tragedy. After the excitement, and the expectation, and the suspense, and the eagerness, came the triumph and the prize — and the chosen queen of the field bestowed upon the champion whose feats were counted best, that reward, the value of which consisted more in the honour than the thing itself. Sometimes it was a jewel,^ sometimes a coronet^ of flowers or of laurel ; but in all cases the award implied a right to one kiss from the lips of the lady appointed to bestow the prize. It seems to have been as frequent a practice to assign this prize on the field, as in the chateau'' or palace whither the court retired after the sports were concluded ; and we often find that the female part of the spectators were called to decide upon the 1 Vie de Bayard. 2 Olivier de la Marche. 3 Ducange, Biwet* vi« 16 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. merits of the several champions, and to declare the victor' as well as confer the reward. Mirth and fes- tivity ever closed the day of the tournament, and song and sports brought in the night. Every thing that could interest or amuse a barba- rous age was collected on the spot where one of these meetings was held. The minstrel or menestrier, the juggler, the saltimbank, the story-teller, were present in the hall to soothe or to entertain ; but still the foundation of tale and song was Chivalry ; — the objects of all praise were noble deeds and heroic actions ; and the very voice of love and tenderness, instead of seducing to sloth and effeminacy, was heard prompting to activity, to enterprise, and to honour — to the defence of virtue, and the search for glory. It may be here necessary to remark, that there were several sorts of tournaments, which differed essentially from each other ; but I shall not pause upon these any longer than merely to point out the particular differences between them. The joust, which was certainly a kind of tournament, was always confined to two persons, though these persons encountered each other with blunted arms.'^ The combat at outrance was, in fact, a duel, and only differed from the trial by battle in being voluntary, while the other was enforced by law. This contest was often the event of private quarrels, but was, by no means, always so ; and, to use the language of Ducange, " though mortal, it took place ordinarily between persons who most frequently did not know each other, or, at least, had no particular misunder- standing, but who sought alone to show forth their courage, generosity, and skill in arms." Sometimes, however, the combat at outrance was undertaken by a number of knights^ together, and often much blood was thus shed, without cause. 1 St. Palaye. 2 Ducange. Dissert, vii. 3 Mat. Paris, Ann. 1241 . HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 47 The pas d'armes or passag'e of arms, differed from g-eneral tournaments, inasmuch as a certain number of knights fixed their shields and tents in a particular pass, or spot of ground, which they declared their intention to defend against all comers.^ The space before their tents was generally listed in, as for a tournament ; and, during the time fixed for the de- fence of the passage, the same concourse of specta- tors, heralds, and minstrels were assembled. The round table was another distinct sort of tour- nament,^ held in a circular amphitheatre, wherein the knights invited jousted against each other. The origin of this festival, which was held, I believe, for the last time by Edward III., is attributed to Roger Mortimer,^ who, on receiving knighthood, feasted a hundred knights and a hundred ladies at a round table. The mornings were spent in chivalrous games, the prize of which was a golden lion, and the eve- nings in banquets and festivities. This course of entertainments continued three days with the most princely splendour; after which Mortimer, having won the prize himself, conducted his guests to War- wick, and dismissed them. From this account, taken from the History of the Priory of Wigmore, Menestrier deduces that those exercises called " round tables" were only tourna- ments, during which the lord or sovereign giving the festival entertained his guests at a table which, to prevent all ceremony in respect to precedence, was in the form of a circle. Perhaps, however, this in- stitution may have had a different and an earlier origin, though I find it mentioned- in no author pre- vious to the year 1279.^ Chivalry, which in its pristine purity knew no reward but honour, soon — as it became combined 1 Colonibiere. 2 Menestrier, vi. 3 Mat. Westmona?.,page 409. 4 Should any one be tempted to investigate further, he will find the Bubject discussed at length in the seventh dissertation of Ducange. Setermined on the line of conduct to be pursued. One of the historians of the crusades,^ attributing perhaps somewhat too much the spirit of modern politics to an age whose genius was of very different quality, supposes that the course determined on by the pope and his ally was, in fact, principally a shrewd plot to fix Urban firmly in the Vatican, and to for- ward Boemond's ambitious views in Greece. It seems to me, however, that such a supposition is perfectly irreconcilable with the subsequent conduct of either. The pope shortly after threw himself into the midst of his enemies, to hold a council on the subject of the crusades ; and Boemond abandoned every thing in Europe to carry on the holy war in Palestine. It is much more natural to imagine that the spirit of their age governed both the prelate and the warrior — the enthusiasm of religion the one, and the enthusiasm of Chivalr>^ the other. However that may be, Peter the Hermit met with 1 See note V, 2 William of Tyre saj's that he was wandering from place to place under the protection of Guiscard This opinion I have adopted, althougb Albert of Aix declares that Peter joined him at Rome. » WUl. of Malmsbury 4 Mills. F C6 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. a most encouraging reception from the pope. The sufferings of his fellow-christians brought tears from the prelate's eyes ; the general scheme of the crusade was sanctioned' instantly by his authority; and, pro- mising his quick and active concurrence, he sent him on, the pilgrim to preach the deliverance of the Holy Land through all the countries of Europe. Peter wanted neither zeal nor activity^ — from town to town, from province to province, from country to country, he spread the cry of vengeance on the Turks, and deliverance to Jerusalem! The warlike spirit of the people was at its height ; the genius of Chivalry was in the vigour of its early youth ; the enthusiasm of religion had now a great and terrible object before it, and all the gates of the human heart were open to the eloquence of the preacher. That eloquence was not exerted in vain; nations rose at his word and grasped the spear ; and it only wanted some one to direct and point the great enterprise that was already determined. In the mean time the pope did not forget his pro- mise ; and while Peter the Hermit spread the inspira- tion throughout Europe,^ Urban called together a council at Placentia, to which deputies were ad- mitted from the emperor of Constantinople, who dis- played the progress of the Turks, and set forth the danger to all Christendom of suffering their arms to advance unopposed. The opinion of the assembly was universally favourable to the crusade; and trust- ing to the popularity of the measure, and the indica tions of support which he had already met with, the pope determined to cross the Alps and to hold a se- cond council in the heart of Gaul. The ostensible object of this council was to regu- late the state of the church, and to correct abuses ; but the great object was, in fact, the crusade. It is useless to investigate the motives which gave Urban « Will. Tyr. lib. L 2 Guibertus ; Gesta Dei, 3 A. D. 1095. HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 67 II. courage to summon a council, destined, among other things, to solemnly reprobate the dissolute conduct of Philip of France, in the midst of domi- nions, if not absolutely feudatory to the crown' of that monarch, at least bound to it by friendship and alli- ance. Whether it arose from fortitude of a just cause, or from reliance on political calculation, the prelate's judgment was proved by the event to be right. After one or two changes in regard to the place of meeting, the council was assembled at Clermont, in Auvergne,^ and was composed of an unheard-of multitude of priests, princes, and nobles, both of France and Germany, all willing and eager to receive the pope's injunctions with reverence and obedience. After having terminated the less impor- tg.nt aifairs which formed the apparent business of the meeting, and which occupied the deliberation of seven days. Urban, one of the most eloquent men of the age, came forth from the church^ in which the principal ecclesiastics were assembled, and ad- dressed the immense concourse which had been gathered into one of the great squares, no building being large enough to contain the number. The prelate^ then, with the language best calcu- lated to win the hearts of all his hearers, displayed the miseries of the Christians in the Holy Land. He addressed the multitude as a people peculiarly favoured by God, in the gift of courage, strength, and true faith. He told them that their brethren in the east were trampled under the feet of infidels, to 1 Mills, chap. ii. 2 WilL Tyr. lib. 1. 3 Robertus Monachus, lib. i. '^ I have followed as nearly as possible the account of Robertus Mo- nachus, who was present. Having found in no Dook of any authenti- city the speech attributed by more modern writers to Peter the Hermit, I have rejected it entirely as supposititious. Neither Robert, nor Alber- tus Aquensis, nor William of Tyre, nor Guibert of Nogent, nor James of Vitry, the most authentic historians of the crusade, some of whona were present at the council of Clermont, and most of whom lived at the time, even mention the appearance of Peter at that assembly. That he might be there, I do not attem))t to deny, but that he addressed the peo- pie I believe titterly unfounded. 68 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. whom Godhadnot granted the light of his Holy Spirit — that fire, plunder, and the sword had desolated completely the fair plains of Palestine — that her chil- dren were led away captive, or enslaved, or died un- der tortures too horrible to recount— that the women of their land were subjected to the impure passions of the pagans, and that God's own altar, the symbols of salvation, and the precious relics of the saints were all desecrated by the gross and filthy abomi- nation of a race of heathens. To whom, then, he asked — to whom did it belong to punish such crimes, to wipe away such impurities, to destroy the oppres- sors, and to raise up the oppressed 1 To whom, if not to those who heard him, who had received from God strength, and power, and greatness of soul ; whose ancestors had been the prop of Christendom, and whose kings had put a barrier to the progress of infidels 1 " Think !" he cried, " of the sepulchre of Christ our Saviour possessed by the foul heathen ! — rthink of all the sacred places dishonoured by their sacrilegious impurities !— O brave knights, off'spring of invincible fathers, degenerate not from your an- cient blood ! remember the virtues of your ancestors, and if you feel held back from the course before you by the soft ties of wives, of children, of parents, call to mind the words of our Lord himself : ' Whosoever loves father or mother more than me, is not worthy of me. Whosoever shall abandon for my name's sake his house, or his brethren, or his sisters, or his father, or his mother, or his wife, or his children, or his lands, shall receive an hundredfold, and shall inherit eternal life.' " The prelate then went on to point out the superior mundane advantages which those might obtain who took the Cross. He represented their own country'' as poor and arid, and Palestine as a land flowing with milk and honey ; and, blending the barbarous ideas of a dark age with the powerful figures of enthusiastic eloquence, he proceeded — " Tevusalen^is in the cen HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 69 tre of this fertile land ; and its territories, rich above all others, offer, so to speak, the delights of Paradise. That land, too, the Redeemer of the human race ren- dered illustrious by his advent, honoured by his resi- dence, consecrated by his passion, repurchased by his death, signalized by his sepulture. That royal city, Jerusalem — situated in the centre of the world — held captive by infidels, who deny the God that honoured her — now calls on you and prays for her deliver- ance. From you — from you above all people she looks for comfort, and she hopes for aid ; since God has granted to you, beyond other nations, glory and might in arms. Take, then, the road before you in expiation of your sins, and go, assured that, after the Iionour of this world shall have passed away, impe- rishable glory shall await you even in the kingdom of heaven !" Loud shouts of " God wills it ! God wills it !" pro- nounced simultaneously by the whole people, in all the different dialects and languages of which the multitude was composed, here interrupted for a mo- ment the speech of the prelate ; but, gladly seizing the time. Urban proceeded, after having obtained silence, " Dear brethren, to-day is shown forth in you that which the Lord has said by his evangelist — * When two or three shall be assembled in my name, there shall I be in the midst of them ;' for if the Lord God had not been in your souls, you would not all have pronounced the same words; or, rather, God himself pronounced them by your lips, for he it was that put them in your hearts. Be they, then, your war-cry in the combat, for those words came forth from God. — Let the army of the Lord, Avhen it rushes upon his enemies, shout but that one cry, ' God wills it! God wills it !'i " Remember, however, that we neither order nor advise this journey to the old, nor to the weak, nor to J See note VI. 70 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. those who are unfit to bear arms. Let not this way be taken by women, without their husbands, or their brothers, or their legitimate guardians, for such are rather a burden than an aiJ. Let the rich assist the poor, and bring with them, at their own charge, those who can bear arms to the field. Still, let not priests nor clerks, to whatever place they may belong, set out on this journey without the permission of their bishop ; nor the layman undertake it without the blessing of his pastor, for to such as do so their journey shall be fruitless. Let whoever is inchned to devote himself to the cause of God, make it a solemn engagement, and bear the cross of the Lord either on his breast or on his brow till he set out ; and let him who is ready to begin his march place the holy emblem on his shoulders, in memory of that precept of the Saviour — ' He who does not take up his cross and follow me, is not worthy of me.' " The pontiff thus ended his oration, and the multi- tude prostrating themselves before him, repeated the Conjiteor^ after one of the cardinals. The pope then pronounced the absolution of their sins, and bestowed on them his benediction ; after which they retired to tiieir homes to prepare for the great undertaking to which they had vowed themselves. Miracles are told of the manner in which the news of this council, and of the events that distinguished it, spread to every part of the world; but neverthe- less it did spread, as may easily be conceived, with great quickness, without any supernatural aid ; and, to make use of the words of him from whom we have sketched the oration of the pope, " Throughout tile earth, the Christians glorified themselves and were filled with joy, while the Gentiles of Arabia and Persia trembled and v/ere seized with sadness : the souls of the one race were exalted, those of the others stricken with fear and stupor." ' Robertas Monachus HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 71 Great, certainl}^ was the influence which the zeal and eloquence of Urban gave him over the people Some authors, with a curious sort of historical puri- tanism, which leads them to judge of ages past only by the principles of the day in which they themselves exist, have reproached the pope with not using the means in his hands for purposes which would have needed tlie heart of a Fenelon to conceive properly, and the head of a Napoleon to execute. They say that, with the powers which he did possess, he might have reformed a world ! It is hardly fair, methinks, to require of a man in a barbarous, ignorant, cor- rupted age the enlightened visions of the nineteenth century. Pope Urban II., at the end of the eleventh centurj^ showed a great superiority to the age in which he lived, and at the council of Clermont evinced qua- lities of both the heart and the mind which have de- servedly brought his name down to us with honour. His first act in the council was to excommunicate, for adulterous profligacy, Philip, monarch of the very ground on which he stood ; and, in so doing, he made use of the only acknowledged authority by which the kings of that day could be checked in the course of evil. Whether the authority itself was or was not legitimate, is not here the question ; but, being at the time undisputed, and employed for the best of objects, its use can in no way fairly be cited as an instance either of pride or ambition. The pope's conduct in preaching the crusade is equally justifia- ble. His views were of course those of the age in which he lived, and he acted with noble enthusiasm m accordance with those views. He made vast ef- forts, he endangered his person, he sacrificed his ease and comfort, to accomplish what no churchman of his day pretended to doubt w^as a glorious and a no- ble undertaking. In thus acting, he displayed gieat qualities of mind, and showed himself superior to the century in powers of conducting, if he was not so in the powers of conceiving great designis. 72 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. It would be very difficult to prove, also, that the pope, had he even possessed the will, could, by the exertion of every effort, have produced the same effect in any other cause that he did in favour of the crusades. I have already attempted to show that all thincrs were prepared in Europe for the expedition to the Holy Land, by the spirit ofreligious and military enthusiasm ; and the task was light, to aid in poui- ing on the current of popular feeling- in the direction which it had already begun to take, when compared with the labour necessary to have turned that cur- rent into another channel. He who does not grasp the spirit of the age on which he writes, but judges of other days by the feelings of his own, is like one who would adapt a polar dress to the climate of the tropics. Before closing this chapter, one observation also must be made respecting the justice of the crusade, which enterprise it has become somewhat customary to look upon as altogether cruel and unnecessary. Such an opinion, however, is in no degree founded on fact. The crusade Avas not only as just as any other warfare of the day, but as just as any that ever was waged. The object was, the protection and relief of a cruelly oppressed and injured people — the object was, to repel a strong, an active, and an encroaching enemy — the object was, to wrest from the hands of a bloodthirsty and savage people territories which they themselves claimed by no right but the sword, and in which the population they had enslaved was loudly crying for deliverance from their yoke — the object was, to defend a weak and exposed frontier from tlie farther aggression of a nation whosfc boast was conquest. Such were the objects of the crusades; and though much of superstition was mingled Avith the incite- ments, and many cruelties committed in its course, the evils were not greater than ordinary ambition every day produces ; and the motives were as fair as any of those that have ever instigated the many feuds and warfares of the world. HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 73 CHAPTER IV. r%* Effects of the Conncil of Clermont— State of France— Motives of the People for embracing the Crusade — Benefits produced— The En- thusiasm general — Rapid Progress — The First Bodies of Crusaders begin their March — Gautier Sans Avoir — His Army — llieir Disasters — Reach Constantinople — Peter the Hermit sets out uith an immense Multitude — Storms Semlin-r Defeated at Nissa — His Host dispersed ^The Remains collected— Joins Gautier— Excesses of the Multitude — The Italians and Germans separate from the French— The Ger- mans extermivMed — The French cut to pieces — Conduct of Alexius. The immediate effects of the council of Clermont are detailed with so much animation by Guibert of Nogent, that I shall attempt to trace them nearly in his own words, merely observing, that previous to his departure from France, Urban II., having taken every means in his power to secure the property of the cru- saders during their absence, committed the chief di- rection of the expedition to Adhemar, Bishop of Puy, in Auvergne.^ "As soon as the council of Clermont was con- cluded," says the historian, "a great rumour spread through the whole of France, and as soon as fame brought the news of the orders of the pontiff to any one, he went instantly to solicit his neighbours and his relations to engage with him in the way of God, for so they designated the purposed expedition. " The Counts Palatine^ were already full of the desire to undertake this journey ; and all the knights of an inferior order felt the same zeal. The poor themselves soon caught the flame so ardently, that no one paused to think of the smallness of his wealth, 1 Fulcher of Chartres; Guibert of Nogent ; William of Tyre. 2 See note VH. 74 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. or to consider whether he on^-ht to yield his house and his fields, and his vines ; but each one set abou* selling his property, at as low a price as if he had been held in some horrible captivity, and sought to pay his ransom without loss of time. " At this period, too, there existed a general dearth. The rich even felt the want of corn ; and many, with every thing to buy, had nothing, or next to no- thing, wherewithal to purchase what they ner ded. The poor tried to nourish themselves with the wild herbs of the earth ; aiid, as bread was veiy dear, sought on all sides food heretofore unknown, to sup- ply the place of corn. The wealthy and powerful were not exempt ; but finding themselves menaced with the famine which spread around them, and be- holding every day the terrible wants of the poor, they contracted their expenses, and lived with the most narrow parsimony, lest thej' should squander the riches now become so necessary. " The ever insatiable misers rejoiced in days so fa- vourable to their covetousness; and casting their eyes upon the bushels of grain which they had hoarded long before, calculated each day the profits of their avarice. Thus some struggled with every misery and want, while others revelled in the hopes of fresh acquisitions. No sooner, however, had Christ inspired, as I have said, innumerable bodies of people to seek a voluntary exile, than the money which had been hoarded so long was spread forth in a moment ; and that which was horribly dear while all the world was in repose, was on a sudden sold for notliing, as soon as every one began to hasten to- wards their destined journey. Each man hurried to conclude his affairs ; and, astonishing to relate, we then saw^ — so sudden was the diminution in the value of every thing — we then saw seven sheep sold foi five deniers. The dearth of grain, also, was instantly changed into abundance ; and every one, occupied HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. /O solely in amassing money for his journey, sold every thing that he could, not according to its real worth, but according to the value set upon it by the buyer. " In tlie mean while, the greater part of those who had not determined upon the journey, joked and laughed at those who were thus selling their goods for whatever they could get ; and prophesied that their voyage would be miserable, and their return worse. Such was ever the language one day ; but the next — suddenly seized with the same desire as the rest — those who had been most forwarcito mock, abandoned every thing for a few crowns, and set out with those whom they had laughed ,at but a day be- fore. Who shall tell the children and the infirm that, animated with the same spirit, hastened to the war? Who shall count the old men and the young maids who hurried forward to the fight 1 — not with the hope of aiding, but for the crown of martyrdom to be Avon amid the swords of the infidels. ' You, warriors,' they cried, 'you shall vanquish by the spear and brand ; but let us, at least, conquer Christ by our suf- ferings.' At the same time, one might see a thousand things springing from the same spirit, which were both astonishing and laughable : the poor shoeing their oxen, as we shoe horses, and harnessing them to two-wheeled carts, in which they placed their scanty provisions and their young children ; and pro- ceeding onward, while the babes, at each town or castle that they saw, demanded eagerly whether that was Jerusalem." Such is the picture presented, by an eyewitness, of the state of France after the first promulgation of the crusade ; and a most extraordinary picture it is. The zeal, the enthusiasm, the fervour of the spirit, the brutal ignorance and dark barbarity of the peo- ple, are the objects that catch the eye from the mere surface ; but underneath may be seen a hundred fine and latent tints v/hich mingle in the portrait of the 76 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. age. There may be found the hope of gain and the expectation of wealth in other lands, as well as the excitement of devotion ; and there also may be traced the reckless, daring courage of a period when com- fort was unknown, and when security was scarcely less to be expected among the swords of the Sara- cens, than in the fields of France and Germany. While the thirst of adventure, the master-passion of the middle ages, prompted to any change of scene and circumstances, imagination portrayed the land in view with all that adventitious splendour which none • — of all the many betrayers of the human mind — so well knows how to bestow as hope. The same land, when the Jews marched towards it from the wilderness, had been represented to them as a land flowing with milk and honey, — rich in all gifts ; and doubtless that inducement moved the stub- born Hebrews, as much as the command of him they had so often disobeyed. Now the very same pros- pect was held out to another host of men, as igno- rant of what lay before them as the Jews themselves ; and it may be fairly supposed that, in their case too, imaginary hopes, and all the gay phantasma of am- bition, shared powerfully with religion in leading them onw^ard to the promised land. Still zeal, and sympathy, and indignation, and chi- valrous feeling, and the thirst of glory, and the pas- sion for enterprise, and a thousand vague but great and noble aspirations, mingled in the complicated motive of the crusade. It increased by contagion ; it grew by communion ; it spread from house to house, and from bosom to bosom ; it became a universal desire — an enthusiasm — a passion — a mad- ness. In the mean while, the crusade was not without pro- ducing a sensible benefit even to Europe. The whole country had previously been desolated by feuds' 1 Gnibert of Nogeat, HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 77 and pillage, and massacre Castle waged war with castle : baron plundered baron ; and from field to field, and city to cit^, the traveller could scarcely pass without injury or death. No sooner,' however, had the crusade been preached at the council of Clermont, than the universal peace, w^hich was there commanded, called the Truce^ of God, was sworn throughout the country, the plunder ceased and the feuds disappeared. The very fact of the wicked the infamous, and the bloodthirsty having embraced the crusade, either- from penitence or from worse mo- tives, was a positive good to Europe. That not alone the good,^ the religious, the zealous, or the brave, filled the ranks of the Cross is admitted on all hands ; yet those who had once assumed that holy sign were obliged, in some degree, to act as if their motives had been pure, and their very absence was a blessing to the land they left. Still the crusade went on ; and the imagination of the people being once directed towards a particular object found, even in the phenomena which in for- mer days would have struck nations with fear and apprehension, signs of blessing and omens of success^ An earthquake itself"* was held as good augury ; and scarcely a meteor shot across the sky without afford- ing some theme for hope. The sign of the Cross was now to be seen on the shoulder of every one ; and being generally cut in red^ cloth, was a conspicuous and remarkable object. As these multiplied, the hearts even of the fearful grew strong, and the contagion of example added to the number every hour. Peter the Hermit, indefati- gable in his calling, though his mind seems day by day" to have become more excited, till enthusiasm ^rew nearly akin to madness, gathered a vast con- t Fulcher of Chartres ; William of Tyre. 2 Guiberti ; Gesta Del 3 Albert. Aquensis ; Will. Tyr; Guibert. 4 Albert of Aix. 6 See DucaDgftin Sig. Cruc. 6 Albert of AU ; James of Vitry ; Robert the Monk ; GuiberL 78 HISTORY VV CHIVALRY. course of the lower orders, and prepared to set out by the way of Hiing-ary. But the real and service- able body of crusaders was collected from among another class, whose military habits and chivalrous character were well calculated to effect the great ob- ject proposed. In France, Hugh, the brother of King Philip, Ro- bert, Count of Fhmders, Stephen, Count of Chartres and Blois, Adhemar, Bishop of Puy, William, Bishop of Orange, Raimond, Count of Toulouse, and many others of the highest station, assumed the Cross, and called together all the knights and retainers that their great names and influence could bring into the field. Robert, Duke of Normandy, son of William the Conqueror of England, accompanied by a number of English barons, prepared also for the crusade. God- frey of Loraine, and his brothers were added to the number; and Boemond, Prince of Tarento, the va- liant son of Robert Guiscard, cast from him the large possessions which his sword and that of his father had conquered, and turned his hopes and expecta- tions towards the east. The immense multitudes thus assembled are said to have amounted to nearly six millions of souls;' and one of the most astonishing proofs of the rapidity with which the news of the crusade must have spread, and the enthusiasm with which it was received, is to be found in the fact, that the council of Clermont was held in the November of the year 1095, and that early in the spring of 1096 a large body of the cru- saders was in motion towards Palestine. The historians of the day are not at all agreed in re- gard to which was the multitude that led the way towards the Holy Land. It appears'^ almost certain, however, that Gautier sans avoiu or Walter the 1 Fulcher. 2 Albert of Aix ; William of Tyre. Mills follows this opinion ; Gui- bert of Nogent and James of Vitry are oppos&i to it, and Fulcher gives a different account also. ^iSTORY OF CHIVALRY. 79 Penniless, a Biirgimdian gentleman, without fortune, who had assembled a considerable band of the lower classes under the banner of the Cross, was the first who set out in compliance with the general vow. He was, according to all accounts, a complete soldier of fortune, renowned for his poverty even to a pro- verb, but by no means, as has been asserted, without military fame Ail' the contemporary writers desig- liate him by his cognomen of poverty ; but all at the same time describe him as an illustrious warrior. Nevertheless, the host that he led was rather an ill- governed crowd of men on foot than an army ; and but eight knights accompanied the leader on his ex- pedition. The difRculties of the undertaking were incalculable ; and the followers of Walter had pro- vided but little for the necessities of the way. It showed, however, no sma'.l skill in that leader to conduct tlie disorderly rabble by which. he was fol- lowed, so far as he did in safety. Passing through Germany,^ he entered into Hun- gary; where, entangled among the marshes and passes of that kingdom, his whole followers must have perished inevitably, had he not met with the greatest kindness and assistance from the king and people of the country, who, professing the Christian religion, understood and venerated the motives of the crusade. Thus the host of Walter swept on till their arrival at Semlin, where some stragglers were attacked and plundered by a party of Hungarians less humane than their brethren. The arms and crosses of the crusaders who had thus been despoiled, were fixed upon the walls of the city as a sort of trophy* but Walter, though strongly urged by his followers to seek vengeance for the insult, wisely forbore and passing forward, entered into Bulgaria. Here the champions of the Cross met with no furthoi » Palcher ; Will. Tyr. ; Albert Aquen « Will. Tyr 80 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. aid. The people regarded them with jealous suspicion; thjg cities shut their gates upon them; all commerce was prohibited, and all supplies de- nied. Famine now imperiously urged them to violence *« and having taken possession of whatever flocks and herds they could find, the crusaders soon found themselves attacked by the Bulgarians, by whom considerable numbers were cut off and destroyed. Walter himself, with great wisdom' and resolution, forced his way through innumerable difficulties, till he had left behiud him the inhospitable country of the Bulgarians ; and at length brought his army, infi- nitely wasted by both famine and the sword, to the neighbourhood of Constantinople. Here he obtained permission to refresh his forces, and wait the arrival of Peter the Hermit himself, who followed close upon his steps. The multitude which had been collected by the Heimit was even of a less uniform and regular de- scription than that which had followed Gautier sans avoir. Men, women, and children, — all sexes, ages, and professions, — many and distinct languages — a quantity of baggage and useless encumlj^ance, ren- dered the army of Peter as unwieldy and dangerous an engine as ever was put in motion. Notwithstand- ing its bulk and inconsistency, it also proceeded in safety, and without much reproach, through Germany and Hungary ; but at Semlin, the sight of the crosses and vestments which had been stripped from^ the stragglers of Walter's host roused the anger of the multitude. The town was attacked and taken by assault, with all the acts of savage ferocity which usually follow such an occurrence ; and the crusaders, without remorse, gave themselves up to eveiy barbarity that dark and unrestrained passions Alb3rt of Aix ; William of Tvre 2 Albert of Aix. 3 Guibert. HISXaRY OF CHIVALRY. 81 The news of this event soon reached the kins: of Hungary; who, calling together a considerable force, marched to avenge the death and pillage of his sub- jects. His approach instantly caused Peter to decamy from Semlin ; but the passage of the Morava was op- posed by a tribe of savage Bulgarians: few boats were to be procured; those that were found were of small dimensions ; and the rafts that could be hastily constructed were but little manageable in a broad and rapid river. Some of the crusaders thus perished in the water, some fell by the arrows of the enemy; but the tribe that opposed the passage being defeated and put to flight, the rest of Peter's followers were brought over in safety. The Hermit now, after having sacrificed the pri- soners to what was then considered a just resent- ment, pursued his way to Nissa, in which town the Duke of Bulgaria had fortified himself, having abandoned Belgrade at the approach of the army of the Cross. Finding, however, that Peter did not at all contemplate taking vengeance for the in- hospitality shovv-n to Gautier sans avoir, the duke wisely permitted his subjects to supply the crusaders with necessaries. Thus all passed tranquilly under the v/ails of Nissa, till Peter and his host had absolutely departed, when some German stragglers, remembering a controversy of the night before with one of the Bulgarian mer- chants, set fire to several mills and houses without the walls of the town. Enraged at this wanton outrage, the armed peo- ple of the city rushed out upon the aggi'essors, and, not contented with sacrificing them to their furv, fell upon the rear of the Hermit's army, glutted their wrath with the blood of all that opposed them, and carried off the baggage, the women, the children, and all that part of the multitude whose weakness at once caused them to lingsr behind, and left thprn without defence. G S2 HISTORY OF CHIVAIRY. T'he moment that Peter heard of this event, he turned back; and, with a degree of calmness and moderation that does high honour to his memorv^, he endeavoured to investig^ate the cause of the dis- aster, and conciliate by courtesy and fair words. This negotiation was highly successful ; the duke, appeased with the vengeance he had taken, agreed to return the prisoners and the baggage, and every thing once more assumed a peaceful aspect; when suddenly, a body of a thousand imprudent men, fan- cying that they saw an opportunity of seizing on the town, passed the stone bridge, and endeavoured to scale the walls. A general conflict ensued ; tlie ill-disciplined host of the crusaders was defeated and dispersed, and Peter himself, obliged to fly alone, took refuge, like the rest, in the neighbouring forests. For some time he pursued his way over moun- tains,' and wastes, and precipices ; and it may easily be conceived that his heart — so lately elated with lionour, and command, and gratified enthusiasm — now felt desolate and crushed, to find the multitude his voice had gathered dispersed or slain, and him- self a wandering fugitive in a foreign land, without shelter, protection, or defence. At length, it is said, he met by chance several of his best and most cou- rageous knights at the top of a mountain, where they had assembled with no more than five hundred men, which seemed at first all that remained of his vast aimy.^ He caused, h.owever, signals to be made and horns to be sounded in the different parts of the forest, that any of the scattered crusaders within hearing might be brought to one spot. These and other means which were put in prac- tice to call together tlie remnants of his army, proved so successful, that before night seven thous^and men were collected, and with this force he hastened to I Albert of Aix. » Ibid.' HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 83 march on towards Constantinople. As he went, other bands, which had been separated from him in the (Confusion of the flight, rejoined him, and the only dilhculty, as the host advanced, was to procure the necessaries of life. The news of Peter's adventures flew before them, and reached even Constantinople. Alexius, the em- peror, w^ho had not yet learned to fear the coming of the crusaders, sent deputies to meet the Hermit, and to hasten his journey; and at Philippopoli the eloquent display of his suffering's, which Peter addressed to the assembled people, moved their hearts to compas- sion and sympathy. Tlie wants of the host were plen- tifully supplied, and, after reposing for some days in the friendly city, the whole body, now again amount- ing to thirty thousand men, set out for Constantinople, ■where they arrived in safety, and joined the troops which Walter the Penniless had conducted thither previously. Here they found a considerable number of Lom- bards and Italians ; but these, also, as well as the troops which they had themselves brought thither were not only of the lowest, but of tlie most dis- orderly classes of the people. It is no wonder therefore — although Alexius supplied them with mo- ney and provisions, and tried to secure to them the repose and comfort that they needed in every re- spect — that these ruffian adventurers should soon begin to tire of tranquillity and order, and to exer- cise their old trades of plunder and excess.' They overturned palaces, set fire to the public buildings, and stripped even the lead off the roofs of the churches, which they aftenvard sold to the Greeks from whom they had plundered it. Horrified by these enormities,^ the emperor soon found a pretext to hurry them across the Bosphorus, still giving them the humane caution, to wait the ar- rival of stronger forces, before they attempted to » Guibert. 2 Baldric 84 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. quit Bithynia. Here, however, their barbarous licen- tiousness soon exceeded all bounds, and Peter the Hermit himself, having lost command over his tur- bulent followers, returned to Constantinople in de- spair, upon the pretence of consulting with the em- peror on the subject of provisions.' After his departure, the Lombards and Germans separated themselves from the French and Normans, whose crimes and insolence disgusted even their barbarous fellows. Gautier sans avoir still conti- nued in command of the French, who remained where Peter had left them ; but the Italians^ and Germans chose for their leader one Renault, or Ri- naldo, and, marching on, made themselves masters of a fortress called Exorogorgon, or Xerigord. Here they were attacked by the sultaun Soliman, who cut to pieces a large body placed in ambuscade, and then invested the fort, which, being ill supplied with water, he was well aware must surrender before long. For eight days the besieged underwent tortures too dreadful to be dwelt upon, from the most ago- nizing thirst. At the end of that time, Rinaldo and his principal companions went over to the Turks, abandoned their religion, and betrayed their brethren. The castle thus falling into the hands of the infidels, the Christians that remained were slaughtered with- out mercy. The news of this disaster was soon brought to the Flench camp, and indignation spread among the crusaders.^ Some say a desire of vengeance, some a false report of the fall of Nice, caused the French to insist upon hurrying forward towards the Turkish territory. Gautier wisely resisted for some time all the entreaties of his troops, but at length finding them preparing to inarch without his consent, he put him- 1 Albert of Aix. Guibert of Nogent, lib. ii. ; Albert of Aix, lib. i. ; Orderic Vital, lib ix. Mills says it was the French and Normans who thus advanced into Uie country, but the great majority of writers is against him. 8 Albert of Aix ; WUUara of Tyre. HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 86 self at their head, and led them towards Nice. Be fore reaching that place, he was encountered by the Turkish forces. The battle w'as fierce, but unequal ; Gautier and his knights fought with desperate cou- rage,' but all their efibrts were vain ; the Christians were slaughtered in every direction; and Gautier himself, after having displayed to the last that intre- pid valour for w^hich he was renowned, fell under seven mortal wounds. Not above three thousand Christians effected their escape to Civitot. Here again they were attacked by the Turks, who surrounded the fortress with vast piles of wood, in order to exterminate by fire the few of the crusaders that remained. The besieged, how- ever, watched their moment, and while the wind blew towards the Turkish camp, set fire to the wood them- selves, which tlius was consumed without injury to them, while many of their enemies were destroyed by the flames.^ In the mean time one of the crusaders had made his way to Constantinople, and communicated the news of all these disasters to Peter the Hermit. The unhappy Peter, painfully disappointed, like all those who fix their enthusiasm on the virtues or the pru- dence of mankind, was driven almost to despair, by the folly and unworthiness of those in whom he had placed his hopes. He nevertheless cast himself at the feet of the emperor Alexius,^ and besought him, with tears and supplications, to send some forces to deliver the few crusaders who had escaped from the scimitar of the Tuiks. The monarch granted his request, and the little garrison of Civitot were brought in safety to Con- stantinople. After their arrival, however, Alexius ordered them to disperse and return to their own country ; and with wase caution bought their arms 1 Robert the Monk ; William of Tyre ; Guibert of Nogent ; Albert of Aix, 2 Robert the Monk ;. Guibert of Nogent. s William of Tyre ; Albert of Aix. 80 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. before he dismissed them;' thus at once supplying them with money for their journey, and depriving them of the means of plundering and ravaging his dominions as they went. Most of the historians* of that age accuse Alexius of leaguing with the Turks, even at this period, to destroy the crusaders, or, at least, of triumphing in the fall of those very men whom he had himself called to his succour The conduct of Alexius in this transaction is not very clear, but it is far from improbable that, fearful of the undisciplined multitude he had brought into his dominions, horrified by their crimes, and indig- nant at their pillage of his subjects, he beheld them fall by their own folly and the swords of the enemy, without any eftbrt to defend them, or any very dis- agreeable feeling at their destruction. And indeed, when we remember the actions they did commit within the limits of the Greek empire, we can hardly wonder at the monarch, if he rejoiced at their punish- ment, or blame him if he was indiflferent to their fate. Thus ended the great expedition of Peter the Her- mit : but several others of a similar unruly character took place previous to the march of those troops, whose discipline, valour, and unity of purpose en- sured a more favourable issue to t'heir enterprise. I shall touch but briefly upon these mad and barbarous attempts, as a period of more interest follows. The body of crusaders which seems to have suc- ceeded immediately to that led by Peter the Hermit was composed almost entirely of Germans, collected together by a priest called Gottschalk.^ They pene- trated into Hungary; but there, giving way to all manner of excesses, they were followed by Carlo- man, the king of that country, with a powerful army, and having been induced to lay down their arms, tliat the criminals might be selected and punished, they were slaughtered indiscriminately by the Hunga- 1 Robert the Monk ; Guibert of Nogent. 2 Ibid. 3 William of Tyre ; Albert o ' Aix. HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 87 rians, who were not a little glad to take vengeance for the blood shed by the army of Peter at Semlin. About the same period, immense bands of men and women came forth from almost cveiy counti^' of Europe, with the symbol of the ciusade upon their shoulders, and the pretence of serving God upon their lips. They joined together wheresoever they met, and, excited by a foul spirit of fanatical cruelty, mingled with the most infamous moral depravity, proceeded towards the south of Germany. They gave themselves up, v\ e are told,' to the pleasures of the table without intermission: men and women, and even children, it is said, lived in a state of promis- cuous debauchery ; and, preceded by a goose and a goat,^ v.iiich, in their mad fanaticism, they declared to be animated by the divine spirit, they marched onward, slaughtering the Jews as they went ; and proclaiming that the first duty of Christians was lo exterminate the nation which had rejected the Saviour himself. Several of the German bisliops bravely opposed them, and en.deavoured to protect the un- happy Hebrews ; but still, vast multitudes were slain, and many even sought self-destruction rather than encounter the brutality of the fanatics, or abjure their religion. Glutted with slaughter, the ungodly herd now turned towards Hungary ; but at Mersburg they were encountered by a large Hiuigarian force, which dis- puted their passage over tlie Danube, absolutely re- fusing the road through that kingdom to any future band of crusaders. The fanatics forced their way across the river, attacked Mersburg itself with great fury and perseverance, and succeeded in making a breach in the walls, M'hen suddenly an unaccount- able terror seized them — none knew how or why — they abandoned the siege, dispersed in dismay, and fled like scattered deer over the countrj". ' Albert. Aquensis ; William of Tyre. 2 Albert of Aix 88 HISTORY OF CHIVALRV. The Hungarians suffered not the opportunity to escape, and pursuing tliem on every side, smote them during many days with a merciless fury, that nothing but their own dreadful cruelties could palliate. The fields were strewed with dead bodies, the rivers flowed with blood, and the very waters of the Danube are said to have been hidden by the multitude of corpses. Disaster and death had, sooner or later, overtaken each body of the crusaders that had hitherto, with- out union or command, set out towards the Holy Land ; but each of these very bands had been com- posed of the refuse and dregs of the people. I do not mean by that word dregs tlie poor, but I mean the base — I do not mean those who were low in station, or even ignorant in mind; but I mean those who Avere infamous in crime, and brutal in desire. Doubt- less, in these expeditions, some fell who were ani- mated by noble motives or excellent zeal ; but such were few compared with those whose objects were plunder, licentiousness, and vice. The swords of the Hungarians and the Turks lopped these away; and I cannot find in my heart to look upon the puri- fication which Europe thus underwent with any thing like sorrow. The crusade itself was by this means freed from many a base and unworthy member; and Chivalry, left to act more in its own spirit, though still participating deeply in the faults and vices of a barbarous age, brought about a nobler epoch and a blighter event. HISTORY OF CHIVAX.RV. 89 CHAPTER V. TTit jhivah-y of Europe takes the Field— The Leaders- Godfrey of Bouil- lon — Cntiducts his Army towards Constantinople— Hugh the Great — Leads his Army through Italy — Embarks for Durazzo — Taken Pri' soner — Liberated — Robert, Duke of Normandy — Wi7iters in Italy Arrivp.t at Constantinople— Robert, Count of Flanders— Joins the rest — Bnemond of Tarentum—Tancred— Their March— Defeat the Greeks — Boemonddoes Homage — Tancred avoids it — The Count of Toulouse arrives — Refuses to do Homage — Robert (^Normandy does Homage. While the undisciplined and barbarous multitudes who first set out were hurrying to destruction, va- rious princes and leaders were engaged, as I have before said, in collecting the Chivalry of Europe under the banner of the Cross. Six distinguished chiefs — Godfrej'- of Bouillon, Duke of Loraine — Hugh the Great, Count of Vermandois, and brother of Philip, King of France — Robert, Duke of Normandy, brother of William Rufus— Robert, Count of Flanders— Boe- mond. Prince of Tarentum — and Rainiond, Count of Toulouse— conducted six separate armies towards Constantinople: and I propose, in this chapter, to follow each of them till their junction in Bithynia. It is indeed a pleasure to turn our eyes from scenes of horror and crime to the contemplation of those great and shining qualities — those noble and enthu- siastic virtues, which entered into the compositiorv of that rare quintessence, the spirit of Chivalry. Doubtless, in the war which I am about to paint there occurred many things that are to be deeply re- gretted, as furnishing abundantly that quantity of alloy which is ever, unhappily, mixed with virtue's purest gold : but, at the same time, I now come to speak of men, in many of whom splendid courage* and moral beauty, and religious zeal, and temperate H 00 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. ■wisdom, and generous magnanimity, combined to form the great and wonderful of this earth's chil- dren. Indeed, if ever there was a man who well merited the glorious name of a true knight, that man was Godfrey of Bouillon; and few have described him without becoming poets for that once. I will not borrov/ from Tasso — who had the privi' lege of eulogium — but, in striving to paint the charac- ter of the great leader of the crusade, I shall take the words of one of the simplest of the writers of his age,' and give them as nearly as possible in their original tone : " He was beautiful in countenance," says Robert the Monk, "tall in stature, agreeable in his discourse, admirable in his morals, and at the same time so gentle, that he seemed better fitted for the monk than for the knight ; but when his enemies appeared before him, and the combat approached, his soul became filled with mighty daring ; like a lion, he feared not for his person — and what shield, what buckler, could resist the fall of his sword ?" Perhaps of all men of the age, Godfrey of Bouillon was the most distinguished. His mother Ida, daugh- ter of Godfrey, Duke of Loraine, was celebrated for her love of letters,^ and from her it is probable that Godfrey himself derived that taste for literature, so singular among the warriors of that day. He spoke several languages, excelled in every chivalrous ex- ercise, was calm and deliberate m council, firm and decided in resolution; he was active, clearsighted, and prudent, while he was cool, frank, and daring ; in the battle he was fierce as the lion, but in victory he was moderate and humane. Though still in his prime of years when the cru- sades were preached, he was already old in exploits : he had upheld Henry IV. on the imperial throne, had attacked and forced the walls of Rome, and had shone in a hundred fields, where his standard ever was raised upon the side of honour and of virtue. ^ Kobenus Monachus, lib. i i Guiberl of Nogeni. HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 91 Long ere the idea of such an entei-prise as the crusade became general in Europe, Godfrey had often been heard to declare, when tales were brought ]iim of the miseries of the Holy Land, that he longed to travel to Jerusalem,' not with staff and scrip,^ but with spear and shield ; and it may well be conceived that his was one of the first standards raised in the ranks of the Cross. A fever that had hung upon him for some time left him at the tidings, and he felt as if he had shaken off a load of years, and reco- vered all his youth. ^ His fame as a leader soon collected an immense number of other barons and knights, who willingly ranged themselves imder his banner ; and we find that besides Baldwin, his brother* — and many other rela- tions—the lords of St. Paul, of Hainault, of Gray, of Toul, of Hache, of Conti, and of Montagne, with their knights and retainers, had joined him before the beginning of August,^ and towards the middle of that month they began their march with all the splendoiu" of Chivaliy.^ The progress of this new body of crusaders was directed, like that of Peter the Hermit, towards Hun- gary ; but the conduct maintained by the followers of Godfrey was as remarkable for its strict discipline, moderation, and order, as that of his predecessors had been for turbulence and excess.'^ The first ob- jects, however, that presented themselves on the Hungarian frontier were the unburied corpses of the fanatic crowd slain near Mersburg. Here then Godfrey paused during three weeks,^ in- vestigating calmly the causes of the bloody specta- cle before him; after which he wrote to Carloman, king of Hungary ; and his letter on this occasion, mingling firmness with moderation, gives a fair pic- ture of his noble and dignified character. Having 1 Guibert of Nogent. 2 See note VIII. 3 VVill. Malmsburv * Will, of Tyre ; Albert «f Aix. 5 Albert of Aix. «Guibert of Nogent. 7 Guibert ; Will. Tyr. 8 Albert of Aix. 92 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. mentioned the horrible sight M'hich had arrested him in his progress, and the rumours he had heard, he proceeds — " However severe may have been the punishment inflicted on our brethren, whose remains lie round about us, if that punishment was merited, our anger shall expire ; but if, on the contrary, you have calumniated the innocent, and given them up to death, we will not pass over in silence the murder of the servants of God, but will instantly show our- selves ready to avenge the blood of our brethren.'" It was easy for Carloman to prove that the aggres- sion had been on the side of the crusaders; and after various acts of confidence between Godfrey- and the king, the army of the Cross was permitted to pass through Hungary, which they accomplished in safety and peace, maintaining the strictest discipline and regularity, and trading with the people of the country with good faith and courtesy. Hence, proceeding through Bulgaria and Thrace, Godfrey led his troops peacefully on to Philippopoli, where he was met by deputies from the emperor, charged with orders to see that the crusaders should be furnished with every kind of necessary provision. In passing through Dacia and Bulgaria, the army of Godfrey had been not a little'^ straitened foi food, and it is impossible to say what might have been the consequences, had the same dearth been suf- fered to continue. The prudent conduct of the em- peror did away all cause of violence, and after the arrival of his deputies, the troops of the Cross cele- brated his liberality with joy and gratitude. News soon reached the armjr^ of Godfrey, how- ever, which changed their opinion of Alexius, and showed him as the subtle and treacherous being that he really was. To explain what this news consisted of, I must turn for a moment to another party of cru- « William of Tyre i Albertof Aix. ' Albert. Aquensia Will Tvr. ; Albert. Aquena, HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 93 sadeis, who, while Godfrey pursued his peaceful course through Hungary, marched towards the gene- ral meeting-place at Constantinople, by the way of Italy. Hugh, Count of Vermandois, had assembled an army even superior in number to that of Godfrey of Bouillon, and was himself in every respect calcu- lated to shine at the head of such an armament. He was gallant,' brave, handsome, and talented ; but the calm and dignified spirit of moderation, which so characterized Godfrey of Bouillon, was wanting in the brother of the French king. Joined to his expe- dition, though marching in separate bodies, and at distinct times,^ were the troops of Robert, Duke of Normandy, and Stephen, Count of Blois ; with those of Robert, Count of Flanders, in another division.'^ The count of Vermandois, impetuous and proud, took his departure before his companions, traversed Italy, and embarking at Barri, landed with but a scanty train at Durazzo. His expectations were high, and his language haughty, supposing he should find in the Greek emperor the same humbled suppli- cant who had craved, in abject terms, assistance against the infidels from his Christian brethren of the west. But the position of the emperor had now changed. The Turks, occupied with other interests, no longer menaced his frontier. The imperial city iGuibert. 2Fulcher; Guibert; Will. Tyr. ; Albert. 3 I have taken perhaps more pains than was necessary to investigate this part of the crusaders' proceedings, which I found nearly as much confused in the writings of Mills as in those of the contemporary au- thors. Some assert that the whole mass of the western crusaders pro- ceeded in one body through Italy; but finding that Fulcher, who accom- panied Robert of Normandy and Stephen of Blois, never mentions Hugh of Vermandois ; that Guibert speaks of that prince's departure first; that the Archbishop of Tyre marks the divisions distinctly, and that he certainly embarked at a different port in Italy from the rest, I have been led to conclude, that though probably looking up to Hugh as the brother of their sovereign, the three great leaders proceeded separately on their march. Roberlus Monachus is evidently mistaken altogether, as he j( ins Uie Count of Toulouse with the army of Hugh, when we know from Uaimond d'Agiles that that nobleman conducted hia troops through Hclavonia. #^ HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. slept in peace and splendour; and if he had any thing to fear, it was from his own restless and turbu- lent subjects rather than from his Saracen foes. Nor, in fact, had he ever been desirous of any thing like the expedition that was entering his dominions. He had prayed for aid and assistance to defend his country, but Urban had preached a crusade, and the princes were now in arms to reconquer the Chris- tian territories in Asia, as well as to protect those of Europe. He had gladly heard of the crusade, and willingly consented to it, it is true, as he well knew it would afford a mighty diversion in his favour, but he then dreamed not of the armed millions that were now swarming towards his capital. His position, too, had changed, as I have said, and he immediately determined upon a line of policy well suited to the weak subtlety of his character. Alexius was one of those men whose minds are not of sufficient scope to view life as a whole, and who therefore have not one great object in their deeds ; who act for the petty interests of the moment, and whose cunning, compared with the talents of a really great mind, is like the skill of a fencing-master compared with the genius of a great general. He saw not, and felt not, the vast ultimate benefit which he might receive from maintaining a dignified friend- ship with the princes commanding the crusade. He did not perceive what an immense and powerful en- gine was placed, if he chose it, at his disposition. — - in his narrow selfishness, he only beheld a temporary danger from the great forces that were approaching, and he strove to diminish them by every base and petty artifice. He did not endeavour to make him- self great by their means, but he tried to bring them down to his own littleness. It is true, that on some occasions he showed feelings of liberality and human- ity ; bnt from his general conduct it is but fair to in- fer that these were the inconsistencies of selfishness ; and that though he was sometimes prudent enough HISTORV OF CHIVALRY. 95 to be liberal, he was not wise enough to be uniformly (Teneroiis. On the arrival of Huf^h at Durazzo, he was at first received with respect, and entertained with honour and profusion ; and thus finding himself at ease, he v;as induced to remain for a time in confident se- curity. Suddenly, however, without a pretence for such violence, he was arrested, together with his train, and sent to Constantinople, some authors say, in chains.^ Nevertheless, it is not probable that Alexius dared to carry his inhospitality so far ; and one of the his- torians2 of the day particularly marks, that the pri- soner was treated with every testimony of respect. Guibert also ventures a supposition respecting the motives of Alexius, far superior to the general steril course of ancient chronicles. He imagines — and I wonder that the idea has not been adopted by any one — that the object of the Greek emperor, in con- fining Hugh, v/as to obtain from him, before the other princes should arrive, that act of homage v^ilich he intended to exact from all. The brother of the king of France himself having taken the oath, M'ould be so strong a precedent, that it is more than probable, Alexius3 fancied the rest of the crusaders would easily agree to do that v/hich their superior in rank had done previous to their arrival. At Philippopoli^ the news of Hugh's imprison- ment reached the anny of Godfrey de Bouillon, and with the prompt but prudent firmness of that great leader's character, he instantly sent messengers to Alexius, demanding the immediate liberation of the Count of Vermandois and his companions, accom- panying the m.essage with a threat of hostilities, if the demand were not conceded. Godfrey then marched on to Adrianople,^ where 1 Albert of Aix , William of Tyre. 2 Guibert. 3 Jbid. lib. ii. 4 WiU. Tyr. lib. ii. 5 Albert of Aix ; William of TvTO 06 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. he was met by his deputies, bringing the refusal of the emperor to comply with his request : in conse- quence of which the country was instantly given up to pillage ; and so signal were the effects of this sort of vengeance, that Alexius speedily found him- self forced to put his prisoners at liberty. The mo- ment that a promise to this effect was received, Godfrey recalled his forces ; and with wonderful dis- cipline and subordination, they instantly abandoned the ravages they were before licensed to commit, and marched on peacefully towards Constantinople. Had the armies of the Cross continued to show such obedience and moderation, Palestine would now have been Christian. ^ In the neighbourhood of the imperial city Godfrey pitched his tents, and the innumerable' multitude of his steel-clad warriors struck terror into the heart of the fearful monarch of the east.^ To the Count of Vermandois, however, it was a sight of joy ; and issuing forth from Constantinople with his friends and followers, he galloped forv/ard to the immense camp of the crusaders, where, casting himself into the arms of Godfrey,^ he gave himself up to such transports of delight and gratitude, that the bystand- ers were moved to tears. The emperor now turned the whole force of his artful mind to wring from Godfrey an act of homage, and for several weeks he continued, by every sort of fluctuating baseness, to disturb his repose, and to irritate his followers. At one time, he was all pro- fessions of kindness and liberality ; at another, he breathed nothing but warfare and opposition. Some- times the markets were shut to the crusaders, some- times the private stores of the emperor himself were opened. 1 Albert of Aix 2 Guibert. 3 Albert of Aix ; Robertus Monachua; Will. Tyr. HISTORY OF CHIVALRY 97 At length, after having twice defeated the bands of plunderers sent by Alexius to attack him,' God- frey gave way to his wrath, and for six days suc- cessively ravaged the country round Constantinople with fire and sword. Alexius on this again changed his conduct, and with every profession of regard de- manded an interview with the chief of the crusaders, offering his son as a hostage for his good faith With this safeguard Godfrey, followed by several other noble knights, entered Constantinople, and proceeded to the imperial palace, clothed in his robes of peace,^ and bearing purple and ermine and gold, instead of the iron panoply of war.^ The great leader was received by the emperor with the highest distinction, was honoured with the kiss of peace, and underwent that curious ceremony of an adoption of honour (as it was then called) as son to the emperor.^ He was clothed with imperial 1 Will.TjT. ; Rob. Mon. ; Guibert ; Albert. Aqnens. 2 Albert of Alx, 3 Mills, in speaking of this interview, does not distinguish between the coat-of-arms and the mantle or pallium. They were, however, very different, and never, that I know of, worn together. The coat-of-arms was usually extremely small ; and the form may be gathered from the anecdote of an ancient baron, who, not readily finding his coat-of-arms, seized tlie cloth of a banner, made a slit in the centre with his sword, and passing his head through the aperture, thus went to battle. These customs however often changed, and we find many instances of the coat-of-arms being worn long. The mantle was the garb of peace, and was even more richly decorated than the coat-of-arms. Anoiher peace- ful habiliment was the common snrcoat, which differed totally from the tunic worn over the armour, having large sleeves and cuffs, as we find from the notes upon Joinville. The size of this garment may be very nearly ascertained from the same account, which mentions 736 ermines having been used in one surcoat worn by the king of France. See Joinville by Ducange. For the use of the pallium, or mantle, see St. Palaye-^notes on the Fourth Part. '' 1 have not chosen to represent this interview in the colours with which Mills has painted it. The princess Anna, from whom he took his view of the subject, can in no degree be depended upon. Her object was to represent her father as a dignified monarch, receiving with cold pomp a train of barbarous warriors ; but the truth was, that Alexius was in no slight measure terrified at Godfrey and his host, and sought by every means to cajole him into compliance with his wishes. Almost every other historian declares that the crusaders were received with tlia Utmost condescension and courtesy. Robert of Paris, one of Godfrey's 98 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. robes,' and the monarch, calling him his son, nomi- nally placed his empire at Godfrey's disposal. In return for the distinctions he had received — and pro- bably pressed by Hugh, Count of Vermandois, who loved not to stand alone, in having yielded homage to Alexius — Godfrey consented to give the emperor his hand, according to the feudal fonns of France, and to declare himself his liegeman. His fears dissipated by this concession, and his hopes of winning the princes who were to follow, by so illustrious an example, raised to the highest pitch, Alexius loaded Godfrey and his followers with magnificent presents, and suffered them to depart. Peace was now permitted to remain unbroken; and after having refreshed themselves for some days, the army of the crusaders passed the Hellespont, tind encamped at Chalcedon,^ to wait the arrival of their brethren. It is more than probable that Godfrey v/as induced to quit the original place of rendezvous by the soli- citations of Alexius, who took care, it has been since observed, to guard his capital from the presence of any two of the crusading hosts at one time. i3oemond, prince of Tarentum, and son of the fa- mous Guiscard, had quitted Italy shortly after the departure of Godfrey from Loraine. Various tales are told of the manner in which he first declared his purpose of joining the crusade. Some have asserted, that on hearing of the expedition, while engaged in the siege of Amalfi, he dashed his armour to pieces with his battle-axe,^ and caused it to be formed into small crosses, which he distributed among his sol- diery. Others reduce the anecdote to a less chival- rous but perhaps more civilized degree of energy, noble followers, did indeed seat himself on the throne of Alexius, and replied to Baldwin's remonstrance b\- a braggart boast, for which the emperor only reproved him by a contemptuous sneer. This, however, •would, if any thing, prove that the pride and haughtiness was on (he part of the crusaders rather than on that of the imperial court. 1 Albert of Aix * William of Tyn 2 Albert of Aix. 3 Vertot HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 99 and state, that he caused his mantle to be cut into crosses for his troops.' As many relate the tale, it is likely to have had some foundation ; and there is no doubt that Boe- mond abandoned all his vast possessions in Italy, with the reserve only of Tarentum, and devoted himself to the wars of the Cross. His presence might have proved more generally advantageous to the cause, had he not, by this enthusiastic renuncia- tion, given himself other motives in the warfare be- fore him, besides those of religion and hum.anity. He had naturally in his veins quite sufficient of the blood of Guiscard to require no additional stimulus to the desire of conquering for himself. He was nevertheless one of the best soldiers of the Cross, so far as military skill availed — bold, powerful, keen, and active ; and possessing that sort of shreAvd and even wily art, which, joined with his other qualities, formed an enterprising and successful leader, more perhaps than a distinguished knight. With him, however, came the noblest of all the Christian Chivalry, Tancred — whose valour, genero- sity, enthusiasm, and courtesy have been the theme of so many a song — of whom Tasso, in seeking to describe him in the highest language of poetry, could say nothing more than truth, Vien poi Taiicredi, e non ^ alcun fra tanti Traiine Rinaldo — O feritor maggiore, O piu bel di maniere e di sembianti O piu eccelso ed entrepido di core. 2 Few characters can be conceived more opposed to each other than those of the relations,^ Tancred and Boemond ; and yet we find Tancred willingly serving in the army of the Prince of Tarentum, as 1 Robert the Monk. 2 Gerusalemme, cant. i. 3 What the relationship exactly was I have not been able to discover. Mills doe:! not satisfy me that the mother of Tancred was the sister of Rol)ert Guiscard. The expressions of Redph of Caen on the subject appear to be obscure 100 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. second to that chief. The same unambitious mo- desty is to be discovered throughout the whole his- tory of the young knight ; and though we ever be- hold him opposed to meannesses, by whomsoever they may be adopted, we still see him willing to take upon himself the danger and labour of an infe- rior station. Under the banners of these chiefs marched a host of Italian and Norman nobles ; the army, it is said, amounting to ten thousand horse,' and an immense multitude of foot, in which view of the forces we must remember that only men of noble birth were usually admitted to fight on horsebac-k.^ These troops were even increased as they marched to the seacoast of Apulia; and the great body of those Normans who, not a century before, had taken com- plete possession of the country, now left it for the Holy Land. Mills,^ following his particular theory, supposes Urban the pope to smile with triumphant self-gratu- lation on seeing the army of Eoemond depart ; but it seems strange, that the prelate should rejoice in the absence of the very men by whom he had been always protected, while his enemies remained, and were even in possession of the old church of St. Peter* at Rome, as we learn by a contemporary cru- sader. The forces of Boemond and Tancred landed at Durazzo, and made their wa}^ wdth much more regu- larity than could have been expected, through Epi- rus.^ They were harassed, however, on their march by various skirmishes with the Greek troops, who did every thing in their power to destroy the crusad- ing army, although Alexius^ had sent messengers to Boemond himself congratulating him on his arrival, and promising every kind of assistance. These attacks, nevertheless, only amounted to a petty degree 1 Albert of Aix 2 St. Palaye. 3 Mills, chap. 3 4 Fulcher. 6 Raoul de Caen. € William of Tyrs HISTOR\ OF CHIVALRY. 10 1 of annoyance, till the host of the Cross came to the passage of the Axiiis. Here, a part of the forces having- traversed the river with almost the whole of the cavalry, the rear of the army was suddenly at- tacked by an infinitely superior body of Greeks.' Tancred, already on the other side, lost not a mo- ment, but, spurring his horse into the water, followed by about two thousand knights, he charged the Greeks so vigorously as to drive them back with considerable loss in killed and prisoners. When brought before Boemond, the captives justified them- selves by avouching the commands of the emperor, and Tancred would fain have pursued and extermi- nated the forces of the perfidious Greek. Boemond, however, more prudently forbore, and, without retalia- tion of any kind, advanced to Adrianople. I see no reason to qualify this moderation as sub- tilty, which Mills has not scrupled to do. Boemond was artful beyond all doubt, but this was not a fair instance of any thing but wisdom and self-command. At Adrianople, well knowing the character of Alex- ius, to whom he had frequently been opposed, and foreseeing that his troops might be irritated by va- rious acts of annoyance,^ Boemond drew up his army, and, in a calm and temperate speech, repre- sented to them that they had taken up arms in the cause of Christ, and therefore that it was their duty to refrain from all acts of hostility towards their fellow-christians. Shortly after this, the Prince of Tarentum was met by deputies from the emperor, inviting him to come on with all speed to Constantinople, leaving his army behind, under the command of Tancred, Boemond at first refused to trust himself in the power of his ancient enemy,'* but Godfrey of Bouillon 1 Raoul de Caen ; William of Tyre ; Albert of Aix; Guibert. 2 Orderic. Vital, lib. ix. S Boemond liad inherited all hie father's hatred to the Greek sovereigns, end had waged many a bloody and successftil war ajainst A!o\ius himseli' 102 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. having visited him in person, and guarantied his se- curity, the Italian chief agreed to the arrangement proposed, and accompanied the Duke of Loraine to the imperial palace. Gold and dominion were al- ways motives of great force with the mind of Boe- mond, and Alexius did not spare such temptations, either present or to come, for the purpose of inducing the Prince of Tarentum to do homage to the eastern empire. His promises were limitless, and the actual presents' which he heaped upon the Normo-Italian immense. He also granted him, it is said, a territory in Romania, consisting, in length, of as much ground as a horse could travel in fifteen days ; and, in breadth,^ of as much as could be traversed in eight ; besides which, he loaded him with jewels and gold, and rich vestments, till Boemond, from one of his most inveterate enemies, became one of his firmest allies. This, indeed, proceeded from no confidence or friendship on either side. Boemond still felt how little Alexius could forgive the injuries he had in former days inflicted, and dared not trust himself to eat of the meat set before him at the emperor's table. Alexius, with all the penetration of his race, evi- dently dived into the Norman's thoughts, and saw that lie aspired even to the imperial crown itself.^ No re- liance, therefore, existed between them ; but, on the one hand, Boemond, for considerations of interest, forgot his dignity, and did homage to the emperor, ■while Alexius, on his part, agreed that the homage should be void, if the promises he made were not exactly fulfilled.'* The newsof his relation's humiliation soon reached Tancred, who was leading on their united forces towards Constantinople ; and though unquestionably, the lamentation attributed to him by his biographer^ 1 Will. Tyr. ; Albert. Aqucns. 5i Raoul de Caen ; Guihcrt. s Alexiad parDucange 4 Guibert, lib. iii. 5 Radulph. Cad.cap. 11. HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 103 is somewhat more poetical than real, little doubt can be entertained that the gallant prince was painfully struck by Boemond's disg-raceful concessions. Hugh of Vermaudois had done homage to obtain his liberty ; Oodfre3'of Bouillon, to restore peace and unanimity between the Christian emperor and the crusaders ; Boemond sold his homage, with no palliating cir- cumstance. The determination of Tancred seems to have been taken almost immediately on hearing this news, and marching upon Constantinople as if it were his inten- tion to follow exactly the course of his relation, he suddenly' crossed the Hellespont^ without giving notice to any one, and joined the army of Godfrey at Chalcedon.2 Tliis conduct greatly irritated Alexius, and he made several efforts to bring Tancred back without success; but the arrival of Raimond de St. Gilles, Count of Toulouse, with the immense army of the Languedocian crusaders, soon called the attention of the emperor in another direction. The Count of Toulouse has been very variously represented, and no doubt can exist that he was a bold and skilful leader, a courageous and resolute man. He was, it is said, intolerant and tenacious of reverence, fond of pomp and display, and withal revengeful, though his revenge was always of abold and open character. Not so his avarice, which led him to commit as many pitiful meannesses as ever sprang from that basest of desires. He was proud, too, beyond all question ; but where his covetousness did not overbalance the ' Radulph. Cadom. cap. 12. 2 Albert us Aquensis says that Tancred took with him the whole army. William of Tyre follows the same opinion, as well as Guibert. Orderic Vital declares that when the trooi)S were passing, Tancred drc-ssed himself as a common soldier, and passed amonji the crowd ; but Hadulphus Cadomensis (or Raoul of Caen, as the French translate his name), who was his companion and friend in al'ter-years, makes no mention of his having taken with him any part of the forces he com- manded, merely stating, that in his eagerness to pass before he was dis- covered, he aided to row the boat himself 104 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. Other great principle of his nature, he maintained, in his general conduct, that line of moral firmness which dignifies pride, and raises it almost to a virtue. Under" the banners of the Count of Toulouse marched the gay Chivalry of all the south of France — Gascons, andProvengals, and Auvergnats — people, in whose hearts the memory of Saracen in- vasions from Spain was still fresh ; and whose quick and passionate dispositions had at once embraced with enthusiasm the holy war. A glorious train of lords and knights followed their noble chief, and the legate of the pope, as well as several other bishops, gave religious dignity to this body of the crusaders. The count directed his course by Sclavonia to- wards Greece, notwithstanding that the season was unfavourable, as he set out in winter.' During the journey he displayed, in the highest degree, every quality of a great commander. Innumerable diffi- culties, on which we cannot pause, assailed him even during the first part of his march through the barren and inhospitable passes which lay between his own fair land and Greece. When he had reached the do- minions of Alexius, whose call for aid he had not forgotten, the count imagined, to use the words of his chaplain, that he was in his native land, so much did he rely upon the welcome and protection of the Greek emperor. But he, like the chiefs who had preceded him, was deceived, and the same series of narassing persecutions awaited him on the way. An act of seasonable^ but barbarous vengeance, how ever, in mutilating and disfiguring several of the pri- soners, so much frightened the savage hordes which the emperor had cast upon his track, that the rest of the journey passed in comparative tranquillity. Like those who had gone before, the count was permitted to enter the imperial city with but few attendants. Here the same proposal of rendering homage was 1 R^mond d'AaUcs HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 105 ■mclc to Raimond which had been addressed to the other leaders of the crusade, but he rejected it at once with dignified indignation, and maintained his resolution with unalterable firmness. ^ The means which had been tried with Godfrey of Bouillon were now employed against the Count of Toulouse; and as no very strong body of crusaders was soon ex- pected from Europe, the emperor seems confidently So have anticipated the destruction of the Langue- ^ocian force. The Bosphorus lay between it and the armies of Godfrey, of Hugh, of Boemond, and of Robert of Flanders,^ whose arrival we have not (bought it necessary to dwell upon, as it was accom- panied by no circumstance of interest. Alexius had taken especial care, that no vessels should remain on the other side of the Straits, which would facilitate the return of the crusaders even if they should wish it,'' and Boemond was devoted to his cause from mo- tives of interest. Under these circumstances Alexius did not scruple to order a night attack to be made upon the camp of the French knights. At first it proved successful, and many fell under the treacherous sword of the Greeks. At length, however, the Languedocians re- covered from their surprise, repulsed the enemy with great loss, and for some time gave full wiy to their indignation. Raimond even resolved to aeclare war against the emperor, but abandoned his intention on finding that the other princes w'ould not succour him, and that Boemond threatened to join his arms to those of Alexius. Thus upheld, the emperor still continued to insist on the homage of the count ; but Raimond declared that he would sooner lay down his head upon the block than yield to such an indignity.* *' He had come,"^ he said, " to fight for one Lord, which was Christ, and for him he had abandoned 1 Raimond d'Agiles ; Will. T}T. ; Guibert. 2 Guibert ; Albert of Aix. 3 Will. Tyr. 4 Guibert. & Raimond d' Agile* 106 HISTORY OF CHIVALRV. coimtiy, and goods, and lands, but no other lord would he acknowledge ; though, if the emperor would, in person, lead the host towards Constanti- nople, he would willingly put himself and his troops under his august command." All that could ultimately be obtained from him, even at the intercession of his companions in arms, was a vow that he would neither directly nor indi- rectly do any act which could militate against the life or honour of the emperor.^ This concession, however, seemed to satisfy Alexius, upon whose weakness the ambitious spirit of Boemond was pressing somewhat too hard. The power of Raimond of Toulouse, the monarch saw, might be used as a good counterpoise to the authority which the Prince of Tarentum was inclined to assume ; and in consequence, Alexius soon completely changed his conduct, and loaded the count with dis- tinctions and courtesy. The pleasures of the impe- rial palace, the rivalry which the artful emperor con- trived to raise up between him and Boemond, and the false but polished society of the Greek court, excited and pleased the Count of Toulouse, who remained some time in the midst of pomp and enjoy- ment. His character, also, though it had much of the steady firmness of the north, had, in common with that of his countrymen in general, a sparkling and vivacious urbanity, a splendid yet easy grace, w^hich suited the taste of the Greeks much more than the simple manners of the northern crusaders. Indeed, to judge from the terms in which she speaks of him, his handsome person and elegant deportment seem to have made no small impression on the ima- gination of the princess Anna,^ although Raimond had already passed the middle age. Boemond, however, had by this time departed, and I Guibert; Raimoml: Will Tvr. 2 Alexlad HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 107 had marched from Chalcedon with Godfrey and the rest of the criisadmg- host' towards Nice, the capital of the Turkish kingdom of Roum.^ His honour de- manded the presence of the Count of Toulouse, and abandoning- the pleasures of Constantinople, he super- intended tile embarkation of his troops, and hastened to join the rest of his companions in arms. Scarcely had the forces of the count quitted Con- stantinople, when another army appeared under the walls of that city. Its principal leader was Robert, Duke of Normandy — a man, debauched, weak, and unstable ; endowed with sufficient talents to have dignified his illustrious station, had he possessed that rare quality of mind which may be called conduct. He was eloquent in speech, brave in the field, skilful in warlike dispositions, and personally humane, even to excess ;^ but at the same time he was versatile as the winds, and so easily persuaded, that the common expression, he had no Xi^ill of his own^ was, perhaps more applicable to him than to any other man thar. ever existed. On the first preaching- of the crusade, he had caugh tiie flame of enthusiasm with others, and perhaps not more than those around him ; for we must not take the immediate sale of his dutchy of Normandy to William Rufus as a proof of his zeal. It was, in fact, but a proof of that wretched facility which ulti- mately brought about his ruin. The price he ob- tained,'' was only ten thousand marks of silver, but with so petty a sum this modern Esaif thought he could conquer worlds. With him was Stephen, Count of Blois, more famous in the council than the 1 Raimond d'Agiles ; Albert of Aix. 2 Raimond d'Agiles expressly states that the army of the Count of Tonlouse, which he accompanied to the Holy Land, did not join the other crusaders till they were under the walls of Nice. Mills is there- fore wrong in writing that the Provencals joined the other soldiers of the Cross before their arrival at Nice, and then let them march on again before them. 3 Guibert Ub. ii. ♦ Orderic Vital. 108 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. field,^ while all the Norman and Eng-lish crusaders of rank, together with Eustace, brother of Godfrey of Bouillon,^ joined themselves to his forces. Thus, followed by a numerous and well-equipper' army, Robert took the way of Italy, and having en- countered the pope at Lucca, proceeded to Apulia, where he remained to pass the winter. Here, how- ever,^ many deserted his army, and returned to their native land, and several were drowned, subsequently, in their passage to Durazzo ; but, on the whole, the march of Robert of Normandy was more easy and less disastrous than that of any other chief of the crusaders. We find no mention of any attack or annoyance on the part of Alexius ; and, on the arrival of the Norman host at Constantinople, the oath of homage seems to have been presented and received, with a sort of quiet indifference well accordmg with the indolent and careless character of the Duke.'* Alex- ius simply informed the leaders, that Godfrey, Boe- mond, Hugh, and the rest had undergone the cere- mony proposed. " We are not greater than they,"* replied Robert, and the vows were taken without hesitation. Loaded with presents, and supplied with money and provisions, of both which Robert stood in great want, the Norman crusaders now passed the Helles- pont, and marched towards Nice to join their com- panions. The timid Alexius thus found himself delivered from the last body of these terrific allies ; and, indeed, the description given of their arrival, in rapid succession, before Constantinople, is not at all unlike the end of Camaralzaman's history in the Arabian Nights, where no sooner is one army dis- posed of, than another is seen advancing towards the city from a different quarter of the globe. » Guibert. 2 William of Tyre ; Albert of Aix. 3 Fulcher. 4 Albert of Aix ; Fulcher 5 Will. Tyr HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 109 CHAPTER Yl, ^erm of JJ/ter-mi^forturies already springing up in the Crusade — Stegt of Nice — First Engagement imth the Turks — Siege continued — 7%e Lake occupied — Surrender of Nice to the Emissaries of Alexius — DiS' content— March towards Anf.ioch — The Army divides into two Bodies — Battle of Doryloeum — Dreadful March through Phrygia — Adven- tures of Baldwin and Tancicd — Arrival at Aiitioch — The City in- vested. One of the most unfortunate events which occurred to the crusaders in their march was their stay at Constantinople, for it was the remote but certain cause of many other evils. The jealousies and dif- ferences raised up among" them by the intriguing spirit of Alexius w^ere never entirely done away; and besides this, the intervention of petty motives, long discussions, and schemes of individual aggran- dizement chilled the fervour of zeal, and thus weighed down the most energetic spring of the enterprise. Enthusiasm will conquer difficulties, confront dan- ger and death, and change the very nature of the circumstances in which it is placed, to encourage- ment and hope ; but it will not bear to be mingled with less elevated feelings and considerations. The common ambitions and passions of life, cold reason- ings, and thoughtful debates, deaden it and put it out ; and amid the intrigues of interest, or the spe- culations of selfishness, it is extinguished like aflame in the foul air of a vault. A great deal of the en- thusiasm of the crusade died away amid the bicker- ings of Constantinople ; and even the cowardly effeminacy of the Greeks proved in some degree contagious, for the army of the Count of Toulouse, we find, had at one time nearly disbanded itself. The luxury of the most luxurious court of Europe, no HISTORY OF CHIVALRf. too, was not without its effect upon the crusaders, and the memory of the delights of the imperial city was more likely to afford subjects of disadvantag^eous comparisons, when opposed to the hardships of Pa- lestine, than the remembrance of the turbulent and governless realm from which they had first begun their march. The greatest misfortune of all, however — tiie cause of many of their vices, and almost all their miseries, — was the want of one acknowledged leader, whom it would have been treason to disobey. Each chief was his own king, but he was not the king of even those who served under him. Many who had followed his banner to the field were nearly his equals in power, and it was only over his immediate vassals that he had any but conditional right of command. In respect to his vassals themselves, this right was much affected by circumstances ; and over the chiefs around him, he had no control whatever Thus, unity of design was never to be obtained ; and discord, the fatal stumblingblock of all great under- takings, was always ready in tlie way, whenever the folly, the passions, or the selfishness of any indivi- dual leader chose to dash upon it the hopes of him- self and his companions. Nevertheless, during the siege of Nice, which was the first undertaking of the crusaders, a considerable degree of harmony seems to have prevailed among the leaders. Each, it is true, conducted his part of the attack according to his own principles, but each seemed happy to assist the other, and we hear of no wrangling for idle punctilios. The morals, too, of the troops were hit'nerto pure, reaching a much higher point of virtue, indeed, than might have been antici- pated from the great mixture of classes. I do not mean to say that they were free from vice, or were exempt from the follies of their nature or their age ; but the noble and dignified manner in which tlie chiefs of the '"•usade, and the people in general, bore HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. Ill the conduct of Alexius (mentioned hereafter), would lead me to belidve that they had preserved a consi- derable share of purity and singleness of heart. The first body of the crusaders which reached the city of Nice was that led by Godfrey of Bouillon. He was not alone, however, being accompanied by Hugh, Count of V^ermandois; and very shortly after, the troops of Robert of Flanders and Boemond of Taren- tum arrived, and took up their position on the north- ern side, while those of Godfrey had marked their camp towards ihe east. The Count of Toulouse and the Bishop of Puy followed, and sat down before the southern side,' leaving the west open for the Duke of Normandy, who was expected from day to day.^ This city, the capital of the kingdom of Roum, was occupied by the Seljukian Turks, and strongly de- fended by a solid wall, flanked by three hundred and fifty towers. It was situated in the midst of a fertile plain, and the waters of the lake Ascanius, to the west, gave it a facility of communication with a large extent of country. The army of the crusaders, after the arrival of the Count of Toulouse,'' waited not the coming of Robert of Normandy, but began the siege in form. Their forces were already im- mense ; and after the junction of Peter the Hermit with the ruins of his multitude, and the Duke of Normandy with his powerful army, the amount of the fighting men is said to have been six hundred thousand, without comprising those who did not carry arms."* The number of knights^ is stated to 1 Raimond d'Agiles ; Guibert. 2 All authors, those who were present as well as those who wrote from the accounts of others, differ entirely among themselves concerning The dispositions of the siege. Fulcher, who accompanied the Duke of Normandy, says that that chief attacked the south ; Raimond of Agiles, who was present also, says that the south was the {)0st of the Count ol Toulouse. I have, however, adopted the account of Raimond, who appears to me to have paid more attention to the operations of the war than Fulcher. ^ Fu clier. 4 Ibid. 5 The word used ia Inricnli; and Ducange, who seldom makes a posi- tive assertion without the ma^t oerlect certainty, states, in tlie observa- 112 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. have reached nearly two hundred thousand, which left a fair proportion of inferior soldiers. The general disposition of the troops had been made before the arrival of the Count of Toulouse, and he marched his division towards the spot as- signed him on the Sunday after Ascension-day.' His coming, however, was destined to be signalized by the first regular battle between the Turks and their Christian invaders. Soliman, or Kilidge Asian, the sultaun of Roum, on the approach of the crusaders, had left his capital' defended by a strong garrison, and travelling through his dominions, hastened in every direction the levies of his subjects. He soon collected a considerable body of horse,^ and leading them to the mountains which overlooked the plain of Nice, he sent down two messengers to the city to concert with the go- vernor a double attack upon the camp of the Chris- tians. The messengers fell into the hands of the outposts of Godfrey. One was killed on the spot, and the other, under the fear of death, betrayed the secrets of the sultaun, giving at the same time an exagge- rated account of his forces.^ Information of Soli- man's approach was instantly sent to Raimond of Toulouse, who was advancing from Nicomedia,^ and by a night-march he succeeded in joining the army of the Cross in time. Scarcely had he taken up his position, when the Moslems began to descend from the mountains, clad like the Christians in steel,^ and borne by horses tleet as the wind. Divided into two bodies,' the one attacked the wearied troops of the tions on Joinville, that we may always translate the word loricatus, a knight, " et quand on voit dans les auteurs Latins le terme de loricati il se doit entendre des Chevaliers."— /J^^cangr, Obserti. sur VHist. de St Louis, page 50 1 Gnibert 2 Albert of Aix, lib. ii. 3 Albert. 4 Ibid. 5 Albert ; Raimond d'.Agiles; Guibert 6 Albert. 7 Raiuiond. HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 113 Count of Toulouse, seeking to force its way into the city, while the other fell upon the quarters of God- frey of Bouillon. Doubtless Soliman thought to meet, in the im- mense multitude before him, a wild and undisciplined crowd, like that of Peter the Hermit ; but he soon found bitterly his mistake. The crusaders received him every where with chivalric valour, repulsed him on all points, became in turn the assailants, and the plain round Nice grew one general scene of con- flict. The charging of the cavalry, the ringing of the lances and the swords upon shields and corslets, the battle-cries of the Christians, and the techbir of the Turks ; the shouts, the screams, the groans, rose up, we are told, in a roar horrible to hear.' At length, finding that the sally he had expected was not made, Soliman retreated to the mountains ; but it was only to repeat the attempt the following day.^ In this, although the besieged now compre- hended his intention, and issued forth upon the Christians on the one side, while he attacked them on the other, he was not more fortmiate than before. He was again repelled with great loss, owning his astonishment at the lion-like courage of the Christian leaders, who with a thousand lances would often charge and put to flight twenty times the number of Turkish horsemen. According to a barbarous custom prevalent at that time, and which even descended to a much later pe- riod, the crusaders hewed off the heads of the fallen Moslems,^ and cast many of them into the city. Otliers were sent to Constantinople in token of vic- tory ; and Alexius, as a sign of gratitude and rejoic- ing, instantly despatched large presents to the prin- cipal chiefs of the crusade, with great quantities of provisions for the army, which had long been strait- ened to a fearful degree. 1 Albert. 2 Guibert. 8 Guibert ; Albert of Alx. t 114 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. After tilie defeat of Soliman,' the siege was pressed with renewed vigour; and battering-rams, catapults, and mangonels were plied incessantly against the walls, while moveable towers of wood, called beff- roys, tilled with armed men, were rolled close to the fortifications, for the purpose of carrying on the fight hand to hand with the enemy, and of endeavouring to effect a lodgment on the battlements. In the mean while, the plains round Nice offered a spectacle of the most extraordinaiy brilliancy. The glittering arms of tlie knights, their painted shields, and fluttering pennons — the embroidered banners of the barons, their splendid coats-of-arms and magni- ficent mantles — tlie gorgeous robes of the Latin priests, whr f/ere present in immense numbers, and the animated multitude of bowmen and foot-soldiers, mingled with thousands of that most beautiful of beasts, the horse, all spread out in the unclouded brightness of an Asiatic sky, formed as shining and extraordinary a scene as the eye could look upon. Not frightened, however, by the terrific splendour that surrounded them, the Turks continued to defend their battlements with persevering valour. Every attack of the Christians was met with dauntless in- trepidity, and every laboured attempt to sap the Avail, or its towers, was frustrated with unwearied assi- duity. Those who approached near were either slain by poisoned arrows,^ or crushed under im- mense stones ; and the moment any one was killed at the foot of the wall,^ " it was horrible to see the Turks," says an eyewitness, " seize upon the body with iron hooks let down from above, and lifting it up through the air strip it completely, and then cast it out from the city." Innumerable artifices were resorted to by the assailants to force their way into the town ; and none of the chiefs seem to have been more active and ingenious than the Count of Ton ' Raimond Ad'giles ; Fulcher ; Albert of Aix ; Robert. Mon. 3 Robert. Mon. 3 Fulcher. HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 115 louse,' who once succeeded in undermining' a tower, and casting- it to the ground. Before this work was concluded, however, night had fallen over the army, and ere the next morning the laborious activity of the Turks had repaired the damage which their wall had suffered. Two of the principal German barons, also, con- trived a machine of wood, to which they gave the name of the fox. It was capable of containing twenty knights, and was secured by its immense solidity from all the efforts of the enemy. When this was completed, a vast multitude began to push it towards the part of the curtain which they intended to sap, but the inequality of the ground and the great weight of the machine itself caused some of the joints to give way, when the whole fabric fell to pieces, crushing under its ruins the unhappy knights within. The arrivaP of Robert of Normandy brought a vast accession of strength to the besiegers; notwithstand- ing which, during the remainder of the siege of Nice, the immense numbers of the crusaders did not pro- duce that scarcity of provision which ultimately fell upon them ; for Alexius, interested more than any one in the capture of the city, took care, after the first few days, that the supplies should be ample and unremitted. Nevertheless the courage of the garrison did not at all decrease, and for five weeks they still conti- nued to return the assailants combat for combat, the whole day being consumed in a storm of arrows from the bows and arbalists, and of stones from the cata- pults and mangonels."* Numerous instances of extraordinary personal courage, shown on both sides, are of course recorded, and each different historian has his own hero, whose deeds are lauded to the sky. One Turk in par- 1 Guibert; Raimond d'Agilea. 2 Albert of Aix. S Fulcher. 4 Idun ; Albert of Aix. 116 liSITORY OF CHIVALRY. ticular signalized himself by an immense slangh- ter of the crusaders, showing himself exposed upon the battlements, and plying his terrible bow, which winged death in every direction. The Christians became so fearful of him, that that most imaginative passion, terror, began to invest him with some su- pernatural defence.^ The best-aimed arrows proved totally ineffectual, and reports spread rapidly that he might be seen, still sending destruction around from his hand, while twenty shafts — each carrying the fate of a common mortal— were sticking unheeded in his flesh. Godfrey of Bouillon, to end the panic that this man occasioned, at length took a crossbow himself, though that machine^ was considered but a fit weapon for a yeoman, and directing the quarry with a steadier hand than those which had before aimed at the Turkish archer, he sent the missile directly to his heart.^ A multitude of the noblest crusaders had now fallen before the bows of the enemy, and many more had yielded to the effects of a climate totally different from their own. " Thus," says one of the followers of tlie Cross, " nothing was to be seen on the high- ways, in the woods, and the fields, but a crowd of tombs,'' where our brethren had been buried." At last, the leaders perceived the existence of a circumstance, their neglect of which, in the very first instance, showed how much the art of warfare was then in its infancy. One evening, after a fierce as- sault, the soldiers stationed near the water, who, in common with the rest of the host, usually rested from the labours of the siege during the night, sud- denly perceived boats upon the lake Ascanius, and it immediately became evident that the Turks re- ceived every kind of supply by this easy means of communication. As soon as this was discovered, various vessels were brought from Constantinople, > Albert of Aix. 2 The Philippide. 3 Albert of Aix 4 Fulcher. HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 117 and being drawn to the lake over a nanow neck of land which separated it from the sea, were filled with imperial archers ;^ and the blockade of the town was thus rendered absolute. This was executed during the night, and all hope abandoned the Turks from the next morning, when they beheld that which had proved their great resource suddenly cut off. The crusaders now hoped to force the city to sur- render at discretion ; and their expectations of such an event were much raised by the fact of the sul- tauness, the wife of Soliman, who had hitherto cou- rageously undergone all the miseries and dangers of a siege, being taken in endeavouring to make her escape by the lake.^ By this time the besieged had determined to sur- render ; but Alexius had taken care to send with the army of the Cross an officer on whose art and fidelity he could depend, to secure for the imperial crown a city which he would probably have rather seen still under the dominion of the Turks, than in the hands of the Latins. This man's name was Taticius, or, according to the crusaders' corruption, Tatin.^ His face was dreadfully mutilated, and his mind seems to have been as horrible as his countenance. What commu- nication he kept up within the town it is difficult to discover; and how this communication was con- cealed from the Latins is hardly known, but probably it took place, as Mills conjectures, by means of the lake and the Greek vessels which now covered it. Certain it is, that the Turks entered into a private treaty with the emissary of Alexius, who granted them the most advantageous terms, securing to them not only life,"^ but immunity and protection. It had been covenanted beforehand, between the emperor and the crusaders, that on the fall of the city "t should be resigned to Alexius, who promised to ^almond d'Agiles ; Albert of Aix ; Guibert. 2 Will. Tyr. » Albert of Aix. * Guibert ; Albert 118 HISTORY OF CHIVALRV give ap to the troops all tTie riches it contained,* and to found there a monastery, and an hospital for pil- grims, under the superintendence of the Latins.^ Not contented with this, or doubting- the faith of his allies, he took the means I have stated to secure possession. Suddenly the imperial ensigns appeared upon the walls of Nice, w^hen the host of the crusade was just rushing to the attack in the full confidence of victory. It v/as now found that the people of the city had surrendered privately to Alexius, and had admitted his troops within the w^all's ; but it required the greatest efforts of the leaders of the crusade, although disgusted with this treachery themselves, to quiet their forces, and reconcile them to the per fidy of their base ally.^ On the part of the Christians, the wife and chil* dren of Kilidge Asian, wdio had fallen into their hands, were delivered to the Turks ; and, at the same time, all those prisoners wdiich had been taken by So- liman, on the defeat of Gauticr sans avoir, were re- stored to liberty. So little, however, did Alexiu:? keep his treaty with the crusaders, that, instead of yielding to them the w'hole plunder of Nice, he con- tented himself with distributing some rich presents to the chiefs,'* and some money to the poor of the army ; and suffered them, thus dissatisfied and in- jured, to raise their camp and march on towards Je rusalem, without permitting them to set foot within the city they had conquered.^ The army of the Cross w^aited no time under the walls of Nice, but as soon as the principal leaders had returned from Pehcanum, whither they had gone once more to confer with Alexius, it began its march.^ At the end of the second day the forces of the 1 William of Tyre; Raimoiid. 2 Raimond de Agiies. 3 William of Tyre ; Raimond de Agiies ; Guibert de Nogent. 4 Fulcher, cap. 4 ; William of Tyre. 5 Ten at a time were admitted within the walls, but not more. e June 29, A. I>. 1097 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 119 different chiefs* were accidentally separated,* Boe- mond and the Duke of Normandy taking a path con- siderably to the left of that followed by Godfrey and the rest of the host. They proceeded on their way, notwithstanding-, knowing that the}^ could not be very far from the principal body, and towards night pitched their camp in the valley of Gorgon, in the midst of some rich meadows, and near a running stream.^ Their situation was, nevertheless, not near so de- sirable as they imagined, for Soliman, who during the siege of Nice had made the most imme^nse ef- forts for the purpose of relieving that city, now that it had fallen, hung with the whole of his force,^ to the amount of nearly two hundred thousand men,^ upon the left flank of the army of the crusaders, conceal- ing his own evolutions by his perfect knowledge of the countrjs and watching those of his enemies with the keen anxiety of a falcon hovering over her prey. No sooner had the separation we have mentioned taken place in the host of the Cross, than the sultaun hastened his march to overtake the army of Boe- mond, which was infinitely the weaker of the two divisions. Accustomed to every sort of rapid movement, So- liman soon came up with the forces of the Prince of Tarentum and the Duke of Normandy. The crusaders had been from time to time warned, 1 Fulcher, cap. 5; Raimond d'Agiles ; Orderic Vital ; Raoul de Caen. 2 Mills avers that the chiefs separated by mutual consent. I have found nothing to confirm this opinion. Radulphus says that there was a rumour to that effect, but shows that it could not be just, as the bag- gage of the troops of Boemond ;ind his party had, by the error that sepa- rated them, been left with the other division. William of Tyre leaves the question undecided. Fuicher says, absolutely, that the separation origi- nated in a mistake. Orderic Vital follows the same opinion. Raimond d'Agiles is not precise, but he says that it was done inconsiderately ; and Guibert decidedly affirms that it was accidental, and through the obscu- rity of the morning in ^v^^ieh they began their march. 3 William of Tyre. 4 Fulcher ; Raimond d'Agiles ; Albert. » Fulcher makes it amount to nearly three hundred and sixty thousand combatants ; and Raimond reduces the number to one hundr«>d and fifty thou^aiW. 120 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. during the preceding day, that an enemy was in the neighbourhood, by the sight of scattered parties of Arabs hovering round their army.^ Tliey neverthe less encamped by the side of a beautiful stream, that, flowing on tlirough the rich valley in which they were advancing, proceeded to join itself to the wateis of the Sangarius. Here they passed the night in repose, taking merely the precaution of throwing out sentinels to the banks of the stream. Early the next morning, Boemond and Robert again commenced their march, and had advanced some way,^ when the immense army of Soliman began to appear upon the hills. Boemond instantly sent off messengers to God- rey of Bouillon, and the rest of his noble compa- nions, of whose proximity he had now become aware, and gave orders for drawing up his forces, for pitching the tents, and for making a rampart of the wagons^ and baggage for the defence of the sick and the weak from the arrows of the Turks. In the mean while, turning to his knights and men at arms, he addressed them with the brief eloquence of courage. " Remember the duties of your calUng !" he exclaimed. " Behold the peril in which you are placed — charge boldly to meet the infidels — defend your honour and your lives !" While he spoke, the Turks rushed down to the battle with terrific cries,^ which, mingling with the tramp of two hundred thousand horse, and the ring- ing of their armour, together with the trumpets of the Christian host, and the shouts of the chiefs and the heralds, raised so fearful a din, that no one could hear another speak among the followers of the Cross. The army of Boemond, hastily drawn up, pre- sented a mingled front of horse and foot soldiers, and pilgrims,^ some but half-armed, some not armed 1 Fulcher. '^ Ibid ; Guibert. 3 William of Tyre ; Guibert ; Fulcher, cap. 5. 4 Guibert ; Will, of Tvr. 5 Fulcher ; Radulph. Cad. cap. 21. HIgTORY OF CHIVALRY. 121 at all ; while the Tu^ks came down in one torrent of cavalry. The immense numbers w^hich it con- tained all blazing witli glittering anns, and provided with be vs of horn and scimitars, dazzled and dis- nmyed the troops of the Christians. As the infidels approached, the European Chivaliy dropped the points of their long lances, and prepared to hurl back their foes, as was their wont, by the heavy and decided charge which proved always so effective ; but sud- denly, each Moslem raised his bow even as he gal- loped forward,' a thick cloud seemed to come over the sun, and then, two hundred thousand arrows dropping at once among the crusaders, a multitude^ of men and horses were instantly stretched upon the plain. Before the Christians could rally from the sur- prise, a second flight of arrows followed the first, doing dreadful execution among the foot-soldiers and the steeds of the knights.^ But now Tancred and Boemond led on their troops to the charge, and spurred their horses into the midst of the enemy. The Turks, as was their habit, yielded ground on every side, avoiding, by the swiftness of their chargers, the lances and the swords of the Christians, and, like the Parthians of old, continuing their fearful archery even as they fled. Vain were all the efforts of the European Chivalry, though, throwing away their useless spears, they endeavoured to reach the Turks with their swords ;* but nrvv, in turn, the swarming multitudes of iheir foes, pouring down fresh from the mountains on every side, no longer retreated, but pressed closer and closer upon them ; and as each adversary fell be- neath the vigorous blow^s of the knights, new foes started up to meet them. In the mean while, thick and fast was mown the 1 William of Tyre ; Guiberi ; Fulcher. 3 Fulcher, cap. 5 ; William of Tyre. 5 William of Tyre. « Raoul of Caen. K 122 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. fiov/er of the Christian army. The brother of Tail- ored, famed alike for his beauty and his courage, was slain before the eyes of his relation.' Tancred him- self, surrounded by a thousand enemies, fought as if Fate iiad put the weapon in his hands, but fought in vain. Boemond, with all his efforts, could scarcely extricate his gallant cousin from the torrent of ad- versaries in the midst of which he struggled, and even then it was with the loss of the banner of Otranto.^ Borne back by the growing multitude that pressed upon them, the knights gave v/ay before the Saracens, and were driven struggling upon the very pikes^ of tlie foot-soldiers that were advancing to their sup- port. At the same time Soliman, whose numbers gave him the means of surrounding the army of the crusaders, directed several large bodies of his cavalry through some marshes to the rear of the Christians, and in a moment the camp* of Boemond was invaded and deluged with the blood of the old, the women, and the helpless !^ Robert of Normandy, however, who had com- manded the reserve, noW beholding the flight of his allies, roused all the courage of his heart; and un- covering his head in the midst of the fray, shouted forth his battle-cry^ of " Normandy ! Normandy ! Whither fly you Boemond ?" he exclaimed ; " Your Apulia is afar ! Where go you Tancred ? Otranto is not near you ! Turn ! turn upon the enemy ! God « Albert ; Raou! of Caen ; William of Tyre. 2 Albert. 3 Raoiil of Caen. 4 Fulcher ; A", lert ; Raoul of Caen. 5 Albert of Aix informs us, that the ladies of Boemond's camp, seeing the merciles.s fury with which the Turks were dealing death to all ages and Bexos, clothed themselves in their most becoming garments, and strove to display their charms to the best advantage, for the purpose of obtain- .flg the durance of the harem rather than the grave. Albert was not pre- sent, and did not even visit the Holy Land ; and I find his account in this respect conhrmed by no other historian. The good canon, indeed, was somewhat fond of little tales of scandal, .so that I feel inclined to doubt his authority, where such matters are under discussion. He has aR anecdote in a similar style appended to his history of the taking of Nice. <> Rtidulphus, cap. 2"^ HISTORY or CHIVALRY. 123 wills it ! God wills it !" And seizing- his banner, he spurred on with his followers against the Turks, drove them back, rallied the cavalry^, and restored order and regularity to the defence. Boemond, in the mean Avhile, had turned his arms towards the camp; and the Turks had retreated from that quarter of the field, bearing v. ith them all that was valuable, and a considerable nunilier of prisoners. The army of the crusade was now concentrated on one spot, while that of the Turks, surrounding it on all sides, gave it not a moment's repose. Soldier fell beside soldier, knight beside knight.' Fatigue and thirst rendered those that remiained little capahle of defence ; and the dust and the hot sun made many of the wounds mortal, which otherwise Mould have been slight in comparison. In this conjuncture,^ the women that rem.ained proved infinitely serviceable, bringing to the troops water from the river, and by prayers and exhortations encouraging them to the fight. Thus lasted the battle for many hours, when first a cloud of dust, rising from beliind the hills, announced that some new combatants Avere hurrying to the field. Then rose above the slope banner, and pennon, and lance, and glittering arms, while the red cross flutter- ing on the wind brought hops and joy to the sinking hearts of the crusaders, and terror and dismay to the victoiious Turks.^ In scattered bands, spuning on their horses as for fe, cam.e the Chivalry of the west to the aid of their brother Christians. None waited for the others ; but each hastened to the fight as the fleetness of his charger would permit, and rank after rank, troop after troop, barmer followed by banner, and spear glittering after spear, came rushing ovei the mountains to the valley of the battle. " God Wills it ! God wills it !" echoed from hill to hill.^ 1 William of Tyre. 2 Orderic Vital ; Giiibert. * Albert of Aix ; Fulcher, cap. 5 ; William of Tyre < Radulph. Cadom. cap. 26. 124 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. Robert of Normandy shouted his war-cry, Boe- mond, with renewed hope, couched his lance, and Tancred rushed upon the slayers of his brother. At the same time' Godfrey of Bouillon arrayed his army as they came up, and, with levelled lances, drove down upon the Turks. Hu^^h of Vermandois attacked them on the flank, and Raimond of Tou- louse, with the warlike bishop of Puy, soon increased the forces of the Cross. The Turks^ still made great and valorous efforts to maintain tlie superiority they had gained, but the charge of the Latin Chivalry was irresistible. The infidels were driven back, compelled to fly in disor- der, and pursued over the mountains by the victo- rious crusaders.'^ In the hills the Christians, who fol- lowed hard upon their course, discovered the camp of the vSaracens, where immense booty, both in gold and provisions,'* became the recompense of their ex- ertions. Here, also, they found all the prisoners who had been taken in the first part of the battle, and a great number of beasts of burthen, of which they were themselves in great need. Among the rest was •a, multitude of camels, an animal which few of the Franks had ever seen before. These were all brought to the Christian encampment, and rejoicing suc- ceeded the fatigues and horrors of the day. The loss of the crusaders, after so long and severe a battle, if we can depend upon the account gene- rally given, was very much less than might have been anticipated. Only four thousand men^ are sup 1 Fulcher; Albert of AJx. 2 Albert ; Radulphus Cadomaehus, cap. 27, 28, et seq. ; William of Tyre. 3 Many of the Christians attributed their victory to the miraculous jnterpositi:?!! of two cenonized niartyia, wuo. in glittering armour, led on the army of Godfrey and the count of Toulouse, and scared the Turks more than .:'l tht. lancers of the crusaders. Though the supposed inter- posiiion rf sucH personages certainly robbed the leaders of no sraall b>are of gloi y, ye^ it gave vast confidence and enthusiasm to the infests* clasc'^s. » Albert of i.ix; Fulclisr; Guibert. « William of Tyre HISTORY OF CHIVALRV. 125 \jjsed to have fallen on the part of the Christians ; these were principally, also, of the inferior classes, who, unprotected by the armour which defended the persons of the knights, were fully exposeolved not to imbrue a sword drawn for honour and religion in the blood of his fellow-christians,'* he withdrew his forces from before Tarsus, and turned his arms against Mamistra. The Turks here, moie 1 Albert of Aix, lib. iii. ; Guibert ; Will. Tyr. 2 Radulphus, cap. S8. 3 Albert oJ Aix ; Guibert, lib. iiL 4 Raduiphus; Albert of Aix ; Guibert of Nogeiu. HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 129 bold vlian those of the former city, beheld his ap- proach unawed, and held out the town for several days, till at length it fell by storm, and the victorious chief planted his banner on those walls with far more honourable glory than that which surrounded the standard of Baldwin at Tarsus. In the mean while, another body of crusaders, de- tached from the troops of Boemond, arrived before the city in which Baldwin had established himself, and demanded entrance, or at least assistance and provisions. Baldwin' cruelly caused the gates to be shut upon them ; and had it not been for the charita- ble care of some of the Christian inhabitants, who let them down wine and food from the walls, they would have been left to expire of want. A fate hardly bet- ter awaited them. The Turks had still, by their ca- pitulation, maintained possession of several of the towers of Tarsus, but fearful of the superior force of Baldwin, they sought but a fair opportunity to es- cape witlwut pursuit. The very night that the de- tachment of which 1 have spoken above arrived, the Turks carried their intentions into effect,^ and find- ing a small body of Christians sleeping under the walls without defence, they made the massacre of the whole the first step in their flight. The soldiers of Bald- win and the citizens of Tarsus, who had together witnessed, v/ith indignation, the barbarous conduct of the French chieftain, now rose in absolute revolt.'^ Baldwin, however, having remained in concealment for a few da^^s, contrived to pacify his followers, and to overawe the city. After this he joined himself to a band of piratical adventurers, who about that time arrived accidentally at Tarsus, a^id who, mingling their lust of prey with some dark and superstitious notions of religion, had turned their course towards ilie Holy Land, in the pleasant hope of serving both 1 .Dieft. lib, iii. 2 Albert. « Ibid. L 130 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. God and Mammon with the sword.' With these Baldwin continued to ravage Cihcia, and at length approaching Mamistra, in which Tancred had esta- blished himself, he pitched his tents upon the imme- diate territory of that city. Tancred now gave way to his indignation, and issmng forth, though accom- panied by very inferior forces, he attacked Baldwin sword in hand, when a fierce engagement ensued be- tween the two Christian armies. The struggle was severe but short : the superior numbers of the French prevailed, and Tancred was forced to retreat into the city. On one side, the Prince of Salernum was made prisoner by Baldvvin,^ and on the other, Gilbert of Mont- clar was taken ; but the next day, shame for their un- christian dissensions took possession of each chief. Peace was agreed upon ; they embraced in siglit of the two hosts ; the captives were exchanged, and, as usual, Satan got the credit of the dispute. Baldwiii proceeded, after this, to join the main army, and left his piratical associates to aid Tancred in laying waste the country. During these events the great body of the crusade had remained for some time at Antiochetta, where the people continued to acquire new health and strength, in the enjoyment of that tranquillity and abundance which had been so long withheld" from them. Not so the chiefs, two of whom^ — and those of the most distinguished— had nearly, in this period of repose and peace, found that death which they had fiO often dared in ^he midst of battle and hardship. Godfrey of Bouillon, in delivering a pilgrim from the attack of a huge^ bear in the v/oods of Antio- cheita, had almost fallen a victim to his chivalrous courage: he received so many wounds, that even after having slain his ferocious adversary, he could ' Albert ; Raoul de Caen. ' J^ee also Fulcher. who was chaplain to Baldwin. 2 Albert of Aix ; Raoul of Caen. 3 Albert of Aix; William of Tyre; Raimond d'Agiles. 4 Albert of Aix ; William of Tvro HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 131 not drag himself from the forest to the camp ; and remained long and dangerously ill in consequence. At the same time, the Count, of Toulouse was seized with a violent fever, which brought him to the brinlc of the grave. Pie was taken from his bed and laid upon the ground — as was customar}^ among the pil- grims at the hour of death, that they might expire with all humility — and the Bishop of Orange administered the last sacraments of the cliurch :^ but a certain Count of Saxe, who accompanied the army, came to visit the leader of the Proven9als, and told him that St. Giles (the patron saint of the Counts of Toulouse) had twice appeared to him in a dream, assuiing him that so valuable a life should be spared to the cru- saders. Whether from the effect of that most excellent me- dicine, hope, or from a natural turn in his disease, the count suddenly began to recover, and before long was sufficiently well to accom.pany the army in a litter. The chiefs of the crusade now directed their march towards Antioch, suffering not a little from the deso- late state of the country, which, devastated on every side by the Turks, afforded no means of supplying the immense multitude that followed the standard of the Cross. After passing Iconium and Heraclea, their fatigues were destined to increase rather than di- minish. Their road now lay through uninhabited wilds, Vv'hich Robert the Monk describes in language at once picturesque and terrific.'^ " They travelled," says he, "with deplorable suffering 'through moun- tains where no path was to be found except the paths of reptiles and savage beasts, and where the passages afforded no more space than just sufficient to place one foot before the other, in tracks shut in between rocks and thorny bushes. The depths of the preci- pices seemed to sink down to the centre of the earth, 1 Raimond d'Agiles. 2 Robert. Mon. lib. iii. Albert of Aix 132 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. while the summits of the mountains appeared to rise up to the firmament. The knights and men-at-arms walked forward with uncertain steps, the armour being slung over their shoulders, and each of them acting as a foot-soldier, for none daied mount his horse. Many would willingly have sold their hel- mets, their breastplates, or their shields, had they found any one to buy, and some, wearied out, cast down their arms, to walk more lightly. No loaded liorses could pass, and the men were obliged to carry the whole burdens. None could stop or sit down : none could aid his companion, except where the one who came behind might sometimes help the person before him, though those that preceded could hardly turn tlie head towards those that fol- lowed. Nevertheless, having traversed these horri- ble paths, or rather these pathless wildernesses, they arrived at length at the city named Marasia, the in habitants of which received them with joy and re- spect." At Marasch tlie host was rejoined by Baldwin, whose wife died a few days before his arrival. His brother Godfrey,^ too, was still suffering from the effects of his combat with the wild beast, and all the chiefs of the crusade, indignant at his conduct at Tar- sus, gave him but a chilling and gloomy reception.- Tlie spirit of individual aggrandizement was still the strongest passion in the breast of Baldwin, and the coldness of his companions in arms yielded him no great encouragement to stay and employ his efforts for the general object of the expedition, rather than for the purposes of his own selfish ambition. He very soon abandoned the rest of the chiefs, contriv- ing to seduce tw^o hundred knights, and a large party of foot-soldiers, to join him ; and as his course was thenceforth separate from the rest of the crusaders, I shall follow the example of Guibert, and briefly Albert of Aix 'i William oi' Tyro HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 133 trace it out, till it falls again into the general stream of events. Accompanied by Pancrates,' an Armenian, who painted in glowing colours the wealth of the provinces on the other side of the Euphrates,^ and the facility with which they might be conquered, he set out with the vague hope of plundering something and over- coming some one, he knew not well what or whom. However, his skill as a commander was certain to find matter on which to exercise itself, in a country possessed by an active enemy, while his rapacious propensities were very likeh^ to be gratified in a rich and plentiful land, where the many were oppressed by the few. TurbesseP and Ravendel fell imme- diately into his hands, and were at first placed under the command of his companion, Pancrates ; but be- ginning to suspect that personage, he forced him to deliver up the cities, by imprisonment, torture, and a threat of having him torn limb from limb.^ He then passed onward, crossed the Euphrates, and at the Invitation of Thoros, sovereign of Edessa, entered that city, to free it from the power of the Turks. Tiioros, a weak and childless old man, was driven by the inhabitants — who were terrified at their infidel neighbours, and had no confidence in their feeble monarch — to adopt the brother of Godfrey, with all the curious ceremonies then practised on such occa- sions. He passed his own shirt over Baldwin's shoulder3,^jpressed him to his naked breast, and pub- licly declared him his son.^ * The transactions that followed are very obscure, and as I have not been able to satisfy myself in re- gard to the share which Baldwin had in the tumults that succeeded, and the death of Thoros, I will but state the facts, without attempting to trace them to 1 Albert of Aix. 2 The population of these countries was in general Christian. 3 Fulcher ; Albert. 4 Albert ; Guibert, lib. iii. 6 Guibert. 6 Albert. 13 1 K-ISTOIir OF CHIVALRY. secret, causes, which are now hidden in the dark ta- bernacle of the pas'^^. Something we know — Baldwin was ambitious, unscrupulous, intrig-uing, cruel — and shortly after his arrival, the people of Edessa rose against their unhappy prince, slew him, and elected Baldwin in his place. It does not absolutely appear that Baldwin was the instigator of these riots, or the prompter of the death of Thoros ; but it does appear that he did not exert himself as he might iiave done to put them down. That it was in his power to sup- press them is evinced by the rapidity with which he reduced the Edessians' to the most submissive obe- dience, immediately that the rank for which he had to contend ^'as his own. Ke afterward proceeded to aggrandize his domirjions, by attacking various of the neighbouring cities, and thus, in continual strug- gles, he passed his days, till some time after his com- panions in arms had completed their conquest of the Holy Land. In the mean while, Tancred took possession of the whole country as far as the town of Alexandretta, in the Gulf of Ajasse ; and the great army of the cru- sade continued its m.arch, throwing forward Robert of Flanders to seize on Artesia.^ The Mahommedan soldiery prepared to resist ; but the Armenian inha- bitants opened the gates to their Christian deliverers, and the infidels were massacred without mercy. On the news of this event, Baghasian, the commander of the Turkish garrison of Antioch, apparently not knowing the immediate proximity of the whole Chris- Yian forcN, endeavoured to cut off, by stratagem, the small army of the Count of Flanders, who was accom- panied by only one thousand knights. For this pur- pose the Turk advanced from Antioch,'' followed by nearly twenty thousand horsemen, whom he placed in ambush in a plain near the city, while he himself, 1 Guiberf, lib. iii.; where see the manner in which Baldwin contrived to subjugate the inhabitants. 2 Albert of \ix. 3 Guibert HISTORV OF CHIVALRY. 135 at the head of a petty detachment, armed alone with bows of horn,' advanced as if to reconnoitre the Christian troops. Robert of Flanders and his knights suffered themselves to be deceived, and charged the enemy, v;ho tied before thera, but in a moment they were surrounded by immensely superior numbers, who, with terrific cries, rushed on, to v/hat appeared a certain victory. The gallantry^ and courage of th6 Christian warriors served to deliver them from the danger into which the excess of that very cou- rage had brought them, and charging the Turks with vigour in one decided direction, they succeeded in cutting their way tiirough, and effecting their retreat to the city. Here, however, they were besieged by the enemy ; but the arrival of Tancred, on his return from his victorious expedition, together with reinforcements from the mam army, relieved them from the pre- sence of the Turks, who retreated upon Antioch. 1 Albert. 2 Mills declares, that the Christians were rescued from this ambus- raJe by thu arrival of Tancred. I find the account of Albert of Aix to'ji'lv oo'in-frt lo such a statement ; v.'hile the passage in Raoul of Caen relating to this event is so full of errors in other respects, that no reliance could be placed upon it, even if it justified the assertion of Mills, which, however, it does not do. He states, that Tancred arrived long before the ambuscade, and that he Ibund Ualdwin at Artesia. By this he might mean Baldwin de Bourg, who, afler the other Baldwin became King of Jerusalem, was also created Count of Edessa ; but this interpretation cannot be admitted here, as he mentions the former disputes between the soldiers of Tancred and of the Baldwin to whom he refers, and who could therefore be none oilier than the brother of Godfrey, who was, we know, in Edessa at the time. We may therefore conclude, that as a principal part of this account is notoriously false, Raoul of Caea cannot be considered as any authority, so far as this event is concerned. Find iiif, the statement of Tancred's as.sistance here not confirmed by any ul er good authority, I have abided by the account of Albert. }3fl HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. CHAPTER VII. The Host of the Cnisade invests Antioch— 'Description of that City-^ Difficulties and Errors of the Crusaders — Improvidence — Famine — Spiei,— Desertions — Embassy frovi the Calif of Egypt— Succoi.rs from the Genoese and Pisans — Battle — Feats of the Christian Knights — Boeinond keeps up a Communication within the Town — The Town betrayed to the Christians— Massacres — Anival of an Army from Persia — The Christians besieged in Antioch — Famine — Desertions — Visions— Renewed Enthusiasm — Di?ninished Forces of the Christians — Battle of Antiorh — The Crusaders victorious — Spoils — Disputes ivith the Count of Toulouse — The Chiefs determine to repose at Antioch — Ambassadors sent to Alexius — Fate of t/ieir Embassy. The army now began to approach towards An- tioch ; and it was evident, that the task which the champions of the Crosshad undertaken was becoming more and more difficult, as it drew near its consum- mation. The host was proceeding further and fur- ther from all resources ; its enemies were gathering strength and falling back upon fresh supplies ; mul- titudes of the invaders had died, and others were each day joining the dead : little hope of fresh rein- forcements could be entertained, and the flame of enthusiasm was waxing dim, while fatigue, privation, and continual anxiety were gradually bringing dis- gust to the enterprise. The council of leaders,' well aware of the increasing dangers, now issued orders that in future no party whatever should absent itself from the main body ; and all considerable detach- ments having rejoined it, 1>hey marched on to the val- ley of the Orontes. Over that river a stone bridge of nine arches was the only passage : this was strongly fortified, and closed with doors plated witl, iron, from which circumstance it had received the name of the iron-bridge. The Turks defended this 1 Albert of Aix. HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 137 formidable position with great valour ag-aiust Robert, Duke of Normandy, who commanded the advance guard of the crusading. army; but on the arrival of Godfrey and the other forces, the bridge was carried, the river passed, and Antioch invested. In the vast plain situated at the foot of the moun- tains,^ tlie Orontes Avanders on towards the sea, skirting, during a part of its course, the steep boun- dary which closes in the plain of Antioch from the south. On one of the bendings of the river was situated the town of Antioch, which, climbing up the hills, took within the embrace of its massy walls three high peaks of the mountain, one of which standing towards the north is separated from the others by a steep precipice, and was then crowned by a high and almost impregnable citadel.^ The town itself, which extended in length two miles, was so strongly fortified by art and nature, that none of the active means then known seemed likely to take it by assault. The walls of the city were not abso- lutely washed by the Orontes ; for between them and that river was a space of level ground, the breadth of which Raimond d'Agiles estimates at an arrow's fliglit ; but, as the river turned in its course, it ap- proached nearer to the town, and an antique bridge,^ Mdiichthe crusaders at first neglected to secure, gave infinite facility to the Turks, both in annoying theii adversaries, and in procuring supplies. On the othei side, spreading from the river to the foot of the mountains, was a marsh supplied constantly by some ' fresh springs. Over this also was thrown a bridge, which equally remained in the hands of the infidels. The encampment of the crusaders was conducted witliout any degree of military science.'* Various points were left open and unguarded; each chief seemed to choose his own situation, and form hia own plan of attack ; and the most scandalous waste 1 Raimond cV.Vpiles. 2 Will. Tyr., Raimond, 3 Albert of Aix. ■4 Raimond ; Guibert of r»"ogent. 138 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. and profusion from the very first laid the foundation of after want and misery. Such were the obstacles which impeded the pro- gi-ess ©f the forces of the Cross, and which might ul- timately have rendered all their efforts abortive, had not other circumstances arisen to bring about an event that their own skill and conduct would never have accomplished. It is not necessary here to de- scribe the position of the several leaders : suffice it, that Tatin, as he is called by the writers of that day, the commander of the troops of Alexius, took up his station in a spot detached from the rest. Three hundred thousand men capable of bearing arms,' sat down under the walls of Antioch ; and such a pro- fusion of provisions was found, even for this im- mense multitude, that the greater part of each animal slaughtered was wasted, the crusaders in the wan- tonness of luxury refusing to eat any but particular parts of the beast.^ Such was the formidable appearance of the city, however, that a council was held to consider whether it would be advisable to attack it at once, or, remain- ing beneath the walls, to wait and see if famine would spare the work of the sword, or spring bring fresh resources to the besiegers. This opinion was soon negatived, and the attack began ; but the walls of Antioch resisted all efforts. Every means then known was employed by the crusaders to*batter tlie heavy masonry of those mighty bulwarks, but in vain. Moveable tov.'ers, and catapults, and mango- nels, and battering-rams, were all used ineffectually : while the besieged, in a variety of sallies, harassed night and day the Christian camp, and destroyed many of the assailants. The consequences^ of their first improvidence were scion bitterly visited on the heads of the cu- 1 Raimond ; Albert says six hundred thousand ; Guibert of Nogent 2 Raimond. 3 Raimond d'Agiles ; Albert d'Aix ; Guibert de Nogent, lib. iv.; Robert HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 139 saders. Famine began to spread in the camp ; and pestilential diseases, engendered by unwholesome food and the neighbourhood of a large tract of marshy land, in the autumn and winter seasons, raged tliroughthe hosts of t)ie Cross, and slew more fearfully even than the arrows of the enemy. Death in every shape grew familiar to their eyes, and the thought of passing to another world lost all the salu- tary horror wliich is so great a check on vice. Crimes of various descriptions were common;' and the sharp urgency of famine, joined with that hor- rible contempt of all human ties, which the extreme of mortal need alone can bring, induced many of the crusaders, deprived of other aliments, to feed upon the dead bodies of the slain.^ At the same time, the Turks suffered not their miseries to pass without aggravation, but kept the unsparing sword constantly at their throats;^ while, by a number of spies, dressed in the garb of Greeks and Armenians, the garrison became aware of all the movements and necessities of their besiegers."* To correct the crimes of the camp, a court was instituted, with full power to try and punish ; while, to prevent the im- morality which was grov/ing too glaring for en- durance, the women were separated from the general host, and provided for and protected apart. At the same time, Boemond employed a some- what savage mode of freeing the army from the spies by which it was infested. Having detected some Turks in disguise, he caused them to be slain and roasted in his presence ; declaring, that famine knew no delicacies, and that in future he should feed upon such fare. Still, however, the mortality and the dearth increased; and though an excursion made by Boemond^ and Robert of Flanders brought 1 Raimond d'Agiles : Albert of Aix ; Guibert de Nogent. 2 Malmsbur)-. 3 Albert ; Raimond d'AgUw*. * Guibert de Xosent ; Robertus ]Monaclius, lib. jv 6 Guibert; Albert; Robert. Mon. 140 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. a temporary supply to the camp, yet that was soon improvidently wasted like the rest, and the scarcity became more rigorous than ever. Desertion of course followed.' Among such a multitude, there were many whose hearts were not of that firm and all-enduring mould which could alone carry on an enterprise surrounded by such horrors and distresses. Taticius,^ the Greek, upon pretence of searching foi assistance at Constantinople, retreated with the few troops he commanded ; and his example was fatal to the resolution of many others. Various bodies of crusaders abandoned the army, and found refuge in the different Christian states that still subsisted in the neighbouring countries : many tried to tread their n^ay back to Europe ; and the Count de Melun,'' a celebrated warrior, but a notorious plunderer, at- tempted to quit the host of the Cross, and seek some other adventure, where personal danger was not accompanied by famine and privation. Even Peter the Hermit himself,'* no longer looked upon as a great leader or an inspired preacher, seeing misery, death, and horror pursuing the object of all his enthusiasm, and feeling himself, perhaps, less valued than his zeal merited, was abandoned by that ardour which had been his great support. Whereas, had he been still regarded as a prophet, or followed as a mighty chief, he would probably have borne the extremity of suffering without a murmur; noM% told to endure want and wretchedness as a private individual, he yielded, like the weakest of those that surrounded liim, and tried to flee from the pangs which he had no stimulus to endure. Both of these fugitives^ were brought back byTancred; and after undergoing a severe reprimand, were forced to vow that they would 1 Raimond d'A^rjies. 2 Ibid; Guibcrt; Robertus Monachu? 3 Guibert says he was a boasting coward ; but this is contradicted bv others. '* Guibert de Nogent ; Robert 6 Guibert ; Robertus Monachus, hb. iv HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 141 never abandon the enterprise till the army had reached Jerusalem. In the mean while,^ the camp of the crusaSers re- ceived embassies from two different and unexpected quarters. Which arrived first, or at what period of the siege either arrived, is of little consequence, and impossible exactly to determine; for on this subject, as well as every other collateral circumstance, each of the contemporary authors differs from his fellows; and the historian may think himself fortunate when he finds them agreeing- even on the principal facts. The news of the progress of the Christian host had spread even to Cairo -{■ and the calif of Egj'pt, from whose hands Syria had been wrested by the Turks, sent deputies to the leaders of tlie crusade, probably more with the intent of ascertaining their real con- dition, and the likelihood of their ultimate success, than for the purpose of binding himself to them by any formal treaty. His messengers, however, were charged to congratulate the Latins on their progress, and to offer the most advantageous terms of union, if they would consent to act in concert with the Egyptian power. They ^ detailed the mild and libera] measures which the calif had employed towards the Christians of their countiy, and they engaged the leaders to send back ambassadors to the court of their sovereign.-* After the siege had continued some time, a most 1 Robert. Monac. 2 Albert of Aix. 3 Raimond d'Ai^iles; Vertot ; Guibert: William of Tyre. 4 This is one of the points on which the authorities of the day are in direct opposition to each other. Mills has chosen ths opinion of Rcr- bertus Monachus, who states that the message of the caiif was haughty and insolent. I have followed another version of the story, because I find it supported by a greater weight of evidence, and because 1 do not think the calif would have taken the trouble of sending all the way from Egypt to insult a party of rnen whose persevering conduct showed that they were not likely to be turned back by words. Guibert says, that tlie c-alif promised even to embrace the Christian laith, in case the crusaders overcame the Turks, and restored to him his Syrian dominions. Albert of Aix also vouches the same proposal, which, however iinprobabic might have been mado for the purpose of deceiv-ir.g the crusaier.'* 142 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. welcome aid, both in men and stores, arrived at the little .port of St. Simeon, situated at the mouth of the Orontes. This town had already, for many years, served as a seaport to Antioch, which, in its high prosperity,' had carried on considerable trade with the Italian cities of the Mediterranean; and to it the states of Genoa and Pisa now sent a large rein- forcement of soldiers,^ and several ship-loads of pro- visions. The famished crusaders proceeded towards the spot in straggling crowds, and Boemond,'' with the Count of Toulouse, at the head of some regular troops, marched down to escort their newly arrived brethren, and the supplies they were conveying, to the general camp of the crusaders. The Turks of Antioch, however, let no opportunity of vengeance and annoy- ance pass unemployed. Boemond, embarrassed with a multitude of rabble, and encumbered with baggage, was encountered, as he returned through the moun- tains, by a large body of Moslems, who, taking him unprepared, slew a great number of the people, and put the leaders and their knights to flight. Boemond arrived breathless at the camp, but the rumour of the battle had preceded him. Godfrey of Bouillon'* was already in the saddle ; and now, joined by Raimond and Boemond, together with Hugh of Vermandois, the Duke of Normandy, and Robert of Flanders, he advanced to the top of the hills, behind which the victorious Turks Avere winding onward, on their re- turn to the city. A skirmish took place for the position on the mountains, but the Christians obtained it with little difficulty ; and thus cut off the enemy from the tow^n.^ The Turks were forced to fight once more ; but they were opposed no longer by an undisciplined crowd ; and the Chivalry of Europe never displayed that 1 Robertson's Historical Disquisition on India. 2 Robert, lib. iv. 3 Albert of Ai.\. * Albert ; Robert. Mon. 6 Albert of Aix, lib. lil. HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 143 almost superhuman valour^ which distinguislied them, with greater effect. Allowing- even for the exag^^era- tion of eulogy, tlie efforts of the knights must have been extraordinary. Godfrey is reported to have mowm the heads of the Turks as a mower strikes down the thistles; and all the authorities of that day repeat the tale of his having at one blow severed an urmed infidel in twain, though protected by his cui- rass.2 Eveiy chief rivalled the other ; and, beyond all doubt, several of the infidels must have fallen by the hand of each knight. While thus the sword raged among the Turkish host, many made their Avay to the bridge, and rushed across it in such crowds, that hundreds were thrust over into the water. On the other side, too, Boemond, with a large body of pikemen on foot, opposed their passage,^ and hurled them at the point of the lance into the river, the banks of which w^ere lined v/ith the crusaders, who repelled even those that swam to land.^ Thus lasted the fight till the sun going down put a stop to the carnage ; and the Christians, with songs of victory and loaded with spoil, returned to their camp for the night. More than two thousand men, several of whom were of high rank, w^ere left by the Turks on the field of battle : a multitude found death in the Orontes; but the number of the fallen was nevei correctly ascertained,^ although the Christians, with the characteristic barbarity of the time, dug up many of the dead bodies that the Turks had burled during the night.^ Various efforts both from within and without were made to raise the siege, but in vain. On one occasion an immense body of Saracens, Arabs, and Turks was defeated by seven hundred Christian knights, to which 1 Robertus, lib. iv. 2 Robert. ; Albert of Aix, lib. iii. 3 Guibert ; Albert of Aix, lib. iii. 4 Robertus ; Albert, 5 Five thousand perished on the bridge and in the water, according t« Robert the Monk. 9 Robertus Monachus. 144 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. small number^ the disposable cavalry* of the army was reduced. Famine, however, disease, and tem- pests did more to alarm and destroy the crusading force than all the efforts of the infidels. The winds'^ became so high that the tents even of the chiefs were blown down, and for some time they were forced to sleep in the open air. An earthquake^ was felt to- wards the beginning- of the year, and was of course considered as an omen. A comet,^ too, blazed through the sky ; but as the superstitious fancied they beheld in it the form of the Cross, this rather increased than abated their hope. In the midst of these circum- stances Stephen,^ Count of Blois, never very famous for his valour, pretended illness, and retired from the army of the crusade, accompanied by four thousand men, whom he led to Alexandretta. A more serious desertion, also, was threatened, though no design ever existed of its execution : Boemond^ himself began to murmur at the length of the siege. He was poor, he declared : he had given up every thing in his native country for the Cross, and he could not waste his blood and treasure, and see all his soldiers fall in a siege which was to be productive of no advantage to himself. Such murmurs had their object, and might perhaps spring, in some degree, from a weak quarrel with Godfrey of Bouillon, on the subject of a tent, which had been sent to the duke by the Prince of Armenia, but which had been waylaid by Pan- crates, the Armenian I have had occasion to mention in speaking of Baldwin ; and had by him been given to Boemond. The Prince of Tarentum had been obliged to yield it by the decision of all the leaders ; but thougli this was a subject of irritation, he had more ambitious projects in view. Boemond for some time, through a proselyte Turk ! Guibert menlions previously that the number of horses was rediim-ii to a tnousand ; lib. iv. 2 Robertus ; Guibert. 3 Raimond d'Agilen. 4 Guibert, lib. v.; Fulcher, cap. *. i Will. Tyr, ; Albon ; Fuk^ier, cap. 8. « Raimond d'Agilsa. IHSTORY or CHIVALRY. 145 to whom he had given his name at baptism, had kept up a communication with the commander of one of the chief towers, on tliat part of the city wall which looked towards the gorges of the mountains. This man,' by birth an Armenian, had embraced Mahomet- anism, and raised himself high in the opinion of the prince of Antioch. He had in consequence received the command of the important^ station I have men- tioned, while his two brothers occupied the neigh- bouring towers.^ The origin of his communication with Boemond is variously stated, but tlie event is the same. He was won over by magnificent pro- mises to engage that he would admit that chief Wd his followers into the town when called upon. Boemond, however, did not intend at all that the intelligence which he had thus practised within the walls should be lost to himself, and benefit others alone :^ but knowing^ the jealous nature of his com- panions, he waited patiently till circumstances com- pelled them to concede to him the sovereignty of Antioch, in the event of its being taken by his means. At first the proposal was rejected by the other leaders ; but soon, increasing reports that an immense army, coram andet. ; Albert. 3 Guibert. 4 William of Tyre, lib. v. ; Robert. lib. v. ; Guibert, lib. v. 5 This transaction is reported variously. Albert of Aix says, that the proposal of Boemond was at once received with joy. Raoul of Caen gives a different account, and states that the bishop oY Puy, on the sug- gestion of Boemorrd, suggested that the town should be" given to hin; who could first obtain it. Guibert and Robert rel-ate it as I have done above. The archbishop of Tyre declares that no one opposed the pro jo.-^:al of Boemond but the Count of Toulouse. 140 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. Other great leaders, but it was under the most solemn promises of silence' on the subject ; for, notwith- standing all the precautions that could be taken, it was well known that the Turkish spies infested the Christian camp. With the utmost caution all the measures were concerted for carrying the project into effect, and thi-ough the whole army the rumour was spread that the preparations made by the chiefs were for the purpose of laying an ambush for the Persian forces, that were approaching. Phirouz, the Arme- nian traitor, was warned that Boemond was about to take advantage of his offer; and as soon as night had completely set in, the Princeof Tarentum, with abody of chosen knights, proceeded into the mountains,^ as if with the design of surprising the host of the Per- sians. Only seven hundred men, however, were selected for this perilous expedition; and marching in the dead of the night, they crossed the valleys and precipices of the rocky chain on wdiich the city rested, and halted in a deep dell at some distance from the walls. The wind was blowing in sharp gusts, and its bowlings among the gorges of the mountains pre- vented the tramp of the armed men from reaching the watchers on the w^alls. Having assembled their forces in the valley, Godfrey and Boemond explained to their followers the real nature of the enterprise they meditated. A single interpreter was sent for- ward, to confer with their traitorous coadjutor, and to ascertain that all was prepared. Phirouz assured him that he was ready, and asked eagerly where were ' the knights ; being told that they were near,^ he pressed them to advance, lest any thing should excite the suspicion of the other commanders, especially as, from time to time, men with lighted torches pa- trolled the wall during the night, and it was neces- sary'' that they should take advantage of the iniervaL 1 Will. Tvr. ; Albert of Aix ; Guibert, lib. v. 2 Albert of Aix ; Robertus, lib. v. 3 Rohortus. lib. v., 2d Juno, A. D. lOyS. HISTORY OP^ CHIVALRY. 147 Godfrey, Robert of Flanders, and Boemond instantly led the troops to the foot of the fortifications; a rope was let down, and a ladder of hides raised. At first,' no one could be found to mount. Unaccus- tomed to carry on any warlike operations during- tha night, a thousand unwonted fears took possession of the bosoms of the crusaders. At length, urged by the chiefs, and encouraged by Phirouz from above, one knight — which of the body is not certain^— began to ascend the ladder, and was followed by several others. Silence then su /ceeded, and temporary hesi- tation once more took p( ssession of thie force below : but the voices of their companions who had ascended, whispering assurances of safety and ' fidelity, soon renewed their courage, and many attempting to climb the ladder at once,^ it gave way under their weight, precipitating them upon the lance-heads that were buried in the fosse. The clang of their armour as tliey fell was a new cause of alarm, lest the sound should reach the other towers : so loud, however, was tlie roaring of the wind, and the hollow rushing sound of the Orontes, that the noise was not heard • Guibert, lib. v. ; Raimond d'Agiles; Albert. 2 There is some reason to believe that Boemond was the first who entered, as stated by William of Tyre ; but as Albert of Aix makes no mention of the fiict, and as Gnibert de Nogent declares positively that Boemond, who is certainly his favourite hero, did not mount till si^tv others had preceded him, as Raimond d'Agiles gives th* honour of the f.iat to Fulcher de Chartres, and as Robert the Monk confirms that asser- tion. I have left the matter in doubt, as I found it. In regard to the storj'- of Phirouz murdering his brother hi his sleep, because he would not aid In his design, I believe fully that it was but one of those ornamental falsehoods with which men are ever fond of decorating great and extra- ordinary events. 1 doubt not that the tale was current in the time of William of Tyre, who reports it; and the act was, beyond question, looked upon as a noble and devoted one on the part of Phirouz ; but as I find nothing to confirm it in any book I possess, except the simple fact of that Armenian having been a traitorous rascal, please God, till further evidence I will look upon it all as a lie. Robert the Monk re- presents, in very glowing terms, the grief of Phirouz for the death of his two brothers, who were killed in the m lee. Phirouz became a Christian, at least in name ; and to cover the baseness of his perfidy, he declared that the Saviour himself had appeared to him in a vision, com- manding him to deliver up the town, 3 Albert of Aix; Guibert, lib. v.; Raimond d'Agil»9. 148 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. by any but those immediately aroimd. The ladder was easily repaired, and more than sixty knights had reached the top of the battlements when the torch of the patrol began to gleam along the walls in its ap- proach towards them. Hid^ in the shadows of the tower, the crusaders waited the officer's approach, and before he could spread the alarm death had fixed the seal of silence on his lips for ever. The knights now descended through the staircase in the masonry, and finding the soldiers of the guard asleep, they speedily rendered their slumbers eternal. A postern gate was then forced open,^ and the seven hundred champions rushed into the city sounding their horns in every direction, as had been agreed between the chiefs, in order that on this signal the town might be at the same time attacked from without. It would be painful to dwell upon tlie scene of slaughter that ensued. The Turks were soon awa- kened by the shrieks of their falling comrades, and by the trumpets of their victorious foe : they ran to arms,3 and for many hours manfully opposed their conquerors hand to hand, though all hope of victory Avas now over. The Greeks and Armenians has- tened to force open the gates and give entrance to the rest of the army of the Cross : but, in the dark- ness that prevailed, many of the Christians as well as the Turks were slaughtered by the victors, who butchered ail ages, sexes, and conditions, with indis- criminate rage and haste,-* in which fear and agi- tation had probably as much to do as cruelty and fanaticism. During the whole of the night the crusaders con- tinued the massacre of their enemies ; and Albert of Aix^ declares, that the following morning they found they had slain many of their own countrymen by 1 Albert of Aix, lib. iv. 2 Guibert ; Albert ; Raimorid d'Agiles. 3 Raiinoiid ; Robertas Monachus, lib. vi. ; Albert. ^ Guibert, lib. v 5 Albert of Aix, lib. iv. TTISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 149 mistake. Such a fact is not difficult to conceive of a Dody of men wandering without guide through a hos- tile town, with the paths of which they were unac- quainted. As ever follows the violent capture of a large city, the soldiery first satisfied themselves with bloodshed, Lud perhaps added some extra cruelties to gratify tl: eir fanaticism, and then betook them- selves to plunder and debauchery ; nevertheless, they committed not greater excesses than we have seen perpetrated in days not very distant from our own, by the troops of civilized nations, without the fiery stimulus of religious zeal for a palliation. I mean not to^ defend the cruelties of the cru- saders, but I mean to say, that they were not extraor- dinary in that age, or in any age that has yet passed : God only knows what may be to come. The cru- saders treated the infidels as the infidels had often treated the Christians ; and as Christians,. unhappily, have too often treated Cliristians like the-mselves. Their plunder was not at all of a more atrocious kind than that which attends every storm ; and as to the hypocrisy^ with which Mills charges them, that writer quite loses sight of the spirit of the age onwiiichhe writes, and metes men's actions by a standard that they never kne v/. The crusaders were not hypocrites, they were merely fanatics ; and in the relentless fury with which they pillaged, injured, and massacred the Turks, they thought they did God as good and pleasing service as in singing praises to him for the victory they had obtained. They w^ere fearfully wrong in their principle, it is true, but still they acted upon principle, and there- fore in this they were not hypocrites. Baghasian, the Turkish prince of Antioch,^ fled with a part of his troops to the citadel, but finding that security could not long be found within the walls of tlie town, he escaped alone to the moun- s See Mills's History of the Crusades. ^ Roberlus Monachus, lib vi. ; GtiiberJ • Fulcher; Albsrt 150 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. tains, where he was waylaid by some Syrian Chris- tians and slain. His head, with all the venerable marks of extreme age, was struck off by his shivers, and carried, with his rich sword-belt, into Antioch, where it proved an acceptable present to the rude victors. Thoiig-h much spoiP of various kinds was found in Antioch, little that could satisfy the cravings of hun- ger had been left by the Turks. They, themselves closely blockaded, had been driven nearly to want ; and the Christians soon began to suffer from the very precautions they had formerly taken against their enemies. In the first joy of their conquest, too, the little discipline that ever existed in a chivalrous host was completely relaxed, and before it could be sufficiently restored for necessary measures to be taken in order to procure supplies, famine v/as in the city, and the hosts of the Persian sultaun'^ encamped beneath the walls. The invasion of the Christians, the fall of Nice, and the siege of Antioch had spread consternation through the empires of the Crescent; and the mo- narch of Persia had roused himself from the con- temptuous sloth in wliich he had first heard of the crusades, and raised an immense army, to sweep away, as the Moslem expressed it, the band of locusts that had fallen upon the land. Kerboga, or Corbohan, as he was named by the Christians, the emir of Mosul, and favourite of the calif, took the command of the army ; and being joined by Kihdge Asian, the sultaun of Roum, with a considerable force, proceeded at the head of about three hundred thousand men towards Antioch. He would, in all probability have reached that city in time to prevent its fall, had he not turned from the direct road to ravage the principality of Edessa, and dispossess Baldwin.^ From thence, however, he ' Guibert, lib. v. ; Robertas ; Albert. 2 Guibert; Albert of Alx- ' William of Tyre ; Albert of Aix. HISTORY OF CHIVALRV. 151 was called, before he con'd accomplish his object, by the news of the Christians' success, and in a few days Antioch was once more invested. The first attempt of the Moslems was to throw supplies into the cita- del, which the Latins had hitherto neglected to at- tack. In this they in some degree succeeded ; and the crusaders, being- roused to watchfulness, took what measures they could against further reinforce- ments reaching- the castle. In the mean while the Christians, who had suffered what appeared the extreme of privation while assail- ing the very walls they now defended, were reduced to a state of famine which beggars all description.^ The most noisome animals, the most unsavoury- herbs, became dainties at the tables of the great. The horses that remained were slaughtered without consideration, and all virtue and order gave way un- der the pressure of necessity. All sorts of vice became rife, and debaucherv^ grew the more horrid from being the debauchery of despair. The Persians, encamped closely round them, had burnt the vessels, destroyed the port of St. vSimeon, and cut off all communication with the neighbouring country. Nevertheless their guard was not so strict but that many of the crusaders escaped over the v.-alls,- and fled to the Count of Biois at Alexandretta, excusing their pusillanimity by tales of the horrors they had undergone. Stephen of Blois, now rejoic- ing in his timely evasion, abandoned his comrades altogether, and with the stragglers who had joined him from Antioch, among wliom were many knights and nobles of distinction, he retreated towards Con- stantinople.^ By the way he encountered a large force commanded by Alexius, who was marching, not to succour the crusaders, whose condition he did not yet know, but to take advantage of their con- 1 Robertus, lib. vi. ; Albert of Aix, lib. iv. ; William of Tyre 2 Rfibertu.s Monachus, lib. vi. ; Guibert, lib. v. •^ A Ibert of Aix. 158 HISTORY OF CHIVALRV. quests. The cowardly monarch, in deep sympathy ivith the cowardly fugitives, turned his back upon Antioch ' eyelid ; and before midnight was well past, the whole host was on foot towards Jerusalem. It was a lovely morning, we are told, in the summer time ; and after they had wandered on for some time in the darkness, the sun rushed into the sky with the glorious suddenness of eastern dawn, and Jerusalem lay before their eyes. The remembrance^ of all that that mighty city had beheld ; the enthusiasm of faith ; the memory of dan- gers, and ills, and fatigues, and privations, endured and conquered; the fulfilment of hope ; the gratifica- tion of long desire ; the end of fear and doubt ; com- bined in every bosom to call up the sublime of joy. The name was echoed by a thousand tongues — Je- rusalem ! Jerusalem!- Some shouted to the sky;^ some knelt and prayed ; some wept in silence ; and some cast themselves down and kissed the blessed earth. "All had much ado," says Fuller, with his emphatic plainness, "to manage so great a glad- ness."^ To rejoicing, at the sight of the Holy City, suc- ceeded wrath, at seeing it in the hands of the infidels. The ai my marched forward in haste, drove in some parties of Saracens, who had vauntingly come forth » Alb rt. 2Raou! of Caen; Albert; Fulcl^er. 3 Albert of Aix, lib. v. * Guibert. 5 Guibert, lib. "^A. ; Roben ^ Holy V/« 170 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. from the ga,tes ; and Jerusalem was invested on all sides. Some of the people, indeed, approaclied bare- foot, in deep humiliation, and in remembrance' of the sufferings of Him wlio had purchased salvation to a world by agony and death ; but the greater part of the soldiers advanced with purposes of wrath, and took, up their various warlike positions round about the town. The attack was begun almost immedi- ately after the first preparations ; and Godfrey of Bouillon, Tancred, the Duke of Normandy, and'Ro- bert of Flanders, by a vigorous effort, carried the barbicans, and reached the wall.- A portion of tliis, also, was thrown down with axes and picks; and several knights, mounting by ladders^ to the top of the battlements, under a hail of arrows and Greek fire, fought for some time hand to hand with the Turks. At length, after many had fallen on both sides, it became evident to the leaders that nothing could be effected without the usual machines, and tlie assault was suspended. All the energies of the host were now employed in constructing implements of war. Timber was pro- cured from Sichon :'* some Genoese seamen, having arrived at Jaffa, were pressed by the crasaders into the service of the Cross, and by their mechanical skill greatly facilitated the construction of the engines required. Catapults, mangonels,^ and large moveable towers were prepared, as in the siege of Nice ; and to these was added a machine called the sow, formed of wood, and covered with raw hides to protect it from fire, under cover of which soldiers were employed in un- dermining the walls.^ During the fabrication of these implements, a dreadful drought pervaded the army; and all the wells in the circumjacent counti^ 1 Raimond. 2 Robert; Albert; Guibert, lib vii. 8 Fulcher mentions several ladders, but says they were too few. * Albert of Aix; Guibert. 6 Raimoud; Albow. 6 Albert of Aix HISTORY OF CHIVAOIV. 171 having been filled up by the Turks, the only watei that reached the camp was brought from far, and paid for as if each drop had been gold. The soldiers, un- able to procure it, wandered away in the search, ot watched' the morning dew, and licked the very stones for moisture. Yice and immorality again grew pre- valent, and superstition was obliged to be called, in aid of virtue. From forty to sixty thousand men w^re all that re- mained of multitudes ; and it became obvious to the leadt'rs that dissensions could no longer exist with- out hiizarding their. destruction. Tancred,^ the first in every noble act, set tlie example of conciliation, and em.braced his foe Raimond of Toulouse, in the sight of the whole army. An expiatory*^ procession was made by the chiefs, the soldiers, and the clergy, round the city of Jerusalem ; and prayers were of- fered up on each holy place in the neighbourhood for success in this last field. The Turks, on their part, forgetting the desperate valour which the crusaders had displayed on every occasion, beheld these cere- monies with contempt ; and raising up the image of the Cross upon the walls, mocked the procession of llie Christians, and threw dirt at the symbol of their faith. The wTath of the crusaders was raised to the uttermost, and the sacrilegious insuif'was remem- bered to be atoned in blood. The engines were at last completed, and the attack once more begun. The towers^ were rolled on to the walls, the battering-rams were plied incessantly, the sow was pushed on to the foundations ; and while the Saracens poured forth fire^ and arrows upon the besiegers, the crusaders waged the warfare with equal courage from their machines. Thus passed the whole *l Guibert; Albert. 2 Albert of Aix. 3 Raimoml d'Ajiiles ; Guibert. 4 Albert of Aix. 5 Raimond d'Agiles ; Albert of Aix. 6 Albert describes perfectly the effect of (he Greek fire, and says it could only be extinguished by the means of vinegar, which, on the second * day, the crusaders prorided in great qua"»"> 172 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. day in one of the most tremendous fights that thj host of the Cross had ever sustained. Night fell, ana the city was not taken. The walls of the town were much injured, as well as the engines used by the as- sailants ; but by the next morning both had been re paired, and the assault recommenced, and was re ceived with equal ardour.' The leaders of the Chrr. tian army occupied the higher stages of their move- able towers, and Godfrey of Bouillon himself,^ armed with a bow, was seen directing his shafts against all who appeared upon the walls. Such soldiers as the machines could not contain were ranged opposite the walls, urging the battering-rams, plying the mango- nels, and, by flights of arrows, covering the attack from the towers. The enthusiasm was great and general ; the old, the sick, and the feeble lent what weak aid they could, in bringing forward the mis- siles and other implements of war, while the women encouraged the warriors to daring, both by words and their example ; and hurried through the ranks, bearing Avater to assuage the thirst of toil and excite- ment. Still the Saracens resisted with desperate valour. For their homes and for their hearths they fought ; and so courageously, that when more than half the day was spent, the host of the crusade was still repulsed in all quarters. At that moment a sol- dier was suddenly seen on IMount Olivet, waving on the crusaders to follow.^ How he had penetrated does not af)pear, or whether he Avas not the mere creature of fancy. The idea, at all events, instantly raised the fainting hopes of the Christians. Im- mense and almost supernatural efforts were made in every quarter; the tower of Godfrey of Bouillon was rolled up till it touched the wall; the moveable bridge was let down, and a knight called Lutold'* sprang upon the battlements — his brother followed — another 1 Raimond. 2 Quibert ; Albert of Aix. 3 Raimond rt'Agiles; William of Tyre. ♦ Robert ; Guiberl, lib. vii. ; Albert > ^ HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 173 and another came to his support.— Godfrey, Baldwin de Bourg, and Eustace de Bouillon rushed in ; and the banner of the Cross announced to the anxious eyes of the army that Cnristians stood upon the bat- tlements of Jerusalem.' Tancred and Robert of Nor- mandy burst open one of the gates, while Raimond of Toulouse, almost at the same instant,^ forced his way into another part of the city by escalade. The Turks fought^ for a time in the streets, but then fled to the mosques, and were in every direction massa- cred by thousands. It is dreadful to read of the blood which on that awful day washed the pavements of Jerusalem. The courts of the mosque of Omar floated *n gore, and scarcely the most remote and obscure i;orners of the city gave shelter to an infidel head. The soldiers'* remembered the impious mockeries with which the Turks had insulted the Cross, and the leaders i)elieved that they were doing God good service in exterminating the blasphemous strangers who had polluted the holy places of Jerusalem, per- secuted and butchered the unhappy Christians of ludea, and desecrated the altars of God. To have spared tliem or their accursed race would have been ;tonsidered impious : and Godfrey himself not only en- ?S':'»uraged the slaughter, but aided with his own hand. An immense number of Saracens had betaken themselves to the temple of Soliman, as it was called,' and there had prepared to defend themselves to the last ; but the pursuers were too strong to be resisted, and nearly ten thousand men are said to have fallen in that building. Those even who had climb/-"! to thf^. roof were sought out the next day,^ and several, 1 15tyi July. A. T>. 1099. 2 Guibert ; Raimond. 3 Albert ; Robert. •» Ibid ; Guibert. 5 Gnib^rt ; Raimond d'Agiles ; Robert. 6 Tancred and Gaston of Bcarn had proini^ed quarter to these un- happy wretches, and had ;^iven them a banner as a certain protection. It was early the next mornmg, before those chiefs were awake, that this massacre was committed by some of the more bloodthirsty of the era saders. Tancred was with great difficulty prevented from taking sig r.al vengeance on the perpetrators of thia crime. — fi«xibert ; Albert 174 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. to avoid the sword, cast themselves down and were dashed to pieces. Some authors mention a second massacre,' and greatly exaggerate the butcliery that was perpetrated. In reg-ard to this second massacre, there is much his- torical evidence to show that no such event took place ; and I v/ould fain believe that it was not the case. It cannot, however, be denied, that the most humane of the Christian leaders in that age were taught to look upon all mercy to the infidels as an injury to religion; and it is beyond doubt, that after the general slaughter committed on the capture of Jerusalem, Godfrey de Bouillon,^ with the other lead- ers and soldiers, washed away the marks of gore, cast oif their armour, assumed the robe of penitents, and, going to the holy sepulchre, offered up their prayers to the mild Teaclier of our beautiful reli- gion, convinced that they had accomplished a great and glorious work, and consummated an acceptable sacrifice in the blood of the infidels. Such was the doctrine which, in that day, men were taught from their cradles : such the strange inter- pretation put upon the Gospel of Peace. I The story of the second massacre rests upon the authority of Albert of Aix", from whose writings it has been copied by all who have repeated it. Albert of Aix never visited the Hely Land. None of those who were present at the fall of Jerusalem (that 1 can discover) make th<3 slightest mention of such an occurrence; and we have the stronjre^ proof that part of Albert's story is false ; for he declares that all the Sa racens were slaughtered in this second massacre, even tnose who hav. previously been promi-ijed protection ; and we kiiov/ that many we(3 sent to Ascalon. — See Guibert, lib. vii.' Robert, who was present speaks of many who v/ere spared.- -Robfrtus. lib. ix. Fulcher. who was in the country, if not present, does not allude to a second massacre Raimond d'Agiles, who was a witness to the whole, passes it over ia silence ; though each of these persons always speaks of the slaughter of the Saracens as the most praiseworthy of actions. The Archbishop of Tyre also, who copied Albert wherever he could be proved correct has stamped doubt upon this anecdote by omitung it entirely I havi thought fit to notice this particularly, because Mills lays no small stresa upon the tale. 2 Guibert ; Albert ; William of Tyre. HtSTORY OF CHIVALRY. 175 CHAPTER IX. Sleet ion of a King — dodprey of Bouillon — Sketch of the History o/Je- rusnlem — DeaUi fif the cliirf (Uusmkrs — iVt'Ju Bodies of Crusaders sit out from Europe — Their' Destnict ion in Asia Minor— Arvird Pit gnmages — The Northern Armaments — The Venetians — The Genoese. and Pisans — Anecdotes of the Crusaders — Battle of the Childrtn at Antioch—The Thafnrs—Baldwin''s Htimanity well repaid — Svper stitions—Armsofike Crusaders— Of the Turks— Hospitallers — Tem- plars. The great end of the crusade was now accom- plished. Jerusalem was delivered from the hands of tlie infidels ; but much remained to be done. To conquer the Holy City had been a work of prodi- gious difficulty ; to keep it was perhaps more so ; and it became evident that its defence must be in- trusted to one powerful chief. For this purpose the several lea,ders who had formed the general council of the crusade met to elect a King of Jerusalem. The nomination to that liigli office was so extraor- dinary an honour, that the writers of each nation whose forces contributed to the crusade have de- clared their own particular prince to have been chosen;' and, as it was known that none of tliese did actually reign, they have furnis-hed each with a suitable excuse for declining the distinguished task. It is probable, however, that the choice of the as- sembly reaih'^ fixed at once upon the only person fitted for tlie office ; and (to combine the words of Fulcher and Robert the Monk) that, " considering the excellence of his nobility,^ his valour as a kniglit, his gentleness and patient modesty, as well as the purity of Ins morals, Godfrey of Bouillon was elected king by the wFiole people composing tlie aimy of God, with the unanimous wish, the general consent, 1 See Raimond d'Agilcs ; Giiibert; Albert : Brompton ; William ot MalmsbHry. 2 Fulciier, cap. 18; Robert. Mon. lib. ix 176 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. and the judgrnent of all." Various clerical cabals followed for the dignity of patriarch, of which it is not necessary to speak here. Scarcely v/as the new monarch' seated on his throne, when the gathering forces of the Moslems called him again into the field. With the wise po- licy of activity, Godfrey did not wait to be besieged in Jerusalem, but marching out with all the troops he could muster, he advanced tov/ards Ascalou, where a large infidel army had assembled, attacked and routed it completely, and thus secured the con- quest he had gained. ^ But the virtues of Godfrey were not long destined to bless, or his talents to protect, the new kingdom of Jerusalem.'* In the month of July, 1100, he was seized with a severe illness, on his return from a distant expedition, and in a few days the throne of the Holy Land was vacant. Such an unexpected event of course spread dis- sension and consternation among the crusaders. Tancred, who was at Jerusalem, and from his great military name enjoyed no small power, offered tlie crown to Boemond, and beyond all doubt would have succeeded in causing his election, had Boemond been able to accept immediately the sceptre thus held out to him.'* But the Prince of Antioch^ was at the moment a prisoner in the hands of some Armenian Tin-ks.<^ The Patriarch, on his part, endeavoured to raise Jerusalem into a simple hierarchy,"^ and to unite the crown with the mitre. The partisans of the Count of Toulouse also struggled in his behalf 1 Godfrey appears never to have taken the title of king, from a feeling of rslijiious humilit}'. 2 Robert. 3 Albert ; Will. Tyr. 4 Albert 5 lie was taken, after having sufTered a complete defeat from the emir Damisman, as he was hastening to the succour of Gabriel of Armenia. 6 Will.Tyren.; Radulph. ; Cadom. 7 Arnould, one of the most corrupt priests in the army, had been elected patriarch, but was deposed almost inimedisTtely ; and Daimhert, "Who arrived from Rome as legate, was chosen in "his stead. This Daimbert it is of whom I speak above. He seems to have conceived, frcm the first, the idea of making Jerusalem an eastern Rome, and •wrung many concessions from Godfrey, whu-b were little respected by that cbief's successors. HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 177 fo the supreme power ; but in the end, Baldwin, Prince of Edessa, the brother of Godfrey, was elected, and after some intriguing on the part of the Patri- arch, was anointed King of Jerusalem. It does not enter into the plan of this book to give a history of Jerusalem under its Latin kings: I shall, however, briefly notice each, that the occasion and object of the after-crusades may be properly under- stood. Baldwin, on his election,' displayed virtues that had slumbered, and lost vices that had been displayed on other occasions. He extended the boundaries of his kingdom, humbled its Saracen enemies, instituted wise and salutary laws, and showed firmness, mode- ration, and activity in his new station, as well as the great military skill and enterprising spirit he had formerly evinced. He took Assur,^ Cesarea, and Acre; and added Beritus, Sidon, and several other places to the kingdom of Jerusalem. At length, in the execution of a bold expedition into Egv'pt, Bald- win died, and his body, after being embalmed, by his own particular direction, was carried back to the Holy City. Baldwin de Bourg, who, on the elevation of Bald- win I. to the throne of Jerusalem, had received the principality of Edessa, was now called to the vacant throne, and proved himself one of the wisest and most valiant of the Latin sovereigns of Judea. He also greatly extended the limits of his dominions ; but in passing between Turbessel and Edessa, ac- companied by a few soldiers only,^ and unsuspicious of any ambuscade, he was suddenly surrounded, and carried a prisoner to Khortopret, where he remained in close confinement for several years. During his imprisonment Tyre was added to the territories of Jerusalem,'* and various successful battles were William of Tvre. 2 Ilist. llipros. ; Jacob, lib. i.; William of Tvre; Fulcher; Albert. 3 Will, of Tyre ; Fulcher of Chartres. 4 Fulcher. 178 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. fought against the Moslems. After his liberatioit he offered the hand of his daughter to Foi-lk d Anjou, who had some time before visited Jerusalem upon an armed pilgrimage. The Count of Anjou gladly accepted the proposal, and returning to the Holy Land, espoused Melesinda, soon after which he ascended the throne of Jerusalem, on the deall; of Baldv/in. Foulic combined many virtues; was kind, affable, and humane, as well as skilful and Courageous in the field. After a reign of thirteen years he left the kingdom to his son, entire, indeed, but neither more extended in territory, nor more consolidated in power, than when he received it. Baldwin III. succeeded; at the time of his acces- sion being but a boy. Dissensions and animosities raged among all the feudal dependants of the crown of Jerusalem.^ The Mosiems scattered through the country, and girding it on ever)^ side, took advantage of each new dispute to harass their Latin invaders with desultory warfare. The empe- rors of the east strove continually to wrest some- thing of their old possessions from live descendants of the crusaders, and thus divided the forces, and paralyzed ail the efforts made by the Christians to establish and secure their yet infirm dominion. At length Zenghi, emir of Aleppo, and Mosul marched against B»dessa, the government of which principality had been transferred, on the accession of Baldwin de Bourg to the throne of Jerusalem, to Joscelyn de Courtenay, and from him had descended to his son. The son had not inherited the virtues or tlie valour of his father; and while Zenghi attacked, stormed, and took Edessa, he was rioting in debauclieries at Trrbessel. So severe a reverse spread consternatiov througli Palestine. Others, though of a less impop tant nature, followed ; and the news of these mis- fortunes soon reached Europe, where it gave mattrt 1 WiiiiamofTirc. 2 Hist Iliero?. : Jacob. Vit. ; Will, of Tyre HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 179 .0 the eloquence of St. Bernard, and occasion for a 118V/ crusade. Long before this period, all the chiefs wlio had at fiist led the armies of the Cross to Jerusalem had tasted of the cup reserved for all men, and few words will end the history of each. Godfrey, Baldwin, and Baldwin de Bourg we have already conducted to the tomb. Boemond, as I have said, fell into the hands of the Moslems ; : nd after a captivity of two years, was permitted to pay a ransom, and return to his pnn- cipality. On arriving, he found that" his noble rela- tive, Tancred, had not only preserved, but increased his territories during his absence ; and after several years continual warfare with Alexius on the one hand, and the Moslems on the other, mingled with opposi- tion to the King of Jerusalem, Boemond sailed for Europe. There the fame he had acquired obtained for him the hand of Constantia,' daughter of the King of France. Heryoungersister, Cecilia, was bestowed upon Tancred, who had remained in the government of Antioch. By the aid of France, Boemond raised large forces and landing in Greece, ravaged the dominions of Alexius, who was at length fain to conclude a peace with the powerful and enterprising Italian. The Prince of Antioch then sent forward the greater part of his troops to the Holy Land, while he himself re- turned to Italy to prepare for the same journey. Death, hmvever, staid his progress ;^ for, after a short ilhiess, he ended his career in Apulia, in 1109.^ Tan- cred still survived, and defended constantly the ter- ritories of his cousin against every attack for three years after the decease of Boemond. At last the 1 Fulcher; Abert. 2 Raoul of Caen; Will. Tyr. ; Fu'cber. 3 Guibert.'lih. vii. i Will, of Tyr. ; Guibert. 5 Guibert say.s that Boemond died from the effects of poison. Other suthors declare that ^rief for havintc been obliged to enter into a less «dvaiUa2eous treaty with Alexins than he had anticipated occasioned k-.^ death ; bat, from his whole history, I should not look upon Boemond a mail i.kely to die of grief. 180 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. consequences of a wound he had received some tim» before proved fatal, and the noblest and most chival- rous of all the Christian warriors died in the prime of his days. On his death-bed he called to him his wife, and Pontius, the son of the Prince of Tripoli,' and, aware of the necessity of union among the Christians, he recommended strongly their marriage, after death should have dissolved the ties between himself and Cecilia. The government of Antioch he bequeathed to his cousin Roger ;^ but, with the same noble in- tegrity which he had displayed through life, he made the new regent promise, that in case the son of Boe- mond should ever come to claim those territories, they should be resigned to him without dispute. Thus died Tancred ; who, from all that we read of the crusaders, was, with the exception of Godfrey, the noblest of the followers of the Cross — a gallant leader, a disinterested man, a generous friend, a true knight. Previous to his death, however, he had been en- gaged in all the great events in Palestine. After the election of Godfrey, and the battle of Ascalon, the other chiefs of the crusade had either returned to Europe or spread themselves over the country, in pursuit of their own schemes of private ambition, leaving the new kingdom of Jerusalem to be supported by its king and Tancred, with an army of less than three thousand men. This penury of forces how- ever, did not long continue, or the Holy Laud must soon have resumed the yoke it had thrown off. The spirit of pilgrimage was still active in Europe ; and combined with this spirit was the hope of gain, spring- ing from vague and exaggerated accounts of the wealth and the principalities v/hich the leaders of ilie first expedition had acquired. ' Ilevvafs the grandson of that Raimond, Count of Toulouso, of whos« conduct 1 have so often had occasion to speak already, and whose pers9> vera-K-e against Tripoli will be mentioned hereafter. 3 Will. Tvr. HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 181 Pilgrimages now differed from those that had pre- ceded the conquest of Jerusalem, in being anned; and many bodies, of several thousand men each, arrived both by sea and land, and proved exceedingly serviceable in peopling the devastated lands of Pa- lestine. Various larger enterprises, more deserving the name of crusades, were planned and attempted, which it would be endless to name, and tedious to lecount. Nearly five hundred thousand people set out from Europe for Syria,' and to these seveial of those crusaders who had gojie back to Europe joined themselves, urged either by shame for their former desertion, or by the hope of obtaining easier con- quests, and less dangerous honours. Of these, then, I will speak first, before noticing more particularly the armed pilgrimages, in order that I may trace to the end all those leaders of the first crusade who died in the Holy Land. The first great expedition set out not many years after the taking of Jerusalem, and consisted of several smaller ones from various countries, which united into larger bodies as they proceeded, and endeavoured to force their M'ay through Asia Minor. At tlie head of tnese armies were Count Albert,^ of Lombardy ; Conrad, Constable of the Western Empire ; Stephen, Count of Blois, wliom we have seen flying from the land to which shame now drove him back ; Stephen, Duke of Bur- gundy ; the Bishops of Laon and of Milan ; the Duke of Parma ; Hugh, Count of Yermandois,'^ who now again turned towards Jerusalem ; and the Count of Nevers : as well as William, Count of Poitiers; Guelf, Duke of Bavaria; and Ida, Marchioness of Austria. At Constantinople the first division mel with Raimondof Toulouse,** who had returned to ihac city from, tlie Holy Land, in search of aid to pursue the schemes of a grasping and ambitious spirit. The new crusaders put themselves, in some c''3gree, 1 Fulcher ; Albert of Aix ; William of Tyre. ' Albert of Aix ; William of Tyro 3 Fulcher. 4 Albett of Aix. 183 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY under his command and guidance ; but their first step was to disobey his orders, and to take the way of Paphlagonia, instead of following the track of the former crusade. They were for many days harassed in their march by the Turks, then exposed to famine and drought, and finally attacked and cut to pieces by Kilidge Asian, who revenged, by the death of more Ihan a hundred thousand Christians,' all the losses they had caused him to undergo. The principal leaders made good their escape, first to Constan- tinople, and then to Antioch ; except Hugh of Ver- mandois, who died of his wound at Tarsus. The Count of Nevers,^ who commanded the second body, met the same fate as the rest, and followed them to Antioch, after the destruction of his whole force. William of Poitiers, with the Duke of Bavaria and the Marchioness Ida, were also encountered by the victorious Saraceuv's, and their defeat added another to the triumphs of the infidels and to the Christian disasters. The Duke of Bavaria, stripping himself of his arms, fled to tlie mountains, and made his ea- ;;ape. The precise fate of Ida of Austria remained unknown ; but it appears certain she was either suf- fered to die in captivity, or was crushed to death under the horses' feet.^ The Count of Poitiers, com- pletely destitute of all resources, and separated from his companions, wandered on foot till he arrived at Antioch,'* where he was kindly received by Tancred, still alive, and met the other chiefs who had encoun tered disasters like his own.^ The principal leaders proceeded straight to Jerusalem, with the exception of Raimond of Toulouse, who had long fixed his heart upon the conquest of the rich tract of Tripoli, which he attempted for some time in vain. Death staid him in his progress,^ and Baldwin succeeded in accomplishing wliat he had designed ; after which the king erected the territory acquired into a feudal 1 Fulcber; Albert. 2 Albert. 3 Albert of Aix. •* Fulchsr. Albert. 6 Fulcher. cap. 35, A. D. 1105. HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 183 county, which was bestowed upon the son of the de- ceased Raimond. In the mean while Stephen, Count of Blois, reached Jerusalem ; and having, by a second completed pilgrimage, wiped out, as he thought, the disgrace of having quitted the first crusade, he embarked, with William of Poitiers, to return to Europe. A contrary wind, however, drove back the vessel nUo Jaffa,' and here Stephen found himself called upon to join Baldwin in an attack upon the Turks. The king advanced with only seven hundred knights,'' de- ceived by reports of the enemy's weakness ; but in the plains of Ramula he found himself suddenly op- posed to the whole Turkisii army. The spirit of Chivalry forbade his avoiding the encounter, and in a short time the greater part of his force was cut to pieces. He himself, with his principal knights, made their way to the castle of Ramula, from which he contrived to escape alone. The rest were taken, fighting bravely for their lives ; and though some were spared, Stephen of Elois'' was one of severa. who were only reserved for slaughter. Thus died the leaders of the first crusade who met their fate in Palestine, and thus ended the greater and more general expeditions which had been sanctioned by the council of Clermont, and excited by the preach- ing of Peter the Hermit. The ultimate fate of that extraordinary individual himself remains in darkness. On the capture of Jerusalem, when the triumphant Europeans spread themselves through the city, the Christian inhabitants fiocked forth to acknowledge and gratulate their deliverers."* - Then it was that all the toils and dangers which the Hermit had endured, were a thousand fold repaid, and that ail his enthu- siasm met v/ith its reward. The Christians of Jeru- salem instantly recognised the poor pilgrim who had first spoken to them words of hope, and had promised I Fulcher, cap. 27. 2 Albert, lib. ix. ; Fnlcher 8 Albert: Fulcher. James of Vitry : Hist. Hieros. ab 184 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. them, in their misery under the Turkish oppression, that aid and deliverance which had at length so glo- riously reached them.' In the fervour of their giati- tude they attributed all to him ; and, casting them- selves at his feet, called the blessing of Heaven on the head of their benefactor. After that period Peter is mentioned several times by the historians of Jeru- salem -^ and we find that he certainly did act a very principal part in the clerical government of the city.'' Whether he returned to Europe or not I confess I do not know. He is said to have founded the abbey of Montier, in France, and to have died tliere ; but this rests upon no authority worthy of confidence. In the meanwhile, many of the Christians who had escaped the active swoitIs of the Saracens in Asia Minor made their way to Jerusalem, and served to people and protect the land. Various armaments, also, arrived at the different seaports, bearing each of them immense numbers of military pilgrims, who, after having visited the holy places, never failed to offer their services to the king of Jerusalem, for the purpose of executing any single object that might be desirable at the time. Three only of these bodies are worthy of particular notice, that of the English, Danes,^ and Flemings, who assisted Baldwin at the unsuccessful siege of Sidon — the Norwegian expedition which succeeded in taking that city — and that of the Venetians, who afterward aided in the capture of Tyie. The Ge- noese^ and the Pisans, also, from time to time sent out vessels to the coast of Palestine ; but these voyages, which combined in a strange manner the purposes of traffic, superstition, and warfare, tended 1 Hi?t. Hieros. abrev. 2 Mills says that the last historical meiit'on of Peter is that \vhic!i re lates to his recognition by the Christians of Jerusalem ; but such is no- the case. \Ve find him mentioned as a very influential person on the occasion of the battle of Ascalon. — See Raimond (VAgiles; Guibert, lib. 'i. 3 Guibert, I b. vii. 4 Albert of Aix, lib. x. fw^illiam of Tyre. 5 Fu'.cher; William of Tyro. HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 185 rather lo the general prosperity of the country by commerce, and to its protection, by bring-ing conti- nual recruits, than to any individual enterprise or conquest. Many anecdotes are told of the first crusaders by their contemporary historians, which — though resting on evidence so far doubtful as to forbid their intro- duction as absolute facts — I shall mention in exem- plification of the manners and customs of the time. The number of women and children who followed the fiist crusaders to the Holy Land is known to have been immense ; but it is not a little extraordinary, that in spite of all the hardships and dangers of the way, a great multitude of both arrived safe at Jeru- salem. The women we find, on almost all occasions, exercising the most heroic firmness in the midst of battles and destruction ; and Guibert gives a curious account of the military spirit which seized upon the children during the siege of Antioch. The boys of the Saracens and the young crusaders, armed with sticks for lances, and stones instead of arrows, would issue from the town and the camp, and under leaders chosen from among themselves,' who assumed the names of the principal chiefs, would advance in regular squadrons, and fight in the sight of the two hosts, with a degree of rancour which showed to wb^-.t a pitch the mutual hatred of the nations was carried. Even after the crusaders had fallen in battle or had died of ihe pestilence, their children still pursued their way, and getting speedily accustomed to fatigue and privation, evinced powers of endurance equal to those of the most hardy warriors. With the army of the Cross also was a multitude of men — the same author declares — who made it a profession to be without money ; they walked bare- foot, carried no arms, and even preceded the beasts of burden in the march, living upon roots and herbs- and 1 Guibert, lib. vii. P 186 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. presenting a spectacle both disgusting- and pitiable. A Norman,' vvho, according to all accounts, was of noble birth, but who, having lost his horse, continued to fol- low as a foot-soldier, took the strange resolution of putting himself at the head of this race of vagabonds, v.'ho willingly received him for their king. Among tlie Saracens these men became well known, under the name of Thafurs (which Guibert translates Tru- dentes), and were held in great horror from the general persuasion that they fed on the dead bodies of their enemies : a report which was occasionally justified, and which the king of the Thafurs took care to encourage. This respectable monarch was fre- quently in the habit of stopping his followers one by one, in any narrow defile, and of causing them to be searched carefully, lest the possession of the least sum of money should render them unworthy of the name of his subjects.^ If even two sous were found upon any one, he was instantly expelled from the society of his tribe, the king bidding him, contemptu- ously, buy arms and fight. This troop, so far from being cumbersome to the army, was infinitely serviceable, carrying burdens, bringing in forage, provisions, and tribute, working the machines in the sieges, and, above all, spreading consternation among the Turks, who feared death from the lances of the knights less than that further ronsumm.ation, they heard of, under the teeth of the Thafurs. Mercy tCA'ards the Turks was considered, by the contemporary clergy, to whom we owe all accounts of the crusades, as so great a weakness, that perhaps fewer instances of it are on record than really too'c place ; for we seldom find any mention of clemency to an infidel, witliout blame being attached to it. Thus the promise of Tancred to save the Turks oa the roof of the temple is higlily censured, as well as I GuiberMJb- vii. 2 Ibid. HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 187 the act of the Count of Toulouse, in granting their lives to some five hundred wretches, who had taken refuge in the Tower of David. One deed of this kind is told of Baldwin I., more as in its consequences it saved the king's person, than as any thing praiseworthy in itself. Pass- ing along one day on horseback, after his troops had been employed in wasting the country, Bald- win is said to have met with an Arabian woman, who had been taken in labour by the way.' He co- vered her with his own cloak, ordered her to be pro- tected by his attendants, and having left her with two skins of water, and two female camels, he pur- sued his march. The chances of the desultory war- fare of those times soon brought back her husband to the spot, and his gratitude was the more ardent as the benefit he had received was unusual and unex- pected. After the fatal day of Ramula, while Bald- win, with but fifty companions, besieged in the ill- fortified castle of that place, was dreaming of no- thing but how to sell his life dearly, a single Arab approached the gates in the dead of the night, and demanded to speak with the king. He w^as in con- sequence brought to Baldwin's presence,^ where he recalled to his mind the kindness once shown to the Arab woman, his wife; and then offered to lead him safely through the lines of the enemy. The fate of Palestine at that moment hung upon Bald- win's life, and, trusting himself in the hands of the Arab, he was faithfully conducted to his own camp,^ where he appealed, says William of Tyre, like the morning star breaking through the clouds. Superstition, which in that age was at its height in Europe, was, of course, not unknown in Palestine, and all sorts of visions w^ere seen. Battles, accord- ing to the monkish accounts, were won by relics and 5 William of Tyre. ? Albert ofAix and Fulcher give a different account of Baldwin's escape ^ Will. Tyr. lib. x. 188 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. prayers more than by swords and lances. A part of theHoly Cross was said to be found in Jerusalem, a thousand more martyrs were dug up than ever were buried, and we find one of the bishops ferens in pyxide lac sanctce Marice Virginis. Ghosts' of saints, too, were seen on every occasion, and the Devil him- self, in more than one instance, appeared to the cru- saders, tempting them with consummate art to all kinds of crimes. The evil spirit, however, often — indeed generally — found himself cheated by his vic- tims in the end, who, by repentance, gifts to the church, and fanatical observances, easily found means to " swear the seal from oft' their bond." The appearance of an army in the times of the first crusade was highly gorgeous and magnificent.^ The number of banners of purple and gold, and rich colours — each feudal baron having the right to bear his banner to the field — rendered the Christian host in full array as briglit a spectacle as the sun could shine upon. The armour of the knights also gave a glittering and splendid effect to the scene ; nor was this armour as has been represented, entirely of that kind called chain mail, which formed tlie original hauberk. It varied according to various nations, and it is evident from the continual mention of the corslet or breastplate, by all the authors I have had occasion to cite in this work, that that piece of plate armour was used during the first crusade.^ It is pro- bable, however, that the armour generally worn was principally linked mail, which, in the case of tlie knights, enveloped the whole body, being composed of a shirt of rings, with hose, shoes, and gauntlets, Df the same materials. The helmet misrht also be 1 Albert ; Raimond d'Agiles ; Fulcher ; William of Tyre ; G*iibert. 2 Albert of Aix; Raimond d'Asfiles ; Guibert. 3 Mills is wrong in supposing tiiat plate armour was not at all known Before the beginning of the thirteenth century. As far back as the time Mf Louis the Debonair, the Monk of St. G-all gives a full description of e man in plate armour, and also mentions the barb, or iron covering of the horse. HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 189 covered with a chainhood, which completed the dress. In addition to this, it is not unlikely that a cuirass was frequently M'orn with the shirt, as we find, from the poem of William the Breton on Philip Augustus, that it was even then a common practice to wear a double plastron or cuirass, though plate armour had returned into common use. The shield, charged with some design, but certainly not with regular armorial bearings, together with the lance, sword, and mace, completed the arms, offensive and defensive, of a knight of that day.' I cannot find that either the bat- tle-axe or the armour for the horse is mentioned during the crusade; yet we know that both had been made use of long before. The foot-soldiers were in some cases allowed to wear a shirt of mail, but not a complete hauberk, and were armed with pikes, b:ws, and crossbows; though it would seem that tliey gained their knowledge of the latter instrument from the Saracens, there being several lamentations, in all the accounts of their first entrance into Asia Minor, over their unsKilfi^lness in the use of the arbalist. The luxury with which the Christians marched to the crusade may be conceived from the narrative given by Albert of Aix, of the rout of the troops of Conrad and his companions, who followed to the Holy Land, immediately after the capture of Jerusa- lem. Among the spoils taken by the Turks, he men- tions ermines,^ sables, and all kinds of rich furs, purple and gold embroidery, and an incalculable quantity of silver. The roads, he says, were so strewed with riches, that the pursuers trod upon no- thing but besants and other pieces of money, precious stones, vases of gold and silver, and every sort of siik and fine stuff. The Turks proceeded to battle with even greater 1 See, for these particnlars, the Monk of St. Gall; Albert of Aix : Rai- mond d'Ajiiles; Fulcher; Guiberi; William of Brittany; Menestner Bt. Palaye ; Ducange. 2 Albert of Aix, lib. viii. 190 HISTORY OF CIIIVALRy. magnificence ; and, after the victories of Antioch and Ascaloii, we read continually of invaluable booty, jewels, golden helmets and armour standards of sil- ver, and scimitars of unknown worth. The arms of the Turks were lighter, in all probability, than those of the Christians, and in general consisted of the sword and the bow, in the use of which they were exceedingly skilful.^ We find, however, thrit the va- rious nations of which the Mahommedan armies were composed used very different weapons; though all Vv'ere remarkable for the manner in which they eluded their enemies, by their skill in horsemanslhp, and the jfleetness of their chargers. One nation, mentioned by Albert of Aix under the title of Azoparls, are called the invincible, and were furnished with heavy maces, with which they aimed at the heads of the horses, and seldom failed to bring them down. After the conquest of Palestine by the Christians,^ the surrounding tribes continued to wage an unceas- ing war against their invaders ; but nevertheless many of the Mussulman towns ^''Itum the limits of the kingdom of Jerusalem submitted to the conquerors, and were admitted to pay tribute. A fi'ee communi- cation also took place between the followers of the two religions, and a greater degree of connexion be- gan to exist than was very well consistent with the fanaticism of either people. A mixed race even sprang up from the European' and Asiatic population, the children of parents from different continents being called PuUani. At the same time the country was governed by European laws,^ which, not coming within the absolute scope of this book, I must avoid treating of, from the very limited spac.'e to which I am obliged to confine myself. Suffice it to say, that Godfrey of Bouillon, among the first cares of govern* 1 Fu'cher ; Guibert. 2 Albert of Aix ; Fulcher; Robertus Monachus. 3 Fulcher ; William of Tyre ; Albert. •» Ducange. « Assizes par Thaumassiere HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 191 merit, appointed a commission to inquire into the laws and customs of the various nations which formed the population of the country he was called to rule. From the investigation thus entered into was drawn up an admirable code of feudal law, under the title of Assizes cle Jerusalem. Two institutions of a strictlr chivalrous nature, which were founded, properl] speaking-, between the first and second crusades, J must mention here, as all the after-liistory of knight hood is more or less connected with their progress. I mean the two military orders of the Hospital and the Temple. The spirit of religious devotion and military fervour had been so intimately united during the whole of the crusade, that the combination of ttie austere rules of the monk, with the warlike activity of the soldier, seems to have b-;en a necessary consequence of the wars of the Cros^. Long previous to the crusade, some of the citizens of Amalti having been led to Jerusalem,'^ partly from feelings of devotion, partly in the pursuit of com- merce, had witnessed the misery to which pilgrims were exposed on their road to the Holy Land, and determined to found an hospital in which pious tra- vellers might be protected and solaced after their arrival at the end of their journey. The influence which the Italian merchants possessed through their commercial relations at the court of the calif, easily obtained permission to establish tlie institution pro- posed. A piece of ground near the supposed site of the holy sepulchre was assigned to them, and the chapel and hospital were accordingly built, at dif- ferent times, and placed under the patronage, the one of St. Mary, and the other of St. John the Al- moner. A relidous house was also constructed for those charitaUe persons, of both sexes, who chose to dedi- 1 William of Tyre, lib. xviii. 3 Vertct 192 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. cate themselves to the service of tlie pilgrims, and who, on tlieir admission, siibje<-ted themselves to the rule of St. Benedict. All travellers, whether Greeks or Latins, were received into the hospital ; and the monks even extended their charitable care to the sick or poor Mussulmans who surrounded them. During the siege of Jerusalem by the crusaders, all the principal Christians of the town were thrown into prison ; among others, the abbot (as he is called by James of VMtry)' of the monastery of St. John. He was a Frenchman by birth, named Gerard ; and, after the taking of the city, was liberated, with other Chris- tian prisoners, and returned to the duties of his office, in attending the sick and-wounded crusaders who weie brought into tlie Hospital. After the bat- tle of Ascalon, Godfrey visited tlie establishment, wiiere he still found many of the followeis of the crusade, who, struck with admiration at the institu- tion, and filled with gratitude for the services they had leceived, determined to embrace the order, and dedicate their lives also to acts of charity. Godfrej^, as a reward for the benefits which these holy men had conferred on his fellow-christians, endowed the Hospital (now in a degree separated from the abbey of St. Mary) with a large estate, in his hereditary dominions in Brabant. Various other gifts were added by the diflferent crusaders of rank ; andthePoor Brothers of the Hospital of St. John began to find themselves a rich and flourishing community. It was at this period that they first took the black habit and the white cross of eight points, and subjected themselves, by peculiar vows, to the continual at- tendance on pilgrims and sick persons.^ Pascal H. soon after bestowed upon the order several valuable privileges, among which were, exemption from all tithes, the right of electing their own superior, and absolute immunity from all secular or clerical inter- 1 Hist. Hierosol. . Jacob, Vitri. Vertot Preuvff' HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 193 ference. The constant resort of pilgrims to the Holy Land not only increased the wealth of the Hospi- tallers, but spread their fame to other countiies. Princes and kin^s conferred lands and benefices upon them, and the order began to throw out ramifications into Europe, where hospitals, under the same rule, were erected and maybe considered as the first com- manderies of the institution. At the death of Gerard, which took place almost immediately after that of Baldwin I., Raimond Dupuy, one of the crusaders who had attached him- self to the Hospital on having been cured of his wounds received at the siege of Jerusalem, was elected master, and soon conceived the idea of ren- dering the wealth and number of the Hospitallers serviceable to the state in other ways than tliose which they had hitherto pursued. His original pro- fession of course led him to the thought of combin- ing war with devotion, and he proposed to his bre- thren to reassume the sword, binding themselves, how- ever, by a vow, to draw it only against tlie enemies of Christ. In what precise year the Hospitallers first appeared in arms is not very clearly ascertained ; but it is a matter of no moment, and it is certain that they became a military body during the reign of Baldwin du Bourg.' The order of St. John was then divided into three classes, knights, clergy, and serving brothers. Each of these classes still, when absent from the field, dedic;atcd themselves to the service of the sick ; but the knights were chosen from the noble or militaiy rank of the Hospitallers, and commanded in battle and in the hospital. The clergy, besides the ordi- nary duties of their calling, followed the armies as almoners and chaplains; and the serving brothers fought under the knights in battle, or obeyed their directions in their attendance on the sick. At first. > VertoL 194 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. the garments and food of these grades were the Batne. The vows also were alike to all, and im- plied chastity, obedience to their superior and to the council, together with individual poverty. The objects now proposed were war against the infidels, and protection and comfort to the Christian pilgrims. The knights were bound by strict and severe rules ; they were enjoined to avoid all luxury, to travel two or three together, seeking only such lodging in the various towns as was provided for them by their community, and burning a light during the night, that they might be always prepared against the enemy, Their faults' were heavily punished by fasts, by imprisonments, and even by expulsion from the order ; and they were taught to look for no re- ward but from on high. Nevertheless, before the good Bishop of Acre composed his curious work on the Holy Land, probably about the year 1228, the Hospitallers, he tells us, were buying for themselves castles and towns, and subnntting territories to their authority like the princes of the earth. The origin of the order of Red-cross Knights, or Templars, was very diffeient, though its military object was nearly the same. The Christian power in Palestine was probably as firmly established at the time of Bakhvin du Bourg, as during any other pe- riod of its existence ; yet the mixture of the popula- tion, the proximity of a thousand inimical tribes, the roving habits of the Turks, who — generally worsted by the Christians in the defence of cities and in arrayed fields — now harassed their enemies with a constant, but flying warfare; all rendered the plains of the Holy Land a scene of unremitting strife, where the pilgrim and the traveller were continually exposed to danger, plunder, and death. Some French knights, who had foUovi^ed the first crusade,^ animated bej'ond their fellows with the religious and military 1 Jacob Vitriaci in Hist. Ilierosol 2 William of Tyre lIISTORy OF CHIVALRY. 195 fury which inspired that enterprise, entered into a solemn compact to aid each other in freeing^ the high- ways of the Holy Land, protecting pilgrims and travellers, and fighting against the enemies of the Cross. They embraced the rule of St. Augustin ; renounced all worldly goods, and bound themselves by oath to obey the commands of their grand master ; to defend the Christian faith; to cross the seas in aid of their brethren ; to fight unceasingly against the infidel, and never to turn back from less than four adversaries.' The founders of this order were Hugh de Paganis and Geofl:rey de St. Aldemar— or, according to some, de St. Omer — who had both sig- nalized themselves in the religious wars. Having no fixed dwelling, tlie Templars were assigned a lodg- ing in a palace in the immediate vicinity of the Tem- ple, from whence they derived the name by which they have since been knov^-n. The number of these knights was at first but nine, and during the nine years which followed their institution, they were marked by no particular garb,^ wearing the secular habit of the day, which was furnished to them by charity alone. The clergy of the temple itself con- ferred on their body a space of ground between that building and the palace,^ for the purpose of military sxercises, and various other benefices speedil}^ tol- lowed. At the council'* of Troyes, their situation was considered, and a white garment was appointed for their dress. Their vows became very similar to those of the knights of St. John ; the numbers of 1 Jac. Vitriari ; Hist. Hierosol. 2 Will. Tyreiisis, !ih. xxii. ; Jacob. Vit. 3 William of Tyre. -i William of Tyre marks precisely, that the particular rules to which they were subjected, and the dress to which they were restricted, were regularly fi.xed by the clmrcii at the council of Troyes, in the course of the ninth year after their first institution. Now the council of Troyes took place in 1128, and Baldwin du Bourg a.scended the throne of Jeru-sa lem on the 2(1 of April, 1118, en years previously. Their first iiistituti- n, therefore, could not be in the reign of Baldwin I., as Mills has staled it, without a gross error on the pari of the Archbishop of Tyre, who w^rote In the year 1184, and tberefore was not likely to be inisraken on a subject EG near his own days. 198 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. the body rapidl}'- augmented ; possessions and riches flowed in upon them apace, as their services became extended and creneral. They added a red cross to their roba, and raised a banner of their own, on which they bestowed the name of Beans^ant. The order, as it increased, was soon divided into the various c/asses of servants of arms, esquires, and knights; and, in addition to their great standard, wliich way wliite with the red cross — symbolical, like their dress, of purity of life, and courage, even to death — they bore to battle a banner composed of white and black stripes, intended to typify their tenderness to their friends and implacabihty towards their enemies. — Their valour became so noted, that, like that of the famous tenth legion,' it was a support to itself; and, according to James of Vjtry, any Templar, on hear- ing the cry to arms, would have been ashamed to have asked the number of tlie enemy. The only ques' lion was, " Where are they ?" On entering the order, the grand master cautioned (he aspirant that he was, in a manner, called upon to resign his individuality. Not only his property and his body, but his very thoughts, belonged, from the moment of his admission, to the institution of which he became a part. He was bound in every thing to obey the commands of his superior, and poverty of course formed a part of his vow. His inclinations, his feelings, his passions, were all to be rendered sub- servient to the cause he embraced; and he was ex- horted to remember, before he engaged himself to tlie performance of so severe an undertaking, that he would often be obliged to watch when he desired to sleep, to suffer toil when his limbs required rest, and to undergo the pangs of thirst and the cravings of hunger when food would be most delightful. After these and similar warnings of tlie painful and self-denying nature of the task which he was I Hist. Hierosol. ; Jacob. VitriacL HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 197 about to impose upon himself, he was asked three times if he still desired to enter into the order, and on giving an answer in the affirmative, he was invested with the robe, and admitted to the vows, after pre- vious proof that he was qualified in other respects, according to the rules of the institution. No possible means has ever been devised of keep- ing any body of men poor ; and the Templars, whose first device was two knights riding on one horse, to signify their poverty and humility, were soon one of the richest, and beyond comparison the proudest, of tlie European orders. Their preceptories were to be found in every country, and as their vows did not embrace' the charitable avocations which, with the knights of St. .John, filled up the hours unemployed in military duties, the Templars soon added to their pride all that host of vices which so ^-eadily step in to occupy the void of idleness. While the knights of St. John, spreading benefit and comfort around them, notwithstanding many occasional faults and errors, rem-ained esteemed and beloved, on the whole, both by sovereigns and people ; the knights of the Tem- ple were only suffered for some centuries, feared, hated, avoided ; and at last were crushed, at a mo- ment when it is probable that a reform v/as about to work itself in their order.^ 1 The Templars founded many charitable institutions, but attendance on the sick was not a part of their profession. 2 For a more particular and correct account of the armour of the cni- sades, I must refer to the invaluable work of Dr. Meyrick, which I re- gret much not to have had by me while writing this book. My sources of information have been alone the historians of the day, in consultin>{ whom the ambicuiiy of language is very often likely to induce error in Clatters which, hke armour, are difficult to describe. 198 HISTORY OF CHIVAI.RV. CHAPTER X. ?fmsf.qnenc(s of the Loss of Edessa — The State of France iiv/arcrurahlt to a new Crusade — View of the Progress of Society — Causes and Cha- racter of the Second Crusade — 57. Beniard—The Emperor of Germany takes the Crass and sets out — Louis VII. follows — Conduct of the Ger- mans in Greece — Their Destruction m Cajipadocia — Treachery of Manuel Comnenus— Louis VII. arrives at Constantiv.ople— Passes into Asia — Defeats the Turks on the Meander— His Army cut to pieces — Proceeds by Sea to Antioch — Fate of his remaining Troops — Intrigit.es at Antioch — Louis goes onto Jerusalem — Siege of Damas- cus — Disgraceful Failure— Conrad returns to Europe— Conduct of Sugcr, Abbot of St. Denis — Termination of the Second Crusade, The loss of Edessa shook the kingdom of Jeru- salem ; not so much from the importance of the city or its territory, as from the exposed state in which it left the frontier of the newly established monarchy. The activity, the perseverance, the power of the Mos- lems had been too often felt not to be dreaded; and there is every reason to believe, that the clergy spoke but the wishes of the wliole people, when in their letters to Europe they pressed their Christian brethren to come once more to the succour oi Jeru- salem. Shame and nmbition led the young Count of Edessa to attempt the recovery of his capital as soon as the death of Zenghi, who had taken it, reached his ears. He in consequence collected a large body of troops, and on presenting himself before the \valls during the night, was admitted, by his friends, into the town. There he turned his whole efforts to force the Turkish garrison in the citadel to surrender, be- fore Nourhaddin, the son of Zenghi, could arrive to its aid. But the Saracens held out; and, while the Latin soldiers besieged the castle, they found them selves suddenly surrounded by a large body of tnp enemy, under the command of Nourhaddin. In this HiSTORY OF CHIVALRY. 199 situation, they endeavoured to cut their way throug-h the Turkish force, but, attacked on every side, few of them escaped to tell the tale of their own defeat. Nourhaddin marched over their necks hito Edessa, and, in order to remove for ever that bulwark to the Christian kingdom of Jerusalem, he caused the forti- fications to be razed to the ground. The consternation of the people of Palestine be- came great and general. The road to the Holy City lay open before the enemy, and continual applications for assistance reached Europe, but more particularly France. The state of that country, however, was the least' propitious that it is possible to conceive for a crusade. The position of all the orders of society liad undergone a change since the period when the wars of the Cross were first preached by Peter the Hermit ; and of the many causes which had com- bined to hurry the armed multitudes to the Holy Land, none remained but the spirit of religious fanati- cism and military enterprise. At the time of the first crusade, the feudal system had reached the acme of its power. The barons had placed a kin.g upon the throne. They had rendered their own dominion independent of his, and thougli they still acknow- ledged some ties between themselves and the mo- narch — some vague and g-eneral power of restraint in the king and his court of peers — yet those ties 1 Mills says, " The news of the loss of the eastern frontier of the Latin kinrrdom reached France at a time peculiarly favourable for foreign war." It will be seen that I have taken up a position as exactly the re- verse of that assumed by that excellent author as. can well be conceived ; but 1 have not done so without much investigation, and the more I con- sider the subject, the more I am convinced that the moment when the feudal power was checked by the king and assailed by the communes, was not the most propitious to call the nobility to foreign lands— that the moment ia which the burghers were labouring up hill for inde- pendtace, was not .1 time for them to aband-on the scene of their hopes and endeavours — and that the moment when a kingdom was torn by conflicting powers, when the royal authority was unconfirmed, and the notiltty only irritated at its exertion, was not the period that a monarch ehould have chosen to quit bis dominions. 200 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. were so loose, that power was so undefined in its nature, and so difficult in its exercise, that the nobles were free and at liberty to act in whatever direction enthusiasm, ambition, or cupidity might call them, without fear of the sovereign, who was, in fact, but one of their own body loaded with a crown. The people, too, at that time, both in the towns and in the fields, were the mere slaves of the no- bility ; and as there existed scarcely a shadow of vigour in the kingly authority, so there lemained not an idea of distinct rights and privileges among the populace. Thus the baronage were then unfet- tered by dread from any quarter; and the lower classes — both the poorer nobility, and that indistinct tribe (which we find evidently' marked) who were neither among the absolute serfs of any lord, nor belonging to the military caste — were all glad to en- gage themselves in wars which held out to them riches and exaltation in this world, and beatification in the next ; while they could hope for nothing in their own land but pillage, oppression, and wrong; or slaughter in feuds without an object, and in bat- tles for the benefit of others. Before the second crusade was contemplated, a change — an immense change had operated itself in the slate of society. Just fifty years had passed since the council of Clermont : but the kings of Fran(je were no longer the same ; the royal authority had acquired force^ — the latent principles of domination '■ A furious essay might be written on the classes or castes in Europe t that period. It is quite a mistaken notion which some persons have rntertained, that the only distinctions under the monarch, were noble and serf. We find an immense class, or rather various classes, all of which consisted of freemen, interposed between the lord and his slave. Thus Galbertus Syndick, of Bruges, in recounting the death of Charles the Good, Count of Flanders, A. D. 1 130, mentions not only the burghers of the town, but various other persons who were not of the nobi • race, but were then evidently free, as well as the Brabancois or Cotereaux, a sort of freebooting soldier of that day. Guibert of Nogent, also, in his own life, and Frodoardus, in the history of Rheinis, refer to many of whose e.xact station it is dillicult to form an idea. 2 Rouillard, Histoire de Mclun : Vie de Bouchard. HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 201 had been exercised for the general good. Kings had put forth their hands to check abuses, to punish vio- lence and crime ; and the feudal system began to assume the character, not of a simple confederation, but of an organized hierarchy,^ in v^hich tlie whole body was the judge of each individual, and the head of that body the executor of its sentence. Louis VI., commonly called Louis the Fat,^ was the first among the kings of France who raised the functions of royalty above those of sovereignty, and the distinction between the two states is an important one. The former monarchs of France, including Philip L, under wiiose reign the first crusade was preached, had each been but sovereigns, who could call upon their vassals to serve them for so many days in the field, and whose rights were either simply personal, that is to say, for their own dignity and benefit, or only general so far as the protection of the whole confe- deracy from foreign invasion was implied. Louis the Fat, however, saw that in the kingly office was comprised both duties and rights of a different cha- racter > the right of punishing private crime,-'' and of opposing universal wrong; the duty of maintaining public order, and of promoting by one uniform and acknowledged power the tranquillity of the whole society and the security of each individual. The efl[orts of that prince were confined and partial, it is true ;^ but he and his great minister, Suger, seized the just idea of the monarchical form of government, and laid the basis of a well-directed and legitimate authority. This authorit}% of course, was not pleasing to the barons, whose license was thus curtailed. Their views, therefore, were turned rather to the mainte- nance of their own unjust privileges, than to foreign 1 I know that I use this word not quite correctly, but I can find none other to express more properly what I mean. 2 Suger in vit. Ludovic Vl. 3 Galbert in vit. Carol 4 Suger in vit. Ludovic vl 202 HISTORY OF CHITALRY. adventures. At the same time, the nobles found themselves assailed by the classes below them, as well as by the power above, and the people of the towns were seen to struggle for the rights and im- munities so long denied to them. The burghers had,' indeed, been permitted to labour in some small degree for themselves. Though subject to terrible and grievous exactions, they had still thriven under the spirit of commerce and industry. Their lords had sometimes even recourse to them for assistance. The greater part, though of the servile race, had been either freed, or were descended from freed men ; and the baron of the town in which they lived, though cruel and tyrannical, was more an exacting pro- tector than a master. At length — the precise time is unknown — the people of the cities began to think of protecting themselves ; and, by mutual co-opera- tion, they strove at once to free themselves from the tyranny of a superior lord, and to defend themselves against the encroachments of others. The word comrmine^ was introduced, and each town of consi- derable size hastened to struggle for its libe||ty. At first the horror and indignation of the nobles were beyond all conception ; but the spirit of union among them was not sufficiently active to put down that whicli animated the commons. Each lord had to oppose his revolted subjects alone ; and after long and sanguinary contests,'^ sometimes the baron, the bishop, or the abbot succeeded in subjugating the people ; sometimes the burghers contrived, b}^ perseverance, to wring from the no- bles themselves a charter which assured their freedom.. This struggle4 was at its height, at the time when the fall of Edessa and the growing power of the Moslems called Europe to engage in a second cru- sade ; but the barons at that moment found their • Ghron. Vezeliac. 2 Guibert No?, in vit. s. » Chron. Vezeliac. « Gesta regis Ludovici Vn. HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 203 prhileg-es invaded both by the crown and the peo- ple ; and the hitter discovered that they had rights to maintain in their own hmd — that they were no longer the mere slaves to whom all countries were alike — that prospects were opened before them which during- the first crusade they hardly dreamed of —that the swords which had before been employed in fighting the quarrels of their lords at home, or raising them to honour and fame abroad, were now required to defend their property, their happiness, and the new station they had created for themselves in society. Tims the period at which aid became imperatively necessary to the Christ ians at Jerusalem, was when France was least calculated to afford it. Nevertheless, the superstition of a king and the elo- quence of a churchman combined to produc^e a second crusade ; but in this instance it was but a great mili- tary expedition, and no longer the enthusiastic effort of a nation, or a great popular movement throughout the whole of the Christian world. One of the strongest proofs of this fact' is the scantiness of historians on the second crusade, and the style in which those that do exist, speak of its operations. It is no longer the glory of Christendom that they mention, but the glory of the king; no more the deliverance of the Holy Land, but merely the acts of the monarch. In pursuance of the general plan of extending the dominion of the crown, which had been conceived by Louis VL, and carried on with such infinite peise- verance by his great minister Suger, Louis VII., the succeeding monarch, on hearing of the election of the Anihbishop of Bourges by the chapter of that city, without his previous consent, had declared the nomination invalid, and proceeded to acts of such 1 The only two 1 know who accompanied this crusade, and wrote any detailed account of it, are Odon de Deuil, or Odo de Diagnio, and Fri- singen, or Fre>siiifhen. It is an extraordinary fact, that the Cardinal de Vitfy makes qq mention of the seeond crusade. *204 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. flagrant opposition to the papal jurisdiction, th?.t the church used her most terrific thunders to awe the monarch to her will. Thibalt, Count of Champagne armed in support of the pope's authority, and Louis instantly marched to chastise his rebellious vassal. Thibalt was soon reduced to obedience, but the anger of the monarch was not appeased by submis- sion; for, even after the town of Vitry had surren- dered, he set fire to the church, in which nearly thirteen hundred people had taken refuge, and dis- graced his triumph by one of the direst pieces of cruelty upon record. A severe illness, however, soon followed, and reflection brought remorse. At that time the news of the fall of Edessa w^as fresh in Eu- rope ; and Louis, in the vain hope of expiating his crime, determined to promote a crusade, and lead his forces himself to the aid of Jerusalem. Deputies were speedily sent to the Pope Eugenius, who willingly abetted in the king's design, and com- missioned the famous St. Bernard, Abbot of Clair- vaux, to preach the Cross through France and Ger- many. St. Bernard possessed every requisite for such a mission.' From his earliest years he had been filled with religious enthusiasm ; he had aban- doned high prospects to dedicate himself entirely to an austere and gloomy fanaticism ; he had reformed many abuses in the church, reproved crime wherever he found it, and raised the clerical character in the eyes of the people, too much accustomed to behold among his order nothing but vice, ignorance, and in- dolence. He was one of the most po\verful orators- of his day, endowed with high and commanding talents of many kinds; and in his controversy with the celebrated Abclard, the severe purity of his life and manners had proved most eloquent against his rival. Thus, when after repeated entreaties^ he went forth to preach the crusade, few that heard him were 1 William of St. Thierry, Mabillon. 2 Geoffroi de Clairvaux , Continuation of the Life of St. Bernard- HISTORV OF CHIVALRY. 205 not either impressed by his sanctit5% persuaded by his eloquence, or carried away by his zeal : and thus, notwithstanding- the unfavourable state of France," a multitude of men took the symbol of the Cross, and piepared to follow the monarch into Palestine. In Germany the effects of his overpoweiing oratory were the same. Those who understood not even the language that he spoke, became awed by his gestures and the dignified enthusiasm of his manner, and de- voted themselves to the crusade, though the tong^ne in which it was preached was unknown to them. Wherever he went his presence was supposed to operate miracles, and the sick are reported to have recovered by his touch, or at liis command ; while all the legions of devils, with which popish supersti- tion peopled the atmosphere, took flight at his ap- proach. For some time Conrad, Emperor of Ger- many, suffered- St. Bernard to call the inhabitants of his dominions to the crusade without taking any active part in his proceedings, but at length the start- ling eloquence of the Abbot of Clairvaux reached even the bosom of the monarch, and he declared his intention of following the Cross himself. At Vezelai Louis VII. received the symbol : but the most power- ful obstacle that he found to his undertaking was the just and continued opposition of his minister,^ Suger, who endeavoured by every means to dissuade the monarch from abandoning his kingdom. All persua- sions were vain ; and having committed the care of his estates to that faithful servant,'* Louis himself, ac- companied by Eleonor, his queen, departed for Metz, where he was joined by an immense multitude of nobles and knights, among whom were crusaders from England^ and the remote islands of the northern sea. Ambassadors from Roger, King of Apulia, had already warned Louis of the treachery of the Greeks, and besought him to take any other way than that 1 Odo of Deuil. 2 Mabilloii. 3 Guizot. * A. D 1147 6 Odou de DeuU. 206 HISTORY Of CHIVALRY. throug-li the dominions of the emperor; but the French monarch was biassed by other counsels, and determined upon following the plan before laid down. The Emperor of Germany was the first' to set out, and by June leached Constantinople in safety, fol- lowed by a large body of armed men, and a number of women whose gay dress, half-military, half-femi- nine, gave the march the appearance of some bright fantastic cavalcade. The King of France, having previously received'' at St. Denis, the consecrated banner as a warrior, and the staff and scrip'* as a pilgrim, now quitted Metz, and proceeded by Worms and Ratisbon. Here he was met by envoys from the Emperor of the East, charged with letters so filled with flattery and fair speeches, that Louis is reported to have blushed, and the Bishop of Langres to have observed — Timeo Danaos et dona ferentes. Here,* too, the French beheld, for the first time, the custom of an inferior standing in the presence of his lord. The object of the emperor was to obtain from Louis a promise to pass through his territories with- out violence, and to yield to him every town from which 1)6 should expel the Turks, and which had ever belonged to the Grecian territory. Part of this proposal was acceded to, and part re- fused; and the army marched on through Hungary into Greece. The progress of the second crusade M'as of course subject to the same difhculties that at- tended that of the first, through a waste and deserted land ; but many other obstacles no longer existed — the people of the country were more accustomed to 1 William of Tyre. 2 odon de Deull. 3 fee note X. 4 It appears from the passage of Odo oCDeiiil which mesitioiip the cu- rious servility, as he designates it, of the Greeks never sitting down in the presence of a superior till desired to do so, that the French of that day were not quite so ceremonious as in that of Louis XIV, HISTORV OF CHIVALRY. 207 the appearance of straiif^ers;' the army was re- strained by the presence of the king; and the whole account of the march to Constantinople leaves the impression of a more civilized state of society than that which existed at the period of the first crusade. We meet with no massacres, no burning of towns, no countries laid v>'aste : and though there are to be found petty squabbles between the soldiers and the townspeople, frays, and even bloodshed ; yet these were but individual outrages, kindled by private passions, and speedily put down by the arm of au- thority. The Germans^ were less fortunate on their way than the French, and some serious causes of quarrel sprung up between them and the Greeks, in which it is difficult to discover who were the chief aggressors. The Greeks call the Germans^ barbarians, and the Germans accuse the Greeks of every kind of trea- chery ; but it appears evident,'* that Conrad himself was guilty of no small violence on his approach to Constantinople. A most magnificent garden had been laid out at a little distance from that capital, filled with every vegetable luxury of the day, and containing within its walls vast herds of tame ani- mals, for whose security woods had been planted, caverns dug, and lakes contrived ; so that the beasts which were confined in this vast prison might follow their natural habits, as if still at liberty. Here also were several buildings, in which the emperors were accustomed to enjoy the summer : but Conrad, with an unceremonious freedom, partaking not a little of barbarism, broke into this retreat, and wasted and destroyed all that it had required the labour of years to accomplish. Manuel Comnenus, who now sat on the throne of Constantinople, beheld, from the windows of his palace, this strange scene of wanton aggression ; and sent messengers^ to Conrad, who was connected 1 Odo of Deuil. 2 Nicetas. 3 Cinnamus, citod by Mills. 4 Ocion de Deuil. 3 Ibid. 208 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. with liim by marriage,' desiring- an interview. But the Greek would not trust himself out of the walls of his capital, and the German would not venture within them, so that a short time was passed in negotia- tion ; and then Conrad passed over the Hellespont with his forces, relieving the eastern sovereign from the dread and annoyance of his presence. Manuel, however, furnished the German army with guides to conduct it tlirough Asia Minor; and almost all accounts attribute to the Greek the design of be- iraying bis Christian brethren into the hands of tbe nindels. After passing the sea, the troops of Conrad proceeded in two bodies,^ the one under the Emperor, and the otiier under the Bishop of Frcysinghen ; but tlie guides with wliich they had been provided led them into the pathless wilds of Cappadocia, where famine soon readied them. At the moment also when they expected to arrive atlconium,^ they found themselves attacked by the army of the infidels, swelled to an immense extent by the efforts of the sultaun of the Seljukian Turks, who, on the first ap- proach of the Christian forces, had spared no means to ensure their destruction. The heavy-armed Ger- mans"* in vain endeavoured to close with the light and agile horsemen of the Turkish host. The treacherous guides had fled on the first sight of the infidels, and the enemy hovered round and round the German army, as it struggled on through the un- known deserts in which it was entangled, smiting every straggler, and hastening its annilulation by 1 Manuel Comnenns had married Bertha, and Conrad, Gertrude, both dausjliters of Beretiger the elder, Count of Sultzbach. 2 0don de Deuil. 3 William of Tjre; Odon de Deuil. 4 The Pone, in his exhortation to the second crusade, had not only regulated the general coiiduct of the crusaders, and formally absolved all those who should embrace the Cross, hut he had given minute particu- lars for their dress and arms, expressly forbidding all that might encum- ber them in their journey, such as heavy baggage, and vain superfluities, Jind all that might lead them from the direct road, such as falcons and iiunting-dogs. "Happy had it been fi)r ihem," says Odo of Deuil, "if, instnad of a scrip, he had commanded the loot pilgrims to bear a crobs bow, and iastoad of a staff, a sword." HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 209 continual attacks. Favoured by the fleetness of their horses, and tlieir knowledge of the localities, they passed and repassed the exhausted troops of the emperor,' who now endeavoured to retrace his steps under a continued rain of arrows. No part of the army offered security. The famous Count Bernard, with many others, was cut off fighting in the rear; the van was constantly in the presence of an active foe ; and the emperor himself was twice wounded by arrows which fell in the centre of the host. Thus, day after day, thousands on thousands were added to the slain ; and when at length Conrad reached the town of Nice, of seventy thousand knights, and an immense body of foot, who had followeu nim from Europe, scarcely a tenth part M'ere to be found in the ranks of his shattered army. 'I'hat. he was betrayed into the hands of the Turks by the guides furnished by the emperor no earthly doubt can be entertained ; nor is it questionable that Manuel Connienus was at that time secretly engaged in treaty with the infidels. It is not, indeed, abso- lutely proved that the monarch of Constantinople ordeied or connived at the dcBtruction of the Chris- tian forces ; but every historian^ of the day has sus- pected him of the treacher}% and when such is the case it is probable there was good cause for suspicion. In the m.ean while, Louis the j'ounger led the French host to Constantinople, and, unlike Conrad, instantly accepted tiie emperor's invitation to enter the city with a small train. Manuel received him as an equal, descending to the porch of his palace to meet liis royal guest. He, of course, pretended to no homage from the King of France, but still his ob- ject was to secure to himself all the conquests which Louis might make in the ancient appendages of Greece, without acting himself against the infidels. To force the French monarch into this concession, 1 Odoof Deuil; Will. T^T. J WjiJ. Ivr •" Odfl« da Deuii ; Oe^ Ltidonjac VU ; N»c«tM R 210 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. he pursued a plan of irritatino^ and uncertain nego- tiations, not at hII unlike those carried on by his predecessor Alexius,' towards the leaders of the former crusade. In the midst of these, however, it was discovered that Manuel had entered into a secret; treaty with the Turks ; and, indeed, the confidence wdiich the deceitful Greeks placed in the promises of the crusaders forms a singular and reproachful comment on the constant and remorseless breach of their own. There were many of the leaders of the French who did not scruple to urge Louis to punish by arms the gross perfidy of the Greek emperor; and, by taking possession of Constantinople, to sweep away the continual stumblingblock by which ihe efforts of all the crusades had been impeded. Had Louis acceded to their wishes, great and extra- ordinary results would, no doubt, have been effected towards the permanent occupation of the Holy Land by the Christian powers ; but that monarch was not to be seduced into violating his own good faith by the treachery of another, and after having, on the other hand, refused to aid Manuel in the war wdiich had aj'isen between him and Roger, King of Apulia, he crossed the Bosphorus, and passed into Asia Minor. Thence advancing through Nicomedia,^ Louis proceeded to Nice, and encamped under the walls of that city. Here the first reports reached him of the fate of the German army, for hitherto the Greeks had continued to fill his ears with nothing but the successes of his fellows in arms. For a time the news was disbelieved, but very soon the arrival of Frederic, duke of Suabia, charged with messages from the German monarch, brought the melancholy certainty of his defeat. Louis did all that he could to assuage the grief of the Emperor Conrad,^ and uniting their forces, they now marched on by the seacoast to Ephesus. Hf:ie, 1 Odon de Deuil. 2 Will. Tyr. ; Odon de DeuiL 3 Odon de Druil ; Freyslnghen; William of Tyre HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 211 however, Conrad, mortified at a rompanionship in whi(th the inferiority of his own troops was painfully contrasted with the multitude and freshness of tlie French, separated again from Louis; and, sending back the greater part of his army by land, took ship himself and returned to Constantinople, where he was received both with more distinction and more sincerity, on account of the scantiness of his retinue, and tlie disasters he had suffered. In the mean while, the French proceeded on their way, and after travelling for some days without op- position, they first encountered the Turks on the banks of the Meander.' Proud of their success against the Germans, the infidels determined to con- test the passage of the river; but the French knights, having found a ford, traversed the stream without difficulty, and routed the enemy with great slaughter. The loss of the Christians was so small, consisting only of one knight,^ who perished in the river, that they as usual had recourse to a miracle, to account Sor so cheap a victory. Passing onward to Laodicea they found that town completely deserted, aud the environs laid waste ; and they here heard of the complete destruction of that part of the German army which had been com- manded by the Bishop of Freysinghen.^ In the se- cond day's journey after quitting Laodicea, a steep mountain presented itself before the French army, which marched in two bodies, separated by a consi- derable distance. The commander of the first divi- sion, named Geoftroyde Rancun,"* had received orders from the king, who remained with the rear-guard, to halt on the summit of the steep, and there pitch the tents for the night. That Baron, unencumbered by « William of Tyre. 2 Qdon deDeuil. 3 Odo of l>euil always calls Otho, Bishop of Freysinshen, brother of the Emperor Conrad. He was, however, only a half-brother; his rela- tionship being by the mother's side. 4 Will. Tyrens lib. xvi. ; Odon de DeuiU 212 mSTORY OF CHIVALRY. baggage, easily accomplished the ascent, and finding that the day's progress was considerably less than the usual extent of march, forgot the commands iie had received, and advanced two or three miles be- yond the spot specified. The king, with the lesser body of effective troops and the baggage, followed slowly up the mountain, the precipitous acclivity of which rendered the foot- ing of the horses dreadfully insecure, while immense masses of loose stone gave way at every step under the feet of the crusaders," and hurried many down into a deep abyss, through which a roaring torrent was rushing onward towards the sea. Suddenly, as they were toiling up, the whole army of the Turks, who had remarked the separation of the division, and watched their moment too surely, appeared on the hill above. A tremendous shower of arrows instantly assailed the Christians. Tlie confusion and dismay were beyond description : thousands fell headlong at once down the precipice, thousands were killed by the masses of rock which the hurry and agitation of \hose at the top hurled down upon those below ; while the Turks, charging furiously all who had nearly climbed to the summit, drove them back upon ihe heads of such as were ascending. Having concluded,^ that his advance-guard had se- cured the ground above, Louis, with the cavalry of nis division, had remained in the rear, to cover his army from any attack. The first news of the Turk- ish force being in presence was gathe^'ed from the complete rout of the foot-soldiers, who had been mounting the hill, and who were now flying in every direction. The king instantly sent round his chap- lam, Odon de Deuil, to seek for the other body under Geofl*roy de Rancun, and to call it back to his aid; wliile in the mean time he spurred forwaid with what cavalry he had, to repel the Turks and protecl I Odon da DeuU ; Will. Tvr OdondeDoail. HISTORY OF CHIVALRV. 213 his infantry. Up so steep an ascent the horses could make but little progress, and the Moslems, finding- that their arrows turned off from the steel coats of the knig-hts, aimed at the chargers, which, often mor- tally wounded, rolled down the steep, cariying their liders along with them. Those knights who suc- ceeded in freeing themselves from their dying steeds were instantly attacked by the Turks, who, with (v^arful odds on their side, left hardly a living man of all the Chivaliy that fought that day. The king even, dismounted by the death of his horse, was surrounded before he could well rise ; but, catching the blanches of a tree, he sprang upon a high insulated rock, where, armed with his sword alone, he defended himself, till the night falling freed him from his ene- mies. His situation now would have been little less hazardous than it was before, had he not luckily en- countered a part of tlie infantry who liad remained with the baggage. He was thus enabled, with what troops he could rally, to make his way during the night to the advance-guard, which had, as yet, re- m.uned unattacked. GeolTroy de Rancun had nearly been sacrificed to the just resentment of the people, but the uncle of the king, having been a participator in his fault, procured him pardon; and the army, which was now reduced to a state of greater disci- pline than before, by the Grand Master of the Tem- plars,' who had accompanied it from Constantniople airived without much more loss at Attalia.- Here the Greeks proved more dangerous enemies than the Turks, and every thing was done that human base- ness and cunning could suggest, to plunder and de- stroy the unfortunate crusaders. Miicli discussion now took place concerning their further progress, and the difficulties before them ren- dered it ne(;essary that a part of the host should proceed by sea to Antioch. The king at first deter- > Odoa de Deuil 2 William of Tyre. 214 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. minea that that pnrt shoukl be the pilgrims on foot; nid that he himself with his Cliivalry would follow the path b}^ land. Tiie winter season, iiowever, ap- proaching, the scanty number of vessels llrat could be procured, and the exorbitant price Mhicli the Greeks demanded for tlie passage of each man — being no less than four marks of silver' — rendeied tlie transport of the foot impossible. Louis, there- fore, eager to reach Jerusalem, distributed wliat money he could spare among the pilgrims, engaged at an enormous price a Greek escort and guide to .conduct them by land to Antiocli, left the Count of Flanders to command them, and then took ship with the rest of his kniglits. The Count of Flanders soon foun(i that the Greeks, having received theii reward, refused to fulfil tlieir agreement, and the im- possibility of reaching Antioch without their aid being plain, he embarked and followed the king. The unhappy pilgrims, who remained cooped up be- neath the walls, which they were not permitted to enter, on the one hand, and the Turkish army tliat watclied them with unceasing vigilance, on the otlier, died, and were slaughtered by thousands. Some strove to force their passage to Antioch by land, and fell beneath the Moslem scimitar. Some cast themselves upon the compassion of the treacherous Greeks, and were more brutally treated than even by their infidel enemies. So miserable at length became their con- dition, that the Turks themselves ceased to attack them, brought them provisions and pieces of money, and showed them that compassion which their fel- low-christians refused. Thus, in the end, several hundreds attaclied themselves'^ to their generous ene- mies, and were tempted to embrace the Moslem creed. The rest either became slaves to the Greeks, or died of pestilence and famhie. In the mean while, Louis and his knights'' arrived • Odon de Deuil. 2 ibid 3 William olTyre ; Vcrtot. HISTORY Of CHIVALRY. 215 ji Antiocli, where they were received with the ap- pj.uMues of splendid iiospitality by Raimond, the priii:::e of that city, who was iiacle of Eieoiior, the v/ife of the French monarch. His hospitality, how- ever, was of an interested nature : Antioch and Tri- poli hu!i? upon t!ie skirts of the kingdom of Jerusa- lem as detached principalities, whose connexion with the chief country was vague and insecure. No sooner, therefore, did the news of the coming of the King of France reach tlie princes of those cities, than they instantly laid out a thousand plans for en- gaging Louis in extending the limits of their territo- ries, b9fore permitting him to proceed to Jerusalem. Tiie Prince of Antioch assuredly had the greatest claim upon the king, by his relationship to the queen ;' and he took every means of working on the husband, by ingratiating himself with the wife. Eleo- nor was a woman of strong and violent passions,^ and of debauched and libertine manners, and she made no scruple of intriguing and cabalHng with her uncle to bend the king to his wishes. The Archbishop of l^yre, who was but little given to repeat a scandal, dwells with a tone of certainty upon the immoral life of the Queen of France, and says, she had even consented that her uncle should carry her off, after Louis had formally refused to second his efforts against Cesarea. However that may be, her conduct was a disgrace 1 Ge«t. Liidovie. regis ; William of Tjtc; Vertot. 2 Vertot, a le.irneJ mm and a diligent investigator, speaks of Eleonor in ih? following curious terms: "O.i pretend (ju-.- cer.te princes^e. pe'l s-ru 'Mhnsesiirses dsvoirs, et devenue eprise d'lui jeiine Turc baptif«5, apu^llt- Saladiii, ns pouvait ss r.^soudro a s'ea sipurer. Sec." Thess re- ports of course sava risa to m-iny curious suppositions, espsciallj' when Rish:ird Cjeur de Lion, Eieotior'.s son hy hsr se^-ond marriage, went to war in the Holy Land. On his return to France, Louis VlL instantly Siius'it a plaa^'ble pretext for dflllvenn3 himself from his unfaithful wife w i!i;)Ut cnuiinT thj sinndil of a public exposure of her conduct. A prsteM.-e of consanguinity within the forbidden degrees wa-< .=ooii e?'a')Iish?d. and the mirriagj was ann' "ded. Atler this Eleonor, w'l >, in aJiilioi Id b.-auty and wit. pos'\ ssed in her own right tha wiiole of \quitain, speedily gave her hand to Henry H of England, and io th3 end figured in the traaedy of Rosajnond of Woodstock 216 HISTORY OF CHIVALRT. to the crusade ; and Louis, in his letters to Suger, openly complained of her infidelity. The king resisted all entreaties and all threats, and, equally rejecting the suit of the Count of Tri- poli,' he proceeded to Jerusalem, where the emperor Conrad, having passed by sea from Constantinople, had arrived before him. Here the whole of the princes were called to council ; and it was determined that, instead of endeavouring to retake Edessa, which had been the original object of the crusade, the troops of .Jerusalem, joined to all that remained of the pilgrim armies, should attempt the siege of Damascus. The monarchs immediately took tlie field, supported by the knights of the Temple and St. John, who, in point of courage^equalled the Chivalry of any country, and in discipline excelled them all. Nourhaddin and Saphaddin, the two sons of the famous Zenghi, threw what men they could suddenly collect into Damascus, and hastened in peison to raise as large a force as possible to attack the Chris- tian army. The crusaders advanced to the city, drove in the Turkish outposts^ that opposed them, and laid siege to the fortifications, whirh in a shoit time were so completely ruined, that Damascus could hold out no longer. And yet Damascus did not fall. Dissension, that destroying angel of great enter- prises, was busy in the Christian camp. The pos- session of the still unconquered town^ was disputed among the leaders. Days and weeks passed in contests, and at length, when it was determined that the prize should be given to the Count of Flanders, who had twice visited the Holy Land, the decision caused so much dissatisfaction, that all murmured and none acted. Each one suspected Jiis compa- nion; dark reports and scandalous charges were mu- tually spread and countenanced ; the Templars were accused of having received a bribe from the infidels; I William of Tyre ; Vertot 2 Gest. regis Ludov. \11. 3 'Verlot HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 217 the European monarchs' were supposed to aim at the subjiig-ation of Jerusalem ; the conquerors were con- quered by their doubts of each other ; and, retiring' from the spot where they had all but triumphed, they attempted to storm the other side of the city, Avhere the walls were as firm as a rock of adamant. Repenting of their folly, they soon were willing to return to their formf^v ground, but the fortifications had been repaired, tf«e town had received fresh sup- plies, and Saphaddin, emir of Mousul, was marching to its relief. Only one plan Avas to be pursued. The siege was abandoned, and the leaders,^ discontented with themselves and with^each other, retreated gloom- ily to Jerusalem. The Emperor of Germany set out immediately for Europe; but Louis, who still hoped to find some op- portunity of redeeming his military fame, lingered for several months ; M'hile Eleonor continued to sully scenes, whose memory is composed of all that is holy, with her impure amours. At length the press- ing entreaties of Suger induced the Fiench monarch to return to his native land. There he found the au- thority he had confided to that great and excellent minister had been employed to the infinite benefit of his dominions — he found his finances increased and orderestablished in every department of the state f — and he found, also, that the minister was not only willing, but eager, to yi^ld the reins of government to the hand from which he had received them. — Dining the absence of the king, his brother, Robert of Dreux, who returned before him, had endeavoured to thwart the noble Abbot of St. Denis, and even to snatch the regency from him ; but Suger boldly called tOL'-ether a general assembly of the nobility of France, and intrusted his cause to their decision. The court met at Soissons, and unanimously supported the ' William of Tyre ; Col. script. Arab. ; Vertot. 2 William of Tyre; Freysinghen, reb. gest.Fred.; Gest.reg. Lud. VII s Guil. Monach. in vit. S uger. Ab. Sanct. Dion. ; Gest, reg. Lud. VIL T 218 HISTORY OF CHlVALRy. minister against his royal opponent ; after which he ruled, indeed, in peace ; but Robert strove by every means to poison the mind of the king against him ; and it can be little doubted, that Louis, on his de- parture from Palestine, viewed the conduct of Suger with a very jealous eye. The effects of his government, however, and the frankness with which he resigned it, at once did away all suspicions. The expedition was now over, but yet one effort more was to be made, before we can consider the second crusade as absolutely termi' nated. Suger had opposed the journey of the king to the Holy Land, but he was not in the least wanting in zeal or compassionate enthusiasm in favour of his brethren of the east.^ Any thing but the absence of a monarch from his unquiet dominions lie would have considered as a small sacrifice towards the sup- port of the kingdom of Jerusalem; and now, at seventy years, he proposed to raise an army at his own expense, and to finish liis days in Palestine. — His preparations were carried on with an ardour, an activity, an intelligence, which would have been M'onderful even in a man at his prime; but, in the midst of his designs, he was seized with a slow fever, which soon showed him that his end was near. He saw the approach of death with firmness ; and, during the four months that preceded his decease, he failed not from the bed of sickness to continue ail his orders for the expedition, which could no longer bring living gloiy to himself. He named the chief wlioni he thought most worthy to lead it; he bestowed upon him all the treasures he had collected for the pur- pose; he gave liim full instructions for his conduct, and he made him swear upon the Cross to fulfil liis intentions. Having done tliis, the Abbot of S^. Denis waited calmly the approach of that hour which J Guil. Monar.h- in vit. Sug HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 219 was to separate him from tlie living; and died, leaving no one like iiim in Europe. With his life appears to have ended the second crusade, which, witli fewer obstacles and greater facilities than the first, produced little bat disgrace and sorrow to all by whom it was accompanied ' CHAPTER XI. Prepress of S'>ckty—Tlie Rise of Poetry in Modern Europe — Troiiba flours — Tronveres — Various Poetical Compositions— Effect of Poetry upon Chivalry — Effect of the Crusades on Society — State of Palestine after the Second Crusade — Cession ofEdessa to the Emperor Manuel Comneniis — Edessa coinpletely subjected by the Turks — Ascalon taken by the Christians— State of Egypt under the last Califs of the Fa- tirnite Race — The Latins and the Atabecks both design tiie Conquest of Egypt —Struggles for that Countrij— Rise of Saladin — Disputes among the Latiius concerning the Succession of the Crown— Guy ofLu- signan crowned — Snladiri invades Palestine — Battle of Tiberias— Fall of Jerusalem — Conquest of all Palestine — Some Inquiry into the Causes of the Latin Overthrow Before proceeding to Irace the events which oc- curred in the Holy Land between the second and third crusades, it may be as well to l<.eep our eyes upon Europe for a few moments, and to remark the advance of society towards civilization. Prior to the period of the first expedition to Palestine, Ger- many had been occupied alone in struggling against 1 All the writers? of that day attempt to excuse St. Bernard for having preachsii a crusade which had so unfortunjite a conclusion. The prin- ciples upon which t ey do so are sornewha' curious. The Bishop of Freysinghcri declares, that it was the vice of the crusaders which called upon their heads the wrath of Heaven : and, to reconcile this fact with the spirit of prophecy which elsewhere he attributes to the Abbot of Clairvaux, declares that prophets are not al ^ ays able to prophesy.-^ Freysiihg. de rebus gestis Fred. Imperat. Geoffroy of Clairvaux, who was a contemporary, and wrote part of the Life of" St. Bernard, would fain prove that the crusade could not be called unfortunate, since, thouirh it did not at all help the Holy i-aud it served to people heaven witb martyrs. 220 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. the papal authority, and in fightino^ for dominions in Italy, the limits of which were always sufficiently vague to admit of disputes and aggressions on all parts. Apulia and the southern portion of Italy had been subjected, as we have seen, by the Nor- mans ; and the rest of that country, with the excep- tion of some small republican cities, was divided into feudal baronies, the right of hrnage over which M-as veiy uncertain. Engaged in private wars and feuds, where personal interest was the sole object, unmixed with any refining principle, the Chivalry of Italy made but small progress. From time to time a great and distinguished chief started up, and digni- fied his country ; but the general feeling of knightly zeal was not extended far in Italy, or was wasted in tlie petty purposes of confined and unimportant struggles. In Germany also Chivalry advanced but little. There was much dignified firmness in the character of the people ; and— under the walls of Damascus— in the wars with the pope, and with the Norman possessors of Calabria— the Gennan knights evinced that in the battle-field none were more daring, more powerful, or more resolute ; but we find few in- stances where enthusiasm was mingled with valour, and where the ardour of chivalric devotion was joined to the bold courage of the Teutonic warrior. In Spain the spirit was at its height; but Spain had her own crusades ; and it was quite enough for the swords of her gallant band of knights to free their native land, inch by inch, from her Saracen invaders. Military orders' were there instituted in the middle of the twelfth century ; and the knights of Calatrava and St. James might challenge the world to produce a more chivalrous race than themselves ; still the ob- ject of all their endeavours was the freedom of their native country fiom the yoke of the Moors, and they engaged but little in any of those great expeditions 1 iLxistinK orders of knighthood. HISTORY or CHn'ALRY. 821 which occupied the attention and interest of the world. It is to France, then, and to England, under the dominion of its Norman monarchs, that we must turn our eyes ; and here, during the course of the twelfth century, we shall find great and extraordi- nary progress. Previous to the epoch of the crusades, France, though acknowledging one king, had consisted of vaiious nations, whose manners, habits, and lan- guages differed in the most essential points.' The Provengal was as opposite a being to the Frank of that day, as the Italian is now to the Russian. The Norman and the Breton also descended from dis- tinct origins, and in most cases these separate tribes hated each other with no slight share of enmity. The character of the Norman was in all times enterprising, wandering, cunning, and selfish ; that of the Breton, or Armorican, savage, ferocious, daring, and implacable; but imaginative in the highest degree, as well as superstitious. The FroA'engal was light, avaricious, keen, active, and sensual ; the Frank, bold, hardy, persevering, but vain, insolent, and thoughtless.^ Distinctive character lies more gene- rally in men's faults than their virtues ; and tluis, all these different races possessed the same higher qualities in common. They were brave to a prodigy ; energetic, talented, enthusiastic ; but during "the eleventh, and the beginning of the twelfth centuries, the rude state of society in which Chivalry had arisen, continued to affect it still. The first crusade, how^- ever, gave an impulse to all those countries that joined in it, which tended infinitely to civilize Eu- rope, by uniting nations and tribes, which had long oeen separated by different interests, in one great enterprise, wherein community of object, and com- munity of danger, necessarily harmonized many pre- viously discordant feelings, and did away many old I Fulcher; Raoul Glabw. 8 Robert; Fulcher ; Raintond d' Agile* TS 222 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. animosities, by the strong- power of mntnal assist- ance and mutual endeavour. Tlie babel of languages which Fulcher describes in the Christian camp be* fore long- beg-an to form itself into two more general tongues. Latin, notwithstanding all the support it received in tlie court, in the church, and in the schools, was soon confined to the cloister ; and the langue d'oc, or Provengal, became the common language of all the provinces on the southern side of the Loire, while ihe langue (Toil only was spoken iu the north of France. The manners and habits of the people, too, were gradually shaded into each other; the dis- tinctions became less defined: the Provencal no longer looked upon the Breton as a savage ; and the Frank no longer classed the Proven9al with the ape. A thousand alliances were formed between indivi- duals of different tribes, and the hand of kindred smoothed away the remaining asperities of national prejudice. Such assimilations tend of course to calm and mollify the mind of man ; so that the gene- ral character of the country became of a less rude and ferocious nature. At this time, too, sprang up that greatest of all the softeners of the human heart, poetry; and immense was the change it wrought in the manners and deportment of that class which consti- tuted the society of the twelfth century. The poetry of that age bore as distinct and clear a stamp of the epoch to which it belonged, as any that the world ever produced ; and it is absurd to trace to an earlier day the origin of a kind of poesy which was founded upon Chivalry alone, and reflected nothing but the objects of a chivalrous society. It is little important which of the two tongues of France first boasted a national poet, and equally un- important which gave birth to the most excellent poetry. The langue d'oc was the most mellifluous ; the langue d'oil was the most forcible ; but neither brought forth any thing but the tales, the songs, the satires, the ballads of Chivalry HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 233 It is more than probable that some musical ear in Provence first applied to his own language the me- lody of regularly arranged syllables, and the jingle of rhyme. No sooner was this done than the pas- sion spread to all classes. Chivalrous love and chi- valrous warfare furnished subjects in plenty ; and the gai savoir, the biau parler, becmne the favourite relaxation of those very men who wielded the lance and sword in the battle-field. The Troubadours were multiplied lo infinity; the language lent itself almost spontaneously to versification; and kings, warriors, and ladies, as well as the professed poets, occasion- ally practised the new and captivating art, which at once increased chivalrous enthusiasm, by spreading and perpetuating the fame of noble deeds, and soft^ ened the manners of the age, by the influence of sweet sounds and intellectual exercises. The songs themselves soon became as various as tliose who composed them, and were divided into Sirventes, Tensons, Pastourelles, and Kouvelles^ or Contes.^ The Conte, or tale in verse, needs no description, and the nature of the Pastourelle also is self-evident. The Sirvente deserves more particular notice. It was in fact a satire, of the most biting and lively character ; in which wit and poetr}- were not used to cover or to temper the reprobation of either individual or gene- ral vice, but rather, on the contraiy, to give point and energy to invective. The keen bitterness of the Troubadours spared neither rank nor caste ; kings, and nobles, and priests, all equally underwent the lash of their wit ; and it is from these very sirventes that we gain a clear insight into many of the cus- toms and manners of that day, as well "as into many, too many, scenes of grossness and immorality, from Avhich we would fain believe that Chivalry was free. The Tensons, or Jeux partis, were dialogues between two persons on some subject of love or chivalry, and 1 Raynouard, Poesies des Troubadours? ; Millot, Hist, des Troiiba dours ; Le Grand d'Aussi Fabliaux. 224 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. in general show far more subtilty than poetical feel- ing. To these were added occasional epistles in verse; and Plaintes, or lamentations, in which the death or misfortune of a friend was moumed with a touching simplicity that lias since been too often imitated with very ineffective art. Other composi- tions, such as the Aubade and the Serenade, were in use, the difference of which from the common lay consisted merely in their metrical construction ; the word alba being always repeated at the end of each stanza of the aubade, and the word ser continually terminating each division of the serenade.' Such was the poesy of the Langue d'oc and the Trouba- dours. The Langue d'oil had also its poets, the Trou- veres, and its poesy, which differed totally from that of the Langue d'oc. The art was here more ambi- tious than with the Proven9als ; and we find, among the first productions of the Trouveres, long and com- plex poems, which would fain deserve the name of Epics. The first of these, both in date and impor- tance, is the Norman romance of Rou, which bears a considerable resemblance, in its object and manner, to the fragments of old Scandinavian poetry which have come down to us, but has a continuous and uni- form subject, and strong attempts at unity of design. The romance of the Rose also, commenced by Gnii- laume de Lorris,^ and concluded by Jean de Meung, is one of the most extraordinary compositions' that the world ever produced, and stands perfectly alone — an allegory in twenty-two thousand verses ! Va- rious subjects, quite irrelevant to the object of the song, are introduced in its course ; and the poet min- gles his tale with satire and sarcasm, which were fully as often misdirected as deserved. Besides these were all the famous romances of Chivalry which probably originated in the fabulous but inte resting story of Charlemagne's visit to the Jloly • RaynoUarA s Oeuvrea de Man*. HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 226 Land, falsely attributed to the archbishop Turpin. This work bears internal evidence of having been written after the first crusade, and, we have reason to suppose, was translated into Fiench,' from the Latin manuscript of some monkish author. In all the romances of the Round Table, we trace the end of the twelfth, and the beg-inning- of the thirteenth century. They could not h.ave been com- posed prio)- to that epoch ; for we find many customs and objects mentioned, which were not known at an earlier period; and it is probable, from various cir- cumstances, that they are not referable to a later age. Besides these, multitudes of Fabliava^ have descended to us from the Trouveres, and in this sort of composition, it is but fair to say, we find more originality, variety, and strength, though less sweet- ness and less enthusiasm, than among the composi- tions of the Troubadours. At this period also we meet with an institution in Provence, of which I shall speak but slightly, from many motives, though undoubtedly it had a great influence upon the charac- ter of Chivalry : I mean the Court of Love, as it was called, wliere causes concerning that passion were tried and judged as seriously, as if feelings could be submitted to a tribunal. Could that be the case, the object of such a court should certainly be very different from that of the Provencal Court of Love, the effect of which was any thing but to promote morality. It tended, however, with every thing else, to soften the manners of the country, though all the mad absurdities to which it gave rise were a scandal &nd a disgrace to Europe. Besides all these causes of mitigation, the con- stant journeys of the people of Europe to the Holy Land taught them gradually the customs of other nations ; and in that age there vv'as much good to be learned by a frequent intercourse with foreigners. > Fauchet 2 Le Graad d'Aussi 22G HISTORY or chivalry. The great want of Europe was civilization ; the vices of the day were pretty equally spread through all countries, and the very circumstance of mingling with men of different habits and thoughts promoted the end to be desired, without bringing any great importation of foreign follies or crimes. Many use- ful arts, and many sciences, previously unknown, were also obtained from the Saracen^j themselves; and though in the crusades Europe sacrificed a host of her noblest knights, and spent immense treasuies and energies, yet she derived, notwithstanding, no small benefit from her communication with Pales- tine. The state of that country, in the mean while, was every day becoming more and more precarious. The nations by whom it was surrounded were im- proving in military discipline, in political knowledge, and in the science of timing and combining their eflforts, while the Christians were losing ground in every thing but courage. The military orders of the Temple and St. .Tolm were the bulwarks of the Latin kingdom of .Jerusalem ; but at the same time, by their pride, their disputes, and thejr ambition, thej'' did nearly as much to undermine its strength at home as they did to support it with their swords in the field of battle. It would be endless to trace all the events in Pa- lestine which brought about the third crusade, and to investigate minutely the causes which worked out the ruin of the Christian dominion in the Holy Land. The simple facts must be enough in this place. Although the crusade which went forth for the ex- press purpose of delivering Edessa never even at- tempted that object, Joscelyn of Courtenay did notne^ gleet to struggle for his lost territory, and gained some splendid successes over the infidels, which were all in turn reversed, by his capture and death in prison.' 5 Bernard, ♦.he Treasurer ; James of Vitry .Villiam of Tyre. HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 227 After Ris failure, the diffjcully of keeping Ed-^ssa was so apparent, tliat the monarch of Jerusalem' determined to yield it to the Emperor Manuel Comnenus, on condition of his defending it against the Turks. IManuel, therefore, received the princi- pality ; but the weak and cowardly Greeks soon lost what the valiant Franks could not maintain; and be- fore a y'3ar was over, Nourhaddin the Great, sul- taun of Aleppo, was in full possession of Edessa and all its dependencies. Baldwin III., however, who had cast off the follies of his youth, and now dis- played as great qualities as any of his race, more than compensated for the loss of that principahty by the capture of Ascalon.^ After this great success, eight years of varied war- fare followed ; and at the end of that period Baldwin died, leaving behind him the character of one of the noblest of the Latin kings. His brother Almeric as- cended the vacant throne, but with talents infinitely inferior, and a mmd in no degree calculated to cope with the great and grasping genius of Nourhaddin, who combined, in rare union, the qualities of an am bitious and politic monarch with the character of a liberal, frugal, and unostentatious man. Almeric was ambitious also ; but his avarice wag always a check on his ambition, and he suffered him- self often to be bribed, where he might have con- qr.ered. At this time^ the Fatimite califs of Egypt had fallen into a state of nonentity. The country was governed by a vizier, and the high office was struggled for by a succession of military adven- turers. .Such a state of things av/akened the attention of the monarchs of Jerusalem and Aleppo, and each resolved to make himself master of Egypt. An op- portunity soon presented itself. Shawer, the vizier of Eg^pt, was expelled from his post by Darghara, 1 Williamof Tyre; Bernard. 2 William of Tyrc; » Cardinal of Vitry; William of TjTe. 228 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. a soldier of fortune. The disgraced vizier fled to the court of Nourhaddin, and prayed for assistance against the usurper. Nourhaddin willingly granted a request which yielded the means of sending his troops into Egypt; and two Curdish refugees, uncle and nephew, who had risen high in his army,' under the names of Assad Eddyn Chyrkouh, and Salah Eddyn or Saladin, were despatched v/ith consideia- IjIo forces to expel Dargham, and to re-establish Shawor. Dargham saw the gathering storm, and to shelter himself from its fury called the Christians from Palestine to his aid. But the movements of the Moslems were more rapid than those of Almeric ; and, before the King of Jerusalem could reach Cairo, Chyrkouh had given battle to Dargham, and defeated and killed him, and Shawer was repossessed of the authority he had lost. Shaw^er soon found that his power was fully as much in danger from his allies as it had been from his enemies ; and, to resist the Turks whom he had brought into Egypt, he was obliged to enter into a. treaty with the Christians. Almeric marched immediately to Cairo, and after a multitude of manoeuvres and skirmishes, forced Chyrkouh and Saladin to quit the country ; display- ing, through the whole of this war, more scientific generalship than was at all usual in that age. No sooner were the Turks gone, than the Latin mo- narch^ broke his truce with the Egyptians, and-Shawer was once more obliged to apply to Nourhaddin. Chyrkouh again advanced into the Fatimite domi- nions with increased forces, obliged Almeric to retreat with great loss, took possession of Cairo, beheaded Shawer, and installed himself in the office of vizier to Adhad, calif of Egypt, though he still retained the title of lieutenant for Nourhaddin of Aleppo. Not long after these successes, Chyrkouli died, and Nour- haddin, doubtful of the fidelity of the Turkish emirs, » C.irdinal of Vitry ; Will, of Tyre. 2 Bernard ; William of Tyre. HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 229 gave the vacant post to Saladin, the nephew of the late vizier ; in which choice he was as much guided by the apparently reckless and pleasure-seeking despot- ism of the young Curdish chief, as by the military skill he had shown when forced unwillingly into ac- tion. Saladin, however, was scarcely invested with supreme power in Egypt when his real character appeared. He cast from him .he follies with which he had veiled his great and aaring mind ; and, by means of the immense treasures placed at his com- mand, soon bound to his interests many who had been at first disgusted by his unexpected elevation. The califs of Egypt had been always considered as schismatics by the califs of Bagdat, to whom Nour- haddin still affected homage ; and Saladin was forth- with mstructed to declare the Fatimite dynasty at an end, and to re-establish in Egypt the nominal domi- nion of the Abassides. This was easil}^ accomplished; Adhad, the calif, either died before the revolution was completed, or was strangled in the bath ; the people little cared under whose yoke they laboured. The children of the late calif were confined in the harem ; and IMotshadi, calif of Bagdat, was prayed for as God's vicar on earth. Saladin's ambitious projects became every day more and more apparent, and Nourhaddin was not blind to the conduct of his officer. Submission quieted his suspicions for a time ; and, though re- peated causes for fresh jealousy arose, he was obliged to forego marching into Egypt in person, as he undoubtedly intended, till death put a stop to all his schemes. No sooner was Nourhaddin dead, than Almeric attacked his widow at Paneas,' and Saladin began to encroach upon other parts of his territories : but Saladin was the only gainer by the I William of Tyre; James of Vitry; Guillelm de Nangis; Chrort ean. il74. u 230 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. death of the great sultaun, and made himself master, by various means, of the whole of his Syrian domi- mons, while internal dissensions and changes in the government of Palestme gradually weakened every bulwark of the Latin throne. Almeric' died in re- turning from Paneas, and his son, Baldwin I"^"^ , sur- named the Leper, succeeded him. Had liis corpo real powers been equal to the task of royalty, it is probable that Baldwin would have been a far greater monarch than his father; but, after many struggles for activity, he found that disease incapacitated him for energetic rule, and he intrusted the care of the state to Guy of Lusignan, who had married his sister Sybilla, widow of the Marquis of I\Iontferrat, to whom she had borne one son.^ Guy of Lusignan soon showed himself unworthy of the charge, and Baldwin,'^ resuming the govern- ment, endeavoured to establish it in such a form that it might uphold itself after his death, which he felt to be approaching. With this view he offered the administration to the Count of Tripoli,'' during the minority of his sister's child ; but the Count refused to accept it, except under condition that the charge of the young p^-ince should be given to Jos- celyn de Courtenay, the suiviving branch of the Courtenays of Edessa, and son of the unhappy count who died in a Saracen prison. He also stipulated that the castles and fortresses of the kingdom should be garrisoned by the Hospitallers and Templars; and that in case the boy should die in his youth, the question of succession should be determined by the Pope, the Emperor of Germany, the King of France, 1 William of Tyre. 2 Jacob. Viir. 3 Bernard the Treasurer says, tbat the monnrch ■.vi^ller! to annul the ijiarriage between his si.slcr and Gny. " Si grans haine csioit ei'lre le roy et le cuens de .lalTeque clinsfiin jor cressoit pin? et plus et jusi;ue a tant estoit la f hose venue que le roy queroit achaison par quoy il peut desevrer tot apertemeiit le manage qui iert entre lui et sa seror.' 4 William of Tyre ; Bernard the 'ireasurcr ; James of Vitrv. HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 231 and tlie Kin^ of England.' Not many years after this tile king died, and Baldwin V. succeeded, but his death followed immediately upon his accession. Without abiding by the dispositions of the former monarch, no sooner was the young king dead, than the Grand Master of the Temple, Renauld of Cha- tillon, Count of Karac, and the Patriarch of Jerusa- lem joined to raise Sybilla to the throne, in spite of the formal protest of all the other barons and the Grand Master of the Hospital. The gates of Jeru- salem were shut f and it was only by sending one of their followers, disguised as a monk, that the no- bles asseml)led with the Count of Tripoli at Naplousa could gain any tidings of what passed. Sybilla w^as crowned in form ; and then the patriarch, pointing to the other crown which lay upon the altar, told her that it was hers to dispose of, on which she imme- diately placed it on the head of Guy of Liisignan.^ After this some of the barons refused to do homage to the new^ king, and some absented themselves from his court ; but the imminent danger in which the country was placed at length brought back a degree of concord, when concord could no longer avail. Saladin had by this time made himself master of all Syria ;^ and had not only consolidated into one great monarchy dominions wiiicli for ages had been sf'parated into petty states, but also, by the inces- sant application of a powerful and expansive mind, he had drawn forth and brought into action many latent but valuable resources which had previously been unknown or forgotten. He had taught the whole interests of his people to centre in his own person, and he now determined to direct their ener- gies to one great and important enterprise. That enterprise was the conquest of Palestine, and wi-h 1 Bernard the Treasurer ; James of Vitry. 2 Bernard the Treasurer. s Rog. of Hovedon. 4 WiUiam of Tyre ; VVUliam de Nangis. 23'4 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. an army "i* fifty thousand horse, and near two hun- dred thousand foot, lie advanced towards Jerusalem, and laid siege to Tiberias.' Within the walls of that fortress the Countess of Tripoli held out against the Saracens, while her husband joined Guy of Lusignan, and brought his forces to the field in defence of the Holy Land. The conduct of the Count of Tripoli is very ob- scure.2 That from time to time he had treated with the Saracens is evident, and almost every European authority, except Mills, accuses him of having, in this instance, betrayed his countrymen into the hands of the infidels. Whether with or against his advice matters little to the general result — the Christians marched down to meet Saladin at Tiberias.^ Beyond doubt it was by the counsel of the Count of Tripoli that they pitch«^d their tents in a spot where no water was to be found. The troops suffered dreadfully from thirst ; and in the morning, when they advanced to attack Saladin in the cool of the dawn, the wary monarch retired befoie them, resolved not to give them battle till the heat of the risen sun had added to their fatigues. To increase the suffocating warmth of a Syrian summer's day, he set fire to the low bushes and shrubs which surrounded the Christian camp; so that when the battle did begin, the Latin forces were quite overcome with weariness and drought. The contest raged throughout the day, the Christians fighting to reach the wells which lay behind the Saracen power,^ but in vain; and night fell, leaving the strife still doubtful. The next morn- ing the Latins and Turks again mixed in combat. The Count of Tiipoli^ forced his way through the Saracens, and escaped unhurt; but the scimitars of the Moslems mowed down whole ranks of the Chris- tians, for their immense superioiity of numbers I Bernard ; William of Nangis. 2 Will. Neub. 3 Bernard. . 4 William of Nangis. 6 Bernard the Treasurer; William of Nangis. HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 233 allowed them to sun*oimd the height upon whiclfthe king and the chief of his army were stationed, and to wage the warfare at once against every face of the Latin host. Such a conflict could not long endure. Multitudes of the infidels fell, but their loss was nothing in proportion to their number, when compared with that which their adversaries underwent. The Grand Master of the Hospital' alone clove his way from the field of battle, after having staid till victory had settled upon the Paynim banners. He- reached Ascalon that night, but died on the following day of the wounds he had received. The King — Renault de Chatillon, Count of Karac, who had so often broken faith with the Moslems — and the Grand Master of the Temple, whose whole order was in abhorrence among the Mussulmans — were taken alive and carried prisoners to the tent of Saladin. That monarch remained for some time on the field, giving orders that the knights of St. John^ and those of the Temple, who had been captured, should in- stantly embrace Islamism, or undergo the fate of the scimitar. A thousand acts of cruelty and aggression on their part had given cause to such deadly hatred; but at the hour of death not one knight could be brought to renounce his creed ; and they died with that calm resolution w^hich is in itself a glory. After this bloody consummation of his victory, Saladin entered the tent where Lusignan and his companions expected a similar fate : but Saladin, thirsty himself, called for iced sherbet, and having drank, handed the cup to the fallen monarch, a sure pledge that his life was secure. Lusignan in turn passed it to Renaul of Chatillon.^ but the sultaun, starting up, ex- claimed, " No hospitality for the breaker of all en- gagements !"■* and before Chatillon could drink, with 1 Vertot. 2 Rog. of Hovedon ; William of Nangis. 3 William of Nanjis; Bernard the Treasurer. * Some writers state that Saladin proposed to Chatillon to abjuio U2 234 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. one blow of his scimitar, Saladin severed his head from his body. Tiberias surrendered immediately. City after city now fell into the power of the vietor, and^ at length, after an obstinate defence, .Jerusalem once more was trodden by the Moslems.' But the conduct of the infidel sultaun on this occasion shames tiie cruelty of the crusaders. When the people could hold out no longer, Saladin, who had at first offered the most advantageous terms, insisted that the city should now throw itself upon his mercy. He then agreed upon a moderate ransom for the prisoners, and promised to let each man carry forth his goods without impediment. When this was done, with extraordinary care he saw that neither insult nor injury should be ofifcred to the Christians; and, having taken possession of the town, he placed a guard at one of the gates to receive the ransom of the inhabitants as they passed out. Nevertheless, when the whole wealth which could be collected in the town had been paid down, an immense number of the poorer Christians remained unredeemed. These were destined to be slaves ; but Bernard the "^Preasurer relates, that Saif Eddyn, the brother of the monarch, begged the liberty of one thousand of these, and that about the same number were deli- vered at the prayer of the Patriarch and of Balcan de Ibelyn,- who had commanded in the place, and communicated with the Curdish monarch on its sur- render. After this Saladin declared that his brother, tlie Patriarch, and Ibelyn had done their ahns, and that now he would do his alms also ; on which he caused it to be proclaimed ihrough the city,^ that all the poor people who could give no ransom might go Cliristianify, wtiirli he boldly rrfiised : but otbers do not mention the rircuinstaiice, and ilie ant of Saladin seems to me to have liien nioie one of ha ty passion than of deliberation. i Bernard. 2 Bernard the Treasurer; Continuation of William of Tyre 3 Willjam of Nang.s. HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 235 forth in safety by the gate of St. Lazarns; but he ordered that if any attempted to take advantage of tins permission who really could pay for their deli- veranee, they should be instantly seized and cast into prison. iMany of the nobler prisoners also he freed at the entreaty of the Christian ladies ; and in his whole conduct he showed himself as moderate in conquest as he was great in battle. Antioch and the neighbouring towns, as well as the greater part of the county of Tripoli,' were soon reduited to the Saracen yoke, and with the exception of Tyre, which was defended by the gallant Conrad, Marquis of Montferrat, the whole of Palestine be- came subject to the victor of Tiberias. Such was the sudden and disastrous termination of the Christian dominion in the Holy Land ;' a mis- fortune which all the contemporary writers attribute to the vices of the inhabitants. Without presuming to assign it, as they do, to the special wrath of Hea- ven, we may nevertheless believe that the gross and scandalous crimes of ihe people of Jerusalem greatly accelerated its return to the Moslem domination. After the successes of the first crusade, the refuse of European populations poured into Palestine in hopes of gain, and brought all their vices to add to the stock of those that the country already pos- sessed. The clergy were as licentious as the laity, t!ie chiefs as immoral as the people. Intestine quar- rels are sure to follow upon general crime ; and un- bridled passions work as much harm to the society in which they are tolerated, as to the individuals on whom they are exercised. The Latins of Palestine retained their courage, it is true; but they knew no confidence in each other. Virtue, the great bond of liiiion, subsisted not among them, and each one caballed, intrigued, and strove against his neighbour. The ambition of the two great military orders bred » Bernard. 2 James of Vitry ; Bernard; William of Tyre. 233 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. continual hatred and opposition,' and the discord that existed between the Hospitallers and the clergy caused anotlier breach in the harmony of the state. During the time that the kingdom of Jerusalem was thus dividing itself, by passions and vices, into ruinous factions and enfeebled bodies, Saladin and those that preceded him were bending all their ener- gies to consolidate their power and extend their domi- nion. Zenghi was a great warrior, Nourhaddin a great monarch,- and Saladin added to the high quali- ties of both, not only a degree of civilization in his own person which neither had known, but, wliat was aill more, the spirit of civilization in his heart. Saladin was as superior to any of the princes of Palestine in mind as he was in territory; and with clear and general views of policy, keenness and strength of perception in difficulties, consummate skill in war, innumerable forces, and the hearts of his soldiers, it was impossible that he should not conquer. There can be no doubt that the Latins were a more powerful and vigorous race of men than the Turks. The event of every combat evinced it; and even in their defeats, they almost always left more dead upon the field of the enemy's forces than of their own. Their armour, too, was weightier,^ and their horses heavier and more overpowering in the charge. But the Turkish horseman and the Turkish horse were more active and more capable of bearing long fatigue, privation, and heat than the h^uropean ; and this in some degree made up for the slighter form and lighter arms of the Saracen. In war, also, as a science, the Turks had improved more than the Cin-istiaiis. We find that the troops of Saladin employed means in their sieges that tht;y had acquired from the crusaders; that they stood firmly the charge of the cavalry* ; that they now foughc hand to hand with the mailed warriors of Europe, 1 Bernard ; Albert. 2 William of Tyre 8 Albert of Aix ; Fulcher-- Robert HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 2b7 and mixed all the modes of chivalrous warfare with those they had practised before. We do not perceive, however, that the Latins adopted their activity or their skill with the bow ; and at the same time it must be remarked, that the armies of the Moslem fought as a whole, under the absolute command of one chief; while the Chris- tiaus, divided in tlie battle as in the time of peace, were broken into separate corps undei' feudal leaders, wlio eacli consulted his own will fully as much as that of his sovereign. Many other causes might be traced for the Chris- tian fall and the Mussuhiian triumph; but perhaps more has been already said than was required. Whatevei' were the causes the result was the same — Jerusalem was taken by the Moslem, and conster- nation spread through Christendom. CHAPTER XII. TTie Xews of the Fate nf Palestine reaches Europe— The Archbishop of Tyre comes to seek for Aid— Assistance granted by William the ■ Good, of Sicily— Death of Urban, from Grief at the Loss of Jeru- salem — Gregory VII [. promotes a Crusade — Expedition of Frederic, Emperor of Germany — His Successes — His Death — Stale of Europe — Cn/saile promoted by the Trovbadours — Philip Augustus and Henry II take the Cross— Laws enacted— Saladin's tenth—War renewed — Death of Henry II. — Accession of Richard Cfur de Lion — The Cru- sade — Philip's March — Richard's March — Affairs of Sicily — Quarrels between the Monarchs— Philip goes to Acre— Richard subdues Cy- prus — Arrives at Acre — Siege and Taking of Acre — Fresh Disputes — Philip Augustus returns to Europe — Richard marches on — Battle of Azotus — Heroism of Richard — Unsteady Councils — The Enter- vrlse abandoned. We have seen the solicitations of the church, and tt by the clergy alone ; but this was the work of the Troubadours. » O nffroj Rude} in lUynouard ; Millot ; Ducange. T 242 HISTORY OF CHIVA1.RY. A truce between Henry 11. and Philip Augustus was agreed upon, and a meeting was fixed between Trie and Gisors,' for the purpose of considering- the manner of settling- all difficulties, and the best means of delivering Jerusalem. The wliole of the barons of France and England were jjvesent at this parlia. ment, which was held in the month of J-aiuiary, and mutual jealousies and hatred had nearly turned the assembly, wliicli met to promote peace, to the pur- poses of bloodshed. At length the Cardinal of Al- b-ano and Wdliam, Archbishop of Tyre, presented themselves to the meeting ; and the oriental prelate having related all the horrors he had himself beheld in the Holy Land — the slaughter of Tiberias, the fall of .lerusalem, tlie po lution of tlie temple, and the capture of the sepulchre — the symbol of the Cross was unanimously adopted by all ; private wars were laid aside, and a mode of proceeding was determined on which promised to furnish vast supplies for the holy enterprise to which the kings and barons bound themselves. The first of the measures resolved was to enforce a general contribution from all persons who did not take the Cross, whether clergy or 1-aity, towards de- fraying the expense of the crusade. This consisted of a tenth of all possessions, whether landed or per- sonal, and was called Saladln\» ? Peterborough ; Vinesauf: James. Cardinal of Vitry. lib. i. 252 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. saved, who were afterward ransomed according 15 the universal custom of the day.' But little time now elapsed ere Richard, with a hundred sail, arrived before the city of Acre, and the shouts of joy that welcomed him made his proud heart beat with more than wonted ardour. All the Chivalry of Europe were upon the sandy plain be- tween Ptolemais and the mountains of Carouba •} the Templars, the Hospitallers, the Knights of France, of England, of Germany, of Italy, of Flanders, and of Burgundy. Thousands of banners floated on the wind; and every sort of arms, device, and ensign glittered through the camp. On the inland hills lay the millions of Saladin, with every accessory of east- ern pomp and eastern luxury. There, too, was the pride of all the Saracen tribes, called into the field by their great monarch to meet the swarming invasion of the Christians.^ One wing of the Moslem army was commanded by Malek Adel Saif Eddin," brothei of Saladin, and the'other by that monarch's nephew, Modaffer. Through the host were seen banners of green, and black, and yellow ; and armour of as many kinds, and of as great magnificence, as that of the Europeans. Nor was the chivalrous courtesy of the day con- fined to the Christian camp. In times of truce the adverse nations mingled together in friendship; and at one moment they sent mutual presents, and reci- procated good offices, while at another they met in 1 Mills speaks of the conduct of Richard in the following terms : 'The sanguinary and ungenerous Richard killed or cast overboard his defenceless enemies; or, with an avarice equally detestable, saved the commanders for the sake of their ransom." That author, however, says not one word of the Saracens' fighting under false colours, or of the hor- rible cargo which they carried in their ship, though he afterward himself alludes to the sufferings of the crusaders from the bites of reptiles. Is this historical justice? 2 Bernard the Treasurer. 3 Hoha Eddin, rcc. Hist. Arabes de Reinaud. < His name, literally translated, means the rust king, thesivord oftht faith. Fiom Saif Eddin the Christians composed the word Saphaddia %• which I « is ^erally df Fgna^ed In tb« ehroclcies of ibe tlBw. HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 233 bloody and impetuous strife. Saladin himself seems to have conceived the highest respect for the charac- ter of Richard; and when he was not opposing him in the field, he was always desirous of showing that the Moslems were not to be outdone in generous sentiment by any of the Christian knights. It would be endless to recount all the transactions of the siege of Acre. The spirit of the whole of this crusade which I could wish to dwell upon more than any thing else) has been already fully, perfectly, and feelingly displayed, in that most beautiful composi- tion. The TaUsman ; wherein Sir Walter Scott, how- ever he may have altered some historical facts to suit the purposes of fiction, has given a more striking picture of the human mmd in that age — of the cha- racter of nations as well as individuals — than any dull chronicle of cold events can furnish. Richard Coeur de Lion, soon after his arrival before Acre, was seized with the fever of the country, and in the attack made upon the town by Philip Augustus the English monarch was not present.' Philip mur- mured highly, and his assault was repulsed from the want of sufficient forces to follow up his first advan- tage. Richard in his turn attempted to storm the city without the aid of France, and notwithstanding eflforts of almost incredible valour, was likewise re- pelled. Mutual necessity brought some degree of concord ; and it was agreed that while one army as- sailed the walls the other should guard the camp, but still the endeavours of both were ineffectual to take the town by storm ; and continual disputes were every day springing up between the two monarchs and the two hosts. Philip strove to seduce the vassals of Ri('hard to follow his banner, as the sovereign of their sovereign, and paid three pieces of gold per month to each of the Noraian knights who would join his standard i^ Richard gave four pieces of gold > Vinesauf ; Hovedoa 2 Chron. St. Denia 254 HISTORY F CHIVALky. to all who came over from Philip, and mam- a French feudatory joined himself to the l^higlish king. The siege of Acre still advanced, notwithstanding, less indeed by the presence or efforts of the two sove- reigns, than by the simple fact of the city being cut off from all supplies. It had now held out for many months; and for long had endured but little priva- tion from its communication with the sea; but as one article of the first necessity after another be- came exhausted, that means of receiving provisions was not sufficiently productive or regular for the sup- ply of a great city. Even when ships arrived the town was in a state of scarcity, and a day's delay brought on a famine. Acre could resist no longer,« and after a short truce, which was asked in the hope of assistance from Egypt, it surrendered to the mo- uarchs of France and England, on very rigorous terms. All the Christian prisoners v/ithiu the tov/n tvere to be freed, together with one thousand men and two hundred knights, chosen from those that Saladin detained in captivity ; two hundred thousand 'Sieces of gold were to be paid, and the true Cross was K) be restored to the Christians. Such was the only capitulation granted to the people of Acre, who wore rdso to remain in the bauds of the crusaders till the stipulations had been fulfilled by Saladin ; and in case the conditions were ilot accomplished within forty days, the prisoners were left to the disposal of theii conquerors. vSaladin neglected to fulfil any of the terms whicl* depended on him; the ransom was not paid; the wood of the Cross was not restored ; and Richard^ cruelly commanded his prisoners to be put to death.^ 1 James of Vitry; Hovedon ; Viiiesauf; Ben. of Pet.; Bernard the Treasurer. 2 Rifford; William of Nancris ; James of Vitry; Bernardus; Vire sauf ; Hovedon. All these authors give different accounts of the nuio* 6ers sacrificed. 3 Bernard the Treasurer affirms that Philip caused the prisoners to b« executed ; but most of the other historians agree, that this piece of cruelty v/aa committed by Richard alone. HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 26tt After the capture of the city, the Archduke of Aus- tria boldly placed his banner on one of the towers but no sooner was it seen by Richard, than with h. own hand he tore it down, and rendinof it to pieces, trampled it under his feet. The insult was iieithe forg-otteu nor unrevencred, though from that momen ihe banners of the kings^ only continued to float from the walls of Acre. Thus new dissensions were added to those \vhich had already arisen, and the two monarchs, by taking possession of the whole spoil and divifling it between them, gave high disgust to the rest of the crusa^ders. Another more tangible cause of animosity soon sprang up. Sybilla, the wife of Guy of Lusignan, through whom alone he possesseii the title of King of Jerusalem, died during the sieg^ of Acre, but he still pretended a right to the throna Conrad of ?\iontferrat, lord of Tyre, had seized upon Isabella, sister of Sybilla, and wife of the weak and cowardly Humphrey de Thoron; and having ob. tained, by one means or another, a divorce between ner and her husband, had married her; on whici: marriage, he also claimed the empty vanity of the crown. Ricliard, with the Pisans and the Hospital- lers, maintained the cause of Lusignan ; Philip Augus- tus, with the Genoese and the Templars, supported Conrad ; and the schism was only healed by Lusig- nan acknowledging Conrad to be heir to the nomi- nal kingdom, while Conrad allowed Lusignan to retain the title for his life. Soon after tliis, the crusade received^ its death- dIow , by the defection of Philip Augustus. No doubt can exist that that monarch had really lost his health 1 Rigord. 2 Bernard the Treasurer says, that the English king lodged in the House of the Templars, and that Philip Augustus occupied the citadel; " Le Roi de France ot le chastel d'Acre, et le fist ganiir et le Roi d'Anglo- terre se herberja en la maiso i du Temple." INIost autliorities, however, are opposed to this statement, declaring that Richard lodged in the pa- lace, and Pliilip with the Templars. 3 Bernard the Treasurer ; Rigord : William the Breton : Branche dea royaux Lignages. 256 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. since his sojourn in the Holy Land ; but as little doubv Is there that his chief motive in returning to Europe was his disgust' at the overbearing conduct of Rich- ard, and his jealousy at the great superiority of his rival in all military exercises. Philip Augustus was an expert and able general, a brave and distinguished knight; but Richard was the wonder of his day, and what Philip might have admired in an inferior, he could not bear in a fellow-king. He therefore pro- claimed aloud his illness, and his intention to leturn to Europe, most unwisely — as James of Vitry ob- serves — for the interest of the crusade ; for Saladin^ had been so much depressed by the fall of Acre, that beyond all question immense concessions might have been obtained, had the monarchs but made a demon- stration of acting in concert. As bound to him by treaties, Richard's permission was demanded by the King of France. At first Richard exclaimed, with a burst oj" honest indignation, "Eternal shame on him and on all France, if for any cause he leave the work unfinished!"^ but he added afterward, " Well, let him go, if his health require it, or if he cannot live with- out seeing Paris." With this surly leave, Pliilip hastened his departure, after having made over to Conrad of Tyre his share in the city of Acre, and having sworn, in the most solemn manner, to respect Richard's possessions in Europe — an oath which he soon found occasion to break. The Duke of Burgundy,'* with ten thousand men, was left behind to support Richard ; and that monarch, after repairing the fortifications of Acre, having seen the churches purified, and the Christian religion re- stored, marched out with considerable force, and took the road by the seaside towards Ascalon. Vessels laden with provisions followed along the shore ; but, 1 Rigord ; Robert of Cloucester. 2 James of Vitry ; Boha Eddin ; Ernad Eddiii ; ReL-ueil de Reinaud. 3 Benedict of Peterborough. 4 Bernard the Treasurer; James of Vitry, &;e. HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 257 on the other hand, the Moslems, who had now recovered confidence at the dissensions which they knew reigned among the Christians, pursned tlie army as it marched, and harassed it by continual attacks. Richard' refrained from any thing like a general engagement, as long as such conduct was possible ; but near Azotus he found himself compelled to fight, and he accordingly drew out his men in battle array. Eudes, Duke of Burgundy, commanded he left, and the famous Jacques d'Avesnes the right, of the crusaders, while Richard himself appeared in the centre. Saladin^ led the attack against the Christian army, and the right gave way. At the same time the left repulsed the Moslems, and with the usual impetuous courage of the French, who composed it, followed up their success till they were cut off from the main body. Richard advanced to the aid of the Duke of Burgundy, but only so far as to save him from being destroyed. With wonderful coolness he waited till the Saracens had exhausted their arrows, and wearied their horses with rapid evolutions, so that the knights murmured at the unwonted inactivity of their mo- narch. A t length, seeing that Saladin had weakened his left wing to attack the Duke of Burgundy, that the hail of missiles was passed, and that there existed some confusion in the enemy's^ lines, the king commanded his knights to charge, and leading them on himself, he with his own hand overthrew all that opposed him. The infidels whom he slew, and the feats that lie performed, are almost incredible ; but certain it is, that his voice, his eye, his look, brought inspiration to the Christians and dismay to the hearts of the Moslems. The Saracen host fled amain, and Richard remained master of the field, having to mourn few of 1 Hovedon ; James of Vitry ; Vinesauf 2 Vinesauf ; Boha Eddin. s Hovedon ; Vinesauf. 238 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY- his distinguished soldiers besides Jacques d'Avesiie:?- who was slain towards the end of the battle.' The road both to Ascalon and Jerusalem was no\ open to the host of the Cross;' but either from trea chery, as some have supposed, or from envy, a others have imagined, Richard was continually op posed in the council of war : the operations of th( crusaders became vacillating, uncertain, and ill- judged, and the kingdom of Jerusalem was virtually cast away. The army, instead of following its ad- *vantag-es, proceeded to jaffa,^ wasted time in fortify - mg that city, and suffered tlie Saracens to recover from their panic. Various attacks were soon made upon the Christians ; a party of Templars was sur- rounded by the foe, and would have been cut to pieces, with the Earl of Leicester and some English who had come to their aid, had not Richard, with his lion-heart, rushed, almost unarmed, into the fight ; and, scattering the enemy like a whirlwind, delivered his friends from their peril. On another occasion, he had himself nearly been taken prisoner while falcon- ing, and would certginly have fallen into the hands of the Saracens, had not one of his followers, named William de Pratelles,'* exclaimed, " I am the king !" and thus drawn the attention of the enemy to him- self. After this, various treaties^ were entered into, which ended in nothing, and probably were devised by the Saracens merely for the purpose of gaining time to recruit their forces. It was even proposed that Joan of Sicily, the E]nglish monarch's sister, should be given in marriage to Saphaddin, or Saif Kddin ; and that Jerusalem should be yielded to the parties in this strange alliance. All these negotia tions, however, terminated as they began, and hos- tilities were often commenced and suspended, equally ' James of Vitry ; Trivet Annates. 2 Bernard the Treasurer 3 James of Vitry. 4 This gentleman was taken prisoner, but was of course ranson.c/ Immediately by Richard. 6 Hovedon; Boha Eddia HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 259 without cause. Richard advanced to Ramula, and nothing opposed his proceeding- to Jerusalem ; but at a cduncil of war it was determined that the army sliould retire upon Ascalon.' This was done, and Ascalon was once more fortified; but here the troops were cut off from supplies, new divisions arose, and many desertions took place. The Duke of Burgundy retreated to Acre ; the Genoese and Pisans broke out into open warfare, and one party, supported by Conrad of Montferrat, would have destroyed the other, had not Richard marched to the spot, forced Conrad to withdraw, and re-established peace be- tween the contending nations. Conrad, frustrated in the views he had entertained, rejected all con- ciliation from Richard, and allied himself with Saladin. That monarch immediately hastened once more to attack the divided army of the Cross ;^ but Conrad was stabbed b^/ two of a class of men called the Assassins,^ at the moment that Richard, to obtain 1 Vinesaiif; James of Vifry. 2 Hovedon ; William of Nangis, aim. 1192; Vinesauf. 8 For many years a horde of- plunderers had been esfablished in the mountains of Phoenicia, in the neijihboiirhood of Tortosa and Tripoli, who, in the end, obtained the name of Assassins, from the small dagger which was their only weapon, and which was called hassassin. Tii'eir religion was a corrupted species of Islamism, and their governrfient a fanatical despotism. Their chief was called somelimes the Ancient, sometimes the Lord of the Mountains, and among the Christians he ob- tained the name of the Old Man of the Mountains. By working on tie exciteahle imaginations of an illiterate and fanatical race, the lords of thia extraordinary tribe had obtained over them an influence unknown to any otlier power which was ever brought to sway the mind of man. Th« will of the Old Man of the Mountains was absolute law to each of his subjects. Whatever were his commands, whether l() slay themselves or another, they asked no questions — paused not to consider of justice or injustice — but obeyed ; and when sent to execute the will of their lord upon anyone, they followed their object with a keen sagacity and unal- terable perseverance, that placed the life of each individual in the hands of I heir remorseless monarch. Nothing could turn them aside from the pur- suit ; no difficulties were too great for them to surmount ; and when ihey had struck the victim, if they escaped, it was well ; but if they were taken, they m?t torture and death with stoical firmness,feelingcertainofthejova of Paradise as a compeu-saiion for their sufferings. The number of this tribe was about sixty thousand, all conscientious murderers, whom no danger would daunt, and no human cons^ideration could deter. Such were, the men who slew Conrad r f \iontferrat; and yet the French with the wild 260 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. concord, had consented to his coronation as king of Jerusalem, in opposition to the claim of Guj'- of Lu- signan. The French attributed the death of Conrad to Richard, and all parties flew to arms ; but in the midst of this confusion, Henry Count of Champagne came forward, married the widow of Conrad, was proclaimed king of Jerusalem' with the consent of all, and the united host once more prepared to march and conquer the kingdom for which they had just been providing a king. During this time, Richard Coeur de Lion, while waging the war for Jerusalem, was neglecting all his best interests in Europe. John, his brother, was striving for the crown of England, and Philip Augustus was stripping him of his territories in France. Mes- senger after messenger brought naught but tidings of danger, and pressing solicitations for his return. Still Richard advanced towards Jerusalem,^ but his force was too small to attempt a long-protracted siege. He found himself far from resources, and in a country where supplies could be obtained but with the greatest difficulty.^ The marches before him were barren and hot; little water was to be procured and at Bethlehem a council of twenty peisons wa3 appointed to inquire into the possibility of proceed- inconsistency of their national hatred, attributed the deed to Richard, whfl never found aught on earth that could induce him to cover his wrattj when it was excited, or to stay him from the open pursuit of revenge, which was always as bold and unconcealed as it was fierce and evanes- cent. From this tribe we have derived the word assn.isin.—See Jamea ofVitry; Mattliew of P;,-ris ; William of Tyre ; Ducange ou .loinvilj-e, 1 Bernard the Treasurer ; James of Vitry ; William of Nangis. 2 Bernard; Vinesauf; Matthew Paris. S Little doubt can exist that one great cause of the abandonment of the crusade were the dirferences between Richard and the Duke of Bur- gundy. The Frenchman was jealous of the fame which the English Icing would have acquired by taking Jerusalem, and consequently took care thnt he should not effect that object. Such is the account given by Bernard the Treasuiar—a Frenchman, who always showed a inanifesJ tendency to exculpate liis countrymen, whenever there existed a fair excu*:!. See the Chronicle in old F'rench, published m the collection of Martcnne and Durand. It was generally attributed to Hugh Plagon, but bos since been proved to h<) t*u*t»'g.my^ i- UkJuard the Treasurer HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 261 ing. Certain information was received that the Turks had destroyed all the wells and cisterns round the Holy City, and it was determined to abandon the enterprise. Richard felt the disappointment with all the bitterness of broken hope and crusiied ambition. He was led to a hill from whence he could behold Jerusalem; but the sig-ht and its memories were too much, and, covering his eyes with his shield,' the warrior monarch turned away with a swelling heart to concert measures for gaining something, at all events, to compensate the loss of .lerusnlem. But discord was in the bosom of the crusade ; t he soldiers murmured,^ the chiefs rebelled, and the only thing that could save the army was immediate retreat. Such, then, after many plans had been proposed and re- jected, was the ultimate step. The great body of the forces, with liichard and the Duke of Burgundy, fell back upon Acre ; but a smaller part threw itself into Jaffa ; and Saladin, recovermg his energies as the crusaders lost theirs, collected his power and pre- pared to reap the fruits of their disunion. The hope of saving the Holy Land was now gone, and Richard determined to abandon an endeavoui- which jea. iousies and treacheries had rendered infeasible ; and, returning to Europe, to give his thoughts to the con- solidation and security of his o\vn dominions. Be- fore he set out, however, the news reached him that Saladin had attacked Jaffa with immense forces ; and that the only hope of the garrison was in aid from him.^ Sending the bulk of the army by land, he took advantage of a favourable wind, and set sail w^ith a very small retinue for the besieged city. When he arrived at Jaffa, he perceived that the gatea were already in the hands of the Saracens, and that the Christians were fighting to the last, to sell their lives dearly. " When King Richard found that the place was taken," to use the words of Bernard the Trea- 1 Vinesauf. 2 Hovedon ; Vinesauf. 8 The Frencb reftiscd to march to tbo assistance of Jafi^ 862 HISTORY OF chivalry. surer, "he sprano-on shore, with his shield round his neck, and his Danish axe in his hand, retook the castle, slew the Saracens that were within tlie walls, and drove those that were without back to their camp, where he halted on a little mound — he and his men. Saladin asked his troops why they fled ; to which they replied, that the King- of England had come to Jaffa, had slain much people, and retaken the town. Then Saladin asked, ' Where is he V And they re- plied, ' There, sire, upon that hillock with his men.' ' What !' cried Saladhi, ' the king on foot among his servants ! This is not as it should be.' And Saladin sent Inm a horse,' chargidg- the messenger to say, thai such a man ought not to remain on foot in so great danger." The attempts of the vSaracens were vain to re. cover the position they had lost, and their terror at the tremendous name of Richard made that name host. This victory again placed the King of Eng- land in a commanding situation, and he took advan. tage of it to demand peace. Saladin gladly met hi3 advances. A treaty was entered into, and a truce Was concluded for three years and eight months, during which period the Christians were to enjoy the liberty of visiting Jerusalem, as pilgrims, exemp' from all grievance'. Tyre and Jaffa, with the whole district between them, \vere yielded to the Latins, who, on their part, agreed to demolish the fortifica. lions of Ascalon. The troops of the Cross were permitted to resort as palmers to Jerusalem, where the sultaun received and treated them with court- sous liospitality. Richard would not visit the city he could not capture ; but the Bishop of Salisbury was entertained in the sultaun's own palace, and obtained from the generous Saracen leave to establish three societies of Latin priests, in Jerusalem, in Bethle- nem, and in Nazareth. Various other splendid acts I Bernard the Treasurer. HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 263 of kingly mag-nanimity closed Saladin's communica- tion with the crusaders. On the 25th of October, A. D. 1192, Richard set sail for Europe. The fruits of liis crusade were but small, as far as the recovery of the Holy Land was concerned ; but in his own person he acquired a de- gree of military gloiy that enmity could not wrest from him, and ages have not been able to dijn. He had many faults and many failings ; and his own pride contributed as much as the jealousy of his enemies to create disunion among the allies," and frustrate the object of the expedition. But he had also to contend with many wrongs and difficulties, and possessed many bright and noble qualities. He carried the heart of a lion to his grave;' and for cen- turies after the women of Palestine scared theii children with his name.^ ' Bernard the Treasurer. 2 The Queen Berengaria and Joan of Sicily left Acre on tiie 29lli of September, previous to the departureof Richard, who set out on the 25th of October, 1192. Afler encountering a violent storm, which scattered J:is fleet and wrecked the greater number of his vessels, Richard, w ih J:is single ship, touched at Zara, where he landed, accompanied only hy two priests and a few knights of the Temple, whose garb he had as- KUiTied. From Zara, Richard endeavoured to make his way through Germany in disguise, but in vain. The news of his journey had already spread; the unforgiving Archduke of Austria, whose banner he had trampled on at Acre, caused every road to be narrowly watclied. Oufi after another of his companions were sent away by (he king, lili at length, with a single squire, he arrived at a small town near Vienna ; W'here. taking up his abode at a petty lodging, Richard despatched his follower for provisions. The sauire was recognised by some of the spies of the archduke, and Richard was taken and cast into prison. The royal captive was speedily given into the hands of the eijiperor of Aus- tria, who concerted with Philip Augustus the means of detaining him in secrecy. His confinement, nevertheless, was soon known in England, and means were used to discover his jireci.se si' nation. General tradition gives the merit of having ascertained his lord's prison «o his favourite troubadour Blcndel, or Blondiau; and we may be surely allowed to re- gret that no grave historian has confirmed the tale. However that may be, the place of the king's confinement was discovered, and England bts pan to cry loudly foi^justice from all Christendom. Knightly honour ;< *•] religious feeling were invoked, and the infamy of detaining a traveller, a pilgrim, and a crusader was proclainned with the loud and powtr.'ul voice of a people's indignation. Henry at length felt himself oblij^rd lo yield some appearance of justice fur detaming an imiependent nioriri-' h"; Bnd Hichard wa.s brought belbre the diet at WorniS, where li« w^i.s 254 HISTORY or chivalry. CHAPTER XIII. Death of Saladin — Disunion among his Successors — Celestine FIT. preaches a new Crusade — Henry of Germany takes the Cross — Aban- dins his Purpose — Crusaders proceed icilhont him — Saif Edd:n takes the Field, and captures Jnffa — The Crusaders are reinforced— Defeat Saif Eddin — Lay Sies'e to Thoroa — Seized with Panic, and retreat— Disperse — Death of Henry of Champagne, King of Jerusalem — Hi^ Widow marries Almeric, King of Cyprus — Truce — Death of Almerit and Isabella— Mary, Heiress of Jerusalem, ivedded to John of Brienne —Affairs of Europe — Innocent III. and Foulque of Xeuilly promote a Crusade— The Barons of France take the Cross— Proceed to Venice — Their Difficulties — Turyi to the Siege of Zara—A ChaiLge of Purpose- Proceed to Constantinople — Siege and Taking of that City— Subse- quent Proceedings — A Revolution in Constantinople- Alexius de- posed by Murzuphlis — Second Stege and Capture of the Greek Capital — Flight of Murzuphlis — Plunder and Outrage— Baldwin, Count of Flanders, elected Emperor. For some time the Christians of the Holy Land enjoyed an interval of repose. Saladin was a reli- gious observer of his word; and during the short space that intervened between the departure of Richard Coenr de Lion and the death of his great adversaiy, the Latins received the full benefit of the treaty which had been executed between those mo- narchs. A year had scarcely elapsed ere Saladin was seized with a mortal sickness; and, finding his end ap- proaching, he commanded the black standard, which had so often led the way to victory, to be taken charged with imaginary crimes, the chief of which was the assassina- tion of Conrad, Marquis of Moatferrat. Had the least shadow of reason been left on the side of the emperor, Richard's fate would have been sealed ; but the English monarch defended himself with so much elo- quence and justice, that no doubt remained on ilie minds of tiiose who heard him. and his ransom was agreed upon at one hundred thousand marks of silver. This money was obtained with difficulty, and John and Philip strove to raise greater sums to tempt the cupidity of the emncror to retain the lion-hearted monarch. The avaricious Henry hesV:ited on their proposals, a-.id thus was the liberty of the noble king of England set up to auction, till the Germanic body indignantly inter- fis»es. In the midst of their festivities, Foulque appeared, and called the whole assembly to the crusade. Partly, it is probable, from the love of adventure, partly from religious feeling, Thibait, in his twenty- second year, assumed the Cross. The Count of Blois, who was present, followed his example ; and of eigliteen hundred knights who heia vassalage imder the lord of Champagne, scarcely enough were left to maintain the territories of their sovereign. Nothing, except fear, is so contagious as enthusiasm: the spirit of crusac^'ng was revived in a wonderfully short time. The Count of Flanders, with various other persons, took the Cross at Bruges, and many more knights joined them from different parts of France, among whom was Simon de Montfort, who uftervv'ard proved the detestable persecutor of the Albigeois. After holding two general conferences at Soissons and at Compiegne, it was determined to send mes- sengers to Italy for the purpose of contracting with one of the great merchant states to convey the arma- ment to the Holy Land.^ The choice of the city w^as left to the deputies ; and they proceeded first to Venice, furnished with full powers from the crusad- ing princes to conclude a treaty in their name. Ve-- nice was at that time governed by the famous Henry Dandolo, who, with the consent of the Senate, agreed not only to carry the crusaders to Palestine tor a certain sum, but also promised to take the Cross him- self and aid in their enterprise.^ Well satisfied with this arrangement, the deputed barons returned to Fiance, but found the Count of Champagne sick of 1 Ducange ; Villeliardouiii chroniqne. 2 Villehardouin. 3 Ducange, Kist.de Constantinople sous les Fransais. HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 271 a disease ^vhich soon produced his death. After having- been refused by Eudes, Duke of Burgundy, and Thibalt, Count of Bar, the office of commander of the expedition was offered to Boniface, Marquis of Montferrat, and accepted. The new cliief of the crusade repaired to Soissons, to confer with the rest of the knig-hts, and then proceeded to Italy to pre- pare for his departure. All these delays retarded their departure till the year 1202, when they set out in several bodies for Venice, and arrived safely at that city with very little difficulty.' Innocent III. had made infinite efforts in favour of the crusade : and, with the daring confidence of ge- nius, had even taxed the unwilling clergy, while he merely recommended charitable subscriptions among the laity. Under such circumstances it will be easily conceived that the voluntary donations amounted to an equal sum with the forced contributions ; but what became of the whole is very difficult to determine. Certain it is, that when the crusaders arrived at Ve- nice, not, half the money could be raised among them which they had agreed to pay for the use of the repuolic's transports,^ although the chiefs melted down their plate to supply those who had not the means to defray their passage. This poverty was attributed to the fact of various large bodies having, eitlier by mistake or perversity, taken the way to the Holy Land^ by other ports, and carried with them a large part of the stipulated sum; but it does not appear that the Pope, into v/hose hands flowed the full tide of European alms, made any effort to relieve the crusaders from their diffi- culties. In this distress the Venetians offered to compromise their claim, and to convey the French to Palestine, on condition that they sliould aid in the recapture of the city of Zara, in Sclavonia, which had been snatched from the republic some time before I Vit. Innocent III. 2 villehardouin. 3Ducang& 272 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. by the King of Hungary.' With this stipulation, Dandolo, though aged and stone blind, agreed to take the Cross ; and so deeply affected were the knights, both with his forbearance and gallant enthusiasm, that the iron warriors of Europe were melted to tears by the old man's noble daring. The news of this undertaking having reached Rome, the most vehement opposition was raised to any change of destination ; and Innocent^ launched the thunders of the church at the refractory cru- saders. Many of tlie chiefs — terrified by the excom- munication pronounced against those who should quit the direct road to the Holy Land, to attack the possessions of a Christian prince — remained in Italy ;^ b-ut the greater part made every preparation to second the Venetians against Zara. Before their departure, the crusaders received en- voys, the event of whose solicitations afterward gave a new cliaracter to their expedition. At the death of Manuel Comnenus, emperor of the east, Andro- nicus, his brother, seized upon the throne and mur- dered his nephew, Alexius H., who had succeeded. Either urged by indignation or ambition, Isaac An- gelus, a distant relation of the slaughtered prince, took arms against the usurper, overthrew and put him to death ; after which he in turn ascended the throne of Constantinople.'' His reign was not long; for, at the end of two years, a brother, named Alex- ius, whom he had redeemed from Turkish captivity, snatched the crown from his head, and, to incapaci- tate him from ruling, put out his eyes. His son, named also Alexius, made his escape from prison, and fled to Italy, where he endeavoured to interest the Pope in his favour. But the church of Rome entertained small affection for the schismatic Greeks ; and though Innocent wrote an impotent 1 Villehardouin. 2 Baronius; Gesta Innocent III. 3 Villehardouin. * Villebardoula ; Ducan£e. Hist de Coastaatinople sous les Fraagais. HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 273 letter' to the usurper, he showed no real favour to the unhappy prince. The young exile then turned to Philip of Suabia (then Emperor of Germany), who had married his sister Irene ; and at the same time hearing of the crusade, which was delayed at Venice,^ he sent deputies from Verona to the chiefs, to solicit their aid against his treacherous uncle. The barons of France met his prayers with kind- ness ; and the envoys were accompanied, on their return to the court of Philip of Suabia,^ by a party of the crusaders, who were instructed to receive any proposition which Alexius might think fit to make. In the mean while, the knights embarked on board the Venetian galleys, round the decks of which they ranged their shields, and planted their banners ; and having been joined by Conrad, Bishop of Halberstadt, with a large body of German soldiers, a finer arma- ment never sailed from any port.'' The chain which protected the harbour of Zara was soon broken through; the crusaders landed, pitched their tcnts,^ and invested the city on all sides. The besiegers, as usual, were much divided among themselves ; and those who had unwillingly followed the host to Zara, against the commands of the Pope,* still kept up a continual schism in the camp, which produced fatal consequences to the people of the city. The morning after the disembarkation, a depu- tation of citizens came forth to treat with Dandolo for the capitulation of the town. The Doge replied that he could enter mto no engagement without con- sulting his allies, and went for that purpose to the tents of the French chiefs. During his absence, those who opposed the siege persuaded the deputies I Ducanee, notes on Villeliardouin. * Philip Mousiics. 3 VilUhaidoiiiii. 4 It coiisistf (1 «.f throe hundred vessels of a large size, besides palan* ders and gKiiesfiipR. 6 November, 1202. 6 Gunthcr ; Villebardouin. 274 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. from Zara that the crusaders^ would not assist the Venetians in an assault. With this assurance the Doge's reply was not waited for; the envoys re- turned, and the city prepared for defence. At the same time, the Abbot of Vaux Cernay presented him- self to tlie assembled barons, and commanded them, in the name of the Pope, to refrain from warring against Christians while engaged under the banners of the Ooss. On this the Doge angrily remonstrated ; the greater part of the knights embraced his cause ; and Zara, after being furiously attacked, surrendered at discretion. The town was now occupied during the winter by the army of the crusade ; and the chiefs of the French forces sent a deputation to Rome to obtain pardon for their disobedience. This was easily granted; but the Venetians, who seemed to care little about excommunication, remained under the papal censure. Notwithstanding the forgiveness they had obtained, many of the most celebrated knights quitted Zara,^ and made their way to the Holy Land. Such desertions took place especially after the return of the deputies sent to Philip of Suabia; and it was difficult to keep the army^ toge- ther, when it became known that its destination was likely to be changed from Acre to Constantniople. Alexius, however, offered, in case of his being re- established in his father's dominions,-* to place the Greek church under the authority of the Roman pontiff, to turn the whole force of the eastern empire against the infidels of Palestine, and either to send thither ten thousand men, and there mamtain five hundred knights during his life, or to lead his forces towards Jerusalem in person. Besides this he pro- mised to pay two hundred thousand marks of silver^ to the crusading army, and to place himself in tho 1 Dncance; Villehaidouin. 2 Alberic; A. D. 1202. S Villehaitlouin. 4 Ducange. 5 Viliehardouin. HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 275 Iiands of the chiefs tin the city of Constantinople was retaken. These offers were so advantageous that the greater part of the barons embraced them at once : but many exclaimed loudly against the proposed interruption of the main purpose of the crusade, and many aban- doned the host altogether. Alexius the usurper trembled at the news of the treaty between his nephew and the crusaders, and sent instant ambassadors to Rome,' in order to en- gage the pontiff in his interest. Such of the chiefs as were opposed to the measure talked loudly of the papal injunction to refrain from all wars with the Christians;- but it does not appear that Innocent exerted himself strenuously to turn the Latins from their design. It was far too much his desire to bring the Gnnk church under the domination of the Roman see, fo^him to dream of thwarting an enterprise backed with the solemn conditions 1 have mentioned ; and it war. not at all likely that the clearsighted prelate should renounce absolute engagements, as IMills has supposed,^ for the vague hope of wringing the same from a treacherous usurper. At length, after the Venetians had demolished 1 Ducange. SGantlier in Canisias. 5 Mills says, that Innocpnt issued decrees and bnjls against the expe ditiori to Constantinople, and founds his reasoningon a passage ofBalu zi'is : but it is extremely probable that theanger of the Pope was a mere menace of the party opposed to the enterprise rather than an existing fact. Baluzius was not present any more than Ducange; and surely, for every thing where research is concerned, Ducange is the better author- ity of the two: yet Ducange makes no mention of the opposition of the Pope, and absolutely states that the legate counselled the attack on Constantinople. See Ducange, Hist, de Constantinople sous les Fran- cais. GeofTroy de Villehardouin, who was not only present, but one of the chief actors in what he relates, speaks fully of the Pope's wrath at the attack of Zara, but mentions no opposition to the enterprise against Con- stantinople, though that enterprise was in agitation at the time the depu- ties were sent to Rome. Pliilippe Moviskes, Bishop of Tournay, a con- temporary, states that the first appliLaiion of the young Prince Alexius to the crusaders was made by the advi^^e of the Pope. 2T6 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. Zara,' to prevent its falling again into the heinds of their enemies, the expedition, having been joined by the prince Alexius, set sail, and at the end of a short and easy passage came within sight of Constanti- nople.^ The allies were instantly met by ambassadors from the Emperor, who, mingling promises with threats, endeavoured to drive tiiem again from the shore, but in vain. The crusaders demanded the restoration of Isaac, and submission from the usurper, and prepared' to force their landing; but before they commenced hostilities, they approached the walls of Constanti- nople, and sailed underneath ihem, showing the young Alexius to the Greek people, and calling to them to acknowledge their prince. No sympathy was ex- cited, and the attack being determined on, the chiefs held a council on horseback, according to the custom of the ancient Gauls, when the order of their pro- ceedings was regulated. The army was portioned into seven divisions, the first of which was com- manded by the Count of Flanders, and the last by the Marquis of Montferrat. Having procured a num- ber of flat-bottomed boats, one of which was attached to every galley, the knights entered with their horses, armed at all points, and looking, as Nicetas says, like statues of bronze.^ The archers filled the larger ves- sels, and it was the general understanding that each should fight as he came up. " The morning was beautiful,"* writes the old Mareschal of Champagne, " the sun beginning to rise, and the Emperor Alexius waited for them with thick battalions and a great armament. On both sides the trumpets were sounded, and each galley led on a boat. The knights sprang out of the barks, while the water was yet to their girdle,^ with their helmets laced and rheir swords in their hands ; and the good archers, 1 Villehardouln. 2 June, 1203. 3 Nicotas, lib. iii. cap. 5. *■ Villebardouin. & Ibid. HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 277 the sergeants, and the crossbowmen did the same wherever they happened to touch. The Greeks, at first, made great show of resistance, but when they saw the lances levelled they turned their backs and fled." The tents and camp equipage of the fugitives fell immediately into the hands of the crusaders; and siege was laid to the towei of Galata, which guarded one end of the great chain wherewith the mouth of the harbour was closed. Before night the Greeks had recovered from their panic, and some severe fightino; took place ere the fort could be taken and the barrier removed ; but at length this being accomplished, the Venetians entered the port. After ten days of con- tinual skirmishing, a general attack was determmed upon; and it was agreed that the Venetians' should assafl the city by sea, while the French attempted to storm the walls by land. The enterprise began on tne land side against the barbican ; but so vigorously was every inch of ground disputed by the Pisans, the English and Danish mercenaries who guarded the fortifications, that though fifteen French knights ob- tained a footing for some time on the ramparts, they were at ler gth cast out, while four of their number were taken. In the mean while, the fleet of the Venetians ad- vanced to the walls ; and after a severe fight of mis- siles between the defenders and the smaller vessels which commenced the assault, the galleys themselves approached the land ; and, provided with high towers of wood, began to wage a nearer warfare with those upon the battlements. Still the besieged^ resisted with extraordinary valour, and the galleys were beaten off; when the blind chief o. the republic, armed at all points, commanded, with tremendous threats in case of disobedience, that his vessel should be run on shore ;^ and then, borne out with the standard of St. « Dandolo, Chron. ; Villehardouin. 2 Epist. Innocent m. 3 Villehardouin. 278 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. Mark before him, he led the way to victory. Shame spread through the rest of the fleet ; galley after gal- ley was brought up close under the walls, and all the principal towers round the pcit were in a moment stormed and taken. Alexius made one great effort to recover the twenty-five towers which the Ve- netians had captured; but, with remorseless resO" lution, Dandolo set fire to the neighbouring build- ings, and thus raised up a fiery bulwark to his con- quest.' As a last resource, the Emperor now issued fortn to give battle to the French : and so infinite was the superiority of his numbers, that the hearts of the pil- grims almost failed them. The gallant Doge of Ve- nice no sooner heard of their danger, than, abandon- ing-the ramparts he had so nobly won, he brought his whole force^ to the aid of the' French, declft-ing that he would live or die with his allies. Even after [lis arrival, however, the disparity was so great, that the crusaders dared not quit their close array to begin the tight, and the troops of Alexius hesitated to attack those hardy warriors whose prowess they had often witnessed. The courage of the Latins gradually in- creased by the indecision of their enemj", while the fears of the Greeks spiead and magnified by delay and at length Alexius abandoned the last hope of courage, and retreated into the city. The weary cru- saders hastened to disarm and repose themselves, after a day of immense fatigues ; but Alexius, having no confidence either in his own resolution, or in the steadiness of his soldiery, seized what treasure he c«.»vld carry, and abandoned Constantinople to its fate.^ The coward Greeks, deserted by their chief, f'rew forth the miserable Isaac from his prison ; and Living robed the blind monarch in the long-lost pur- ple, they seated him on the throne, and sent to tell the Franks that their object was accomplished. The I Ducangej Villsha-'Jouin ; Nicetas 2 Viiiehardouin. 3 Xjcetas HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 279 crusaders would hardly believe the tiding-s, but de- spatched four of their body to ascertain the truth. The envoys found Isaac enthroned in the palace of Blachernse,' and surrounded by as large and splendid a court as if fortune had never ceased to smile upon him. They now represented to the restored Emperor the conditions of their treaty witli his son ; and Isaac, after some slight hesitation, accepted tliem as his own. He also agreed to associate the young Alexius in the throne; but as all these hard terms, especially that which implied the subjection of the (Jr^ek church to the Roman prelate, deeply offended his subtle and revengeful subjects, he prayed the crusaders to delay their departure till complete order was re-esta- blished.2 This was easily acreded to ; and the Franks and Venetians, during their stay, wrote to Innocent III., excusinglheir having again turned from the road to .Jerusalem. 3 The Pope willingly pardoned both* but intimated, that to make that pardon efficacious^ they must be responsible that tli»3 schism in the church should be healed by the submission of the Greeks to the see of Rome. At first, the harmony between the Franks and th«? Greeks appeared to be great. The young Alexiu' paid several portions of the money which had beer stipulated ;"* and while the presence of the Latin armT kept the capital in awe, he proceeded to reduce the provinces to obedience. When this was completed, however, and the tranquillity of the empire seemed perfectly restored, his conduct changed towards his benefactors. A fire which broke out in the city' was attributed to the French, who were at the very mo- ment engaged in seriour? dispute with a party of Greeks, exasperated by an insult to their religion. The very domineering presence of the crusaders was J Ducange; Viliehardouin. 2 ibid 3 GcsL Innnc. Ill 4 Ducange 5 Nice! as. 280 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. a continual and irritating reproach, and the Gre( kn began to testify no small hatred towards their armed guests. Alexius himself, ungrateful in his own na- ture, contending with his father about their divided sovereignty, and hesitating between the people he was culled to govern and those who upheld him in the government, refused or evaded the fulfilment of many of the items in his treaty with the Latins. The chiefs soon found that they were deceived, and for- mally summoned the young monarch to accomplish liis promises. The messengers who bore the liaughty demand to a despotic court hardly escaped with their lives; and the same desultory warfare which had been waged by the emperors against each body of crusaders that had passed by Constantinople was now commenced against the Count of Flanders and his companions.' A thousand encounters took place, in which the Franks were always victorious; and though the Greeks directed a number of vessels, charged with their terrific fire, against the Venetian fleet, the daring courage and conduct of the sailors freed them from the danger, and only one Pisan gal- ley was consumed. In the mean while the Greeks of the city, hating and despising a monarch who had seated himself among them by the swords of strangers, and who had drained their purses to pay the troops that held them down;^ seeing, also, that his ingratitude, even to his allies, had left him without the support by which alone he stood, suddenly rose upon Alexius, and cast him into prison. Isaac himself died, it is said, of fear; and the Greeks at first elected a nobleman of a dif- ferent family, named Nicholas Canabus ; but he was mild and weak, a character which little suited the thnes or country in which he assumed so high a sta- tion. A rival, too, existed in a man who had shown unremitting enmity to the Latins, and after a short » VUlehardouln. « Nicataa. HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 281 Struggle, Alexius Ducas, a cousin of the late mo- narch, a bold, unscrupulous villain,' was proclaimed emperor. Among his lirst acts — though at what exact period remains in doubt^ — the new Alexius, who was more commonly called -Murzuphlis, caused the preceding Alexius to be put to death. The man- ner of his fate is uncertain : but the usurper had the cunning impudence to yield his victim's body a pub- li: funeral. War was now determined between the crusaders and Murzuphlis, and the attack of the city was re- solved ; but previous to that attempt, the crusaders, who were in great want of provisions, despatched Henry, brother of the Count of Flanders, with a con- siderable force to Philippopoli, in order to take pos- session of the rich magazines which it contained. Returning loaded with spoil, he was attacked by Murzuphlis ; but the Greeks scattered like deer be- fore the Latins,^ and Henry rejoined his companions not only rich in booty, but in glory also. Negotia- tions were more than once entered into, for the pur- pose of conciliating the differences of the Greeks and the Latins ; but all proved ineffectual ; and early in the spring the armies of France and Venice prepared for the attack. The first step was, as usual, a treaty between the allies to apportion the fruits of success. By this it was determined that the whole booty should be divided equally between the French and Vene- tians ',* that six persons from each nation should be chosen to elect an emperor; tliat the Venetians should retain ail the privileges they had hitherto en- joyed under the monarchs of Constantinople; and that, from whichever of the two nations the empe- ror was selected, a patriarch should be named froM 1 Nicetas; Villehardouin ; Gest. Innor. III. * Villehardouin intimates that Murzuphlis put Alexius to death imme ^lately alter having seized the crown ; and the Chronicle in the Rouchy dialect, No. 148, Bibliothtque del'Arsenal, says, "Et ne demeuragairea spr^s que Morcuffle est raiigla le josne empereur Alexes en la prison." »NK:et4» 4 Ihicange: Villehardouin. Y 2S2 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. the Other. There were various other conditions added, the priii{Uj)al of which were, tliat one-fourth of the whole conquest should be given to the new emperor, besides the palaces of Bucoleon and Bla- chenise, while the rest was divided among the French and Venetians; and that twelve pei~'^ns should be selected from each nation, to determine the feudal laws by which the land was to be governed, and to allot the territory in feoffs among the conquerors. On the 8th of April, 1204, the whole army, having embarked on board the sliips,' as had been previously concerted, attacked the city by water. The vessels approached close to the walls, and a tremendous fight began between the assailants and the besieged: but no hope smiled on the Franks; they were repelled in every direction; and those who had landed,^ were forced to regain their vessels with precipitancy, ap- proaching to flight. The Greeks rejoiced in novel victory, and the Franks mourned in unwonted defeat. Four days were spent in consultations regarding a further attempt ; and the chiefs, judging that no one vessel contained a sufficient number of troops to effect a successful assault on any particular spot,^ it WcLs resolved to lash the ships two and two together, and thus to concentrate a greater force on each point of attack. On the fourth day the storm was recom- menced, and at first the fortune of battle seemed still in favour of the Greeks; but at length, a wind springing up, drove the sea more fully into the port, and brought the galleys closer to the walls.'' Two of those lashed together, called the Pilgrim and the Paradise, now touched one of the towers, and, fiom the large wooden turret with which the mast was crowned, a Venetian and a French knight named Andrew d'Arboise sprang upon the ramparts of the city.^ The crusaders rushed on in multitudes ; and such I Villehardouin ; Ducange 2 Gunther ; Ducange. » Vmehardoiim * Ducange 6 2d April, 1301 HISTORY or CHIVALRY. 283 terror seized the Greeks, that the eyes of Nicetas mag-nified the first knight who leaped on the walls to the unusual altitude of fifty feet.' One Latin drove before him a hundred Greeks ;- the defence of the gates was abandoned ; the doors were forced in with blows of axes ; and the knights, leading their horses from the ships, rode in, and took complete possession of the city. Murzuphlis once, and only once, attempted to rally his troops before the camp he had formed, in one of the open spaces of the town. But ihe sight of the Count of St. Pol, with a small band of followers, was sufficient to pnt hrm to flight; and a German having set fire to a part of the buildings^ no further efibrt was made to oppose the victorious crusaders. The fire was not extinguished for some time ; and the Latin host, in the midst of the immense population of Constantinople, like a handful of dust in the midst of the wilderness, took possession of the purple tents of Murzuphlis, and kee])ing vigilant guard, passed an anxious and a fearful night, after all the fatigues and exploits of the day. Tv/enty thou- sand was the utmost extent of the Latin nun'ibers ;•* and Constantinople contained, within itself, four hundred thousand men capable of bearing arms. Each house was a citadel, which might have delayed and repelled the enemy ; and each street was a defile, which might have been defended against a host. But the days of Leonidas were passed ; and the next morning the Latins found that Murzuphlis had fled, and that tlieir conquest was complete. Plunder and violence of course ensued;^ but there was much less actual bloodshed than either the nature of the victory or the dangerous position of the victors might have occasioned. Fear is the most cruel of all passions ; and per- haps the fact that not two th<^usand peisons were slain in Constantinople afte«' rl e storm, is a greater 1 >.';cetas. 2 Gk:3t. Inn. Til. 3 Guniher ; Villehardouiru 4 VilishardoBi" • l/ucanse. 'Nicetas; Guntber. Zb-* HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. proof of the courage of the Latins than even the taking of the city. Many noble and generous ac- tions mingled with the effects of that cupidity and lust which follow always upon the sack of a great town. Nicetas mentions a striking example which happened to himself, wherein a noble Venetian dedi- cated his whole attention to protect an ancient bene- factor ;' and a body of Frenchmen, in the midst of the unbounded licentiousness of such a moment, were moved by a father's agony to save his daugh- ter from some of tlieir fellows. This is the admis- sion of a prejudiced and inveterate enemy ; and it is but fair to suppose, that many such instances took place. The great evils that followed the taking of the eastern capital, originated in the general com- mand to plunder. Constantinople had accumulated within it the most precious monuments of ancient art,^ and these were almost all destroyed by the bar- barous hands of an avaricious soldiery. Naught was spared ; the bronzes, wliich, valueless as metal, were inestimable as the masterpieces and miracles of an- tique genius, were melted down,^ and struck into miserable coin ; the marble was violated with wan- ton brutality ; all the labour of a Phidias or a Lysip- pus was done away in an hour ; and that which had been the wonder and admiration of a world left less to show what former days had been, than the earth after the deluge. In this the Latins were certainly barbarians ; but in other respects— unless subtilty, deceit, vice, and cowardice CcUi be called civilization, and courage, frankness, and honour can be considered as bari3a- rism — the Latins deserved not the opprobrious name by which the Greeks designated them. The plunder of the city was enormous. In money'* a sufrK'i"ent sum was collected to distribute twenty marks to each knight, ten to each servant of arms, I Nicetas, 2 See note XI. 3 Njcetas. 4 Villchardouln ; Ducange. HISTORY OF CiilVALRV 285 and five to each archer. Besides this, a vast quantity of jewels and valuable mevcliaiidise uas divided between the French and Venetians ; and the republic, who understood the value of such objects better than the simple Prankish soldiers, ottered to buy the whole spoil from their connades, at the rate of four liun- dred marks for a knight's share, and in the same proportion to the res^. The booty — v.'ith a lew individual instances of concealment,' which were strictly punisiied with death when discovered- -was fairly portioned out; and, after this partition, the twelve persons selected to choose an emperor pro- ceeded to their deliberations. They were bound by oath to elect without favour the best qualified of the nobles ; and after a long hesitation, between the Mar- quis of JMontferrat and the Count of Flanders, they named the latter.- In all probability the determining consideration was, that Baldwin, by iiis immediate connexion with France, was more capable of sup- porting the new dynasty than the IMarquis, wliose Italian domains could not afford such effective aid. To prevent the evil conseanee and (■'crniai y to sup))ort it hy ihoir preaehiini and influence. This in y be added to other proolis, that" Inno ce t never seriously opposed the e.vpcdition a;:ainst the sehismatic em pire of the Creeks. The truth in all probability is, thai he made a show of turning the cru.saders from their j)uri)ose, both tu preserve cowsistency 2»5 HISTORY Ot CHIVALRY. lighted wool, were presented to the new monarch, as a symbol of the transitory nature of life and the vanity of greatness— emblems too applicable to him- self and his dominions ; for ere two yeais had passed, Baldwin had gone down into the grave; and less than the ordinary life of one man elapsed before the dynasty that he established was again overthrown. CHAPTER XIV. i'Jivisions among- the Moslems — Among the Christians— Crusade of Children — Innocent III. declares he will lead anew Crnsadeto Syria — IVte King of Hungary takes the Cross — Arrivesin Syria — Successes of the Pilgri7ns—Tke.y abandon the Siege of Mount Thabor—The King of Hungary returns to Europe — The Duke of Austria continues the ^V^ar — Siege of Damietta — Reinforcements arrive under a Legate — Famine in Damietta— The Moslems offer to yield Palestine— The tegate^s Pride— He refuses— Taking of Damietta— 'I he Army adriances awards Cairn — Overflowing of the Nile — The Array ruined— The Legate sues for Peace — Gtnerous Conduct of the Sultaun — Marriage of the Heiress of Jerusalem with Frederic. Emperor of Germany — His Disputes with the Pope — His Treaties ivith the Saracens— He recovers Jerusalem— Quits the Holy Land — Disputes in Palestine— The Tem- plars defeated and slaughtered - Gregory IX. — Crus-ade of the King of Nmiarre ineffectual — Crusade of Richard. Earl of 'Cornwall— jerusaleih -recovered — The Corasmin s— Their Barbarity — They take Jerusalem — Defeat the Christians with terrible slaughter— Are exter- minated by the Syrians— Crusade of St. Ijouis — His Character — Arrives in the Holy Land —Takes Damietta — Battle of Massoura — Pestilence in the Army — The King taken — Ransomed- Returns to Europe— Second Crusade of St. Louis — Takes Carthage— His Death ■ — Crusade of Prince Edward-~He defeats the Saracens — Wounded by an Assassin — Returns to Europe— Successes of the Turks — Last Siege and Fall of 'Acre— Palestine lost. The fifth crusade had ended, as we have seen, without producing any other benefit to Palestine than md to afford room for anj- aflor-exertion of his authority that he might •iidse iiecessaT}-: but t at, al the same ti'iie. the cardinal legate veiy *veli understood that he was to promote the enterprise, and to be slightly Glained for it afterward, in order to screen his superior from the charge trf" that ambitious craving for which, however, he w;is notorious. It W'ouid be ditficult to believe that Innocent, who triumphed over Philip Augustus, the greatest monarch of the day, and forced him to abandon his dearest wishes, would confine himself to idle threats, if he enter- tained any serious disiaciinalion to the attack of Constantinople. HISTORY OF CHIVALRV. 2S7 a deep depression in the mind:s of the Turks, from the knowledge that the weak dynasty of the Greeks had been replaced by a power of greater energy and resolution. The famine also, which about this time desolated the territories of the Egyptian sultaun, and the contests' between the remaining Attabecs and the successors of Saladin, crippled the efforts of the Moslems; while the courageous activity of Jean de Brienne^ defeated the attempts of Saif Eddin. Nevertheless, many bloody disputes concerning the succession of Antioch, and the fierce rivalry of the orders of the Temple and Hospital, contributed to shake the stability of the small Christian dominion that remained. Each year,^ two regular voyages of armed and unarmed pilgrims took place, from Europe; to the Holy Land : these were called the passagium Martii, or the spring passage ; and the passagiuia Johanyns^ or the summer passage which occurred about the festival of St. .Tohti. A continual succour was thus afforded to Palestine: and that the spirit of crusading was by no means extinct in Europe is evinced by the extraordinary fact of a crusade of children' having been preached and adopted towards the year 1213. Did this fact rest alone upon the authority of Alberic of Three Fountains Abbey, we might be permitted to doubt its having taken place, for his account is, in several particulars, evidently hypothetical ; but so many coinciding authorities exist,-^ that belief be- conu^s matter of necessity. The circumstances -are somewhat obscure ; but it seems certain that two monks, with the design of profiting by a crime then too common, the traffic in children, induced a great number of the youth of both sexes to set out from France for the Holy Land, habited as pilgrims, with the scrip and staff. Two i Reinaud rec. des Hist. Arabes. 2 Vertot. 3 Ducange. 4 Alberic. Mon. Trium Fontliun. « Ja«ob. deVoragine; Albert Staden^iis 288 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. merchants of Marseilles,' accomplices in the plot, as it Avould seem, furnished the first body of these misg-uided children Avith vessels, which, of course, were destined to transport them for sale to the Afri- can coast. Several of the ships were wrecked on the shores of Italy, and every soul perished, but the rest pursued tlieir way and accomplished theii in- human voyag-e. The two merchants, however, were afterward detected in a plot against the emperor Frederic, and met the fate they deserved. Another body, setting- out from Germany, reached Genoa after immense difficulties ; and there the Genoese, instead of encouraging their frantic enthusiasm, wisely com- manded them to evacuate their territory ; on which they returned to their homes, and though many died on the road, a great part arrived in safety,^ and escaped the i^ate which had overtaken the young ad- venturers from France. When Innocent 111. heard of this crusade, he is leported to have said, " While we sleep, these chil- dren are awake :" and it is more than probable, that his circum.stance convinced him, that the zealous {spirit which had moved all the expeditions to the Holy Land was still active and willing. Certain it is, that he very soon afterward sent round an ency- clical letter, calling the Christian world once more to arms against the Moslems. Indulgences were spread, and extended in their character: a council of Lateran was held, and Innocent himself declared^ his intention of leading the warriors of Christ to the scene of his crucifixion. De Cour9on, an Eng- lisli monk, who had become cardinal, preached the new crusade with all the pomp of a Roman prelate, and a great number of individuals were gathered together for the purpose of succouring Palestine. But the kings of the earth had now more correct 1 Albericus. 2 Jacob, de lorai^ne; Albert. Stadenssis. 3 C!est, Innocfntm : Labbe concil. Matthew Paris, A. D. 1213. HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 289 viev/sof policy; and policy never encourages enthu- siasm except as an instrument. Only one king there- for.; could be found to take the Cross — this was Andrew,' monarch of Hungary; and the Dukes of Austria and Bavaria, with a multitude of German bishops and nobles, joined his forces, and advanced to Spahitro. Innocent III. w^as by this time dead, but the expedition sailed in Venetian ships to Cyprus, and thence, after having given somewhat too much rein to enjoyment, proceeded to Acre, carrying with it a large reinforcement from France and Italy. The Saracens had heard less of this crusade than of those which had preceded it, and were therefore less pre- pared to oppose it. The Christian army advanced wiV.h success, and many thousands of the infidels felt the European steel ; but the crusaders, not contented with plundering their enemies, went on to plunder their friends ; and serious divisions began, as usual, to show themselves, which were only healed by the influence of the clergy, who turned the attention of the soldiers from pillage and robbery to fasts and pilgrimages. When the host was once more united, its exertions were directed to the capture of the fort- built by the Saracens on Mount Thabor. After overcoming infinite difficulties in the ascent of the mountain, the Latins found themselves opposite the fortress : the soldiers \vere enthusiastic and spirited ; and it 's more than provable that one gallant attack would have rendered the greatest benefit to the Chris- tian cause, by obtaining possession of such an im- portant point. The leaders,' however, seized with a sadden fear of being cut off, abandoned their object without striking a blow, and retired to Acre. The rest of the season was passed in excursions, by which the Christians obtained many prisoners and much Bpoii; and in pilgrimages^ wherein ifiousands wero 1 Cbron. Hodefrid. Mon. ; Bonfinius. ? Bernard the Treasure. * Jacob. Vitriao- ; Bernardua. 290 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY, cut to pieces by the Saracens. The kinj^s of Cypna and Hiing-ary then turned their course to Tripoli, where the first died, and the Huug-arian monarch was suddenly seizeil with the desire of returning to his own dominions ;'^ which he soon put in execution, notwithstanding- the prayers and solicitations of the Syrian Christians. Still the Latins of Palestine were not left destitute. The Duke of Austria remained, with all the German crusaders; and the next year a large reinforcement arrived from Cologne ; nor would these have been so tardy in coming, had they^ not paused upon the coast of Portugal to succour the queen of that coun- try against the Moors. Tlie efforts of the Christians had proved hitherto so fruitless for the recovery of Jerusalem, while t^e Saracens could bring vast forces from Egypt continually to the support of their Syrian possessions, that the Latins now resolved to strike at the very source of their power. Damietta was supposed to command the entrance of the Nile, and consequently to be the key of Egypt; and thither the crusaders set sail, for the purpose of laying siege to that important •^ny. They^ arrived in the month of May, and landed on the western bank of the river opposite to the town. A tower in the centre of the stream, connected with the walls by a strong chain, was the immediate object of attack ; but the first attempt was repulsed with great loss, though made by the Hospitallers, the Teutonic Order, and the Germans, united. An immense machine^ of wood was now constructed#)n board two of the ves- sels, which, lashed together, were moved across to 1 Bernardus. 2 Mere restlessness is stated by Mills to have been the cause of An- drew's abandonment of the enterprise, but this was any thing but the case. Andrew, it is true, was of a weak and unstable character; but there were far too many dissensions in Hungary, and tragic horrors in his own family, to permit of his reniaihing in Palestine 'without total ruin to himself and his dominions.^See Bonjinius. 3 Godefrid. Mnn. ; James of Viiry. 4 Bernardus ; James of Vjtrj i Matthew Paris, HISTORY or CHIVALRY. 291 Ific point of assault, and, after along and courageous resirsianee, the garrison of the castle was forced to surrender at discretion.' The besieging party then abandoued themselves to joy and revelry ; they looked upon the city as taken ; and the news of the death of Saif Eddin increased their hopes of the complete deliverance of the Holy Land. The vic- tories which Saif Eddin had gained over the Chris- tians were indeed but small, nor had he struck any one great blow against the Attabecs, but he had gra- dually, and almost imperceptibly, extended his domi- nions in every direction, and left a large territory and full treasury to his successors. His high qualities were different from those of Saladin, and his charac- ter was altogether less noble and striking, but he possessed more shrewdness than his brother ; and if his mind had not the same capability of expanding, it had more powers of concentration. To Saif Ed- din succeeded his two sons, Cohr Eddin and Camel, the first of whom took possession of Syria and Palestine in peace. But Egypt, wliich the second had governed for some time, instantly broke out into revolt on the news of his father's death, and had the Franks pushed the war in that country with vigour, greater effects would have been produced than were ever wrought by any preceding crusade. They ne- glected their opportunity ; spent their time in rioting and debauchery under the yet unconquered walls of Darnietta: and, after the a,rrival of large reinforce- ments from France, England, and Italy, under the Cardinals Pelagius and Courcon, the Earls of Chester and Salisbury, and fhe Counts of Nevers and La Marche, they only changed their conthict from revel- ling to dissension. At length they awoke from their frantic dreams, and prepared to attack the city itself; but before they could accomplish their object, Cohr 1 The whole of the siege of Darnietta. and the events that fo]* wed, 1 have taken from James of Vitry and the old Trench of Bernard the Treasurer, with the Recueil des Hist. Arabes. 292 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. Eddin had entered En:ypt, put down rebellion, and re* established his brother Camel in full possession of his authority. The siege of Damietta now became, like the fh'st siege of Antioch, a succession of bat- tles and skirmislies. For three months the various nations that composed the besieging force as well as the Templars, the Hospitallers, and the Teutonic knights, vied with each other in deeds of glory; nor were the Saracens behind their adversaries in courage, skill, or resolution. But famine took up the sword against the unhappy people of Damietta. Pesti- lence soon joined her, and the fall of the city became inevitable.' Cohr Eddin, fearful that Jerusalem might be turned to a post against him, had destroyed the walls of thai town ; but now that he saw the certain loss of Da- mietta, and calculated the immense advantages the Christians might thence gain, he with the best policy agreed to make a vast sacrifice to save the key of his brother's dominions. Conferences were opened with the Christians, and tlie Saracens offered, on the evacuation of Egypt by the Latins, to yield the whole of Palestine, except the fortresses of Montreal and Karac, to restore all European prisoners, and even to rebuild the walls of Jerusalem for the Christians. The King of Jerusalem, the English, the French, and the Germans looked upon their warfare as ended, and their object achieved, by the very proposal ; but the cardinal Pelagius, the two military Orders, and the Italians, opposed all conciliation, contending that no faith was to be put in the promises of infidels. Heaven only knows whether' the Saracens would have broken their engagements, or whether calm moderation might not have restored Palestine to the followers of the Cross ; but moderation was not con- sulted, and the walls of Damietta were once more attacked. It was no longer difficult to iz.\e them, I James of Vltr^, li^siaTd the Treasiur^ HISTQRY OF CHIVALRY. 293 and ^vhell the crusaders entered the city, they dis- covered nothing but a world of pestilence. Death was in eveiy street; and of seventy thousand souls, not three thousand were found alive.' Discord, of course, succeeded conquest ; and after having cleansed and purified Damietta, a winter was spent in dissensions, at the end of which a great part of the army returned to Europe; and Jean de Krienne, offended by the arrogance of Pelagius, re- tired to Acre. Concessions soon brought him back, and hostilities were resumed against the Moslems, but the legate overbore all counsel ; and instead of directing iheir^ arms .towards Palestine, which was now open to them, the crusaders marched on towards Cairo. The forces of the stdtaun had greatly in- creased, but he still offered peace, on conditions as advantageous as those that had been previously pro- posed. The legate insultingly rejected all terms, \vasted his tmie in inactivity, the Nile rose, the sluices were opened, and Pelagius found himself at once unahle to advance, and cut off from his re- sources at Damietta. There is nothing too mean for disHppointed pride, and the legate then sued in the hmnblest language for permission to retinn to Acre. The Sultaun of Egypt, with admirable moderation, granted him peaite, and the King of Jerusalem be- came one of the hostages that Damietta sliouid be given up. The troops would still have perished for want, liad not the noble sultaun been melted by the grief of John of Brienne, who wept while recounting 1 This pestilence seems to have been somewhat like the sea Rfiir\'y. It was not ai all confined to the city, though it raged more furiously within the walls. Nevertheless, many of the soldiers of the Cross were attacked by it. James of Vitry, describing its effects, sa\s, " A sudden pain took possession of the feet and legs : soon afier, the ^ums and the teeth be'-ame affected wiih a sor! of ganjrrene, and the Recueil ties Hist. Arabes; Matthew Paris ; Bernard the Treasuror 8 Becnard 3 Matthew Paris. HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 295 to the ecclesiastical authority — he now excommu- iricated liiin foi" coming- back, however necessary the measure. Frederic was angry, though not fright- ened ; and, after having exculpated himself to Europe by a pubhc letter,' he sent his soldiers to plunder the Pope's territories while he recovered his health. At length, in 1228, he set sail from Brundusium, still burdened with the papal censure, which he w^as too rriucii accustomed to bear to feel as any oppressive load. He arrived without difficulty at Acre ; hut all men wondered that so great an enterprise should be undertaken with so small a force as that which could be contained in twenty galleys ; audit soon appeared that Frederic had long beeji negotiating with Camel, Sultaun of Egypt, who, fearful of the active and am- bitious spirit of his brother Cohr Eddin,^ had entered into a private treaty with the German monarch. The emperor, on liis arrival in Palestine, found that the revengefid Pope had laid his injunction upon all men to show him no obedience, and afford him no aid while under the censure of the church.^ None, therefore, at first, accompanied him in his march but his own forces and the Teutonic knights. The Hospitallers and Templars soon followed, and, too fond of active warfare to remain neuter, joined themselves to the army on some verbal concession on the part of Frederic. About this time Cohr Eddin died ; and Camel,"* freed from apprehen- sion,^ somewhat cooled towards his Christian ally. He was, nevertheless, too generous to violate his promises, and after Frederic had advanced some way towards Jerusalem,, a treaty was entered into between the German monarch and the Saracens, whereby the Holy City and the greater part of Pales- tine was yielded to the Christians, with the simple I Matthew Pari?, ad. ann. 1228. 2 Bernardus. f R< Sixte-en years after his return to I'kirope, that monarch once more determined on rearing the banner of the Cross. Immense numbers flocked to join him, and England appeared willing to second allthe efforts of the French king. Edward, the heir of the English monarchy, assumed the Cross; and large sums were raised throughout Britain for defraying the expenses of the war. In 1270, St. LoniS, accompanied by the flow^er of Iiis national nobility, and followed by sixty thousand chosen troops, set sail for Palestine, but was driven by a storm into Sardinia. Here a change in his plans took place ; artd it was resolved that the army should land in Africa, where tlie King of Tunis some tim.e before had professed himself favourable to the Chris- tian religion. St. Louis had been long so weak, that he could not bear the weight of his armour,^ nor the motion of a horse, for any length of time ; but still his indefatigable zeal sustained him; and after a short passage, he arrived on the coast of Africa, op- posite to the city of Carthage. Although his coming had been so suddenly re- sol ved,^ a large IVIahommedan force was drawn up to oppose his landing ; but the French knights forced their way to the shore, and after a severe contest, obtained a complete victory over tlie Moors. Siege was then laid to Carthage, which was also taken; but before these conquests could be turned to any advan- tage, an infectious flux began to appear in the army. St. Louis was one of the first attacked. His en- feebled constitution was not able to support the ef- fects of the disease, and it soon became evident that the monarch's days were rapidly drawing to their close. In this situation, with the most perfect con- sciousness of his approaching fate, St. Louis called his son Philip,'* and spoke long to him on his duty to » A. D. 1270 2 .Toinville. 3 GuiUauma Guiari. * JoinviUe 308 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. the people he left to his charge; teaching him with the beautiful simplicity of true wisdom. The king then withdrew his thoughts from all earthly things, performed the last rites of his religion, and yielded his soul to God.' Scarcely was the pionarch dead, when Charles of Sicily arrived with large rehifoi cements, and unknow- ing the event, approached Carthage with martial mu- sic, and every sign of rejoicing. His joy was soon turned into grief by the tidings of liis brother's fdte;^ and the courage cf the Moors being raised by the sorrow of their enemies, the united armies of France and Sicily were attacked by a very superioi power. After a variety of engagements, Philip, now King of France, and Charles, of Sicily, compelled the de- feated Moors to sue for peace ; and collecting his troops, the new monarch returned to Europe, driven from the coast rather by the pestilence that raged in his army,'' than by the efforts of the infidels. Prince Edward of England had taken the Cross, as I have already said, with the intention of following Louis IX. to the Holy Land ; and with the small force he could collect, amounting to not more than fifteen hundred men, he arrived in the Mediterranean, but hearing that Louis had turned from the direct object of the crusade, he proceeded to Sicily, where he passed the winter. As soon as spring rendered navigation possible, he set sail, and arrived at Acre, where he found the state of Palestine infinitely worse than it had been since the first taking of Jerusalem. Disunion and violence had done far more to destroy the Christians of the Holy Land than the swords of the infidels. The two military Orders had been con- stantly opposed to each other, and had often beeu J Braiiche des royauv et Lignages ; Sermon de Robert de Saiiiccieaux. 2 Charles, King of Sicily, was brother to St. Louis. 8 GuillaumeGuiart; William of Nangis. HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 309 eng-a^ed in sang-iiinary warfare. The knights of St. John had ever the advantage; and at one time the Teniphirs of Palestine had nearly been exterminated. The clergy attempted to encroach upon the privileges of both. The difterent Italian republics, who had secured to themselves various portions of territoiy, and various commercial immunities, were in contin- ual warfare; and while the Saracens and the Mame- lukes were gradually taking possession of the whole soil — while the fortresses of Cesarea, JaffVi, and Saphoury fell into the hands of the infidels, as well as all the cities and feoffs of the Latins, except Acre and Tyre — the sands of Palestine were often wet with Christian blood, shed by the hands of Chris- tians. Antioch also fell almost without resistance, and the citizens were either doomed to death or led into captivity. Such was the state of the Holy Land at the time of Prince Edward's arrival. His name, however, was a host ; the disunion among the Christians was healed by his coming;' every exertion was made to render his efforts effectual ; and he soon found him- self at the head of a small but veteran force, amounting to seven thousand men. With this he advanced upon Nazareth, and after a severe conflict with the Moslems, he made himself master of that I'ity, in which all the Saracens that remained were slaughtered without mercy. The cUmate put a stop to his snccesses. It was now the middle of summer, and the excessive heat brought on a fever, from which Edward was recovering, when a strange mes- senger deSired to render some despatches to the prince's own hand. He was admitted ; and as the young leader lay in his bed, without any attendants, lie delivered tlie letters, and for a moment spoke to him of the affairs of Jaffa. Tlie instant after, he drew a dagg+;r from his belt, and before Edward waa 1 Hemingford • Langtoft ; Matthew Taris. continuation. 310 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. aware, had stabbed him in the chest. The princa was enfeebled, but was still sufficieiuly vigorous to wrench the weapon from the assassin, and to put him to death with his own hand. His attendants, alarmed by the strugi^le, rushed into the apartment, and found Edward bleeding from the wound inflicted by a poisoned knife. Skilful means" were instantly used to preserve his life ;2 and an antidote, sent by the Grand Master of the Temple, is said to have ob- viated the effects of the poison. Edward's natural vigour, with care, soon restored him to health ; and the Sultaun of Egypt, daunted by the courage and ability of the English prince, and engaged in ruinous wars in other directions, offered peace on advanta- geous conditions, which were accepted. Edwa d and his followers returned to Europe, and the Chris- tians of Palestine were left to take advantage of a ten years' truce. Such was the end of the last expedition. In 1274, Gregory X., who had himself witnessed the sorrows of Palestine, attempted to promote a new crasade, and held a council for that purpose at Lyons, where many great and noble personages assumed the Cross. The death of the Pope followed shortly afterward, and the project was abandoned, on the loss of him who had given it birth. In Palestine, all now tended to the utter expulsion of the Christians. The La- tins themselves first madly broke the truce, by plun- dering some Egyptian mercliants near Margat. Keladun, then Sultaun of Cairo, Irastened to revenge the injury, and Margat was taken from the Chris- tians, after a gallant defence.^ Tripoli, which had hitherto escaped by various concessions to tne Mos- lems, fell shortly after Margat ; and in thetiiird year 1 The popular version of tliis story is, that Eleonora, the wife of tti6 prince, who had accompanied him to Palestine, sucked the poison from the wound, at the risk of her own life. Camden sanctions -his account. 2 Hemiiiglbrd ; Langfott. 3 Vjiiarii ; Vet. Script. ; Bernard, old French. HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 311 from tliat period, two hnndred thousand IMahommed- aiis were under the walls of Acre, the last possession of the Christians. The Grand Master of St. John had collected together a small body of Italian mer- cenaries, but no serviceable support could be won from the kings of Europe. The Grand Master' of the Temple, hovv'ever, with the rest of the militaiy Orders, and about twelve thousand men, being joined by the King of Cyprus, resolved to undergo a siege. The greater part of the useless inhabitants were sent away by sea, and the garrison prepared to defend themselves to the last. This was the final blaze of cliivalric valour that shone on the Holy Land. The numbers of the IMoslems were overpowering, and after a breach had been made in the walls by the fall of what was called the Cursed Tower, a general assault took place. Tlie Kmg of Cyprus made a dastardly flight, but the Templars and the Teutonic knights died Where they stood, and the Hospitallers only left the city to attack the rear of the besieging army. Here they met with infinite odds against them, and fell man by man, till the news came that the Grand Master of the Temple was killed and that the city was taken. The Hospi- tallers then, reduced to seveji in number, reached a ship, and quitted the shores of Palestine. About an equal number of Templars fled to the interior, and thence fouoht their way through the laud, till they gained the means of reaching Cyprus. The inhabit- ants of the city who had not before departed fled to the sea ;^ but the elements themselves seemed to war aoainst them, and ere they (,'ould escape, the Saracen sword died the sands with their blood. The Moslems then set fire to the devoted town, and the last vestige of the Christian power in Syria was swept from the face of the earth. > Martenne; Villani. 2 Martenne, Vet. Script. ; Villani : Sanutns 312 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. CHAPTER XV. Fate of the Orders of the Temple and St. John— The Templars abandon all Hopes of reconerin^ Jerusalem — Mingle in European I'olitica— Offend Philip the Fair — Are persecvted— Charges against them — The Order destroyed— Th£ Knights of St. John pursue hip. Purpose of de- fending Christendom — Settle in Rhodes—Siege of R/ioaes— Gallant ])i fence — The Island taken— The Knights remove to Malta— Siege of Malta — La V alette— Defence of St. Elmo — Gallantry of the Garrison— The w'lole Turkish Army attempt to storm the Castle— The Attack re- pelled— Arrival of Succou — The Sieire raised — The Progress of Chi valry independent of the Crusades — Cicivalrous Exploits — Ren.pjicial Tendency of Chivalry— Corruption of the Age not attributable to Chi- valry — Decline of the Institution — In Germany, England, France — Its Extinction. From the period of the fall of Acre crusades were only spoken of; but the spirit of Chivalry was per- haps not the less active, thoug-h it had taken another ^'ourse : nor did it lose in purity by bein^ directed, moderated, and deprived of the ferocity which always follows fanaticism. Tiie Holy Land had become a place of vice and debanchery, as well as a theatre for the display of great deeds and noble resolution ; and we find, that however orderly and regular any army was on its departure from Europe, it soon ac-. quired all the habits of immorality and improvidence which seemed some inherentquality of that unhappy climate. This was peculiarly apparent in the two Orders of tlie Hospital and the Temple, the rules of which were particularly calculated to guard against luxury of every kind ; yet, the one, till its extinction and both, during their sojourn in Palestine, were the receptacle of more depravity and crimes than per- haps any other body of men could produce. After the capture of Acre the knights of these two Orders retreated to Cyprus; and when some ineffectual efforts had been made to excite a new crusade foi the recovery of Palestine, the Templars retired from HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 313 eiiat coimtr}'-, and, spreading themselves throughout their vast possessions in Euiope, seem really to have abandoned all thouaht of fightins: any more for the sepnlchre. Witli the rest of Europe they spoke of fresli expeditions, it is true ; but in the mean while they gave themselves up to the luxury, pride, and ambition which, if it was not the real cause of their downfall, nt least furnished the excuse. Philip the Fair of France, on his accession to the throne, showed great favour to the Templars,' and lield out hopes that he would attempt to establish the Order once more in the land which had given it birth. But the Templars were now deeply occupied in the poli- tics of Europe itself: their haughty Grand Master was almost equal to a king in power, and w^ould fain have made kings his slaves. In the disputes betw^een Philip and Boniface VIII., the Templars took the part of the Pope, and treated the monarch, in his own realm, with insolent contempt ; but they knew not the character of him whose wrath they roused. Philip was at once vindictive and avaricious, and the destruction of the Templars offered the gratification of both pas- sions: he was also calm, bold, cunning, and remorse- less; and from the vengeance of such a man it was difficult to escape. The vices of the Templars w^ere notorious,^ and on these it was easy to graft crimes of a deeper die. Reports, rumours, accusations, circulated rapidly through Europe ; and Philip, re- solved upon crushing the unhappy Order, took care that on the very first vacancy his creature, Bertrand • Kaynonard. 2 For the history of the Templars, see Raynouard and Du Tny, Vcrtof, William of Nany;is, Hisioria Templarioruni, ' much, Charles VII. saw that courage well di- rected would do infinitely more. To establish, there- fore, a body over which he might have some controj he raised a company oi gen-d'armerie, which soon \yf its courage and its success drew into its own rank all the great and noble of the kingdom. Thus came a great change over the Order; knights became mere soldiers, and Chivalry was used as a machine. Louis XI. contributed still more to do away Chivalry, by depressing the nobility and founding a standing army of mercenary troops. Charles VIII. and Louis XIL, by romantic wars in Italy, renewed the fire of the waning institution ; and Francis I., the most chival- rous of kings, beheld it blaze up under his reign like the last flash of an expiring flame. He, however Unwittingly aided to extinguish it entirely, and by extending knighthood to civilians, deprived it of its original character. The pomps and pageants, the exercises and the games, which had accompanied the Order from its early days, were now less frequent: popes had censured them as vain and cruel, and many kings had discountenanced them as expensive and dangerous : but the death of Henry II., from a wound received at a tournament, put an end to them in France ; and from that time all the external cere- monies of Chivalry were confined to the reception of a knight into any of the royal Orders. The distinctive spirit also had by this time greatly meiged into other feelings. The valour was as much the quality of the simple soldier as of the knight ; the courtesy had spread to society in general, and had become politeness; the gallantry had lost its refinement, and had deteriorated into debauchery. Faint traces of the lost institution appeared from time to time, especially in the wars of Henry IV. and the League. The artful and vicious policy of Cathe^^e de Mcdicis did much to destroy it ; thw 830 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. filthy effeminacy of Henry III. weakened it, in com- mon with all noble feelings ; and the iron rod of Richelieu struck at it as a remnant of the feudal power. Still a bright blaze of its daiing valour shone out in Conde, a touch of its noble simplicity appeared in Turenne, but the false brilliancy of Louis XIV. completed its downfall ; and Chivalry is only to be seen by its general effects on society. Thus things fleet by us ;- and in reading of all the great and mighty deeds of which this book has given a sligiit and imperfect sketch, and looking on the multitudes of men who have toiled and struggled through dangers, difficulties, and horrors for the word GLORY, the empty echo of renown, or perhaps a worse reward, I rise as from a phantasmagoria where a world of strange and glittering figures have 6een passing before my eyes, changing with the ra- pidity of light, and each leaving an impression foi memory, though the whole was but the shadow of a shade. NOTES. NOTE I. — CHAP. I. Mbnestrier enters Into a disquisition on the subject of the two Inter* pT«tations given to the word miles, which would nave interrupted tha thread of my discourse too much to permit of its introduction in the text I subjoin It liere, however, as a good guide for those who may be inclined to ijursue the subject further. "'l! ne faut pas done confondre le titre d'ancienne noblesse, ou de no- blesse militaire, avec la dignite de chevalier, par I'equivoque du terme l.atiii miles, (-ui convient A I'uii et 4 I'autre; ceque n'ont pas assez ob- servii quelques autheurs, qui n'ont pas fait reflexion que dans la plQpart des actes t':crits en langue Latine, ce mot signifie egalemenl ces deux differetiteschoses. - - - ~ - " L'Emporeur Frederic avoit dejA distingu6 ces deux esp^ces de Che- valerie, lors qu'il fit uneordonnance i Naples, Tan 1232, que personne ne Be presentdt pour recevoir I'ordre de Chevalerie, s'il n'estoit d'une an- cieniie race militaire, ou d'ancienne Chevalerie. Ad militarem honorein nuLlus accedat, qui non sit de genere militum ; L'une de ces Chevaleries est done genus militare, race de Chevalerie; I'aiUre militaris hmior, honneurde Chevalerie, qui n'ont est6 confondufis que par quelques au- theurs, qiii, eorivansde cette mati6journer de non poursieure [poursuivre] ma maliere ; et pour aa- voir la v^rite des lointaines besognes sans se que j'y envoyasse aucun** autre personne en lieu de moi, pris voie et achoison [occasion] raison nable d'aller devers haut prince et redoute seigneur, Messire Gaston, Cointe de Foix et de Berne [Beam] ; et bien sgavois que si je pouvois venir en son hotel, et lit. ^tre i loisir, je ne pourrois mieux cheoir au monde, pour 6tre informe de toutes nouvelles ; car la sont et frequenter.' volotifiers tous chevaliers et 6cuyers etranges, pour la noblesse d'icelu. haut prince. Et tout ainsi, comme je I'imaginai, il m'en advint; et re- montrai ce, et Ic voyage que je voulois faire, A mon trt^s cher et redout6 seigneur, Monseigneur le Comte de Blois, lequel me bailla scs lettresde familiarite adressants au Comte de Foix. Et tant travaillai et chevau- chai en querant de tout cotes nouvelles, que, par la grace de Dieu, sans peril et sans dommage, je vins en son chaiel, a Ortais [Orthez], au pays de Biarn, le jour de Sainle Catherine, que on compta pour iors en I'an de grace mil trois cent quatre-vingt et huit : lequel comte de Foix, si tr^s l.H comme il me vit, me fit bonne ch^re, et me dit en riant en bon Fran- cois : que bien il me connoissoit, »»t si ne m'avoit oncques mais vu, mais plusieurs fois avc t lui parler de noi. Si me retint de son hotel et tout aise, avec le bon n oven des lettres que je lui avoisapport^es, tant que il m'y plut A 6tre; et la fus inform^ de la greigneur [majeure] partie des besognes qui eloient avenues au royaume tie Castille, au royaume de Por- tugal, au royaume de Navarre au royaume d'Aragon. et au royaume d'Angleterre, au pays de Bordelois, et en toute la Gascogne ; et je rn^me, quand je lui demandois aucune chose, il le me disoit moult volontiers; et me disoit bien que I'histoire que je avois fait et poursuivois seroit, au temps i venir, plus recommandee que mille autres: 'Raison pourquoi,' disoit-il, 'beau maJtre: puis cinquante ans en ga sont avenus plusde faits d'armes et de merveilles au monde qu'il n'etoit trois cents ans en tlevant.' " Ainsi fus-je en I'hdtel du noble Comte de Foix, recueilli et nourri ■& '*ia plaisance. Ce etoit ce que je desirois A enquerre toutes nouvelles touchants d ma mati^re : et je avois prfets d la main barons, chevaliers, et ecuyers, qui m'en intbrmoient, et le gentil Comte de Foix aussi Si vous voudrois eclaircir par beau langage tout ce dont je fus adonc in- form^, pour rengrosser notre matiere, et pour exemplier les bons qui se desirent A avancerpar armes. Car si ci-dessus j'ai prologue grands faits d'armes, prises et assauts de villes et fie chateaux, batailles adress6es et durs rencontres, encore en trouvere/. vous ensuivant grand, foison, des- quelles et desquels, par la grace de iOieu, Je ferai bonne et juste narra- tion." — Froissart, book iii. chap. 1. NOTE IV.— CHAP. II. As the Brotherhood of Arms was one of the most curious customs of Chivalry, 1 have extracted from the Notes on St. Palaye, and from the Disquisitions of Uucange, some passages which will give a fuller view of its real character and ceremonies than seemed necessary in the body of this work. The Notes on St. Palaye also show to how late a period the custom tf©- »condeuples barbares, pour s'accommoder a leurs ma- nieres d'agir, ils estoient obligez de suiure leurs vsages. et de faire ce qu'ils faisoient ordinairement en de semblables occasions. Hoec est. ce dit-il, tjucB spurcissimo gentiliumritu profrntemd societate, sanguini- busalternis ebibitis.cum inJideUbv s sajpe ausaestamicitiasjirmnre fc- rales. L'Empereur Frederic I. auoit fait auparauant ce mesme reproche aux Grecs, ainsi que nous apprenons de Nicetas. Mais ce que les Grecs firent par necessity, nos Frangois qui estoient resserrez dans Constanti- nople, et attaquez par dehors de toutes pans, (urent coniraints de le faire, et de subire la meme loy, en s'accommodant au temps, pour se parer des insultes de leurs ennemis. C'est ce que le Sire de Joinuille dit en ces lermes : A iceluy Cheualier oui dire, et cornme il le disoit au Roy, que I'Empereurde Constantinople, el ses gens, se allierent vne fois d'vn Roy, qu"on appelloit le Roy des Coinains, peur auoir leur aide, pour conquerir I'Empereurde Grece, qui auoil nomiVataiche. Et disoit iceluy Cheualier, que le Roy du peuple des Comains pour auoir seurie et fiance fraternel I'vn I'autre, qu'il faillit qu'ils etchascun de leur gens il'vns part et d'autre se fissent saigner, et que de leur sang iis donnassen t a boire I'vn d I'autre, en signe de fraterniife.disans qu'ils estoient frf-r<3, et d'vn sang,et ainsi le conuint faire entre nos gens, el les gens d'iceluy Roy, et meslerent de leur sang auec du \in, et en beuuoient I'vn d I'autre, etdisoienl lora qu'iis estoient freres d'vn sang. Georges Pachymeres raconte la m^nie chose des Comains. Et Alberic en I'an 1187, nous fait assez voir que cette coutume eut pareillement cours parmy les Sarazins, ecriuant que la funeste alliance que le Comte de Tripoly contracta auec le Sultan des Sarazins, se fit auec cette cfer(;monie, et qu'ils y burent du sang I'vn da I'autre. - ---.... " Cette fraternity se contractoit encore par I'attouchement des armes, en les faisant toucher reciproqueinent les vr.es aux autres. Cette cos- tume estoit particuliere aux Anglois, auant que les Normans se ren- dissent niaiiresdel'Angleterre, principalement Icrsque descommunautez entieres faisoient entre eux vne alliance fraternelle. en vsans de cette maniere, au lieu du changement reciproque des armes, qui n'auroit pas pii s'executer si facilement. - - . - . " Mais entre tant de ceremonies qui se sont obserufees pour contracter vne frulernite, celle qui aestfe pratiqufee par les peuples Chretiens, est la plus plausible et la plus raisonnable: car pour abolir et pour cteindre entierement les superstitions qui les accompagnoient, et qui tenoient du paganisme, ils en ont introduit vne autre plus sainte et plus pieuse ea la contractant dans TEglise, deuanl le Pr6tre, et en faisant reciter quel ^»>«i8 prieres ou oraisons, nou$ ec auons la formule dans VEuchologium * 336 KoTES. NOTE V. — CHAP. III. The fear of Robert Guiscard was no chimera; for, aOer having raise i himself from indigence to power and authority, he opposed successfully the whole force of two great monarchies, and defeated alternately tlia emperors of the east and the west. f)ne of the most pomted accounts of this extraordinary freebooter which I have met with I subjoin, from the Melanges Curieiuc. "Robertus Wischardi de Normaniaexiens, vir pauper, miles tamen, ingenio et probitate sua Apuliam, Cal^briam suae ditioni submisit, et Insulam Siciliain de manu Ism:telitarum liberavit, Rotgeriumque fratrem Buuin ejiisdem Insulae C'omitBin appellavit. Dernum mare transiens, DurachJum urbem nobilem cepit, Dalmatiamque et Bulgariam super Alexiumlmperatorem acquisivit : insuper eum ter bello fugavit, et Ro- manum, Heuriciim semel ab urbe fugere compulit, Pontificemque Ro- manum, quern oeperat, ab eo Uberavit. Qui cum innumerabilia pend fecisset probitatis indicia, hoc de iUo conslans habetur, qudd nisi morto praROccupatus fuisset, filiuir suum Boam.undum Irnperatorem faceret, so verd Regem Persarum, ut sa;p^ dicebat, constitueref, viamque Hierosa lymoruin destructa paganitate Francis apenret. Nunquam victus est quanquam ssp^ pugnaverit. Venetos, qui contra eum omni virtute sua convenerant cum slolo suo ita profligavit. ut nee fuga, nee pelagus illis esset auxilio. Nee fuit terrarum locus ita remotus, in quo rumor, fama, timor Wischardi per omnium fere ora non volitaret. Et ut verius de eo dici potest, nulli Regumaut Imperatorum Wischardussecundusextitit." -Fere I' Abbe. NOTE VI. — CHAP. 111. This cry was not the only cry of arms which the crusaders used m the Holy Land Though it was the general battle-cry of the whole army, and each leader made use of it occasionally when he wanted to animate the whole host, by rousing up their old enthusiasm ; yet when he sought to bring round him his own vassals, he used the appropriate shout of his family. Thus we find, by Raimond d'Agiles, that the battle- cry of Raimond de St. Giles was " Toulouse .'" The best general account of the old cry of arms which I have met with is given by Ducange. " Le cry d'armes n'est autre chose qu'vne clameur conceufi en deux ou trois paroles, proiioncee au commencement ou au fort du combat et de la m61fee, par un chef, ou par tous lessoldats ensemble, sulvant les rencon- tres et les occasions: lequel cry d'armes estoit particulier au general de Tarmee ou au chef de chaque troupe. - - ... " Les Frangois que se trouuferent A la premiere conqufete de la Terr© Sainte avoient pour cry general ces mots, Adjuua Dens, ainsique nous appreiionsde Foucherde Chartres, et d'vn autre ancien Auteur ou bien. Em Deus adiuwi nos, suivant I'Histoire de Hierusalcm. Raymond d'Agiles rapporte la cause ei Toriginede ce cry h la vision de Pierre Bar- thelemy,quiirouua la sainte Lance an temps que les Turcsassiegeoient la ville d'Antioche sur les nostre : car durant ce siege S. Andrfe luy estant apparu plusieurs fois, 11 luy enjoignit de persuader aux Chretiens d'auoir reeours d Dieu dans les fat'gues du siege, et de la faimqu'ila eaduroient. NOTES. 337 et de prendre dans les combats pour cry d'anriea ces mots Detis adjuua . et sit signum clamoris vestri, Devs adjuva, et reuera Betis adjuvabit vos qui sent les paro'.es de S. Andre, Roderic Archeucsque de Tolcde dit qu'au sifege et & la prise de Cordoue sur le» Sarrazins d^Rspagne, les Chretiens crierent aussi Deus adjuva. lis ajousioient quelquefois ^ ce cry ces mots Detis vull, ou pour parler en langage du temps, et sui- uant qu'iis sont enoncez en la Chronique du Mont Cassin, Diex el volt, donl Torigine est rapportfee au Concile de Clermont en Auuergne. ou la Pape Urbain II. ayant fait vne forte exhortation pour porter les prince* Clirfetiens A prendre les armes pour aiier retirer la I'erre Sainte de- mains des Intid^ies, Ita omnium qui aderant affectus in vnum conci tauit, vt omnes acclamarent, Deux volt, Deus volt. Apres quoy le pape ayant rendu graces A Dieu, dit entre autres paroles celle-cy, Sit erg vobis vox ista in rebus bellicismilitare sigmim, quia verburn hoc a, Deo est prolatum, cum in hostem Jiet bellicosi impetus congressio, erit vni uersisliaecex parte Dei vna vociferatio Deus vult, Deus vult. D'oii ot recueille pourquoy le cry est appelle Signum Dei dans quelques Au teurs." — thicange. Dissertations sur VHistoire de St Louis, Dissert, xi. NOTE VII. — CHAP. IV. I have used the term Counts Palatine, from the old writer whose name stands in the margin. The peculiar position of these Counts Palatine, under the ever-changing dynasties of early Europe, is a curious and in- teresting subject of inquiry, but one too extensive to be fully treated in this place. 1 hope, at some future period, to speak jf it in a more compre- hensive work. The learned author whose woiks have furnished me with the preceding note affords a good view of the original functions of the Counts of the Palace, or Counts Palatine. " Sovs la premiere et la seconde race de nos Rois, leg comtes faisoient la fonction dans les pi-ouinces et dans les villes capitales du roj-aume, non seulemcnt de gouuerneurs, mais encore celle de jiiges. Leur prin- cipal employ estoit d'y decider les differcnts et les proems ordinaires de leur justiciables ; et oii ils ne pouvoient se transporter sur les lieux, jls commettoient A c^teffet leurs vicomtes et leurs lieutenans. Quant aux affaires d'lmportance, et qui meritoient d'estre jug^es par la bouche du prince, nos mfemes roisauoient des comtes dans leurs palais, et pr^s de leurs personnes, ausquels ils en commettoientla connoissance et le juge- ment, qui estoient nom'mez ordinairement, acause de cfet illustre employ, Comtes du Palais, ou Comtes Palatins. - - - . . " II y a lieu de croire que dans la premiere race de nos Rois, et meme dans le commencement de la seconde, la charge de Comte du Palais n'estoit exercee que par vn seul,qui jugeoit les differens,assist6 de quel- ques Conseillers Palatins, qui sont appellez Scabini Paiatii, Echeuins da Palais, dans la Chnonique de S. Vincent de Wlturne. ... ' On ne peut pas toutefois disconuenir qu'il n'y ait eu en mfeme temps plusieurs Comtes du Palais. Car Eguinard en vne de ses Epitres, dil en termes exprfes qu'Adalard et Geboin estoieiit Comtes du Palais en Tn6me temps. Et vn titre de Louys le Debonnaire de I'an 938, qui so lit aux Antkfuitez de I'Abbaye de Fulde est souscrit de ce Gebawinus, ou Gebuiay ' ' B\ia4bertus, qui y prennent qualitfe de Comtes da Palais " _ C c 339 NOTE* NOTE VIII. CHAP. n. The habit of carrying a small wallet when bound on a pil^image one of the oldest customs of the Christian world. This part of the pU grim's dress was called afterward an aumonitre, and served either as a receptacle for containing the alms received on ihe journey, or, when worn by the rich, as a repository for those they intended to give awiiy. The curious faci of Charlemagne having borne one of these wallets to Rome, and of its having been buried with him, is mentioned in the XVih Dis- sertation on Joinville. "Cassian traitant des habits et dss vfetemens des anciens Moines d'Egypte, dit qu'ils se reuetoient d'vn habit fait de peaux de chevre, que Ton appelloit Mclotes, et qu'ils portoient ordinairement I'escarcelle et le baton. Les termes de cfet Auteur ue sont pas toutefois bien clairs, en c6t endroit-lck : Vltimus est. habitus eorum pellls Caprina, qucB Melotes, i>cl pera appellatur, et baculus. Car il n'est pas probable que c^t habit de peaux de ".heureait estfe appell6 Pera. Ce qui a donnfe sujet i quelques Commentateurs de restituer Penula. Neantmoins Isidore et Papias, comme aussi ^El fric dans son Glossaire Saxon, ont fecrit apres Cassian, que Melotis. estoit la meme chose que Pera. Quant ^ moy j'estime que Cas- sian a entendu dire que ces ^foines, outre ce vfetement fait de peaux, auoient encore cofltume de porter vn petit sachet, et vn baton, dont ils se seruoient durant leurs pelerinages. Ce qui ce peut aisement concilier, en restituant le mot appellatur, on le sousentendant, a))rfes Meloles. Tant y a que Cassian parie du baton des Moines au Chapitre suiuant ; et dans I'vne de ses Collations, il fait assez, voir que lorsqu'ils entrepre noient qu^lque voyage, ils prenoient I'vn et I'autre : Cum accepissemus peramei baculum, vt ibi moris est Monachis vniuersis iter agentibus Le Moine d'Angoul^me ecrit que le corps de Charlemagne, ajjres sa mort, fnt inhumfe aucc tous ses habits imperiaux, et que pardessus on y pos?i I'escarcelle d'or, dont les pelerinsse seruent ordinairement, et qu'il auor coOtume de porter lorsqu'il alloit k Rom : et super vesZ-nentis Imperiali bus pera peregrinalis aurea posita est, quam Uomam portare solitus erat D'oii il resulte que le baton et rescarcellc ont toujours estfe la marquo particuliere des Peierins, ou comme parle GuiUaume de Malmesbury Solatia et indicia itineris. •' Les Peierins delaTerre Sainte, auantquedentreprendre leurs pele- • images, alloient rcecuoir I'escarcelle et le bourdon des mains des Pres- tres dans I'Eglise. - - - .... " Et cela s'est pratiqufe mfemes par nos Rois. lorsqu'ils ont voulu en henrendre ces longs et facheux voyages d'outremer. Car aprfes auoir ■'-aarg6 leurs fepaules de ia figure de la Croix, ils auoient coiituine de ve nir en I'Abbaye de S. Denys, et lA, apres la celebration de la messe, ila I ^ceuoient des mains de quelque Prelat le baton de Pelerin et I'escarcelle, et memes I'Oriflamme, ensuite dequoy ils prenoient conge de S. Den'/«, Patron du Royaume." NOTE IX. CHAP. VII. The pretence of the Count of Toulouse for resisting the claims of Boe- tmnd to the possession of Antioch was, that he had vowed to the em- peror AJexius to de'i -^er up all conquests to him alona This was but a koTES. 330 epeclous covering lor his own avarice. The terms in which Baldrio mentions the cess. on of Antioch to Boemond are as follows ; and it will be seen that mucli more notice was talven of Alexius than thai contempt iMe usurper deserved. "Locuii sunt igiturad invicem Christianorum duces, et sponte sua Boamundo subintulerunt : Vides quo in articulo res nostra posita sit. SI civitatem ergo istam vel prece vel pretio, nobis etiam juvantibus poteris obtinere, nos eam tibi unaniniiter concedimus: saivo in omnibus quod Imperatori, te collaudante, fecimus sacramento. Si ergo flmperator nobis adjutor advenerit, juratasque pactiones custodierit, perjuri vivere nolumus : sed quod pace tua diclurn sit, nos illi eam coucedimus : sin au'em, tuae semper sit subditc potestati. Ex Historia Hierosolymitana Baldrici, Episcopi Dolensis." NOTE X. CHAP. X. Even in the days of Ducange the form and colour of the Oriflamme, or standard borne to battle before the kings of France, was so far for- gotten, that the learned antiquary bestowed no small research to ascer- tain its texture and appearance. His erudition never left any thing in uncertainty ; but though he proved the particular banner called the Ori- flamme to have been red ; yet Guillaurne Guiart mentions one of fine az,ure, whicii was carried before Philip Augustus to the siege of Acre Ducange speaks of the Oriflamme as follows : " Pour commencer par la recherche du nom d'Oriflamme. la plfipart des Ecriuains estiment, qu'on le doit tirer oe sa matiere, de sa couleur, et de se forme. Quant i sa figure, il est hors de doute qu'elle estoit faite conime les bannieres de nos Eglises, que Ton porte ordmairerter dans leurb ^vierres par leur Auotte 340 Votes. Car c'estoit-lA la principa2e fonction des Auoiiez, qui en qualite de defen seurs et de protecteurs des Monasteres et des Eglises, entreprenoient In conduit de leiirs vassaux pour la defense de leurs droits, et portoienl leurs enseignes dla guerre: d'oii vient qu'ils soni ordinairement appel- lez, les porte-enseignes des Eglise, signiferi Ecclesiarum, comme j'es- pere justifierailleurs Les Conites du Vexin et de Pontoise auDJent ce titr« dans le Monastere de S. Denys, dont ils estoient les Auoiiez, et les pro- tecteurs, eten cette qualite ils portoient I'Oriflannme dans les guerres qui B'entrepronoient pour la defense de ses bieiis. - - « " II faut done tenir pour constant que Louys le Gros fut le premier de nos Rois, qui eu qualite de Comtedu Vexin tira rOriflamme de dessus I'autel de I'Egiise de S. Denys, et la fit porter dans ses armees, conrime la principaleenseigne du Protecteur de son Royaume, et dont il inuoquoit le secours dans son cry d'arnnes. - - " 11 est arriue dans la suite que nos Rois, qui estoient entrez dans les droits de ces Comtes, s'en sont seruis, pour leurs guerres particulierea, comme estant la bannierf qui porloit le nom du Protecteur de leur Roy- aume, ainsi que j'ay remarque, la tirans, de dessus I'autel de I'Egiise S. Denys, auec les memes ceremonies, et les memes prieres, que Ton auoit accouiemed'observer, lorsqu'on la mettoit entre les mains des Comtes du Vexin pour les guerres particulieres de ce Monastere. Ces cere- monies sont aiiisi decrites par Raoul de Presle, au Traite dont je nens de parler en cestermes: Premierement la processioa voiis vient A rencontre jusques A TissuS du Cloistre, et apres la procession, atteints les benoists corps Saints de Monsieur S. Denys, et ses Compagnons, et mis sur I'autel en grande reuorence, et aussi le corps de Monsieur S. Louys, el puis est mise cette barmiere ploise sur les corporaux, ou est consacre le corps de N. S. Jesus Christ, lequej vous receuez dignemenl apres la celebration de la Messe : si fait celuy leque! vous auez esleu A bailler, comme au plus prud homme et vaillant Cheualier; et ce fait, le baisez en la bouche, et luy baillez, et la tient en ses mains par grande re- uerence, afin que les Barons assistans le puissent baiser comme reliqnea et choses dignes, et en luy baillaiit jwmr Ic porter, luy faites faire ser- ment solemnel de le porter et garderen grande reuerence, et d I'honneiu de vous et de vostre Royaume. . . - - NOTE XI. — CHAP. XIII. Villehardouin is undoubtedly the best authority for all the particulars of the siege of Constantinople. Nicetas was extravagantly prejudiced; and though the emperor Baldwin, in his letters to the Pope, was as frank as any man in his situation could be, it was but natural that he should endeavour to show the cau.ses of the warfare in the most favourable point of view — that he should represent the conduct of himself and his companions with every advantage— in fact that he should see the events which raised him to the throne through a pecuhar medium, and re- present them tinged with the same colours that they presentr?d to his own eyes. Villehardouin wrote without many of these disadvantages. He did not belong to the pillaged and conquered class, like Nicetas, nor did be w^rite to excuse himself in the eyes of the Pope. He had his preju- dice--, of i;ourse, like other men, but these prejudices were greatly pre- vented trom affecting his history by the frank simplicity of chivalrous manners, which no one possessed in greater purity ttt.n he did himself. NOTES. «<4l In two points Philippe Mouslces gives a different account of the affairs of Constantinople from Villehardouiii. In the first place, he states that Alexius Anselus, the brother of Isaac, commanded his nephew to be drowned; but that by entreaties the prince moved thoae persons who were charged with the cruel order. In the next place, he says that Mar- zuphlis caused Alexius the younger to be poisoned. In regard to the destruction of the monuments of art committed by the Latins, Nicetas gives a melancholy, though somewhat bombastic ac- count. The famous works destroyed were as follows, according to his statement: A colossal Juno, from the forum of Constantine, the head of which was 80 large that four horses could scarcely draw it from the spot where it stood to the palace. The statue of Paris, presenting the apple to Venus. An immense bronze pyramid, crowned by a female figure, which turned with the wind. The colossal statue of Belleropnon. in bronze, which was broken down, and cast into the furnace. Under the inner nail of the horse's hind foot, on the left side, was found a seal, wrapped in a woollen cloth. A figure of Hercules, by Lysiniachus, of such vast dimensions that the circumference of the thumb was equal in measurement to the waist of an ordinary man. From the attitude of this statue, as described by Nicetas. ii is not improbable that it served as a model for that piece of sculpture, the only part of which that remains is the famous Torso. The Ass and his Driver, cast by order of Augustus, after the battle of Actium, in commemoration of his having discovered the position of An- tony through the means of a peasant and his beast, the one bearing the name of Fortunate, and the other that of Conqueror. The Wolf suckling the twins of Rome ; the Gladiator in combat with a Lion ; the Hippopotamus ; the Sphynxes : and the famous Eagle fight- ing with a Serpent; all underwent the same fate, as well as the beau- tiful statue of Helen, which Nicetas speaks of as the perfection of sta- tuary. Added to these were the exquisite figure on the race-cour?e, and a group, wherein a monster, somewhat resembling a bull, was represented engaged in deadly conflict with a serpent. Each appeared expiring under the efforts of the other; the snake crushed between the teeth of the monster, and the bull tainted to the heart by the venom of tho reptile : no bad emblem of the struggle between the bold and furious va lour of the Latins and the poisonous treachery of the Greeks them selves. NOTE XII. CHAP. XIV. That St. Louis was threatened with the torture is an undoubted fact • though what that sort of torture was which Joinville calls Les Bemx cles IS not so clear. Uucange fancies that it was the Cippus of the an cients: and whether it was or not, the resolution of the inonarch iu resisting showed not a little fortitude. I subjoin Ducange's obser^a' tions. •' Le Sire de Joinville dit que le Sultr.n de Babylone, ou son Conseil fit faire au Roy des propositions peu raisonahles, croyant qu'il y consen tiroit pour obtenir sa deliurance, et celle deceux de sa suite, qui auoien' este faits prisonxiiers aaec luy en la bataiUe de Massoure. £t sur ce qu» m NOTES. le Roy reftisa absolument d'y donner les mains, il le Toulut JnTttnldeT ; r! le inenag:! de luy faire souflTrir do grands tournriens. Mathieu Paris : COm frequenter d Saracenis cumterribilibiis coniniin;ilionibus sollicitar6tur Rex vt Damiatani redderet, et noluit vlla ratione, postularunt snmrnam eibi pecuniae persolui sine diminutione, vel diulurno cmciatu vsque ad mortem tonjueretur. Ce tournient est appelle par le Sire de .louinville les Bemicles, lequel il decril en ces termes. Et voyans les Sarazinsque le Roy ne vouloit obtemperer A leur demandes, ils le menacerent de le mettre en Bernicles : qui est le plus grief tounnent qu'il> puissent faire & nully: Et sonl deux g>ans tisons de bois.qiii sont entretenansau chef, Et quant ils veulent y mettre aucun. ils lecouschent sur le couste entre ces dieux tisons, et luy font passer les jambes A trauers de grosses che- uilles : puis couschent la piece de bois, qui est Id-dessus, et font asseoir vn honnne dessus les tisons. Dont il anient qu'il ne demeure A celuy qui est lA cousche point demy pied d'ossemens, qu'il ne sok tout des- rompu etescache. Et pour pis luy faire, au bout des trois jours luy re- niettent les jambes, qui sont grosses et enflees, dedens celles bernicles, et le rebrisent derechief, qui est vne chose moult cruellc A qui saurpit entendre : et la lient a gros nerfs de bceuf par la teste, de peiir qU'il JQ« Be remue lA dedans. THE END. DUE DATE 1 Dots l2_S9C— ! »T IJ^I OGI G . ___M£1' ,^ ^^ ^ --:■-: nFrrj 1 Printed in USA 940.4 J23 COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY LIBRARIES 0114412489