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HISTORY OF THE HIG HLANDS 
 
 ^ LIFIRARY. 
 
 X N YORK. 
 
 THE HIGHLAND CLANS, 
 
 JAMES BROWNE, Esq., LL.D., Advocate. 
 
 Author of ** Aper^u sur les Hieroglyphes d'Egypte et les progres faits jusqu' ^ present dans leur Dechiftrenient,' 
 "A Critical Examination of Dr M'CuUocli's Book on the Highlands," &c. &c. 
 
 ILLUSTRATED BY A SERIES OF PORTRAITS AND OTHER ENGRAVINGS. 
 
 VOL. I.— PART II. 
 
 GLASGOW: 
 
 A. FULLARTON & CO., 34, HUTCHESON STREET; 
 AND 31, SOUTH BRIDGE, EDINBURGH. 
 
 MDCCCXXXIV. 
 
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JOUHNEY OF THE QUEEN REGENT TO THE NORTH. 191 
 
 instigated it is supposed by Huntly's enemies, attributed it to negli- 
 gence on his pai't. The consequence was, that the earl was committed 
 a prisoner to the castle of Edinburgh in the month of October, where lie 
 remained till the month of March following. He was compelled to re- 
 nounce the earldom of Moray and the lordship of Abernethy, with liis 
 tacks and possessions in Orkney and Zetland, and the tacks of the 
 lands of the earldom of Mar and of the lordship of Strathdie, of which 
 he was bailie and steward, and he was moreover condemned to a banish- 
 ment of five years in France. But as he was about to leave the king- 
 dom, the Queen, taking a more favourable view of his conduct, recalled 
 the sentence of banishment, and restored him to the office of Chan- 
 cellor, of which he had been deprived ; and to make this act of leni- 
 ency somewhat palatable to the earl's enemies, the queen exacted a 
 heavy pecuniary fine from the earl. 
 
 As the Highlands still continued in a state of misrule, principally 
 owing to the conduct of John of Moidart, the queen sent the earl of 
 Athole to the Highlands, the following year, with a special commission to 
 apprehend this turbulent chief; and he succeeded so well by negotiation 
 as to prevail upon John, two of his sons, and some of his kinsmen, to 
 submit themselves to the queen, who pardoned them, but ordered them 
 to be detained prisoners in the castle of Methven where they were well 
 treated. Disliking such restraint, they effected their escape into their 
 own country privately, where they again began their usual restless course 
 of life. 
 
 The great disorders which prevailed in the Highlands at this time, in- 
 duced the queen-regent to undertake a journey thither in order to punish 
 these breaches of the law, and to repress existing tumults. She according- 
 ly arrived at Invei'ness in the month of July, fifteen hundred and fifty- 
 five, where she was met by John, Earl of Sutherland, and George, Earl 
 of Caithness. Although the latter nobleman was requested to bring his 
 countrymen along with him to the court, he neglected or declined to do 
 so, and he was therefore committed to prison at Inverness, Aberdeen, 
 and Edinburgh, successively, and he was not restored to liberty till he 
 paid a considerable sum of money. Y-Mackay of Far, was also sum- 
 moned to appear before the queen at Inverness, to answer for his spolia- 
 tions committed in the country of Sutherland during the absence of Earl 
 John in France ; but he refused to appear. Whereupon the queen granted 
 a commission to the earl of Sutherland, to bring Mackay to justice. The 
 earl accordingly entered Strathnaver with a great force, sacking and 
 spoiling every thing in his way, and possessing himself of all the pi'inci- 
 pal positions to prevent Mackay 's escape. Mackay, however, avoided 
 the earl, and as he declined to fight, the earl laid siege to the castle of 
 Borwe, the orincipal strength in Strathnaver, scarcely two miles distant 
 from Far, which he took after a short siege, and hanged Ruaridh-Mac- 
 lain-Mhoir, the commander. This fort the earl completely demolished. 
 
 While the eorl of Sutherland was engaged in the siege, Mackay eu- 
 
 I. 2 b 
 
 ^ "rfc O i ^J 
 
192 HISTORY OF THE HIGHLANDS. 
 
 tered Sutherland secretly, and burnt the church of Loth. He thereaf- 
 ter went to the village of Knockartoll, where he met Mackenzie and his 
 countrymen in Strathbroray. A slight skirmish took place between 
 them ; but Mackay and his men fled after he had lost Angus-Mackean- 
 voir one of his commanders, and several of his followers. Mackenzie 
 was thereupon appointed by the earl to protect Sutherland from the 
 incursions of Mackay during his stay in Strathnaver. Having been 
 defeated again by Mackenzie, and seeing no chance of escape, Mackay 
 surrendered himself, and was carried south, and committed a prisoner 
 to the castle of Edinburgh, in which he remained a considerable time. 
 During the queen's stay in the north, many notorious delinquents M'ere 
 brought to trial, condemned and executed. 
 
 During Mackay's detention in Edinburgh, John Mor-Mackay, who 
 took charge of his kinsman's estate, seizing the opportunity of the earl 
 of Sutherland's absence in the south of Scotland, entered Sutherland 
 at the head of a determined body of Strathnaver men, and spoiled 
 and wasted the east corner of that province, and burnt the chapel of 
 St Ninian. Mac-Mhic-Sheumais, chief of the Clan-Gun, the laird of 
 Clyne, the Terrell of the Doill, and James Mac- William having col- 
 lected a body of Sutherland men, pursued the Strathnaver men, whom 
 they overtook at the foot of the hill called Ben-Moir in Berridell. Here 
 they laid an ambush for them, and having, by favour of a fog, passed 
 their sentinels, they unexpectedly surprised Mackay's men, and attacked 
 them with great fury. The Strathnaver men made an obstinate resist- 
 ance, but were at length overpowered. Many of them were killed, and 
 others drowned in the water of Garwary. Mackay himself escaped with 
 great difficulty. This was one of the severest defeats the Strathnaver 
 men ever experienced, except at the battle of Knoken-dow-Reywird. 
 
 On the release of Mackay from his confinement in the castle of Edin- 
 burgh, he was employed in the wars upon the borders, against the 
 English, in which he acquitted himself courageously ; and on his return 
 to Strathnaver he submitted himself to the earl of Sutherland, with 
 whom he lived in peace during the remainder of the earl's life. But 
 Mackay incurred the just displeasure of the tribe of Slaight-ean- Voir by 
 the committal of two crimes of the deepest dye. Having imbibed a 
 violent affection for the wife of Tormaid-Mac-Iain-Mhoir, the chieftain 
 of that tribe, he, in order to accomplish his object, slew the chief, after 
 which he violated his wife, by whom he had a son called Donald Balloch 
 Mackay. The insulted clan flew to arms ; but they were defeated at 
 D urines, by the murderer and adulterer, after a sharp skirmish. Three 
 of the principal men of the tribe who had given themselves up, trusting 
 to Mackay's clemency, were beheaded.* 
 
 In the year fifteen hundred and sixty-one, several petty feuds occur- 
 red in Sutherland and Caithness. Hugh Murray, of Aberscors, killed 
 
 * Sir R. Gordon, p. 136. 
 
EARL AND COUNTESS OF SUTHERLAND POLSONED. 193 
 
 Imliear-Mac-Iain-Mhic-Thomais, a gentleman of the Siol-Thomais, for 
 which act he incurred the displeasure of the earl of Sutherland. Mur- 
 ray thereupon fled into Caithness, and sought the protection of the earl 
 of Caithness. Houcheon Murray, the father of Hugh, being suspected 
 by the earl of Sutherland as having been privy to the murder, was ap- 
 prehended and imprisoned in Dunrobin castle ; but after a slight con- 
 finement he was released as innocent, and by his mediation his son 
 Hugh was restored to the favour of the earl. No reconciliation, how- 
 ever, took place between the Murrays and the Siol-Thomais, who con- 
 tinued for a long period at variance. About the same time, William 
 and Angus Sutherland, and the other Sutherlands of Berridale, killed 
 several of the earl of Caithness people, and wasted the lands of the 
 Clynes in that countiy. For these acts they were banished by the earl 
 from Caithness ; but they again returned, and being assisted by Hugh 
 Murray of Aberscors, they took the castle of Berridale, laid waste the 
 country, and molested the people of Caithness with their incursions. 
 By the mediation of the earl of Sutherland, William and Angus Suther- 
 land, and their accomplices obtained a pardon from Queen Mary, which 
 so exasperated the earl of Caithness, that he imbibed a mortal hatred 
 not only against the earl of Sutherland, but also against the Murrays, 
 and all the inhabitants of Sutherland.* 
 
 Amongst the many acts which disgrace the memory of James, Earl 
 of Moray, the bastard brother of queen Mary, the murder of Alexan- 
 der Gun, son of John Robson, chief of the Clan-Gun, in the year fif- 
 teen hundred and sixty-five, must not be overlooked. The cause of the 
 earl's antipathy was this : — On one occasion, the earls of Sutherland and 
 Huntly happened to meet the earl of Moray directly in the face on the 
 high street of Aberdeen. Alexander Gun was then in the service of the 
 carl of Sutherland, and as he was walking in front of his master, he 
 declined to give the earl of Moray any part of the height of the street, 
 and forced him and his company to give way. As he considered this 
 to be a deadly affront put upon him, he resolved upon revenge, and 
 seizing the opportunity of the earl of Sutherland's absence in Flanders, 
 he, by means of Andrew Monroe of Miltoun, entrapped Gun, and 
 made him a prisoner at the Delvines, near the town of Nairn, from 
 whence he was taken to Inverness, and after a mock-trial, was executed. 
 Alexander Gun is reported to have been a very able and strong man, 
 endowed with many good qualities.f 
 
 George, earl of Caithness, who had long borne a mortal hatred to 
 John, earl of Sutherland, now projected a scheme for cutting him off, as 
 well as his countess, who was big with child, and their only son, Alexander 
 Gordon ; the earl and countess were accordingly both poisoned at Helms- 
 dale while at supper by Isobel Sinclair, wife of Gilbert Gordon of Gar- 
 tay, and sister of William Sinclair of Dumbaith, instigated, it is said, by 
 
 * Sir R. Gordon, p. 139. t I>'id. T- l^*- 
 
194 HISTORY OF THE HIGHLANDS. 
 
 the earl ; but their son, Alexander, made a very narrow escape, not 
 having returned in time from a hunting excursion, to join his father 
 and mother at supper. On Alexander's return the earl had become 
 fully aware of the danger of his situation, and he was thus prevented 
 by his father from participating in any part of the supper which re- 
 mained, and after taking an affectionate and parting farewell, and re- 
 commending him to the protection of God and of his dearest friends, he 
 sent him to Dunrobin the same night without his supper. The earl and 
 his lady were carried next morning to Dunrobin, where they died 
 within five days thereafter, in the month of July, fifteen hundred and 
 sixty-seven, and were buried in the cathedral church at Dornoch. 
 Pretending to cover himself from the imputation of being concerned 
 in this murder, the earl of Caithness punished some of the earl's most 
 faithful servants under the colour of avenging his death ; but the de- 
 ceased earl's friends being determined to obtain justice, apprehended 
 Isobel Sinclair, and sent her to Edinburgh to stand her trial, where, 
 after being tried and condemned, she died on the day appointed for 
 her execution. During all the time of her illness she vented the most 
 dreadful imprecations upon her cousin, the earl, who had seduced her 
 to commit the horrid act. Had this woman succeeded in cutting ofi* 
 the earl's son, her own eldest son, John Gordon, but for the extraor- 
 dinary circumstances of his death to be noticed, would have succeeded 
 to the earldom, as he was the next male heir. This youth happen- 
 ing to be in the house when his mother had prepared the poison, be- 
 came extremely thirsty, and called for a drink. One of his mother's 
 servants, not aware of the preparation, presented to the youth a por- 
 tion of the liquid into which the poison had been infused, which he 
 drank. This occasioned his death within two days, a circumstance 
 which, together with the appearances of the body after death, gave a 
 clue to the discovery of his mother's guilt.* 
 
 Taking advantage of the calamity which had befallen the house of 
 Sutherland, and the minority of the young earl, now only fifteen years 
 of age, Y-Mackay of Far, who had formed an alliance with the earl of 
 Caithness, invaded the country of Sutherland, wasted the barony of 
 Skibo, entered the town of Dornoch, and, upon the pretence of a 
 quarrel with the Murrays, by whom it was chiefly inhabited, set fire to 
 it, in which outrage he was assisted by the laird of Duffus. This hap- 
 pened in the year fifteen hundred and sixty -seven. These measures were 
 only preliminary to a design which the earl of Caithness had formed to 
 get the earl of Sutherland into his hands, but he had the cunning to 
 conceal his intentions in the meantime, and to instigate Mackay to act 
 as he. wished without appearing to be in any way concerned. 
 
 In pursuance of his design upon Alexander, the young earl of Su- 
 therland, the carl of Caithness prevailed upon Robert Stuart, bishop 
 
 * Sir R. Gordon, p. 147. 
 
CnUELTIF.S OF THE EARL OF CAITHNESS. 195 
 
 of Caithness, to write a letter to the governor of the castle of Skibo, 
 in which the earl of Sutherland resided, to deliver up the castle to him ; 
 a request with which the governor complied. Having taken posses- 
 sion of the castle, the earl carried off the young man into Caithness, 
 and although only fifteen years of age, he got him married to Lady 
 Barbara Sinclair, his daughter, then aged thirty-two years. Y-Mackay 
 was the paramour of this lady, and for continuing the connexion with 
 him she was afterwards divorced by her husband. 
 
 After Y-Mackay had burned Dornoch, he made an attack upon 
 Hugh Murray, son of Houcheon Murray of Aberscors, in the village of 
 Pitfur in Strathfleet, took him prisoner, and killed his brother, Donald 
 Roy-Murray, and a kinsman named Thomas Murray. A few of the 
 inhabitants of Sutherland went in pursuit of Mackay, whom they over- 
 took in the Breachat ; but Houcheon Murray prevented them from at- 
 tacking him, as he was afraid that his son, then a prisoner in Mackay 's 
 hands, would be killed by the Strathnaver men to prevent a rescue. 
 With a few words of defiance, and some arrows discharged on either 
 side, according to the ordinary custom of commencing skirmishes, the 
 matter ended, and the Sutherland men returned to their homes. The 
 interference of Houcheon Murray was certainly judicious, for Mackay 
 delivered up his son after a short captivity. As the tribe of the Siol- 
 Phaill had been the cause of the dissension between Mackay and the 
 Murrays, a feud occurred on the release of Hugh between the Murrays 
 and the Siol-Phaill, in which lives were sacrificed on both sides, and 
 which continued till a reconciliation was effected by the earl of Suther- 
 land on coming of age.* 
 
 The earl of Caithness having succeeded in his wishes in obtaining pos- 
 session of the earl of Sutherland, entered the earl's country, and took 
 possession of Dunrobin castle, in which he fixed his residence. He 
 also brought the earl of Sutherland along with him, but he treated him 
 meanly, and he burnt all the papers belonging to the house of Suther- 
 land he could lay his hands on. Cruel and avaricious, he, under the 
 pretence of vindicating the law for imaginary crimes, expelled many of 
 the ancient families in Sutherland from that country, put many of 
 the inhabitants to death, disabled those he banished, in their persons, by 
 new and unheard of modes of torture, and stripped them of all their 
 wealth. To be suspected of favouring tlje house of Sutherland, and to 
 be wealthy, were deemed capital crimes by this oppressor. 
 
 As the earl of Sutherland did not live on friendly terms with his wife 
 on account of her licentious connexion with Mackay, and as there ap- 
 peared no chance of any issue, the earl of Caithness formed the base 
 design of cutting off the earl of Sutherland, and marrying William 
 Sinclair, his second son, to Lady Margaret Gordon, the eldest sister of 
 the earl of Sutherland, whom he had also gotten into his hands, with 
 
 • Sir 11. Gordon, p. 151. 
 
196 HISTORY OF THE HIGHLANDS. 
 
 the view of making William earl of Sutherland. The better to conceal 
 his intentions the earl of Caithness made a journey south to Edinburgh, 
 and gave the necessary instructions to those in his confidence to despatch 
 the earl of Sutherland ; but some of his trusty friends having received 
 private intelligence of the designs of the earl of Caithness from some 
 persons who were privy thereto, they instantly set about measures for 
 defeating them by getting possession of the earl of Sutherland's person. 
 Accordingly, under cloud of night, they came quietly to the burn of 
 Golspie, in the vicinity of Dum'obin, where, concealing themselves to 
 prevent discovery, they sent Alexander Goi'don of Sidderay to the 
 castle, disguised as a pedler, for the purjiose of warning the earl of 
 Sutherland of the danger of his situation, and devising means of escape. 
 Being made acquainted with the design upon his life, and the plans of 
 his friends for rescuing him, the earl, early the following morning, pro- 
 posed to the residents in the castle, under whose charge he was, to ac- 
 company him on a small excursion in the neighbourhood. This propo- 
 sal seemed so reasonable in itself, that, although he was perpetually 
 watched by the earl of Caithness' servants, and his liberty greatly 
 restrained, they at once agreed ; and, going out, the earl being aware of 
 the ambush laid by his friends, led his keepers directly into the snare be- 
 fore they were aware of danger. The earl's friends thereupon rushed 
 from their hiding-place, and seizing him, conveyed him safely out of 
 the country of Sutherland to Strathbogie in the year fifteen hundred and 
 sixty-nine. As soon as the earl of Caithness' retainers heard of the 
 escape of earl Alexander, they collected a party of men favourable to 
 their interests, and went in hot pursuit of him as far as Port-ne-Coulter •. 
 but they found that the earl and his friends had just crossed the ferry. 
 In the act of crossing they were overtaken by a great tempest which 
 suddenly arose, and made a very narrow escape from drowning.* 
 
 Shortly after this affair a quarrel ensued between the Monroes and 
 the Clan Kenzie, two very powerfial Rosshire clans which happened thus : 
 Lesley, the celebrated Bishop of Ross, had made over to his cousin, the 
 Laird of Balquhain, the right and title of the castle of the Canon ry of 
 Ross, together with the castle lands. Notwithstanding of this grant, the 
 Regent Murray, had given the custody of this castle to Andrew Monroe 
 of Milntown ; and to make Lesley bear with the loss, the Regent promised 
 him some of the lands of the Barony of Fintry in Buchan, but on condition 
 that he should cede to Monroe the castle and castle lands of the 
 Canonry; but the untimely and unexpected death of the Regent inter- 
 rupted this arrangement, and Andrew Monroe did not, of course, ob- 
 tain the title to the castle and castle lands as he expected. Yet Monroe 
 had the address to obtain permission from the earl of Lennox dur- 
 ing his regency, and afterwards from the earl of Mar, his successor in 
 that office, to get possession of the castle. The Clan Kenzie grudg- 
 
 » Sir R. Gordon, p. 154. 
 
TOWN AND CATIIEDUAr. OF DORNOCH BURNT. 197 
 
 ing to see Monroe in possession, and being desirous to get hold of tlie 
 castle themselves, they purchased Lesley's right, and, by virtue thereof, 
 demanded delivery of the castle. Monroe refused to accede to this de- 
 mand, on which the clan laid siege to the castle ; but Monroe defended 
 it for three years at the expense of many lives on both sides. It was 
 then delivered up to the Clan Kenzie under the act of pacification.* 
 
 No attempt was made by the earl of Sutherland, during his minority, 
 to recover his possessions from the earl of Caithness. In the meantime 
 the latter, disappointed and enraged at the escape of his destined prey, 
 vexed and annoyed still farther the partisans of the Sutherland family. 
 In particular, he directed his vengeance against the Murrays, and made 
 William Sutherland of Evelick, brother to the Laird of Duffus, appre- 
 hend John Croy-Murray, under the pretence of bringing him to justice. 
 This proceeding roused the indignation of Hugh Murray of Aberscors, 
 who assembled his friends, and made several incursions upon the lands 
 of Evelick, Pronsies, and Riercher. They also laid waste several vil- 
 lages belonging to the Laird of DufFus, from which they carried off some 
 booty, and apprehending a gentleman of the Sutherlands, they detained 
 him as an hostage for the safety of John Croy-Murray. Upon this the 
 Laird of Duffus collected all his kinsmen and friends, together with the 
 Siol-Phaill at Skibo, and proceeded to the town of Dornoch, with the in- 
 tention of burning it. But the inhabitants, aided by the Murrays, went 
 out to meet the enemy, whom they courageously attacked and over- 
 threw, and pursued to the gates of Skibo. Besides killing several 
 of Duffus' men they made some prisoners, whom they exchanged for 
 John Croy-Murray. This affair was called the skirmish of Torran-Roy. 
 
 The Laird of DufFus, who was father-in-law to the earl of Caithness, 
 and supported him in all his plans, immediately sent notice of this disas- 
 ter to the eai'l, who without delay sent his eldest son, John, Master of 
 Caithness, with a large party of countrymen and friends, including 
 Y-Mackay and his countrymen, to attack the Murrays in Dornoch. 
 They besieged the town and castle, which were both manfully defended 
 by the Murrays and their friends ; but the Master of Caithness, favoured 
 by the darkness of the night, set fire to the cathedral, the steeple 
 of which, however, was preserved. After the town had been reduced, 
 the Master of Caithness attacked the castle and the steeple of the church, 
 into which a body of men had thrown themselves, both of which held 
 out for the space of a week, and would probably have resisted much 
 longer, but for the interference of mutual friends of the parties, by whose 
 mediation the Murrays surrendered the castle and the steeple of the 
 church; and as hostages for the due performance of other conditions, 
 they delivered up Thomas Murray, son ofHoucheon Murray of Aberscors, 
 Houcheon Murray, son of Alexander Mac- Sir -Angus, and John 
 Murray, son of Thomas Murray, the brother of John Murray of Abcr- 
 
 * Sir R. Gordon, p. 155. 
 
J98 HISTORY OF THE HIGHLANDS 
 
 scors 
 
 .cu.= But the earl of Caithness refused to ratify the treaty which his 
 son had entered into with the Murrays, and afterwards basely beheaded 
 the three hostages. These occurrences took place in the year fifteen 
 hundred and seventy.* 
 
 ♦ Sir R. Gordon, p. 156. 
 
CHAPTER X. 
 
 Dispersion of the Miinays and other friends of the Earl uf iSutherland — Attempt to 
 (lelacli Mackay from the Earl of Caithness — Breaks his engagement — Irruption of the 
 Seill-faille into Strathtleet — Arrest and imprisonment of John, Master of Caitliness, by 
 his father — Death of Mackay — Clan Gun attacked by the Strathnaver men— The latter 
 defeated — The Slaight-Ean-Aberigh and the Slaight-Ean-Voir attack the Clan Gun 
 — Attack on the Slaight-Ean-Aberigh by William Mackay and the iSlaighl-Ean- 
 Koy — Feud between the Clan Gun and the Slaight-Ean-Aberigh — Attack on the Isle 
 of Assint — Meeting of the Earls of Caithness and Sutherland at Elgin — Combination 
 against the Clan Gun — Skirmish of Clan-tom- Richie — Battle of Aldgovvn — Execution 
 of the Chief of the Clan Gun in Caithness — Another meeting between the two Earls — 
 New confederacy against the Clan Gun — Departure of the Clan from Caithness — 
 Defeated near Loch Broom — Feud between the Macleans and Macdonalds of the Isles 
 — Angus Macdonald of Kintyre arrested by Sir Lauchlan Maclean — His liberation — 
 Sir Lauchlan arrested by Macdonald — His release— Invades Ilii — Mutual ravages in 
 Mull and Kintyre — Sir Lauchlan tampers with Mackean of Ardinmurchie — Imprison- 
 ment of Maclean and Macdonald in the castle of Edinburgh — New disputes between 
 the Houses of Sutherland and Caithness. 
 
 The Murrays and the other friends of the Sutherland family, no 
 longer able to protect themselves from the vengeance of the earl of Caith- 
 ness, dispersed themselves into different countries, there to wait for more 
 favourable times when they might return to their native soil without 
 danger. The Murrays went to Strathbogie, where Earl Alexander 
 then resided. Hugh Gordon of Drummoy retired to Orkney, where he 
 married a lady named Ursla Tulloch; but he frequently visited his 
 friends in Sutherland, in spite of many snares laid for him by the earl 
 of Caithness, while secretly going and returning through Caithness. 
 Hugh Gordon's brothers took refuge with the Murrays at Strathbogie. 
 John Gray of Skibo, and his son Gilbert, retired to St Andrew's, where 
 their friend Robert, bishop of Caithness, then resided, and Mac-Mhic- 
 Sheumais of Strathully went to Glengarr}^ 
 
 As the alliance of such a powerful and warlike chief as Mackay, would 
 have been of great importance to the Sutherland interest, an attempt 
 was made to detach him from the earl of Caithness. The plan appears 
 to have originated with Hugh Murray of Aberscors, who made repeated 
 visits to Strathbogie, to consult with the earl of Sutherland and his 
 friends on this subject, and afterwards went into Strathnaver, and held a 
 conference with Mackay, whom he prevailed upon to accompany him to 
 Strathbogie. Mackay then entered into an engagement with the earl 
 of Huntly and the earl of Sutherland, to assist the latter against the earl 
 
 I. 2 c 
 
200 HISTORY OF THE HIGHLANDS. 
 
 of Caithness, in consideration of which, and on payment of £300 Scots, 
 he obtained from the earl of Huntly the heritable right and title of the 
 lands of Strathnaver; but Mackay, influenced by Barbara Sinclair, the 
 wife of the earl of Sutherland, with whom he now publicly cohabited, 
 broke his engagement, and continued to oppress the earl's followers and 
 dependants. 
 
 About this time the tribe called the Siol-Phaill, made an incursion 
 into Strathfleet, and attacked Hugh Murray of Aberscors. In a skir- 
 mish which took place, the Siol-Phaill took three of the Murrays 
 prisoners, whom they afterwards delivered up to the earl of Caithness, 
 who put them to death. In revenge for this cruel act, Hugh Murray 
 afterwards killed two of the principal men of the tribe.* 
 
 From some circumstances which have not transpired, the earl of 
 Caithness became suspicious of his son John, the Master of Caithness, 
 as having, in connexion with Mackay, a design upon his life. To put 
 an end to the earl's suspicion, Mackay advised John to go to Girnigo, 
 (castle Sinclair,) and to submit himself to his father's pleasure, a request 
 with which the Master complied; but, after arriving at Girnigo, he 
 was, while conversing with his father, arrested by a party of armed men, 
 who, upon a secret signal being given by the earl, had rushed in at the 
 chamber door. He was instantly fettered and thrust into prison within 
 the castle, where, after a miserable captivity of seven years, he died, a 
 prey to famine and vermin. 
 
 Mackay, who had accompanied the Master to Girnigo, and who in all 
 probability would have shared the same fate, escaped and returned home 
 to Strathnavei', where he died, within four months thereafter, of grief and 
 remorse for the many bad actions of his life. During the minority of 
 his son Houcheon, John Mor-Mackay, the cousin, and John Beg- 
 Mackay, the bastard son of Y-Mackay, took charge of the estate ; but 
 John Mor-Mackay was speedily removed from his charge by the earl of 
 Caithness, who, considering him as a favourer of the earl of Sutherland, 
 caused him to be apprehended and carried into Caithness, where he was 
 detained in prison till his death. During this time, John Robson, the 
 chief of the Clan Gun, in Caithness and Strathnaver, became a depen- 
 dant on the earl of Sutherland, and acted as his factor in collecting the 
 rents and duties of the bishop's lands within Caithness which belonged 
 to the earl. This connexion was exceedingly disagreeable to the earl of 
 Caithness, who in consequence took a grudge at John Robson, and to 
 gratify his spleen, he instigated Houcheon Mackay to lay waste the 
 lands of the Clan Gun, in the Brea-Moir, in Caithness, without the 
 knowledge of John Beg-Mackay, his brother. As the Clan Gun had 
 always been friendly to the family of Mackay, John Beg-Mackay was 
 greatly exasperated at the conduct of the earl, in enticing the young 
 chief to commit such an outrage; but he had it not in his power to 
 
 • Sir R. Gordon, p. 163. 
 
FEUDS IN STRATHNAVER AND CAITHNESS. 201 
 
 make any reparation to the injured clan. John Robson the chief, how- 
 ever, assisted by Alexander, earl of Sutherland, invaded Strathnaver and 
 made ample retaliation. Meeting the Strathnaver men at a place called 
 Creach-Drumi-Doun, he attacked and defeated them, killing several of 
 them, and chiefly those who had accompanied Houcheon Mackay in his 
 expedition to the Brea-Moir. He then carried off a large quantity of 
 booty, which he divided among the Clan Gun of Strath ully, who had 
 suffered by Houcheon Mackay 's invasion.* 
 
 The earl of Caithness having resolved to avenge himself on John 
 Beg-Mackay, for the displeasure shown by him at the conduct of 
 Houcheon Mackay, and also on the Clan Gun, prevailed upon Neill- 
 Mac-Iain Mac-William, chief of the Sliochd-Iain-Abaraich, and James 
 Mac-Rory, chief of the Sliochd-Iain-Mhoir, to attack them. Accord- 
 ingly, in the month of September, fifteen hundred and seventy-nine, 
 these two chiefs, with their followers, entered Balnekill in Durines, 
 during the night-time, and slew John Beg-Mackay, and William Mac- 
 Iain-Mac-Rob, the brother of John Robson, and some of their people. 
 The friends of the deceased were not in a condition to retaliate, but 
 they kept up the spirit of revenge so customary in those times, and only 
 waited a favourable opportunity to gratify it. This did not occur till 
 several years thereafter. In the year fifteen hundred and eighty-seven, 
 James Mac-Rory, " a fyne gentleman and a good commander," accord- 
 ing to Sir Robert Gordon, was assassinated by Donald Balloch-Mackay, 
 the brother of John Beg-Mackay ; and two years thereafter John 
 Mackay, the son of John Beg, attacked Neill-Mac-Iain-Mac- William, 
 whom he wounded severely, and cut off some of his followers. " This 
 Neill (says Sir R. Gordon) heir mentioned, wes a good captain, bold, 
 craftie, of a verie good witt, and quick resolution." Shortly after these 
 events the Sliochd-Iain-Abaraich were attacked in Seyzer in Strathnaver 
 by William Mackay, brother of John Beg, and the Sliochd-Iain-Roy, 
 and many of them killed. 
 
 After the death of John Beg-Mackay, and William Mac-Iain-Mac- 
 Rob, a most deadly and inveterate feud followed, between the Clan Gun 
 and the Sliochd-Iain-Abaraich, but no recital of the details has been 
 handed down to us. " The long, the many, the horrible encounters 
 (observes Sir R. Gordon) which happened between these two trybes, 
 with the bloodshed, and infinit spoills committed in every pairt of the 
 diocy of Catteynes by them and their associats, are of so disordered 
 and troublesome memorie, that, what with their asperous names, together 
 with the confusion of place, tymes, and persons, would yet be (no doubt) 
 a warr to the reader to overlook them ; and therefor, to favor myne 
 oune paines, and his who should get little profite or delight thereby, I 
 doe pass them over."f 
 
 In the year fifteen hundred and eighty-five, a quarrel took place be- 
 
 * Sir K. Goiildii, p. 17a. t Hist- !'• ^ ». 
 
202 HISTORY OF THE HIGHLANDS. 
 
 tween Neill Houcheonson, and Donald Neilson, the Laird of Assint, who 
 had married Houcheon Mackay's sister. The cause of Donald Neilson 
 was espoused by Houcheon Mackay, and the Clan Gun, who came with 
 an army out of Caithness and Strathnavei', to besiege Neill Houcheon- 
 son in the isle of Assint. Neill, who was commander of Assint, and a 
 follower of the earl of Sutherland, sent immediate notice, to the earl, of 
 Mackay's movements, on receiving which, the earl, assembling a body of 
 men, despatched them to Assint to raise the siege ; but Mackay did not 
 wait for their coming and retreated into Strathnaver. As the earl of 
 Caithness had sent some of his people to assist Mackay, who was the 
 earl of Sutherland's vassal, the latter resolved to punish both, and ac- 
 cordingly made preparations for entering Strathnaver and Caithness, 
 with an army. But some mutual friends of the parties interfered to pre- 
 vent the effusion of blood, by prevailing on the two earls to met at Elgin, 
 in the presence of the earl of Huntly and other friends, and get their 
 differences adjusted. A meeting was accordingly held, at which the earls 
 were reconciled. The whole blame of the troubles and commotions 
 which had recently disturbed the peace of Sutherland and Caithness, was 
 thrown upon the Clan Gun, who were alleged to have been the chief 
 instigators, and as their restless disposition might give rise to new dis- 
 orders, it was agreed, at said meeting, to cut them off, and particularly 
 that part of the tribe which dwelt in Caithness, which was chiefly dread- 
 ed, for which purpose the earl of Caitlmess bound himself to deliver up, 
 to the earl of Sutherland, certain individuals of the clan living in Caith- 
 ness. This condition was humiliating to the earl of Caithness, who, 
 along with Mackay, had taken the Clan Gun under his protection, and 
 on his return he refused to implement it. On hearing of his refusal the 
 earl of Huntly took a journey into Sutherland, and sent messages to 
 the earl of Caithness and Mackay to meet him at Dunrobin castle. 
 The earl complied; but Mackay declined, and was, therefore, denounced 
 rebel for his disobedience. The earl of Caithness being then called 
 ,upon to fulfil his promise to deliver up some of the Clan Gun, gave 
 his assurance to that effect, and to enable him to implement his engage- 
 ment a resolution was entered into to send two companies of men against 
 those of the Clan Gun who dwelt in Caithness and Strathnaver, and to 
 surround them in such a way as to prevent escape. The earl of Caith- 
 ness, notwithstanding, sent private notice to the clan of the preparations 
 making against them by Angus Sutherland of Mellary, in Berridale ; 
 but the clan were distrustful of the earl, as they had already received 
 secret intelligence that he had assembled his people together for the 
 purpose of attacking them. 
 
 As soon as the earl of Sutherland could get his men collected lie 
 proceeded to march to the territories of the Clan Gun ; but meeting by 
 chance, on his way, with a party of Strathnaver men, under the com- 
 mand of William Mackay, brother of Houcheon Mackay, carrying off 
 the cattle of James Mac-Rory, a vassal of his own, from Coireceann 
 
BATTLE OF ALDGOVVN. 203 
 
 Loeh in the Diri-Meanigh, he rescued and brought back his vassal's 
 cattle. After this the earl's party pursued William Mackay and the 
 Strathnaver men during the whole day, and killed one of the princi- 
 pal men of the Clan Gun in Strathnaver, called Angus-Roy, with se- 
 veral others of Mackay 's company. Tliis affair was called Latha-Tom- 
 Fraoich, that is, the day of the heather bush. At the end of the pursuit, 
 and towards evening, the pursued party found themselves on the bor- 
 ders of Caithness, where they found the Clan Gun assembled in conse- 
 quence of the rising of the Caithness people who had taken away their 
 cattle. 
 
 This accidental meeting of the Strathnaver men and tlie Clan Gun 
 was the means, probabl}"^, of saving both from destruction. They imme- 
 diately entered into an alliance to stand by one another, and to live or 
 die together. Next morning they found themselves placed between 
 two powerful bodies of their enemies. On the one side was the earl of 
 Sutherland's party at no great distance, reposing themselves from the 
 fatigues of the preceding day, and on the other were seen advancing the 
 Caithness men, conducted by Henry Sinclair, brother to the laird of 
 Dun, and cousin to the earl of Caithness. A council of war was im- 
 mediately held to consult how to act in this emergency. William 
 Mackay gave it as his opinion, that they should immediately attack the 
 Sutherland men, who were wearied with the labour of the preceding 
 day, before the Caithness men should arrive, and who miglit be thus 
 easily defeated. But the Clan Gun objected to Mackay's plan, and 
 proposed to attack the Caithness men first, as they were far inferior in 
 numbers. This proposal having been acceded to, the Clan Gun and 
 their allies, who had the advantage of the hill, attacked the Caithness 
 men with great resolution. The latter foolishly expended their arrows 
 while at a distance from their opponents ; but the Clan Gun having 
 husbanded their shot till they came in close contact with the enemy 
 did great execution. The Caithness men were completely overthrown, 
 after leaving one hundred and forty of their party, with their captain, 
 Henry Sinclair, dead on the field of battle. Had not the darkness of 
 the night favoured their flight, they would have all been destroyed. 
 Henry Sinclair was Mackay's uncle, and not being aware that he had 
 been in the engagement till he recognised his body among the slain, 
 Mackay felt extremely grieved at the unexpected death of his relative. 
 This skirmish took place at Aldgown, in the year fifteen Imndred and 
 eighty-six. The Sutherland men having lost sight of Mackay and his 
 party among the hills, immediately before the conflict, returned into their 
 own country with the booty they had recovered, and were not aware 
 of the defeat of the Caithness men till some time after that event. 
 
 The earl of Caithness afterwards confessed that he had no intention of 
 attacking the Clan Gun at the time in question ; but that his policy wa.s 
 to have allowed them to be closely pressed and pursued by the Suther- 
 land men, and then to have relieved them from the inunineiit danger 
 
204 HISTORY OF THE HIGHLANDS. 
 
 they would thereby be placed in, so that they might consider that it 
 was to him they owed their safety, and thus lay them under fresh obli- 
 gations to him. But the deceitful part he acted proved very disastrous 
 to his people, and the result so exasperated him against the Clan Gun, 
 that he hanged John-Mac-Iain-Mac-Rob, chieftain of the Clan Gun, 
 in Caithness, whom he had kept captive for some time. 
 
 At the time the affair of Aldgown took place, Houcheon Mackay was 
 on a visit to the earl of Caithness, whose paternal aunt he had married. 
 But when the inhabitants of Caithness understood that William Mackay, 
 his brother, had been with the Clan Gun at Aldgown, they attempted to 
 murder Houcheon, who was, in consequence of this attempt upon his life, 
 obliged to flee privately into Strathnaver.* 
 
 The result of all these proceedings was another meeting between the 
 earls of Sutherland and Caithness at the hill of Bingrime in Sutherland, 
 which was brought about by the mediation of Sir Patrick Gordon of 
 Auchindoun, who was sent into the north by his nephew, the earl 
 of Huntly, for that purpose. Here again a new confederacy was 
 formed against the Clan Gun in Caithness, who were now maintained 
 and harboured by Mackay. The earl of Sutherland, on account of 
 the recent defeat of the Caithness men, undertook to attack the clan 
 first. He accordingly directed two bodies to march with all haste 
 against the clan, one of which was commanded by James Mack-Rory 
 and Neill Mac-Iain-Mac-William, chief of the Sliochd-Iaiu' Abaraich, 
 who were now under the protection of the earl of Sutherland ; and the 
 other by William Sutherland Johnson, George Gordon in Marie, and 
 William Murray in Kinnald, brother of Hugh Murray of Aberscors. 
 Houcheon Mackay seeing no hopes of maintaining the Clan Gun any 
 longer without danger to himself, discharged them from his country, 
 whereupon they made preparations for seeking an asylum in the wes- 
 tern isles. But, on their journey thither, they were met near Loch 
 Broom, at a place called Leckmelme, bj"^ James Mac-Rory and Neill 
 Mac-Iain-Mac-William, where, after a sharp skirmish, they were 
 overthrown, and the greater part of them killed. Their commander, 
 George Mac-Iain-Mac-Rob, brother of John Mac-Iain-Mac-Rob, 
 who was hanged by the earl of Caithness, was severely wounded, and 
 was taken prisoner after an unsuccessful attempt to escape by swimming 
 across a loch close by. After being carried to Dunrobin castle, and 
 presented to the earl of Sutherland, George Gun was sent by him to 
 the earl of Caithness, who, though extremely grieved at the misfor- 
 tune which had happened to the Clan Gun, dissembled his vexation, 
 and received the prisoner as if he approved of the earl of Sutherland's 
 proceedings against him and his unfortunate people. After a short 
 confinement, George Gun was released from his captivity by the earl 
 of Caithness, at the entreaty of the earl of Sutherland, not from any fa- 
 
 * Sir R. Gordon, pd. 181—181. 
 
FEUD BETWEEN THE MACDONALDS AND MACLEANS. 205 
 
 vour to the prisoner liimseU', or to tlie earl, whom tlie earl of Caithness 
 hated mortally, but with the design of making Gun an instrument of 
 annoyance to some of the earl of Caithness' neighbours. But the earl 
 of Caithness was disappointed in his object, for George Gun, after his 
 enlargement from prison, always remained faithful to the earl of Suther- 
 land.* 
 
 About this time a violent feud arose in the western isles between 
 Angus Macdonald of Kintyre, and Sir Lauchlan Maclean of Duart, in 
 Mull, wliose sister Angus had married, which ended almost in the total 
 destruction of the Clandonald and Clanlean. The circumstances which 
 led to this unfortunate dissension were these : — 
 
 Donald Gorm Macdonald of Slate, M'hen going on a visit from Slate 
 to his cousin, Angus Macdonald of Kintyre, was forced by contrary 
 winds to land with his party in the island of Jura, which belonged, partly 
 to Sir Lauchlan Maclean, and partly to Angus Macdonald. The part 
 of the island where Macdonald of Slate landed belonged to Sir Lauchlan 
 Maclean. No sooner had Macdonald and his company landed, than 
 by an unlucky coincidence, Macdonald Tearreagh and Houcheon Mac- 
 gillespoc, two of the Clandonald, who had lately quarrelled with Donald 
 Gorm, arrived at the same time with a party of men ; and, understand- 
 ing that Donald Gorm was in the island, they secretly took away, by 
 night, a number of cattle belonging to the Clanlean, and immediately 
 put to sea. Their object in doing so was to make the Clanlean be- 
 lieve that Donald Gorm and his party had carried off the cattle in the 
 hope that the Macleans would attack Donald Gorm, and they were not 
 disappointed. As soon as the lifting of the cattle had been discovered, 
 Sir Lauchlan Maclean assembled his whole forces, and, under the im- 
 pression that Donald Gorm and his party had committed the spoliation, 
 he attacked them suddenly and unawares, during the night, at a place 
 in the island called Inverchuockwrick, and slew about sixty of the Clan- 
 donald. Donald Gorm, having previously gone on board his vessel to 
 pass the night, fortunately escaped. 
 
 When Angus Macdonald heard of this " untoward event," he visited 
 Donald Gorm in Skye for the purpose of consulting with him on the 
 means of obtaining reparation for the loss of his men. On his return 
 homeward to Kintyre, he landed in the isle of Mull, and, contrary to 
 the advice of Coll Mac-James and Reginald Mac-James, his two 
 brothers, and of Reginald Mac-Coll, his cousin, who wished him to 
 send a messenger to announce the result of his meeting with Donald 
 Gorm, went to the castle of Duart, the principal residence of Sir Lauch- 
 lan Maclean in Mull. His two brothers refused to accompany him, 
 and they acted rightly ; for, the day after Angus arrived at Duart, 
 he and all his party were perfidiously arrested by Sir Lauchlan Mac- 
 lean. Reginald Mac-Coll, the cousin of Angus, alone escaped. The 
 
 * Sir R. Gordon, p. 185. 
 
206 HISTORY OF THE HIGHLANDS. 
 
 Rhinns of Islay at this time belonged to the Clandonakl, but they had 
 given the possession of them to the Clanlean for personal services. Sir 
 Lauehlan, thinking the present a favourable opportunity for acquiring an 
 absolute right to this property, offered to release Angus Macdonald, 
 provided he would renounce his right and title to the Rhinns ; and, in 
 case of refusal, he threatened to make him end his days in captivity. 
 Angus, being thus in some degree compelled, agreed to the proposed 
 terms ; but before obtaining his liberty, he was forced to give James 
 Macdonald, his eldest son, and Reginald Mac-James, his brother, as 
 hostages, until the deed of conveyance should be delivered to Sir 
 Lauehlan. 
 
 It was not, however, the intention of Angus Macdonald to imple- 
 ment this engagement, if he could accomplish the liberation of his son 
 and brother. His cousin had suffered a grievous injury at the hands of 
 Sir Lauehlan Maclean without any just cause of offence, and he him- 
 self had, when on a friendly mission, been detained most unjustly as a 
 prisoner, and compelled to promise to surrender into Sir Lauchlan's hands, 
 by a regular deed, a part of his property. Under these circumstances, 
 his resolution to break the unfair engagement he had come under is not 
 to be wondered at. To accomplish his object he had recourse to a stra- 
 tagem in which he succeeded, as will be shown in the sequel. 
 
 After Maclean had obtained delivery of the two hostages, he made 
 a voyage to Islay to get the engagement completed. He left behind, 
 in the castle of Duart, Reginald Mac-James, one of the hostages, 
 whom he put in fetters, and took the other to accompany him on his 
 vojage. Having arrived in the isle of Islay, he encamped at Eilean- 
 Gorm, a ruinous castle upon the Rhinns of Islay, which castle had been 
 lately in the possession of the Clanlean. Angus Macdonald was re- 
 siding at the time at the house of Mulindry or MuUindhrea, a com- 
 fortable and well-furnished residence belonging to him on the island, 
 and to which he invited Sir Lauehlan, under the pretence of affording 
 him better accommodation, and providing him with better provisions 
 than he could obtain in his camp ; but Sir Lauehlan having his suspi- 
 cions, declined to accept the invitation. " There wes (saj's Sir Robert 
 Gordon) so little trust on either syd, that they did not now meit in 
 friendship or amitie, bot vpon ther OM'ne guard, or rather by messingers, 
 one from another. And true it is (sayeth John Colwin, in his manuscript,) 
 that the islanders are, of nature, verie suspicious ; full of invention 
 against ther nighbours, by whatsoever way they may get them destroyed. 
 Besyds this, they are bent and eager in taking revenge, that neither 
 have they regaird to person e, tyme, aige, nor cause ; and ar generallie 
 so addicted that way, (as lykwise are the most pairt of all Highlanders) 
 that therein they surpasse all other people whatsoever." 
 
 The refusal of Sir Lauehlan, to take up his residence at Mulindry, 
 did not prevent Macdonald from renewing his offer, which he pressed 
 very warmlv, saying, that he would make him as welcome as far as he 
 
ARIIKST OF Slli LAUCHLAN MACLEAN. '207 
 
 was able, that they should make merry together as long as the j)rovi- 
 sions at Mulindry lasted, and that when these were exhausted, lie 
 would go to Sir Lauchlan's camp and enjoy such fare as he could afford. 
 But Maclean told the bearer of the message frankly, that he was dis- 
 trustful of Macdonald's intentions, and would not, therefore, come. 
 Angus replied, by means of his messenger, that Maclean's suspicious 
 were unfounded ; that he meant to show him nothing but brotherly 
 love and affection ; and that as he held his son and brother as pledges, 
 he could run no risk whatever in taking up his residence at Mulindry. 
 Sir Lauchlan was now thrown off his guard by these fair promises, and 
 agreed to pay Macdonald a visit, and accordingly proceeded to Mulin- 
 dry, accompanied by James Macdonald, his own nephew, and the son 
 of Angus, and eighty-six of his kinsmen and servants. Maclean and 
 his party, on their arrival, were received by Macdonald with much ap- 
 parent kindness, and were sumptuously entertained during the whole 
 day. In the meantime, Macdonald sent notice to all his friends and 
 well-wishers in the island to come to his house at nine o'clock at night, 
 his design being to seize Maclean and his party. At the usual hour for 
 going to repose, Maclean and his people were lodged in a long-house, 
 which stood by itself, at some distance from the other houses. During 
 the whole day, Maclean had always kept James Macdonald, the hostage, 
 within his reach as a sort of protection to him in case of an attack, and 
 at going to bed he took him along with him. About an hour after 
 Maclean and his people had retired, Angus assembled his men to the 
 number of three or four hundred, and made them surround the house 
 in which Maclean and his company lay. Then going himself to the 
 door, he called upon Maclean, and told him that he had come to give 
 him his x'eposing drink, which he had forgotten to offer him before- go- 
 ing to bed. Maclean answered that he did not wish to drink at that 
 time; but Macdonald insisted that he should rise and receive the drink, 
 it being, he said, his will that he should do so. The peremptory tone 
 of Macdonald made Maclean at once apprehensive of the danger of his 
 situation, and immediately getting up and placing the boy between his 
 shoulders, prepared to preserve his life as long as he could with the boy, 
 or to sell it as dearly as possible. As soon as the door was forced open, 
 James Macdonald, seeing his father with a naked sword in his hand, 
 and a number of his men armed in the same manner, cried aloud for 
 mercy to Maclean, his uncle, which being granted. Sir Lauchlan was 
 immediately removed to a secret chamber, where he remained till next 
 morning. After Maclean had surrendered, Angus Macdonald announ- 
 ced to those within the house, that if they would come without, their 
 lives would be spared; but he excepted Macdonald Terreagh and 
 another individual whom he named. The whole, with the exception of 
 these two, having complied, the house was immediately set on fire, and 
 consumed along with Macdonald Terreagh and his companion. Tlie 
 former was one of the Clan Donald of the western islands, and not only 
 I. 2d 
 
208 HISTORY OF THE HIGHLANDS. 
 
 had assisted the Clan Lean against his own tribe, but was also the ori- 
 ginator, as we have seen, of all these disturbances ; and the latter was a 
 near kinsman to Maclean, one of the oldest of the clan, and celebrated 
 both for his wisdom and prowess. This affair took place in the month 
 of July, fifteen hundred and eighty-six. 
 
 When the intelligence of the seizure of Sir Lauchlan Maclean reached 
 the Isle of Mull, Allan Maclean, who was the nearest kinsman to Mac- 
 lean, whose children were then very young, bethought himself of an 
 expedient to obtain the possessions of Sir Lauchlan. In conjunction with 
 his friends, Allan caused a false report to be spread in the island of Islay, 
 that the friends of Maclean had killed Reginald Mac-James, the re- 
 maining hostage at Duart in Mull, by means of which he hoped that 
 Angus Macdonald would be moved to kill Sir Lauchlan, and thereby 
 enable him, (Allan,) to supplj^ his place. But although this device did 
 not succeed, it proved very disastrous to Sir Lauchlan's friends and 
 followers, who were beheaded in pairs by Coll Mac-James, the brother 
 of Angus Macdonald. 
 
 The friends of Sir Lauchlan seeing no hopes of his release, applied 
 to the earl of Argyle to assist them in a contemplated attempt to 
 rescue him out of the hands of Angus Macdonald ; but the earl per- 
 ceiving the utter hopelessness of such an attempt with such forces as 
 he and they could command, advised them to complain to King James 
 VI. against Angus Macdonald, for the seizure and detention of their 
 chief. The king immediately directed that Macdonald should be sum- 
 moned by a herald-at-arms to deliver up Sir Lauchlan into the hands 
 of the earl of Argyle ; but the herald was interrupted in the perform- 
 ance of his duty, not being able to procure shipping for Islay, and was 
 obliged to return home. The earl of Argyle had tlien recourse to ne- 
 gotiation with Macdonald, and after considerable trouble he prevailed 
 on him to release Sir Lauchlan on certain strict conditions, but not un- 
 til Reginald Mac-James, the brother of Angus, had been delivered up, 
 and the earl, for performance of the conditions agreed upon, had given 
 his own son, and the son of Macleod of Harris, as hostages. But 
 Maclean, quite regardless of the safety of the hostages, and in open 
 violation of the engagements he had come under, on hearing that Angus 
 Macdonald had gone to Ireland on a visit to the Clandonald of the 
 glens in Ireland, invaded Ila, which he laid waste, and pursued those 
 who had assisted in his capture. 
 
 On his return from Ireland, Angus Macdonald made great prepara- 
 tions for inflicting a just chastisement upon Maclean. Collecting a 
 large body of men, and much shipping, he invaded Mull and Tiree, 
 carrying havock and destruction along with him, and destroying every 
 human being and every domestic animal of whatever kind. While Mac- 
 donald was committing these ravages in Mull and Tiree, Maclean, in- 
 stead of opposing him, invaded Kintyre, where he took ample retalia- 
 tiDii by wasting and burning a great part of that country. In this 
 
FRESH DISPUTES IN SUTHERLAND AND CAITHNESS. 209 
 
 manner did these liostile clans continue, for a considerable period, mu- 
 tually to vex and destroy one another till they were almost exterminated 
 root and branch. 
 
 In order to strengthen his own power and to weaken that of his anta- 
 gonist, Sir Lauchlan Maclean attempted to detach John Mac-Iain, of 
 Ardnamurchan, from Angus Macdonald and his party. Mac-Iain had 
 formerly been an unsuccessful suitor for the hand of Maclean's mother, 
 and Sir Hector now gave him an invitation to visit him in Mull, pro- 
 mising, at the same time, to give him his mother in marriage. Mac- 
 Iain accepted the invitation, and on his arrival in Mull, Maclean 
 prevailed on his mother to marry Mac-Iain, and the nuptials were ac- 
 cordingly celebrated at Torloisk in Mull. Maclean thought, that by 
 gratifying Mac-Iain in his long-wished-for object, he would easily suc- 
 ceed in obtaining his assistance against Macdonald ; but he was dis- 
 appointed in his expectations, for no persuasion could induce Mac-Iain 
 to join against his own tribe, towards which, notwithstanding his matri- 
 monial alliance, he entertained the strongest affection. Chagrined at the 
 unexpected refusal of Mac-Iain, Sir Lauchlan resolved to punish his refrac- 
 tory guest by one of those gross infringements of the laws of hospitality 
 which so often marked the hostility of rival clans. During the dead 
 hour of the night he caused the door of Mac-Iain's bed-chamber to be 
 forced open, dragged him from his bed, and from the arms of his wife, 
 and put him in close confinement, after killing eighteen of his followers. 
 After suffering a year's captivity, he was released and exchanged for 
 Maclean's son, and the other hostages in Macdonald's possession. 
 
 The dissensions between these two tribes having attracted the atten- 
 tion of government, the rival chiefs were induced, partly by command 
 of the king, and partly by persuasions and fair promises, to come to 
 Edinburgh in the year fifteen hundred and ninety-one, for the purpose 
 of having their differences reconciled. On their arrival they were com- 
 mitted prisoners within the castle of Edinburgh, but were soon released 
 and allowed to return home on payment of a small pecuniary fine, "and 
 a shamfull remission (says Sir Robert Gordon) granted to either of 
 them."* 
 
 In the year fifteen hundred and eighty-seven, the flames of civil dis- 
 cord, which had lain dormant for a short time, bui-st forth between the 
 rival houses of Sutherland and Caithness, the immediate cause of which 
 was this : In the year fifteen hundred and eighty-three, Alexander, 
 Earl of Sutherland, obtained from the earl of Huntly a grant of the 
 superiority of Strathnavcr, and of the heritable sheriffship of Su- 
 therland and Stratlinaver, which last was granted in lieu of the lord- 
 ship of Aboyne. This grant was confirmed by his Majesty in a charter 
 under the great seal, by which Sutherland and Strathnaver were dis- 
 joined and dismembered from the sheriffdom of Inverness. The success 
 
 • Hist. p. 192. 
 
2i0 HISTORY OF THE HIGHLANDS. 
 
 which had attended the arms of the earl of Sutherland against the Clan 
 Gun, and the kinsmen and dependants of the earl of Caithness, excited 
 the envy and indignation of the latter, who became more desirous than 
 ever to cripple the power of the earl of Sutherland. And as the 
 strength and influence of the earl of Sutherland were greatly increased 
 by the power and authority with which the superiority of Strathnaver 
 invested him, the earl of Caithness used the most urgent entreaties with 
 the earl of Huutly, who was his brother-in-law, to recal the gift of the 
 superiority which he had granted to the earl of Sutherland, and confer 
 the same on him. The earl of Huntly gave no decided answer to this 
 application, although he seemed rather to listen with a favourable ear 
 to his brother-in-law's request. The earl of Sutherland having been 
 made aware of his rival's pretensions, and of the reception which he had 
 met with from the earl of Huntly, immediately notified to Huntly that 
 he would never restore the superiority either to him or to the earl of 
 Caithness, as the bargain he had made with him had been long finally 
 concluded. The earl of Huntly was much offended at this notice, but 
 he and the earl of Sutherland were soon reconciled through the media- 
 tion of Sir Patrick Gordon of Auchindun. 
 
 Disappointed in his views of obtaining the superiority in question, 
 the earl of Caithness seized the first opportunity, which presented itself, 
 of quarrelling with the earl of Sutherland, and he now thought that a 
 suitable occasion had occurred. George Gordon, a bastard son of Gil- 
 bert Gordon of Gartay, having offered many indignities to the earl of 
 Caithness, the earl, instead of complaining to the earl of Svitherland, in 
 whose service this George Gordon was, craved satisfaction and redress 
 from the earl of Huntly. Hmitly very properly desired the earl of 
 Caithness to lay his complaint before the earl of Sutherland ; but this he 
 declined to do, disdaining to seek redress from Earl Alexander. En- 
 couraged, probably, by the refusal of the earl of Huntly to interfere, and 
 the stubbornness of the earl of Caithness to ask redress from his master, 
 George Gordon, who resided in the town of Marie in StratliuUy, on the 
 borders of Caithness, not satisfied with the indignities which he had 
 formerly shown to the earl of Caithness, cut off the tails of the earl's 
 horses as they were passing the river of Helmsdale under the care of 
 his servants, on their journey from Caithness to Edinburgh, and in deri- 
 sion desired the earl's servants to show him what he had done. 
 
 This George Gordon, it would appear, led a very irregular and 
 wicked course of life, and shortly after the occurrence we have just 
 related, a circumstance happened which induced the earl of Caithness 
 to take redress at his own hands. George Gordon had incurred the 
 displeasure of the earl of Sutherland by an incestuous connexion with 
 his wife's sister, and as he had no hopes of regaining the earl's favour 
 but by renouncing this impure intercourse, he sent Patrick Gordon, his 
 brother, to the earl of Caithness to endeavour to effect a reconciliation 
 with him, as he could no longer rely upon the protection of his master, 
 
HOSTILE PltEPAUATIONS IN SUTHERLAND. 211 
 
 ine earl of Sutherland. The carl of Caithness, who felt an inward sa- 
 tisfaction at hearing of the displeasure of the earl of Sutherland at 
 George Gordon, dissembled his feelings, and pretended to listen with 
 great favour to the request of Patrick Gordon, in order to throw 
 George Gordon off his guard, while he was in reality meditating his 
 destruction. The ruse succeeded so effectually, that although Gordon re- 
 ceived timeous notice, from some friends, of the intentions of the earl to 
 attack him, he reposed in false security upon the promises held out to 
 him, and made no provision for his personal safety. But he was soon 
 undeceived by the appearance of the earl and . a body of men, who, 
 entering Marie under the silence of the night, surrounded his house and 
 required him to surrender. He, however, refused to comply, and 
 when attacked defended the house with great bravery, and killed a 
 gentleman of the name of Sutherland, one of the principal officers of 
 the earl ; but being sorely pressed, he made a desperate effort to escape 
 by cutting his way through his enemies and throwing himself into the 
 river of Helmsdale, which he attempted to swim across, but, in his en- 
 deavours to reach the opposite bank, was slain by a shower of aiTows. 
 This occurrence took place in the month of February fifteen hundred 
 and eighty seven. The earl detained Patrick Gordon, the brother of 
 George, prisoner, but he soon escaped and returned into Sutherland. 
 
 The earl of Sutherland, though he disliked the conduct of George 
 Gordon, was highly incensed at his death, and made great preparations 
 to punish the earl of Caithness for his attack upon Gordon. The earl 
 of Caithness in his turn assembled his whole forces, and being joined 
 by Mackay and the Strathnaver men, together Avith John, the master 
 of Orkney, and the earl of Carrick, brother of Patrick, earl of Orkney, 
 and some of his countrymen, marched to Helmsdale to meet the earl 
 of Sutherland. As soon as the latter heard of the advance of the earl 
 of Caithness, he also proceeded towards Helmsdale, accompanied by 
 Mackintosh, Roderick Mackenzie of Redcastle, Hector Monroe of 
 Contaligh, and Neill Houcheonson, with the men of Assint. On his 
 arrival at the river of Helmsdale, the earl of Sutherland found the 
 enemy encamped on the opposite side. Neither party seemed inclined 
 to come to a general engagement, but contented themselves with daily 
 skirmishes by annoying each other with guns and arrows from the op- 
 posite banks of the river, which, in some instances, proved fatal. The 
 Sutherland men, who were very expert archers, annoyed the Caithness 
 men so much, as to force them to break up their camp on the river side 
 and to remove among the rocks above the village of Easter Helmsdale. 
 Mackay and his countrymen were encamped on the river of Marie, and 
 in order to detach him from the earl of Caithness, Mackintosh crossed 
 that river and had a private conference with him. After reminding him 
 of the friendship which had so long subsisted between his ancestors and 
 the Sutherland family, Mackintosh endeavoured to impress upon his 
 mind the danger he incurred by taking up arms against his own supe- 
 
212 HISTORY OF THE HIGHLANDS. 
 
 rior the earl of Sutherland, and entreated him, for his own sake, to join 
 the earl ; but Mackay remained inflexible. 
 
 By the mediation of mutual friends, the two earls agreed to a tempo- 
 rary truce on the ninth of March fifteen hundred and eighty-seven, and 
 thus the effusion of human blood was stopped for a short time. As 
 Mackay was the vassal of the earl of Sutherland, the latter refused to 
 comprehend him in the truce, and insisted upon an unconditional sub- 
 "mission, but Mackay obstinately refused to do so, and returned home to 
 his own country, highly chagrined that the earl of Caithness, for whom 
 he had put his life and estate in jeopardy, should have acceded to the earl 
 of Sutherland's request, to exclude him from the benefit of the truce. Be- 
 fore the two earls separated, they came to a mutual understanding to re- 
 duce Mackay to obedience; andthathe might not suspect their design, they 
 agreed to meet at Edinburgh for the purpose of concerting the necessary 
 measures together. Accordingly, they held a meeting at the appointed 
 place in the year fifteen hundred and eighty-eight, and came to the reso- 
 lution to attack Mackay ; and to prevent Mackay from receiving any 
 intelligence of their design, both parties swore to keep the same secret ; 
 but the earl of Caithness, regardless of his oath, immediately sent notice 
 to Mackay of the intended attack, for the purpose of enabling him to 
 meet it. Instead, however, of following the earl of Caithness' advice, 
 Mackay, justly dreading his hollow friendship, made haste, by the 
 advice of Mackintosh and the Laird of Foulis, to reconcile himself 
 to the earl of Sutherland, his superior, by an immediate submission. 
 For this purpose, he and the earl first met at Inverness, and after con- 
 ferring together they made another appointment to meet at Elgin, where 
 a perfect and final reconciliation took place in the month of November, 
 fifteen hundred and eighty-eight. 
 
r; 
 
 cot>.coi.lN 
 LIBRARY 
 
 N.YORK. /' 
 
 CHAPTER XI. 
 
 'llie Earl of Sutherland invades Caithness — Truce between the two Earls — Caithness 
 breaks the truce — Affair of the Creach-ne-Kamkish — Earl of Sutherland again invades 
 Caithness — Submission of the people — Fresh truce — Sinclair of Murkle invades Strath- 
 ully — Skirmish at Crissallinh — The Earl of Sutherland enters Caithness a third time 
 — Meeting of the Earls at Elgin — Dispute between the Gordons and Murrays about 
 precedency — Battle of Clyne — Houcheon Mackay invades Caithness — Feud between 
 the Clan Gun and other tribes — The Clan-Chattan opposes the Earl of Huntly — 
 Quarrel between the Gordons and the Grants — Meeting at Forres of the Grants, Clan- 
 Chattan and others — Huntly breaks up the meeting— Huntly's operations against the 
 Earl of Mora}' — Death of the Earl of Moray — Tumults in conseq^uence — Huntly com- 
 mitted — Revolt of the Clan-Chattan — Defeated by the Camerons — Defeat of the Grants 
 —Clan-Chattan invade Stratlidee and Glenmucku — Defeated by the Earl of Huntly — 
 March of the Earl of Argyle to the north — Battle of Glenlivet — Journey of James VI. 
 to tile north — Tumults in Ross — Feud in the Western Isles between the Macleans and 
 Macdonalds — Defeat of the Macleans in Ila — Dispute between the Earls of Sutherland 
 and Caithness — Feud between Macdonald of Slate and Sir Roderick Macleod of Har- 
 ris — Dreadful excesses in Skye and Uist — Defeat of the Macleans in Skye — Recon- 
 ciliation between Macleod and Macdona 
 
 The truce between the two earls having now expired, the earl of 
 Sutherland, emboldened by the submission of Mackay, demanded redress 
 from the earl of Caithness for the slaughter of George Gordon, an re- 
 quired that the principal actors in that affair should be punished. The earl 
 of Caithness having refused reparation, the earl of Sutherland sent two 
 hundred men into Caithness under the command of John Gordon of 
 Golspietour, afterwards of Embo, and of John Gordon of Kilcalmekill, 
 his brother, to reconnoitre and ascertain the strength of the enemy be- 
 fore invading the country himself. The Gordons and their party, en- 
 tered the parishes of Dumbaith and Lathron, and after wasting the 
 country and killing John James-son, one of the principal gentlemen in 
 Caithness, and some others, they returned with an immense booty in 
 cattle, which they divided among themselves. This division was long 
 known by the name of Creach-lairn, that is, the harship of Lathron. 
 
 Immediately on the return of this party, the earl of Sutherland, ac- 
 companied by Mackay, Mackintosh, the Laird of Foulis, the Laird of 
 Assint, and Gille-Calum, Laird of Rasay, entered Caithness with all his 
 forces. Lt taking this step he was warranted by a commission which he 
 had obtained at court through the influence of chancellor Maitland, 
 against the earl of Caithness for killing George Gordon. The people of 
 Caithness, alarmed at the great force of the earl, fled in all directions on 
 his approach, and he never halted till he reached the strong fort of Gir- 
 nigo, where he pitched his camp for twelve days. He then penetrated 
 as far as Duncansby, killing several of the country people in his route, 
 
214 HISTORY OF THE HIGHLANDS. 
 
 and collecting an immense quantity of cattle and goods, so large, indeed, 
 as to exceed all that had been seen together in that country for many 
 years, all of which was divided among the army, agreeably to the custom 
 in such cases. This invasion had such an effect upon the people of Caith- 
 ness, that every race, clan, tribe and family there, vied with one another 
 in offering pledges to the earl of Sutherland to keep the peace in all time 
 coming. This affair took place in the month of February, fifteen hundred 
 and eighty-eight, and was called La-na-Creach-Moir, that is, the time of 
 the great slaughter or spoil. The town of Wick was also pillaged and 
 burnt, but the church was preserved. In the church was found the 
 heart of the earl of Caithness' father in a case of lead, which was opened 
 by John Mac-Gille-Calum Rasay, and the ashes of the heart were thrown 
 by him to the winds. 
 
 During the time when these depredations were committing, the earl 
 of Caithness shut himself up in the castle of Girnigo ; but on learning 
 the disasters which had befallen his country, he desired a cessation of 
 hostilities and a conference with the earl of Sutherland. As the castle 
 of Girnigo was strongly fortified, and as the earl of Caithness had made 
 preparations for enduring a long siege, the earl of Sutherland complied 
 with his request. Both earls ultimately agreed to refer all their differ- 
 ences and disputes to the arbitrament of friends, and the earl of Huntly 
 was chosen by mutual consent to act as umpire or oversman, in the 
 event of a difference of opinion. A second truce was in this way en- 
 tered into until the decision of the arbiters, when all differences were to 
 cease.* 
 
 Notwithstanding this engagement, however, the earl of Caithness 
 soon gave fresh provocation, for before the truce had expired he 
 sent a party of his men to Diri-Chatt in Sutherland, under the 
 command of Kenneth Buy, and his brother, Farquhar Buy, chieftains 
 of the Siol-Mhic-Imheair in Caithness, and chief advisers of the earl of 
 Caithness in his bad actions, and his instruments in oppressing the poor 
 people of Caithness. These men, after killing Donald-Mac-Iain-Moir, 
 a herdsman of the earl of Sutherland, carried off some booty out of 
 Baddenligh. The earl of Sutherland lost no time in revenging himself. 
 At Whitsunday, in the year fifteen hundred and eighty-nine, he sent 
 three hundred men into Caithness with Alexander Gordon of Kilcalme- 
 kill at their head. They penetrated as far as Girnigo, laying the coun- 
 try waste everywhere around them, and striking terror into the hearts 
 of the inhabitants, many of whom, including some of the Siol-Mhic- 
 Imheair, they killed. After spending their fury the party returned to 
 Sutherland with a large booty, and without the loss of a single man. 
 This affair was called the Creach-na-Camchic. 
 
 To retaliate upon the earl of Sutherland for this inroad, James Sin- 
 clair of Markle, brother of the earl of Caithness, collected an army of 
 
 * Sir R. Gordon, p. 157. 
 
SKIRAriSH AT CRISSALLtGH. 
 
 215 
 
 three thousand men, with which he marched into Strathully, in the 
 month of June, fifteen hundred and eighty-nine. As the earl of Suther- 
 land had been apprehensive of an attack, he had placed a range of sen- 
 tinels along the borders of Sutherland, to give notice of the approach of 
 the enemy. Of these, four were stationed in the village of Liribell, which 
 the Caithness men entered in the middle of the day unknown to the 
 sentinels, who, instead of keeping an outlook, were at the time care- 
 lessly enjoying themselves within the watch-house. On perceiving the 
 Caithness men about entering the house, they shut themselves up with- 
 in it ; but the house being set on fire, three of them perished, and the 
 fourth, rushing through the flames, escaped with great difficulty, and 
 announced to his countrymen the arrival of the enemy. 
 
 From Strathully, Sinclair passed forward with his army to a place 
 called Crissalligh, on the height of Strathbroray, and began to drive 
 away some cattle towards Caithness. As the earl of Sutherland had 
 not yet had sufficient time to collect a sufficient force to oppose Sinclair, 
 he sent in the meantime Houcheon Mackay, who happened to be at 
 Dunrobin, with five or six hundred men, to keep Sinclair in check until 
 a greater force should be assembled. With this body, which was has- 
 tily drawn together on the spur of the occasion, Mackay advanced 
 with amazing celerity, and such was the rapidity of his movements, that 
 he most unexpectedly came up with Sinclair, not far from Crissalligh, 
 when his army was ranging about without order, or military discipline. 
 On coming up, Mackay found John Gordon of Kilcalmekill at the head 
 of a small party skirmishing with the Caithness men, a circumstance 
 which made him instantly resolve, though so far inferior in numbers, to 
 attack Sinclair. Crossing therefore the water, which was between him 
 and the enemy, Mackay and his men rushed upon the army of Sinclair, 
 which they defeated after a long and warm contest. The Caithness 
 men retreated with the loss of their booty and part of their baggage, 
 and were closely pursued by a body of men, commanded by John 
 Murray, nicknamed the merchant, to a distance of sixteen miles.* 
 
 This defeat, however, did not satisfy the earl of Sutherland, who, hav- 
 ing now assembled an army, entered Caithness with the intention of 
 laying it waste. The earl advanced as far as Corrichoigh, and the earl 
 of Caithness convened his forces at Spittle, where he lay waiting the 
 arrival of his enemy. The earl of Huntly having been made acquainted 
 with the warlike preparations of the two hostile earls, sent, without de- 
 lay, his uncle. Sir Patrick Gordon of Auchindun to mediate between 
 them, and he luckily arrived at the earl of Sutherland's head-quarters, 
 at the very instant his army was on its march to meet the earl of Caith- 
 ness. By the friendly interference of Sir Patrick, the parties were pre- 
 vailed upon to desist from their hostile intentions, and to agree to hold 
 an amicable meeting at Elgin, in presence of the earl of Huntly, to 
 
 • Sir U. (Jordon, p. 191). 
 I. 2 E 
 
216 HISTORY OF THE HIGHLANDS. 
 
 whom they also agreed to refer all their differences. A meeting accord- 
 ingly took place in the month of November, fifteen hundred and eighty- 
 nine, at which all disputes were settled, and in order that the reconcili- 
 ation might be lasting, and that no recourse might again be had to 
 arms, the two earls subscribed a deed, by which they appointed Huntly 
 and his successors hereditary judges, and arbitrators of all disputes, or 
 differences, that might from thenceforth arise between these two families 
 and houses. 
 
 This reconciliation, however, as it did not obliterate the rancour 
 whicli existed between the people of these different countries, was but 
 of short duration. The frequent depredations committed by the vassals 
 and retainers of the earls upon the property of one another, led to an 
 exchange of letters and messages betAveen them, about the means to be 
 used for repressing these disorders. During this correspondence the 
 eai'l of Sutherland became unweU, and, being confined to his bed, the 
 earl of Caithness, in October fifteen hundred and eighty-nine, wrote him 
 a kind letter which he had scarcely despatched when he most unaccount- 
 ably entered Sutherland with a hostile force ; but he only remained one 
 night in that country, in consequence of receiving intelligence of a medi- 
 tated attack upon his camp, by John Gordon of Kilcalmekill, and Neill 
 Mac -Iain -Mac-William. A considerable number of the Sutherlands 
 having collected together, they resolved to pursue the Caithness men, 
 who had carried off a large quantity of cattle ; but on coming nearly 
 up with them, an unfortunate difference arose between the Murrays and 
 the Gordons, each contending for the command of the vanguard. The 
 Murrays rested their claim upon their former good services to the 
 house of Sutherland ; but the Gordons refusing to admit it, all the 
 Murrays, witli the exception of William Murray, brother of the laird of 
 Palrossie, and John Murray, the merchant, withdrew, and took a sta- 
 tion on a hill hard by to witness the combat. This unexpected event 
 seemed to paralyze the Gordons at first ; but seeing the Caithness men 
 driving the cattle away before them, and thinking that if they cUd not 
 attack them they would be accused of cowardice, Patrick Gordon of 
 Gartay, John Gordon of Embo, and John Gordon of Kilcalmekill, after 
 some consultation, resolved to attack the retiring foe without loss of 
 time, and without waiting for the coming up of the Strathnaver men, 
 who were hourly expected. This was a bold and desperate attempt; as 
 the Gordons were only as one to twelve in point of numbers, but they 
 could not brook the idea of being branded as cowards. With such nu- 
 merical inferiority, and with the sun and wind in their faces to boot, the 
 Sutherland men advanced upon and resolutely attacked the Caithness 
 men near Clyne. In the van of the Caithness army were placed about 
 fifteen hundred archers, a considerable number of whom were from the 
 Western Isles, under the command of Donald Balloch Mackay of Skow- 
 rie, who poured a thick shower of arrows upon the men of Sutherland 
 as they advanced, and who, in return, gave their opponents a similar re- 
 
BATTLE OK CI.YNE. 217 
 
 ception. The combat raged with great fury for a considerable time be- 
 tween these two parties : thrice were the Caithness archers driven back 
 upon their rear, which was in consequence thrown into great disorder, 
 and thrice did they return to the conflict cheered on and encouraged by 
 their leader ; but, though superior in numbers, they could not withstand 
 the firmness and intrepidity of the Sutherland men, who forced them to 
 retire fi'oni the field of battle on the approach of night, and to abandon 
 the cattle which had been carried off". The loss in killed and wounded 
 was about equal on both sides, but with the exception of Nicolas Su- 
 therland, brother of the laird of Forse, and Angus Mac-Angus-Ter- 
 mat, both belonging to the Caithness party, and John Murray, the 
 merchant, on the Sutherland side, there were no principal persons 
 killed. This Angus Mac- Angus was the ablest and most active man 
 in Caithness, and for his extraordinary swiftness was called Birlig. 
 Among the wounded was John Gordon of Kilcalm-Kill, and William 
 Murray before mentioned. This afi'air took place in the month of Oc- 
 tober fifteen hundred and ninety. The obstinacy with which the Caith- 
 ness men fought was owing principally to Donald Balloch Mackay, who 
 at the time in question had been banished from Sutherland and Strath- 
 naver for the murder of James Macrory, and other crimes, and had 
 placed himself under the protection of the earl of Caithness. Being 
 afterwards apprehended and imprisoned in Dunrobin castle, he was, on 
 the entreaty of his brother, Houcheon Mackay, released by the earl of 
 Sutlierland, and ever after remained faithful to the earl.* 
 
 Houcheon Mackay, taking advantage of the temporary absence of 
 the Caithness men in their late excursion into Sutherland, entered into 
 Caithness, laying waste every thing in his course, even to the gates of 
 Thurso, and carried off a large' quantity of booty without opposition, 
 which he divided among his countrymen according to custom. He had 
 previously sent the greater part of his men under the direction of his 
 brother William to assist the Sutherland men ; but he was too late in 
 joining them, a circumstance which raised a suspicion that William fa- 
 voured privately the views of the earl of Caithness. 
 
 Vain as the efforts of the mutual friends of the two rival earls had hi- 
 therto been to reconcile them effectually, the earl of Huntly and others 
 once more attempted an arrangement, and having prevailed upon the 
 parties to meet at Strathbogie, a final agreement was entered into in the 
 month of March, in the year fifteen hundred and ninety-one, by which 
 they agreed to bury all bygone differences in oblivion, and to live on 
 terms of amity in all time thereafter. 
 
 This fresh reconciliation of the two earls was the means of restoring 
 quiet in their districts for a considerable time, which was partially inter- 
 rupted in the year fifteen hundred and ninety-four by a quarrel between 
 the Clan Gun and some of the other petty tribes. Donald Mac-William- 
 
 • Sir 11. Gordon p. 5^03, 
 
218 HISTORY OF THE HIGHLANDS. 
 
 Mac-Henric, Alister Mac-Iain-Mac-Rorie, and others of the Clan Gun 
 entered Caithness and attacked Farquhar Buy, one of the captains of the 
 tribe of Siol-Mhic-Imheair, and William Sutherland, alias William Aba- 
 raich, the chief favourite of the earl of Caithness, and the principal plotter 
 against the life of George Gordon, whose death has been already noticed. 
 After a warm skirmish, Farquhar Buy, and William Abaraich, and some 
 of their followers, were slain. To revenge this outrage, the earl of Caith- 
 ness sent the same yeair his brother, James Sinclair of Murkle, with a 
 party of men against the Clan Gun in Strathie, in Strathnaver, who 
 killed seven of that tribe. George Mac-Iain-Mac-Rob, the chief, 
 and Donald Mac-William-Mac-Henric, narrowly escaped with their 
 lives. 
 
 For the sake of continuity, we have deferred noticing those transac- 
 tions in the north in which George Gordon, earl of Huntly, was more 
 immediately concerned, and which led to several bloody conflicts. 
 
 The earl, who was a favourite at court, and personally liked by 
 James the Sixth, finding himself in danger from the prevailing faction, 
 retired to his possessions in the north, for the purpose of improving his 
 estates and enjoying domestic quiet. One of his first measures was to 
 erect a castle at Ruthven, in Badenoch, in the neighbourhood of his 
 hunting forests. This gave great offence to Mackintosh, the chief of 
 the Clan-Chattan, and his people, as they considered that the object of 
 its erection was to overawe the clan. Being the earl's vassals and te- 
 nants they were bound to certain services, among which, the furnishing 
 of materials for the building formed a chief part ; but instead of assist- 
 ing the earl's people, they at first indirectly and in an underhand man- 
 ner, endeavoured to prevent the workmen from going on with their 
 operations, and afterwards positively refused to furnish the necessaries 
 required for the building. This act of disobedience, followed by a quar- 
 rel in the year fifteen hundred and ninety, between the Gordons and 
 the Grants, was the cause of much trouble, the occasion of which was this. 
 John Grant, the tutor of Ballendalloch, having withheld the rents due 
 to the widow, and endeavoured otherwise to injure her, James Gordon, 
 her nephew, eldest son of Alexander Gordon of Lismore, along with 
 some of his friends, went to Ballendalloch to obtain justice for her. 
 On their arrival, differences were accommodated so far that the tutor 
 paid up all arrears due to the lady, except a trifle, which he insisted, on 
 some ground or other, on retainijjg. This led to some altercation, in 
 which the servants of both parties took a share, and latterly came to 
 blows ; but they were separated, and James Gordon returned home- 
 Judging from what had taken place, that his aunt's interests would in 
 future be better attended to if under the protection of a husband, he 
 persuaded the brother of Sir Thomas Gordon of Cluny to marry her, 
 which he did. This act so incensed the tutor of Ballendalloch, that he 
 at once showed his displeasure by killing, at the instigation of the laird 
 of Grant, one of John Gordon's servants. For this the tutor, and such 
 
MEETING AT FORRES ATTACK UPON HOLYROOD. 219 
 
 of the Grants as should harbour or assist him. were declared outlaws 
 and rebels, and a commission was granted to the earl of Huntly to ap- 
 prehend and bring them to justice, in virtue of which, he besieged the 
 house of Ballendalloch, which he took by force, on the second day of 
 November, fifteen hundred and ninety ; but the tutor effected his 
 escape. Sir John Campbell of Cadell, a despicable tool of the Chan- 
 cellor Maitland, who had plotted the destruction of the earl and the 
 laird of Grant, now joined in the conspiracy against him, and stirred up 
 the Clan-Chattan, and Mackintosh their chief, to aid the Grants. 
 They also persuaded the earls of Atholl and Moray to assist them 
 against the earl of Huntly. 
 
 As soon as Huntly ascertained that the Grants and Clan-Chattan, 
 who were his own vassals, had put themselves under the command of 
 these earls, he assembled his followers, and, entering Badenoch, sum- 
 moned his vassals to appear before him, and deliver up the tutor and his 
 abettors, but none of them came. He then proclaimed and denounced 
 them rebels, and obtained a royal commission to invade and apprehend 
 them. To consult on the best means of defending themselves the earls 
 of Moray and Atholl, the Dunbars, the Clan-Chattan, the Grants, and 
 the laird of Cadell, and others of their party met at Forres. Two 
 contrary opinions were given at this meeting. On the one hand Mack- 
 intosh, Grant, and Cadell advised the earls, who were pretty well sup- 
 ported by a large party in the north, immediately to collect their forces 
 and oppose Huntly ; but the Dunbars, on the other hand, were op- 
 posed to this advice, and endeavoured to convince the earls that they 
 were not in a fit condition at that time to make a successful stand 
 against their formidable antagonist. In the midst of these delibera- 
 tions Huntly, who had received early intelligence of the meeting, and 
 had, in consequence, assembled his forces, unexpectedly made his ap- 
 pearance in the neighbourhood of Forres. This sudden advance of 
 Huntly struck terror into the minds of the persons assembled, and the 
 meeting instantly broke up in great confusion. The whole party, with 
 the exception of the earl of Moray, left the town in great haste, and 
 fled to Tarnoway. The earl of Moray had provided all things neces- 
 sary for his defence in case he should be attacked ; but the earl of 
 Huntly, not aware that he had remained behind, marched directly to 
 Tarnoway in pursuit of the fugitives. On arriving within sight of the 
 castle into which the flying party had thrown themselves, the earl sent 
 John Gordon, brother of Sir Thomas Gordon of Cluny, with a small 
 body of men to reconnoitre ; but approaching too near without due 
 caution, he was shot by one of the earl of Moray's servants. As Hunt- 
 ly found the castle well fortified, and as the rebels evacuated it and fled 
 to the mountains, leaving a sufficient force to protect it, he disbanded 
 his men on the twenty-fourth day of November fifteen hundred and 
 ninety, and returned home, from whence he proceeded to Edinburgh. 
 ^ Shortly after his arrival tlie carl of Bothwell, who had a design upon 
 
220 HISTORY OF THE HIGHLANDS. 
 
 the life of Chancellor Maitland, made an attack upon the palace of 
 Holyroodhouse under cloud of night, with the view of seizing Mait- 
 land ; but, having failed in his object, he was forced to flee to the north 
 to avoid the vengeance of the king. The earl of Huntly, who had 
 been lately reconciled to Maitland, and the duke of Lennox, were sent 
 in pursuit of Bothwell, but he escaped their hands. Understanding af- 
 terwards that he was harboured by the earl of Moray at Dunibristle, 
 the chancellor, having procured a commission against him from the king 
 in favour of Huntly, again sent him to the north, accompanied by forty 
 gentlemen to attack the earl of Moray. When the party had arrived 
 near Dunibristle, the earl of Himtly sent captain John Goidon, bro- 
 ther of Gordon of Gight, with a summons to the earl of Moray, requir- 
 ing him to surrender himself prisoner ; but instead of complying, one 
 of the earl's servants levelled a piece at the bearer of the despatch, and 
 wounded him mortally. Huntly, therefore, after giving orders to take 
 the earl of Moray alive if possible, forcibly entered the house ; but Sir 
 Thomas Gordon, recollecting the fate of his brother at Tarnoway, and 
 Gordon of Gight, who saw his brother lying mortally wounded before 
 his eyes, entirely disregarded the injunction ; and, following the earl, 
 who had fled among the rocks on the adjoining sea-shore, slew him. 
 
 The earl of Huntly immediately despatched John Gordon of Buckie 
 to Edinburgh, to lay a statement of the affair before the king and the 
 chancellor. The death of the earl of Moray would have passed quietly 
 over, as an event of ordinary occurrence in those troublesome times ; but 
 as he was one of the heads of the protestant party, the presbyterian 
 ministers gave the matter a religious turn by denouncing the catholic 
 earl of Huntly as a murderer, who wished to advance the interest of his 
 church by imbruing his hands in the blood of his protestant countrymen. 
 The effect of the ministers' denunciations was a tumult among the people 
 in Edinburgh, and other parts of the kingdom; which obliged the king 
 to cancel the commission he had granted to the earl of Huntly. The 
 spirit of discontent became so violent that captain John Gordon, who had 
 been left at Innerkeithing for the recovery of his wounds, but who had 
 been afterwards taken prisoner by the earl of Moray's friends and car- 
 ried to Edinburgh, was tried before a jury, and contrary to law and 
 justice condemned and executed, for having assisted the earl of Huntly 
 acting under a royal commission. The recklessness and severity of 
 this act were still more atrocious, as Captain Gordon's wounds were 
 incurable, and he was fast hastening to his grave. John Gordon of 
 Buckie, who was master of the king's household, was obliged to flee from 
 Edinburgh, and made a narrow escape with his life. 
 
 As for the earl of Huntly, he was summoned at the instance of the 
 Lord of St Colme, brother of the deceased eai-1 of Moray, to stand trial. 
 He accordingly appeared at Edinburgh and oflfered to abide the result of 
 a trial by his peers, and in the mean time was committed a prisoner 
 to the castle of Blackness on the twelfth day of March fifteen hundred 
 
SKIRNflSIIES IN BADENOCir, STRATriSPEY, &:('. 221 
 
 and ninety one, till the peers should assemble to try him. On giving 
 sufficient surety, however, that he would appear and stand trial on re- 
 ceiving six days' notice to that effect, he was released by the king on 
 the twentieth day of the same month. 
 
 The Clan-Chattan, who had never submitted without reluctance to the 
 earl of Huntly, considered the present aspect of affairs as peculiarly fa- 
 vourable to the design they entertained of shaking off the yoke altogether, 
 and being countenanced and assisted by the Grants, and other friends 
 of the eai'l of Moray, made no secret of their intentions. At first the 
 earl sent Allen Macdonald-Duibh, the chief of the Clan-Cameron, with 
 his tribe to attack the Clan-Chattan in Badenoch, and to keep them in 
 due order and subjection. The Camerons, though warmly opposed, suc- 
 ceeded in defeating the Clan-Chattan, who lost fifty of their men after a 
 sharp skirmish. The earl next dispatched Mackronald with some of the 
 Lochaber men against the Grants in Strathspey, whom he attacked, killed 
 eighteen of them and laid waste the lands of Ballendalloch. After the 
 Clan-Chattan had recovered from their defeat, they invaded Strathdee 
 and Glenmuck, under the command of Angus Donald Williamson, and 
 killed Henry Gordon of the Knock, Alexander Gordon of Teldow, 
 Thomas Gordon of Blaircharrish, and the old Baron of Breghly, also 
 a Gordon. The baron was much addicted to hospitality, and unsus- 
 picious of any bad design against him he entertained the hostile party 
 in his best manner, but they afterwards basely murdered him. This oc- 
 currence took place on the first day of November fifteen hundred and 
 ninety two. To punish this aggression the earl of Huntly collected his 
 forces and entered Pettie, then in possession of the Clan-Chattan, as a 
 fief from the earls of Moray, and laid waste all the lands of the Clan- 
 Chattan there, killed many of them, and carried off a large quantity 
 of cattle which he divided among his army. But in returning from 
 Pettie after disbanding his army, he received the unwelcome intelligence 
 that William Mackintosh, son of Lauchlan Mackintosh, the chief, with 
 eight hundred of the Clan-Chattan, had invaded the lands of Auchindun 
 and Cabberogh. The earl, after desiring the small party which remained 
 with him to follow him as speedily as possible, immediately set off at 
 full speed, accompanied by Sir Patrick Gordon of Auchindun, and 
 thirty-six horsemen, in quest of Mackintosh and his party. Overtaking 
 them before they had left the bounds of Cabberogh upon the top of a 
 hill called Stapliegate, he attacked them with his small party, and after 
 a warm skirmish defeated them, killing about sixty of their men and 
 wounding William Mackintosh and others. 
 
 After this event the earl of Huntly undertook a second expedition 
 into Pettie. He gave orders to Alexander Gordon of Abergeldie, his 
 bailie in Badenoch, to bring his forces in Lochaber and Badenoch to 
 Inverness, and on his way thither he was desired to send a party under 
 the command of Mackronald to lay waste the lands of the Laird of 
 Grant in Strathspey, and those of Mackintosh in Badenoch, which he 
 
222 HISTORY OF THE HIGHLANDS. 
 
 accordingly did. In this new expedition the earl of Huntly did great 
 damage to the lands of the rebels, killed several of them, and returned 
 home with a large booty.* 
 
 The earl of Huntly, after thus subduing his enemies in the north, now 
 found himself placed at the ban of the government on account of an 
 alleged conspiracy between him and the earls of Angus and Errol and 
 the crown of Spain, to overturn the state and the church. The king 
 and his councillors seemed to be satisfied of the innocence of the earls, 
 but the ministers, who considered the reformed religion in Scotland in 
 danger while these catholic peers were protected and favoured, impor- 
 tuned his majesty to punish them. The king yielding to necessity and 
 to the intrigues of Queen Elizabeth, forfeited their titles, intending to 
 restore them when a proper opportunity occurred, and to silence the cla- 
 mours of the ministers, convoked a parliament, which was held in the end 
 of the month of May, fifteen hundred and ninety-four. As few of the 
 peers attended, the ministers; having the commissioners of the burghs on 
 their side, carried every thing their own way, and the consequence was, 
 that the three earls were attainted without trial and their arms were torn 
 in presence of the parliament, according to the custom in such cases. 
 
 Having so far succeeded, the ministers, instigated by the Queen 
 of England, now entreated the king to send the earl of Argyle, a youth of 
 nineteen years of age, in the pay of queen Elizabeth, with an army against 
 the Catholic earls. The king, still yielding to necessity, complied, and 
 Argyle having collected a force of about twelve thousand men, entered 
 Badenoch and laid siege to the castle of Ruthven, on the twenty-seventh 
 day of September, fifteen hundred and ninety-four. He was accom- 
 panied in this expedition by the earl of Athol, Sir Lauchlan Maclean 
 with some of his islanders, the chief of the Mackintoshes, the laird of 
 Grant, the Clan-Gregor, Macneil of Barra with all their friends and 
 dependents, together with the whole of the Campbells, and a variety of 
 others whom a thirst for plunder or malice towards the Gordons had 
 induced to join the earl of Argyle's standard. The castle of Ruthven 
 was so well defended by the Clan-Pherson, who were the earl of Hunt- 
 ly's vassals, that Argyle was obliged to give up the siege. He then 
 marched through Strathspey, and encamped at Drummin, upon the 
 river Avon, on the second day of October, from whence he issued or- 
 ders to Lord Forbes, the Erasers, the Dunbars, the Clan-Kenzie, the 
 Irvings, the Ogilvies, the Leslies, and other tribes and clans in the 
 north, to join his standard with all convenient speed. 
 
 The earls, against whom this expedition was directed, were by no 
 means dismayed. They knew that although the king was constrained 
 by popular clamour to levy war upon them, he was in secret friendly to 
 them ; and they were, moreover, aware that the army of Argyle, who 
 was a youth of no military experience, was a raw and undisciplined 
 
 * Sir Robert Gordon, p. 218. 
 
BATTLE OF GLENMVET, 223 
 
 militia, and composed, in a groat measure, of Catliolics, who could not 
 be expected to feel very warmly for the Protestant interest, to support 
 which, the expedition was professedly undertaken. The seeds of disaf- 
 fection, besides, had been already sown in Argyle's camp by the cor- 
 ruption of the Grants and Campbell of Lochnell. 
 
 On hearing of Argyle's approach, the earl of Errol immediately col- 
 lected a select body of about one hundred horsemen, being gentlemen, 
 on whose courage and fidelity he could rely, and with these he joined 
 the earl of Huntly at Strathbogie. The forces of Huntly, after this 
 junction, amounted, it is said, to nearly fifteen hundred men, almost 
 altogether horsemen, and with this body he advanced to Carnborrow, 
 where the two earls and their chief followers made a solemn vow to 
 conquer, or to die. Marching from thence, Huntly 's army arrived at 
 Auchindun the same day that Argyle's army reached Drummin. At 
 Auchindun, Huntly received intelligence that Argyle was on the eve 
 of descending from the mountains to the lowlands, which induced him, 
 on the following day, to send captain Thomas Carr and a party of horse- 
 men to reconnoitre the enemy, while he himself advanced with his main 
 army. The reconnoitring party soon fell in, accidentally, with Argyle's 
 scouts, whom they chased, and some of whom they killed. This oc- 
 currence, which was looked upon as a prognostic of victory, so encour- 
 aged Huntly and his men, that he resolved to attack the army of Ar- 
 gyle before he should be joined by Lord Forbes, and the forces which 
 were waiting for his appearance in the lowlands. Argyle had now 
 passed Glenlivet, and had reached the banks of a small brook named 
 Altchonlaclian. 
 
 On the other hand, the earl of Argyle had no idea that the earls of 
 Huntly and Errol would attack him with such an inferior force ; and he 
 was, therefore, astonished at seeing them approach so near him as they 
 did. Apprehensive that his numerical superiority in foot would be 
 counterbalanced by Huntly 's cavalry, he held a council of war to deli- 
 berate whether he should at once engage the enemy, or retreat to the 
 mountains, which were inaccessible to Huntly's horsemen, till his low- 
 land forces, which were chiefly cavalry, should come up. The council 
 advised Argyle to wait till the king, who had promised to appear with 
 a force, should arrive, or, at all events, till he should be joined by the 
 Erasers and Mackenzies from the north, and the Irvings, Forbesses, and 
 Leslies from the lowlands with their horse. This opinion, which was 
 considered judicious by the most experienced of Argyle's army, was 
 however disregarded by him, and he determined to wait the attack of 
 the enemy ; and to encourage his men he pointed out to them the small 
 number of those they had to combat with, and the spoils they might 
 expect after victory. He disposed his army on the declivity of a hill, 
 betwLxt Glenlivet and Glenrinnes in two parallel divisions. The right 
 wing consisting of the Macleans and Mackintoshes was commanded by 
 Sir Lauchlan Maclean and Mackintosh — the left, composed of the 
 
224 HISTORY OF THE HIGHLANDS. 
 
 Grants, Macneills, and Macgregors, by Grant of Gartinbeg, and the 
 centre, consisting of the Campbells, &c., was commanded by Campbell of 
 Auchinbreck. This vanguard consisted of four thousand men, one-half of 
 whom carried muskets. The rear of the army, consisting of about six 
 thousand men, was commanded by Argyle himself. The earl of Huntly's 
 vanguard was composed of three hundred gentlemen, led by the earl of 
 Errol, Sir Patrick Gordon of Auchindun, the laird of Gight, the laird of 
 Bonnitoun, and captain, afterwards Sir Thomas Carr. The earl himself 
 followed with the remainder of his forces, having the laird of Cluny 
 upon his right hand and the laird of Abergeldy upon his left. Three 
 pieces of field ordnance under the direction of Captain Andrew Gray, 
 afterwards colonel of the English and Scots, who served in Bohemia, 
 were placed in front of the vanguard. Before advancing, the earl of 
 Huntly harangued his little army to encourage them to fight manftilly ; 
 he told them that they had no alternative before them but victory or 
 death — that they were now to combat, not for their own lives only, but 
 also for the very existence of their families, which would be utterly 
 extinguished if they fell a prey to their enemes. 
 
 The position which Argyle occupied on the declivity of the hill gave 
 him a decided advantage over his assailants, who, from the nature of 
 their force, were greatly hampered by the mossiness of the ground at 
 the foot of the hill, which was interspersed by pits from which turf 
 had been dug. But, notwithstanding these obstacles, Huntly ad- 
 vanced up the hill with a slow and steady pace. It had been arranged 
 between him and Campbell of Lochnell, who had promised to go over 
 to Huntly as soon as the battle had commenced, that, before charging 
 Argyle with his cavalry, Huntly should fire his artillery at the yellow 
 standard. Campbell bore a mortal enmity at Argyle, as he had mur- 
 dered his brother, Campbell of Calder, in the year fifteen hundred and 
 ninety-two ; and as he was Argyle's nearest heir, he probably had direct- 
 ed the firing at the yellow standard in the hope of cutting off the earl. 
 Unfortunately for himself, however, Campbell was shot dead at the 
 first fire of the cannon, and upon his fall all his men fled from the field. 
 Macneill of Barra was also slain at the same time. The Highlanders, 
 who had never before seen field pieces, were thrown into disorder by 
 the cannonade, which being perceived by Huntly he charged the enemy, 
 and rushing in among them with his horsemen increased the confusion. 
 The earl of Errol was directed to attack the right wing of Argyle's army 
 commanded by Maclean, but as it occupied a very steep part of the hill, 
 and as Errol was greatly annoyed by thick voUies of shot from above, he 
 was compelled to make a detour, leaving the enemy on his left. But 
 Gordon of Auchindun disdaining such a prudent course, galloped up the 
 hill with a party of his own followers, and charged Maclean with great 
 impetuosity; but Auchindun's rashness cost him his life. The fall of 
 Auchindun so exasperated his followers that they set no bounds to their 
 fury ; but Maclean received their repeated assaults with firmness, and 
 
BATTLE OF GLENMVET. 225 
 
 manoeuvred his troops so well as to succeed in cutting off" the earl of 
 Errol and placing him between his own body and that of Argyle, by 
 whose joint forces he was completely surrounded. At this important 
 crisis when no hopes of retreat remained, and when Errol and his men 
 were in danger of being cut to pieces, the earl of Huntly, very fortunately, 
 came up to his assistance and relieved him from his embarrassment. 
 The battle was now renewed and continued for two hours, during which 
 both parties fought with great bravery, the one, says Sir Robert Gordon, 
 " for glorie, the other for necessitie." In the heat of the action the earl 
 of Huntly had a horse shot under him, and was in imminent danger of 
 his life ; but another horse was immediately procured for him. After a 
 hard contest the main body of Argyle's army began to give way, and re- 
 treated towards the rivulet of Altchonlachan ; but Maclean still kept the 
 field and continued to support the falling fortune of the day. At length, 
 finding the contest hopeless, and after losing many of his men, he retired 
 in good order with the small company that still remained about him. 
 Huntly pursued the retiring foe beyond the water of Altchonlachan 
 Avhen he was prevented from following them farther by the steepness of 
 the hills so unfavourable to the operations of cavalrj'. The success of 
 Huntly was mainly owing to the treachery of Lochnell and of John 
 Grant of Gartinbeg, one of Huntly 's vassals, who, in terms of a concerted 
 plan, retreated with his men as soon as the action began, by which act 
 the centre and the left wing of Argyle's army was completely broken. 
 On the side of Argyle five hundred men were killed besides Mac- 
 neill of Barra, and Lochnell, and Auchinbreck, the two cousins of 
 Argyle. The earl of Huntly 's loss was comparatively trifling. About 
 fourteen gentlemen were slain, including Sir Patrick Gordon of 
 Auchindun and the Laird of Gight ; and the earl of Errol and a con- 
 siderable number of persons were wounded. At the conclusion of the 
 battle the conquerors returned thanks to God on the field for the victory 
 they had achieved. This battle is called by some writers the battle of 
 Glenlivet, and by others the battle of Altchonlachan. Among the tro- 
 phies found on the field was the ensign belonging to the earl of Argyle, 
 which was carried with other spoils to Strathbogie, and placed upon the 
 top of the great tower. So certain had Argyle been of success in his 
 enterprize, that he had made out a paper apportioning the lands of the 
 Gordons, the Hays, and all who were suspected to favour them, among 
 the chief officers of his army. This document was found among the 
 baggage which he left behind him on the field of battle.* 
 
 When Lord Forbes, Lesley of Balquhain, and Irving of Drum, who 
 had assembled all their forces and followers for the purpose of joining 
 Argyle, heard of his defeat, they resolved to unite themselves with the 
 Duubars and the other forces whicli were marcliing from the provinces 
 of Ross and Moray to assist Argyle, and to make an attack upon the 
 
 * Sir R. Gonloii, pp. 22G, 227, 228, 229.— Shaw's Moray, pp. 26f>; 267, 2G8. 
 
226 HISTORY OF THE HIGHLANDS. 
 
 Gordons on their return homewards to revenge old quarrels. For this 
 purpose, and to conceal their plans, the whole of the Forbeses, and the 
 greater part of the Leslies and Irvings, met under cloud of night at 
 Druminor and proceeded on their journey; but a singular occurrence 
 took place which created such confusion and amazement in their minds 
 as to induce them to return home. They had not gone far when a gen- 
 tleman of the name of Irving, while riding alongside of Lord Forbes, 
 was most unexpectedly shot dead by an unknown hand, and strange to 
 tell, although all the fire arms carried by the party were immediately 
 searched for the purpose of ascertaining the individual who had com- 
 mitted the deed, every one was found to be loaded. This affair raised 
 suspicions among the party, and becoming distrustful of one another, 
 they dissolved their companies and returned home. The tribes and clans 
 of the north who were to have joined Argyle were prevented from doing 
 so by the policy of John Dunbar of Muyness, who was a partizan of the 
 earl of Huntly. Thus the Gordons escaped the snare which had been 
 laid for them. 
 
 Although Argyle certainly calculated upon being joined by the king, 
 it seems doubtful if James ever entertained such an intention, for he 
 stopt at Dundee, from whence he did not stir till he heard of the result 
 of the battle of Glenlivet. Instigated by the ministers and other ene- 
 mies of the earl of Huntly, who became now more exasperated than 
 ever at the unexpected failure of Argyle's expedition, the king pro- 
 ceeded north to Strathbogie, and in his rout he permitted, most unwil- 
 lingly, the house of Craig in Angus, belonging to Sir John Ogilvie, 
 son of Lord Ogilvie, that of Bagaes in Angus, the property of Sir 
 Walter Lindsay, the house of Culsamond in Garioch, appertaining to 
 the laird of Newton-Gordon, the house of Slaines in Buchan belonging 
 to the earl of Errol, and the castle of Strathbogie, to be razed to the 
 ground, under the pretext that priests and Jesuits had been harboured 
 in them. In the meantime the earl of Huntly and his friends retired 
 into Sutherland, where they remained six weeks with Earl Alexander; 
 and on the king's departure from Strathbogie, Huntly returned thither, 
 leaving his eldest son George, Lord Gordon, in Sutherland with his aunt 
 till the return of more peaceable times. 
 
 The king left the duke of Lennox to act as his lieutenant in the 
 north, with whom the two earls held a meeting at Aberdeen, and as 
 their temporary absence from the kingdom might allay the spirit of vio- 
 lence and discontent, which was particularly annoying to his majesty, 
 they agreed to leave the kingdom during the king's pleasure. After 
 spending sixteen months in travelling through Germany and Flanders, 
 Huntly was recalled, and on his return, he, as we'l as the earls of Angus 
 and Errol, were restored to their former honours and estates by the Par- 
 liament, held at Edinburgh in the month of November, fifteen hundred 
 and ninety-seven, and in testimony of his regard for Huntly, the king, 
 two years thereafter, created him a marquis. This signal mark of the 
 
FEUD BETWEEN THE CLANDONALD AND THE MACLEANS. 227 
 
 royal favour had such an influence upon the Clan-Chattan, the Clan- 
 Kenzie, the Girants, Forbeses, Leslies, and the other hostile clans and 
 tribes, that they at once submitted themselves to the marquis. 
 
 The warlike operations in the north seem, for a time, to have drawn 
 off the attention of the clans from their own feuds ; but in the year fif- 
 teen hundred and ninety-seven, a tumult occurred at Loggiewreid in 
 Ross, which had almost put that province and the adjoining country into 
 a flame. The quarrel began between John Mac-Gille-Calum, brother of 
 Gille-Calum, laird of Rasay, and Alexander Bane, brother of Duncan 
 Bane of TuUoch, in Ross. The Monroes took the side of the Banes, and 
 the Mackenzies aided John Mac-Gille-Calum. In this tumult John Mac- 
 Gille-Calum and John Mac-Murthow-Mac- William, a gentleman of the 
 Clan-Kenzie, and three persons of that surname, were killed on the one 
 side, and on the other side were slain John Monroe of Culcraigie, his 
 brother Houcheon Monroe, and John Monroe Robertson. This occur- 
 rence renewed the ancient animosity between the Clan-Kenzie and the 
 Monroes, and both parties began to assemble their friends for the pur- 
 pose of attacking one another ; but their differences were, in some mea- 
 sure, happily reconciled by the mediation of mutual friends. 
 
 In the following year the ambition and avarice of Sir Lauchlan Mac- 
 lean, of whom notice has been already taken, brought him to an un- 
 timely end, having been slain in Islay by Sir James Macdonald, his 
 nephew, eldest son of Angus Macdonald of Kintyre. Sir Lauchlan 
 had long had an eye upon the possessions of the Clanronald in Islay ; but 
 having failed in extorting a conveyance thereof from Angus Macdonald 
 in the way before alluded to, he endeavoured by his credit at court and 
 bj'^ bribery or other means, to obtain a grant from the crown, in fifteen 
 hundred and ninety-five, of these lands. At this period Angus Mac- 
 donald had become infirm from age, and his son, Sir James Mac- 
 donald, was too young to make any effectual resistance to the newly 
 acquired claims of his covetous uncle. After obtaining the gift. Sir 
 Lauchlan collected his people and friends and invaded Islay, for the pur- 
 pose of taking possession of the lands which belonged to the Clandonald. 
 Sir James Macdonald, on hearing of his uncle's landing, collected his 
 friends and landed in Islay to dispossess Sir Lauchlan of the property. 
 To prevent the effusion of blood, some mutual friends of the parties 
 interposed, and endeavoured to bring about an adjustment of their 
 dift'erences. They prevailed upon Sir James to agree to resign the half of 
 the island to his uncle during the life of the latter, provided he would 
 acknowledge that he held the same for personal service to the Clan- 
 donald in the same manner as Maclean's progenitors had always held 
 the Rhinns of Islay; and he moreover otfered to submit the question to 
 any impartial friends Maclean might choose, under this reasonable condi- 
 tion, that in case they should not agree, his Majesty should decide. But 
 Maclean, contrary to the advice of his best friends, would listen to no 
 proposals short of an absolute surrender of the whole of the island. Sir 
 
228 HISTORY OF THE HIGHLANDS. 
 
 James, .therefore, resolved to vindicate his right by an appeal to arms, 
 though his force was far inferior to that of Sir Lauchlan. Taking pos- 
 session of a hill at the head of Loch Groynard, which the Macleans had 
 ineffectually endeavoured to secure, Sir James attacked their advanced 
 guard, vk'hich he forced to fall back upon their main body. A desperate 
 struggle then took place, in which great valour was displayed on both 
 sides. Sir Lauchlan was killed fighting at the head of his men, who 
 were at length compelled to retreat to their boats and vessels. Besides 
 their chief, the Macleans left eighty of their principal men, and two 
 hundred common soldiers, dead on the field of battle. Lauchlan 
 Barroch-Maclean, son of Sir Lauchlan, was dangerously wounded, but 
 escaped. Sir James Macdonald was also so severely wounded that he 
 never fully recovered from his wounds. About thirty of the Clandonald 
 were killed and about sixty wounded. Sir Lauchlan, according to Sir 
 Robert Gordon, had consulted a witch before he undertook this journey 
 into Islay, who advised him, in the first place, not to land upon the island 
 on a Thursday ; secondly, that he should not drink of the water of a well 
 near Groynard ; and lastly, she told him that one Maclean should be 
 slain at Groynard. " The first he transgressed unwillingly (says Sir 
 Robert), being driven into the island of Ila by a tempest upon a Thurs- 
 day ; the second he transgressed negligentlie, haveing drank of that 
 water befor he wes awair ; and so he wes killed ther at Groinard, as wes 
 foretold him, bot doubtfuUie. Thus endeth all these that doe trust in 
 such kynd of responces, or doe hunt after them I"* 
 
 On hearing of Maclean's death and the defeat of his men, the king 
 became so highly incensed against the Clandonald, that, finding he had 
 a right to dispose of their possessions both in Kintyre and Islay, he made 
 a grant of them to the earl of Argyle and the Campbells. This gave 
 rise to a number of bloody conflicts between the Campbells and the Clan- 
 donald in the years sixteen hundred and fourteen, fifteen, and sixteen, 
 which ended in the ruin of the latter. 
 
 The rival houses of Sutherland and Caithness had now lived on friend- 
 ly terms for some years. After spending about eighteen months at 
 court, and attending a convention of the estates at Edinburgh, in July, 
 fifteen hundred and ninety eight, John, sixth earl of Sutherland, went 
 to the continent, where he remained till the month of September, sixteen 
 hundred. The earl of Caithness, deeming the absence of the earl of Su- 
 therland a fit opportunity for carrying into effect some designs against 
 him, caused William Mackay obtain leave from his brother Houcheon 
 Mackay to hunt in the policy of D urines belonging to the earl of Su- 
 therland. The earl of Caithness thereupon assembled all his vassals and 
 dependants, and, under the pretence of hunting, made demonstrations 
 for entering Sutherland or Strathnaver. As soon as Mackay was in- 
 formed of his intentions he sent a message to the earl of Caithness, inti- 
 
 • HisL p. 238. 
 
ADVANCE AND RETREAT OF THE EARL OF CAITHNESS. 229 
 
 mating to him that he woukl not permit him to enter either of these 
 countries, or to cross the marches. The earl of Caithness returned a 
 haughty answer ; but he did not carry his threat of invasion into execu- 
 tion on account of the arrival of the earl of Sutherland from the conti- 
 nent. As the earl of Caithness still continued to threaten an invasion, 
 tlie earl of Sutherland collected his forces, in the month of July, sixteen 
 hundred and one, to oppose him. Mackay, with his countrymen, soon 
 joined the earl of Sutherland atLagan-Gaincamhd in Dirichat, where he 
 was soon also joined by the Monroes under Robert Monroe of Conta- 
 ligh, and the laird of Assint with his countrymen. 
 
 While the earl of Sutherland's force was thus assembling, the earl of 
 Caithness advanced towards Sutherland with his army. The two armies 
 encamped at the distance of about three miles asunder, near the hill of 
 Bengrime. In expectation of a battle the morning after their encamp- 
 ment, the Sutherland men took up a position in a plain which lay be- 
 tween the two armies, called Leathad Reidh, than which a more conve- 
 nient station could not have been selected. But the commodiousness of 
 the plain was not the only reason for making the selection. There had 
 been long a prophetic tradition in these countries that a battle was to be 
 fought on this ground between the inhabitants of Sutherland, assisted 
 by the Strathnaver men, and the men of Caithness ; that although the 
 Sutherland men were to be victorious their loss would be great, and 
 that the loss of the Strathnaver men should even be greater, but that the 
 Caithness men should be so completely overthrown that they should not 
 be able, for a considerable length of time, to recover the blow which they 
 were to receive. This superstitious idea made such an impression upon 
 the minds of the men of Sutherland that it was with great difficulty they 
 could be restrained from immediately attacking their enemies. 
 
 The earl of Caithness, daunted by this circumstance, and being diffi- 
 dent of the fidelity of some of his people, whom he had used with great 
 cruelty, sent messengers to the earl of Sutherland expressing his regret 
 at what had happened, stating that he was provoked to his present mea- 
 sures by the insolence of Mackay, who had repeatedly dared him to the 
 attack, and that, if the earl of Sutherland would pass over the affair, he 
 would permit him and his army to advance twice as far into Caithness as 
 he had marched into Sutherland. The earl of Sutherland, on receipt of 
 this offer, called a council of his friends to deliberate upon it. Mackay 
 and some others advised the earl to decline the proposal, and attack the 
 earl of Caithness ; they represented to him that as he had collected an 
 excellent and resolute army, and as this was his first enterprise, he 
 should give to the world a specimen of his prowess ; that if he let the 
 present occasion for humbling his enemies escape, that they would 
 again grow bold and insolent, and, presuming upon his weakness, might 
 attempt new aggressions. Others, however, of the earl's advisers Averc 
 of a contrary opinion, and thought it neither fit nor reasonable to risk 
 
230 HISTORY OF THE HIGHLANDS. 
 
 SO many lives when such ample satisfaction was offered. A sort of 
 middle course was, therefore, adopted by giving the earl of Caithness 
 an opportunity to escape if he inclined. The messengers were accord- 
 ingly sent back with this answer, that if the earl of Caithness and his 
 army would remain where they lay till sunrise next morning they might 
 be assured of an attack. 
 
 When this answer was delivered in the earl of Caithness' camp, his 
 men got so alarmed that the earl, with great difficulty, prevented 
 them from running away immediately. He remained on the field 
 all night watching them in person, encouraging them to remain, and 
 making great promises to them if they stood firm. But his entreaties 
 were quite unavailing, for as soon as the morning dawned, on per- 
 ceiving the approach of the earl of Sutherland's army, they fled from 
 the field in the utmost confusion, jostling and overthrowing one ano- 
 ther in their flight, and leaving their whole baggage behind them. The 
 advanced guard of the earl of Sutherland was conniianded by Patrick 
 Gordon of Gartay and Donald Balloch Mackay. The right wing of 
 the main body, consisting of the Strathnaver men, was led by Mackay; 
 the Monroes and the men of Assint formed the left wing, and the earl 
 of Sutherland commanded the centre, composed of the Sutherland men. 
 A body of the Gordons, under the direction of William Gun-Mac- 
 Mhic-Sheumais of Killeirnan, was despatched, by a circuitous route, for 
 the purpose of attacking the Caithness men in their rear; but, on ar- 
 riving at the place appointed for them, they found that the earl of 
 Caithness' army had disappeared. They, therefore, waited for the 
 coming up of the main body, which was at some distance. The earl of 
 Sutherland resolved to pursue the flying enemy ; but, before proceeding 
 on the pursuit, his army collected a quantity of stones which they ac- 
 cumulated into a heap to commemorate the flight of the Caith- 
 ness men, which heap was called Carn-Teiche, that is, the Flight 
 Cairn. 
 
 Not wishing to encounter the earl of Sutherland under the adverse cir- 
 cumstances which had occurred, the earl of Caithness, afl;er entering his owti 
 territories, sent a message to this effect to his pursuer, that having com- 
 plied with his request in withdrawing his army, he hoped hostile pro- 
 ceedings would cease, and that if the earl of Sutherland should advance 
 with his army into Caithness, Earl George would not hinder him ; but he 
 suggested to him the propriety of appointing some gentlemen on both sides 
 to see the respective armies dissolved. The earl of jSutherland acceded 
 to this proposal, and sent George Gray of Cuttle, eldest son of Gilbert 
 Gray of Sordell, with a company of resolute men into Caithness to see 
 the army of the earl of Caithness broken up, who accordingly witnessed 
 the disbanding of the Caithness men, who returned joyfully to their 
 homes, having, as they conceived, made a narrow escape with their 
 lives. The earl of Caithness, in his turn, despatched Alexander Bane, 
 
FEUD BETWEEN MACDONALD AND MACLEAN 231 
 
 chief of the Caithness Banes, who witnessed the dismissal of the carl of 
 Sutherland's army.* 
 
 About the period in question, great commotions took place in the 
 north-west isles, in consequence of a quarrel between Donald Gorra 
 Macdonald of Slate, and Sir Roderick Macleod of Harris, which arose 
 out of the following circumstances. Donald Gorm Macdonald, who 
 had married the sister of Sir Roderick, instigated by jealousy, had con- 
 ceived displeasure at her and put her away. Having complained to her 
 brother of the treatment thus received, Sir Roderick sent a message to 
 Macdonald requiring him to take back his wife. Instead of complying 
 with this request, Macdonald brought an action of divorce against her, 
 and having obtained decree therein, he, thereupon, married the sister of 
 Kenneth Mackenzie, lord of Kintail. Sir Roderick, who considered 
 himself disgraced and his family dislionoured by such proceedings, now 
 determined to wipe away the stain, as he thought, by avenging himself 
 upon his brother-in-law. Assembling, therefore, all his countrymen and 
 liis tribe, tlie Siol-Thormaid, without delay, he invaded with fire and 
 sword the lands of Macdonald, in the isle of Skye, to which he laid 
 claim as his own. Macdonald retaliated this aggression by landing in 
 Harris with his forces, which he laid waste, and after killing some of the 
 inhabitants retired with a large booty in cattle. To make amends for 
 this loss, Sir Roderick invaded Uist, which belonged to Macdonald, and 
 despatched his cousin, Donald Glas Macleod, with forty men into the 
 interior, to lay the island waste, and to carry off a quantity of goods and 
 cattle which the inhabitants had placed within the precincts of the 
 church of Kiltrynard as within a sanctuary.- This exploit turned out to 
 be very serious, as Donald Macleod and his party were most unexpect- 
 edly attacked in the act of carrying off their prey by John Mac-Iain- 
 Mhic-Sheumais, a kinsman of Macdonald, at the head of a body of twelve 
 men who had remained in the island, by whom Donald Macleod and 
 tlie greater part of his men were cut to pieces, and the booty rescued. 
 Sir Roderick thinking that the fofce which had attacked his cousin was 
 nmch greater than it was, retired from the island, intending to return on 
 a future day with a greater force to revenge his loss. 
 
 This odious system of warfare continued till the hostile parties had 
 almost exterminated one another ; and to such extremities were they 
 reduced by the ruin and desolation which followed their footsteps, that 
 they were compelled to eat horses, dogs, and cats, and other filthy ani- 
 njals, to preserve a miserable existence. To put an end, if possible, at 
 once to this destructive contest, Macdonald collected all his remaining 
 forces, with the determination of striking a decisive blow at his oppo- 
 nent ; and accordingly, in the year sixteen hundred and one, he entered 
 Sir Roderick's territories with the design of bringing him to battle. 
 Sir Roderick was then in Argyle soliciting aid and advice from the earl 
 
 * Sir Uobi'it Gordon, p. <Jlii. 
 I. '2 c; 
 
232 HISTORY OF THE HIGHLANDS. 
 
 of Argyle against the Clandonald ; but on hearing of tlie approach of 
 Macdonald, Alexander Macleod, brother of Sir Roderick, resolved to 
 try the result of a battle. Assembling, therefore, all the inhabitants of 
 his brother's lands, together with the whole tribe of the Siol-Thormaid 
 and some of the Siol-Thorcuill, he encamped close by the hill of Ben- 
 quhillin, in Skye, resolved to give battle to the Clandonald next morn- 
 ing, who were equally prepared for the combat. Accordingly, on the 
 arrival of morning, an obstinate and deadly fight took place, which last- 
 ed the whole day, each side contending with the utmost valour for vic- 
 tory ; but at length the Clandonald overthrew their opponents. Alex- 
 ander Macleod was wounded- and taken prisoner, along witli Neill-Mac- 
 Alastair-Ruaidh, and thirty others of the choicest men of the Siol- 
 Thormaid. lain-Mac-Thormaid and Thormaid-Mac-Thormaid, two 
 near kinsmen of Sir Roderick, and several others, were slain. 
 
 After this affair, a reconciliation took place between Macdonald and 
 Sir Roderick, at the solicitation of old Angus Macdonald of Kintyre, 
 the laird of Coll, and other friends, when Macdonald delivered up to 
 Sir Roderick the prisoners he had taken at Benquhillin ; but although 
 these parties never again showed any open hostility, they brought seve- 
 ral actions at law against each other, the one claiming from the other 
 respectively, certain parts of their possessions. When the bloody strife 
 between these two rivals was over, Macdonald paid a visit to the earl 
 of Sutherland, and renewed the ancient league of friendship and alli- 
 ance, which had been contracted between their predecessors.* 
 
 • Sir R. Gordon, p. 245. 
 
CHAPTER XII. 
 
 Feud between the Colquhouns and Macgregors — Defeat of the Colquhouns and Buchan- 
 ans — Harsh proceedings against the Macgregors — The chief of the Macgregors sur- 
 renders himself — Base Execution of the Chief and his hostages — Quarrel between the 
 Clan-Kenzie and Glengarry — The latter outlawed — Proctsedings against him and his 
 people — Alister Mack-William-Moir beheaded — Murder of Angus Mack-Kenneth- 
 M<ack-Alister — Circumstances which led thereto — The Earl of Caithness attempts to 
 disturb the North — Deadly quarrel in Dornoch — Meeting of the Earls of Sutherland 
 and Caithness at Elgin — Their reconciliation — Dispute between the Earls of Caithness 
 and Orkney — Feud between the Murrays and some of the Seill-Thomas — Dissentions 
 in Moray among the Dunbars— Quarrel between the Earl of Caithness and the Chief 
 of the Mackays — Commotions in Lewis among the Macleods — Proceedings of Torquill 
 Connaldagh — Avaricious conduct of the Mackenzies — Invasion of Lewis by Fife ad- 
 venturers — They are forced to abandon it — Second invasion and final abandonment of 
 Lewis — Plans of Lord Kintail to obtain possession thereof — Acquires right thereto — 
 Expulsion of Neill Macleod— Quarrel between the Laird of Rasay and Mackenzie of 
 Gairloch — Rasay and Mackenzie, younger of Gairloch, killed — Depredations of 
 William Mack-Angus-Rory — Apprehension of Arthur Smith, a false coiner — His 
 trial and liberation — Employed by the Earl of Caithness — Commission against Smith — 
 Apprehended in Thurso — Tumult in the town in consequence — The Earl of Caithness 
 prosecutes the Commrssioners — Submission of differences. 
 
 In the early part of the year sixteen hundred and two, the west of Scot- 
 land was thrown into a state of combustion, in consequence of the re- 
 newal of some old quarrels between Colquhoun of Luss, the chief 
 of that surname, and Alexander Macgregor chief of the Clan-Gregor. 
 Aggressions had formerly been committed on both sides ; first by Luss 
 and his party against some of the Macgregors, and then by John Mac- 
 gregor, the brother of Alexander, against the laird of Luss and his de- 
 pendants and tenants. To put an end to these dissensions, Alexander 
 Macgregor left Ilannoch, accompanied by about two hundred of his 
 kinsmen and friends, entered Lennox, and took up his quarters on the 
 confines of Luss's territory, where he expected, by the mediation of his 
 friends, to bring matters to an amicable adjustment. As the laird of 
 Luss was suspicious of Macgregor's real intentions, he assembled all his 
 vassals, with the Buchanans and others, to the number of 300 horse, 
 and 500 foot, with the design, if the result of the meeting should 
 not turn out to his expectations and wishes, to cut off Macgregor and 
 his party. But Macgregor, anticipating his intention, was upon his 
 guard, and, by his precautions, defeated the design upon him. A con- 
 ference was held for the purpose of terminating all differences ; but the 
 meeting broke up without any adjustment ; Macgregor then proceeded 
 
234 HISTORY OF THE HIGHLANDS. 
 
 homewards. The laird of Luss, in pursuance of his plan, immediately fol- 
 lowed Macgregor with great haste through Glenfreon, in the expecta- 
 tion of coming upon him unawares, and defeating him ; but Macgregor, 
 who was on the alert, observed, in due time, the approach of his pur- 
 suers, and made his dispositions accordingly. He divided his company 
 into two parts, the largest of which he kept under his own command, 
 and placed the other part under the command of John Macgregor, 
 his brother, whom he dispatched by a circuitous route, for the purpose 
 of attacking Luss's party in the rear, when they should least expect to 
 be assailed. This stratagem succeeded, and the result was, that after a 
 keen contest, Luss's party was completely overthrown, with the loss of 
 two hundred men, besides several gentlemen and burgesses of the town 
 of Dumbarton. It is rP7narkable that of the Macgregors, John, the 
 brother of Alexander, and another person alone, were killed, though 
 some of the party were wounded. 
 
 The laird of Luss and his friends sent early notice of their disaster 
 to the king, and they succeeded so effectually by misrepresenting the 
 whole affair to him, and exhibiting to his majesty eleven score bloody 
 shirts belonging to those of their party who were slain, that the king 
 grew exceedingly incensed at the Clan-Gregor, who had no per- 
 son about the king to plead their cause, proclaimed them rebels, 
 and interdicted all the lieges from harbouring or having any communi- 
 cation with them. The earl of Argyle with the Campbells were after- 
 wards sent against the proscribed clan, who hunted them through the 
 country. About sixty of the clan made a brave stand at Bentoik against 
 a party of two hundred chosen men belonging to the Clan-Cameron, 
 Clan-Nab, and Clan-Ronald, under the command of Robert Campbell, 
 son of the laird of Glenorchy, when Duncan Aberigh, one of the chief- 
 tains of the Clan-Gregor, and his son Duncan, and seven gentlemen of 
 Campbell's party were killed. But although they made a brave resist- 
 ance, and killed many of their pursuers, the Macgregors, after many 
 skirmishes and great losses, were at last overcome. Commissions were 
 thereafter sent through the kingdom, for fining those who had harboured 
 any of the Clan, and for punishing all persons who had kept up any 
 communication with them, and the fines so levied were given by the 
 king to the earl of Argyle, who converted the same to his own use as a 
 recompense for his services against the unfortunate Macgregors. 
 
 Alexander Macgregor, the chief, after suffering many vicissitudes of 
 fortune, and many privations, at last surrendered himself to the earl of 
 Argyle, on condition that he should grant him a safe conduct into Eng- 
 land to king James, that he might lay before his majesty a true state of 
 the whole affair from the commencement, and crave the royal mercy ; 
 and as a security for his return to Scotland, he delivered up to Argyle 
 thirty of his choicest men, and of the best reputation among the clan 
 as hostages to remain in Ai'gyle in custody, till his return from Eng- 
 land. But no sooner had Macgregor arrived in Berwick on his way to 
 
EXPEDITION AGAINST THE LAIRD OF GLENGARRY. 235 
 
 London, than he was basely arrested, and brought back by the earl to 
 Edinburgh, and, by his influence, executed along with the thirty host- 
 ages. Argyle hoped, by these means, ultimately to annihilate the whole 
 clan ; but in this cruel design he was quite disappointed, for the clan 
 speedily increased, and became almost as powerful as before.* 
 
 While the Highland borders were thus disturbed by the warfare be- 
 tween the Macgrcgors and the Colquhouns, a commotion happened in the 
 interior of the Highlands, in consequence of a quarrel between the Clan- 
 Kenzie and the laird of Glengarry, who, according to Sir Robert Gordon, 
 was " unexpert and unskilfuU in the lawes of the realme." From his want 
 of knowledge of the law, the Clan-Kenzie are said by the same writer 
 to have " easalie intrapped him within the comjjas thereof," certainly by 
 no means a difficult matter in those lawless times ; and having thus made 
 him commit himself, they procured a warrant for citing him to appear 
 before the justiciary court at Edinburgh, which they took good care 
 should not be served upon him personally. Either not knowing of 
 these legal proceedings, or neglecting the summons. Glengarry did not 
 appear at Edinburgh on the day appointed, but went about revenging 
 the slaughter of two of his kinsmen, whom the Clan-Kenzie had killed 
 after the summons for Glengarry's appearance had been issued. The 
 consequence was that Glengarry and some of his followers were outlawed. 
 Through the interest of the earl of Dunfermline, lord chancellor of 
 Scotland, Kenneth Mackenzie, afterwards created Lord Kintail, ob- 
 tain a commission against Glengarry and his people, which occasioned 
 great slaughter and trouble. Being assisted by many followers from the 
 neighbouring country, Mackenzie, by virtue of his commission, in- 
 vaded Glengarry's territories, which he wasted and destroyed with fire 
 and sword without control. On his return, Mackenzie besieged the 
 castle of Strome, which ultimately surrendered to him. To assist Mac- 
 kenzie in this expedition, the earl of Suthei'land, in token of the ancient 
 friendship which had subsisted between his family and the Mackenzies, 
 sent two hundred and forty well equipped and able men, under the com- 
 mand of John Gordon of Embo. Mackenzie again returned into 
 Glengarry, where he had a skirmish with a party commanded by Glen- 
 garry's eldest son, in which the latter and sixty of his followers were 
 killed. The Mackenzies also suffered some loss on this occasion. At 
 last, afler much trouble and bloodshed on both sides, an agreement was 
 entered into, by which Glengarry renounced in favour of Kemieth Mac- 
 kenzie, the castle of Strome and the adjacent lands.* 
 
 In the year sixteen hundred and five, the peace of the northern High- 
 lands was about being disturbed by one of those atrocious occurrences, 
 so common at that time. The chief of the Mackays had a servant 
 named Alastair-Mac-Uilleam-Mhoir. This man having some business to 
 transact in Caithness, went there without the least apprehension of dan- 
 
 • Sir 11. Gordon, p. 21?. f Ibiil. p. 21-S. 
 
236 HISTORY OF THE HIGHLANDS. 
 
 ger, as the earls of Sutherland and Caithness liad settled all their differ- 
 ences. No sooner, however, did the latter hear of Mac-Uilleam-Mhoir's 
 arrival in Caithness, than he sent Henry Sinclair, his bastard brother, 
 with a party of men to kill him. Mac-Uilleam-Mhoir, being a bold and 
 resolute man, was not openly attacked by Sinclair; but on entering 
 the house where Mac-Uilleam-Mhoir had taken up his residence, he 
 and his pai'ty pretended that they had come on a friendly visit to him 
 to enjoy themselves in his company. Not suspecting their hostile inten- 
 tions, he invited them to sit down and drink with him ; but scarcely had 
 they taken their seats when they seized Mac-Uilleam-Mhoir, and carried 
 him off prisoner to the earl of Caithness, who caused him to be beheaded, 
 in his own presence, the following daj^ The fidelity of this unfortunate 
 man to Mackay, his master, during the disputes between the earls of 
 Sutherland and Caithness, was the cause for which he suffered. Mac- 
 kay, resolved upon getting the earl punished, entered a legal prosecution 
 against him at Edinburgh, but by the mediation of the marquis of 
 Huntly the suit was quashed.* 
 
 In July, sixteen hundred and five, a murder was committed in Strath- 
 naver, by Robert Gray of Hopsdale or Ospisdell, upon the body of 
 Angus-Mac-Kenneth-Mac-Alister, one of the Siol-Mhurchaidh-Rhai- 
 bhaich, under the following circumstances. John Gray of Skibo held the 
 lands of Ardinsh under John, the fifth of that name, earl of Sutherland, 
 as superior, which lands the grandfather of Angus Mac-Kenneth had in 
 possession from John Mackay, son of Y-Roy-Mackay, who, before the 
 time of this earl John, possessed some lands in Breachat. When John 
 Gray obtained the grant of Ardinsh from John the fifth, he allowed 
 Kenneth Mac-Alister, the father of Angus Mac-Kenneth, to retain 
 possession thereof, which he continued to do till about the year fifteen 
 hundred and seventy-three. About this period a variance arose 
 between John Gray and Hugh Murray of Aberscors, in consequence of 
 some law-suits which they carried on against one another; but they 
 were reconciled by Alexander, earl of Sutherland, who became bound 
 to pay a sum of money to John Gray, for Hugh Murray, who was in 
 the meantime to get possession of the lands of Ardinsh in security. As 
 John Gray still retained the property and kept Kenneth Mac-Alister 
 in the possession thereof at the old rent, the Murrays took umbrage 
 at him, and prevailed upon the earl of Sutherland to grant a conveyance 
 of the wadset or mortgage over Ardinsh in favour of Angus Murray, 
 formerly bailie of Dornoch. In the meantime, Kenneth Mac-Alister 
 died, leaving his son, Angus Mac-Kenneth, in possession. Angus Mur- 
 ray having acquired the mortgage, now endeavoured to raise the rent of 
 Ardinsh, but Angus Mac-Kenneth refusing to pay more than his father 
 had paid, was dispossessed, and the lands were let to William Mac-Iain- 
 Mac-Kenneth, cousin of Angus Mac-Kenneth. This proceeding so exas- 
 
 * Sir R. Gordon, p. 5i53. 
 
CONFLICT IN DORNOCH. 237 
 
 perated Angus that he murdered his cousin William Mackenneth, his 
 wife, and two sons, under cloud of night, and so determined was he that 
 no other person should possess the lands but himself, that he killed no 
 less than nine other persons, who had successively endeavoured to occupy 
 them. No more tenants being disposed to occupy Ardinsh at the 
 risk of their lives, and Angus Murray getting wearied of his possession, 
 resigned his right to Gilbert Gray of Skibo on the death of John Gray, 
 his father. Gilbert, thereafter, conveyed the property to Robert Gray of 
 Ospisdell, his second son ; but Robert, being disinclined to allow Angus 
 Mackenneth, who had again obtained possession, to continue tenant, he 
 dispossessed him and let the land to one Finlay Logan, but this new 
 tenant was murdered by Mackenneth in the year sixteen hundred and 
 four. Mackenneth then fled into Strathnaver with a party composed 
 of persons of desperate and reckless passions like himself, with the in- 
 tention of annoying Robert Gray by their incursions. Gray having as- 
 certained that they were in the parish of Creich, he immediately at- 
 tacked them and killed Murdo Mackenneth, the brother of Angus, 
 who made a narrow escape, and again retired into Strathnaver. He 
 again returned into Sutherland on the first of May sixteen hundred and 
 five, and, in the absence of Robert Gray, burnt his stable with some of 
 his cattle at Ospisdell. Gray then obtained a warrant against Mac- 
 kenneth, and having procured the assistance of a body of men from 
 John, earl of Sutherland, he entered Strathnaver and attacked Mac- 
 kenneth at the Cruffs of Hoip and slew him.* 
 
 The earl of Caithness, disliking the unquiet state in which he had for 
 some time been forced to remain, made another attempt in the month of 
 July, sixteen hundred and seven, to hunt in Bengrime, without asking 
 permission from the earl of Sutherland; but he was prevented from ac- 
 complishing his purpose by the sudden appearance in Strathully, of the 
 earl of Sutherland, attended by his friend Mackay, and a considerable 
 body of their countrymen. Almost the whole of the inhabitants of 
 Dornoch turned out on this occasion, and went to Strathully. During 
 their absence a quarrel ensued in the town between one John Macphaill, 
 and three brothers of the name of Pope, in which one of the latter was 
 killed ; the circumstances leading to and attending which were these. 
 In the year fifteen hundred and eighty-five, William Pope, a native of 
 Ross, settled in Sutherland, and, being a man of good education, was 
 appointed schoolmaster in Dornoch, and afterwards became its resident 
 minister. He also received another clerical ajjpointment in Caithness, , 
 by means of which, and of his other living, he became, in course of time, 
 wealthy. This good success induced two younger brothers, Charles 
 and Thomas, to leave their native country and settle in Sutherland. 
 Thomas was soon made chancellor of Caithness, and minister of Rogart. 
 Charles became a notary public and a messenger-at-arms, and having 
 
 * Sir R. Gordon, p. 254. 
 
238 HISTORY OF THE HIGHLANDS. 
 
 by his good conduct and agreeable conversation ingratiated himself with 
 the earl of Sutherland, he was appointed to the office of sherifF-clerk of 
 Sutherland. Charles and Thomas, being, like their brother, of very 
 provident dispositions, soon acquired considerable wealth, which they 
 laid out, in conjunction with their brother William, in the purchase of 
 houses in the town of Dornoch, where they chiefly resided. Having 
 acquired a very considerable property in this way, many of the inhabi- 
 tants of the town envied their acquisitions, and took every occasion to 
 insult them as intruders, who had a design, as they supposed, to drive 
 the ancient inhabitants of the place from their possessions. On the oc- 
 casion in question, William and Thomas Pope, along with other minis- 
 ters, had held a meeting at Dornoch on church affairs, on dissolving 
 which, they went to breakfast at an inn. While at breakfast, John 
 Macphaill entered the house, and demanded some liquor from the mis- 
 tress of the inn, but she refused to give him any, as she knew him to 
 be a troublesome and quarrelsome person. Macphaill, irritated at the 
 refusal, spoke harshly to the woman, and the ministers having made 
 some excuse for her, Macphaill vented his abuse upon them. Being 
 threatened by Thomas Pope, for his insolence, he pushed an arrow with 
 a barbed head, which he held in his hand, into one of Pope's arms. The 
 parties then separated, but the two Popes being observed walking in 
 the churchyard, in the evening, with their swords girt about them, by 
 Macphaill, who looked upon their so arming themselves as a threat, he 
 immediately made the circumstance known to Houcheon Macphaill, his 
 nephew, and one William Murray, all of whom entered the churchyard 
 and assailed the two brothers with the most vituperative abuse. Charles 
 Pope, who had been absent from town the whole day, learning, on his 
 return, the danger his brothers were in, immediatelj'^ hastened to the 
 spot, where he found the two parties engaged. Charles attacked Murray, 
 whom he wounded in the face, whereupon Murray instantly killed 
 him. William and Thomas were grievously wounded by Macphaill and 
 his nephew, and left for dead, but they ultimately recovered. As there 
 were at that time no persons in the town friendly to the Popes, almost 
 the whole population having gone to StrathuUy, the murderers escaped. 
 Macphaill and his nephew fled to Holland, where they ended their days. 
 After this occurrence, the surviving brothers left Sutherland and went 
 back into their own countrj\ 
 
 By the mediation of the marquis of Huntly, the earls of Caithness 
 and Sutherland again met at Elgin with their mutual friends, and once 
 more adjusted their differences. On this occasion, the earl of Suther- 
 land was accompanied by large parties of the Gordons, the Erasers, the 
 Dunbars, the Clan-Kenzie, the Monroes, the Clan-Chattan, and other 
 friends, which so displeased the earl of Caithness, who was grieved to 
 see his rival so honourably attended, that he could never afterwards be 
 induced to meet again with the earl of Sutherland or any of his family. 
 
 In the following year, viz. sixteen hundred and eight, the earl of 
 
DISCORD \MONG TTIE DUNIJAILS. 239 
 
 Caithness embroiled himself with the notorious Patrick Stewart, carl of 
 Orkney. Some servants of the latter being forced, by stress of wea- 
 ther, to land in Caithness, the earl of Caithness apprehended them, and, 
 after forcing them to swallow a quantity of spirits, which completely in- 
 toxicated them, he ordered one side of their heads and beards to be 
 shaved, which being done, he compelled them to go to sea, although 
 the storm had not abated. Having with some difficulty reached Ork- 
 ney, they laid their case before their master, who immediately com- 
 plained to the king and council. His majesty directed his council to 
 take steps for bringing the case to triaJ ; but the two earls having arrived 
 in Edinburgh for the purpose of mutual recrimination, they were in- 
 duced, by their friends, to adjust their private quarrels between them- 
 selves, a proposal to which they wisely acceded, for assuredly neitlier 
 could gain by a contrary proceeding, and both might, by exposing one 
 another's crimes, have suffered greatly. 
 
 During the year last mentioned, a quarrel occurred in Sutherland 
 between Iver Mac-Donald-Mac- Alister, one of the Siol Thomais, and 
 Alexander Murray in Auchindough. Iver, and his eldest son, John, 
 meeting one day with Alexander Murray, and his son Thomas, an al- 
 tercation took place on some questions in dispute. From words they 
 proceeded to blows, and the result was, that John, the son of Iver, and 
 Alexander Murray, were killed. Iver then fled into Strathnaver, whi- 
 ther he was followed by Thomas Murray, accompanied by a party of 
 twenty-four men, to revenge the death of his father. Iver, however, 
 avoided them, and having assembled some friends, he attacked Murray, 
 unawares, at the hill of Binchlibrig, and compelled him to flee, after 
 taking five of his men prisoners, whom he released after a captivity of 
 five days. As the chief of the Mackays protected Iver, George Murray 
 of Pulrossie took up the quarrel, and annoyed Iver and his party; but 
 the matter was compromised by Mackay, who paid a sum of money to 
 Pulrossie and Thomas Murray, as a reparation for divers losses they 
 had sustained at Iver's hands during his outlawry. This compromise 
 was the more readily entered into by Pulrossie, as the earl of Suther- 
 land was rather favourable to Iver, and was by no means displeased at 
 him for the injuries he did to Pulrossie, who had not acted dutifully to- 
 wards him. Besides having lost his own son in the quarrel, who was 
 killed by Thomas Murray, Iver was unjustly dealt with in being made 
 the sole object of persecution.* 
 
 A civil dissension occurred about this time in Moray, among the 
 Dunbars, which nearly proved fatal to that family. To understand 
 the origin of this dispute, it is necessary to state the circumstances 
 which led to it, and to go back to the period when Patrick Dunbar, 
 sheriff of Moray, and tutor and uncle of Alexander Dunbar of West- 
 field, was killed, along with tlie earl of Moray at Dunibristle. Alexan- 
 
 • Sir R. Gordon, p. 250. 
 I. 2 H 
 
840 HISTORY OF THE HIGHLANDS. 
 
 tier Diuibar did not enjoy his inlieritance long, having died at Dun- 
 keld, shortly after the death of his uncle, under circumstances which led 
 to a suspicion that he had been poisoned. As he died without issue he 
 was succeeded by Alexander Dunbar, son of Patrick, slain at Duni- 
 bristle, by a sister of Robert Dunbar of Burgy. This Alexander was a 
 young man of great promise, and was directed in all his proceedings by 
 liis uncle Robert Dunbar of Burgy. Patrick Dunbar of Blery and 
 Kilbuyack and his family, imagining that Robert Dunbar, to whom they 
 bore a grudge, was giving advice to his nephew, to their prejudice, con- 
 ceived a deadly enmity at botli, and seized every occasion to an- 
 noy the sheriff of Moray and his uncle. An accidental meeting having 
 taken place between Robert Dunbar, brother of Alexander, and William 
 Dunbar, son of Blery, high words were exchanged, and a scuffle en- 
 sued, in which William Dunbar received considerable injury in his per- 
 son. Patrick Dunbar and his sons were so incensed at this occurrence, 
 that they took up arms and attacked their chief, Alexander Dunbar, 
 sheriff of Moray, in the town of Forres, where he was shot dead by 
 Robert Dunbar, son of Blery. John Dunbar, sheriff of Moray, who 
 succeeded his brother Alexander, and his brother Robert Dunbar of 
 Burgy, endeavoured to bring the murderers of his brother to justice ; but 
 they failed in consequence of Alexander Dunbar being, at the time of his 
 death, a rebel to the king, having been denounced at the horn for a civil 
 cause. The absurdity of a man being declared an outlaw whom any per- 
 son might slay with impunity, merely because he had not fulfilled a civil 
 contract, became now so apparent, that the king procured an act to be 
 passed in the ensuing parliament declaring that any man who killed 
 one of the king's subjects should be liable to the penalties of the law, 
 unless the person killed should at the time of his death have stood de- 
 nounced for a criminal cause. But although John Dunbar and his bro- 
 ther did not succeed in their prosecution, Blery was obliged to pay a 
 sum of money to John Dunbar in satisfaction of his brother's slaughter, 
 and he was compelled to remit his claim upon Robert Dunbar for the 
 bodily injury which his son had received. Robert Dunbar, son of Blery, 
 consented to go into voluntary banishment into Ireland ; and thus this 
 deadly feud was stayed, and a sort of reconciliation effected by the 
 friendly mediation of the earl of Dunfermline, then lord chancellor of 
 Scotland, who fixed the terms of the aiTangement above-mentioned.* 
 
 In the year sixteen hundred and ten the earl of Caithness and Hou- 
 cheon Mackay, chief of the Mackays, had a difference in consequence 
 of the protection given by the latter to a gentleman named John Su- 
 therland, the son of Mackay 's sister. Sutherland lived in Berridale un- 
 der the earl of Caithness, but he was so molested by the earl that he lost 
 all patience, and went about avenging the injuries he had sustained. 
 The earl, therefore, cited him to appear at Edinburgh to answer to cer- 
 
 • Sir R. Gordon, p, 261. 
 
COMMOTIONS IN THE LEWIS. 241 
 
 tain charges made against him ; but not obeying the summons, he was 
 denounced and proclaimed a rebel to the icing. Reduced, in consequence, 
 to great extremities, and seeing no remedy by which he could retrieve 
 himself, he became an outlaw, wasted and destroyed the earl's country, 
 and carried off herds of cattle, which he transported into Strathnaver, 
 the country of his kinsman. The earl thereupon sent a party of the 
 Siol-Mhic-Imheair to attack him, and, after a long search, they found 
 him encamped near the water of Shin in Sutherland. He, however, was 
 aware of their approach before they perceived him, and, taking advan- 
 tage of this circumstance, he attacked them in the act of crossing said 
 water before they were acquainted with his movements. They were 
 in consequence defeated and pursued, leaving several of their party dead 
 on the field. 
 
 This disaster exasperated the earl, who resolved to prosecute Mackay 
 and his son, Donald Mackay, for giving succour and protection within 
 their country to John Sutherland, an outlaw. Accordingly, he served 
 both of them with a notice to appear before the privy council to answer 
 to the charges he had preferred against them. Mackay at once obeyed 
 the summons, and went to Edinburgh, where he met Sir Robert Gor- 
 don, who had come from England for the express purpose of assisting 
 Mackay on the present occasion. The earl, who had grown tired of the 
 troubles which John Sutherland had occasioned in his country, was 
 induced, by the entreaties of fi-iends, to settle matters on the follow- 
 ing conditions : — that he should forgive John Sutherland all past injuries, 
 and restore him to his former possessions ; that John Sutherland and his 
 brother Donald should be delivered, the one after the other, into the 
 hands of the earl to be kept prisoners for a certain time; and that Donald 
 Mac-Thomais-Mhoir, one of the Sliochd-Iain-Abaraich, and a follower 
 of John Sutherland, in his depredations, should be also delivered up to 
 the earl to be dealt with as to him should seem meet, all of which sti- 
 pulations were complied with. The earl hanged Donald Mac-Thomais 
 as soon as he was delivered up. John Sutherland was kept a prisoner 
 at Girnigo about twelve months, during which time Donald Mackay 
 made several visits to Earl George, for the purpose of getting John Su- 
 therland released, in which he at last succeeded ; besides procuring a 
 discharge to Donald Sutherland, who, in his turn, should have surren- 
 dered himself as prisoner on the release of his brother John; but upon 
 the condition that he and his father Houcheon Mackay should pass the 
 next following Christmas with the earl at Girnigo. Mackay and his 
 brother William, accordingly, spent their Christmas at Girnigo, but 
 Donald Mackay was prevented by business from attending. The de- 
 sign of the earl of Caithness in thus favouring Mackay, was to separate 
 him from the interests of the earl of Sutherland, but he was unsuccess- 
 ful. 
 
 Some years before the events we have just related, a com- 
 motion took place in tiie Lewis, occasioned by the pretensions of 
 
242 HISTORY OF THE HIGHLANDS. 
 
 Torcuill Connaldagh of the Cogigh to the possessions of Roderick 
 Macleod of the Lewis his reputed father. Roderick had first 
 married Barbara Stuart, daughter of Lord Methven, by whom he 
 had a son named Torcuill-Ire, who, on arriving at manhood, gave 
 proofs of a warlike disposition. Upon the death of Barbara Stuart, 
 Macleod married a daughter of Mackenzie, lord of Kintail, whom he 
 afterwards divorced for adultery with the Breive of the Lewis, a sort 
 of judge among the islanders, to whose authority they submitted them- 
 selves when he determined any debateable point between them. Macleod 
 next married a daughter of Maclean, by whom he had two sons, 
 Torcuill Dubh and Tormaid. 
 
 In sailing from the Lewis to Skye, Torcuill-Ire, eldest son of Mac- 
 leod, and two hundred men, perislzed in a great tempest. Torquill Con- 
 naldagh, above mentioned, was the fruit of the adulterous connexion be- 
 tween Macleod's second wife and the Breive, at least Macleod would 
 never acknowledge him as his son. This Torcuill being now of age, 
 and having married a sister of Glengarry, he took up arms against 
 IMacleod, his reputed father, to vindicate his supposed rights as Mac- 
 leod's son, being assisted by Tormaid, Ougigh, and Murthow, three of 
 the bastard sons of Macleod. The old man was apprehended and 
 detained four years in captivity, when he was released on the condition 
 that he should acknowledge Torcuill Connaldagh as his lawful son. 
 Tormaid Ougigh having been slain by Donald Macleod, his brother, an- 
 other natural son of old Macleod, Torcuill Connaldagh, assisted by 
 Murthow Macleod, his reputed bastard brother, took Donald prisoner 
 and carried him to Cogigh, but he escaped from thence and fled to 
 his father in the Lewis, who was highly offended at Torcuill for 
 seizing his son Donald. Macleod then caused Donald to apprehend 
 Murthow, and having delivered him to his father, he was imprisoned 
 by him in the castle of Stornoway. As soon as Torcuill heard of this 
 occurrence, he went to Stornoway and attacked the fort, which he took, 
 after a short siege, and released Murthow. He then apprehended Ro- 
 derick Macleod, killed a number of his men, and carried off all the 
 charters and other title-deeds of the Lewis, which he gave in cus- 
 tod}"^ to the Mackenzies. Torcuill had a son named John Macleod, who 
 was in the service of the marquis of Huntly ; he now sent for him, 
 and on his arrival committed the charge of the castle of Stornoway 
 to him, into which old Macleod was imprisoned. John Macleod 
 being now master of the Lewis, and acknowledged superior thereof, he 
 proceeded to expel Rorie-Og and Donald, two of Roderick Mac- 
 leod's bastard sons, from the island ; but Rorie-Og attacked him in Stor- 
 noway, and after killing him, released Roderick Macleod, his father, who 
 possessed the island in peace during the remainder of his life. Torcuill 
 Connaldagh, by the assistance of the Clan-Kenzie, got Donald Macleod 
 into his possession and executed him at Dingwall. 
 
 Upon the death of Roderick Macleod, his son Torcuill Dubh succeeded 
 
DESIGNS OF THE MACKENZIE^ UPON THE LEWIS. 243 
 
 him in the Lewis and married a sister of Sir Roderick Macleod of 
 Harris. Taking a grudge at Rorie-Og, his brother, he appreliemU^d 
 liim and sent him to Maclean to be detained by him in prison ; but 
 he escaped out of Maclean's hands, and afterwards perished in a snow 
 storm. As Torcuill Dubh excluded Torcuill Connaldagh from the suc- 
 cession of the Lewis, as a bastard, the Clan-Kenzie formed a design to 
 purchase and conquer the Lewis, which they calculated on accomplish- 
 ing from the simplicity of Torcuill Connaldagh, who had now no friend 
 to advise with, and from the dissensions which unfortunately existed 
 among the race of the Siol-Thorcuill. This scheme, moreover, received 
 the aid of a matrimonial alliance between Torcuill Connaldagh and 
 the clan, by a marriage between his eldest daughter and Rode- 
 rick Mackenzie, the lord of Kintail's brother. The clan did not 
 avow their design openly, but they advanced their enterprise under the 
 pretence of assisting Torcuill Connaldagh, who was a descendant of 
 the Kintail family, and they ultimately succeeded in destroying the fa- 
 mily of Macleod of Lewis, together with his tribe, the Siol-Thorcuili, 
 and by the ruin of that family and some neighbouring clans, this ambi- 
 tious clan became very powerful and made themselves complete masters 
 of Lewis and other places. As Torcuill Dubh was the chief obstacle 
 in their way, they formed a conspiracy against his life, preparatory to 
 which a private meeting was held, which was attended by Kenneth 
 Mackenzie, afterwards Lord Kintail, Torcuill Connaldagh, Macleod, 
 Breive of Lewis, and Murthow Macleod, the bastard brother of Tor- 
 cuill Dubh. At this meeting Kenneth Mackenzie delivered an opinion, 
 that in order to advance Torcuill Connaldagh to the possession of the 
 Lewis, it was absolutely necessary to put Torcuill Dubh out of the way, 
 a proposition which was unanimously adopted ; but a difficulty occurred 
 in getting a person willing to undertake such a barbarous task. At last 
 the Breive was persuaded by the earnest entreaties of the other three, and 
 on being promised a great reward, to agree to assassinate Torcuill Dubh, 
 after which the meeting broke up. Thereafter the Breive, accompanied 
 by the greater part of his tribe, the Clann-Mhic-Ghille-Moir, went in a 
 galley towards the isle of Rasay, and in his course fell in with a Dutch 
 ship partly laden with wine, which he compelled to follow him into the 
 Lewis. Having arrived there, he invited Torcuill Dubh and a party of 
 his people to a banquet on board the Dutch vessel; but they had scarcely 
 seated themselves, in the expectation of being regaled with wine, 
 when they were all apprehended, tied with cords and carried to the 
 country of the Clan-Kenzie, into the presence of the lord of Kintail, who 
 ordered Torcuill Dubh and his com.pany to be beheaded, which they ac- 
 cordingly were in the month of July fifteen hundred and ninety-seven. 
 At the time of their execution an earthquake happened, which struck 
 terror into the minds of the executioners. 
 
 The Mackenzies had now gained a great step in the advancement of 
 their avaricious plans, but they nevertheless hated the Breive and his 
 
244 HISTORY OF THE HIGHLANDS. 
 
 tribe for their perfidy towards their master. These, repenting of what 
 they had done, and seeing themselves detested by all men, returned into 
 Lews, and dreading an attack, strengthened themselves within a fort in 
 the island called Neisse. But they were soon driven from this strong- 
 hold by Neill Macleod, the bastard brother of Torcuill Dubhwith the 
 loss of several men. 
 
 Some of the barons and gentlemen of Fife, hearing of these distur- 
 bances in Lewis, were enticed, by the encouragement held out by persons 
 who had visited the island, and by the reputed fertility of the soil, to 
 attempt to take possession of the island. The professed object of these 
 adventurers was to civilize the inhabitants, but their real design was, by 
 means of a colony, to supplant the ancient inhabitants, and to drive them 
 from the island; but the speculation proved ruinous to many of them, 
 who, in consequence of the losses they sustained, lost their estates, and 
 were, in the end, obliged to abandon the island. In pursuance of their 
 plan, they obtained from the king, in the year fifteen hundred and ninety 
 nine, a gift of the Lewis, which was then alleged to be at his gratuitous 
 disposal. Having assembled in Fife, these adventurers collected a body 
 of soldiers and artificers of all sorts, whom they sent, along with every 
 thmg necessary for a plantation, into the Lewis, where, immediately on 
 their arrival, they began to erect houses in a convenient part of the 
 island, and soon completed a small but handsome town, in which they 
 took up their quarters. The new settlers were however much annoyed 
 in their operations by Neill and Murthow Macleod, the only sons of 
 Roderick Macleod who remained in the island. Murthow Macleod suc- 
 ceeded in apprehending the Laird of Balcolmy, and, having taken his 
 ship, killed all his men. After detaining Balcolmy six months in cap- 
 tivity, he was released upon promising a ransom ; but he died on his re- 
 turn to Fife, and Murthow in consequence was disappointed of the 
 promised sum. 
 
 In the meantime, Neill Macleod quarrelled with his brother Murthow, 
 for harbouring and maintaining the Breive, and such of his tribe as were 
 still alive, who had been the chief instruments in the murder of Torcuill 
 Dubh. Neill thereupon apprehended his brother, and some of the Clan- 
 Mhic-Ghille-Mhoir, all of whom he killed, reserving his brother only 
 alive. When the Fife speculators were informed that Neill had taken Mur- 
 thow, his brother, prisoner, they sent him a message offering to give 
 him a share of the island and to assist him in revenging the death of 
 Torcuill Dubh, provided he would deliver Murthow into their hands. 
 Neill agreed to this proposal, and having gone thereafter to Edinburgh, 
 he received a pardon from the king for all his past offences. 
 
 These proceedings frustrated for a time the designs of the Mackenzies 
 upon the island, and the lord of Kintail almost despaired of obtaining 
 possession by any means. As the new settlers now stood in his way, he 
 resolved to desist from persecuting the Siol-Torcuill, and to cross the 
 former in all their undertakings, by all the means in his power. He 
 
EXPULSION OF THE riFi: SKTTI. KltS FROM Tlir. LEWTS. 215 
 
 had for some time kept Torinaid Maclcod, the lawful brotlur of 'I'orcuill 
 Dubli, a prisonei-; but lie now released him, thinking that, upon his ap- 
 pearance in the Lewis, all the islanders would rise in his favour, and he 
 was not deceived in his expectations, for, as Sir Robert Gordon observes, 
 " all these islanders, (and lykwayes the Hielanders,) are, by nature, 
 most bent and prone to adventure themselves, their lyfFs, and all they 
 have, for their masters and lords, yea beyond all other people."* In 
 the meantime, Murthow Maclcod was carried to St Andrews, and there 
 executed. Having at his execution revealed the designs of the lord of 
 Kintail, the latter was committed by the order of the king to the castle 
 of Edinburgh, from which, however, he contrived to escape without trial, 
 by means, as is supposed, of the then Lord-Chancellor of Scotland. 
 
 On receiving pardon Neill Macleod returned into the Lewis with the 
 Fife adventurers; but he had not been long in the island when he quar- 
 relled with them on account of an injury he had received from Sir James 
 Spence of Wormistoun. He, therefore, abandoned them, and watched a 
 favourable opportunity for attacking them. They then attempted to ap- 
 prehend him by a stratagem. In the middle of a very dark night Sir 
 James Spence sent a party to apprehend Neill and Donald Dubh-Mac- 
 Rory, a gentleman of the island, who had assisted Neill against them ; 
 but Neill, contrary to Sir James's expectations, was completely on his 
 guard, and as soon as he became aware of the approach of the party, he 
 attacked them furiously, killed sixty of them, and pursued the remainder 
 till day light next morning, when they took refuge in their camp. When 
 the lord of Kintail heard of this disaster, he thought the time was now 
 suitable for him to stir, and accordingly he sent Tormaid Macleod into 
 the Lewis, as he had intended, promising him all the assistance in his 
 power if he would attack the Fife settlers. 
 
 As soon as Tormaid arrived in the island, his brother Neill, and all 
 the natives, assembled and acknowledged him as their lord and master. 
 He immediately attacked the camp of the adventurers, which he forced, 
 burnt the fort, killed the greater part of their men, took the commanders 
 prisoners, whom he released, after a captivity of eight months, on their 
 solemn promise not to return again to the island, and on their giving a 
 pledge that they should obtain a pardon from the king for Tormaid and 
 his followers for all past offences. After Tormaid had thus obtained 
 possession of the island, John Mac-Donald-Mac-Houcheon appre- 
 hended Torcuill Connaldagh, and carried him into Lewis to his brother, 
 Tormaid Macleod. Tormaid inflicted no punishment upon Connaldagh, 
 but merely required from him delivery of the title deeds of the Lewis, 
 and the other papers which he had carried off when he apprehended his 
 father Roderick Macleod. Connaldagh informed him that he had it not in 
 his power to give them up, as he had delivered them to the Clan-Kenzie, 
 in whose possession they still were. Knowing this to be the fact, Tormaid 
 
 • IlisU J). 271. 
 
246 HISTORY OF THE HIGHLANDS. 
 
 released. Torcuill Connaldagh, and allowed him to leave the island con- 
 trary to the advice of all his followers and friends, who were for inflict- 
 ing the punishment of death upon Torcuill, as he had been the occasion 
 of all the miseries and troubles which had befallen them. 
 
 The Breive of Lewis soon met with a just punishment for the crime 
 he had committed in betraying and murdering his master, Torcuill 
 Dubh Macleod. The Breive and some of his relations had taken refuge 
 in the country of Assint. John Mac-Donald-Mac-Houcheon, accom- 
 panied by four persons, having accidentally entered the house where 
 the Breive and six of his kindred lodged, found themselves unexpected- 
 ly in the same room with them. Being of opposite factions, the conse- 
 quence was that a battle immediately ensued, in the course of which the 
 Breive and his party fled out of the house, but they were pursued by John 
 and his men, and the Breive and five of his friends killed. To revenge 
 the death of the Breive, Gille-Calum-Mhoir-Mac-Iain, who became chief 
 of the Clan-Mhic-Ghille-Mhoir after the death of the Breive, searched 
 for John Mac-Donald-Mac-Houcheon to kill him. Meeting one day by 
 chance, in the Cogigh, Gille-Calum-Mhoir was defeated by John, the 
 greater part of his men killed, and he himself was taken prisoner, and 
 being carried into the Lewis to Tormaid Macleod, was there beheaded. 
 
 Although the Fife settlers had engaged not to return again into the 
 Lewis, they nevertheless made preparations for invading it, having ob- 
 tained the king's commission against Tormaid Macleod and his tribe, the 
 Siol-Thorcuill. They were aided in this expedition by forces from all 
 the neighbouring countries. The earl of Sutherland, in particular, sent 
 a party of men under the command of William Mac-Mhic-Sheumais, chief 
 of the Clan-Gun in Sutherland, to assist the gentlemen of Fife in sub- 
 duing Tormaid Macleod. As soon as they had effected a landing in the 
 island with all their forces, they sent a message to Macleod, acquainting 
 him that if he would surrender himself to them, in name of the king, 
 they would transport him safely to London where his majesty then was; 
 and that, upon his arrival there, they would not only obtain his pardon, 
 but also allow him to deal with the king in behalf of his friends, and for 
 the means of supporting himself. Macleod, afraid to risk his fortune 
 against the numerous forces brought against him, agreed to the terms 
 proposed, contrary to the advice of his brother Neill, who refused to 
 yield. Tormaid was thereupon sent to London, where he took care to 
 make the king to be rightly informed of all the circumstances of his 
 case ; he showed his majesty that the Lewis was his just inheritance, 
 and that his majesty had been deceived by the Fife adventurers in making 
 him believe that the island was at his disposal, which act of deception 
 had occasioned much trouble and a great loss of blood. He concluded 
 by imploring his majesty lo do him justice, by restoring him to his 
 rights. Understanding that Macleod's representations were favourably 
 received by his majesty, the adventurers used all their influence at 
 court to thwart him ; and as some of them were the king's own domestic 
 
THE MACKENZIES OBTAIN THE LEWIS. 247 
 
 servants, they at last succeeded so fai' as to get him to be sent home 
 to Scotland a prisoner. He remained a captive at Edinburgh till the 
 month of Mai-ch, sixteen hundred and fifteen, when the king granted 
 him permission to pass into Holland, to Maurice, Prince of Orange, 
 where he ended his days. The settlers soon grew wearied of their new 
 possession. Some of them had spent their all in the undertaking, and 
 had no longer the means to supply the wants of the colony; some liad 
 died ; othei's had business elsewhere to attend to ; and as all of them Iiad 
 declined in their circumstances in this luckless speculation, and as they 
 were continually annoyed by Neill Macleod, they finally abandoned the 
 island, and returned to Fife to bewail their loss. 
 
 The death of Tormaid Macleod, and the abandonment of the island by 
 the Fife settlers, were fortunate circumstances for Lord Kintail, who, no 
 longer disguising his intentions, obtained, through the means of the 
 Lord Chancellor, a gift of the Lewis, under the great seal, for his own 
 use, in virtue of the old right which Torquill Connaldagh had long be- 
 fore resigned in his favour. Some of the adventurers having complain- 
 ed to the king of this proceeding, his Majesty became highly displeased 
 at the lord of Kintail, and made him resign his right into his Majesty's 
 hands by means of Lord Balmerino, then secretary of Scotland, and Lord 
 President of the session ; which right his Majesty now vested in the 
 persons of Lord Balmerino, Sir George Hay, afterwards chancellor of 
 Scotland, and Sir James Spence of Wormistoun, who undertook the 
 colonization of the Lewis. Sir George Hay and Sir James Spence ac- 
 cordingly made great j^reparations for accomplishing their purpose ; 
 and, being assisted by most of the neighbouring countries, invaded the 
 Lewis for the double object of planting a colony, and of subduing and 
 apprehending Neill Macleod, who now alone defended the island. 
 
 On this occasion Lord Kintail played a deep and deceitful part, for 
 while he sent Roderick Mackenzie, his brother, with a party of men 
 openly to assist the new colonists who acted under the king's commis- 
 sion, promising them at the same time his friendship, and sending them a 
 vessel from Ross with a supply of provisions ; he privately sent notice 
 to Neill Macleod to intercept the vessel on her way ; so that the set- 
 tlers being disappointed in the provisions to which they trusted, might 
 abandon the island for want. The case turned out exactly as Lord Kin- 
 tail anticipated, for the vessel being taken by Neill Macleod, and Sir 
 George Hay and Sir James Spence having failed in apprehending Neill, 
 and having no provisions for the supjDort of their army, they abandoned 
 the island, leaving a party of men behind to keep the fort, and disbanded 
 their forces. Sir George Hay and Sir James Spence, on their return 
 into Fife, intended to have sent a fresh supply of men, with provisions, 
 into the island ; but Neill Macleod having, with the assistance of his 
 nephew, Malcolm Macleod, son of Roderick Og, the some others of 
 the Lewis men, burnt the fort, and apprehended the men who were left 
 behind in the island, from whence he sent them safely into Fife, they 
 
248 HISTORY OF THE HIGHLANDS. 
 
 abandoned every idea of again taking possession of tlie island ; and, 
 along with their co-pi'oprietor, sold their right to Lord Kintail for a sum 
 of money, M'ho thus at length obtained what he had so long and anxiously 
 desired. 
 
 Lord Kintail lost no time in taking possession of the island, and all 
 the inhabitants, shortly after his landing, wdth the exception of Neiil 
 Macleod and a few others, submitted to him. Neill, along with his 
 nephews, Malcolm, William, and Roderick, the three sons of Roder- 
 ick Og, the four sons of Torcuill Blair, and thirty others, retired to 
 an impregnable rock in the sea called Berrissay, into which Neill 
 had been accustomed, for some years, to send provisions and other 
 necessarj^ articles to serve him, in case of necessity. Neill lived on 
 this rock for three years, during which period Lord Kintail died, 
 which occurrence took place in the year sixteen hundred and 
 eleven. In the following year, Neill and his company left Berrissay, 
 and landed on the LcAvis for the purpose of refreshing themselves upon 
 the land, when they were attacked by some of the Clan-Kenzie, and 
 part of the inhabitants ; but they all escaped, and again took refuge on 
 the rock of Berrissay. As Macleod could not be attacked in his im- 
 pregnable position, and as the nearness of his presence was a source of 
 annoyance, the Clan-Kenzie fell on the following expedient to get quit 
 of him. They gathered together the wives and children of those that 
 were in Berrissay, and also all persons in the island related to them 
 by consanguinit}'^ or affinity, and having placed them on a rock in 
 the sea, so near Berrissay that they could be heard and seen by 
 Neill and his party, the Clan-Kenzie vowed that they would suffer the 
 sea to overwhelm them, on the return of the flood-tide, if Neill did not 
 instantly surrender the fort. This appalling spectacle had such an ef- 
 fect upon Macleod and his companions, that they immediately yielded 
 up the rock, and left the Lewis. 
 
 Neill Macleod then retii-ed into Harris, where he remained concealed 
 for a time ; but not being able to avoid discovery any longer, he gave 
 himself up to Sir Roderick Macleod of Harris, and entreated him to 
 carry him into England to the king, a request with which Sir Roderick 
 promised to comply. In proceeding on his journey, however, along 
 with Macleod, he was charged at Glasgow, under pain of treason, to 
 deliver up Neill Macleod to the privy council. Sir Roderick obeyed 
 the charge, and Neill, with his eldest son Donald, were presented to 
 the privy council at Edinburgh, where Neill was executed in April, six- 
 teen hundred and thirteen. His son, Donald, was banished from the 
 kingdom of Scotland, and immediately went to England, where he re- 
 mained three years with Sir Robert Gordon, tutor of Sutherland, and 
 from England he afterwards went to Holland, where he died. 
 
 While Neill Macleod was on the rock of Berrissay, Peter Love, an 
 English pirate, arrived in the Lewis with a ship laden with a valuable 
 cargo which he had taken. The pirate and Neill being both outlaws. 
 
KATAL A 1 FRAY IN RASAY. 249 
 
 became very friendly and familiar, and thoy even proposed, by unitin" 
 their forces, to make themselves masters of Lewis both by sea and 
 land. But after the pirate had remained some time in the island, he 
 and all his men were taken prisoners by Torcuill Blair and his sons, and 
 were sent, along with the ship, by Neili Macleod to Edinburgh to the 
 l)rivy council, by doing which he hoped not only to obtain his own 
 pardon, but also the release of his brother, Tormaid Macleod, from 
 prison. He was, however, disappointed in this expectation. The pirate 
 and his crew were hanged at Leith. 
 
 After the death of Neill Macleod, Roderick and William, the sons 
 of Roderick Og, were apprehended by Roderick Mackenzie, tutor of 
 Kintail, and executed. Malcolm Macleod, his third son, who was kept 
 a prisoner by Roderick Mackenzie, escaped, and having associated 
 himself with the Clandonald in Islay and Kintyre during their quarrel 
 with the Campbells in sixteen hundred and fifteen and sixteen, he an- 
 noyed the Clan-Kenzie with frequent incursions. Malcolm, thereafter, 
 went to Flanders and Spain, where he remained with Sir James Mac- 
 donald. Before going to Spain, he returned from Flanders into the 
 Lewis, in sixteen hundred and sixteen, where he killed two gentlemen 
 of the Clan-Kenzie.* 
 
 The foregoing is a brief sketch of the history of the decay of the 
 family of Macleod of the Lewis and of his tribe, and the causes which 
 led to it; a just punishment for the cruelties which they exercised upon 
 one another during their intestine broils. 
 
 From the occurrences in Lewis, we now direct the attention of 
 our readers to some proceedings in the isle of Rasay, which, as usual, 
 ended in bloodshed. The quarrel lay between Gille-Calum, laird of the 
 island, and Murdo Mackenzie of Gairloch, the occasion of which was 
 this : — The lands of Gairloch originally belonged to the Clann-Mhic- 
 Ghille-Chalum, the predecessors of the laird of Rasay ; and when the 
 Mackenzies began to prosper and to rise, one of them obtained the third 
 part of these lands in mortgage or wadset from the Ciann-Mhic-Ghille- 
 Chalum. In process of time the Clan-Kenzie, by some means or other, 
 unknown to the proprietor of Gairloch, obtained a right to the whole of 
 these lands, but they did not claim possession of the whole till the death 
 of Torcuill Dubh Macleod of the Lewis, whom the laird of Rasay and 
 his tribe followed as their superior. But upon the death of Torcuill 
 Dubh, the laird of Gairloch took possession of the whole of the lands of 
 Gairloch in virtue of his pretended right, and chased the Clann-Mhic* 
 Ghille-Chalum from the lands with fire and sword. The Clan retaliated 
 in their turn by invading the laird of Gairloch, plundering his lands find 
 committing slaughters. In a skirmish which took place in the year six- 
 teen hundred and ten, in which lives were lost on both sides, the laird 
 of Gairloch apprehended John Mac-Alain-Mac-Rory, one of the princi- 
 
 * 5>ir R. Gordon, p. 276. 
 
250 HISTORY OF THE IlIGIILANDS. 
 
 pal men of the clan ; but being desirous to get hold also of John Hol- 
 moch-Mac-Rory, another of the chiefs, he sent his son Murdo the 
 following year along with Alexander Bane, the son and heir of Bane of 
 Tulloch in Ross, and some others, to search for and pursue John Holmoch ; 
 and as he understood that John Holmoch was in Skye, he hired a ship to 
 carry his son and party thither ; but instead of going to Skye, they un- 
 fortunately, from some unknown cause, landed in Rasay. 
 
 On their arrival in Rasay, Gille-Calum, laird of Rasay, with twelve of 
 his followers, went on board with the intention of purchasing some wine- 
 When Murdo Mackenzie saw them approaching, he and his party, 
 that they might not be seen, concealed themselves in the lower part 
 of the vessel, leaving the mariners only on deck. On coming on board, 
 the laird of Rasay, after some conversation with the sailors, left the 
 vessel, intending to return immediately. When Murdo Mackenzie 
 understood that Rasay and his party had gone on shore, he came upon 
 deck, and on perceiving Rasay return, he resolved to conceal himself 
 no longer. W^hen Rasay returned first from the vessel, he had desired his 
 brother, Murdo Mac-Ghille-Chalum, to accompany him to the ship with 
 another galley to carry the wine, which he said he had bought from the 
 sailors. On returning to the ship he unexpectedly found Murdo Mac- 
 kenzie on board. After consulting with his men, he resolved to take 
 Mackenzie prisoner, in security for his cousin, John Mac-Alain-Mac- 
 Rory, whom the laird of Gairloch detained in captivity. The party 
 then attempted to seize Mackenzie, but he and his party resisting, a 
 keen conflict took place on board, which continued a considerable time. 
 At last, Murdo Mackenzie, Alexander Bane, and the whole of their 
 party, with the exception of three only, were slain. These three fought 
 manfully, and succeeded in killing the laird of Rasay and the whole 
 men who accompanied him on board, and they wounded several persons 
 that remained in the two boats. Finding themselves seriously wounded, 
 they took advantage of a favourable wind which orfered, and sailed away 
 from the island, but the whole three expired on the voyage homewards. 
 The laird of Gairloch, after this event, obtained peaceable possession of 
 these lands.* 
 
 About the time this occurrence took place, the peace of the north 
 was almost again disturbed in consequence of the conduct of William 
 Mac- Angus-Roy, one of the Clan Gun, who, though born in Strath- 
 naver, had become a servant to the earl of Caithness. This man bad 
 done many injuries to the people of Caithness by command of the eai'l; 
 and the mere displeasure of Earl George at any of his people, was 
 considered by William Mac-Angus as sufficient authority for him to 
 steal and take away their goods and cattle. William got so accustomed 
 to this kind of service, that he began also to steal the cattle and horses 
 of the carl, his master, and, after collecting a large booty in this way, he 
 
 * Sir llobert Gorduii, p. 278. 
 
AI'I'REIIENSION OF WILLIAM MAC-AN(iUS. 251 
 
 took his leave. The earl was extremely enraged at his quondam ser- 
 vant for so acting ; but, as William Mac-Angus was in possession of a 
 warrant in writing under the earl's own hand, authorising him to act as 
 lie had done towards the people of Caithness, tlie earl was afraid to 
 adopt any proceedings against him, or against those who protected and 
 harboured him, before the privy council, lest he might produce the 
 warrant which he held from the earl. The confidence which the earl 
 had reposed in him served, however, still more to excite the earl's indig- 
 nation. 
 
 As William Mac-Angus continued his depredations in other quar- 
 ters, he was apprehended in the town of Tain, on a charge of cattle- 
 stealing ; but he was released by the Monroes, who gave security to 
 the magistrates of the town for his appearance when required, upon due 
 notice being given that he was wanted for trial. The Monroes granted 
 this favour out of respect to the chief of the Mackays, whose countrj'^man 
 William Mac- Angus was ; but, as a measure of precaution, they de- 
 tained Mac-Angus in the castle of Foulis until they should receive 
 Mackay's instructions how to act. Impatient of confinement, and think, 
 ing that his friends in Strathnaver were either careless about him in not 
 sending back an answer to the notice sent by the Monroes, or, consi- 
 dering his life in danger, William determined to attempt an escape by 
 jumping from the height of the tower of the castle of Fovdis, but he in- 
 jured one of his legs so much in the fall, that he could not proceed. 
 The laird of Foulis again took him into custody, and, being offended at 
 him for his attempt, he delivered him back again to the provost and 
 bailies of Tain, from whence he was sent into Caithness by Sir William 
 Sinclair of May, sheriff of Tain. The earl of Caithness thereupon put 
 him in fetters, and imprisoned him within Castle Sinclair. His con- 
 finement in Castle Sinclair was, however, of short duration ; for, disen- 
 gaging himself from his fetters, he jumped from the castle into the sea 
 which washed its walls, swam safely to the shore, and, after lurking 
 two days among the rocks and mountains in the neighbourhood, ef- 
 fected his escape into Strathnaver in the year sixteen hundred and 
 twelve. The earl of Caithness sent his son, William, Lord Berridale, 
 in pursuit of him ; and, understanding that he was in the town of Gall- 
 waill in Strathnaver, he hastened there with a party of men, but miss- 
 ing the fugitive, ho, in revenge, apprehended a servant of Mackay, 
 called Angus Henriach, without any authority from his majesty, and 
 carried him to Castle Sinclair, where he was put into fetters and closely 
 imprisoned on the pretence that he had a-ssisted William jNIac- Angus 
 in effecting his escape from Gall-waill. When this occurrence took 
 place, Donald Mackay, son of Houcheon Mackay, the chief, was at 
 Dunrobin castle, who, on hearing of the apprehension and imprison- 
 ment of his father's sei-vant, could scarcely be made to believe the fact 
 on account of the recent friendship which had been contracted between 
 his father and the carl the preceding Christmas. But being made sen- 
 
252 HISTORY OF THE HIGHLANDS. 
 
 sible thereof, and of the cruel usage which the servant had received, 
 he prevailed with his father to summon the earl and his son to answer 
 to the charge of having apprehended and imprisoned Angus Henriachj 
 a free subject of the king, without a commission. The earl was also 
 charged to present his prisoner before the privy council at Edinburgh 
 in the month of June next following, which he accordingly did ; and 
 Angus being tried before the lords and declared innocent, was delivered 
 over to Sir Robert Gordon, who then acted for Mackay.* 
 
 During the same year (1612) another event occurred in the north, 
 which created considerable uproar and discord in the northern High- 
 lands. A person of the name of Arthur Smith, who resided in Banff, 
 had counterfeited the coin of the realm, in consequence of which he, 
 and a man who had assisted him, fled from Banff into Sutherland, 
 where, being apprehended in the year fifteen hundred and ninety- nine, 
 they were sent by the countess of Sutherland to the king, who ordered 
 them to be imprisoned in Edinburgh for trial. They were both ac- 
 cordingly tried and condemned, and having confessed to crimes even 
 of a deeper dye. Smith's accomplice was burnt at the place of execu- 
 tion. Smith himself was reserved for farther trial. During his impri- 
 sonment he contrived to get possession of instruments belonging to his 
 trade, and made a lock of such ingenious device and beautiful work- 
 manship, that it could no where be matched. The lock was presented 
 to the king as a rare and curious jDiece of work, who was so pleased with 
 it that he ordered Smith's execution to be delayed. Lord Elphinston, the 
 Lord Treasurer of Scotland, regretting that such an ingenious workman 
 should be deprived of life, obtained a fresh respite for him, and after- 
 wards got him liberated from jail. Smith then went to Caithness, and 
 entered into the service of George, Earl of Caithness, in whose em- 
 ployment he continued for seven or eight years. His workshop was 
 under the rock of Castle Sinclair, in a quiet retired place called the 
 Gote, and to which there was a secret passage from the earl's bed- 
 chamber. No person was admitted to Smith's workshop but the earl ; 
 and the circumstance of his being often heard working during the night, 
 raised suspicions that some secret work was going on which could not 
 bear the light of day. The mystery was at last disclosed by an inundation 
 of counterfeit coin in Caithness, Orkney, Sutherland, and Ross, which 
 was first detected by Sir Robert Gordon, brother of the earl of Suther- 
 land when in Scotland, in the year sixteen hundred and eleven, and 
 who, on his return to England, made the king acquainted therewith. 
 His Majesty thereupon addressed a letter to the lords of the privy coun- 
 cil of Scotland, authorising them to grant a commission to Sir Robert 
 to apprehend Smith, and bring him to Edinburgh. Sir Robert returned 
 to Scotland the following year, but was so much occupied with other 
 concerns that he could not get the commission executed himself; but 
 
 • Sir R. Gordon p. 281. 
 
TUMULT IN THURSO. 253 
 
 before his departure to England, he entrusted the commission to Don- 
 ald Mackay, his nephew, and to John Gordon, younger of Embo, whose 
 name was jointly inserted in the commission along with that of Sir Ro- 
 bert. Accordingly, Mackay and Gordon, accompanied by Adam Gor- 
 don Georgeson, John Gordon in Broray, and some other Sutherland 
 men, went to Strathnaver, and assembling some of the inhabitants, they 
 marched into Caithness next morning, and entered the town of Thurso, 
 where Smith then resided. 
 
 After remaining about three hours in the town, the party went to 
 Smith's house and apprehended him. On searching his house they 
 found a quantity of fictitious gold and silver coin. Donald Mackay 
 caused Smith to be put on horseback, and then rode off with him out of 
 the town. To prevent any tumult among the inhabitants, Gordon re- 
 mained behind in the town with some of his men to show them, if ne- 
 cessary, his Majesty's commission for apprehending Smith. Scarcely, 
 however, had Mackay left the town, when the town-bell was rung and 
 all the inhabitants assembled. There were present in Thurso at the 
 time, John Sinclair of Stirkage, son of the earl of Caithness' brother, 
 James Sinclair, brother of the laird of Dun, James Sinclair of Dyrren, 
 and other friends, on a visit to Lady Berridale. When information was 
 brought them of the apprehension of Smith, Sinclair of Stirkage, trans- 
 ported with rage, swore that he would not allow any man, no matter 
 whose commission he held, to carry away his uncle's servant in his 
 uncle's absence. Lady Berridale and the rest of the company remon- 
 strated with him on the impropriety of such a rash resolution, and ad- 
 vised him to submit to the king's authority ; but he contemned the ad- 
 vice given him, and upbraiding his party, ran hastily out of the house. 
 His friends followed him quickly, and overtook him just as the inhabi- 
 tants of the town were collecting. There was no time for deliberation, 
 and seeing Sinclair and the people resolute, they joined him in attacking 
 John Gordon and his party. A furious onset was made upon Gordon, 
 but his men withstood it bravely, and after a warm contest, the inhabi- 
 tants were defeated with some loss, and obliged to retire to the centre 
 of the town. Donald Mackay hearing of the tumult, returned to the 
 town to aid Gordon, but the affair was over before he arrived. Sinclair of 
 Stirkage was killed on this occasion, and James Sinclair, brother of the 
 laird of Dun, was left for dead, and would probably have died but for the 
 kind attentions of John Gordon in Broray, and Adam Gordon George- 
 son, his kinsmen. James Sinclair of Dyrren saved himself by flight, 
 but was so closely pursued, that he received several blows on his back 
 while running away. Some of the Sutherland men were wounded, 
 including John Gordon in Broray, Adam Gordon Georgeson, and John 
 Baillie in Killeu. To prevent the possibility of the escape or rescue of 
 Smith, he was killed by the Strathnaver men as soon as they heard of 
 the tumult in the town. This affair happened in the month of May 
 sixteen hundi-ed and twelve. 
 
254 HISTORY OF THE HIGHLANDS. 
 
 Sir Robert Gordon being at this time in Edinburgh, his brother, Sir 
 Alexander Gordon, immediately made him acquainted with all that had 
 taken place under the commission; and Sir John Sinclair of Greenland 
 sent a gentleman, at the same time, to Edinburgh to inform his brother, 
 the earl of Caithness, of the occurrences in the town of Thurso. The 
 earl was exceedingly grieved at the death of his nephew, for whom 
 he entertained a great affection, and he was extremely vexed to think 
 that an affair, so disgraceful, as he thought, to himself personally, 
 should have occurred in the heart of his own country, and in his chief 
 toAiTi. The eai'l, therefore, resolved to prosecute Donald Mackay, 
 John Gordon, younger of Embo, with their followers, for the slaughter 
 of Sinclair of Stirkage, and the mutilation of James Sinclair, brother of 
 the laird of Dun, and summoned them, accordingly, to appear at Edin- 
 burgh. On the other hand, Sir Robert Gordon and Donald Mackay 
 prosecuted the earl of Caithness and his son. Lord Berridale, with se- 
 veral other of their countrymen for resisting the king's commission, at- 
 tacking the commissioners, and apprehending Angus Herriach, without 
 a commission, which was declared treason by the laws. The earl of 
 Caithness endeavoured to make the Privy Council believe that the affair 
 at Thurso arose out of a premeditated design against him, and that Sir 
 Robert Gordon's intention in obtaining a commission against Arthur 
 Smith was, under the cloak of its authority, to find means to slay him 
 and his brethren ; and that in pursuance of his plan, Sir Robert had, a 
 little before the skirmish in Thurso, caused the earl to be denounced and 
 proclaimed a rebel to the king, and had lain in wait to kill him ; but Sir 
 Robert showed the utter groundlessness of these charges to the Lords of 
 the Council, and although it was quite true that he had caused the earl 
 to be denounced rebel, yet he made it evident, from various circum- 
 stances, that his reason for this was very different from that assigned by 
 the earl. 
 
 On the day appointed for appearance, the parties met at Edinburgh, 
 attended by their respective friends. The earl of Caithness and his son. 
 Lord Berridale, were accompanied by the Lord Gray, the laird of Ros- 
 lin, the laird of Cowdenknowes, a son of the sister of the earl of Caith- 
 ness, and the lairds of Murkle and Greenland, brothers of the earl, 
 along with a large retinue of subordinate attendants. Sir Robert Gor- 
 don and Donald Mackay were attended by the earl of Winton and his 
 brother, the earl of Eglintoun, with all their followers, the earl of Lin- 
 lithgow, with the Livingstones, the Lord Elphinston, with his friends, 
 the Lord Forbes, with his friends, the Drummonds, Sir John Stewart, 
 captain of Dumbarton, and bastard son of the duke of Lennox ; the 
 Lord Balfour, the laird of Lairg Mackay in Galloway ; the laird of 
 Foulis, with the Monroes, the laird of Dulfus, some of the Gordons, as 
 Sir Alexander Gordon, brother of the earl of Sutherland, Cluny, Les- 
 moir, Buckie, Knokespock, with other gentlemen of respectability. The 
 absence of the earl of Sutherland and Houcheon Mackay mortified the 
 
SUTHERLAND AND CAITHNESS SUBMIT THEIR DIFFERENCES. 255 
 
 earl of Caithness, who could not conceal his displeasure at being so much 
 overmatched in the respectability and number of attendants by seconds 
 and children, as he was pleased to call his adversaries. 
 
 According to the usual practice on such occasions, the parties were 
 accompanied by their respective friends, from their lodgings, to the house 
 where the council was sitting ; but few were admitted within. The 
 council spent three days in hearing the parties and deliberating upon 
 the matters brought before them, but they came to no conclusion, and 
 adjourned their proceedings till the king's pleasure should be known. 
 In the mean time, the parties, at the entreaty of the Lords of the Coun- 
 cil, entered into recognizances to keep the peace, in time coming, to- 
 wards each other, which extended not only to their kinsmen but also to 
 their friends and dependants. Lord Elphinston became surety for the 
 earl of Sutherland, and his friends and the laird of Cowdenknowes en- 
 gaged for the other party. As soon as this arrangement had been en- 
 tered into, the earl of Caithness dispatched one of his friends to England 
 to lay a favourable statement of his case before the king ; but Sir Ro- 
 bert Gordon being made acquainted with the earl's design, and afraid 
 that he might, by his statement, prejudice his majesty, he posted in haste 
 to England, and arrived at Elthara Park, where the Court was then 
 held, before the earl's messenger reached his destination. Having made 
 the king acquainted with the real state of the facts, Sir Robert returned 
 to Edinburgh. 
 
 The king, after fully considering the state of affairs between the rival 
 parties, and judging that if the law was allowed to take its course, the 
 peace of the northern countries might be disturbed by the earls and 
 their numerous followers, proposed to the Lords of the Privy Council 
 to endeavour to prevail upon them to submit their differences to the 
 arbitration of mutual friends. Accordingly, after a good deal of en- 
 treaty and reasoning, the parties were persuaded to agree to the pro- 
 posed measure. A deed of submission was then subscribed by the earl 
 of Caithness and William, Lord Berridale, on the one part, and by Sir 
 Robert Gordon and Donald Mackay on the other part, taking burden 
 on them for the earl of Sutherland and Mackay. The arbiters appointed 
 by Sir Robert Gordon were the earl of Kinghorn, the master of El- 
 phinston, the earl of Haddington, afterwards Lord Privy Seal of Scot- 
 land, and Sir Alexander Drummond of Meidhop. And the Archbishop of 
 Glasgow, Sir John Preston, Lord President of the Council, Lord Blantyre, 
 and Sir William Oliphant, Lord Advocate, were named by the earl of 
 Caithness. The earl of Dunfermline, Lord Chancellor of Scotland, 
 was chosen oversman and umpire by both parties. As the arbiters had 
 then no time to hear the parties, or to enter upon the consideration of 
 the matters submitted to them, they appointed them to return to Edin- 
 burgh in the month of May, sixteen hundred and thirteen. 
 
 At the appointed time, the earl of Caithness and his brother, Sir John 
 Sinclair of Greenland, came to Edinburgh, where Sir Robert Gordon 
 
 I. 2 k 
 
256 HISTORY OF THE HIGHLANDS. 
 
 also arrived, at the same time, from England. Sir Alexander Gordon, 
 brother of Sir Robert, likewise went to Edinburgh to give him his ad- 
 vice and assistance. The arbiters, however, who were all members 
 of the Privy Council, being much occupied with state afFaii's, and 
 finding the matters submitted to them to be of too tedious and intri- 
 cate a nature to take up at that time, resolved to adopt the follow- 
 ing course. They made the parties subscribe a new deed of submission, 
 under which they gave authority to the marquis of Huntly, by whose 
 friendly offices the differences between the two houses had formerly been 
 so often adjusted, to act in the matter by endeavouring to bring about 
 a fi'esh reconciliation. As the marquis was the cousin-german of the 
 earl of Sutherland, and brother-in-law of the earl of Caithness, who had 
 married his sister, the council thought him the most likely person to 
 be entrusted with such an important negotiation. Besides the authority 
 of the council, the marquis had sufficient powers conferred on him, 
 many years before, to decide all questions which might arise between the 
 earls under a bond subscribed by Alexander, earl of Sutherland, and 
 the earl of Caithness. The marquis entered upon the performance of 
 the task assigned him, but finding the parties obstinate and determined 
 not to yield a single point of their respective claims and pretensions, 
 he declined to act farther in the matter, and remitted the whole affair 
 back to the Privy Council. 
 
CHAPTER XIII. 
 
 The Clan-Cameron disturb Lochaber — Invaded by Lord Gordon — Threats of the Earl 
 of Caithness to invade Sutherland and Strathnaver — Earl of Sutherland prepares to 
 oppose hini — Sir Donald Mackay and others pardoned — Earl of Sutherland imprison- 
 ed as a suspected Catliolic — Liberated — Returns to prison — Liberated again — Fresh 
 attempts of the Earl of Caithness — William Mack-Kames settles in Stratlniaver — Ap- 
 prehended stealing in the Glen of Loth — Oppressions of the Earl of Caithness — Fir- 
 ing of the corns of Sanset — Discovery of tlie Fire-raisers — Legal proceedings against 
 the Guns — Earl of Caithness refuses to deliver them up — Agreement between the 
 Earl of Caithness, Sir Robert Gordon, and Lord Forbes — Apprehension and impris- 
 onment of Lord Berridale — Released — Imprisoned again for debt — Alliance between 
 the Earl of Caithness and Sir Donald Mackay — Sir Robert Gordon protects the Clan- 
 Gun — Mackay's attempts against the Clan — Dispute between the Earl of Caithness 
 and Sir Alexander Gordon of Navidale — Meeting on the marches of Rimbisdale — 
 Mackay and Sir R. Gordon reconciled — Quarrel between the Earl of Enzie and the 
 Clan-Chattan — The Chief committed to prison — Is reconciled with the Earl — Dispute 
 between the Laird of Duffus and Gordon, younger of Embo — Slaughter of Thomas 
 Lindsay — Hostile preparations against the Earl of Caithness — Liberation of Lord 
 Berridale — Expedition into Caitiuiess — Flight of the Earl — Reduction and Pacifica- 
 tion of Caithness. 
 
 During the years sixteen hundred and twelve and thirteen, the peace 
 of Lochaber was disturbed by the Clan-Cameron, who put the whole of 
 that country into an uproar. George, Lord Gordon, eldest son of 
 the Marquis of Huntly, raised a force to put them down, and wrote 
 to Sir Robert Gordon and Donald Mackay to meet him at Inver- 
 ness, for the purpose of accompanying him into Lochaber. Having 
 collected a body of three hundred men, well armed and appointed, 
 they went to Inverness at the time appointed ; but on arriving there, 
 in the month of August, they were informed that the proposed ex- 
 pedition had, in the meantime, been postponed. In the course of 
 the following year, however, the enterprize was entered upon, and 
 the earl of Sutherland, who had just returned from his travels, sent 
 Donald Mackay and John Gordon, younger of Embo, with three hun- 
 dred able and resolute men, and one hundred and forty servants, to 
 assist Lord Gordon in his expedition. Immediately on their arrival in 
 Lochaber, the Sutherland men accidentally fell in with Alain-Mac-Dhon- 
 nil-Duibh, captain of the Clan-Cameron, and his party, whom they pro- 
 posed immediately to attack ; but they were dissuaded from engaging 
 by some of Lord Gordon's men, who assured them that a truce, for two 
 days, had been entered into between the clan and his lordship. Lord 
 Gordon having pursued these disturbers of tlie peace, and restored 
 
258 HISTORY OF THE HIGHLANDS. 
 
 Lochaber to quiet in the meantime, returned home ; but he was soon 
 again despatched thither by the privy council, in consequence of fresh 
 disturbances on the part of Alaiu-Mac-Dhonnil-Duibh, who had killed 
 thirteen of liis clan whom he suspected of treachery. Order was again 
 restored, for a time, by the submission of Alain-Mac-Dhonnil-Duibh, 
 who surrendered himself to Lord Gordon in the latter end of sixteen hun- 
 dred and fourteen. Alain was imprisoned at Inverness, but was released 
 from confinement on giving sufficient surety to keep the king's peace in 
 time coming.* 
 
 As the privy council showed no inclination to decide the questions 
 submitted to them by the earl of Caithness and his adversaries, the earl 
 sent his brother, Sir John Sinclair of Greenland, to Edinburgh, to com- 
 plain of the delay which had taken place, and desired him to throw out 
 hints, that if the earl did not obtain satisfaction for his supposed in- 
 juries, he would take redress at his own hands. The earl thought that 
 he would succeed by such a threat in concussing the council to decide 
 in his favour, for he was well aware that he was unable to carry it into 
 execution. To give some appearance of an intention to enforce it, he, 
 in the month of October, sixteen hundred and thirteen, while the earl 
 of Sutherland, his brothers and nephews, were absent from the country, 
 made a demonstration of invading Sutherland or Strathnaver, by col- 
 lecting his forces at a particular point, and bringing thither some pieces 
 of ordnance from Castle Sinclair. The earl of Sutherland, having ar- 
 rived in Sutherland while the earl of Caithness was thus employed, im- 
 mediately assembled some of his countrymen, and along with his brother 
 Sir Alexander, went to the marches between Sutherland and Caithness, 
 near the height of StrathuUy, where they waited the approach of the 
 earl of Caithness. Here they were joined by Mackay who had given 
 notice of the earl of Caithness's movements to the lairds of Foulis, Bal- 
 nagowTi, and Assint, and the sheriflP of Cromarty, and the tutor of 
 Kintail, all of whom prepared themselves to assist the earl of Suther- 
 land on I'eceiving notice that their services were wanted. 
 
 While matters stood thus, Sir John Sinclair returned from Edinburgh, 
 who, along with the laird of Murkle, went to his brother's camp, report- 
 ed what he had done, and advised him not to hazard an appeal to arms, 
 but wait the pleasure of the council, who would undoubtedly give him 
 satisfaction. Earl George, very wisely, took his brother's advice, and 
 returned home with his men, who made a narrow escape from drowning, 
 in consequence of being overtaken in their journey home by a tremendous 
 tempest of wind and rain. The earl of Sutherland sent his brother, 
 Sir Alexander, Donald Mackay, and Gordon, younger of Embo, with a 
 party of men after the earl of Caithness, to watch his movements, who 
 remained in Caithness three days, and having witnessed the dissolution 
 of his force, returned to Sutherland. 
 
 * Sir R. Gordon, p. 295. 
 
APPREHENSION OF THE EARL OF SUTHERLAND. 259 
 
 To prevent the earl of Caithness from attempting any farther inter- 
 ference with the privy council, either in the way of intrigue or intimi- 
 dation, Sir Robert Gordon obtained a remission and pardon from the 
 king, in the month of December, sixteen hundred and thirteen, to his 
 nephew, Donald Mackay, John Gordon, younger of Embo, John Gor- 
 don in Broray, Adam Gordon Georgeson, and their accomplices, for 
 the slaughter of John Sinclair of Stirkage at Thurso. An impedi- 
 ment was thrown in the way of its passing the seals by Sir Gideon 
 Murray, the Deputy Treasurer of Scotland, in consequence of a pri- 
 vate warrant from his Majesty, directed to Sir Gideon to pass the sig- 
 nature of the remission gratis ; but this impediment was removed by a 
 second warrant from the king to Sir Gideon, who passed the remission 
 through the seals, in the beginning of the year sixteen hundred and 
 sixteen.* 
 
 The earl of Caithness, being thus baffled in his designs against the 
 earl of Sutherland and his friends, fell upon a device which never failed 
 to succeed in times of religious intolei-ance and persecution. Unfortu- 
 nately for mankind and for the interests of Christianity, the principles 
 of religious toleration, involving the inalienable right of every man to 
 worship God according to the dictates of his conscience, have been, till 
 of late, but little understood, and at the period in question, and for 
 vipwards of one hundred and sixty years thereafter, the statute book of 
 Scotland was disgraced by penal enactments against the Catholics, al- 
 most unparalleled for their sanguinary atrocity. By an act of the first 
 parliament of James VI., any Catholic who assisted at the offices of his 
 religion, was, " for the first fault," that is, for following the dictates of 
 his conscience, to suffer confiscation of all his goods, moveable and 
 immoveable, personal and real; for the second banishment; and death for 
 the third fault ! But the law was not confined to overt acts only — the 
 mere suspicion of being a Catholic placed the suspected person out of 
 the pale and protection of the law, for if, on being warned by the bish- 
 ops and ministers, he did not recant and give confession of his faith 
 according to the approved form, he was excommunicated and declared 
 infamous and incapable to sit or stand in judgment, pursue or bear 
 office, f 
 
 Under this last mentioned law, the earl of Caithness now sought to 
 gratify bis vengeance against the earl of Sutherland. Having repre- 
 sented to the archbishop of St Andrews and the clergy of Scotland, that 
 the earl of Sutherland was a Catholic in private, he prevailed upon 
 the bishops, with little difficulty, it is supposed, to acquaint the king 
 thereof. His majesty, thereupon, issued a warrant against the earl of 
 Sutherland, who was, in consequence, apprehended and imprisoned at St 
 Andrews. The earl applied to the bishops for a month's delay, namely, 
 till the fifteenth day of February, sixteen hundred and fourteen, pro- 
 
 • Sir R. Gordon, p. 298. t Act James VI., Pari. 3 Cap. 45. 
 
269 HISTORY OF THE HIGHLANDS. 
 
 inising that, before that time, he would either give the church satis- 
 faction, or surrender himself; but his application -was refused by the 
 High Commission of Scotland. Sir Alexander Gordon, the brother 
 of the earl, being then in Edinburgh, immediately gave notice to his 
 brother. Sir Robert Gordon, who was at the time in London, of 
 the proceedings against their brother, the earl. Sir Robert having 
 applied to his Majesty for the release of the earl for a time, that he 
 might make up his mind on the subject of religion, and look after 
 his affairs in the north, his Majesty granted a warrant for his libera- 
 tion till the month of August following. On the expiration of the time, 
 he returned to his confinement at St Andrews, from whence he was 
 removed, on his own application, to the abbey of Holyrood house, 
 where he remained till the month of March, sixteen hundred and fif- 
 teen, when he obtained leave to go home, " having," says Sir Robert 
 Gordon, " in some measure satisfied the church concerning his reli- 
 gion." 
 
 The earl of Caithness, thus again defeated in his views, tried, as a 
 dernier resort, to disjoin the families of Sutherland and Mackay. Some- 
 times he attempted to prevail upon the marquis of Huntly to persuade 
 the earl of Sutherland and his brothers to come to an arrangement al- 
 together independent of Mackay ; and at other times he endeavoured to 
 persuade Mackay, by holding out certain inducements to him, to com- 
 promise their differences without including the earl of Sutherland in 
 the arrangement ; but he completely failed in these attempts.* 
 
 Ever since the death of John Sinclair at Thurso, the earl of Caithness 
 used every means in his power to induce such of his countrymen, indivi- 
 dually, as were daring enough, to show their prowess and dexterity to 
 make incursions into Sutherland or StrathnaVer, for the purpose of 
 annoying the vassals and dependants of the earl of Sutherland and his 
 ally, Mackay. Amongst others he often communicated on this subject 
 with William Kenneth-son, whose father, Kenneth Buidhe, had always 
 been the principal instrument in the hands of Earl George in oppressing 
 the people of his own country, and for the furtherance of his plans he at 
 last prevailed upon William, who already stood rebel to the king in a 
 criminal cause, to go into voluntary banishment into Strathnaver, and 
 put himself under the protection of Mackay, to whom he was to pretend 
 that he had left Caithness to avoid any solicitations from the earl of 
 Caithness to injure the inhabitants of Strathnaver. To cover their de- 
 signs they caused a report to be spread that William Mac-Kenneth was 
 to leave Caithness because he would not obey the orders of the earl to 
 execute some designs against Sir Robert Gordon, the tutor of Suther- 
 land, and Mackay, and when this false rumour had been sufficiently 
 spread, Mac-Kenneth, and his brother John, and their dependents, fled 
 into Strathnaver and solicited the favour and protection of Mackay. The 
 
 * Sir R. Gordon, p. 299. '. 
 
APPREHENSION OK WILLIAM MAC-KENNETH. 2G I 
 
 latter received them kindly ; but as William and his party had been long 
 addicted to robbery and theft, he strongly advised them to abstain from 
 such practices in all time coming ; and that they might not afterwards 
 plead necessity as an excuse for continuing their depredations, he allotted 
 them some lands to dwell on. After staying a month or two in Strath- 
 naver, during which time they stole some cattle and horses out of Caith- 
 ness, William received a private visit, by night, from Kenneth Buidhe, 
 his father, who had been sent bj' the earl of Caithness for tlie purpose of 
 executing a contemplated depredation in Sutherland. Mackay was then 
 in Sutherland on a visit to his uncle. Sir Robert Gordon, which being 
 known to William Mac-Kenneth, he resolved to enter Sutherland with 
 his party, and carry oft' into Caithness all the booty they could collect. 
 Being observed in the Glen of Loth, by some of the Clan Gun, collecting 
 cattle and horses, they were immediately apprehended, with the exception 
 of lain-Garbh-Mac-Chonald-Mac-Mhurchidh-Mhoir, who, being a very 
 resolute man, refused to surrender, and was, in consequence, killed. The 
 prisoners were presented to Sir Robert Gordon at Dornoch, who com- 
 mitted William and his brother, John, to the castle of Dornoch for trial. 
 In the meantime, two of the principal men of Mac-Kenneth's party were 
 tried, convicted and executed, and the remainder were allowed to return 
 home on giving surety to keep the peace. This occurrence took place 
 in the month of January, sixteen hundred and sixteen. 
 
 The earl of Caithness, whose restless disposition and lawless pro- 
 ceedings have been already so fully noticed, now finished his career of 
 iniquity by the perpetration of a crime, which, though trivial in its conse- 
 quences, was of so highly a penal nature in itself as to bring his own life 
 into jeopardy. As the circumstances which led to the burning of the 
 corn of William Innes, a servant of Lord Forbes at Sanset in Caithness, 
 and the discovery of the earl of Caithness as the instigator, are somewhat 
 curious, it is thought that a recital of them may not be here out of place. 
 
 Among other persons who had suffered at the hands of the earl was his 
 own kinsman, William Sinclair of Dumbaith. After annoying him in a 
 variety of ways, the earl instigated his bastard brother, Henry Sinclair, 
 and Kenneth Buidhe, to destroy and lay waste part of Dumbaith's lands, 
 who, unable to resist, and being in dread of personal risk, locked himself 
 up in his house at Dunray, which they besieged. William Sinclair im- 
 mediately applied to John, earl of Sutherland, for assistance, who sent his 
 friend Mackay, with a party to rescue Sinclair from his perilous situa- 
 tion. Mackay succeeded and carried Sinclair along with him into 
 Sutherland, where he remained for a time, but he afterwards went to re- 
 side in Moray where he died. Although thus cruelly persecuted and 
 forced to become an exile from his country, by the earl of Caithness, no 
 entreaties could induce him to apply for redress, choosing rather to suf- 
 fer himself than to see his relative punished. William Sinclair was suc- 
 ceeded by his grandson, George Sinclair, who married a sister of Lord 
 Forbes. By the persuasion of his wife, who was a mere tool in the hands 
 
262 HISTORY OF THE HIGHLANDS. 
 
 of the earl of Caithness, George Sinclair was induced to execute a deed 
 of entail, by which, failing of heirs male of his own body, he left the 
 whole of his lands to the earl. When the earl had obtained this deed, 
 he began to devise means to make away with Sinclair, and he actually 
 persuaded Sinclair's wife to assist him in this nefarious design. Having 
 obtained notice of this conspiracy against his life, Sinclair left Caithness 
 and took up his residence with his brother-in-law. Lord Forbes, who re- 
 ceived him with great kindness and hospitality, and reprobated very 
 strongly the wicked conduct of his sister. Sinclair now recalled the en- 
 tail in favour of the earl of Caithness, and made a new deed by which 
 he conveyed his whole estate to Lord Forbes. George Sinclair died 
 soon after the execution of the deed, and having left no issue. Lord 
 Forbes took possession of his lands of Dunray and Dumbaith. 
 
 Disappointed in his plans to acquire Sinclair's property, the earl of 
 Caithness seized every opportunity of annoying Lord Forbes in his 
 possessions, by oppressing his tenants and servants, in every possible way, 
 under the pretence of discharging his duty as sheriff, to which office he 
 had been appointed by the earl of Huntly on occasion of his marriage 
 with Huntly 's sister. Complaints were made from time to time against 
 the earl, on account of these proceedings, to the Privy Council of Scot- 
 land, who, in some measure, afforded redress ; but to protect his ten- 
 ants more effectually. Lord Forbes took up a temporary residence 
 in Caithness, relying upon the aid of the house of Sutherland in case of 
 need. 
 
 As the earl was aware that any direct attack on Lord F'orbes would 
 be properly resented, and as any enterprise undertaken by his own peo- 
 ple would be laid to his charge, however cautious he might be in deal- 
 ing with them, the earl fixed on the Clan-Gun as the fittest instruments 
 for effecting his designs against Lord Forbes. Besides being the most 
 resolute men in Caithness, always ready to undertake any desperate ac- 
 tion, they depended more upon the earl of Sutherland and Mackay, 
 from whom they held some lands, than upon the earl of Caithness, a 
 circumstance which the earl supposed, should the contemplated outrages 
 of the Clan-Gun ever become matter of inquiry, might throw the sus- 
 picion upon the earl of Sutherland and Mackay as the silent instigators. 
 Accordingly, the earl opened a negotiation with John Gun, chief of the 
 Clan-Gun in Caithness, and with his brother, Alexander Gun, whose 
 father he had hanged in the year fifteen hundred and eighty-six. In 
 consequence of an invitation, the two brothers, along with Alexander 
 Gun, their cousin-german, repaired to Castle Sinclair, where they met 
 the earl. The earl did not at first divulge his plans to all the party ; 
 but taking Alexander Gun, the cousin, aside, he pointed out to him 
 the injury he alleged he had sustained, in consequence of Lord 
 Forbes having obtained a footing in Caithness, — that he could no longer 
 submit to the indignity shown him by a stranger, — that he had made 
 choice of him (Gun) to undertake a piece of service for him, on per- 
 
I'IRE RAISING AT SANSET. 2G3 
 
 forming which, he would reward him most amply; and to secure com- 
 pliance, the earl desired him to remember the many favours he had al- 
 ready received from him, and how well he had treated him, promising 
 at same time, to show him even greater kindness in time coming. Alex- 
 ander, thereupon, promised to serve the earl, though at the hazard of his 
 life ; but upon being interrogated by the earl whether he would under- 
 take to burn the corn of Sanset, belonging to William Innes, a servant 
 of Lord Forbes, Gun, who had never imagined that he was to be employ- 
 ed in such an ignoble affair, expressed the greatest astonishment at the 
 proposal, and refused, in the most peremptory and indignant manner, to 
 undertake its execution; yet, to satisfy the earl, he told him that he 
 would, at his command, undertake to assassinate William Innes, an ac- 
 tion which he considered less criminal and dishonourable, and more be- 
 coming a gentleman, than burning a quantity of corn ! Finding him 
 obdurate, the earl enjoined him to secrecy. 
 
 The earl next applied to the two brothers, John and Alexander, with 
 whom he did not find it so difficult to treat. They, at first, hesitated 
 with some firmness in undertaking the business on which the earl was 
 so intent ; and they pleaded an excuse, by saying, that as justice was 
 then more strictly executed in Scotland than formerly, they could not 
 expect to escape, as they had no place of safety to retreat to after the 
 crime was committed ; as a proof of which, they instanced the cases of 
 the Clan-Donald and Clan-Gregor, two races of people much more 
 powerful than the Clan-Gun, who had been brought to the brink of 
 ruin, and almost annihilated, under the authority of the laws. The earl 
 replied, that as soon as they should perform the service for him, he 
 would send them to the western isles, to some of his acquaintances and 
 friends, with whom they might remain until Lord Forbes and he were re- 
 conciled, when he would obtain their pardon, — that in the mean time 
 he would profess, in public, to be their enemy, but that he w-ould be 
 their friend secretly, and permit them to frequent Caithness without dan- 
 ger. Alexander Gun, overcome at last by the entreaties of the earl, re- 
 luctantly consented to his request, and going into Sanset, in the dead 
 of night, with two accomplices, he set fire to all the corn stacks which 
 were in the barn-yard, belonging to William Innes, and which were in 
 consequence consumed. This affair occurred in the month of Novem- 
 ber, sixteen hundred and fifteen. The earl of Caithness immediately 
 spread a report through the whole country that Mackay's tenants had 
 committed this outrage ; but the deception was of short duration. 
 
 Sir Robert Gordon, tutor of Sutherland, having arrived in the north 
 of Scotland from England, in the month of December following this oc- 
 currence, resolved to probe the matter to the bottom, not merely on ac- 
 count of his nephew, Mackay, whose men were suspected, but to satisfy 
 Lord Forbes, who was now on friendly terms with the house of Suther- 
 land ; but the discovery of the perpetrators soon became an easy task, 
 in consequence of a quarrel among the Clan-Gun themselves, who up- 
 
 I. 2 L 
 
2G4 HISTORY OF THE HIGHLANDS. 
 
 braided one aiiothei- as the authors of the fire-raising. Alexander 
 Gun, the cousin of Alexander Gun the real criminal, thereupon fled 
 from Caithness, and sent some of his friends to Sir Robert Gordon and 
 Donald Mackay with these proposals; — that if they would receive him 
 into favour, and secure him from danger, he would confess the whole 
 circumstances, and reveal the authors of the conflagration, and that 
 he would declare the whole before the privy council, if required. On 
 receiving this proposal, Sir Robert Gordon appointed Alexander Gun 
 to meet them privately at Helmsdale, in the house of Sir Alexander 
 Gordon, brother of Sir Robert. A meeting was accordingly held at the 
 place appointed, at which Sir Robert and his friends agreed to do eveiy 
 thing in their power to preserve Gun's life ; and Mackay promised, 
 moreover, to give him a possession in Sti'athie, where his father had 
 formerly lived. 
 
 When the earl of Caithness heard of Alexander Gun's flight into 
 Sutherland, he became greatly alarmed, lest Alexander should reveal the 
 affair of Sanset ; and anticipating such a result, the earl gave out everjr- 
 where, that Sir Robert Gordon, Mackay, and Sir Alexander Gordon, had 
 hired some of the Clan-Gun to accuse him of having burnt William Ju- 
 nes' corn. But this artifice was of no avail, for as soon as Lord Forbes 
 received notice from Sir Robert Gordon of the circumstances related by 
 Alexander Gun, he immediately cited John Gun, and his brother Alex- 
 ander, and their accomplices, to appear for trial at Edinburgh, on the 
 second day of April, sixteen hundred and sixteen, to answer to the 
 charge of burning the corn at Sanset; and he also summoned the earl of 
 Caithness, as sheriff" of that county, to deliver them up for trial. John 
 Gun, thinking that the best course he could pursue, under present 
 circumstances, was to follow the example of his cousin, Alexander, sent 
 a message to Sir Alexander Gordon, desiring an interview with him; 
 which being granted, they met at Navidale. John Gun then offered to 
 confess and reveal every thing he knew concerning the fire, on condition 
 that his life should be spared; but Sir Alexander observed, that he could 
 come under no engagement, as he was uncertain how the king and the 
 council might view such a proceeding; but he promised, that as John 
 had not been an actor in the business, but a witness only to the arrange- 
 ment between his brother and the earl of Caithness, he would do what 
 he could to save him, if he went to Edinburgh in compliance with the 
 summons. 
 
 In this state of matters, the earl of Caithness wTote to the marquis of 
 Huntly, accusing Sir Robert Gordon and Mackay of a design to bring 
 him within tlie reach of the law of treason, and to injure the honour 
 of his house by slandering him with the burning of the corn at 
 Sanset, — that, in the year sixteen hundred and twelve, they had in- 
 sinuated to the king and council that he was privy to Arthur Smith's 
 doings, — that his brother's son had lost his life in consequence, and 
 that not satisfied therewith, they were now accusing him of new trea- 
 
JUDICIAL PROCEEDINGS AGAINST THE GUNS. 265 
 
 souable practices. He, therefore, requested tlio marquis, as a mutual 
 frieiul, to persuade them to desist from pursuing tliis business, and he 
 oli'ered, on his own part, to submit to the marquis any controversy be- 
 tween them. Sir Robert Gordon and Mackay having occasion to meet 
 the marquis at the Bog-a-Gight on other business, they were made ac- 
 quainted by him of the earl's communication. They observed, in an- 
 swer, that they had never at any time insinuated any thing against the 
 oarl of Caithness ; but tliat if his own conscience did accuse him of any 
 thing, they were not to be blamed on that account, — that they could 
 not refuse to assist Lord Forbes in finding out the persons who had 
 burned the corn at Sanset, but that they had never imagined that the 
 earl would have acted so base a part as to become an accomplice in 
 such a criminal act ; and farther, that as Mackay 's men were challenged 
 with the deed, they certainly were entitled at least to clear Mackay 's peo- 
 ple from the charge, by endeavouring to find out the malefactors, — in 
 all which they considered they had done the earl no wrong. And as 
 to John Sinclair's death, the same had been occasioned by his own act 
 in opposing his majesty's warrant, on which account the king had par- 
 doned the parties concerned, by a remission under the great seal. The 
 marquis of Huntly did not fail to write the earl of Caithness the answer 
 he had received from Sir Robert Gordon and Mackay, which grieved 
 him exceedingly, as he was too mcU aware of the consequences which 
 would follow if the prosecution of the Guns was persevered in. 
 
 At the time appointed for the trial of the Guns, Sir Robert Gordon, 
 Mackay, and Lord Forbes, with all his friends, went to Edinburgh, and 
 vij)on their arrival they entreated the council to prevent a remission in 
 favour of the earl of Caithness being passed the signet until the affair 
 in hand was tried ; a request with which the council complied. The 
 carl of Caithness did not appear ; but he sent his son. Lord Berridale, 
 to Edinburgh, along with John Gun and all those persons who had 
 been summoned by Lord Forbes, with the exception of Alexander Gun 
 and his two accomplices. He alleged as his reason for not sending 
 them that they were not his men, being Mackay 's own tenants, and 
 dwelling in Dilred, the property of Mackay, which was held by him of 
 the earl of Sutherland, who, he alleged, was bound to present the three 
 persons alluded to. But the lords of the council would not admit of this 
 excuse, and again required Lord Berridale and his father to present the 
 three culpi'its before the court on the tenth day of June following, be- 
 cause, although they had possessions in Dilred, they had also lands 
 from the earl of Caithness on which they usually resided. Besides, the 
 deed was committed in Caithness, of which the earl was sheriff, on 
 which account also he was bound to apprehend them. Lord Berridale, 
 whose character was quite the reverse of that of his father, apprehen- 
 sive of tlio consequences of a trial, now offered satisfaction in his father's 
 name to Lord Forbes, if he would stop the prosecution ; but his lord- 
 ship refused to do any thing without the previous advice and consent 
 
266 HISTORY OV THE HIGHLANDS. 
 
 of Sir Robert Gordon and Mackay, who, upon being consulted, made 
 articles of agreement to be drawn up, which were presented to Lord 
 Berridale by neutral persons for his acceptance, but considering the 
 conditions sought to be imposed upon his father too hard, he rejected 
 them. 
 
 In consequence of the refusal of Lord Berridale to accede to the 
 terms proposed, John Gun was apprehended by one of the magistrates 
 of Edinburgh, on the application of Lord Forbes, and committed a pri- 
 soner to the jail of that city. Gun thereupon requested to see Sir 
 Robert Gordon and Mackay, whom he entreated to use their influence 
 to procure him his liberty, promising to declare every thing he knew of 
 the business for which he was prosecuted before the lords of the coun- 
 cil. Sir Robert and Mackay then deliberated with Lord Forbes and 
 Lord Elphinston on the subject, and they all four promised faithfully to 
 Gun to do every thing in their power to save him, and that they would 
 from thenceforth maintain and defend him and his cousin, Alexander 
 Gun, against the earl of Caithness or any person, as long as they had 
 reason and equity on their side ; besides which, Mackay promised him a 
 liferent lease of the lands of Strathie to compensate for his possessions 
 in Caithness, of which he would, of course, be deprived by the earl for 
 revealing the earl's connexion with the fire-raising at Sanset. John 
 Gun was accordingly examined the following day by the lords of the 
 council, when he confessed that the earl of Caithness made his brother, 
 Alexander Gun, burn the corn of Sanset, and that the affair had been 
 proposed and discussed in his presence. Alexander Gun, the cousin, 
 was examined also at the same time, and stated the same circumstances 
 precisely as John Gun had done. After examination, John and Alex- 
 ander were again committed to prison. 
 
 As neither the earl of Caithness nor his son. Lord Berridale, com- 
 plied with the commands of the council to deliver up Alexander Gun 
 and his accomplices in the month of June, they were both outlawed 
 and denounced rebels ; and were summoned and charged by Lord 
 Forbes to appear personally at Edinburgh in the month of July imme- 
 diately following, to answer to the charge of causing the corn of Sanset 
 to be burnt. This fixed determination on the part of Lord Forbes to 
 bring the earl and his son to trial, had the effect of altering their tone, 
 and they now earnestly entreated him and Mackay to agree to a recon- 
 ciliation on any terms; but they declined to enter into any arrangement 
 until they had consulted Sir Robert Gordon. After obtaining Sir Ro- 
 bert's consent, and a written statement of the conditions which he 
 required, from the earl of Caithness in behalf of his nephew, the earl of 
 Sutherland, the parties entered into a final agreement, in the month of 
 July, sixteen hundred and sixteen. The principal heads of the contract, 
 which was afterwards recorded in the books of council and session, were 
 as follow : — That all civil actions between the parties should be settled 
 by the mediation of mutual friends, — that the earl of Caithness and his 
 
PIIOCEEDINGS AGAINST LORD BEKUlDAf.E. 2G7 
 
 Son should pay to Lord Forbes and Mackay the sum of 20,000 marks 
 Scots money, — that all quarrels and criminal actions should be mu- 
 tually forgiven, and particularly, that the earl of Caithness and all his 
 friends should forgive and remit the slaughter and mutilation at Thurso, 
 — that the earl of Caithness and his son should renounce for themselves 
 and their heirs all jurisdiction, criminal or civil, within Sutherland and 
 Strathnaver, and any other jurisdiction which they should thereafter hap- 
 pen to acquire over any lands lying within the diocese of Caithness then 
 pertaining, or which should afterwards belong, to the earl of Sutherland 
 or his heirs, — that the earl of Caithness should deliver Alexander Gun 
 and his accomplices to Lord Forbes, — that the earl, his son, and their 
 heirs, should never from thenceforth contend with the earl of Suther- 
 land for precedency in parliament or priority of place, — that the earl of 
 Caithness and his son, their friends and tenants, should keep the peace 
 in time coming, vmder the penalty of great sums of money, and should 
 never molest nor trouble the tenants of the earl of Sutherland and Lord 
 Forbes, — that the earl of Caithness, his son, or their friends, should not 
 receive nor harbour any fugitives from Sutherland or Strathnaver, — and 
 that there should be good friendship and amity kept amongst them in 
 all time to come. 
 
 In consequence of this agreement, the two sons of Kenneth Buy, 
 William and John before-mentioned, were delivered to Lord Berridale, 
 who gave security for their keeping the peace; and John Gun and 
 Alexander, his cousin, were released and delivered to Lord Forbes and 
 Mackay, who gave surety to the lords of the council to present them 
 for trial whenever required ; and as the earl of Caithness had deprived 
 them of their possessions in Caithness on account of the discovery 
 they had made, Mackay, who had lately been knighted by the king, 
 gave them lands in Strathnaver as he had promised. Matters being 
 thus settled. Lord Berridale presented himself before the court at 
 Edinburgh to abide his trial; but no person of course appearing against 
 him, the trial was postponed. The earl of Caithness, however, failing 
 to appear, the diet against him was continued till the twenty-eighth day 
 of August following. 
 
 Although the king was well pleased, on account of the quiet which 
 such an adjustment would produce in his northern dominions, with the 
 agreement which had been entered into, and the proceedings which 
 followed thereon, all of which were made known to him by the privy 
 council ; yet, as the passing over such a flagrant act as wilful fire-raising, 
 without punishment, might prove pernicious, he wrote a letter to the 
 privy council of Scotland, commanding them to prosecute, with all se- 
 verity, those who were guilty of, or accessory to the crime. Lord Berri- 
 dale was thereupon apprehended on suspicion, and committed a prisoner 
 to the castle of Edinburgh ; and his father, perceiving the determination 
 of the king to prosecute the author*^ of the fire, again declined to appear 
 
268 HISTORY OF THE HIGHLANDS. 
 
 for trial on the appointed day, on which account he was again outlawed, 
 and declared a rebel as the guilty author. 
 
 In this extremity Lord Berridale had recourse to Sir Robert Gordon, 
 then resident at court, for his aid. He wrote him a letter, entreatino^ 
 him that as all controversies were now settled, he would, in place of an 
 enemy, become a faithful friend, — that for his own part, he, Lord Berri- 
 dale, had been always innocent of all the jars and dissensions which had 
 happened between the two families, — that he was also innocent of the 
 crime with which he was charged, — and that he wished his majesty to 
 be informed by Sir Robert of these circumstances, hoping that he 
 would order him to be released from confinement. Sir Robert's an- 
 swer was to this effect, — that he had long desired a perfect agreement 
 between the houses of Sutherland and Caithness, which he would en- 
 deavour to maintain during his administration in Sutherland, — that he 
 would intercede with the king, in behalf of his lordship, to the utmost 
 of his power, — that all disputes being now at an end, he would be his 
 faithful friend, — that he had a very different ojjinion of his disposition, 
 from that he entertained of his father, the earl ; and he concluded by 
 entreating him to be careful to preserve the friendship which had been 
 now commenced between them. 
 
 As the king understood that Lord Berridale was supposed to be inno- 
 cent of the crime with which he and his father stood charged, and as he 
 could not, without a verdict against Berridale, proceed against the family 
 of Caithness by forfeiture, in consequence of his lordship having been 
 infeft many years before in his father's estate ; his majesty, on the earn- 
 est entreaty of the then bishop of Ross, Sir Robert Gordon, and Sir 
 James Spence of Wormistoun, was pleased to remit and forgive the 
 crime on the following conditions: — 1st. That the earl of Caithness and 
 his son should give satisfaction to their creditors, who were constantly 
 annoying his majesty with clamours against the earl, and craving justice 
 at his hands. 2d. That the earl of Caithness, with consent of Lord Ber- 
 ridale, should freely renounce and resign perpetually, into the hands of 
 his majesty, the heritable sheriffship and justiciary of Caithness. 3d. 
 That the earl of Caithness should deliver the three criminals who had 
 burnt the corn, that public justice might be satisfied upon them, as a 
 terror and example to others. 4th. That the earl of Caithness, with con- 
 sent of Lord Berridale, should give and resign in perpetuum to the bishop 
 of Caithness, the house of Strabister, with as many of the feu lands of 
 that bishoprick as should amount to the yearly value of two thousand 
 merks Scots money, for the purpose of augmenting the income of the 
 bishop which was at that time small in consequence of the greater part 
 of his lands being in the hands of the earl. Commissioners were sent 
 down from London to Caithness, in October sixteen hundred and sixteen, 
 to see that these conditions were complied with. The second condition 
 as well as the last was immediately implemented; and as the earl and 
 his son promised to give satisfaction to their creditors, and to do every 
 
ALLIANCE BETWIXT MACKAY AND CAITHNESS. 2G9 
 
 thing in their power to apprehend the burners of tlie corn ; the latter 
 was released from the castle of Edinburgh, and directions were given for 
 drawing up a remission and pardon to the carl of Caithness. Lord Ber- 
 ridale, however, had scarcely been released from the castle, when he was 
 again imprisoned within the jail of Edinburgh, at the instance of Sir James 
 Home of Cowdenknowes, his cousin german, who had become surety 
 for him and his father to their creditors for large sums of money. The 
 carl himself narrowly escaped the fate of his son and retired to Caith- 
 ness, but his creditors had sufficient interest to prevent his remission 
 from passing till they should be satisfied. With consent of the creditors 
 the council of Scotland gave him a personal protection, fi'om time to 
 time, to enable him to come to Edinburgh for the purpose of settling 
 with them, but he made no arrangement and returned privately into 
 Caithness before the expiration of the supersedere which had been 
 granted him, leaving his sou to suffer all the miseries of a prison. After 
 enduring a captivity of five years Lord Berridale was released from 
 prison by the good offices of the earl of Enzie, and put, for behoof of 
 himself, and his own, and his father's creditors, in possession of the family 
 estates from which his father was driven by Sir Robert Gordon acting 
 under a royal warrant, a just punishment for the many enormities of a 
 long and misspent life.* 
 
 Desperate as the fortunes of the earl of Caithness were even previous 
 to the disposal of his estates, he most unexpectedly found an ally in Sir 
 Donald Mackay who had taken offence at Sir Robert Gordon, and who 
 being a man of quick resolution and of an inconstant disposition, deter- 
 mined to forsake the house of Sutherland, and to ingratiate himself with 
 his mortal enemy, the earl of Caithness. The pretended cause of 
 Mackay 's discontent was, that Sir Robert Gordon had excluded him 
 from all share in the government of Sutherland, in which he had parti- 
 cipated jointly with John the last earl of Sutherland, and that Sir Robert 
 had dispossessed him of all the property he had purchased or intended to 
 purchase iii that country ; that he had taken from him by a decree- 
 arbitral a part of the Diriemoor whiph John, the last earl, had given 
 him, and that Sir Robert, instead of countenancing, was rather an 
 enemy to such as depended upon him in Sutherland ; in one word, that 
 all the favours he had received from the earl were now withdrawn 
 from him by his uncles Sir Robert and Sir Alexander. Besides these 
 reasons, Mackay was influenced by pecuniary considerations ; for hav- 
 ing, as he alleged, burdened his estates with debts incurred for some 
 years past in following the house of Sutherland, he thought that, in 
 time coming, he might, by procuring the favour of the earl of Caith- 
 ness, turn the same to his own advantage and that of his countrymen; 
 and as he had been induced to his own prejudice to grant certain life- 
 rent tacks of the lands of Strathie and Dilred to John and Alexander 
 
 • Sir R. Gordon, p. 329. et seq. 
 
270 HISTORY OF THE HIGHLANDS. 
 
 Gun, and others of the Clan-Gun for revealing the affair of Sanset, he 
 thought that by joining the earl of Caithness, these Clan-Gun might be 
 destroyed, by which means he would get back his lands which he meant 
 to convey to his brother, John Mackay, as a portion ; and he, more- 
 over, expected that the earl would give him and his countrymen some 
 possessions in Caithness. But the chief ground of discontent on the 
 part of Sir Donald Mackay was an action brought against him and Lord 
 Forbes before the court of session, to recover a contract entered into 
 between the last earl of Sutherland and Mackay, in the year sixteen 
 hundred and thirteen, relative to their marches and other matters of 
 controversy, which being considered by Mackay as prejudicial to him, 
 he had endeavoured to get destroyed through the agency of some per- 
 sons about Lord Forbes, into whose keeping the deed had been intrusted. 
 
 After brooding over these subjects of discontent for some years, 
 Mackay, in the year sixteen hundred and eighteen, suddenly resolved 
 to break with the house of Sutherland, and to form an alliance with 
 the earl of Caithness, who had long borne a mortal enmity at that fa- 
 mily. Accordingly, Mackay sent John Sutherland, his cousin-german, 
 into Caithness to request a private conference with the earl in any part 
 of Caithness he might appoint. This offer was too tempting to be re- 
 jected by the earl, who expected, by a reconciliation with Sir Donald 
 Mackay, to turn the same to his own personal gratification and advan- 
 tage. In the first place, he hoped to revenge himself upon the Clan- 
 Gun, who were his principal enemies, and upon Sir Donald himself, by 
 detaching him from his superior, the earl of Sutherland, and from the 
 friendship of his uncles, who had always supported him in all his diffi- 
 culties. In the second place, he expected that, by alienating Mackay 
 from the duty and affection he owed the house of Sutherland, that he 
 would weaken its power and influence. And lastly, he trusted that 
 Mackay would not only be prevailed upon to discharge his own part, but 
 would also persuade Lord Forbes to discharge his share of the sum of 
 20,000 merks Scots, which he and his son. Lord Berridale, had become 
 bound to pay them, on account of the burning at Sanset. 
 
 The earl of Caithness having at once agreed to Mackay 's proposal, a 
 meeting was held by appointment in the neighbourhood of Dunray, in 
 the parish of Reay, in Caithness. The parties met in the night-time, ac- 
 companied each by three men only. After much discussion, and various 
 conferences, which were continued for two or three days, they resolved 
 to destroy the Clan-Gun, and particularly John Gun, and Alexander, 
 his cousin. To please the earl, Mackay undertook to despatch these 
 last, as they were obnoxious to him, on account of the part they had 
 taken against him, in revealing the burning at Sanset. They per- 
 suaded themselves that the house of Sutherland would defend the clan, 
 as they were bound to do by their promise, and that that house would 
 be thus drawn into some snare. And to confirm their friendship, the 
 earl and Mackay arranged that John Mackay, the only brother of Sir 
 
PROCEEDINGS OF SIR DONALD MACKAY. 271 
 
 Donald, should marry a niece of the earl, a daughter of Jaines Sinclair 
 of Murkle, who was a mortal enemy of all the Clan-Gun. Having 
 thus planned the line of conduct they were to follow, they parted, 
 after swearing to continue in perpetual friendship. 
 
 Notwithstanding of the private way in which the meeting was held, 
 accounts of it immediately spread through the kingdom ; and every 
 person wondered at the motives which could induce Sir Donald Mackay 
 to take such a step so unadvisedly, without the knowledge of his uncles. 
 Sirs Robert and Alexander Gordon, or of Lord Forbes. The Clan- 
 Gun receiving secret intelligence of the design upon them, from different 
 friendly quarters, retired into Sutherland. The clan were astonished at 
 Mackay s conduct, as he had promised, at Edinburgh, in presence of 
 Lords Forbes and Elphingston and Sir Robert Gordon, in the year 
 sixteen hundred and sixteen, to be a perpetual friend to them, and 
 chiefly to John Gun and to his cousin Alexander. 
 
 After Mackay returned from Caithness, he sent his cousin-german, 
 Angus Mackay of Bighouse to Sutherland, to acquaint his uncles, who 
 had received notice of the meeting, that his object in meeting the earl 
 of Caithness was for his own personal benefit, and that nothing had 
 been done to their prejudice. Angus Mackay met Sir Robert Gordon 
 at Dunrobin, to whom he delivered his kinsman's message, which, he 
 said, he hoped Sir Robert would take in good part, adding, that Sir 
 Donald would show, in presence of both his uncles, that the Clan-Gun 
 had failed in duty and fidelity to him and the house of Sutherland, 
 since they had revealed the burning ; and, therefore, that if his uncles 
 would not forsake John Gun, and some others of the clan, he would 
 adhere to them no longer. Sir Robert Gordon returned a verbal answer, 
 by Angus Mackay, that, when Sir Donald came in person to Dunrobin 
 to clear himself, as in duty he was bound to do, he would then accept 
 of his excuse, and not till then. And he, at the same time, wrote a 
 letter to Sir Donald, to this effect — That for his own (Sir Robert's) 
 part, he did not much regard Mackay 's secret journey to Caithness, and 
 his reconciliation with Earl George, without his knowledge or the 
 advice of Lord Forbes ; and that, however unfavourable the world 
 might construe it, he would endeavour to colour it in the best way he 
 could, for Mackay 's own credit. He desired Mackay to consider that 
 a man's reputation was exceedingly tender, and that if it were once 
 blemished, though wrongfully, there would still some blot remain, be- 
 cause the greater part of the world would always incline to speak the 
 worst ; that whatever had been arranged in that journey, between liim 
 and the earl of Caithness, beneficial to Mackay, and not prejudicial to the 
 house of Sutherland, he should be always ready to assist him therein, 
 although concluded without his consent : and, as to the Clan-Gun, he 
 could not with honesty or credit abandon them, and particularly John 
 and his cousin Alexander, until tried and found guilty, as he had pro- 
 mised faithfully to be their friend, for revealing the affair of Sanset ; 
 
 I. 2 M 
 
272 HISTORY OF THE HIGHLANDS. 
 
 that he had made them this promise at the earnest desire and entreaty 
 of Sir Donald himself; that the house of Sutherland did always esteem 
 their truth and constancy to be their greatest jewel ; and seeing that he 
 and his brother, Sir Alexander, were almost the only branches of it 
 then of age or man's estate, they would endeavour to prove true and 
 constant, wheresoever they did possess friendship ; and that neither the 
 house of Sutherland, nor any greater house whereof they had the 
 honour to be descended, should have the least occasion to be ashamed 
 of them in that respect : that if Sir Donald had quarrelled or challenged 
 the Clan-Gun, before going into Caithness and his arrangement with 
 Earl George, the clan might have been suspected; but he saw no 
 reason to forsake them until they were found guilty of some great 
 offence. Such was the substance of Sir Robert Gordon's letter to 
 Sir Donald Mackay, who was displeased that his uncles should hesitate 
 for a moment in forsaking John Gun and his clan, at his desire. 
 
 Sir Robert Gordon, therefore, acting as tutor for his nephew, took 
 the Clan-Gun under his immediate protection, with the exception of 
 Alexander Gun, the burner of the corn, and his accomplices. John 
 Gun thereupon demanded a trial before his friends, that they might 
 hear what Sir Donald had to lay to his charge. A meeting was ac- 
 cordingly held at Dornoch, at which the parties met, in presence of Sir 
 Robert and his brother, Sir Alexander Gordon, before whom the whole 
 matter was debated ; but nothing was laid to the charge of the Clan- 
 Gun but mere imputations, which were suggested by the earl of Caith- 
 ness, who alleged that they had suggested to him a plot against Sir 
 Donald's life. This charge being unsupported by any evidence, John 
 Gun and his kinsmen were acquitted, and declared innocent of any of- 
 fence, either against the house of Sutherland or Mackay, since the fact of 
 the burning. 
 
 Sir Donald Mackay, dissatisfied with this result, went to Edinburgh, 
 for the purpose of obtaining a commission against the Clan-Gun from 
 the council, for old crimes, committed by them before his Majesty had 
 left Scotland for England ; but he was successfully opposed in this, by 
 Sir Robert Gordon, who wrote a letter to the lord chancellor and to the 
 earl of Melrose, afterwards earl of Haddington and lord privy seal, 
 showing that the object of Sir Donald, in asking such a commission, 
 was to break the king's peace, and to breed fresh troubles in Caithness. 
 Disappointed in this attempt, Sir Donald returned home to Strathnaver, 
 and, in the month of April, sixteen hundred and eighteen, he went to 
 Braill, in Caithness, where he met the earl, with whom he continued 
 three nights. On this occasion, they agreed to despatch Alexander 
 Gun, the burner of the corn, lest Lord Forbes should request the earl 
 to deliver him up ; and they hoped that, in consequence of such an 
 occurrence, the tribe might be drawn into some snare. Before parting, 
 the earl delivered to Mackay some old writs of certain lands in Strath- 
 naver, and other places within the diocese of Caithness, which belonged 
 
SIR DONALD MACKAY ENTERS STRATHULLY. 273 
 
 to Sii' Donald's predecessors ; by means of which the earl thought he 
 would put Sir Donald by the ears with his uncles, who, he expected, 
 would bring an action against the earl of Sutherland, for the warrandice 
 of Strathnaver, and thus free himself from the superiority of the earl of 
 Sutherland. 
 
 Shortly after this meeting was held, Sir Donald entered Sutherland, 
 privately, for the purpose of capturing John Gun ; but, after lurking 
 two nights in Golspie, watching Gun, without effect, he Mas discovered 
 by Adam Gordon of Kilcalmkill, a trusty dependant of the house of 
 Sutherland, and thereupon returned to his country. In the mean time, 
 the earl of Caithness, who sought every opportunity to quarrel with the 
 house of Sutherland, disputed with Sir Alexander Gordon of Navidale, 
 about the marches between Torrish, in Strathully, and the lands of 
 Berridale. The earl, alleging that Sir Alexander's servants had built 
 their summer sheillings beyond their old accustomed limits, sent some 
 men to pull them down ; and he, moreover, sent a letter to Sir Alexander 
 Gordon, complaining that he had passed the old marches of Torrish, and 
 desiring him, out of courtesy and kindness, to confine himself within his 
 own bounds. Sir Alexander received this letter, and the intelligence 
 that the sheillings had been cast down, at one and the same time, when 
 he returned for answer, that he did not expect such treatment from him ; 
 but, as the earl had thought proper to begin matters in such a way, Sir 
 Alexander assured him, that, on a certain day during the ensuing week, 
 he would repair these sheillings again, whatever opposition the earl 
 might show to the measure. When Sir Donald Mackay heard of this 
 dispute, and the threat of Sir Alexander Gordon, he sent a message to 
 the earl of Caithness, desiring to know whether he had any intention of 
 meeting Sir Alexander and the Sutherland men on the day appointed, 
 as he intended to be present also, if the earl meant to attend. The earl, 
 however, neither returned an answer nor met Sir Alexander, who was 
 consequently allowed to rebuild his sheillings without molestation. 
 
 When Sir Robert Gordon heard of these occurrences in the north, he 
 returned home from Edinburgh, where he had been for some time ; and, 
 on his return, he visited the Marquis of Huntly at Strathbogie, who 
 advised him to be on his guard, as he had received notice from the earl 
 of Caithness that Sir Donald meant to create some disturbances in 
 Sutherland. The object the earl had in view, in acquainting the Mar- 
 quis of Mackay 's intentions, was to screen himself from any imputation 
 of being concerned in Mackay 's plans, although he favoured them in 
 secret. As soon as Sir Robert Gordon was informed of Mackay 's in- 
 tentions, he hastened to Sutherland ; but, before his arrival there, Sir 
 Donald had entered Strathully with a body of men, in quest of Alex- 
 ander Gun, the burner, against whom he had obtained letters of caption. 
 He expected that if he could find Gun in Strathully, where the clan of 
 that name chiefly dwelt, they, and particularly John Gun, would protect 
 Alexander, and that in consequence he would ensnare John Gun and 
 
274 HISTORY OF THE HIGHLANDS. 
 
 his tribe, and bring them within the reach of the law, for having re- 
 sisted the king's authority ; but Mackay was disappointed in his expec- 
 tations, for Alexander Gun escaped, and none of the Clan-Gun made the 
 least movement, not knowing how Sir Robert Gordon stood affected 
 towards Alexander Gun. In entering StrathuUy, without acquainting 
 his uncles of his intention. Sir Donald had acted improperly, and con- 
 trary to his duty, as the vassal of the house of Sutherland : but, not 
 satisfied with this trespass, he went to Badinloch, and there apprehended 
 William M'Corkill, one of the Clan-Gun, and carried him along with 
 him towards Strathnaver, on the ground that he had favoured the escape 
 of Alexander Gun ; but M'Corkill escaped, while his keepers were 
 asleep, and went to Dunrobin, where he met Sir Alexander Gordon, to 
 whom he related the circumstance. 
 
 Hearing that Sir Robert Gordon was upon his journey to Suther- 
 land, Mackay left Badinloch in haste and went privately to the parish 
 of Culmaly, and took up his residence in Golspietour witli John Gor- 
 don, younger of Embo, till he should learn in what manner Sir Robert 
 would act towards him. Mackay perceiving that his presence in 
 Golspietour was likely to lead to a tumult among the people, he sent 
 his men home to Strathnaver, and went himself, the following day, tak- 
 ing only one man along with him, to Dunrobin castle, where he met 
 Sir Robert Gordon, who received him kindly according to his usual 
 manner ; and after Sir Robert had opened his mind very fi-eely to him 
 on the bad course he was pursuing, he began to talk to him about a 
 reconciliation with John Gun ; but Sir Donald would not hear of any 
 accommodation, and, after staying a few daj's at Dunrobin, returned 
 home to his o^vn country. 
 
 A dispute having occurred on the subject of the eastern marches be- 
 tween Sutherland and Strathnaver, it was agreed by the parties inte- 
 rested that some mutual fi'iends should meet at Rimbisdale for the pur- 
 pose of fixing them. The time fixed had now arrived, and, accordingly. 
 Sir Alexander Gordon, John Mackay, and John Monroe of Leamlair, 
 who were appointed to adjust the marches, met at the time and place 
 appointed. To save trouble, it was agreed that they should meet with 
 only twenty-four men on each side ; but the inhabitants of Caithness 
 having flocked to the place of meeting to await the issue, the people of 
 Strathnaver also generally attended, a circumstance which induced Sir 
 Robert Gordon to send five hundred men, without delay, to attend his 
 brother. Sir Alexander, for protecting him in case of necessity, while 
 Sir Robert himself was prepared to join him with the rest of the inha- 
 bitants of Sutherland. The affair of the marches was, however, so 
 effectually settled by Monroe of Leamlair, that all the parties returned 
 quietly to their respective homes. 
 
 Sir Donald Mackay perceiving the danger in which he had placed 
 himself, and seeing that he could place no reliance on the hollow 
 and inconstant fi-iendship of the earl of Caithness, became desir- 
 
QUARREL BETWEEN EAUL ENZIE AND MACKINTOSH. 275 
 
 ous of a reconciliation with his uncles by submitting himself to the 
 house of Sutherland, and with this view he offered to refer all mat- 
 ters in dispute to the arbitrament of friends, and to make such satis- 
 faction for his offences as they might enjoin. As Sir Robert Gordon 
 still had a kindly feeling towards Mackay, and as the state in which the 
 affairs of the house of Sutherland stood during the minority of his 
 nephew, the earl, could not conveniently admit of following out hostile 
 measures against Mackay, Sir Robert embraced Mackay 's offer. The 
 parties, therefore, met at Tain, and matters being discussed in presence 
 of Sir Alexander Gordon of Navidale, George Monroe of Milntoun, and 
 John Monroe of Leamlair, they adjudged that Sir Donald should send 
 Angus Mackay of Bighouse, and three gentlemen of the Slaight-ean- 
 Aberigh, to Dunrobin, there to remain prisoners during Sir Robert's 
 pleasure, as a punishment for apprehending William M'Corkill at 
 Badinloch. After settling some other matters of little moment, the 
 parties agreed to hold another meeting for adjusting all remaining ques- 
 tions, at Elgin, in the month of June of the following year, sixteen hun- 
 dred and nineteen, and subscribed a submission to that effect. Sir Do- 
 nald wished to include Gordon of Embo and others of his friends, in 
 Sutherland, in this arrangement; but as they were vassals of the house 
 of Sutherland, Sir Robert would not allow Mackay to treat for them. 
 
 In the month of November, sixteen hundred and eighteen, the peace 
 of the Highlands was in danger of being disturbed in consequence of a 
 quarrel between George, Lord Gordon, earl of Enzie, and Sir Lauchlan 
 Mackintosh, chief of the Clan-Chattan, which arose out of the following 
 circumstances: — When the earl went into Lochaber, in the year sixteen 
 hundred and thirteen, in pursuit of the Clan-Cameron, he requested 
 Mackintosh to accompany him, both on account of his being the vassal 
 of the marquis of Huntly, the earl's father, and also on account of the 
 ancient enmity which had always existed between the Clan-Chattan and 
 Clan-Cameron, in consequence of the latter keeping forcible possession 
 of certain lands belonging to the former in Lochaber. To induce 
 Mackintosh to join him, the earl promised to dispossess the Clan-Came- 
 ron of the lands belonging to Mackintosh, and to restore him to the 
 possession of them ; but, by advice of the laird of Grant, his father-in- 
 law, who was an enemy of the house of Huntly, he declined to accom- 
 pany the earl in his expedition. The earl was greatly displeased at 
 Mackintosh's refusal, which, afterwards, led to some disputes between 
 them. A few years after the date of this expedition, in which the earl 
 subdued the Clan-Cameron and took their chief prisoner, whom he im- 
 prisoned at Inverness, in the year sixteen hundred and fourteen. Mack- 
 intosh obtained a commission against Mackronald, younger of Moydart, 
 and his brother, Donald Glas, for laying waste his lands in Lochaber ; 
 and, having collected all his friends, he entered Lochaber for the pur- 
 pose of apprehending them, but, being unsuccessful in his attempt to 
 capture them, he returned home. As Mackintosh conceived that he 
 
276 HISTORY OF THE HIGHLANDS. 
 
 had a right to the services of all his clan, some of whom were tenants 
 and dependants of the marquis of Huntly, he ordered the latter to fol- 
 low him, and compelled such of them as were refractory to accom- 
 pany him into Lochaber. This proceeding gave offence to the earl of 
 Enzie, who summoned Mackintosh before the lords of the privy council 
 for having, as he asserted, exceeded his commission. He, moreover, 
 got Mackintosh's commission recalled, and obtained a new commission 
 in his own favour from the lords of the council, under which he invaded 
 Lochaber, and expelled Mac-Ronald and his brother, Donald, from that 
 country. 
 
 As Mackintosh held certain lands from the earl and his father for 
 services to be done, which the earl alleged had not been performed by 
 Mackintosh, agreeably to the tenor of his titles, the earl brought an ac- 
 tion against Mackintosh in the year sixteen hundred and eighteen, for 
 evicting these lands, on the ground of his not having implemented the 
 conditions on which he held them. And, as the earl had right to the 
 tithes of Culloden, which belonged to Mackintosh, he served him, at 
 same time, with an inhibition, prohibiting him to dispose of these tithes. 
 As the time for tithing drew near. Mackintosh, by advice of the Clan- 
 Kenzie and the Grants, circulated a report that he intended to oppose the 
 earl in any attempt he might make to take possession of the tithes of 
 Culloden in kind, because such a practice had never before been in use, 
 and that he would try the issue of an action of spuilzie, if brought 
 against him. Although the earl was much incensed at such a threat on 
 the part of his own vassal, yet, being a privy counsellor, and desirous 
 of showing a good example in keeping the peace, he abstained from en- 
 forcing his right ; but, having formerly obtained a decree against Mack- 
 intosh for the value of the tithes of the preceding years, he sent two 
 messengers-at-arms to poind and distrain the corns upon the ground 
 under that warrant. The messengers were, however, resisted by Mack- 
 intosh's servants, and forced to desist in the execution of their duty. 
 The earl, in consequence, pursued Mackintosh and his servants before 
 the privy council, and got them denounced and proclaimed rebels to 
 the king. He, thereupon, collected a number of his particular friends 
 with the design of carrying his decree into execution, by distraining the 
 crop at Culloden and carrying it to Inverness. Mackintosh prepared 
 himself to resist, by fortifying the house of Culloden and laying in a 
 large quantity of ammunition, and having collected all the corn within 
 shot of the castle and committed the charge of it to his two uncles, 
 Duncan and Lauchlan, he waited for the approach of the earl. As the 
 earl was frilly aware of Mackintosh's preparations, and that the Clan- 
 Chattan, the Grants, and the Clan-Kenzie, had promised to assist 
 Mackintosh in opposing the execution of his warrant, he wrote to 
 Sir Robert Gordon, tutor of Sutherland, to meet him at Culloden on 
 the fifth day of November, sixteen hundred and eighteen, being the day 
 fixed by him for enforcing his decree. On receipt of this letter, Sir 
 
SURRENDER OF CULLODEN CASTLE. 277 
 
 Robert Gordon left Sutherland for Bog-a-Gight, where the marquis 
 of Huntly and his son then were, and on his way paid a visit to Mack- 
 intosli with the view of bringing about a compromise ; but Mackintosh, 
 who was a young man of a headstrong disposition, refused to listen to 
 any proposals, and rode post haste to Edinburgh, from whence he went 
 privately into England. 
 
 In the meantime, the earl of Enzie having collected his friends, to 
 the number of eleven hundred horsemen well appointed and armed, and 
 six hundred Highlanders on foot, came to Inverness with this force on 
 the day appointed, and, after consulting his principal officers, marched 
 forwards toward CuUoden. When he arrived within view of the castle 
 the earl sent Sir Robert Gordon to Duncan Mackintosh, who, with his 
 brother, commanded the house, to inform him, that, in consequence of his 
 nephew's extraordinary boasting, he had come thither to put his majesty's 
 laws in execution, and to carry off the corn which of right belonged to 
 him. To this message Duncan made this reply, — that he did not mean 
 to prevent the earl from taking away what belonged to him, but that, in 
 case of attack, he would defend the castle which had been committed to 
 his charge. Sir Robert, on his return, begged the earl to send Lord 
 Lovat, who had some influence with Duncan Mackintosh, to endeavour 
 to prevail on him to surrender the castle. At the desire of the earl, 
 Lord Lovat accordingly went to the house of CuUoden, accompanied 
 by Sir Robert Gordon and George Monroe of Milntoun, and, after some 
 entreaty. Mackintosh agreed to surrender at discretion ; a party there- 
 upon took possession of the house, and sent the keys to the earl. He 
 was, however, so well pleased with the conduct of Mackintosh, that he 
 sent back the keys to him, and as neither the Clan-Chattan, the Grants, 
 nor the Clan-Kenzie, appeared to oppose him, he disbanded his party 
 and returned home to Bog-a-Gight. He did not even carry off the 
 corn, but gave it to Mackintosh's grandmother, who enjoyed the life- 
 rent of tlie lands of CuUoden as her jointure. 
 
 As the earl of Enzie had other claims against Sir Lauchlan Mackin- 
 tosh, he cited him before the lords of council and session, but failing to 
 appear, he was again denounced rebel, and outlawed for his disobe- 
 dience. Sir Lauchlan, who was then in England at court, informed 
 the king of the earl's proceedings, which he described as harsh and ille- 
 gal, and, to counteract the effect which such a statement might have 
 upon the mind of his majesty, the earl posted to London and laid before 
 him a true statement of matters. The consequence was, that Sir 
 Lauchlan was sent home to Scotland and committed to the castle of 
 Edinburgh, until he should give the earl full satisfaction. This step 
 appears to have brought him to reason, and induced him to apply, 
 through the mediation of some friends, for a reconciliation with the earl, 
 which took place accoixlingly, at Edinburgh, in the year sixteen hun- 
 dred and nineteen. Sir Lauchlan, however, became bound to pay a 
 large sum of money to the earl, ^art of which he afterwards remitted. 
 
278 HISTORY OF THE HIGHLANDS. 
 
 The laird of Grant, by whose advice Mackintosh had acted in opposing 
 the earl, also submitted to the earl; but the reconciliation was more 
 nominal than real, for the earl was afterwards obliged to protect the 
 chief of the Clan-Cameron against them, and this circumstance gave 
 rise to many dissensions between them and the earl, which ended only 
 with the lives of Mackintosh and the laird of Grant, who both died in 
 the year sixteen hundred and twenty-two, when the ward of part of 
 Mackintosh's lands fell to the earl, as his superior, during the minority 
 of his son. The earl of Seaforth and his clan, who had also favoured 
 the designs of Mackintosh, were in like manner reconciled, at the same 
 time, to the earl of Enzie, at Aberdeen, through the mediation of the 
 earl of Dunfermline, the chancellor of Scotland, whose daughter the 
 earl of Seaforth had married.* 
 
 In no part of the Highlands did the spirit of faction operate so 
 powerfully, or reign with greater virulence, than in Sutherland and 
 Caithness, and the adjacent country. The jealousies and strifes which 
 existed for such a length of time between the two great rival families of 
 Sutherland and Caithness, and the warfare which these occasioned, 
 sowed the seeds of a deep-rooted hostility, which extended its baneful 
 influence among all their followers, dependants, and friends, and retard- 
 ed the advancement of the social system. The most trivial offences were 
 often magnified into the greatest crimes, and bodies of men, animated by 
 the deadliest hatred, were instantly congregated to avenge imaginary 
 wrongs. It would be almost an endless task to relate the many dis- 
 putes and differences which occurred during the seventeenth century in 
 these distracted districts ; but as a short account, or an abridged narra- 
 tive of the principal events is necessary in a work of this nature, we 
 again proceed agreeably to our plan. 
 
 During the year sixteen hundred and twenty-one, a dispute arose 
 between Sutherland of Duffus and John Gordon, younger of Embo, 
 respecting the marches between Embo and the lands of Cuttle, which 
 belonged to the former. Duffus, accompanied by his brother, James 
 Sutherland, and seven other persons, visited the marches one evening, 
 when he sent for young Embo to come and speak with him respecting 
 them. Though late in the evening, Embo went unaccompanied by any 
 person, and met Duffus and his party, and after exchanging some words, 
 they attacked Gordon and wounded him before he had time to draw 
 his sword. As soon as this attack became known, the Gordons and the 
 Grays, with some of tlie earl of Sutherland's tenants, came to Embo, 
 and proceeded from thence to the castle of Skelbo, where Duffus then 
 resided, with the design of attacking him. They did not enter the 
 house, but rode round about it, defying him and daring him to come 
 out. Sir Alexander Gordon, sheriff of Sutherland, hearing of the 
 meeting, immediately hastened to the spot to prevent mischief; and be- 
 
 * Sir R. Gordon, p. 356, et seq. 
 
SLAUGHTER OF THOMAS LINDSAY 279 
 
 ing assisted by John Gray, dean of Caithness, he took all the par- 
 ties bound to keep the peace till the arrival of Sir Robert Goi-don, who, 
 it was expected, would adopt measures of pacification. Sir Robert af- 
 terwards prevailed upon the parties to hold a friendly meeting, at which 
 they agreed to refer their disputes to arbitration. 
 
 The resignation which the earl of Caithness was compelled to make 
 of part of the feu lands of the bishoprick of Caithness, into the hands 
 of the bishop, as before related, was a measure which preyed upon his 
 mind, naturally restless and vindictive, and, in consequence, he contin- 
 ually annoyed the bishop's servants and tenants. His hatred was more 
 especially directed against Robert Monroe of Aldie, commissary of 
 Caithness, who always acted as chamberlain to the bishop, and factor in 
 the diocese, whom he took every opportunity to molest. The earl had 
 a domestic servant, James Sinclair of Dyren, who had possessed part 
 of the lands which he had been compelled to resign, and which were 
 now tenanted by Thomas Lindsay, brother-uterine of Robert Monroe, 
 the commissary. This James Sinclair, at the instigation of the earl, 
 quarrelled with Thomas Lindsay, who was passing at the time near the 
 earl's house in Thurso, and, after exchanging some hard words, Sinclair 
 inflicted a deadly wound upon him, of which he shortly thereafter died. 
 Sinclair immediately fled to Edinburgh, and from thence to London, to 
 meet Sir Andrew Sinclair, who was then transacting some business 
 for the king of Denmark there, that he might intercede with the 
 king for a pardon ; but his majesty refused to grant it, and Sinclair, for 
 better security, went to Denmark along with Sir Andrew. 
 
 As Robert Monroe did not consider his person safe in Caithness un- 
 der such circumstances, he retired into Sutherland for a time. He 
 then pursued James Sinclair and his master, the earl of Caithness, for 
 the slaughter of his brother, Thomas Lindsay ; but, not appearing for 
 trial on the day appointed, they were both outlawed, and denounced rebels. 
 Hearing that Sinclair was in London, Monroe hastened thither, and in 
 his own name and that of the bishop of Caithness, laid a complaint be- 
 fore his majesty against the earl and his servant. Amongst other griev- 
 ances of which he complained, was the slaughter of his brother, which 
 he satisfied the king, had been brought about by the earl ; that he him- 
 self had narrowly escaped with his life, and, as the earl had been out- 
 lawed for the crime, he begged his majesty to issue such order against 
 him, as he should judge expedient. His majesty, thereupon wrote to 
 the Lords of the Privy Council of Scotland, desiring them to adopt the 
 most speedy and rigorous measures to suppress the oppressions of the 
 earl, that his subjects in the north, who were well affected, might live 
 in safety and peace ; and to enable them the more effectually to punish 
 the earl, his majesty ordered them to keep back the remission which 
 had been granted the earl for the affair of Sanset, which had not yet 
 been delivered to him. His majesty also directed the Privy Council, 
 Avith all secrecy and speed, to give a commission to Sir Robert Gordon 
 
280 HISTORY OF THE HIGHLANDS. 
 
 to apprehend the earl, or force him to leave the kingdom, and to take 
 possession of all his castles for his majesty's behoof; that he should also 
 compel the landed proprietors of Caithness to find surety not only for 
 keeping the king's peace in time coming, but also for their personal ap- 
 pearance at Edinburgh twice every year, as the West Islanders were 
 bound to do, to answer to such complaints as might be made against 
 them. The letter containing these instructions is dated from Windsor, 
 twenty -fifth of May, sixteen hundred and twenty-one. 
 
 The privy council, on receipt of this letter, communicated the same 
 to Sir Robert Gordon, who was then in Edinburgh ; but he excused 
 himself from accepting the commission offered him, lest his acceptance 
 might be construed as proceeding from spleen and malice against the 
 earl of Caithness. This answer, however, did not satisfy the privy 
 council, who insisted that he should accept the commission, which he, 
 therefore, did, but on condition that the council should furnish him with 
 shipping, and the munitions of war and all other necessaries to force 
 the earl to yield, in case he should fortify either castle Sinclair or Ac- 
 rigell, and withstand a siege. 
 
 While the pri^y council were deliberating on this matter. Sir Robert 
 Gordon took occasion to speak to Lord Berridale, who was still a pris- 
 oner for debt in the jail of Edinburgh, respecting the contemplated 
 measures against the earl, his father, and as Sir Robert was still very 
 unwilling to enter upon such an enterprize, he advised his Lordship to 
 undertake the business, by engaging in which he might not only get 
 himself relieved of the claims against him, save his country from the 
 dangers which threatened it, but also keep possession of his castles, and 
 that as his father had treated him in the most unnatural manner, by 
 suffering him to remain so long in prison without taking any steps to 
 obtain his liberation, he would be justified, in the eyes of the world, 
 in accepting the offer now made. Being encouraged by the Lord Gor- 
 don, Earl of Enzie, to whom Sir Robert Gordon's proposal had been 
 communicated, to embrace the offer. Lord Berridale notified to the 
 lords of the council the danger which might arise to the peace of the 
 north country, on account of the ancient and long-standing enmity 
 which existed between the inhabitants of Sutherland and Caithness, if 
 Sir Robert Gordon or any other person belonging to the house of 
 Sutherland, were employed in the proposed service, as his father would 
 stand out more against Sir Robert than against any other commissioner 
 not connected with the house of Sutherland. He then offered to under- 
 take the service without any charge to his majesty, and that he would, 
 before being liberated, give security to his creditors, either to return 
 to prison after he had executed the commission, or satisfy them for their 
 claims against him. The privy council embraced at once Loi'd Berri- 
 dale's proposal, but, although the earl of Enzie offered himself as surety 
 for his lordship's return to prison after the service was over, the credi- 
 tors refused to consent to his liberation, and thus the matter dropt. Sir 
 
LIBERATION OF LORD BERRIDALE. 281 
 
 Robert Gordon was again urged by the council to accept the commis- 
 sion, and to make the matter more palatable to him, they granted the 
 commission to him and the earl of Enzie jointly, both of whom accepted 
 it. As the council, however, had no command from the king to supply 
 the commissioners with shipping and warlike stores, they delayed pro- 
 ceedings till they should receive instructions from his majesty touching 
 that point. 
 
 When the earl of Caithness was informed of the proceedings contem- 
 plated against him, and that Sir Robert Gordon had been employed by 
 a commission from his majesty to act in the matter, he wrote to the 
 Lords of the Privy Council, asserting that he was innocent of the death 
 of Thomas Lindsay ; that his reason for not appearing at Edinburgh to 
 abide his trial for that crime, was not that he had been in any shape 
 privy to the slaughter, but for fear of his creditors, who, he was afraid, 
 would apprehend and imprison him ; and promising, that if his ma- 
 jesty would grant him a protection and safe conduct, he would find 
 security to abide trial for the slaughter of Thomas Lindsay. On receipt 
 of this letter, the lords of the council promised him a protection, and 
 in the month of August, his brother, James Sinclair of Murkle, and Sir 
 John Sinclair of Greenland, became sureties for his appearance at Ed- 
 inbui'gh, at the time prescribed for his appearance to stand trial. Thus 
 the execution of the commission was in the meantime delayed. 
 
 Notwithstanding the refusal of Lord Berridale's creditors to consent 
 to his liberation. Lord Gordon afterwards did all in his power to ac- 
 complish it, and ultimately succeeded in obtaining this consent, by giv- 
 ing his own personal security either to satisfy the creditors, or deliver 
 up Lord Berridale into their hands. His lordship was accordingly re- 
 leased from prison, and returned to Caithness in the year sixteen hun- 
 dred and twenty-one, after a confinement of five years. As his final 
 enlargement from jail depended upon his obtaining the means of paying 
 his creditors, and as his father, the earl, staid at home consuming the 
 rents of his estates, in rioting and licentiousness, without paying any 
 part either of the principal or interest of his debts, and without feeling 
 the least uneasiness at his son's confinement. Lord Berridale, immedi- 
 ately on his return, assisted by his friends, attempted to apprehend his 
 father, so as to get the family estates into his own possession ; but with- 
 out success. 
 
 In the meantime the earl's creditors, wearied out with the delay which 
 had taken place in liquidating their debts, grew exceedingly clamorous, 
 and some of them took a journey to Caithness in the month of April, 
 sixteen hundred and twenty-two, to endeavour to effect a settlement 
 with the earl personally. All, however, that they obtained were fair 
 words, and a promise from the earl that he would speedily follow them 
 to Edinburgh, and satisfy them of all demands ; but he failed to perform 
 his promise. About this time, a sort of reconciliation appears to have 
 taken place between the earl and his son, Lord Berridale ; but it was of 
 
282 HISTORY OF THE HIGHLANDS. 
 
 short duration. On this new disagreement breaking out, the earl lost 
 the favour and friendship not only of his brothers, James and Sir John, 
 but also that of his best friends in Caithness. Lord Berridale, there- 
 upon, left Caithness and took up his residence with the Lord Gordon, 
 who wrote to his friends at Court to obtain a new commission against 
 the earl. As the king was daily troubled with complaints against the 
 earl by his creditors, he readily consented to such a request, and he ac- 
 cordingly wrote a letter to the Lords of the Privy Council of Scotland, 
 in the month of December sixteen hundred and twenty-two, desiring 
 them to issue a commission to the Lord Gordon to proceed against the 
 earl. Lord Gordon, thinking the present a favourable opportunity to 
 bring matters to an amicable accommodation between the father and 
 the son, which would have superseded the execution of the commission, 
 entered into a negotiation with them for that purpose, but to no effect, 
 and he, therefore, resolved to proceed against the earl by force. The 
 execution of the commission was, however, postponed in consequence 
 of a message to the Lord Gordon to attend the Court and proceed to 
 France on some affairs of state, where he accordingly went in the year 
 sixteen hundred and twenty -three. On the departure of his lordship, 
 the earl made an application to the Lords of the Council for a new 
 protection, promising to appear at Edinburgh on the tenth day of Au- 
 gust sixteen hundred and twenty-three, and to satisfy his creditors, — 
 this was a mere pretence to obtain delay, for although the council granted 
 the protection, as required, upon the most urgent solicitations, the earl 
 failed to appear on the day appointed. This breach of his engagement 
 incensed his majesty and the council the more against him, and made 
 them more determined than ever to reduce him to obedience. He was 
 again denounced and proclaimed rebel, and a new commission was grant- 
 ed to Sir Robert Gordon to proceed against him and his abettors 
 with fire and sword. In this commission there were conjoined with 
 Sir Robert, his brother, Sir Alexander Gordon, Sir Donald Mackay, 
 his nephew, and James Sinclair of Murkle, but on this condition, 
 that Sir Robert should act as chief commissioner, and that nothing 
 should be done by the other commissioners in the service they were 
 employed in without his advice and consent. 
 
 The earl of Caithness seeing now no longer any chance of evad- 
 ing the authority of the laws, prepared to meet the gathering storm by 
 fortifying his castles and strongholds. Proclamations were issued inter- 
 dicting all persons from having any communication with the earl, and 
 letters of concurrence were given to Sir Robert in name or his majesty, 
 charging and commanding the inhabitants of Ross, Sutherland, Strath- 
 naver, Caithness, and Orkney, to assist him in the execution of his 
 majesty's commission ; a ship well furnished with the munitions of 
 war, was sent to the coast of Caithness to prevent the earl's escape by 
 sea, and to furnisli Sir Robert with ordnance for battering the earl's 
 castles in case he should withstand a siege. 
 
WARLIKK PROCEEDINGS AGAINST THE EARL OF CAITHNESS. 283 
 
 Sir Robert Gordon having arrived in Sutherland in the month of 
 August sixteen hundred and twenty-three, was immediately joined by 
 Lord Bcrridale for thfe purpose of consulting on the plan of opera- 
 tions to be adopted ; but, before fixing on any particular plan, it was 
 concerted that Lord Berridale should first proceed to Caithness to learn 
 what resolution his father had come to, and to ascertain how the inhabi- 
 tants of that country stood affected towards the earl. He was also to 
 notify to Sir Robert the arrival of the ship of war on the coast. A day 
 was, at the same time, fixed for the inhabitants of the adjoining pro- 
 vinces, to meet Sir Robert Gordon in StrathuUy, upon the borders be- 
 tween Sutherland and Caithness. Lord Berridale was not long in Caith- 
 ness when he sent notice to Sir Robert acquainting him that his father, 
 the earl, had resolved to stand out to the last extremity, and that he had 
 fortified the strong castle of Acrigell, which he had supplied with men, 
 ammunition, and provisions, and upon holding out which he placed 
 his last and only hope. He advised Sir Robert to bring with him into 
 Caithness as many men as he could muster, as many of the inliabitants 
 stood still well affected to the earl. 
 
 The earl of Caithness, in the meantime, justly apprehensive of the 
 consequences which might ensue if unsuccessful in his opposition, de- 
 spatched a messenger to Sir Robert Gordon, proposing that some gentle- 
 men should be authorized to negotiate between them, for the purpose 
 of bringing matters to an amicable accommodation. He enforced his 
 request by desiring Sir Robert to recollect that he was a nobleman, a 
 peer of the realm, who had once been a commissioner himself in his 
 majesty's service ; that nothing of a criminal nature could be laid to his 
 charge ; that his creditors were alone concerned ; that he was the first 
 nobleman ever proclaimed a rebel, or challenged as a traitor for debt, 
 without any criminal cause judicially proved against him ; on all which 
 grounds he entreated Sir Robert that such offers as he might make might 
 be again sent to the Privy Council. Sir Robert, who perceived the 
 drift of this message, which was solely to obtain delay, returned for 
 answer that he was exceedingly sorry that the earl had refused the bene- 
 fit of his last protection for clearing away the imputations laid to his 
 charge ; that although some of the charges against him were civil of- 
 fences, yet, by his disobedience in failing to appear before the Lords of 
 the Council to make his answer, he had changed their nature, and made 
 dhem criminal ; that, besides these civil actions, he had been charged 
 with several criminal offences, which, by absenting himself from trial, 
 he must be held to have acknowledged ; that the Privy Council had al- 
 ready seen how futile all his promises were ; that he, Sir Robert, clearly 
 pei'ceived, that the earl's object in proposing a negotiation, was solely 
 to waste time and to weary out the commissioners and army by delays, 
 which he, for his own part, would not submit to, because the harvest 
 was nearly at hand, and the king's ship could not be detained upon 
 the coast idle. Unless, therefore, the earl would at once submit himself 
 
284 HISTORY OF THE HIGHLANDS. 
 
 unconditionally to the king's mercy, that he would proceed against him 
 and his supporters immediately. The earl had been hitherto so success- 
 ful in his different schemes to avoid the ends of justice, that such an 
 answer was by no means expected, and the firmness displayed in it served 
 greatly to shake the earl's courage. 
 
 Upon receipt of the intelligence from Lord Berridale, Sir Robert 
 Gordon made preparations for entering Caithness without delay ; and, as 
 a precautionary measure, he took pledges from such of the tribes and 
 families in Caithness as he suspected were favourable to the earl. Be- 
 fore all his forces had time to assemble, Sir Robert received notice that 
 the war ship had arrived upon the Caithness coast, and that the earl was 
 meditating an escape beyond seas. Unwilling to withdraw men from 
 the adjoining provinces during the harvest season, and considering the 
 Sutherland forces quite sufficient for his purpose, he sent couriers into 
 Ross, Strathnaver, Assynt, and Orkney, desiring the people who had 
 been engaged to accompany the expedition to remain at home till far- 
 ther notice, and, having assembled all the inhabitants of Sutherland, he 
 picked out the most active and resolute men among them, whom he 
 caused to be well supplied with warlike weapons, and other necessaries, 
 for the expedition. Having thus equipped his army. Sir Robert, accom- 
 panied by his brother. Sir Alexander Gordon, and tlie principal gentle- 
 men of Sutherland, marched on the third day of September sixteen 
 hundred and twenty-three from Dunrobin to Killiernan in Strath ully, 
 the place of rendezvous previously appointed. Here Sir Robert divid- 
 ed his forces into companies, over each of which he placed a com- 
 mander. The following morning he passed the river of Helmsdale and 
 arranged his army in the following order : Half a mile in advance of 
 the main body, he placed a company of the Clan-Gun, whose duty it 
 was to search the fields as they advanced for the purpose of discovering 
 any ambuscades which might be laid in their way, and to clear away any 
 obstruction to the regular advance of the main body. The right wing 
 of the army was led by John Murray of Aberscors, Hugh Gordon of 
 Ballellon, and Adam Gordon of Kilcalmkill. The left wing was com- 
 manded by John Gordon, younger of Embo, Robert Gray of Ospis- 
 dale, and Alexander Sutherland of Kilphidder. And Sir Robert Gor- 
 don himself, his brother Sir Alexander, the laird of Pulrossie, and Wil- 
 liam Mac-Mhic-Sheumais of Killiernan, led the centre. The two wings 
 were always kept a short distance in advance from the centre, from which 
 they were to receive support when required. In this manner the army 
 advanced towards Berridale, and they observed the same order of march- 
 ing during all the time they remained in Caithness. 
 
 As soon as Lord Berridale heard of Sir Robert Gordon's advance, he 
 and James Sinclair of Murkle, one of the commissioners, and some 
 other gentlemen, went forward in haste to meet him. The parties ac- 
 cordingly met among the mountains above Cayen about three miles 
 from Berridale. Sir Robert continued his march till he arrived at Brea- 
 
SURRENDER OF CASTLE SINCLAIR, &C. 285 
 
 Na-Henglish in Berridale, where at night he encamped. Here they 
 were informed that the ship of war, after casting anchor before Castle 
 Sinclair, had gone from thence to Strabister road, and that the earl of 
 Caithness had abandoned the country, and had sailed by night into one 
 of the Orkney islands with the intention of going from thence into 
 Norway or Denmark. From Brea- Na-Henglish the army advanced to 
 Lathron, where they encamped. Here James Sinclair of Murkle, she- 
 riff of Caithness, Sir William Sinclair of May, the laird of Ratter, 
 the laird of Forse, and several other gentlemen of Caithness, waited 
 upon Sir Robert Gordon and tendered their submission and obedience 
 to his Majesty, offering, at the same time, every assistance they could 
 afford in forwarding the objects of the expedition. Sir Robert received 
 them kindly, and promised to acquaint his Majesty with their submission ; 
 but he distrusted some of them, and he gave orders that none of the 
 Caithness people should be allowed to enter his camp after sunset. At 
 Lathron, Sir Robert was joined by about three hundred of the Caith- 
 ness men, consisting of the Cadels and others who had favoured Lord 
 Berridale. These men were commanded by James Sinclair, fiar of 
 Murkle, and were kept always a mile or two in advance of the army 
 till they reached Castle Sinclair. 
 
 No sooner did Sir Robert arrive before Castle Sinclair, which was a 
 very strong place, and the principal residence of the earl of Caithness, 
 than it surrendered, the keys of which were delivered up to him in 
 name of his Majesty. The army encamped before the castle two nights, 
 during which time the officers took up their quarters within the castle, 
 which was guarded by Sutherland men. 
 
 From Castle Sinclair Sir Robert marched to the castle of Acrigell, an- 
 other strong place, which also surrendered on the first summons, and the 
 keys of which were delivered in like manner to him. The army next 
 marched in battle array to the castle of Kease, the last residence of 
 the earl, which was also given up without resistance. The countess of 
 Caithness had previously removed to another residence not far distant, 
 where she was visited by Sir Robert Gordon, who was her cousin ger- 
 man. The countess entreated him, with great earnestness, to get her 
 husband again restored to favour, seeing he had made no resistance to 
 him. Sir Robert promised to do what he could if the earl would follow 
 his advice ; but he did not expect that matters could be accommodated 
 so speedily as she expected from the peculiar situation in which the earl 
 then stood. 
 
 From Kease Sir Robert Gordon returned with his army to Castle 
 Sinclair, where, according to the directions he had received from the 
 privy council, he delivered the keys of all these castles and forts to 
 Lord Berridale to be kept by him for his Majesty's use, for which he 
 should be answerable to the lords of the council until the farther plea- 
 sure of his Majesty should be known. 
 
 The army then returned to Wick in the same marching order Avhich 
 
286 HISTORY OF THE HIGHLANDS. 
 
 ihey had observed since their first entry into Caithness, at which place 
 the commissioners consulted together, and framed a set of instructions 
 to Lord Berridale for governing Caithness peaceably in time coming 
 conformably to the laws of the kingdom, and for preventing the earl of 
 Caithness from again disturbing the country should he venture to return 
 after the departure of the army. At Wick Sir Robert Gordon was 
 joined by Sir Donald Mackay, who had collected together the choicest 
 men of Strathnaver; but, as the object of the expedition had been ob- 
 tained, Sir Donald, after receiving Sir Robert's thanks, returned the same 
 day to Strathnaver. Sir Robert having brought this expedition to a suc- 
 cessfiil termination, led back his men into Sutherland, and, after a stay 
 of three months went to England, carrying with him a letter from the 
 privy council of Scotland to the king, giving an account of the expe- 
 dition, and of its happy result.* 
 
 * Sir Robert Gordon, p. 366. et seq. 
 
CHAPTER XIV. 
 
 Insiirrcrtion of tlic Clan-Chattaii aoainst tlie Earl of Moray — Ineffectual attempis of the 
 Earl to suppress them — Submission of the Clan — Proceedings of the Earl — Dispute 
 between the Laird of Dufliis and Gordon, younger of Embo — Conflict between Gor- 
 don and John Sutherland of Clyne— Commitment of Gordon — Attempts of Sir Don- 
 ald Mackay to embroil the houses of Sutherland and Duffus — Capture of Angus Roy 
 Gun — Encounter at the bridge of Eroray — Feud among the Grants— Depredations of 
 James Grant — Grant of Carron killed by Grant of Balindalloch — Apprehension and 
 imprisonment of James Grant — Dispute between the Lairds of Frendraught and Ro- 
 thiemay — Conflict — Rothiemay killed — Quarrel between Frendraught and the Laird 
 of Pitcaple — Calamitous Fire at Frendraught house — Death of John, Viscount 
 Aboyne, Rothiemay, and others — Inquiry as to the cause of the Fire — Escape of 
 James Grant — Attacked by Patrick Macgregor, who is killed — Apprehension of Grant 
 of Balindalloch, by James Grant — Apprehension and execution of Thomas Grant — 
 James Grant murders two of his surname — Attacked in Strathbogie, and escapes — 
 Depredations of the Clan-Lauchlan — Skirmish between them and the Farquharsons 
 — Dispute between the Earl of Sutherland and Lord Lorn — Execution of John Mel- 
 drum — Depredations committed upon Frendraught — The Marquis of Huntly accused 
 therewith — The Marquis and Lelterfourie committed — Liberated — Death and charac- 
 ter of the Marquis. 
 
 The troubles in Sutherland and Caithness had been scarcely allayed, 
 when a formidable insurrection broke out on the part of the Clan-Chat- 
 tan against the earl of Moray, which occasioned considerable uproar and 
 confusion in the Highlands. The Clan-Chattan had for a very long 
 period been the faithful friends and followers of the earls of Moray, who, 
 in consequence, had allotted them many valuable lands and possessions 
 in recompense for their services in Pettie and Strathern. The clan, in 
 particular, had been very active in revenging the death of James, Earl 
 of Moray, who was killed at Dunibristle, upon the marquis of Huntly ; 
 but his son and successor being reconciled to the family of Huntly, and 
 needing no longer, as he thought, the aid of the Clan, he dispossessed 
 them of the lands which his predecessors had bestowed upon them. 
 This harsh proceeding occasioned great irritation, and, upon the death 
 of Sir Lauchlan, their chief, who died a short time before Whitsunday 
 sixteen hundred and twenty-four, they resolved either to recover the 
 possessions of which they had been deprived, or to lay them waste. While 
 Sir Lauchlan lived the Clan were awed by his authority and prevented 
 from such an attempt, but no such impediment now standing in their 
 way, and as their chief, who was a mere child, could run no risk by the 
 I. 2 
 
288 HISTORY OF THE HIGHLANDS. 
 
 enterprise, they considered the present a favourable opportunity for car- 
 rying their plan into execution. 
 
 Accordingly, a gathering of the Clan to the number of about two 
 hundred gentlemen and three hundred servants took place about Whit- 
 sunday sixteen hundred and twenty-four. This party was commanded 
 by three uncles of the late chief.* " They keeped the feilds (says 
 Spalding), in their Highland weid upon foot with swords, bowes, ar- 
 rowes, targets, hagbuttis, pistollis, and other Highland armour ; and 
 first began to rob and spoulzie the carle's tennents, who laboured their 
 possessions, of their haill goods, geir, insight, plenishing, horse, nolt, 
 sheep, corns, and cattell, and left them nothing that they could gett 
 within their bounds ; syne fell in sox'ning throw out Murray, Stratha- 
 wlck, Urquhart, Ross, Sutherland, Brae of Marr, and diverse other 
 parts, takeing their meat and food per force wher they could not gett it 
 willingly, frae freinds alseweill as frae their faes ; yet still keeped them- 
 selves from shedeing of innocent blood. Thus- they lived as outlawes> 
 oppressing the countrie, (besydes the casting of the carle's lands waist), 
 and openly avowed they had tane this course to gett thir own possessions 
 again, or then hold the country walking." 
 
 When this rising took place, the earl of Moray obtained from Mon- 
 teith and Balquhidder about three hundred armed men, and placing 
 himself at their head he marched through Moray to Inverness. The 
 earl took up his residence in the castle with the earl of Enzie, his brother- 
 in-law, and after the party had passed one night at Inverness, he dis- 
 patched them in quest of the Clan-Chattan, but whether from fear of 
 meeting them, or because they could not find them, certain it is that 
 the Monteith and Balquhidder men returned without effecting any thing 
 after putting the earl to great expenses. The earl, therefore, sent them 
 back to their respective countries, and went himself to Elgin, where he 
 raised another body of men to suppress the Clan-Chattan, but who were 
 equally unsuccessful in finding them out, although they pretended that 
 they had searched for them through the country. 
 
 These ineffectual attempts against the Clan, served to make them 
 more bold and daring in their outrages ; and as the earl now saw that 
 no force which he could himself bring into the field was sufficient to 
 overawe these marauders, he went to London and laid a statement of 
 the case before King James, who, at his earnest solicitation, granted him 
 a commission, appointing him his lieutenant in the Highlands, and giving 
 him authority to proceed capitally against the offenders. On his return, 
 the earl proclaimed the commission he had obtained from his Majesty, 
 and issued letters of intercommuning against the Clan-Chattan, at the 
 
 * Spalding says, that the party were commanded by Lauchlan Mackintosh alias 
 Lauchlan Og, uncle of the young chief, and Lauchlan Mackintosh or Lauchlan 
 Angus-son, eldest son of Angus Mackintosh, alias Angus William, son of Auld Tir- 
 lie. Hist, of the Troubles and memorable Transactions in England and Scotland. 
 Edin. 1829. 
 
HARSH PROCKEDINGS OF THE EARL OF MORAY. 289 
 
 head burghs of several sliires, prohibiting all persons from harbouring, 
 supplying, or entertaining them, in any manner of way, under certain 
 severe pains and penaltii's. Although the Marquis of Huntly was the 
 earl's father-in-law, he felt somewhat indignant at the appointment, as 
 he conceived that he or his son had the best title to be appointed to the 
 lieutenancy of the north ; but he concealed his displeasure. 
 
 After the earl of Moray had issued the notices, prohibiting all persons 
 from communicating with, or assisting, the Clan-Chattan, their kindred 
 and friends, who had privately promised them aid, before they broke 
 out, began to grow cold, and declined to assist them, as they were 
 apprehensive for their estates, many of them being wealthy. The 
 earl perceiving this, opened a communication with some of the principal 
 persons of the clan, to induce them to submit to his authority, who, 
 seeing no hopes of making any longer an effectual resistance, read- 
 ily acquiesced, and, by the intercession of friends, made their peace 
 with the earl, on condition that they should inform him of the names 
 of such persons as had given them protection, after the publication of 
 his letters of interdiction. Having thus quelled this formidable insur- 
 rection, without bloodshed, the earl, by virtue of his commission, held 
 justice courts at Elgin, where " some slight louns, followers of the Clan- 
 Chattan," were tried and executed, but all the principals concerned were 
 pardoned. The court was formed in the earl's own name, and in the names 
 of the laird of Innes, the laird of Brodie, Samuel Falconer of Knockorth, 
 and John Hay, commissary of Moray, his depute, and before whom 
 were summoned all such persons as had held any communication with the 
 clan, or harboured or supplied them, every one of whom, it would 
 appear, attended, to avoid the penalty of contumacy, or being put to 
 the horn, a proceeding by which the person refusing to attend was 
 declared a rebel to the king, and his property forfeited for his Ma- 
 jesty's use. 
 
 As the account which Spalding gives of the appearance of the ac 
 cused, and of the base conduct of the principal men of the Clan-Chattan, 
 in informing against their friends and benefactors, is both curious and 
 graphic, it is here inserted : " Then presently was brought in befor the 
 barr ; and in the honest men's faces, the Clan-Chattan who had gotten 
 supply, verified what they had gotten, and the honest men confounded 
 and dasht, knew not what to answer, was forced to come in the carle's 
 will, whilk was not for their weill : others compeared and willingly con- 
 fessed, trusting to gett more favour at the carle's hands, but they came 
 little speid : and lastly, some stood out and denyed all, who was re- 
 served to the tryall of an assyse. The principall malefactors stood up 
 in judgment, and declared what they had gotten, whether meat, money, 
 cloathing, gun, ball, powder, lead, sword, dirk, and the like commodities, 
 and alse instructed the assyse in ilk particular, what they had gotten 
 frae the persons pannalled ; an uncouth form of probation, wher the 
 principall malefactor proves against the receiptor for his own pardon, 
 
290 HISTORY OF THE HIGHLANDS. 
 
 and honest men, perhaps neither of the Clan-Chattan's kyne nor blood, 
 punished for their good will, ignorant of the laws, and rather receipting 
 them more for their evil nor their good. Nevertheless thir innocent 
 men, under collour of justice, part and part as they came in, were 
 soundly fyned in great soumes as their estates might bear, and some 
 above their estate was fyned, and every one warded within the tolbuith 
 of Elgine, while the least myte was payed of such as was persued in 
 anno 1624."* 
 
 Some idea of the iniquity of the administration of the laws at this 
 time may be formed, when it is considered that the enormous fines im- 
 posed in the present instance, went into the pockets of the chief judge, 
 the earl of Moray himself, as similar mulcts had previously gone into 
 those of the earl of Argyle, in his crusade against the unfortunate Clan- 
 Gregor ! This legal robbery, however, does not appear to have enriched 
 the houses of Argyle and Moray, for Sir Robert Gordon observes, that 
 " these fynes did not much advantage either of these two earles." The 
 earl of Moray, no doubt, thinking such a mode of raising money an easy 
 and profitable speculation, afterwards obtained an enlargement of his 
 commission irom Charles the First, not only against the Clan-Chattan, 
 but also against all other offenders within several adjacent shires ; but 
 the commission was afterwards annulled by his Majesty, not so much on 
 account of the abuses and injustice which might have been perpetrated 
 under it, but because, as Sir Robert Gordon observes, " it grieved divers 
 of his Majesty's best affected subjects, and chieflie the Marquis of 
 HuRtlie, unto whose predicessors onlie the office of livetennendrie in the 
 north of Scotland had bein granted by former kings, for these many 
 ages." 
 
 There seems reason, however, for supposing that the recall of the 
 commission was hastened by complaints to the king, on the part of the op- 
 pressed ; for the earl had no sooner obtained its renewal, than he held a 
 court against the burgh of Inverness, John Grant of Glenmoriston, and 
 others who had refused to acknowledge their connexion with the Clan- 
 Chattan, or to pay him the heavy fines which he had imposed upon them. 
 The town of Inverness endeavoured to get quit of the earl's extortions, 
 on the ground that the inhabitants were innocent of the crimes laid to 
 their charge ; but the earl frustrated their application to the privy 
 council. The provost, Duncan Forbes, was then sent to the king, and 
 Gi'ant of Glenmoriston took a journey to London, at the same time, on 
 his own account ; but their endeavours with the king proved ineffectual, 
 and they had no alternative but to submit to the earl's exactions.f 
 
 The quarrel between the laird of Duff'us and John Gordon younger 
 of Embo, which had lain dormant for some time, burst forth again, in 
 the year sixteen hundred and twenty-five, and proved nearly fatal to 
 
 • Hist. pp. 3, and 4. 
 t Vide the petition of Provost Forbes to the king, " in the name of the inhabitants "' 
 of Inverness ; printed among the Culloden Papers, No. 5, p. 4. 
 
QUARREL BETWEEN DUFFUS AND EMBO THE YOUNGER. 291 
 
 both parties. Gordon had long watched an opportunity for revenging 
 the wrong which he conceived had been done to him by the laird of 
 DufFus and his brother, James, but he could never fall in with either of 
 them, as they remained in Moray, and, when thej'^ appeared in Suther- 
 land, they were always accompanied by some friends, so that Gordon 
 was prevented from attacking them. Frequent disappointments in this 
 way only whetted his appetite for revenge ; and meeting, when on horse- 
 back, one day, between Sidderay and Skibo, with John Sutherland 
 of Clyne, third brother of the laird of DufFus, who was also on 
 horseback, he determined to make the laird of Clyne suffer for 
 the delinquencies of his elder brother. Raising, therefore, a cudgel 
 which he held in his hand, he inflicted several blows upon John Suther- 
 land, who, as soon as he recovered himself from the surprise and confu- 
 sion into which such an unexpected attack had thrown him, drew his 
 sword. Gordon, in his turn, unsheathed his, and a warm combat 
 ensued, between the parties and two friends who accompanied them. 
 After they had fought a while, Gordon wounded Sutherland in the head 
 and in one of his hands, and otherwise injured him, but he spared his 
 life, although completely in his power. 
 
 The laird of DufFus, and all his friends and retainers, looked upon 
 this attack as highly contemptuous, not so much on account of the 
 personal injury which John Sutherland had sustained, but of the cud- 
 gelling which he had received. DufFus immediately cited John Gordon 
 to appear before the privy council, to answer for this breach of the 
 peace, and, at the same time, summoned before the council some of the 
 earl of Sutherland's friends and dependants, for an alleged conspiracy 
 against himself and his friends. DufFus, with his two brothers and 
 Gordon, came to Edinburgh on the day appointed, and, the parties 
 being heard before the council, Gordon was declared guilty of a riot, 
 and was thereupon committed to prison. This result gave great satis- 
 faction to Duffus and his brothers, who now calculated on nothing less 
 than the utter ruin of Gordon ; as they had, by means of Sir Donald 
 Mackay, obtained a Strathnaver man, named William Mack- Allen (one 
 of the Siol Thoniais), who had been a servant of Gordon's, to become a 
 witness against him, and to prove every thing that DufFus was pleased 
 to allege against Gordon. 
 
 In this situation of matters. Sir Robert Gordon returned from London 
 to Edinburgh, where he found DufFus in high spirits, exulting at his 
 success, and young Embo in prison. Sir Robert applied to DufFus, 
 hoping to bring about a reconciliation by the intervention of friends, 
 which he thought would be readily acceded to by DafFus, who was the 
 original cause of the discord ; and he trusted, at all events, that Duffus 
 would stop his proceedings against the earl of Sutherland's friends and 
 followers. But Duffus refused to hear of any arrangement; and the 
 more reasonable the conditions were, which Sir Robert proposed, the 
 more unreasonable and obstinate did he become ; his object being to 
 
292 HISTORY OF THE HIGHLANDS. 
 
 get payment of great sums of money awarded to him against Gordon by 
 the lords, in satisfaction for the wrong done his brother. 
 
 Disappointed in his endeavours to bring about a reconciliation, Sir 
 Robert applied himself, with all the diligence in his power, to get the 
 fine imposed upon Gordon mitigated, and finally succeeded, by the as- 
 sistance of the earl of Enzie, who was then at Edinburgh, in getting the 
 prosecution against the earl of Sutherland's friends quashed, in obtaining 
 the liberation of John Gordon, and in getting his fine mitigated to one 
 hundred pounds Scots, payable to the king only ; reserving, however, 
 civil action to John Sutherland of Clyne against Gordon, before the 
 lords of session.* 
 
 Sir Donald Mackay, always restless, and desirous of gratifying his 
 enmity at the house of Sutherland, endeavoured to embroil it with the 
 laird of Duffus in the following way. Having formed a resolution to leave 
 the kingdom. Sir Donald applied for, and obtained, a license from the 
 king to raise a regiment in the north, to assist Count Mansfield in his 
 campaign in Germany. He, accordingly, collected, in a few months, about 
 three thousand men from different parts of Scotland, the greater part of 
 whom he embarked at Cromarty in the month of October sixteen hundred 
 and twenty-six ; but, on account of bad health, he was obliged to delay 
 his own departure till the following year, when he joined the king of 
 Sweden with his regiment, in consequence of a peace having'^ bee^i con- 
 cluded between the king of Denmark and the emperor of Germany.f 
 Among others whom Mackay had engaged to accompany him to Ger- 
 many, was a person named Angus Roy Gun, against whom, a short time 
 previously to his enlistment, Mackay and his brother, John Mackay of 
 Dirlet, had obtained a commission from the lords of the privy council 
 for the purpose of apprehending him and bringing him before the coun- 
 cil for some supposed crimes. Mackay could have easily apprehended 
 Angus Roy Gun on different occasions, but having become one of his 
 regiment, he allowed the commission, as far as he was concerned, to re- 
 main a dead letter. 
 
 Sometime after his enlistment, Angus Roy Gun made a journey into 
 Sutherland, a circumstance which afforded Mackay an opportunity of 
 putting into execution the scheme he had formed, and which showed that 
 
 • Sir R. Gordon, p. 397, et seq. 
 f A considerable number of gentlemen, chiefly from Ross, Sutherland, and Caithness, 
 joined Mackay, some of whom rose to high rank in the army of Gustavus Adolphus. 
 Among these were Robert Monroe of Foulis, and his brother, Hector ; Thomas Mac- 
 kenzie, brother of the earl of Seaforth; John Monroe of Obisdell, and his brother Ro- 
 bert ; John Moni-oe of Assynt, and others of that surname ; Hugh Ross of Priesthill ; 
 David Ross and Nicohis Ross, sons of Alexander Ross of Invercharron ; Hugh Gordon, 
 son of Adam Gordon of Culkour; John Gordon, son of John Goi'don of Garty ; Adam 
 Gordon and John Gordon, sons of Adam Gordon George-son ; Ive Mackay, William, 
 son of Donald Mackay of Skowry ; William Gun, son of John Gun Rob-son ; John Sin- 
 clair, bastard son of the earl of Caithness; Francis Sinclair, son of James Sinclair of 
 Murkle; John Innes, son of William Innes of Sanset: John Gun, son of William Gun 
 in Golspic-Kirktown ; and George Gun, son of Alexander Gun Rob-son. 
 
DECEITFUL CONDUCT OF SIR DONALD MACKAY. 293 
 
 he was no mean adept in tlio arts of cunning and dissimulation. His 
 plan was this : — He wrote, in the first phice, private letters to the laird 
 of Duifus, and to his brother, John Sutherland of Clyne, to apprehend 
 Angus Roy Gun under the commission he had obtained; and at the same 
 time, sent the commission itself to the laird of Duffus as his authority 
 for so doing. He next wrote a letter to Alexander Gordon, the earl of 
 Sutherland's uncle, who, in the absence of his brother. Sir Robert, go- 
 verned Sutherland, entreating him, as Angus Roy Gun was then in Su- 
 therland, to send him to him to Cromarty, as he was his hired soldier. 
 Ignorant of Mackay's design, and desirous of serving him. Sir Alex- 
 ander sent two of his men to bring Gun to Sir Alexander ; but on 
 their return they were met by John Sutherland of Clyne and a party 
 of sixteen men who seized Gun ; and to prevent a rescue, the laird of 
 DufFus sent his brother, James Sutherland, Alexander Murray, heir- 
 apparent of Aberscors, and William Neill-son, chief of the Siiochd-laiu- 
 Abaraich, with three hundred men to protect his brother John. And as 
 he anticipated an attack from Sir Alexander Gordon, he sent messen- 
 gers to his supporters in Ross, Strathnaver, Caithness, and other places 
 for assistance. 
 
 When Sir Alexander Gordon heard of the assembling of such a body 
 of the earl of Sutherland's vassals without his knowledge, he made 
 inquiry to ascertain the cause of such a proceeding ; and being in- 
 formed of Gun's capture, he collected eighteen men who were near at 
 hand, and hastened with them from Dunrobin towards Clyne. On ar- 
 riving at the bridge of Broray, he found James Sutherland, and his 
 brother, John, and their whole party drawn up in battle array at the 
 east end of the bridge. He, thereupon, sent a person to the Sutherlands 
 to know the cause of such an assemblage, and the reason why they had 
 taken Gun from his servants. The bearer of the message was also 
 instructed to say, that if they pretended to act under a commission, he. 
 Sir Alexander, would, on their producing it, not only desist from all 
 proceedings against them, but would assist them in fulfilling the com- 
 mission ; but, that if they held no such commission, he would not allow 
 any man to be apprehended in Sutherland, and particularly by the earl of 
 Sutherland's vassals, without his permission, — and that failing production 
 of any commission, he would insist upon their immediately delivering 
 up Gun into his hands. As the Sutherlands refused to exhibit their 
 authority. Sir Alexander made demonstrations for passing the bridge, but 
 he was met by a shower of shot and arrows which wounded two of his men. 
 After exchanging shots for some time. Sir Alexander was joined by a con- 
 siderable body of his countrymen, by whose aid, notwithstanding the re- 
 sistance he met with, he was enabled to cross the bridge. The Suther- 
 lands were forced to retreat, and as they saw no chance of opposing, 
 with success, the power of the house of Sutherland, they, after some 
 hours consultation, delivered up Angus Roy Gun to Sir Alexander Su- 
 therland, who sent him immediately to Mackay then at Cromarty. 
 
294 HISTORY OF THE HIGHLANDS. 
 
 As such an example of insubordination among the earl of Suther- 
 land's vassals might, if overlooked, lead others to follow a similar course? 
 Sir Alexander caused the laird of Duflfus and his brother of Clyne, with 
 their accomplices, to be cited to appear at Edinburgh on the sixteenth 
 day of November following, to answer before the privy council for their 
 misdemeanours. The laird of Duftus, however, died in the month of 
 October, but the laird of Clyne appeared at Edinburgh at the time ap- 
 pointed, and produced before the privy council the letter he had received 
 from Mackay as his authority for acting as he had done. Sir Alexander 
 Gordon also produced the letter sent to him by Sir Donald, who was 
 thereby convicted of having been the intentional originator of the differ- 
 ence ; but as the lords of the council thought that the laird of Clyne 
 had exceeded the bounds of his commission, he was imprisoned in the 
 jail of Edinburgh, wherein he was ordered to remain until he should 
 give satisfaction to the other party, and present some of his men who 
 had failed to appear though summoned. By the mediation, however, of 
 James Sutherland, tutor of Duifus, a reconciliation was effected between 
 Sir Robert and Sir Alexander Gordon, and the laird of Clyne, who was, 
 in consequence, soon thereafter liberated from prison.* 
 
 The year sixteen hundred and twenty-eight was distinguished by the 
 breaking out of an old and deadly feud among the Grants, which had been 
 transmitted from father to son for several generations, in consequence of 
 the murder of John Grant of Balindalloch, about the middle of the six- 
 teenth century, by John Roy Grant of Carron, the natural son of John 
 Grant of Glenmoriston, at the instigation of the laird of Grant, the 
 chief of the tribe, who had conceived a grudge against his kinsman. 
 Some years before the period first mentioned, James Grant, one of 
 the Carron family, happening to be at a fair in the town of Elgin, ob- 
 served one of the Grants of the Balindalloch family eagerly pursuing 
 his brother, Thomas Grant, whom he knocked down in the street and 
 wounded openly before his eyes. The assailant was, in his turn, attacked 
 by James Grant, who killed him upon the spot and thereupon decamped. 
 Balindalloch then cited James Grant to stand trial for the slaughter 
 of his kinsman, but, as he did not appear on the day appointed, he was 
 outlawed. The laird of Grant made many attempts to reconcile the 
 parties, but in vain, as Balindalloch was obstinate and would listen to 
 no proposals. An offer was made that James Grant should go into ba- 
 nishment, and that compensation should be made in money and goods 
 according to the usual practice, but nothing less than the blood of James 
 Grant would satisfy Balindalloch. 
 
 This resolution on the part of Balindalloch almost drove James Grant 
 to despair, and seeing his life every moment in jeopardy, and deprived 
 of any hope of effecting a compromise, he put himself at the head of a 
 party of brigands, whom he collected from all parts of the Highlands. 
 
 * Sir R. Gordon, p. 401. et seq. 
 
FEUD AMONG THE GRANTS. 295 
 
 These freebooters made no distinction between friends and foes, but 
 attacked all persons of whatever description, and wasted and despoiled 
 their property. James Grant of Dalnebo, one of the family of Balin- 
 dalloch, fell a victim to their fury, and many of the kinsmen of that 
 family, suffered greatly from the depredations committed by Grant and 
 his associates. The earl of Moray, under the renewed and extended 
 commission which he had obtained from King Charles, made various 
 attempts to put an end to these lawless proceedings, but to no purpose ; 
 the failure of these attempts served only to harden James Grant and his 
 party, who continued their depredations. As John Grant of Carron, 
 nephew of James Grant, was supposed to maintain and assist his uncle 
 secretly, a suspicion for which there seems to have been no foundation, 
 John Grant of Balindalloch sought for an opportunity of revenging 
 himself upon Carron, who was a promising young man. Carron having 
 one day left his house along with one Alexander Grant and seven or eight 
 other persons to cut down some timber in the woods of Abernethie ; 
 Balindalloch, thinking the occasion favourable for putting his design 
 into execution, collected sixteen of his friends, and having armed them, 
 went to the forest where Carron was, and, under the pretence of search- 
 ing for James Grant and some of his associates against whom he had a 
 commission, attacked Carron, who fought manfully in defence of his life, 
 but being overpowered, he was killed by Balindalloch. Before Carron 
 fell, however, he and Alexander Grant had slain several of Balindal- 
 loch's friends, among whom were Thomas Grant of Davey and Lauch- 
 lan Mackintosh of Rockinoyr. Alexander Grant afterwards annoyed 
 Balindalloch and killed several of his men, and assisted James Grant to 
 lay waste Balindalloch's lands. " Give me leave heir (says Sir R. Gor- 
 don), to remark the providence and secrait judgement of the Almightie 
 God, who now hath mett Carron with the same measure that his fore- 
 father, John Roy Grant of Carron, did serve the ancestour of Ballen- 
 dallogh ; for upon the same day of the moneth that John Roy Grant 
 did kill the great grandfather of Ballendalloch (being the eleventh day 
 of September), the verie same day of this month wes Carron slain by 
 this John Grant of Ballendallogh many yeirs thereafter. And, besides, 
 as that John Roy Grant of Carron was left-handed, so is this John 
 Grant of Ballendallogh left-handed also ; and moreover, it is to be ob- 
 served that Ballendallogh, at the killing of this Carron, had upon him 
 the same coat-of-armour, or maillie-coat, which John Roy Grant had 
 upon him at the slaughter of the great-grandfather of this Ballendal- 
 logh, which maillie-coat Ballendallogh had, a little befor this tyme, 
 taken from James Grant, in a skirmish that passed betwixt them. Thus 
 wee doe sie that the judgements of God are inscrutable, and that, in 
 bis own tyme, he punisheth blood by blood." * 
 
 The earl of Moray when he heard of this occurrence, instead of 
 
 » Hist. p. 41fi. 
 I. 2 F 
 
296 HISTORY OF THE HIGHLANDS. 
 
 taking measures against Balindalloch for this outrage against tlie laws, 
 which he was fully entitled to do by virtue of the commission he held, 
 took part with Balindalloch against the friends of Can-on. He not only 
 represented Balindalloch's case favourably at court, but also obtained an 
 indemnity for him for some years, that he might not be molested. The 
 countenance thus given by his majesty's lieutenant to the murderer of 
 their kinsmen, exasperated James and Alexander Grant in the highest 
 degree against Balindalloch and his supporters, whom they continually 
 annoyed with their incursions, laying waste their lands and possessions, 
 and cutting off their people. To such an extent was this system of lawless 
 warfai'e carried, that Balindalloch was forced to flee from the north of 
 Scotland, and to live for the most part in Edinburgh to avoid the dangers 
 with which he was surrounded. But James Grant's desperate career 
 was checked by a party of the Clau-Chattan, who unexpectedly attack- 
 ed him at Auchnachyle in Strathdoun, under cloud of night, in the latter 
 end of the month of December, sixteen hundred and thirty, when he 
 was taken prisoner after receiving eleven wounds, and after four of his 
 party were killed. He was sent by his captors to Edinburgh for trial 
 before the lords of the council, and was imprisoned in the castle of 
 Edinburgh, from which he escaped in the manner to be noticed in the 
 sequel. 
 
 About the time that James Grant was desolating the district of the 
 Highlands, to which his operations were confined, another part of the 
 country was convulsed by a dispute which occurred between James Crich- 
 ton of Frendret, or Frendraught, and William Gordon of Rothiemay, 
 which ended in tragical consequences. These two gentlemen were near 
 neighbours, and their lands lay adjacent to each other. Part of Gordon's 
 lands which marched with those of Crichton, were purchased by the lat- 
 ter ; but a dispute having occurred about the right to the salmon fishings 
 belonging to these lands, an irreconcilable difierence arose between them, 
 which no interference of friends could reconcile, although the matter in 
 dispute was of little moment. The parties having had recourse to the 
 law to settle their respective claims, Crichton prevailed, and succeeded in 
 getting Gordon denounced rebel. He had previously treated Rothiemay 
 very harshly, who, stung by the severity of his opponent, and by the 
 victory he had obtained over him, would listen to no proposals of peace, 
 nor follow the advice of his best friends. Determined to set the law at 
 defiance, he collected a number of loose and disorderly characters, and 
 annoyed Frendraught, who, in consequence, applied for, and obtained a 
 commission from the privy council for apprehending Rothiemay and his 
 associates. In the execution of this task, he was assisted by Sir George 
 Ogilvy of Banff", George Gordon, brother-german of Sir James Gordon 
 of Lesmoir, and the uncle of Frendraught, James Leslie, second son of 
 Lreslie of Pitcaple, John Meldrum of Reidhill, and others. Accompa- 
 nied by these gentlemen, Crichton left his house of Frendraught on the 
 first day of January, sixteen hundred and thirty, for the house of Ro- 
 
CONFLICT BETWEEN ROTIIIEMAY AND FRENDRAUGHT. 297 
 
 thiemay, with a resolution either to apprehend Gordon, his antagonist, 
 or to set him at defiance by affronting him. He was incited the more 
 to follow this course, as young Rothiemay, at the head of a party, had 
 come a short time before to the very doors of Frendraught, and had 
 braved him to his face. When Rothiemay heard of the advance of 
 Frendraught, he left his house, accompanied by his eldest son, John 
 Gordon, and about eight men on horseback armed with guns and lances, 
 and a party of men on foot with muskets, and crossing the river De- 
 veron, he went forward to meet Frendraught and his party. A sharp 
 conflict immediately took place, in which Rothiemay 's horse was killed 
 under him, who being unprovided with another, fought manfully, for 
 some time, on foot, until the whole of his party, with the exception of his 
 son, were forced to retire. The son, notwithstanding, continued to sup- 
 port his father against fearful odds, but was, at last, obliged to save him- 
 self by flight, leaving his father lying on the field covered with wounds, 
 and supposed to be dead. He, however, was found still alive after the 
 conflict was over, and being carried home to his house died within three 
 days thereafter. George Gordon, brother of Gordon of Lesmoir, re- 
 ceived a shot in the thigh, and died in consequence, ten days after the 
 skirmish. These were the only deaths which occurred, although several 
 of the combatants, on both sides, were wounded. John Meldrum, who 
 fought on Fendraught's side, was the only person severely wounded. 
 
 The marquis of Huntly was highly displeased at Frendraught, for 
 having, in such a trifling matter, proceeded to extremities against his 
 kinsman, a chief baron of his surname, whose life had been thus sacri- 
 ficed in a petty quarrel. The displeasure of the marquis was still far- 
 ther heightened, when he was informed that Frendraught had joined the 
 earl of Moray, and had craved his protection and assistance ; but the 
 marquis was obliged to repress his indignation. John Gordon of Ro- 
 thiemay, eldest son of the deceased laird, resolved to avenge the death 
 of his father, and having collected a party of men, he associated him- 
 self with James Grant and other free-booters, for the purpose of laying 
 waste Frendraught's lands, and oppressing him in every possible way. 
 Frendraught, who was in the south of Scotland when this combination 
 against him was formed, no sooner heard of it than he posted to Eng- 
 land, and, having laid a statement of the case before the king, his ma- 
 jesty remitted the matter to the privy council of Scotland, desiring them 
 to use their best endeavours for settling the peace of the northern parts 
 of the kingdom. A commission was thereupon granted by the lords 
 of the council to Frendraught and others, for the purpose of apprehend- 
 ing John Gordon and his associates ; but, as the commissioners were not 
 able to execute the task imposed upon them, the lords of the council 
 sent Sir Robert Gordon, tutor of Sutherland, who had just returned 
 from England, and Sir William Scaton of Killcsmuir to the north, with 
 a new commission against the rebels, and, as it seemed to be entirely out 
 
298 HISTORY OF THE HIGHLANDS. 
 
 of the power of the earl of Moray to quell the disturbances in the north, 
 they gave the two commissioners particular instructions to attempt, 
 'with the aid of the marquis of Huntly, to get matters settled amicably, 
 and the opposing parties reconciled. The lords of the council, at the 
 same time, wrote a letter to the marquis of Huntly to the same 
 effect. Sir Robert Gordon and Sir William Seaton accordingly left 
 Edinburgh on their way north, in the beginning of May, sixteen hun- 
 dred and thirty. The latter stopt at Aberdeen for the purpose of con- 
 sulting with some gentlemen of that shire, as to the best mode of pro- 
 ceeding against the rebels ; and the former Avent to Strathbogie to ad- 
 vise with the marquis of Huntly. 
 
 On Sir Robert's arrival at Strathbogie, he found that the marquis had 
 gone to Aberdeen to attend the funeral of the laird of Drum. By a 
 singular coincidence, James Grant and Alexander Grant descended the 
 very day of Sir Robert's arrival at Strathbogie from the mountains, at 
 the head of a party of two hundred Highlanders well armed, with a 
 resolution to burn and lay waste Frendraught's lands. As soon as Sir 
 Robert became aware of this circumstance, he went in great haste to 
 Rothiemay-house, where he found John Gordon and his associates in 
 arms ready to set out to join the Grants. By persuasion and entreat- 
 ies, Sir Robert, assisted by his nephew, the earl of Sutherland, and 
 his brother. Sir Alexander Gordon, who were then at Frendraught, on 
 a visit to the lady of that place, who was a sister of the earl, prevailed 
 not only upon John Gordon and his friends to desist, but also upon 
 James Grant and his companions-in-arms, to disperse. 
 
 On the return of the marquis of Huntly to Strathbogie, Rothiemay 
 and Frendraught were both induced to meet them in presence of the 
 marquis. Sir Robert Gordon and Sir William Seaton, who, after much 
 entreaty, prevailed upon them to reconcile their differences, and sub- 
 mit all matters in dispute to their arbitrament. A decree arbitral was, 
 accordingly pronounced, by which the arbiters adjudged that the laird 
 of Rothiemay, and the children of George Gordon, should mutually 
 remit their father's slaughter, and, in satisfaction thereof, they decerned 
 that the laird of Frendraught should pay a certain sum of money to the 
 laird of Rothiemay, for relief of the debts which he had contracted dur- 
 ing the disturbances between the two families,* and that he should pay 
 some money to the children of George Gordon. Frendraught fulfilled 
 these conditions most willingly, and the parties shook hands together 
 in the orchard of Strathbogie, in token of a hearty and sincere reconci- 
 liation, -f- 
 
 The laird of Frendraught had scarcely reconciled himself with Rothie- 
 may, when he got into another dispute with the laird of Pitcapie, the 
 
 * Spalding says that Frendraught was " ordained to paj' to the lady, relict of Rothie- 
 may, and the bairns, fiftie thousand merks, in composition of the slaughter." — P. 5. 
 t Sir R. Gordon, p. 416, et seq. Spalding, p. 5. 
 
CONFEDERACY OF THE LESLIES AGAINST FRENDRAUGIIT. 299 
 
 occasion of which was as follows : — John Meldrum of Reidhill had as- 
 sisted Frendraught in his quarrel with old Rothiemay, and had received 
 a wound in the skirmish, in which the latter lost his life, for which in- 
 jury Frendraught had allowed him some compensation ; but, conceiving 
 that his services had not been fairly requited, he began to abuse Fren- 
 draught, and threatened to compel him to give him a greater recompense 
 than he had yet received. As Frendraught refused to comply with his 
 demands, Meldrum entered the pai-k of Frendraught privately in the night- 
 time, and carried away two horses belonging to his pretended debtor. 
 Frendraught, thereupon, prosecuted Meldrum for theft, but he declined 
 to appear in court, and was consequently declared rebel. Fren- 
 draught then obtained a commission, from the lords of the privy coun- 
 cil, to apprehend Meldrum, who took refuge with John Leslie of 
 Pitcaple, whose sister he had married. Under the commission which 
 he had procured, Frendraught went in quest of Meldrum, on the 
 twenty-seventh day of September, sixteen hundred and thirty. He 
 proceeded to Pitcaple's lands, on which he knew Meldrum theai lived, 
 where he met James Leslie, second son of the laird of Pitcaple, 
 who had been with him at the skirmish of Rothiemay. Leslie 
 then began to expostulate with him in behalf of Meldrum, his bro- 
 ther-in-law, who, on account of the aid he had given him in his dis- 
 pute with Rothiemay, took Leslie's remonstrances in good part ; but 
 Robert Crichton of Couland, a kinsman of Frendraught, grew so 
 warm at Leslie's freedom, that from high words they proceeded to 
 blows. Couland then drawing a pistol from his belt, shot at and 
 wounded Leslie in the arm, who was, thereupon, carried home apparent- 
 ly in a dying state. 
 
 This affair was the signal for a confederacy among the Leslies, the 
 greater part of whom took up arms against Frendraught, who, a few days 
 after the occurrence, viz. on the fifth of October, first went to the marquis 
 of Huntly, and afterwards to the earl of Moray, to express the regret he 
 felt at what had taken place, and to beg their kindly interference to 
 bring matters to an amicable accommodation. The earl of Moray, for 
 some reason or other, declined to interfere; but the marquis undertook 
 to mediate between the parties. Accordingly, he sent for the laird of 
 Pitcaple to come to the Bog of Gight to confer with him ; but, before 
 Betting out, he mounted and equipped about thirty horsemen, in conse- 
 quence of information he had received that Frendraught was at the Bog. 
 At the meeting with the marquis, Pitcaple complained heavily of the 
 injury his son had sustained, and avowed, rather rashly, that he would 
 revenge himself before he returned home, and that, at all events, ho 
 would listen to no proposals for a reconciliation till it should be ascer- 
 tained whether his son would survive the wound he had received. The 
 marquis insisted that Frendraught had done him no wrong, and endea- 
 voured to dissuade him from putting his threat into execution ; but Pit- 
 caple was so displeased at the marquis for thus expressing himself, that 
 
300 HISTORY OF THE HIGHLANDS. 
 
 he suddenly mounted his horse and set off, leaving Frendraught behind 
 him. The marquis, afraid of the consequences, detained Frendraught 
 two days with him in the Bog of Gight, and, hearing that the Leslies 
 had assembled, and lay in wait for Frendraught watching his return 
 home, the marquis sent his son John, viscount of Aboyne, and the laird 
 of Rothiemay along with him, to protect and defend him if necessary. 
 They arrived at Frendraught without interruption, and being solicited to 
 remain all night they yielded, and, after partaking of a hearty supper, 
 went to bed in the apartments provided for them. 
 
 The sleeping apartment of the viscount was in the old tower of Fren- 
 draught, leading off from the hall. Immediately below this apartment 
 was a vault, in the bottom of which was a round hole of considerable 
 depth. Robert Gordon, a servant of the viscount, and his page, English 
 Will, as he was called, also slept in the same chamber. The laird of Ro- 
 thiemay, with some servants, were put into an upper chamber immediately 
 above that in which the viscount slept ; and in another apartment, di- 
 rectly over the latter, were laid George Chalmer of Noth, Captain Rol- 
 lock, one of Frendraught's party, and George Gordon, another of the 
 viscount's servants. About midnight the whole of the tower almost in- 
 stantaneously took fire, and so suddenly and furiously did the flames 
 consume the edifice, that the viscount, the laird of Rothiemay, English 
 Will, Colonel Ivat, one of Aboyne's friends, and two other persons, 
 perished in the flames. Robert Gordon, called Sutherland Gordon, 
 from having been born in that country, who lay in the viscount's cham- 
 ber, escaped from the flames, as did George Chalmer and Captain Rol - 
 lock, who Avere in the third floor ; and it is said that Lord Aboyne might 
 have saved himself also, had he not, instead of going out of doors, 
 which he refused to do, ran suddenly up stairs to Rothiemay 's chamber 
 for the purpose of awakening him. While so engaged, the stair-case 
 and ceiling of Rothiemay 's apartment hastily took fire, and, being pre- 
 vented from descending by the flames, which filled the stair-case, they 
 ran from window to window of the apartment piteously and unavailingly 
 exclaiming forheljj. 
 
 The news of this calamitous event spread speedily throughout the 
 kingdom, and the fate of the unfortunate sufferers was deeply deplored. 
 Many conjectures were formed as to the cause of the conflagration. 
 Some persons laid the blame on Frendraught without the least reason ; 
 for, besides the improbability of the thing, Frendraught himself was a 
 considerable loser, having lost not only a large quantity of silver plate 
 and coin, but also the title deeds of his property and other necessary 
 papers, which v/ere all consumed. Others ascribed the fire to some 
 accidental cause ; but the greater number suspected the Leslies and 
 their adherents, Avho were then so enraged at Frendraught that they 
 threatened to burn the house of Frendraught, and had even entered 
 into a negotiation to that effect with James Grant the rebel, who was 
 Pitcaple's cousin-german, for his assistance, as was proved before tlie 
 
OEPKKOATIONS O [ ' JAMES GRANT. 301 
 
 lords of the privy council, against John Meklrum and Alexander Leslie, 
 Pitcaple's brother, by two of James Grant's men, who were apprehended 
 at Inverness and sent to the lords of the council, by Sir Robert Gordon, 
 sheriff' of Sutherland.* 
 
 The marquis of Huntly, who suspected Frendraught to be the author 
 of the fire, afterwards went to Edinburgh and laid a statement of the case 
 before the privy council, who, thereupon, issued a commission to the 
 bishops of Aberdeen and Moray, Lord Carnegie, and Ci'owner Bruce, 
 to investigate the circumstances which led to the catastrophe. The 
 commissioners accordingly went to Frendraught on the thirteenth day of 
 April, sixteen hundred and thirty-one, where they were met by the 
 Lords Gordon, Ogilvie, and Deskford, and several barons and gentle- 
 men, along with whom they examined the burnt tower and vaults be- 
 low, with the adjoining premises, to ascertain, if possible, how the fire 
 had originated. After a minute inspection, they came to the deliberate 
 opinion, which they communicated in writing to the council, that the 
 fire could not have been accidental, and that it must either have been 
 occasioned by some engine from without, which was highly improbable, 
 or raised intentionally within the vaults or chambers of the tower. -f 
 
 During James Grant's confinement within the castle of Edinburgh the 
 north was comparatively quiet. On the night of the fifteenth of October, 
 sixteen hundred and thirty-two, he, however, effected his escape fix)m 
 the castle by descending on the west side by means of ropes furnished 
 to him by his wife or son, and fled to L-eland, Proclamations were 
 immediately posted throughout the whole kingdom, offering large sums 
 for his apprehension, either dead or alive, but to no purpose. His wife 
 was taken into custody by order of the marquis of Huntly, while drink- 
 ing in his gardener's house in the Bog, on suspicion of having aided her 
 husband in effecting his escape ; and by desire of the privy council, 
 who were made acquainted by the marquis of her arrest, she was sent 
 to Aberdeen to be there tried by the bishops of Aberdeen and Brechin, 
 as the council had appointed. After undergoing an examination, in 
 which she admitted nothing which could in the least degree criminate 
 her, she was set at liberty. ;{; 
 
 James Grant did not remain long in Ireland, and returned again to the 
 north, where he concealed himself for some time, only occasionally skulk- 
 ing here and there in such a private manner, that his enemies were not 
 aware of his presence. By degrees he grew bolder, and at last appeared 
 openly in Strathdoun and on Speyside. His wife, who was far advanced 
 in pregnancy, had taken a small house in Carron, belonging to the heirs of 
 her husband's nephew, in which she meant to reside till her accouchement, 
 and in which she was occasionally visited by her husband. Balindalloch 
 hearing of this, hired a person named Patrick Macgregor, an outlaw, to 
 appreliend James Grant. This employment was considered by Mac- 
 
 # Sir II. GoidoM, p. 241 — Spalding, p. 6, ct. seq. f Il^'J- P H- 
 
 } Ibid. p. 11. 
 
302 HISTORY OF THE HIGHLANDS. 
 
 gregor and his party a piece of accej^table service, as they expected, iii 
 the event of Grant's apprehension, to obtain pardon for their offences 
 from the lords of the council. Macgregor, therefore, at the head of a 
 party of men, lay in vi'ait for James Grant near Carron, and, on 
 observing him enter his wife's house, along with his bastard son and 
 another man, at night, they immediately surrounded the house and at- 
 tempted to force an entry. Grant perceiving the danger he was in, 
 acted with great coolness and determination. Having fastened the door 
 as firmly as he could, he and his two companions went to two windows, 
 from which they discharged a volley of arrows upon their asfeailants, 
 who all shrunk back, and none would venture near the door, except 
 Macgregor himself, who came boldly forward and endeavoured to force 
 it; but he paid dearly for his rashness, for Grant, immediately laying 
 hold of a musket, shot him through both his thighs, when he instantly 
 fell to the ground and soon thereafter expired. In the confusion which 
 this occurrence occasioned among Macgregor's party, Grant and his 
 two associates escaped. 
 
 Shortly after this event, James Grant apprehended his cousin, John 
 Grant of Balindalloch, by the following stratagem : — On the night of 
 Sunday, the seventeenth of December, sixteen hundred and thirty, 
 while Balindalloch was at supper in his own house, Elspet Innes, wife 
 of James Grant, entered the house, and whispered a few words in 
 Balindalloch's ear. After supper was over he rose from table, and, put- 
 ting his wife's plaid about him, he left the house with his sword and 
 target in his hand, and forbade any person to follow him. His wife, how- 
 ever, went out after him, along with James Grant's wife, to the mill of 
 Petchass, the place of assignation. On arriving there, James Grant, on 
 a watchword being given by his wife, came out of the mill, shook 
 hands with Balindalloch, and saluted his wife in a friendly manner; 
 but this greeting was scarcely over, when a party of twelve men, 
 whom James Grant had concealed, rushed out of the mill, and, seizmg 
 Balindalloch and his wife, carried them to Culquholy, three miles from 
 Petchass. After remaining a short time there, they released Balindal- 
 loch's wife, who returned home with a sorrowful heart ; and after 
 muffling Ballindalloch's face and chaining him to one of the paity, they 
 crossed and recrossed diiferent rivulets, that he might not have any 
 idea of the place of their retreat, or whither they were conduct- 
 ing him. At last they arrived at Thomas Grant's house at Dandeis, 
 about three miles from Elgin, on the high road between that town and 
 the Spey, where they took up their lodging and unloosed the shackles 
 from Balindalloch's arm. James Grant ordered him to be watched 
 strictly, whether sleeping or waking, by two strong men on each side of 
 him. Balindalloch complained of foul play, but James Grant excused 
 himself for acting as he had done for two reasons ; 1st, Because Balin- 
 dalloch had failed to perform a promise he had made to obtain a remis- 
 
ESCAPE OF GRANT OF BALINDALLOCII. 303 
 
 sion for him before the preceding Lamraas ; and, ^dly, That he had en- 
 tered into a treaty with the Clan-Gregor to deprive him of his life. 
 
 Balindalloch was kept in durance vile for twenty days in a kihi near 
 Thomas Grant's house, suftering the greatest privations, without fire, 
 light, or bed-clothes, in the dead of winter, and without knowing where 
 he was. He was closely watched night and day by Leonard Leslie, son- 
 in-law of Robert Grant, brother of James Grant, and a strong athletic 
 man, named M'Grimmon, who would not allow him to leave the kiln 
 for a moment even to perform the necessities of nature. On Christmas, 
 James Grant, and his party, having gone on some excursion, leaving 
 Leslie and M'Grimmon behind them, Balindalloch, worn out by fa- 
 tigue, and almost perishing from cold and hunger, addressed Leslie in a 
 low tone of voice, lamenting his miserable situation, and imploring him 
 to aid him in effecting his escape, and promising, in the event of success, 
 to reward him handsomely. Leslie, tempted by the offer, acceded to 
 Balindalloch's request, and made him acquainted with the place of his 
 confinement. It was then arranged that Balindalloch, under the pre- 
 tence of stretching his arms, should disengage the arm which Leslie 
 held, and that, having so disentangled that arm, he should, by another 
 attempt, get his other arm out of M'Grimmon's grasp. The morning 
 of Sunday, the twenty-eighth day of December, was fixed upon for 
 putting the stratagem into execution. The plan succeeded, and as soon 
 as Balindalloch found his arms at liberty, he suddenly sprung to his feet 
 and made for the door of the kiln. Leslie immediately followed him, 
 pretending to catch him, and as M'Grimmon was hard upon his heels, 
 Leslie purposely stumbled in his way and brought M'Grimmon down 
 to the ground. This stratagem enabled Balindalloch to gain a-head of 
 his pursuers, and although M'Grimmon sounded the alarm and tlie 
 pursuit was continued by Robert Grant and a party of James Grant's 
 followers, Balindalloch succeeded in reaching the village of Urquhart 
 in safety, accompanied by Leonard Leslie. 
 
 Sometime after his escape, Balindalloch applied for and obtained a 
 warrant for the apprehension of Thomas Grant, and others, for harbour- 
 ing James Grant. Thomas Grant, and some of his accomplices, were 
 accordingly seized and sent to Edinburgh, where they were tried and 
 convicted. Grant was hanged, and the others were banished from Scot- 
 land for life. 
 
 After Balindalloch's escape, James Grant kept remarkably quiet, as 
 many persons lay in wait for him ; but hearing that Thomas Grant, bro- 
 ther of Patrick Grant of Culquhoche, and a friend of Balindalloch, had 
 received a sum of money from the earl of Moray, as an encouragement 
 to seek out and slay James Grant, the latter resolved to murder Thomas 
 Grant and thus relieve himself of one enemy at least. He therefore 
 went to Thomas' house, but not finding him at home, he killed sixteen of 
 his cattle ; and afterwards learning that Thomas Grant was sleeping at 
 the house of a friend hard by, he entered tliat house and found Thomas 
 
 I. 2 Q 
 
304 HISTORY OF THE HIGHLANDS. 
 
 Grant, and a bastard brother of his, both in bed. Having forced them out 
 of bed, he took them outside of the house and put them immediately 
 to death. A few days after the commission of this crime, Grant and 
 four of his associates went to the lands of Strathbogie, and entered the 
 house of the common executioner craving some food, without being aware 
 of the profession of the host whose hospitality they solicited. The execu- 
 tioner, disliking the appearance of Grant and his companions, went to 
 James Gordon, the bailie of Strathbogie, and informed him that there 
 were some suspicious looking persons in his house. Judging that these 
 could be none other but Grant and his comrades, Gordon immediately 
 collected some well armed horsemen and foot, and surrounded the house 
 in which Grant was ; but he successfully resisted all their attempts to 
 enter the house, and killed a servant of the marquis of Huntly, named 
 Adam Rhind, and another of the name of Anderson. After keeping 
 them at bay for a considerable time. Grant and his brother, Robert, ef- 
 fected their escape from the house, but a bastard son of James Grant, 
 John Forlies, an intimate associate, and another person, were taken pri- 
 soners, and carried to Edinburgh, where they were executed, along with 
 a notorious thief, named Gille-Roy-Mac-Gregor. This occurrence took 
 place in the year sixteen hundred and thirty-six. The laird of Grant 
 had, during the previous year, been ordained by the council to appre- 
 hend James Grant, or to make him leave the kingdom ; and they had 
 obliged him to find caution and surety, in terms of the general bond 
 appointed by law to be taken from all the heads of clans, and from all 
 governors of provinces in the kingdom, but chiefly in the west and 
 north of Scotland ; but the laird could neither perform the one nor the 
 other.* 
 
 Amongst the freebooters who about this period infested Lochaber, was 
 a party of the Clan-Lauchlan, who carried on a system of depreda- 
 tion and plunder which extended even to the lowlands. In the year 
 sixteen hundred and thirty-three, Alexander Gordon of Dunkyntie, 
 nephew of the marquis of Huntly, and his eldest son, while hunting 
 with a small party, at the head of Strathdoun, fell in with some of these 
 outlaws driving away some cattle which they had stolen. They endea- 
 voured to rescue the l^rey, but Dunkyntie and his son were both killed 
 in the attempt. Some of the clan were, however, afterwards appre- 
 hended, and suffered the last penalty of the law for this aggression. 
 The clan continued their spoliations notwithstanding, and during 
 the following year they descended into the lowlands as far as the 
 lands of the laird of Eggell, at the head of the Mearns, whence, after 
 killing some of his servants, they carried off some cattle, which they 
 drove away to the Braes of Mar. On perceiving their approach, the 
 Farquharsons of Braemar collected together and attacked them ; but 
 
 * Continuation of the History of the Earls of Sutherlaaid, collected together by Gil- 
 bert Gordon of Sallagh, annexed to Sir R. Gordon's work, p. 460. Spalding, p. 41, 
 42. 
 
niSl'UTE BETWEEN SUTHEKLAND AND LOIIN. 305 
 
 after a short skirmish, in which some lives were lost on both sides, the 
 Farquharsons, owing to the comparative inferiority^ of their numbers, 
 were forced to desist, and to allow the Clan-Lauchlan to carrj' off their 
 booty. As soon as the lords of the council received notice of these law- 
 less proceedings, they summoned Alain Mac-Dhonuill-Dubh, chief of the 
 Clan-Cameron in Lochaber, to appear at Edinburgh, to answer for not 
 preventing them. Allan obeyed the sunnnons, and both he and his eld- 
 est son were imprisoned until the Clan-LaucJilan should be brought to 
 justice : but they were afterwards released on giving surety to preserve 
 the peace in Lochaber.* 
 
 By the judicious management of the affairs of the house of Suther- 
 land by Sir Robert Gordon, his nephew, the earl, on entering upon the 
 management of his own aflairs, found the hostility of the enemy of his 
 family either neutralized, or rendered no longer dangerous ; but, in the 
 year sixteen hundred and thirty-three, be found himself involved in a 
 quarrel with Lord Lorn, eldest son of the earl of Argylc, who had man- 
 aged the aflairs of his family during his father's banishment from Scot- 
 land. This dispute arose out of the following circumstances: — 
 
 In consequence of a quarrel between Lord Berridale, who now acted as 
 sole administrator of his father's estates, and William Mac-Iver, chief- 
 tain of the Siol-Mhic-Imheair, in Caithness, the former removed the 
 latter from the lands and possessions he held of him in Caithness. 
 Mac-Iver thereupon retired into Argyle, and assuming the surname 
 of Campbell, as being originally an Argyle man, sought the favour 
 and protection of Lord Lorn. His claim to be considered a Campbell 
 weighed powerfully with his lordship, who wrote several letters to 
 Lord Berridale in his favour, as well as to Lord Gordon, the earl of 
 Sutherland, and Sir Robert Gordon, to intercede for Mac-Iver with 
 Lord Berridale. They, accordingly, applied to Lord Berridale, but 
 without success, as his lordship was as inflexible as Mac Iver was un- 
 reasonable in his demands. Seeing no hopes of an accommodation, 
 MaC'Iver collected a party of rebels and outlaws, to the number of 
 about twenty, and made an incursion into Caithness, where, during 
 the space of four or five years, he did great injury in Caithness, carry- 
 ing off considerable spoils, which he conveyed through the heights of 
 Strathnaver and Sutherland. 
 
 To put an end to Mac-Iver's depredations, Lord Berridale at 
 first brought a legal prosecution against him, and having got him de- 
 nounced rebel, sent out different parties of his countrymen to en- 
 snare him; but he escaped for a long time, and always retired in safety 
 with his booty, either into the isles, or into Argyle. Lord Lorn pub- 
 licly disowned Mac-Iver's proceedings ; but the inhabitants of 
 Sutherland encouraged him by giving him a free passage through 
 their country, as they were rather pleased to see the Siol-Mhic-Iniheair 
 
 * Gorduu of Sallitgh's Coiiliimalion, p. IGl ; Spalding, p. 22. 
 
306 HISTORY OF THE HIGHLANDS, 
 
 and their chief, who were the chief instruments of the earl of Caithness' 
 outrages against themselves, at such deadly variance with Lord Berri- 
 dale. In his incursions, Mac-Iver was powerfully assisted by an 
 islander, of the name of Gille-Calum-Mac-Shomhairle, who had married 
 his daughter, and who was well acquainted with all the passes leading 
 into Caithness. 
 
 At last Mac-Iver and his son were both apprehended by Lord 
 Berridale, and hanged, and the race of the Siol-Mhic-Imheair was almost 
 extinguished; but Gille-Calum-Mac-Shomhairle having associated with 
 himself several of the Isles and Argyle men, and some outlaws of the 
 Clann-Mhic-Iain-Dhuinn, who were dependants of Lord Lorn, continued 
 his incursions into Caithness. Having, on one occasion, when retreat- 
 ing from Caithness, taken some cattle out of Sutherland, the earl of 
 Sutherland sent a party of men in pursuit of them, who ap2irehended 
 some of them, and upon being brought to the earl, they were executed. 
 Gille-Calum, however, returned next summer with a more powerful 
 company, which he divided into two parties. One of these, at the head 
 of which was Gille-Calum himself, went to the higher parts of Ross and 
 Sutherland, there to remain till joined by their companions. The other 
 party went through the lowlands of Ross, under the pretence of going to 
 the Lammas fair, then held at Tain, and thence proceeded to Sutherland 
 to meet the rest of their associates, under the pretence of visiting cer- 
 tain kinsmen they pretended to have in Strathully and Strathnaver. 
 This last mentioned body consisted of sixteen or twenty persons, most 
 of whom were of the Clann-Mhic-Iain-Dhuinn. They were under the 
 command of one Ewen Aird; and as they passed the town of Tain, on 
 their way to Sutherland, they stole some horses, which they sold in 
 Sutherland, without being in the least suspected of the theft. 
 
 The owners of the stolen horses soon came into Sutherland in quest 
 of them, and claimed them from the persons to whom they had been 
 sold. The earl of Sutherland, on proof being given of the property, 
 restored the horses to the true owners, and sent some men in quest of 
 Ewen Aird, who was still in Strathully. Ewen was apprehended and 
 brought to Dunrobin, and upon being questioned about the horses, he 
 affirmed that they were his property, and had not been stolen. The 
 earl of Sutherland, notwithstanding, ordained him to repay to his coun- 
 trymen the monies which Ewen and his companions had received from 
 them for the horses, the only punishment he said he would inflict on 
 them, because they were strangers. Ewen assented to the earl's request, 
 and he remained as an hostage at Dunrobin, until his companions should 
 send money to relieve him; but as soon as his associates heard of his 
 detention, they, instead of sending money for his release, fled to Gille- 
 Calum-Mac-Shomhairle and his party, leaving their captain a prisoner at 
 Dunrobin. In their retreat, they destroyed some houses in the high parts 
 of Sutherland, and, on entering Ross, they laid waste some lands be- 
 longing to Hutcheon Ross of Auchincloigh. These outrages occa- 
 
PROCEEDINGS OF LORD LORN. 307 
 
 sioncd an immediate assemblage of the inhabitants of that part of the 
 country, who pursued these marauders, and took them prisoners. The 
 remainder escaped either into the isles, or into Lorn. The ten prison- 
 * ers were brought to Auchincloigh, where Sir Robert Gordon was at the 
 "time deciding a dispute about the marches between Auchincloigh and 
 Neamore. After some consultation about what was to be done with the 
 prisoners, it was resolved that they should be sent to the earl of Suther- 
 land, who then happened to be in pursuit of them. On the prisoners 
 being sent to him, the earl assembled the principal gentlemen of Ross 
 and Sutherland at Dornoch, where Ewen Aird and his accomplices were 
 tried before a jury, convicted and executed at Dornoch, with the ex- 
 ception of two young boys, who were dismissed. 
 
 The privy council not only approved of what the earl of Sutherland 
 had done, but they also sent a commission to him and the earl of Sea- 
 forth, and to Hutcheon Ross, and some other gentlemen in Ross and 
 Sutherland, against the Clann-Mhic-Iain-Dhuinn, in case they should 
 again make any fresh incursion into Ross and Sutherland. 
 
 Lord Lorn being at this time justiciary of the isles, had obtained 
 an act of the privy council in his favour, by which it was decreed that 
 any malefactor, being an islander, upon being apprehended in any part 
 of the kingdom, should be sent to Lord Lorn, or to his deputies, to be 
 judged ; and that to this eifect he should have deputies in every part of 
 the kingdom. As soon as his lordship heard of the trial and execution 
 of the men at Dornoch, who were of the Clann-Mhic-Iain-Dhuinn, and 
 his dependents and followers, he took the matter highly amiss, and re- 
 paired to Edinburgh, where he made a complaint to the lords of the 
 council against the earl of Sutherland, for having, as he maintained, ap- 
 prehended the king's free subjects without a commission, and for causing 
 them to be executed, although they had not been apprehended within 
 his own jurisdiction. After hearing this complaint, Lord Lorn obtained 
 letters to charge the earl of Sutherland and Hutcheon Ross to answer 
 to the complaint at Edinburgh before the lords of the privy council, and 
 he, moreover, obtained a suspension of the earl's commission against the 
 Clann-Mhic-Iain-Dhuinn, on becoming bound, in the meantime, as 
 surety for their obedience to the laws. 
 
 Sir Robert Gordon happening to arrive at Edinburgh from England, 
 shortly after Lord Lorn's visit to Edinburgh, in the year sixteen hun- 
 dred and thirty-four, learned the object of his mission, and the success 
 which had attended it. He, therefore, being an eye-witness of every 
 thing which had taken place at Dornoch respecting the trial, condemna- 
 tion, and execution of Lord Lorn's dependents, informed the lords of 
 the council of all the proceedings, which proceeding on his part had the 
 effect of preventing Lord Lorn from going on with his prosecution 
 against the earl of Sutherland. He, however, proceeded to summon 
 Hutcheon Ross ; but the earl not being disposed to abandon Ross, 
 he, at the suggestion of Sir Robert Gordon, Lord Reay, and all the 
 
308 HISTORY OF THE HIGHLANDS. 
 
 gentlemen who were present at the trial at Dornoch, signed and sent 
 a letter to the lords of the council, giving a detail of the whole circum- 
 stances of the case, and along with this letter he sent a copy of the pro- 
 ceedings attested by the sheriff clerk of Sutherland, to be laid before 
 the council on the day appointed for Ross's appearance. After the mat- 
 ter had been fully debated in council, the conduct of the earl of Suther- 
 land and Hutcheon Ross was approved of, and the commission to the 
 earl of Sutherland again renewed, and Lord Lorn was taken bound, that, 
 in time coming, the counties of Sutherland and Ross should be kept 
 harmless from the Clann-Mhic-Iain-Dhuinn. The council, moreover, 
 decided, that, in respect the earl of Sutherland had the rights of regali- 
 ty and sheriffship within himself, and as he was appointed to administer 
 justice within his own bounds ; that he was not obliged to send crimi- 
 nals, though islanders, to Lord Lorn or to his deputies. This decision 
 had the effect of relieving Sutherland and Ross fi"om farther incursions 
 on the part of Lord Lorn's followers.* 
 
 The disaster at Frendraught had made an impression ujDon the mind of 
 the marquis of Huntly, which nothing could efface, and he could never 
 be persuaded but that the fire had originated with the proprietor of the 
 mansion himself. He made many unsuccessful attempts to discover the 
 incendiaries, and on the arrival of King Charles at Edinburgh, in the 
 year sixteen hundred and thirty-three, the marquis made preparations 
 for paying a personal visit to the king, for the purpose of imploring him 
 to order an investigation into all the circumstances attending the fire, 
 so as to lead to a discovery of the criminals ; but falling sick on his 
 journey, and unable to proceed to Edinburgh, he sent forward his march- 
 ioness, who was accompanied by Lady Aboyne and other females of 
 rank, all clothed in deep mourning, to lay a statement of the case be- 
 fore his majesty, and to solicit the royal interference. The king re- 
 ceived the marchioness and her attendants most graciously ; comforted 
 them as far as words could, and promised to see justice done. 
 
 After the king's departure from Scotland, the marchioness and Lady 
 Aboyne, both of whom still remained in Edinburgh, determined to see 
 his majesty's promise implemented, prevailed upon the privy council to 
 bring John Meldrum of Reidhill, who had been long in confinement, on 
 a charge of being concerned in the fire, before them ; but although 
 strictly examined three successive days, he utterly denied all knowledge 
 of the matter. He was, notwithstanding, brought to trial, and it hav- 
 ing been proved by the evidence of Sir George Ogilvy, laird of Banff, 
 and George Baird, bailie of Banff, who were endeavouring to bring 
 about a reconciliation between him and Frendraught, that, on the even- 
 ing before the fire took place, he had remarked that unless such a recon- 
 ciliation took place immediately, it would never happen, as Frendraught 
 would be burnt before the next morning, he" was condemned to be 
 
 * Guidon of Sallagh's Cont, p. 464, tt seq. 
 
DEPREDATIONS OF THE GORDONS. 309 
 
 lianged and quartered at tlie cross of Edinburgh. At the place of 
 execution he persisted in liis innocence, although he fully admitted 
 the conversation between him, Sir George Ogilvie, and George Baird. 
 A domestic servant of Frendraught named Tosh, who was suspected of 
 being a party concerned in the fire, was afterwards put to the torture, 
 for the purpose of extorting a confession of guilt from him ; but con- 
 fessed nothing. The marchioness, thereafter, insisted on bringing him 
 to trial before a jury ; but Tosh's counsel resisted this, as being contrary 
 to the law, which did not admit of a person who had been tortured with- 
 out confessing any guilt, of being brought to trial. The objection be- 
 ing sustained. Tosh was instantly liberated from prison. 
 
 The condemnation and execution of Meldrum, in place of abating, 
 appear to have increased the odium of Frendraught's enemies. The 
 highlanders of his neighbourhood considering his property to be fair 
 game, made frequent incursions upon his lands, and carried off' cattle 
 and goods, and the Gordons were equally annoying. In the year six- 
 teen hundred and thirty-three, Adam Gordon in Strathdoun and his 
 two sons headed a party from the Caberoch, and wasted Frendraught's 
 lands, and carried oft' a considerable quantity of goods ; but Fren- 
 draught having pursued them, he recovered the property, and hav- 
 ing taken three of the party prisoners, hanged them at Frendraught. 
 The marquis of Huntly, to show that he was not in any way implicated 
 in this proceeding, apprehended Adam Gordon, and imprisoned him at 
 Auchendun ; but, being watched very negligently, he escaped. About 
 the end of the following year, he again, at the head of a party of out- 
 laws, made another incursion upon Frendraught's lands ; but he was 
 again frustrated in another attempt to carry off" a number of cattle be- 
 longing to Frendraught's tenants, who, at the head of a party of his 
 tenants and servants, overtook them in Glenfeddigh, rescued and 
 brought back the cattle which they were driving away. 
 
 On another occasion, about six hundred highlanders, belonging to the 
 Clan-Gregor, Clan-Cameron, and other tribes, appeared near Fren- 
 draught, and openly declared that they had come to join Adam Gor- 
 don of Park, John Gordon of Invermarkie, and the other friends of the 
 late Gordon of Rothiemay, for the purpose of revenging his death. 
 When Frendraught heard of the irruption of this body, he immediately 
 collected about two hundred foot, and one hundred and forty horse- 
 men, and went in quest of these intruders ; but being scattered through 
 the country, they could make no resistance, and every man provided 
 for his own safety by flight. 
 
 To put an end to these annoyances, Frendraught got these marau- 
 ders declared outlaws, and the lords of the privy council wrote to the 
 marquis of Huntly, desiring him to repress the disorders of those of 
 his surname, and failing his doing so, that they would consider him the 
 author of them. The marquis returned an answer to this comnnmica- 
 tion, stating, that as the aggressors were neither his tenants nor ser- 
 
310 HISTORY OF THE HIGHLANDS. 
 
 vants, he could in no shape be ansA\erable for them, — that he had neither 
 countenanced nor incited them, and that he had no warrant to pursue 
 or prosecute them. 
 
 The I'efusal of the marquis to obey the orders of the privy council, 
 emboldened the denounced party to renew their acts of spoliation and 
 robbery. They no longer confined their depredations to Frendraught 
 and his tenants, but extended them to the property of the ministers who 
 lived upon Frendraught's lands. In this course of life, they were joined 
 by some of the young men of the princij^al families of the Gordons in 
 Strathbogie, to the number of forty horsemen, and sixty foot, and to 
 encourage them in their designs against Frendraught, the lady of Rothie- 
 may gave them the castle of Rothiemay, which they fortified, and from 
 which they made daily sallies upon Frendraught's possessions ; burned 
 his corn, laid waste his lands, and killed some of his people. Fren- 
 draught opposed them for some time ; but being satisfied that such pro- 
 ceedings taking place almost under the very eyes of the marquis of 
 Huntly, must necessarily be done with his concurrence, he went to 
 Edinburgh, and entered a complaint against the marquis to the privy 
 council. During Frendraught's absence, his tenants M'ere expelled by 
 these Gordons from their possessions, without opposition. 
 
 When the king heard of these lawless pi'oceedings, and of the refusal 
 of the marquis to interfere, he wrote to the lords of the privy council to 
 adopt measures for suppressing them ; preparatory to which, they cited 
 the marquis, in the beginning of the following year, to appear before 
 them, to answer for these oppressions. He accordingly went to Edin- 
 burgh in the month of February, sixteen hundred and thirty-five, where 
 he was commanded to remain till the matter should be investigated. The 
 heads of the families, whose sons had joined the outlaws, also appeared, 
 and, after examination, Letterfourie, Park, Tilliangus, Terrisoule, In- 
 vermarkie, Tulloch, Ardlogy, and several other persons of the surname 
 of Gordon, were committed to prison, until their sons, who had engaged 
 in the combination against Frendraught, should be presented before the 
 council. The prisoners, who denied being accessary thereto, then petition- 
 ed to be set at liberty, a request which was complied with, on condition that 
 they should either produce the rebels, as the pillagers were called, or 
 make them leave the kingdom. The marquis, although nothing could 
 be proved against him, was obliged to find caution for all persons of 
 the surname of Gordon within his bounds, that they should keep the 
 peace, and that he should be answerable, in all time coming, for any 
 damage which should befal the laird of Frendraught, or his lands, by 
 whatever violent means ; and also that he should present the rebels at 
 Edinburgh, that justice might be satisfied, or make them leave the 
 kingdom. 
 
 The marquis of Huntly, thereupon, returned to the north, and the 
 rebels hearing of the obligation he had come under, immediately dis- 
 persed themselves. The greater part of them fled into Flanders, and 
 
IMPKISONMENT OF THE MARQUIS OF HUNTLY. 311 
 
 about twelve of them were apprehended by the marquis, and sent by 
 him to Edinburgh. John Gordon, who lived at Woodhead of Ro- 
 thiemay, and another, were executed. Of the remaining two, James 
 Gordon, son of George Gordon in Achterles, and William Ross, son 
 of John Ross of Ballivet, the former was acquitted by the jury, and 
 the latter was imprisoned in the jail of Edinburgh for future trial, hav- 
 ing been a chief ringleader of the party. In apprehending these twelve 
 persons, James Gordon, son of Adam Gordon of Strathdoun, was killed, 
 and to show the privy council how diligent the marquis had been in ful- 
 filling his obligation, his head was sent to Edinburgh along with the 
 prisoners. 
 
 The activity with which the marquis pursued the oppressors of Fren- 
 draught, brought him afterwards into some trouble. Adam Gordon, 
 one of the principal ringleaders of the confederacy, and second son of 
 Sir Adam Gordon, of the Park, seeing no place of retreat left for him, 
 nor any means of escape from the zeal of his pursuers, resolved to 
 throw himself on the king's mercy. For this purpose, he made a pri- 
 vate communication to the archbishop of St Andrews, then chancellor 
 of Scotland, in which he offered to submit himself to the king's plea- 
 sure, and promising, that if his majesty would grant him a pardon, he 
 would reveal the author of the rebellion. The archbishop, eager, it 
 would appear, to fulfil the ends of justice, readily entered into Gordon's 
 views, and sent an especial messenger to London to the king, who, at 
 once, granted Adam a pardon, which he forthwith transmitted to Scot- 
 land. On receiving the pardon, Gordon accused the marquis of Huntly 
 as the author of the conspiracy against Frendraught, and with having 
 instigated him and his associates to commit all the depredations which 
 had taken place. The king, thereupon, sent a commission to Scotland, 
 appointing a select number of the lords of the privy council to examine 
 into the affair. 
 
 As Adam Gordon had charged James Gordon of Lctterfourie, with 
 having employed him and his associates, in name of the marquis, against 
 the laird of Frendraught, Lctterfourie was cited to appear at Edin- 
 burgh for trial. On being confronted with Adam Gordon, he denied 
 every thing laid to his charge, but, notwithstanding of this denial, he 
 was committed a close prisoner to the jail of Edinburgh. The marquis 
 nimself, who had also appeared at Edinburgh on the appointed day, 
 viz., fifteenth of January sixteen hundred and thirty-six, was likewise 
 confronted with Adam Gordon before the committee of the privy coun- 
 cil ; but although he denied Adam's accusation, and " cleared himself 
 with great dexteritie, beyond admiration," as Gordon of Sallagh ob- 
 serves, he was, " upon presumption," committed a close prisoner to the 
 castle of Edinburgh. 
 
 When his majesty was made acquainted with these circumstances by 
 the commissioners, and that tiiere was no proof against the marquis to 
 establish the charge against him, both the marquis and Gordon of Let- 
 
 I. 2 u 
 
312 HISTORY OF THE HIGHLANDS. 
 
 terfourie were released by his command, on giving security for indem- 
 nifying the laird of Frendraught in time coming for any damage he might 
 sustain from the Gordons and their accomplices. Having so far suc- 
 ceeded in annoying the marquis, Adam Gordon, after collecting a body 
 of men, by leave of the privy council, went along with them to Ger- 
 many, where he became a captain in the regiment of Colonel George 
 Leslie. To terminate the unhappy differences between the marquis and 
 Frendraught, the king enjoined Sir Robert Gordon, who was I'elated to 
 both, the marquis being his cousin-german, and chief of that family, 
 and Frendraught the husband of his niece, to endeavour to bring 
 about a reconciliation between them. Sir Robert, accordingly, on his 
 return to Scotland, prevailed upon the parties to enter into a submission, 
 by which they agreed to refer all questions and diflPerences between 
 them to the arbitrament of friends ; but before the submission was 
 brought to a final conclusion, the marquis expired at Dundee upon the 
 thirteenth day of June, sixteen hundred and thirty-six, at the age of 
 seventy-four, while returning to the north from Edinburgh. He was in- 
 terred in the family vault at Elgin, on the thirtieth day of August fol- 
 lowing, " having," says Spalding, " above his chist a rich mortcloath of 
 black velvet, wherein was wrought two whyte crosses. He had torch- 
 lights in great number carried be freinds and gentlemen ; the marques' 
 son, called Adam, was at his head, the earle of Murray on the right 
 spaik, the earle of Seaforth on the left spaik, the earl of Sutherland on 
 the third spaik, and Sir Robert Gordon on the fourth spaik. Besyds 
 thir nobles, many barrons and gentlemen was there, haveing above three 
 hundred lighted torches at the lifting. He is carried to the east port, 
 doun the wynd to the south kirk stile of the coUedge kirk, in at the 
 south kirk door, and buried in his own isle with much murning and la- 
 mentation. The like forme of burriall, with torch light, was not sein 
 heir thir many dayes befor."* 
 
 The marquis was a remarkable man for the age in which he lived, 
 and there are no characters in that eventful period of Scottish history, 
 so well entitled to veneration and esteem. A lover of justice, he never 
 attempted to aggrandize his vast possessions at the expense of his less 
 powerful neighbours ; a kind and humane superior and landlord, he exer- 
 cised a lenient sway over his numerous vassals and tenants, who repaid his 
 kindness by sincere attachment to his person and family. Endowed with 
 great strength of mind, invincible courage, and consummate prudence, he 
 surmounted the numerous difficulties with which he was surrounded, and 
 lived to see the many factions, which had conspired against him, discom- 
 fited and dissolved. While his constant and undeviating attachment to the 
 religion of his forefathers, raised up many enemies against him among 
 the professors of the reformed doctrines, by whose cabals he was at one 
 time obliged to leave the kingdom, his great power and influence were 
 
 * Spalding, p. 43. 
 
XJEATII AND CHARACTER OF THE MARtiUIS OF HUNTLY. 313 
 
 assailed by another formidable class of opponents among the turbulent 
 nobility, who were grieved to see a man who had not imitated their 
 venality and rapacity, not only retain his predominance in the north, 
 but also receive especial marks of his sovereign's regard. But skilful 
 and intriguing as they were in all the dark and sinister ways of an 
 age distinguislied for its base and wicked practices, their machinations 
 were frustrated by the discernment and honesty of George Gordon, the 
 first marquis of Huntly. 
 
CHAPTER XV. 
 
 Attempt of Charles I. to introduce Episcopacy into Scotland — Opposition of the Cove- 
 nanters — Preparations for war — Marquis of Huntlj' raises the royal standard in the 
 north — The Earl of Sutherland joins the Earl of Seaforth and other Covenanters in 
 the north — Raid of Turriff — The Earl of Montrose and General Leslie enter Aberdeen 
 — JMeeting between ISIontrose and the Marquis of Huntly — Arrest of the Marquis — 
 Imprisoned in the castle of Edinburgh — Meetings of Covenanters at Monymusk and 
 Turriff — The Trott of Turray — Rising of the Gordons — Landing of Viscount Aboyne 
 at Aberdeen — Raid of Stonehaven — Battle at the Bridge of Dee — Flight of Aboyne 
 — Pacificalion of Berwick. — New preparations for war — Imprisonment of Montrose — 
 Liberated and goes to England — Meeting of Convention of Estates — Montrose takes 
 Dumfries — Retires to Carlisle — Rising in the north under the Marquis of Huntly — 
 Montrose enters Scotland— Arrives at Tulliebelton House — Landing of Irish forces in 
 the West Highlands — Meeting of Montrose and Alexander Macdonald in Athole— 
 Junction of the Athole men — Montrose advances into Stratherne — Joined by Lord 
 Kilpont — Battle of Tippermuir. 
 
 Hitherto the history of the Highlands has been confined chiefly to 
 the feuds and conflicts of the clans, the details of which, though inter- 
 esting to their descendants, cannot be supposed to afford the same gra- 
 tification to readers at large, who require more inciting events to engage 
 their attention than the disputes of rival families and petty chieftains. 
 We now enter upon a more important era, when, for the first time, the 
 Highlanders may be said to have appeared on the theatre of our na- 
 tional history, and to have given a foretaste of that military prowess, for 
 which they, afterwards, became so highly distinguished. 
 
 In entering upon the details of the military achievements of the High- 
 landers, during the period of the civil wars, and the campaigns of Mon- 
 trose, it seems to be quite unnecessary and foreign to our purpose, to 
 trouble the reader with a history of the rash, unconstitutional, and ill-fated 
 attempt of Charles I., to introduce English episcopacy into Scotland ; nor, 
 for the same reason, is it requisite to detail minutely the proceedings 
 of the authors of the covenant. SuflRce it to say, that in consequence 
 of the inflexible determination of Charles to force the forms of the Eng- 
 lish church service upon the people of Scotland, the great majority of the 
 nation declared their determination " by the great name of the Lord their 
 
MEETING OF THE GENERAL ASSEMBLY OF 1638. 315 
 
 God," to defend their religion against what they considered to be errors 
 and corruptions. Notwithstanding, however, of the most positive demon- 
 strations on the part of the people to resist, Charles, acting by the ad- 
 vice of a privy council of Scotsmen established in England, exclusively 
 devoted to the affairs of Scotland, resolved to suppress the covenant by 
 open force, and in order to gain time for the necessary preparations, he 
 sent the marquis of Hamilton, as his commissioner, to Scotland, who 
 was instructed to promise " that the practice of the liturgy and the can- 
 ons should never be pressed in any other than a fair and legal way, and 
 that the high commission should be so rectified as never to impugn the 
 laws, or to be a just grievance to loyal subjects," and that the king 
 would pardon those who had lately taken an illegal covenant, on their 
 immediately renouncing it, and giving up the bond to the commis- 
 sioners. 
 
 When the covenanters heard of Hamilton's approach, they appointed 
 a national fast to be held, to beg the blessing of God upon the kirk, and 
 on the tenth of June, sixteen hundred and thirty-eight, the marquis was 
 received at Leith, and conducted to the capital by about sixty thousand 
 covenanters, and five hundred ministers. The spirit and temper of such 
 a vast assemblage overawed the marquis, and he,- therefore, concealed 
 his instructions. After making two successive journeys to London to 
 communicate the alarming state of affairs, and to receive fresh instructions, 
 he, on his second return, issued a proclamation, discharging " the ser- 
 vice book, the book of canons, and the high commission court, dispens- 
 ing with the five articles of Perth, dispensing the entrants into the 
 ministry from taking the oath of supremacy and of canonical obedience, 
 commanding all persons to lay aside the new covenant, and take that 
 which had been published by the king's father in fifteen hundred and 
 eighty-nine, and summoning a free assembly of the kirk to meet, in the 
 month of November, and a parliament in the month of May, the fol- 
 lowing year." * Matters had, however, proceeded too far for submis- 
 sion to the conditions of the proclamation, and the covenanting leaders 
 answered it by a formal protest in which they gave sixteen reasons, 
 showing, that to comply with the demands of the king would be to be- 
 tray the cause of God, and to act against the dictates of conscience, f 
 
 In consequence of the opposition made to the proclamation, it was 
 generally expected that the king would have recalled the order for the 
 meeting of the assembly at Glasgow ; but no prohibition having been 
 issued, that assembly, which consisted, besides the clergy, of one lay- 
 elder, and four lay-assessors, from every presbjdiery, met at the time 
 appointed ; viz., in the month of November, sixteen hundred and thirty- 
 eight. After spending a week in violent debates, the commissioner, in 
 terms of his instructions, declared the assembly dissolved ; but encour- 
 
 » Dr Lingard, vi. p. 354, 4to ed— Baillie, 69, 70.— Balfour, ii. 264— 288.— Ilush- 
 wortli, ii. 752, 754, 787.— Burnet's Hamiltons, 82, 88.— Natson, I. 32, 37. 
 f Rushworth, 772— 780. 
 
316 HISTORY OF THE HIGHLANDS. 
 
 aged by the accession of the earl of Argyle, who placed himself at the 
 head of the covenanters, the members declined to disperse at the mere 
 mandate of the sovereign, and passed a resolution, that, in spiritual mat- 
 ters, the kirk was independent of the civil power, and that the dissolu- 
 tion by the commissioner was illegal and void. After spending three 
 weeks in revising the ecclesiastical regulations introduced into Scotland 
 since the accession of James to the crown of England, the assembly 
 condemned the liturgy, ordinal, book of canons, and court of high com- 
 mission, and assuming all the powers of legislation, abolished epis- 
 copacy, and excommunicated the bishops themselves, and the ministers 
 who supported them. Chai'les declared their proceedings null by pro- 
 clamation ; but the people received them with great joy, and testified 
 their approbation by a national thanksgiving.* 
 
 Both parties had for some time been preparing for war, and they now 
 hastened on their plans. In consequence of an order from the supreme 
 committee of the covenanters in Edinburgh, every man capable of bear- 
 ing arms was called out and trained. Experienced Scottish officers who 
 had spent the greater part of their lives in military service in Sweden 
 and Germany, returned to Scotland to place themselves at the head of 
 their countrymen, and the Scottish merchants in Holland supplied them 
 Avith arms and ammunition. The king advanced as far as York with an 
 army, the Scottish bishops making him believe that the news of his 
 approach would induce the covenanters to submit themselves to his 
 pleasure ; but he was disappointed in this vain idea, for instead of sub- 
 mitting themselves, they were the first to commence hostilities. On 
 Friday the ninth of March, sixteen hundred and thirty -nine, General Les- 
 lie, the covenanting general, at the head of one thousand men, surprised 
 the castle of Edinburgh, and on the following day the earl of Traquair 
 surrendered Dalkeith house, and on the Sunday during tlie observance 
 of a solemn fast, the covenanters obtained possession of the castle of 
 Dumbarton. The king, on arriving at Durham, dispatched the 
 marquis of Hamilton with a fleet of forty ships, having on board six 
 thousand troops, to the Frith of Forth ; but as both sides of the Frith 
 were well fortified at different points, and covered with troops, he was 
 unable to effect a landing. 
 
 In the meantime the marquis of Huntly raised the royal standard in 
 the north, and as the earl of Sutherland, accompanied by Lord Reay and 
 John, Master of Berridale and others, had been very busy in Inverness 
 and Elgin, persuading the inhabitants to subscribe the covenant, the mar- 
 quis wrote him confidentially, blammg him for his past conduct, and ad- 
 vising him to declai-e for the king ; but the earl informed him in reply, 
 that it was against the bishops and their innovations, and not against the 
 king, that he had so acted. The earl then, in his turn, advised the 
 
 * Rusliworth, ii. 872, 875— 881.— Balfour, 303— 315.— Hardwicke Papers, ii. 124— 
 BaiUiCj 135—139. 
 
RAID OK TURRIFF. 317 
 
 marc|uis to join the covenanters, by doing which he said he would not 
 only confer honour on himself but much good on his native country : 
 that in any private question in which Huntly was personally interested 
 he would assist, but that in the present affair he would not aid him. The 
 earl thereupon joined the earl of Seaforth, the Master of Berridale, the 
 Lord Lovat, the Lord Reay, the laird of Balnagown, the Rosses, the 
 Monroes, the laird of Grant, Mackintosh, the laird of Innes, the sheriff 
 of Moray, the baron of Kilravok, the laird of Altire, the tutor of 
 Duffus and the other covenanters on the north of the river Spey. 
 
 The marquis of Huntly assembled his forces first at Turriff, and after- 
 wards at Kintore, whence he marched upon Aberdeen, which he took 
 possession of in name of the king. The marquis being informed shortly 
 after his arrival in Aberdeen, that a meeting of covenanters, who re- 
 sided within his district, was to be held at Turriff on the fourteenth day 
 of February, he resolved to disperse them. He therefore wrote let- 
 ters to his chief dependents, requiring them to meet him at Turriff 
 the same day, and bring with them their usual arms. One of these 
 letters fell into the hands of the earl of Montrose, who determined at 
 all hazards to protect the meeting of his friends, the covenantei-s. In 
 pursuance of this resolution, he collected, wth great alacrity, some of 
 his best friends in Angus, and with his own and their dependents, to the 
 number of about eight hundred men, he crossed the range of hills called 
 the Grangebean, and took possession of Turriff on the morning of the 
 fourteenth of February. When Huntly 's party arrived during the course 
 of the day, they were surprised at seeing the little churchyard of the 
 village filled with armed men; and they were still more surprised to ob- 
 serve them levelling their hagbuts at them across the walls of the church- 
 yard. Not knowing how to act in the absence of the marquis, they 
 retired to a place called the Broad Ford of Towie, about two miles 
 south from the village, when they were soon joined by Huntly and his suite. 
 After some consultation, the marquis, after parading his men in order of 
 battle along the north-west side of the village, in sight of Montrose, 
 dispersed his party, which amounted to two thousand men, without of- 
 fering to attack Montrose, on the pretence that his commission of lieu- 
 tenancy only authorised him to act on the defensive. This act of pusil- 
 lanimity weakened the confidence of his friends.* 
 
 Montrose had, about this time, received a commission from the Tables, 
 as the boards of representatives, chosen respectively by the nobility, 
 county gentry, clergy, and inhabitants of the burghs, were called, to 
 raise a body of troops for the service of the covenanters, and he now 
 proceeded to embody them with extraordinary promptitude. Within 
 one month, he collected a force of about three thousand horse and foot, 
 from the counties of Fife, Forfar, and Perth, and put them into a com- 
 plete state of military discipline. Being joined by the forces under 
 
 • SpuUliiig, vul. i. p. 94. 
 
318 HISTORY OF THE HIGHLANDS. 
 
 General Leslie, he marched upon Aberdeen, which he entered, without 
 opposition, on the thirtieth of March, tlie marquis of Huntly having 
 abandoned the town on his approach. Some idea of the well-appointed 
 state of this army may be formed from the curious description of Spal- 
 ding, who says, that " upon the morne, being Saturday, they came in 
 order of battell, weill armed, both on horse and foot, ilk horseman having 
 five shot at the least, with ane carabine in his hand, two pistols by his 
 sydes, and other two at his saddell toir ; the pikemen in tlieir ranks, 
 with pike and sword ; the musketiers in their ranks, with musket, 
 musket-stafFe, bandelier, sword, powder, ball, and match ; ilk company, 
 both on horse and foot, had their captains, lieutenants, ensignes, Ser- 
 jeants, and other officers and commandei's, all for the most part in buff 
 coats, and in goodly order. They had five colours or ensignes ; whereof 
 the earl of Montrose had one, haveing this motto, ' For Religion, 
 THE Covenant, and the Countrie;' the earle of Marischall had 
 one, the earle of Kinghorne had one, and the town of Dmidie had two. 
 They had trumpeters to ilk company of horsemen, and drummers to ilk 
 company of footmen ; they had their meat, drink, and other provision, 
 bag and baggage, carryed with them, all done be advyse of his excellence 
 Felt Marschall Leslie, whose councell Generall Montrose followed in 
 this busieness. Now, in seemly order, and good array, this army came 
 forward, and entered the burgh of Aberdein, about ten hours in the 
 morning, at the Over Kirkgate Port, syne came doun throw the 
 Broadgate, throw the Castlegate, out at the Justice Port to the Queen's 
 Links directly. Here it is to be netted, that few or none of this haill 
 army wanted ane blew ribbin hung about his craig, doun under his left 
 arme, which they called the Covenanters Ribbin, But the Lord Gordon, 
 and some other of the marquess' bairnes and familie, had ane ribbin, 
 when he was dwelling in the toun, of ane reid flesh cullor, which they 
 wore in tlieir hatts, and called it llie Royall Ribbin, as a signe of their 
 love and loyalltie to the king. In despyte and derision thereof this blew 
 ribbin was worne, and called the Covenanters Ribbin, be the haill 
 souldiers of the army, and would not hear of the royall ribbin ; such was 
 their pryde and malice." * 
 
 At Aberdeen, Montrose was joined the same day by Lord Fraser, the 
 master of Forbes, the laird of Dalgettie, the tutor of Pitsligo, the Earl 
 Marshall's men in Buchan, with several other gentlemen and their 
 tenants, dependants and servants, to the number of two tliousand, an 
 addition which augmented Montrose's army to nine thousand men. 
 Leaving the earl of Kintore, with fifteen hundred men, to keep possession 
 of Aberdeen, Montrose marched the same day towards Kintore, where 
 he encamped that night. Halting all Sunday, lie proceeded, on the 
 INIonday, to Inverury, where he again pitched his camp. The marquis 
 of Huntly grew alarmed at this sudden and unexpected movement, and 
 
 * Troubles, vol. i. p. 107, 108. 
 
ARREST OF THE MARQUIS OF IIUNTr.Y. 319 
 
 thought it now full time to treat with such a formidable foi-, for his 
 personal safety. He, therefore, despatched Robert Gordon of Straloch 
 and Doctor Gordon, an Aberdeen physician, to Montrose's camp, to 
 request an interview. The marquis proposed to meet him on a 
 moor near Blackball, about two miles from the camp, with eleven 
 attendants each, with no arms but a single sword at their side. After 
 consulting with Field Marshall Leslie, and the other officers, Mon- 
 trose agreed to meet the marquis, on Thursday the fourth of April, 
 at the place mentioned. The parties accordingly met. Among the 
 eleven who attended the marquis were his son James, Lord Aboyne, 
 and the Lord Oliphant. The Lords Elcho and Cowper were of the 
 party who attended Montrose. After the usual salutation, they both 
 alighted, and entered into conversation, but, coming to no understanding, 
 they adjourned the conference till the following morning, when the mar- 
 quis signed a writing substantially the same as the covenant, and obliged 
 himself to make his friends, tenants, and servants to subscribe the cove- 
 nant.* The marquis, after this arrangement, went to Strathbogie, and 
 Montrose returned with his army to Aberdeen, the following day. 
 
 The marquis had not been many days at Strathbogie, when he received 
 a notice from Montrose to repair to Aberdeen with his two sons, the 
 Lord Gordon and Viscount Aboyne. The reason for such a step does 
 not sufficiently appear ; but it seems highly probable that Montrose had 
 been actuated by a distrust of the sincerity of the marquis' promises, and 
 that as he was meditating a journey to the south, he might consider it a 
 wise and prudent course to secure the person of the marquis, and thus 
 prevent a rising in the north. 
 
 Some writers have attributed, and not without reason, the arrest of 
 the marquis to the intrigues of the Frasers and the Forbeses, who bore a 
 mortal antipathy to the house of Huntly, and who were desirous to see 
 the " Cock of the North," as the powerful head of that house was popularly 
 called, humbled. But, be these conjectures as they may, on the morning 
 after the marquis' arrival at Abei'deen, viz. on the eleventh of April, a 
 council of the principal officers of Montrose's army was held, at which 
 it was determined to arrest the marquis and Lord Gordon, his eldest son, 
 and carry them to Edinburgh. It was not, however, judged adviseable to 
 act upon this i-esolution immediately, and to do away with any appear- 
 ance of treachery, Montrose and his friends invited the marquis and his 
 two sons to supper the following evening. During the entertainment, 
 the most friendly civilities were passed on both sides, and, after the 
 party had become somewhat merry, Montrose and his friends hinted to 
 the marquis the expediency, in the present posture of afiairs, of resigning 
 his commission of lieutenancy, and returning the same to the king. 
 They also proposed that he should write a letter to tlie king along with 
 the resignation of his commission, in favour of the covenanters, as good 
 
 * Gullirie's Memoirs, p. W). Loiiil. 1702. Spalding, vul. i. p. 113. 
 /. '2 .s 
 
320 HISTORY OF THE HIGHLANDS. 
 
 and loyal subjects ; and that he should despatch the laird of Cluny, the 
 following morning, with the letter and resignation. The marquis, seeing 
 that his commission was altogether unavailable, immediately wrote out, 
 in presence of the meeting, a resignation of his commission, and a letter 
 of recommendation as proposed, and, in their presence, delivered the 
 same to the laird of Cluny, who was to set off the following morning 
 with them to the king. It would appear that Montrose was not sincere 
 in making this demand upon the marquis, and that his object was, by 
 calculating on a refusal, to make that the ground for arresting him ; for 
 the marquis had scarcely returned to his lodgings to pass the night, when 
 an armed guard was placed round the house, to prevent him from re- 
 turning home, as he intended to do, the following morning. 
 
 When the marquis rose, next morning, he was surprised at receiving 
 a message from the covenanting general, by two noblemen, desiring his 
 attendance at the house of the Earl Marshall ; and he Avas still fartiier 
 surprised, when, on going out, along with his two sons, to the appointed 
 place of meeting, he found his lodging beset with sentinels. The mar- 
 quis was received by Montrose with the usual morning salutation, after 
 which, he proceeded to demand from him a contribution for liquidating 
 a loan of 200,000 merks, which the covenanters had borrowed from Sir 
 William Dick, a rich merchant of Edinburgh. To this unexpected 
 demand the marquis replied, that he was not obliged to pay any 
 part thereof, not having been concerned in the borrowing, and of 
 course, declined to compl}^. Montrose then requested him to take 
 steps to apprehend James Grant, and John Dugar, and their accom- 
 plices, who had given considerable annoyance to the covenanters in the 
 Highlands. Huntly objected, that, having now no commission, he 
 could not act, and that, although he had, James Grant had already 
 obtained a remission from the king, and as for John Dugar, he would 
 concur, if required, with the other neighbouring proprietors in an 
 attempt to apprehend him. The earl, finally, as the covenant, he 
 said, admitted of no standing hatred or feud, required the marquis 
 to reconcile himself to Crichton, the laird of Frendraught, and take 
 him by the hand, but this the marquis positively refused to do. 
 What Montrose's design was, in making these proposals, is not easy 
 to conjecture. That he anticipated a refusal to all of them seems 
 very problematical ; and yet it can scarcely be supposed tliat the mar- 
 quis' compliance with any one of these demands, would have saved him 
 from the snare which had been laid for him. Finding the marquis quite 
 resolute in his determination to resist these demands, the earl suddenly 
 changed his tone, and thus addressed the marquis, apparently in the most 
 friendly terms, " My lord, seeing we are all now friends, will you go 
 south to Edinburgh with us ? " Huntly answered that he would not — • 
 that he was not prepared for such a journey, and that he was just going 
 to set off for Strathbogie. " Your lordship (rejoined Montrose) will do 
 well to go with us."' The marquis now perceiving Montrose's design, 
 
MEETINGS OF THE COVENANTERS AT MONYMUSK AND TURRIFF. 321 
 
 accosted him thus, " My lord, I came here to this town upon assurance 
 that I should corae and go at my own pleasure, without molestation or 
 inquietude ; and now I see why my lodging was guarded, and that ye 
 moan to take me to Edinburgh, whether I will or not. This conduct, 
 on your part, seems to me to be neither fair nor honourable." He added, 
 " My lord, give me back the bond which 1 gave you at Inverury, and 
 you shall have an answer." Montrose thereupon delivered the bond to 
 the marquis. Huntly then inquired at the earl, " Whether he would 
 take him to the south as a captive, or willingly of his own mind ? " 
 " Make your choice," said Montrose. " Then," observed the marquis, 
 " I will not go as a captive, but as a volunteer." The marquis there- 
 upon immediately returned to his lodging, and despatched a messenger 
 after the laird of Cluny, to stop him on his journey.* 
 
 It was the intention of Montrose to take both the marquis and his 
 sons to Edinburgh, but Viscount Aboyne, at the desire of some of his 
 friends, was released, and allowed to return to Strathbogie. On arriv- 
 ing at Edinburgh, the marquis and his son. Lord Gordon, were com- 
 mitted close prisoners to the castle of Edinburgh, and the Tables '' ap- 
 pointed five guardians to attend upon him and his son night and day, 
 upon his own expenses, that none should come in nor out but by their 
 sight." f 
 
 Some time after the departure of Montrose's army to the south, the 
 covenanters of the north appointed a committee meeting to be held at 
 Turriff, upon Wednesday, the twenty-fourth of April, consisting of the 
 Earls Marshal and Seaforth, the Lord Eraser, the Master of Forbes, 
 and some of their kindred and friends. All persons within the diocese, 
 who had not subscribed the covenant, were required to attend this 
 meeting for the purpose of signing it, and failing compliance, their pro- 
 perty was to be given up to indiscriminate plunder. As neither Lord 
 Aboyne, the laird of Banff, nor any of their friends and kinsmen, had 
 subscribed the covenant, nor meant to do so, they resolved to protect 
 themselves from the threatened attack. A preliminary meeting of the 
 heads of the northern covenanters was held on the twenty-second day 
 of April, at Monymusk, where they learned of the rising of Lord 
 Aboyne and his friends. This intelligence induced them to postpone the 
 meeting at Turriff till the twenty-sixth of April, by which day they ex- 
 pected to be joined by several gentlemen from Caithness, Sutherland, 
 Ross, Moray, and other quarters. At another meeting, held by the same 
 parties at Kintore, on the twenty-fourth of April, they postponed the 
 proposed meeting at Turriff, sine die, and adjourned to Aberdeen ; but 
 as no notice had been sent of the postponement to the different cove- 
 nanting districts in the north, about 1500 men assembled at the 
 place of meeting on the twenty-sixth of April, and were quite asto- 
 nished to find that the chiefs were absent. Upon an explanation tak- 
 ing place, the meeting was adjourned till the twentieth of May. 
 
 • Spaldins, vol. i. p. 121. t I')''!- !'• I'-^T. 
 
322 HISTORY OF THE HIGHLANDS. 
 
 Lord Aboyne had not been idle during this interval, having collected 
 about 2000 horse and foot from the Highlands and Lowlands, with 
 which force he had narrowly watched the movements of the covenan- 
 ters. Hearing, however, of the adjournment of the Turriff meeting, his 
 lordship, at the entreaty of his friends, broke up his army, and went by 
 sea to England to meet the king, to inform him of the precarious state 
 of his affairs in the north. Many of his followers, such as the lairds of 
 Gight, Haddo, Udney, Newton, Pitmedden, Foveran, Tippertie, Hart- 
 hill, and others, who had subscribed the covenant, regretted his depar- 
 ture ; but as they had gone too far to recede, they resolved to continue 
 their forces in the field, and held a meeting on the seventh of May at 
 Auchterless, to concert a plan of operations. 
 
 A body of the covenanters, to the number of about 2000, having assem- 
 bled at Turriff as early as the thirteenth of May, the Gordons resolved 
 instantly to attack them, before they should be joined by other forces, 
 which were expected to arrive before the twentieth. Taking along with 
 them four brass field-pieces from Strathbogie, the Gordons, to the 
 number of about eight hundred horse and foot, commenced their 
 march on the thirteenth of May, at ten o'clock at night, and reach- 
 ed Turriff next morning by day-break, by a road unknown to the 
 sentinels of the covenanting army. As soon as they approached the 
 town, the commanders of the Gordons ordered the trumpets to be sounded 
 and the drums to be beat, the noise of which was the first indication the 
 covenanters had of their arrival. Being thus surprised, the latter had 
 no time to make any preparations for defending themselves. They made, 
 indeed, a short resistance, but they were soon dispersed by the fire 
 from the field-pieces, leaving behind them the lairds of Echt and Skene, 
 and a few others, who were taken prisoners. The loss on either side, 
 in killed and wounded, was very trifling. This skirmish is called by 
 the writers of the period, " the Trott of Turray," * and is distinguished 
 as the place where blood was first shed in the civil wars.f 
 
 The successful issue of this trifling affair had a powerful effect on the 
 minds of the victors, who forthwith marched on Aberdeen, which they 
 entered on the fifteenth of May. They expelled the covenanters from the 
 town, and were there joined by a body of men from the Braes of Mar un- 
 der the command of Donald Farquharson of Tulliegarmouth, and the laird 
 of Abergeldie, and by another party headed by James Grant, so long an 
 outlaw, to the number of about 300 men. These men quartered them- 
 selves very freely upon the inhabitants, particularly on those who had de- 
 clared for the covenant, and they plundered many gentlemen's houses in 
 the neighbourhood. The house of Durris, belonging to John Forbes of 
 Lesslie, a great covenanter, received a visit from them. " There was 
 (says Spalding) little plenishing left unconvoyed away befor their 
 comeing. The}- gott good bear and ale, broke up girnells, and buke 
 
 • Turray is the old name of TuiriH'. f Gordon of Sallagh. 
 
MOVKMENTS OF THE GORDONS. 323 
 
 bannocks at good fyres, and drank merrily upon the laird's best drink ; 
 sjne carried away with them alse meikle victual as they could beir, 
 which they could not gett eaten and destroyed ; and syne removed from 
 that to Echt, Skene, Monymusk, and other houses pertaining to the 
 Tiame of Forbes, all great covenanters."* 
 
 Two days after their arrival at Aberdeen, the Gordons sent John 
 Leith of Harthill, and William Lumsden, advocate in Aberdeen, to 
 Dunnotter, for the purpose of ascertaining the sentiments of the Earl 
 Marshal, in relation to their proceedings, and whether they might reckon 
 on his friendship. The earl, however, intimated that he could say 
 nothing in I'elation to the affair, and that he would require eight 
 days to advise with his friends. This answer was considered quite 
 unsatisfactory, and the chiefs of the army were at a loss how to act. 
 While deliberating on the subject, Robert Gordon of Straloch, and 
 James Burnet of Craigmylle, a brother of the laii'd of Leys, who were 
 both peaceably inclined, apprehensive of the dangers which might ensue, 
 if the Gordons kept the field any longer, earnestly begged of them to 
 dissolve the army. They proposed to enter into a negotiation with the 
 Earl Marshal, but Sir George Ogilvy of Banff would not listen to such 
 a proceeding, and, addressing Straloch, he said, " Go, if you will go ; 
 but pr'ythee, let it be as quarter- master, to inform the earl that we are 
 coming." Straloch, however, went not in the character of a quarter- 
 master, but as a mediator in behalf of his chief; and having, in con- 
 junction with Burnet, had an interview with the Earl Marshal, he 
 returned with this answer, that the earl had no intention to take up 
 arms, without an order from the Tables ; that, if the Gordons would 
 disperse, he would give them early notice to re-assemble, if necessary, 
 for their own defence, but that if they should attack him, he would cer- 
 tainly defend himself. 
 
 This answer of the Earl Marshal had the desired effect ; but al- 
 though the Gordons agreed to disband their army, the Highlanders, who 
 had come down to the lowlands in quest of plunder, could not be induced 
 to recross the mountains till they should collect a sufficient quantity of 
 spoil. The army was accordingly disbanded on the twenty-first of May, 
 and the barons went to Aberdeen, there to spend a few days. The depre- 
 dations of the Highlanders upon the properties of the covenanters were 
 thereafter carried on to such an extent, that they complained to the Earl 
 Marshal, who immediately assembled a body of men out of Angus and the 
 Mearns, with which he entered Aberdeen on the twenty-tliird of May. 
 The barons thereupon made a precipitate retreat. Two days thereafter, 
 the earl was joined by Montrose, at the head of 4000 men, an addi- 
 tion which, with other accessions, made the whole force assembled at 
 Aberdeen, exceed 6000. 
 
 Meanwhile a large body of northern covenanters, under the command 
 
 * Spaldiiip, vol. i. p. 13fi. 
 
324 HISTORY OF THE HIGHLANDS. 
 
 of the earl of Seaforth, was approaching from the countries beyond the 
 Spey ; but the Gordons having crossed the Spey, for the purpose of 
 opposing their advance, an agreement was entered into, between both 
 parties, that, on the Gordons retiring across the Spey, Seaforth and his 
 men should also retire homewards. 
 
 After spending five days in Aberdeen, Montrose marched his 
 army to Udney, from thence to Kellie, the seat of the laird of Haddo, 
 and afterwards to Gight, the residence of Sir Robert Gordon, to which 
 he laid siege. But intelligence of the arrival of Viscount Aboyne, 
 in the bay of Aberdeen, deranged his plans. Being quite uncertain of 
 Aboyne's strength, and fearing that his retreat might be cut off, INIon- 
 trose quickly raised the siege, and returned to Aberdeen. Although 
 Lord Aboyne still remained on board his vessel, and could easily have 
 been prevented from landing, Montrose most unaccountably abandoned 
 the town, and retired into the Mearns. 
 
 Viscount Abo}'ne had been most graciously received by the king, 
 and had ingratiated himself so much with the monarch, as to obtain the 
 commission of lieutenancy which his father held. The king appears to 
 have entertained good hopes, from his endeavours to support the royal 
 cause in the north of Scotland, and before taking leave, he gave the 
 viscount a letter addressed to the marquis of Hamilton, requesting him 
 to afford his lordship all the assistance in his power. From whatever 
 cause, all the aid afforded by the marquis was limited to a few officers 
 and four field-pieces : " The king," says Gordon of Sallagh, •' coming to 
 Berwick, and business growing to a height, the armies of England and 
 Scotland lying near one another, his majesty sent the viscount of 
 Aboyne, and Colonel Gun (who was then returned out of Germany) to 
 the marquis of Hamilton, to receive some forces from him^ and with 
 these forces to go to Aberdeen, to possess and recover that town. The 
 marquis of Hamilton, lying at anchor in Forth, gave them no supply of 
 men, but sent them five ships to Aberdeen, and the marquis himself 
 retired with his fleet and men to the Holy Island, hard by Berwick, to 
 reinforce the king's army there against the Scots at Dunslaw." * On 
 his voyage to Aberdeen, Aboyne's ships fell in with two vessels, one of 
 which contained the lairds of Banff, Foveran, Newton, Crummie, and 
 others, who had fled on the approach of Montrose to Gight ; and the other 
 had on board some citizens of Aberdeen, and several ministers, among 
 whom were Thomas Thoirs, minister of Udney ; John Paterson, minister 
 of Foveran ; David Leitch, minister of Ellon ; John Gregory, mmister 
 of Drumoack ; Francis Thomson, minister of Pitterculter ; John Kemp, 
 preacher ; and others, who had refused to sign the covenant, all of wliom 
 the viscount persuaded to return home along with him. 
 
 On the sixth of June, Lord Aboyne, accompanied by the earls of 
 Glencairn and TuUibardine, the lairds of Drum, Banff, Fedderet, 
 
 * Continuation, p. 492. 
 
LANDING OF LORD ABOYNE RAID OF STONEHAVEN. 325 
 
 Fovcran, and Newton, and their followers, with Colonel Gun and several 
 Ensjflish officers, landed in Aberdeen, without opposition. Immediately 
 on coming on shore, he issued a proclamation which was read at tlie 
 cross of Aberdeen, prohibiting all his majesty's loyal subjects from 
 paying any rents, duties, or other debts to the covenanters, and re- 
 quiring them to pay one-half of such sums to the king, and to retain 
 the other for themselves. Those persons who had been forced to sub- 
 scribe the covenant against their will, were, on repentance, to be for- 
 given, and every person was required to take an oath of allegiance to 
 his majesty. 
 
 This bold step inspired the royalists with confidence, and in a short 
 space of time a considerable force rallied round the royal standard. 
 Lewis Gordon, third son of the marquis of Huntly, a youth of extra- 
 ordinary courage, on hearing of his brother's arrival, collected his father's 
 friends and tenants, to the number of about one thousand horse and foot, 
 and witli these he entered Aberdeen, on the seventh of June. These 
 were succeeded by a hundred horse sent in by the laird of Drum, and 
 by considerable forces led by James Grant and Donald Farquharson. 
 Many of the covenanters also joined the viscount, so that his force 
 ultimately amounted to several thousand men. 
 
 On the tenth of June, the Viscount left Aberdeen, and advanced 
 upon Kintore with an army of about two thousand horse and foot, 
 to which he received daily accessions. The inhabitants of the latter 
 place were compelled by him to subscribe the oath of allegiance, and 
 notwithstanding their compliance, "the troops," says Spalding, "plun- 
 dered meat and drink, and made good fires ; and, where they wanted 
 peats, broke down beds and boards in honest men's houses to be fires, 
 and fed their horses with corn and straAV that day and night." * Next 
 morning the army moved upon Hall Forrest, a seat of the earl Marshall, 
 which surrendered on their approach. Altliough the house was filled 
 with property of different kinds, which had been placed there by the 
 people of the neighbourhood for the sake of security, no part thereof 
 was touched, and the troops contented themselves with carrying off all 
 the arms and provisions they could find. From Hall Forrest, they 
 j)roceeded to the house of Muchells, belonging to Lord Fraser ; but 
 Aboyne, hearing of a rising in the south, gave up a resolution he had 
 formed of besieging it, and returned to Aberdeen. 
 
 As delay would be dangerous to his cause in the present conjuncture, 
 he crossed the Dee, on the fourteenth of June, with the intention 
 of occupying Stonehaven, and of issuing afresh the king's proclamation 
 at the market cross of that burgh. He proceeded as far as Muchollis, 
 the seat of Sir Thomas Barnet of Leyes, where he encamped that night. 
 On hearing of his approach, the earl Marshal posted himself very 
 commodiously with twelve hundred men, and some pieces of ordnance 
 
 * Troubles, vol. i. p. 151. 
 
326 HISTORY OF THE HIGHLANDS. 
 
 which he had drawn from Dunotter castle, on the direct road which 
 Aboyne had to pass, and waited his approach. 
 
 Although Aboyne was quite aware of the position of the earl Mar- 
 shal, instead of endeavouring to outflank him by making a detour to the 
 right, he crossed the Meagre hill next morning, directly in the face of 
 his opponent, who lay with his forces at the bottom of the hill. As 
 Aboyne descended the hill, the earl Marshal opened a heavy fire upon 
 him, which threw his men into complete disorder. The Highlanders, 
 unaccustomed to the fire of cannon, were the first to retreat, and in a 
 short time the whole army gave way. Aboyne, thereupon, returned to 
 Aberdeen with some horsemen, leaving the rest of the army to follow 
 him; but the Highlanders took a homeward course, carrying along 
 with them a large quantity of booty which they gathered on their retreat. 
 The disastrous issue of " the Raid of Stonehaven," as this affair has been 
 called, has been attributed to treachery on the part of Colonel Gun, 
 to whom, on account of his great experience, Aboyne had intrusted the 
 command of the army ; but although he certainly committed a fatal 
 blunder in sending the cannon belonging to the army by sea, by which 
 step Aboyne's army was deprived of the use of them, there does not ap- 
 pear sufficient evidence for supporting such a charge. 
 
 On his arrival at Aberdeen, Aboyne held a council of war, at which 
 it was determined to send some persons into the Mearns to collect the 
 scattered remains of his army, for, with the exception of nine-score horse- 
 men and a few foot soldiers, the whole of the fine army which he had 
 led from Aberdeen had disappeared; but although the army again 
 mustered at Leggetsden to the number of four thousand, they were 
 prevented from recrossing the Dee and joining his lordship by the 
 Marshal and Montrose, who advanced towards the bridge of Dee with 
 all their forces. Aboyne, hearing of their approach, resolved to dispute 
 with them the passage of the Dee, and as a precautionary measure, 
 he blocked up the entrance to the bridge of Dee from the south by 
 a thick wall of turf, besides which he placed a hundred musketeers 
 upon the bridge under the command of Lieutenant Colonel John- 
 stone, to annoy the assailants from the small turrets on its sides. 
 The viscount was warmly seconded in his views by the citizens of 
 Aberdeen, whose dread of another hostile visit fi-om the covenanters 
 induced them to afford him every assistance in their power, and it 
 is recorded that the women and children even occupied themselves in 
 carrying provisions to the army during the contest. 
 
 The army of Montrose consisted of about 2,000 foot, and 300 horse, 
 and a large train of artillery. The forces which Lord Aboyne had sud- 
 denly collected on the spur of the occasion, were not numerous, but 
 he was superior in cavalry. His ordnance consisted only of four pieces 
 of brass cannon. Montrose arrived at the bridge of Dee on the eigh- 
 teenth of June, and without a moment's delay, commenced a furious can- 
 nonade upon the works, which had been thrown up at the south end, and 
 
BATTLE AT THE BRIDGE OF DEE. 327 
 
 which he kept up during the whole day without producing any material 
 effect. Lieutenant Colonel Johnstone defended the bridge with deter- 
 mined bravery, and his musketeers kept up a galling and well directed 
 fire upon their assailants. Both parties reposed during the short twi- 
 light, and as soon as morning dawned, Montrose renewed his attack 
 upon the bridge, with an ardour which seemed to have received a fresh 
 impulse from the unavailing efforts of the preceding day ; but all his at- 
 tempts were vain. Seeing no hopes of carrying the bridge in the teeth 
 of the force opposed to him, he had recourse to a stratagem, by which 
 he succeeded in withdrawing a part of Aboyne's forces from the defence 
 of the bridge. That force had indeed been considerably impaired before 
 the renewal of the attack, in consequence of a party of fifty musketeers 
 having gone to Aberdeen to escort thither the body of a citizen named 
 John Forbes, who had been killed the preceding day ; to which circum- 
 stance Spalding attributes the loss of the bridge ; but whether the ab- 
 sence of this party had such an effect upon the fortune of the day is by 
 no means clear. The covenanting general, after battering unsuccessfully 
 the defences of the bridge, ordered a party of horsemen to proceed up 
 the river to some distance, and to make a demonstration as if they in- 
 tended to cross the river. Aboyne was completely deceived by this 
 manoeuvre, and sent the whole of his horsemen from the bridge to dis- 
 pute the passage of the river with those of Montrose, leaving Lieuten- 
 ant Colonel Johnstone and his fifty musketeers alone to protect the bridge. 
 Montrose having thus drawn his opponent into the snare set for him, 
 immediately sent back the greater part of his horse under the command 
 of Captain Middleton, with instructions to renew the attack upon the 
 bridge with redoubled energy. This officer lost no time in obeying 
 these orders, and Lieutenant Colonel Johnstone having been wounded 
 in the outset by a stone torn from the bridge by a shot, was forced to 
 abandon its defence, and he and his party retired precipitately to 
 Aberdeen. 
 
 When Aboyne saw the colours of the covenanters flying on the bridge 
 of Dee, he fled with great haste towards Strathbogie after releasing the 
 lairds of Purie Ogilvy, and Purie Fodderinghame, whom he had taken 
 prisoners, and carried with him from Aberdeen. The loss on either 
 side, during the conflict on the bridge, was trifling. The only person of 
 note who fell on Aboyne's side, was Seaton of Pitmedden, a brave ca- 
 valier, who was killed by a cannon shot while riding along the river side 
 with Lord Aboyne. On that of the covenanters was slain another valiant 
 gentleman, a brother of Ramsay of Balmain. About fourteen persons 
 of inferior note were killed on each side, including some burgesses of 
 Aberdeen, and several were wounded. 
 
 Montrose reaching the north bank of the Dee, proceeded immediately 
 to Aberdeen, which he ent<!red without opposition. So exasperated 
 were Montrose's followers at the repeated instances of devotedness shown 
 by the inhabitants to the royal cause, that they proposed to raze the 
 
 ' J. 2 T 
 
328 HISTORY OF THE HIGHLANDS. 
 
 town and set it on fire ; but they were hindered from carrying their de- 
 sign into execution by the firmness of Montrose. The covenanters, how- 
 ever, treated the inhabitants very harshly, and imprisoned many who were 
 suspected of having been concerned in opposing their passage across 
 the Dee ; but an end was put to these proceedings in consequence of 
 intelligence being brought on the following day ; viz., on the twentieth 
 of June, of the treaty of pacification which had been entered into be- 
 tween the king and his subjects at Berwick, upon the eighteenth of that 
 month. On receipt of this news, Montrose sent a despatch to the earl 
 of Seaforth, who was stationed with his army on the Spey, intimating 
 the pacification, and desiring him to disband his army, with which order 
 he instantly complied. 
 
 The articles of pacification were preceded by a declaration on the 
 part of the king, in which he stated, that although he could not conde- 
 scend to ratify and approve the acts of the " pretended general assem- 
 bly at Glasgow for many grave and weighty considerations," yet, not- 
 withstanding of the many disorders which had of late been committed, 
 he not only confirmed and made good whatsoever his commissioner had 
 granted and promised, but he also declared that all matters ecclesiasti- 
 cal should be determined by the assemblies of the kirk, and matters 
 civil by the parliament and other inferior judicatories, established by 
 law. To settle, therefore, " the general distractions" of the kingdom, 
 his majesty ordered that a fi-ee general assembly should be held at Edin- 
 burgh on the sixth of August next following, at which he declared his 
 intention, " God willing, to be personally present," and he, moreover, or- 
 dered a parliament to meet at Edinburgh on the twentieth of August, 
 for ratifying the proceedings of the general assembly, and settling such 
 other matters as might conduce to the peace and good of the kingdom 
 of Scotland. By the articles of pacification, it was, inter alia, provided 
 that the forces in Scotland should be disbanded and dissolved within 
 forty-eight hours after the publication of the declaration, and that all 
 the royal castles, forts, and warlike stores of every description, should 
 be delivered up to his majesty after the said publication, as soon as he 
 should send to receive them. Under the seventh and last article of the 
 treaty, the marquis of Huntly and his son. Lord Gordon, and some 
 others who had been detained prisoners in the castle of Edinburgh by 
 the covenanters, were set at liberty. 
 
 It has been generally supposed that neither of the parties were sin- 
 cere in their intentions to observe the conditions of the treaty. Certain 
 it is, that the ink with which it was written was scarcely dry before its 
 violation was contemplated. On the one hand, the king, before remov- 
 ing his army from the neighbourhood of Berwick, required the heads of 
 the covenanters to attend him at Berwick, obviously with the object of 
 gaining them over to his side; but, with the exception of three common- 
 ers and three lords, Montrose, Loudon, and Lothian, they refused to 
 obey. It was at this conference that Charles, who was exceedingly in- 
 
PROCEEDINGS IN PARLIAMENT. 329 
 
 sinuating and persuasive, made a convert of Montrose, who, from that 
 time, determined to desert his associates in arms, and to place himself 
 under the royal standard. The immediate strengthening of the forts of 
 Berwick and Carlisle, and the provisioning the castle of Edinburgh, 
 were probably the suggestions of Montrose, who would, of course, be 
 intrusted with the secret of his majesty's designs. The covenanters on 
 the other hand, although making a show of disbanding their army at 
 Dunse, in reality kept a considerable force on foot, which they quar- 
 tered in different parts of the country, to be in readiness for the field 
 on a short notice. The suspicious conduct of the king certainly justified 
 this precaution. 
 
 The general assembljr met on the day fixed upon, but instead of at- 
 tending in person as he proposed, Charles appointed the earl of Tra- 
 quair to act as his commissioner. After abolishing the articles of Perth, 
 the book of canons, the liturgy, the high commission and episcopacy, 
 and ratifying and approving of the late covenant, the assembly was dis- 
 solved on the thirtieth of August, and another general assembly was 
 appointed to be held at Aberdeen on the twenty-eighth day of July of 
 the following year, sixteen hundred and forty. The parliament met 
 next day ; viz., on the last day of August, but they were prevented, for 
 a time, from proceeding to business, in consequence of a difficulty which 
 arose, owing to the absence of the bishops, who formed the third estate, 
 and who had been forced to leave Scotland in consequence of the turbu- 
 lence of the times. The covenanters themselves did not, however, think 
 the presence of the bishops by any means necessary ; but they were afraid 
 that the king might afterwards seize upon their absence as a good ground 
 for questioning the legality of the acts of this parliament. To get rid 
 of this dilemma, the clumsy device of electing fourteen persons to sup- 
 ply the places of the bishops, was proposed ; but no sooner was this 
 agreed to than another question arose, — Whether the king, by virtue 
 of his royal prerogative, or the two estates, should nominate these 
 pseudo-representatives. A vote being taken, it was decided by a plu- 
 rality of votes, that the other two estates should elect the fourteen per- 
 sons to represent the third estate.* Why they did not steer a middle 
 course, by dividing the nomination with the king, appears strange ; but 
 the violence of faction knows no medium. His majesty's commissioner 
 protested against the vote and against farther proceedings till the king's 
 mind should be known, and the commissioner immediately sent off a 
 letter apprising him of the occurrence. Without waiting for the king's 
 answer, the two estates passed an act substituting the lesser barons for 
 the third estate, and they were proceeding with a varietj' of bills for 
 securing the liberty of the subject and restraining the royal prerogative, 
 when they were unexpectedly and suddenly prorogued by an order from 
 the king till the second day of June in the following year. 
 
 • Spalding, p. 149. 
 
330 HISTORY OF THE HIGHLANDS. 
 
 If Charles had not already made up his mind for war with his Scottish 
 subjects, the conduct of the parliament which he had just prorogated 
 determined him again to have recourse to arms in vindication of his 
 prerogative. He endeavoured, at first, to enlist the sympathies of the 
 bulk of the English nation in his cause, but without effect; and his 
 repeated appeals to his English people, setting forth the rectitude of his 
 intentions and the justice of his cause, being answered by men who 
 questioned the one and denied the other, rather injured than served him. 
 The people of England were not then in a mood to embark in a crusade 
 against the civil and religious liberties of the north; and they had too 
 much experience of the arbitrary spirit of the king to imagine that their 
 own liberties would be better secured by extinguishing the flame which 
 burned in the breasts of the sturdy and enthusiastic covenanters. 
 
 But notwithstanding the many discouraging circumstances which 
 surrounded him, Charles displayed a firmness of resolution to coerce the 
 rebellious Scots by every means within his reach. The spring and part 
 of the summer of sixteen hundred and forty were spent by both parties 
 in military preparations. Field Marshal Leslie, an old and experienced 
 officer who had been in foreign service, was appointed generalissimo of 
 the Scots army by the war committee. When mustered by the general 
 at Choicelee, it amounted to about twenty-two thousand foot and two 
 thousand five hundred horse. A council of war was held at Dunse at 
 which it was determined to invade England. Montrose, to whose com- 
 mand a division of the army, consisting of two thousand foot and five 
 hundred horse, was intrusted, was absent when this meeting was held ; 
 but, although his sentiments had, by this time, undergone a complete 
 change, seeing on his return no chance of preventing the resolution of 
 the council, he dissembled "his feelings and openly approved of the plan. 
 There seems to be no doubt that in following this coui-se he intended, on 
 the first favourable opportunity, to declare for the king, and carry off 
 such part of the army as should be inclined to follow him, which he 
 reckoned at a third of the whole.* 
 
 On the twentieth of August, General Leslie ci'ossed the Tweed with 
 his army, the van of which was led by Montrose on foot. This task, 
 though performed with readiness and with every appearance of good 
 will, was not voluntarily undertaken, but had been devolved upon Mon- 
 trose by lot ; none of the principal officers daring to take the lead of 
 their own accord in such a dangerous enterprise. There can be no 
 doubt that Montrose was insincere in his professions, and that those who 
 suspected him were right in thinking " that in his heart he was turned 
 Royalist,"-}- a supposition which his correspondence with the king and 
 his subsequent conduct fully justify. 
 
 Although the proper time had not arrived for throwing oiF the 
 mask, Montrose immediately on his return to Scotland, after the 
 
 • Wisharl's Memoirs, Edin. 1819, p. 24. t Guthrie's Memoirs, p. 70. 
 
MEETING BETWEEN CHARLES I. AND MONTROSE. 331 
 
 close of this campaign, began to concert measures for counteract- 
 ing the designs of the covenanters ; but his plans were em- 
 barrassed by some of his associates disclosing to tlie covenanters 
 the existence of an association which Montrose had formed at Cum- 
 bernauld for supporting the royal authority. A great outcry was 
 raised against Montrose in consequence, but his influence was so great 
 that the heads of the covenanters were afraid to show any severity 
 towards him. On subsequently discovering, however, that the king had 
 written him letters which were intercepted and forcibly taken from the 
 messenger, a servant of the earl of Traquair, they apprehended him, 
 along with Lord Napier of Merchiston, and Sir George Stirling of Keir, 
 his relatives and intimate friends, and imprisoned them in the castle of 
 Edinburgh. On the meeting of the parliament at Edinburgh in July, 
 sixteen hundred and forty-one, which was attended by the king in per- 
 son, Montrose demanded to be tried before them, but his application was 
 rejected by the covenanters, who obtained an order from the parliament 
 prohibiting him from going into the king's presence. After the king 
 had returned to England, Montrose and his fellow-prisoners were 
 liberated, and he, thereupon, went to his own castle where he remained 
 for some time, ruminating on the course he should pursue for the relief 
 of the king.* 
 
 Although Charles complied with the demands of his Scottish sub- 
 jects, and heaped many favours and distinctions upon the heads of the 
 leading covenanters, they were by no means satisfied, and they entered 
 fully into the hostile views of their brethren in the south, with whom they 
 made common cause. Having resolved to send an army into England to 
 join the parliamentary forces, who had come to an open rupture with the 
 sovereign, they attempted to gain over Montrose to their side by offer- 
 ing him the post of lieutenant-general of their army, and promising to 
 accede to any demands he might make ; but he rejected all their offers ; 
 and, as an important crisis was at hand, he hastened to England in the 
 early part of the year sixteen hundred and forty-three, in company with 
 the Lord Ogilvy, to lay the state of affairs before the king, and to offer 
 him his advice and service in such an emergency. Charles, however, 
 cither from a want of confidence in the judgment of Montrose, who, to 
 the rashness and impetuosity of youth, added, as he was led to believe, a 
 desire of gratifying his personal feelings and vanity, or overcome by the 
 calculating but fatal policy of the marquis of Hamilton, who deprecated 
 a fresh war between the king and his Scottish subjects ; declined to fol- 
 low the advice of Montrose, who had offered to raise an army imme- 
 diately in Scotland to support him. 
 
 A convention of estates called by the covenanters, without any 
 authority from the king, met at Edinburgh on tiie twenty-second of 
 June, sixteen hundred and fort3'-three, and he soon perceived from the 
 
 • Wishart's Memoirs, p. 30. 
 
332 HISTORY OF THE HIGHLANDS. 
 
 character and proceedings of this assembly, the great majority of which 
 was covenanters, the mistake he had committed in rejecting the advice 
 of Montrose, and he now resolved, thenceforth, to be guided in his plans 
 for subduing Scotland to his authority by the opinion of that nobleman. 
 Accordingly, at a meeting held at Oxford, between the king and Mon- 
 trose, in the month of December sixteen himdred and forty-three, when 
 the Scots army was about entering England, it was agreed that the earl 
 of Antrim, an Irish nobleman of great power and influence, who then 
 lived at Oxford, should be sent to Ireland to raise auxiliaries with 
 whom he should make a descent in the west parts of Scotland in the 
 month of April following ; — that the marquis of Newcastle, who com- 
 manded the royal forces in the north of England, should furnish Montrose 
 with a party of horse, with which he should enter the south of Scotland? 
 — that an application should be made to the king of Denmark for some 
 troops of German horse ; — and that a quantity of arms should be trans- 
 ported into Scotland from abroad.* 
 
 Instructions having been given to the earl of Antrim, to raise the Irish 
 levy, and Sir James Cochran having been dispatched to the continent 
 as ambassador for the king, to procure foreign aid, Montrose left Oxford 
 on his way to Scotland, taking York and Durham in his route. Near 
 the latter city, he had an interview with the marquis of Newcastle for 
 the purpose of obtaining a sufl[icient party of horse to escort him into 
 Scotland, but all he could procure, was about one hundred horse, 
 badly appointed, with two small brass field pieces.j- The marquis sent 
 orders to the king's officers and to the captains of the militia in Cum- 
 berland and Westmoreland, to afford Montrose such assistance as they 
 could, and he was, in consequence, joined on his way to Carlisle by eight 
 hundred foot and three troops of horse, of Cumberland and Northumber- 
 land militia. With this small force, and about two hundred horse, 
 consisting of noblemen and gentlemen who had served as officers in 
 Germany, France, or England, Montrose entered Scotland on the thir- 
 teenth of April, sixteen hundred and forty-four. He had not, however, 
 proceeded far, when a revolt broke out among the English soldiers, who 
 immediately returned to England. In spite of this discouragement, 
 Montrose proceeded on with his small party of horse towards Dumfries, 
 which surrendered to him without opposition. After waiting there a 
 few days in expectation of hearing some tidings respecting the earl of 
 Antrim's movements, without receiving any, he retired to Carlisle, to 
 avoid being surprised by the covenanters, large bodies of whom were 
 hovering about in all directions. 
 
 To aid the views of Montrose, the king had appointed the marquis of 
 Huntly, on whose fidelity he could rely, his lieutenant general in the 
 north of Scotland, who, on hearing of the capture of Dumfries by Mon- 
 
 * Wish.'ut, 
 f The duchess of Newcastle says, in the memoirs of her husband, that the number was 
 200. 
 
RISING UNDER THE MARQUIS OF HUNTLY. 333 
 
 trose, immediately collected a considerable body of horse and foot, con- 
 sisting of Highlanders and lowlanders, at Kincardine-O'Neil, with the in- 
 tention of crossing the Cairn-a-Mount ; but being disappointed in not 
 being joined by some forces fi'om Perthshire, Angus, and the Mearns, 
 which he expected, he altered his steps, and proceeded towards Aberdeen, 
 which he took. From thence he dispatched parties of his troops through 
 the shires of Aberdeen and Banff, who brought in quantities of horses and 
 arms for the use of his army. Another party, consisting of one hundred 
 and twenty horse and three hundred foot, commanded by the young laird 
 of Drum and his brother, young Gicht, Colonel Nathaniel Gordon and 
 Colonel Donald Farquharson and others, proceeded, contrary to the 
 opinion of the marquis, to the town of Montrose, which they took, killed 
 one of the bailies, made the provost prisoner, and threw some cannon 
 into the sea as they could not carry them away. But, on hearing that 
 the earl of Kinghorn was advancing upon them with the forces of 
 Angus, they made a speedy retreat, leaving thirty of their foot behind 
 them prisoners. To protect themselves against the army of the marquis 
 of Huntly, the inhabitants of Moray on the north of the Spey, raised a 
 regiment of foot and three companies of horse, which were quartered in 
 the town of Elgin. 
 
 When the convention heard of the marquis of Huntly 's movements, 
 they appointed the marquis of Argyle to raise an array to quell this in- 
 surrection. He, accordingly, assembled at Perth, a force of five thou- 
 sand foot and eight hundred horse out of Fife, Angus, Mearns, Argyle 
 and the shire of Perth, with which he advanced on Aberdeen. Huntly, 
 hearing of his approach, fled from Aberdeen and retired to the town of 
 Banff, where, on the day of his arrival, he disbanded his army. The 
 marquis himself thereafter retired to Strathnaver, and took up his resi- 
 dence with the master of Reay. Argyle, after taking possession of 
 Aberdeen, proceeded northward and took the castles of Gicht and 
 Kellie, made the lairds of Gicht and Haddo prisoners and sent them 
 to Edinburgh, the latter of whom, along with one Captain Logan, was 
 afterwards beheaded.* 
 
 We now return to Montrose, who, after an ineffectual attempt to 
 obtain an accession of force from the army of Prince Rupert, Count 
 Palatine of the Rhine, determined on again entering Scotland with his 
 little band. But being desirous to learn the exact situation of affairs 
 there, before putting this resolution into effect, he sent Lord Ogilvy and 
 Sir William Rollock into Scotland, in disguise, for that purpose. They 
 returned in about fourteen days, and brought a spiritless and melancholy 
 account of the state of matters in the north, where they found the whole 
 passes, to\vns, and forts, in possession of the covenanters, and where no 
 man dared to speak in favour of the king. This intelligence was re- 
 ceived with dismay by Montrose's followers, who now began to think of the 
 
 • Gordon of Sallagh, p. 519. 
 
334 HISTORY OF THE HIGHLANDS. 
 
 best means of securing their own safety. In this unpleasant conjuncture 
 of affairs, Montrose called them together to consult them on the line of 
 conduct they should pursue. Some advised him to return to Oxford and 
 inform his majesty of the hopeless state of his affairs in Scotland, while 
 others gave an opinion that he should resign his commission, and go 
 abroad till a more favourable opportunity should occur of serving the 
 king ; but the chivalrous and undaunted spirit of Montrose, disdained 
 to follow either of these courses, and he resolved upon the desperate ex- 
 pedient of venturing into the very heart of Scotland, with only one or 
 two companions, in the hope of being able to rally round his person a 
 force sufficient to support the declining interests of his sovereign. 
 
 Having communicated this intention privately to Lord Ogilvy, he put 
 under his charge the few gentlemen who had remained faithful to him, that 
 he might conduct them to the king ; and having accompanied them to a 
 distance, he withdrew from them clandestinely, leaving his servants, horses, 
 and baggage behind him, and returned to Carlisle. Having prepared 
 himself for his journey, he selected Sir William Rollock, a gentleman of 
 tried honour, and one Sibbald, to accompany him. Disguised as a groom, 
 and riding upon a lean, worn-out horse, and leading another in his hand, 
 Montrose passed for Sibbald's servant, in which condition and capacity 
 he proceeded to the borders. The party had not proceeded far when an 
 occurrence took place, which considerably disconcerted them. Meeting 
 with a Scottish soldier, who had served under the marquis of Newcastle 
 in England, he, after passing Rollock and Sibbald, went up to the mar- 
 quis, and accosted him by his name. Montrose told him that he was 
 quite mistaken ; but the soldier being positive, and judging that the 
 marquis was concerned in some important affair, replied, with a coun- 
 tenance which betokened a kind heart, " Do not I know my lord marquis 
 of Montrose well enough? But go your way, and God be with you."* 
 When Montrose saw that he could not preserve an incognito from the 
 penetrating eye of the soldier, he gave him some money and dismissed 
 him. 
 
 This occurrence excited alarm in the mind of Montrose, and made 
 him accelerate his journey. Within four days he arrived at the house 
 of Tullibelton, among the hills near the Tay, which belonged to Patrick 
 Graham of Inchbrakie, his cousin, and a royalist. No situation was 
 better fitted for concocting his plans, and for communicating with those 
 clans and the gentry of the adjoining lowlands who stood well affected 
 to the king. It formed, in fact, a centre, or point d'appui to the royal- 
 ists of the Highlands and the adjoining lowlands, from which a pretty 
 regular communication could be kept up, without any of those dangers 
 which would have arisen in the lowlands. 
 
 For some days Montrose did not venture to appear among the people 
 in the neighbourhood, nor did he consider himself safe even in Tullibel- 
 
 • Wishart, p. 64. 
 
LANDING OF TIIK IRISH IN THE WEST. 335 
 
 ton house, but passed the niglit in an obscure cottage, and in the day 
 time wandered alone among the neighbouring mountains, ruminating 
 over the strange peculiarity of his situation, and waiting the return of 
 his fellow-travellers, whom he had dispatched to collect intelligence on 
 the state of the kingdom. These messengers came back, to him after 
 some days' absence, bringing with them the most cheerless accounts 
 of the situation of the country, and of the persecutions which the royal- 
 ists suffered at the hands of the covenanters. Among other distressing 
 pieces of intelligence they communicated to Montrose the premature 
 and unsuccessful attempt of the marquis of Huntly in favour of the royal 
 cause, and of his retreat to Strathnaver to avoid the fury of his enemies. 
 These accounts greatly affected Montrose, who was grieved to find that 
 the Gordons, who were stern royalists, should be exposed, by the aban- 
 donment of their chief, to the revenge of their enemies ; but he consoled 
 himself with the reflection, that as soon as he should be enabled to unfurl 
 the royal standard the tide of fortune wovdd turn. 
 
 While cogitating on the course he should pursue in this conjuncture, 
 a repoi't reached him from some shepherds on the hills, that a body of 
 Irish troops had landed in the West, and was advancing through 
 the Highlands. Montrose at once concluded that these were the 
 auxiliaries whom the earl of Antrim had undertaken to send him four 
 months before, and such they proved to be. This force, which amounted 
 to fifteen hundred men, was under the command of Alexander Macdon- 
 ald, son of a gentleman of lona, named Coll Mac -Gillespie Macdonald, 
 who had been greatly persecuted by the Earl of Argyle. Macdonald 
 had arrived early in July, sixteen hundred and forty-four, among the 
 Hebrides, and had landed and taken the castles of Meigray and Kinloch 
 Alan. He had then disembarked his forces in Knoydart, where he 
 expected to be joined by the marquis of Huntly and the earl of Seaforth. 
 As he advanced into the interior he dispatched the fiery cross for the 
 purpose of summoning the clans to his standard ; but, although the cross 
 was carried through a large extent of country, even to Aberdeen,* he 
 was only joined at first by the Clan-Donald, under the captain of Clan- 
 Ronald, and the laird of Glengary. „The marquis of Argyle collected an 
 army to oppose the progress of Macdonald ; and to cut off his retreat to 
 Ireland, he sent some ships of war to Loch Eishord, where Macdonald's 
 fleet lay, which captured or destroyed them. This loss, while it frus- 
 trated an intention Macdonald entertained of returning to Ireland, in 
 consequence of the disappointment he had met with in not being joined 
 by the clans, stimulated him to farther exertions in continuing his 
 inarch, in the hope of meeting Montrose. 
 
 As Macdonald was perfectly ignorant of Montrose's movements, and 
 thought it likel)'^ that he might be still at Carlisle, waiting till he should 
 liear of Macdonald's arrival, he sent letters to him by the hands of a confi- 
 
 * SpJildiiig. 
 
336 HiSTor.Y OF the highlands. 
 
 dential friend, who resided in the neighbourhood of Inchbrakie's house. 
 This gentleman, who knew nothing of Montrose's return to Scotland, 
 having luckily communicated to Mr Graham the secret of being entrusted 
 with letters to his kinsman, Montrose, Graham offered to see them 
 safely delivered to Montrose, though he should ride to Carlisle himself. 
 The gentleman in question then delivered the letters to Graham, and 
 Montrose having received them, wrote an answer as if from Carlisle, in 
 which he requested Macdonald to keep up his spirits, that he would soon 
 be joined by a seasonable reinforcement and a general at their head, 
 and he ordered him with all expedition to march down into Athole. In 
 fixing on Athole as the place of bis rendezvous, Montrose is said to have 
 been actuated by an implicit reliance on the fidelity and loyalty of the 
 Athole-men, and by a high opinion of their courage. They lay, besides, 
 under many obligations to himself, and he calculated that he had only 
 to appear among them to command their services in the cause of their 
 sovereign. 
 
 When Macdonald received these instructions, he marched towards 
 Athole ; but in passing through Badenoch he was threatened with an 
 attack by the earls of Sutherland and Seaforth, at the head of some of 
 their people, and by the Frazers, Grants, Rosses, and Munroes, and other 
 inhabitants of Moray, who had assembled at the top of Strathspey ; but 
 Macdonald very cautiously avoided them, and hastened into Athole. 
 On arriving in Athole Macdonald was coldly received by the people of 
 that as well as the surrounding country, who doubted whether he had 
 any authority from the king ; and besides they hesitated to place them- 
 selves under the command of a person of neither noble nor ancient 
 lineage, and whom they considered an upstart. This indecision might 
 have proved fatal to Macdonald, who was closely pressed in his rear by 
 the army of Argyle, had not these untoward deliberations been instantly 
 put an end to by the arrival of Montrose at Blair, where Macdonald had 
 fixed his head-quarters. Montrose had travelled seventy miles on foot, 
 in a highland dress, accompanied by Patrick Graham, his cousin, as his 
 guide.* His appearance was hailed by his countrymen with every de- 
 monstration of joy, and they immediately made him a spontaneous offer 
 of their services. 
 
 Accordingly, on the following day, the Athole-men to the number of 
 about eight hundred, consisting chiefly of the Stewarts and Robertsons, put 
 themselves under arms and flocked to the standard of Montrose. Thus, 
 m little more than twenty-four hours, Montrose saw himself at the head 
 of a force upwards of two thousand men, animated by an enthusiastic 
 attachment to his person and to the cause which he had espoused. The 
 extraordinary contrast between his present commanding position, and 
 the situation in which he was placed a few days before, as a forlorn 
 wanderer among the mountains, produced a powerful effect upon the 
 
 • Wishart, p, 69. 
 
MARCH OF MONTROSE THROUCH STUATIIERNK. 337 
 
 daring and chivalrous spirit of Montrose, who looked forward to tlie 
 success of his enterprize, with the eagerness of a man wiio considered 
 the destinies of his sovereign as altogether depending upon his indivi- 
 dual exertions. Impressed with the necessity of acting with prompiturle, 
 he did not hesitate long as to the course he should pursue. He might 
 have immediately gone in quest of Argyle, who had followed the army 
 of Macdonald, with slow and cautious steps, and by one of those sud- 
 den movements which no man knew better how to execute with advan- 
 tage, surprised and defeated his adversary; but such a plan did not 
 accord with the designs of Montrose, who resolved to open the cam- 
 paign at once in the lowlands, and thus give confidence to the friends 
 and supporters of the king. 
 
 In pursuance of this determination, he put his small army in motion 
 the same day towards Stratherne, in passing through which, he expected 
 to be joined by some of the inhabitants of that and the adjoining 
 country. At the same time he sent forward a messeng(!r with a friendly 
 notice to the Menzieses, of his intention to pass through their country, 
 but instead of taking this in good part, they maltreated the messenger 
 and harassed the rear of his army. This unprovoked attack so exas- 
 perated Montrose, that he ordered his men, when passing by Weem castle, 
 which belonged to the Clan-Menzies, to plunder and lay waste their lands 
 and to burn their houses, an order which was literally obeyed. He 
 expected that this example of summary vengeance would serve as an 
 useful lesson to deter others who might be disposed to imitate the con- 
 duct of the Menzieses from following a similar course. Notwithstand- 
 ing the time spent in making these reprisals, Montrose passed the Tay 
 with a part of his forces the same evening, and the remainder followed 
 very early next morning. He had at the especial request of the Athole- 
 men themselves, placed them under the command of his kinsman, Pa- 
 trick Graham of Inchbrakie, and he now sent him forward with a select 
 party to reconnoitre. Inchbrakie soon returned with information that 
 he had observed a party of armed men stationed upon the hill of Bu- 
 chanty. On inquiry, Montrose ascertained that this body was com- 
 manded by Lord Kilpont, eldest son of the Earl of Menteith, and by 
 Sir John Drummond, son of the Earl of Perth, both of whom were his 
 relations. The force in question, which consisted of about five hundred 
 men, was on its way to Perth to join the other covenanting troops v ho 
 were stationed there. Montrose immediately marched up to this body, 
 with the intention, if he could not prevail on them to join him, of attack- 
 ing them, but before he had approached sufficiently near. Lord Kilpont, 
 who had ascertained that Montrose commanded, sent some of his princi- 
 pal officers to him to ascertain what his object was in thus advancing. 
 Montrose having explained his views and stated that he acted by the 
 king's authority, and having entreated them to return to their allegiance, 
 they and the whole of their party immediately joined him. This new 
 accession augmented IMontrose's army to about three tliousand men. 
 
338 HISTORY OF THK HIGHLANDS. 
 
 Montrose now learned from his new allies, that the covenanters had 
 assembled their forces in great numbers at Perth, and that they lay there 
 waiting for his approach. The covenanting army, in fact, was more 
 than double that of Montrose, amounting to about six thousand foot 
 and seven hundred horse, to which were attached four pieces of artil- 
 lery. Montrose, on the other hand, had not a single horseman, and but 
 three horses, two of which were for his own use, and the other for that 
 of Sir William Rollock, and besides he had no artillery. Yet with such 
 a decided disparity, Montrose resolved to march directly to Perth and 
 attack the enemy. He appears to have been influenced in this reso- 
 tion by the consideration of the near proximity of Argyle with his 
 army, and the danger in which he would be placed by being hemmed 
 in by two hostile armies, and he could only expect to avoid such an 
 embarrassment by risking an immediate engagement. 
 
 As tlie day was too far advanced to proceed to Perth, Montrose or- 
 dered his men to bivouack during the night about three miles from Bu- 
 chanty, and began his march by dawn of day. As soon as Lord Elcho, 
 the commander of the covenanting army, heard of Montrose's approach, 
 he left Perth and drew up his army on Tippermuir, a pretty extensive 
 plain between four and five miles west from the town. Reserving to 
 himself the command of the right wing, he committed the charge of 
 the left to Sir James Scot, an able and skilful officer, who had 
 served with great honour in the Venetian army ; and to the earl of Tul- 
 bardine, he entrusted the command of the centre. The horse were 
 divided and placed on each wing with the view of surrounding the army 
 of Montrose, should he venture to attack them in their position. As 
 soon as Montrose perceived the enemy thus drawn up in battle array, 
 he made the necessary dispositions for attacking them. To counteract 
 as much as possible the danger arising to such a small body of men, 
 unprotected by cavalry, from the extended line of the covenanters, 
 Montrose endeavoured to make his line as extensive as possible with 
 safety, by limiting his files to three men deep. As the Irish had neither 
 swords nor pikes to oppose the cavalry, they were stationed in the cen- 
 tre of the line, and the Highlanders, who were provided with swords 
 and Lochaber axes, were placed on the Avings, as better fitted to resist 
 the attacks of the cavalry. Some of the Highlanders were, however, 
 quite destitute of arms of every description, and it is related on the au- 
 thority of an eye witness, that Montrose seeing their helpless condition, 
 thus quaintly addressed them : — " It is true you have no arms ; your 
 enemies, however, have plenty. My advice, therefore,- is, that as there 
 happens to be a great abundance of stones upon this moor, every man 
 should provide himself, in the first place, with as stout a stone as he 
 can well manage, rush up to the first covenanter he meets, beat out his 
 brains, take his sword, and then, I believe, he will be at no loss how to 
 proceed."* This advice, as v/ill be seen, was really acted upon. As 
 * Gentleman'a Mag. xvi. p. 153. 
 
BATTLE OF TIPPERMUIR. 339 
 
 Montrose was almost destitute of powder, he ordered the Irish forces to 
 husband their fire till they should come close to the enemy, and after a si- 
 multaneous discharge from the three ranks, (the front rank kneeling,) to 
 assail the enemy thereafter as they best could. To oppose the left wing 
 of the covenanters, commanded by Sir James Scot, Montrose took 
 upon himself the command of his own right, placing Lord Kilpout at 
 the head of the left, and Macdonald, his major-general, over the 
 centre. 
 
 During the progress of these arrangements, Montrose, anxious to spare 
 the effusion of blood, dispatched an accomplished young nobleman, 
 named Drummond, eldest son of Lord Madarty, " with a message to 
 the chiefs of the covenanters' army, importing that he, as well as his 
 royal master, by whose commission he acted, had the utmost abhor- 
 rence to shed the blood of his countrymen, and that it was their first 
 and most earnest wish to obtain a victory without bloodshed ; and this 
 might be compassed by both armies at the same time, if, without trying 
 the doubtful chance of a battle, they would lay down their arms and re- 
 turn to their duty and obedience to the sovereign. He assured them 
 that, for his own part, he aimed at neither the places nor honours* 
 estates nor lives, of any of his fellow subjects, for whom, on the con- 
 trary, he entertained the greatest affection ; all that he desired of them, 
 and he obtested it most earnestly in the name of God, was to consult 
 their own safety, and hearken to his advice ; nor any longer obstinately 
 refuse to trust to the clemency, faith and protection, of so good a king, 
 who, as he had hitherto fully complied with the demands of his Scots 
 subjects as to matters both civil and religious, though to the very great 
 detriment of his prerogative, so he was still ready like a most indulgent 
 parent, though provoked by repeated injuries, to embrace them with 
 open arms, when convinced of their error, and become submissive. But 
 if they should still continue obstinate in their rebellion, he called God 
 to witness, that he was forced by their own stubbornness into the present 
 encounter, for the consequences of which they alone were to be answer- 
 able." * Instead, however, of returning any answer to this message, 
 they seized the messenger, and sent him to Perth under an escort, with 
 an intimation, that, on obtaining a victory over his master, they would 
 execute him. Indeed, the probability of a defeat seems never, for a 
 moment, to have entered into the imaginations of the covenanters, and 
 they had been assured by Frederick Carmichael, a minister who had 
 jjreached to them the same day, being Sunday the first of Scjitember, 
 " that if ever God spoke truth out of his mouth, he promised them, 
 in the name of God, a certain victory that day." + 
 
 All hopes, therefore, of an accommodation being put an end to, both 
 armies, after advancing towards each other, remained motionless for a 
 sliort time as if unwilling to begin the attack ; but this state of matters 
 
 • Wishart, p. 79. t IljiJ- P- 77. 
 
340 HISTORY OF THE HIGHLANDS. 
 
 was speedily put an end to by the advance of a select skirmishing party 
 under the command of Lord Drummond, sent out from the main body 
 of the covenanting army, for the double purpose of distracting the 
 attention of Montrose, and inducing his troops to leave their ranks, and 
 thus create confusion among them ; but Montrose kept his men in check, 
 and contented himself with sending out a few of his men to oppose them. 
 Lord Drummond and his party were routed at the first onset, and fled 
 back upon the main body in great disorder. This trivial affair decided 
 the fate of the day for the covenanters, many of whom were undisci- 
 plined, seeing the unexpected defeat of Lord Drummond's party, became 
 quite dispirited, and began to show symptoms which indicated a dispo- 
 sition for immediate flight. The confusion into which the main body 
 had been thrown by the retreat of the advanced party, and the indeci- 
 sion which seemed now to prevail in the covenanters' army in conse- 
 quence of that reverse, were observed by the watchful eye of Montrose, 
 who saw that the favourable moment for striking a decisive blow had ar- 
 rived. He, therefore, gave orders to his men to advance, who, imme- 
 diately setting up a loud shout, rushed forward at a quick pace towards 
 the enemy. They were met by a random discharge from some cannon 
 which the covenanters had placed in front of their army, but which did 
 little or no execution. When sufficiently near, Montrose's musketeers 
 halted, and, as ordered, poured a volley into the main rank of the 
 covenanters, which immediately gave way. The cavalry of the cove- 
 nanters, thereupon, issued from their stations and attacked the royalists, 
 who, in their turn, defended themselves with singular intrepidity. 
 While the armed Highlanders made ample use of their Lochaber axes 
 and swords, the Irish steadily opposed the attacks of the horse with 
 the butt ends of their muskets ; but the most effective annoyance which 
 the cavalry met with, appears to have proceeded from the unarmed 
 Highlanders, who having supplied themselves with a quantity of stones, 
 as suggested by Montrose, discharged them with well directed aim at 
 the horses and their riders. The result was, that after a short struggle, 
 the cavalry were obliged to make a precipitate retreat. While this con- 
 test was going on, another part of Montrose's army was engaged with 
 the right wing of the covenanting army, under Sir James Scott, but 
 although this body made a longer and more determined resistance, and 
 galled the party opposed to them by an incessant fire of musketry, they 
 were at last overpowered by the Athole-men, who rushed upon them 
 with their broad swords, and cut down and wounded a considerable 
 number. The route of the covenanters now became general. The horse- 
 men saved themselves by the fleetness of their horses; but during the 
 pursuit, which was kept up to a distance of six or seven miles, many 
 hundreds of foot were killed, and a considerable number made prisoners,* 
 
 * There is a great discrepancy between contemporary writers as to the number kill- 
 ed. Wishart states it at 2000; Spalding at 1300, and 800 prisoners; though he says 
 that some reckoned the number at 1500 killed. Gordon of Sallagli mentions only 
 
 300. 
 
CAPTURE OF PKUTH. 341 
 
 some of whom afterwards served in Montrose's army. The loss on the 
 side of Montrose appears to have been very triHing, but we cannot sup- 
 pose, with some writers, tliat none of his men were killed. By this vic- 
 tory, and the subsequent capture of Perth, which he entered the same 
 day, Montrose was enabled to equip his array with all those warlike 
 necessaries of which it had been so remarkably destitute in tlie morning, 
 and of which the covenanters left him an abundant supply. 
 
CHAPTER XVI. 
 
 March of Montrose across the Tay to Collace — Assassination of Lord Kilpont — Marches 
 fiirougli Angus and the Mearns — Joined by the Earl of Airly and others — Battle of 
 Aberdeen — Supineness of the Gordons — March of Argyle to Strathbogie — Retreat of 
 Montrose through Badenoch — Second March of Montrose to the North — Battle of 
 Fyvie — Retreat of Montrose to Strathbogie — Desertions in his Ranks — Retires into 
 Badenoch and Athole — IMontrose enters Breadalbane and Argyle, which he wastes — 
 Marches to Loclmess — Argyle enters Lochaber — Battle of Inverlochy. 
 
 Montrose now entertained confident expectations that many of the 
 Royalists of the surrounding country,, who had hitherto kept aloof, would 
 join him; but after remaining three days at Perth, to give them an op- 
 portunity of rallying about his standard, he had the mortification to 
 find, that, with the exception of the Lords Dupplin and Spynie, and a 
 few gentlemen from the Carse of Gowrie, who came to him, his antici- 
 pations were not to be realized. The spirits of the Royalists had been 
 too much subdued by the severities of the covenanters for them all at 
 once to risk their lives and fortunes on the issue of what they had long 
 considered a hopeless cause; and although Montrose had succeeded in 
 dispersing one army with a greatly inferior force, yet it was well known 
 that that army was composed of a raw and undisciplined militia, and 
 that the covenanters had still large bodies of well trained troops in the 
 field. 
 
 Thus disappointed in his hopes, and understanding that the earl of 
 Argyle was fast approaching with a large army, Montrose crossed the 
 Tay on the fourth of September, directing his course towards Cupar 
 Angus, and encamped at night in the open fields near Collace. His 
 object in proceeding northward was to endeavour to raise some of the 
 loyal elans, and thus to put himself in a sufficiently strong condition to 
 meet Argyle. Montrose had given orders to the army to march early 
 next morning, but by break of day, and before the drums had beat, he 
 was alarmed by an uproar in the whole camp. Perceiving his men run- 
 ning to their arms in a state of fury and rage, Montrose, apprehensive 
 that the Highlanders and Irish had quarrelled, immediately rushed in 
 
ASSASSINATION OF LORD KILPONT. 343 
 
 among the thickest of the crowd to pacify tliem, but to his great grief 
 and dismay, he ascertained tliat the confusion had arisen from tiie as- 
 sassination of his valued friend Lord Kilpont, who now lay before him 
 weltering in his blood. He had fallen a victim to the blind fury of one' 
 of his own vassals, James Stuart of Ardvoirlich, with whom he had slept 
 the same night, and who had long enjoyed his confidence and friend- 
 ship. Lord Kilpont's father, the earl of Airth, had frequently warned 
 liim against continuing his intimacy with this man, whom he always sus- 
 pected, but he disregarded his father's injunctions, and put himself entirely 
 under the guidance of this perfidious person. It is asserted that it was 
 by his advice that Lord Kilpont joined Montrose, and that wishing to 
 ingratiate himself with the covenanters he formed a design to assassinate 
 Montrose or his major-general, Macdonald; but as he thought that he 
 could not carry his jilan into execution without the assistance of his too 
 ' confiding friend, Lord Kilpont, he endeavoured to entice him to concur 
 in his wicked project. He, therefore, on the night in question slept with 
 his lordship, and having prevailed upon him to rise and take a walk in the 
 fields before daylight, on the pi-etence of refreshing themselves, he there 
 disclosed his horrid purpose, and entreated his lordship to concur 
 therein. Lord Kilpont rejected the base proposal with horror and a 
 virtuous indignation, which so alarmed Stuart, that, afraid lest his lord- 
 ship might discover the matter, he suddenly drew his dirk and wounded 
 his lordship mortally in several places. Stuart, thereupon, fled, and 
 killed in passing, a sentinel who stood in his way. A pursuit followed, 
 but, owing to the darkness of the morning which prevented his pursuers 
 from seeing beyond the length of their pikes, he made his escape,* 
 and thereafter joined the Earl of Argyle, who gave him a commission 
 in his army in reward for what in those times, and by one class of per- 
 sons, was considered if not a meritorious, at least far from a con- 
 demnatory action. 
 
 Having taken farewell of the body of his amiable friend, which he 
 embraced with transports of grief, and consigned it to the care of the de- 
 ceased's friends for interment, Montrose marched down upon Dundee, 
 which he summoned ; but the inhabitants, confident in their own strength, 
 refused to surrender. Not wishing, however, to waste his time upon the 
 hazardous issue of a siege with a hostile army in his rear, Montrose pro- 
 ceeded through Angus and the Mearns, and in the course of his route 
 was joined by the Earl of Airly, his two sons. Sir Thomas and Sir David 
 Ogiivy, and a considerable number of their friends and vassals, and 
 some gentlemen from the Mearns and Aberdeenshire. This was a sea- 
 sonable addition to Montrose's force, which had been greatly weakened 
 by the absence of some of the Highlanders who had gone home to de- 
 posit the spoils they had collected after the battle of Tippermuir, 
 
 ■ Wiahart, p. 84.— Guthry, p. 129. 
 I. 2 X 
 
U44 
 
 HISTORY OF THE HIGHLANDS. 
 
 agreeably to their usual custom, and by the departure of Lord Kilpont's 
 retainers, who had gone to Monteith with his corpse. 
 
 After the battle of Tippermuir, Lord Elcho had retired, with his 
 regiment and some fugitives, to Aberdeen, where Lord Burleigh and 
 other commissioners from the convention of estates were. As soon as 
 they heard of the approach of Montrose, Burleigh, who acted as chief 
 commissioner, immediately assembled the Forbes's, the Frazers, and the 
 other friends of the covenanting interest, and he did every thing in 
 his power, to gain over to his side, as many persons as he could from 
 those districts where Montrose expected assistance. In this way, Bur- 
 leigh increased his force to two thousand five hundred foot and five 
 hundred horse, but some of these, consisting of Gordons, and others who 
 were obliged to take up arms, could not to be relied upon. 
 
 When Montrose heard of these preparations, he resolved, notwithstand- 
 ing the disparity of force, his own army now amounting only to fifteen 
 hundred foot and forty-four horse, to hasten his march and attack them 
 before Argyle should come up. On arriving near the bridge of Dee, 
 he found it strongly fortified and guarded by a considerable force. He did 
 not attempt to force a passage, but, directing his course to the west, 
 along the river, crossed it at a ford at the Mills of Drum, and encamped 
 at Crathas that night. This took place on Wednesday the eleventh day 
 of September. The covenanters, the same day, drew up their army at 
 the Two Mile Cross, a short distance from Aberdeen, where they re- 
 mained till Thursday night, when they retired into the town. On the 
 same night, Montrose marched down Dee side and took possession of the 
 ground which the covenanters had just left.* 
 
 On the following morning, viz. Friday the thirteenth of September, about 
 eleven o'clock, the covenanters marched out of Aberdeen to meet Montrose 
 who, on their approach, dispatched a drummer to beat a parley, and sent a 
 commissioner along with him bearing a letter from Montrose to the 
 provosts and bailies of Aberdeen, commanding and charging them to sur- 
 render " the town to him, lieutenant to his majesty, and in the king's name, 
 whereby he might receive peaceable entrance to use his majesty's pro- 
 clamations and such others as he thought fitting, promising assurance 
 that no more harm nor prejudice should be done to the town, but to 
 take their entertainment for that night; otherwise, if they would dis- 
 obey, that then he desired them to remove old aged men, women and 
 children out of the way, and to stand to their own peril."f Imme- 
 diately on receipt of this letter, the provost called a meeting of the 
 council which was attended by Lord Burleigh, and, after a short consul- 
 tation, an answer was sent along with the commissioner declining to sur- 
 render the town. On their return the drummer was killed bythe covenan- 
 ters, at a place called Justice Mills, which violation of the law of nations so 
 exasperated Montrose, that he gave orders to his men not to spare any 
 
 • Spalding, vol. ii. p. 263. f IbiJ. vol. ii. p. 264. 
 
BATTLE OF ABERDEEN. 345 
 
 of the enemy who might fall into their hands. His anger at this oc- 
 currence is strongly depicted by Spalding, who says, that " he grew mad, 
 and became furious and impatient." 
 
 As soon as Montrose received notice of the reftisal of the magistrates 
 to surrender the town, he made the necessary dispositions for attacking 
 the enemy. From his paucity of cavalry, he was obliged to extend his 
 line, as he had done at Tippermuir, to prevent the enemy from sur- 
 rounding or outflanking him with their horse, and on each of his wings 
 he posted his small body of horsemen along with select parties of 
 musketeers and archers. To James Hay, and Sir Nathaniel Gordon, 
 he gave the command of the right wing, and he committed the charge 
 of the left to Sir William lloUock, all men of tried bravery and expe- 
 rience. 
 
 The covenanters began the battle by a cannonade from their field 
 pieces, and, from their commanding position, gave considerable annoy- 
 ance to the royal forces, who were very deficient in artillery. After the 
 firing had been kept up for some time. Lord Lewis Gordon, third son 
 of the Marquis of Huntly, a young man of a very ardent disposition, 
 and of a violent and changeable temper, who commanded the left wing 
 of the covenanters, having obtained possession of some level ground 
 where his horse could act, made a demonstration to attack Montrose's 
 right wing ; which, being observed by Montrose, he immediately order- 
 ed Sir William RoUock, with his party of horse, from the left wing to 
 the assistance of the right. These united wings, which consisted of 
 only forty-four horse, not only repulsed the attack of a body of three 
 hundred, but threw them into complete disorder and forced them to re- 
 treat upon the main body, leaving many dead and wounded on the field. 
 Montrose restrained these brave cavaliers from pursuing the body they 
 had routed, anticipating that their services might be soon required at 
 the other wing, and he was not mistaken, for no sooner did the cove- 
 nanting general perceive the retreat of Lord Lewis Gordon than he or- 
 dered an attack to be made upon the left wing of Montrose's army ; but 
 Montrose, with a celerity almost unexampled, moved his whole cavalry 
 from the right to the left wing, who, falling upon the flank of their assail- 
 ants sword in hand, forced them to fly, with great slaughter. In this 
 affair, Montrose's horse took Forbes of Craigievar and Forbes ofBoynd- 
 lie, prisoners. 
 
 The unsuccessful attacks on the wings of Montrose's army, had, 
 in no shape, affected the future fortune of the day, as both armies 
 kept their ground, and were equally animated with hopes of ultimate 
 success. Vexed, but by no means intimidated by their second defeat, 
 the gentlemen who composed Burleigh's horse, consulted together as to 
 the best mode of renewing the attack, and, being of opinion that the suc- 
 cess of Montrose's cavalry was owing chiefly to the expert musketeers, 
 with whom they were interlined, they resolved to imitate the same 
 
346 HISTORY OF THE HIGHLANDS. 
 
 plan, by mixing among them a select body of foot, and renewing the 
 charge a third time, with redoubled energy. But this scheme, which might 
 have proved fatal to Montrose, if tried, was frustrated by a resolution he 
 came to, of making an instant and simultaneous attack upon the enemy. 
 Perceiving their horse still in great confusion, and a considerable way 
 apart from their main body, he determined upon attacking them with 
 his foot before they should get time to rally ; and, galloping up to his 
 men, who had been greatly galled by the enemies' cannon, he told them 
 that there was no good to be expected by the two armies keeping at 
 such a distance — that in this way there was no means of distinguishing 
 the strong from the weak, nor the coward from the brave man, but that 
 if they would once make a home charge upon these timorous and effem- 
 inate striplings, as he called Burleigh's horse, they would never stand their 
 attack. " Come on, then," said he, " my brave fellow-soldiers, fall down up- 
 on them with your swords and muskets, drive them before you, and make 
 them suffer the punishment due to their perfidy and rebellion." * These 
 words were no sooner uttered, than, on the word of command being given, 
 Montrose's men rushed forward at a quick pace and fell upon the enemy, 
 sword in hand. The covenanters were paralyzed by the suddenness and 
 impetuosity of the attack, and, turning their backs, they fled in the utmost 
 trepidation and confusion, towards Aberdeen. The slaughter was tremen- 
 dous, as the victors spared no man. The road leading from the field 
 of battle to Aberdeen was strewed with the dead and the dying ; the 
 streets of Aberdeen were covered with the bodies, and stained with the 
 blood of its inhabitants." " There was," says Spalding, " little slaughter 
 in the fight, but horrible was the slaughter in the flight, fleeing back to 
 the town, which was our townsmen's destruction ; whereas, if they had 
 fled, and not came near the town, they might have been in better se- 
 curity ; but, being commanded by Patrick Leslie, the provost, to take 
 the town, they were undone ; yet, himself and the prime covenanters 
 being on horseback, wan safely themselves away. The lieutenant fol- 
 lows the chace into Aberdeen, his men hewing and cutting down all 
 manner of men they could overtake, within the town, upon the streets, 
 or in their houses, and round about the town, as our men were fleeing, 
 with broad swords, but (without) mercy or remeid. Their cruel Irish, 
 seeing a man well clad, would first tyr (strip) him, and save his clothes 
 unspoiled, syne kill the man." f In fine, according to this writer, who 
 was an eye witness, the town of Aberdeen, which, but a few years be- 
 fore, had suffered for its loyality, was now, by the same general who had 
 then oppressed it, delivered up by him to be indiscriminately plundered by 
 his Irish forces, for having espoused the same cause which he himself 
 had supported. For four days did these men indulge in the most dread- 
 ful excesses, " and nothing," continues Spalding, was " heard but pitiful 
 howling, crying, weeping, mourning, through all the streets." Yet Guth- 
 
 n W'ishart, p. 89. t Spalding, vol. il. p. 264. 
 
SUPINENESS OF THE GORDONS. 347 
 
 rie says that Montrose " shewed great mercy, both pardoning the people 
 anil protecting their goods."* 
 
 It is singular, that although the battle continued for four hours with- 
 out any detei'mhiate result, Montrose lost very few men, a circumstanc(! 
 the more extraordinary as the cannon of the covenanters were placed 
 upon advantageous ground, whilst those of Montrose were rendered 
 quite ineffective by being situated in a position from which they could 
 not be brought to bear upon the enemy. An anecdote, characteristic of 
 the bravery of the Irish, and of their coolness in enduring the privations 
 of war, has been preserved. During the cannonade on the side of the 
 covenanters, an Irishman had his leg shot away by a cannon ball, but 
 which kept still attached to the stump by means of a small bit of skin, 
 or flesh. His comrades-in-arms being affected with his disaster, this 
 brave man, without betraying any symptoms of pain, thus cheerfully 
 addressed them : — " This, my companions, is the fate of war, and what 
 none of us ought to grudge : go on, and behave as becomes you ; and, 
 as for me, I am certain my lord, the marquis, will make me a trooper, 
 as I am now disabled for the foot service." Then, taking a knife ft'om 
 his pocket, he deliberately opened it, and cut asunder the skin which 
 retained the leg, without betraying the least emotion, and delivered it 
 to one of his companions for interment. As soon as this courageous man 
 was able to mount a horse, his wish to become a trooper was complied 
 with, in which capacity he afterwards distinguished himself, f 
 
 Hopuig that the news of the victory he had obtained would create a 
 strong feeling in his favour among the Gordons, some of whom had ac- 
 tually fought against him, under the command of Lord Lewis Gordon, 
 Montrose sent a part of his army towards Kintore and Inverury, the fol- 
 lowing day, to encourage the people of the surrounding country to declare 
 for him ; but he was sadly disappointed in his expectations. The fact 
 is, that ever since the appointment of Montrose as lieutenant-general of 
 the kingdom, — an appointment which trenched upon the authority of the 
 Marquis of Huntly as lieutenant of the north, the latter had become 
 quite lukewarm in the cause of his sovereign ; and, although he was 
 aware of the intentions of his son. Lord Lewis, to join the covenanters, 
 he quietly allowed him to do so without remonstrance. But, besides 
 being thus, in some measure, superseded by Montrose, the marquis 
 was actuated by personal hostility to him, on account of the treatment 
 he had formerly received from him ; and he resolved to gratify his 
 spleen by remaining a passive observer of a struggle which involved the 
 very existence of the monarchy itself. These were certainly the reasons 
 which influenced the Marquis of Huntly to withhold his support from 
 Montrose, although Gordon of Sallagh says he cannot determine what 
 they were ; because, as he oddly observes, " great men's reasons arc 
 best known to themselves."!: But, whatever may have been Huntly 's 
 
 * Memoirs, p. 131. t NVishail, p. 91. i Contiimalion, p. 527. 
 
348 HISTORY OF THE HIGHLANDS. 
 
 reasons, his apathy and indifference had a deadening influence upon his 
 numerous retainers, who had no idea of taking the field but at the 
 command of their chief. 
 
 As Montrose saw no possibihty of opposing the powerful and well 
 appointed army of Argyle, which was advancing upon him with slow 
 and cautious steps, disappointed as he had been of the aid which he had 
 calculated upon, he resolved to march into the Highlands, and there 
 collect such of the clans as were favourably disposed to the royal cause. 
 Leaving, therefore, Aberdeen on the sixteenth of September, with the 
 remainder of his forces, he joined the camp at Kintore, whence he dis- 
 patched Sir William Rollock to Oxford to inform the king of the events 
 of the campaign, and of his present situation, and to solicit him to send 
 supplies. 
 
 We must now advert to the progress of Argyle's army, the slow move- 
 ments of which form an unfavourable contrast when compared with the 
 rapid marches of Montrose's army ; but it seems scarcely fair at this 
 period to ascribe the tardy progress which Argyle made towards the north 
 to cowardice on his part. He might, no doubt, have dreaded a colli- 
 sion with his distinguished adversary, but we are forced, in candour, to 
 attribute his apparent inactivity rather to the delays consequent upon 
 the transportation of heavy artillery and a large quantity of baggage, 
 than to any disposition of avoiding a hostile meeting. 
 
 On the fourth of September, four days after the battle of Tippermuir, 
 Argyle, who had been pursuing the Irish forces under Macdonald, had 
 arrived with his Highlanders at Stirling, where, on the following day, he 
 was joined by the earl of Lothian and his regiment, which had shortly 
 before been brought over from Ireland. After raising some men in 
 Stirlingshire, he marched to Perth upon the tenth, where he was joined 
 by some Fife men, and Lord Bargenny's and Sir Frederick Hamilton's 
 regiments of horse, which had been recalled from Newcastle for that 
 purpose. With this increased force, which now consisted of about 
 3000 foot and two regular cavalry regiments, besides ten troops of 
 horse, Argyle left Perth on the fourteenth of September for the north, 
 and, in his route, was joined by the earl marshall, the lords Gordon, 
 Fraser, and Crichton, and other covenanters. He arrived at Aberdeen 
 upon the nineteenth of September, where he issued a proclamation, de- 
 claring the marquis of Montrose and his followers traitors to religion and 
 to their king and country, and offering a reward of 20,000 pounds Scots, 
 to any person who should bring in Montrose dead or alive.* Spalding 
 laments with great pathos and feeling the severe hardships to which 
 the citizens of Aberdeen had been subjected by these frequent vi- 
 sitations of hostile armies, and alluding to the present occupancy 
 of the town by Argyle, he observes, that " this multitude of peo- 
 ple lived upon free quarters, a new grief to both towns, whereof there 
 was quartered on poor old Aberdeen Argyle's own three regiments. The 
 
 * Spalding, vol. ii. p. 270. 
 
ARCYI.E MARCHES TO STHATHBOOIE, 349 
 
 soldiers had their baggage carried, and craved nothing but house-room 
 arid fire. But ilk captain, with twelve gentlemen, had free quarters (so 
 long as the town had meat and drink), for two ordinaries, but the third 
 ordinary they furnished themselves out of their own baggage and provi- 
 sions, having store of meal, nolt, and sheep, carried with them. But, 
 the first night, they drank out all the stale ale in Aberdeen, and lived 
 upon wort tliereafter."* 
 
 Argyle was now within half a days march of Montrose, but strange 
 to tell, he made no preparations to follow him, and spent two or three 
 days in Aberdeen doing absolutely nothing. This extraordinary inacti- 
 vity did not escape the observation of Spalding, who sneeringly remarks 
 upon it in the following strain. " It is said the marquis of Argyle had 
 followed thir Irishes who fled out of his country about ten weeks time, 
 but could never win (reach) within two and a half days' journey to- 
 wards them. But now his foot army lying in Aberdeen, was within 
 half a day's journey towards them lying about Inverury, and in the 
 Garioch ; and so Argyle himself, with his troopers lying now at Drum, 
 was within like distance to them : but little following was there now, ilk 
 (each) party harrying and destroying the country wherever they came in 
 their bestial nolt, sheep, kine, victuals and other goods, and finding their 
 horses, troopers, and baggage horses, with corns, about both Aberdeens, 
 felt the smart. Marvellous to see Argyle with his horse troopers and 
 foot army so near his enemy, and to lye still without pursuing of them 
 so long time ! f " 
 
 After spending three days in inglorious supineness, Argyle put his 
 army in motion in the direction of Kintore. Montrose, on hearing of 
 his approach, concealed his cannon in a bog, and leaving behind him 
 6ome of his heavy baggage, made towards the Spey with the intention 
 of crossing it. On arriving at the river, he encamped near the old cas- 
 tle of Rothiemurcus ; but finding that the boats used in passing the 
 river had been removed to the north side of the river, and that a large 
 armed force from the country on the north of the Spey had assembled 
 on the opposite bank to oppose his passage, Montrose marched his 
 army into the forest of Abernethy. Argyle only proceeded at first as 
 far as Strathbogie, but instead of pursuing Montrose, he allowed his 
 troops to waste their time in plundering the properties and laying waste 
 the lands of the Gordons in Strathbogie, and the Enzie, under the very 
 eyes of Lord Gordon and Lord Lewis Gordon, neither of whom appear 
 to have endeavoured to avert such a calamity. Spalding says that it 
 was " a wonderful unnaturalitie in the Lord Gordon to suffer his father's 
 lands and friends in his own sight to be thus wreckt and destroyed in his 
 father's absence;" but Lord Gordon likely had it not in his power to stay 
 these proceedings, which, if not done at the instigation, may have re- 
 ceived the approbation of his violent and headstrong younger brother, 
 
 ♦ Spalding, vol. ii. p. 271. t Il)iil. p. 271. 
 
350 HISTORY OF THE HIGHLANDS. 
 
 who had joined the covenanters' standard. On the twenty-seventh of 
 September, Argyle mustered his forces at the Bog of Gicht, which were 
 found to amount to about four thousand men, but although the army of 
 Montrose did not amount to much more than a third of that number, 
 and was within twenty miles distance, he did not venture to attack him. 
 After remaining a few days in Abernethy forest, Montrose passed 
 through the forest of Rothiemurcus, and following the course of the 
 Spey, marched through Badenoch. 
 
 When Argyle heard of the departure of Montrose from the forest of 
 Abernethy, he made a feint of following him. He, accordingly, set his 
 army in motion along Spey-side, and, crossing the river himself with 
 some horse, he marched up some distance along the north bank, and 
 re-crossed, when he ordered his troops to halt. He then proceeded to 
 Forres to attend a committee meeting of covenanters to concert a plan 
 of operations in the north, at which the earl of Sutherland, Lord 
 Lovat, the sheriff of Moray, the lairds of Balnagown, Innes and Plus- 
 carden, and many others were present. From Forres Argyle went to 
 Inverness, and after giving some instructions to Sir Mungo Campbell 
 of Lawers, and the laird of Buchanan, the commanders of the regiments 
 stationed there, he returned to his army, which he marched through 
 Badenoch in pursuit of Montrose. It was the intention of the latter 
 to have proceeded instantly into Athole, but he was prevented from 
 moving for a few days by a severe illness. When the covenanters 
 heard of this intelligence they could not restrain their joy, and as people 
 will readily believe any occurrence they long for, reports of his death 
 ■w^ere speedily circulated and believed with avidity. Even the ministers 
 could not restrain the satisfaction they felt on the occasion, and they as- 
 serted with confidence that the Lord of Hosts himself had slain Mon- 
 trose.* The speedy recovery of Montrose, and his sudden appearance 
 in Athole,f however, soon put an end to these rejoicings. From Athole 
 he sent Macdonald with a party of five hundred men to the Western 
 Highlands to invite the laird of Maclean, the captain of Clanranald, 
 and others to join him. Marching down to Dunkeld, Montrose pror 
 ceeded rapidly through Angus towards Brechin and Montrose. :{: 
 
 The delay occasioned in Montrose's movements by the indisposition 
 with which he was seized, was fully compensated for by the tardy mo- 
 tions of Argyle, who, on entering Badenoch, found that his vigilant 
 antagonist was several days' march a-head of him. This intelligence, 
 however, did not induce him in the least to accelerate his march. Hear- 
 ing, when passing through Badenoch, that Montrose had been joined by 
 some of the inhabitants of that country, Argyle, according to Spalding, 
 "left nothing of that country undestroyed, no not one four footed 
 beast ;" and Athole shared a similar fate. 
 
 At the time Montrose entered Angus, a committee of the estates, 
 
 •Wishart, p. 94. + October 4. 1614. t Guthry, p. 231. 
 
SECOND iMAIlCH OF MONTROSE TO THE NORTH. 351 
 
 consisting of the Earl Marshall and other barons, was sitting in Aber- 
 deen, who, on hearing of his approach, issued, on the tenth of October, 
 a printed order, to which the Earl Marshall's name was attached, or- 
 daining all persons of whatever age, sex, or condition, having horses 
 of the value of forty pounds Scots or upwards, to send them to the 
 bridge of Dee, which was appointed as the place of rendezvous, on the 
 fourteenth of October, by ten o'clock, a. m., with riders fully equip- 
 ped and armed ; with certification, in case of failure, that each landed 
 proprietor should be lined in the sum of one thousand pounds ; everv 
 gentleman not a landed proprietor, in five hundred pounds Scots, and 
 each husbandman in one hundred merks, besides confiscation of their 
 horses. Copies of this proclamation were sent to the moderators of 
 the adjoining Presbyteries, who were directed to instruct the ministers 
 of tlie parishes to notify the same to every man within their parishes, 
 and to read it from their pulpits upon Sunday. With the exception 
 of the Lord Gordon, who brought three troops of horse, and Captain 
 Alexander Keith, brother of the Earl Marshall, who appeared with 
 one troop at the appointed place, no attention was paid to the order of 
 the committee by the people, who had not yet recovered from their 
 fears, and their recent sutFerings were still too fresh in their minds to 
 induce them again to expose themselves to the vengeance of Montrose 
 and his Irish troops. " Many men and women," says Spalding, " with 
 their young children, carried on women's backs, fled tl\e town of Aber- 
 deen, (there having fallen, the same Sunday, a storm of snow,) howl- 
 ing, lamenting, and crying, not knowing where to go for safety of their 
 lives, which was pitiful to behold ; but their fear was more nor needed, 
 for they all returned back to their houses shortly, for that Montrose 
 came not to Aberdeen." * Disappointed and chagrined at the disobe- 
 dience of the country people, Ramsay, who had been appointed by the 
 committee major-general of these expected horse, destroyed the grain 
 crops of the farmers. 
 
 After refreshing his army a few days in Angus, Montrose prepared 
 to cross the Grampians, and to march to Strathbogie to make another 
 attempt to raise the Gordons ; but, before setting out on his march, he 
 released Forbes of Craigievar and Forbes of Boyndlie, on their parole, 
 upon condition tliat Craigievar should procure the liberation of the young 
 laird of Drum and his brother, from the jail of Edinburgii, failing which, 
 Craigievar and Boyndlie were both to deliver themselves up to him as pri- 
 soners, before the first of November. This act of generosity, on the part 
 of Montrose, was greatly admired, more particularly as Craigievar was 
 one of the heads of the covenanters, and had great influence among 
 them. In pursuance of his design, Montrose marched through the 
 Mearns, and upon Thursday the seventeenth of October, crossed the 
 Dee at the Mills of Drum, with his whole army. In his progress north, 
 
 * Troubles, vol. ii. p. 277. 
 I. 2 Y 
 
352 HISTORY OF THE HIGHLANDS. 
 
 contrary to his former forbearing policy, he laid waste the lands of some 
 of the leading covenanters, burnt their houses, and plundered their effects. 
 He arrived at Strathbogie on the nineteenth of October, where he remained 
 till the twenty-seventh, without being able to induce any considerable 
 number of the Gordons to join him. It was not from want of inclination 
 that they refused to do so, but they were unwilling to incur the dis- 
 pleasure of their chief, who they knew was personally opposed to Mon- 
 trose, and who felt indignant at seeing a man who had formerly espous- 
 ed the cause of the covenanters preferred before him. In order to 
 avoid the personal solicitations of Montrose, and the pain of refusing 
 his request, many of the leading men of the clan concealed, or 
 absented themselves. Had Montrose been accompanied by any of the 
 marquis of Huntly's sons, they might have had influence enough to have 
 induced some of the Gordons to declare for him, but the situation of 
 the marquis' three sons was at this time very peculiar. The eldest son, 
 Lord Gordon, a young man " of singular worth and accomplishments," 
 was with Argyle, his uncle by the mother's side ; the earl of Aboyne, 
 the second son, was shut up in the castle of Carlisle, then in a state of 
 siege ; and Lord Lewis Gordon, the third son, had, as we have seen, 
 joined the covenanters, and fought in their ranks. 
 
 In this situation of matters, Montrose left Strathbogie on the day 
 last mefltioned, and took up a position in the forest of Fyvie, where he 
 despatched some of his troops who took possession of the castles of Fy- 
 vie and ToUie Barclay, in which he found a good supply of provisions, 
 which was of great service to his army. During his stay at Strathbogie, 
 Montrose kept a strict outlook for the enemy, and scarcely passed a 
 night without scouring the neighbouring country to the distance of sev- 
 eral miles, with parties of light foot, who attacked straggling parties of 
 the covenanters, and brought in prisoners from time to time, without 
 sustaining any loss. These petty enterprises, while they alarmed their 
 enemies, gave an extraordinary degree of confidence to Montrose's men, 
 who were ready to undertake any service, however difficult or danger- 
 ous, if he only commanded them to perform it. 
 
 When Montrose crossed the Dee, Argyle was several days' march 
 behind him. The latter, however, reached Aberdeen on the twenty- 
 fourth of October, and proceeded the following morning towards Kin- 
 tore, which he reached the same night. On the following morning, he 
 marched forward to Inverury, where he halted at night. Here he was 
 joined by the earl of Lothian's regiment, which increased his force to 
 about two thousand five hundred foot, and twelve hundred horse. In 
 his progress through the shires of Angus, Kincardine, Aberdeen, and 
 Banff, he received no accession of strength from the dread which the 
 name and actions of Montrose had infused into the minds of the inhabi- 
 tants of these counties. 
 
 The sudden movements of Argyle from Aberdeen to Kintore, and 
 from Kintore to Inverury, form a remarkable contrast with the slowness 
 
BATTLE OF FYVIE. 353 
 
 of his former motions. He had followed Montrose through a long and 
 circuitous route, the greater part of which still bore recent traces of his 
 foot-steps, and instead of showing any disposition to overtake his Hying 
 foe, seemed rather inclined to keep that respectful distance from him, 
 so congenial to the mind of one, who, " willing to wound," is " yet 
 still afraid to strike." But although this questionable policy of Ar- 
 gyle was by no means calculated to raise his military fame, it had the 
 effect of throwing Montrose in the present case off his guard, and had 
 well nigh proved fatal to him. The rapid march of Argyle on Kin- 
 tore and Inverury, in fact was effected without Montrose's knowledge, 
 for the spies he had employed concealed the matter from him, and while 
 he imagined that Argyle was still on the other side of the Grampians, 
 he suddenly appeared within a very few miles of Montrose's camp upon 
 the twenty-eighth day of October. 
 
 The unexpected arrival of Argyle 's army did not disconcert Mon- 
 trose. His foot, which amounted to fifteen hundred men, were little 
 more than the half of those under Argyle, while he had ordy about fifty 
 horse to oppose to twelve hundred. Yet, with this immense disparity, 
 he resolved to await the attack of the enemy, judging it inexpedient from 
 the want of cavalry, to become the assailant by descending into the plain 
 where Argyle's army was encamped. He might have thrown a large body 
 of his troops into the castle of Fyvie and stood a siege, but as such a 
 mode of defence did not suit his views, and was considered by him incon- 
 sistent with his own military reputation, and the splendour of his victories, 
 he disdained to adopt such a course. His plan was this : On a rugged 
 eminence behind the castle of Fyvie, on the uneven sides of which several 
 ditches had been cut and dikes built to serve as farm fences, Montrose drew 
 up his little but intrepid host ; but before he had marked out the positions 
 to be occupied by his divisions, he had the misfortune to witness the 
 desertion of a small body of the Gordons, who had joined him at Strath- 
 bogie. They, however, did not join Argyle, but contented themselves 
 with withdrawing altogether from the scene of ensuing action. It is 
 probable, that they came to the determination of retiring, not from 
 cowardice but from disinclination to appear in the field against Lord 
 Lewis Gordon, who held a high command in Argyle's army. 
 
 The secession of the Gordons, though in realitj' a circumstance of 
 trifling importance in itself, (for had they remained, they would have 
 fought unwillingly, and consequently might not have had sufficient reso- 
 lution to maintain the position which would have been assigned them,) 
 had a disheartening influence upon the spirits of Montrose's men, and ac- 
 cordingly they found themselves unable to resist the first shock of Argyle's 
 numerous forces, who, charging them with great impetuosity, drove 
 them up the eminence, of a considerable part of which Argyle's army 
 got possession. In this critical conjuncture, when terror and despair 
 seemed about to obtain the mastery over hearts to which fear had hith- 
 erto been a stranger, Montrose displaj'cd a coolness and presence of 
 
354 HISTORY OF THE HIGHLANDS. 
 
 mind equal to the dangers whicli surrounded him. Animating them 
 by his presence, and by the example which he showed, in risking his 
 person in the hottest of the fight, he roused their courage by putting them 
 further in mind of the victories they had achieved, and how greatly su- 
 perior they were in bravery to the enemy opposed to them. After this 
 emphatic appeal to their feelings, Montrose turned to Colonel O'Kean, 
 a young Irish gentleman, highly respected by Montrose for his brav- 
 ery, and desired him, with an air of the most perfect sang froid, to go 
 down with such men as were readiest, and to drive these fellows, (mean- 
 ing Argyle's men,) out of the ditches, that they might be no more 
 troubled with them. O'Kean quickly obeyed the mandate, and though 
 the party in the ditches was greatly superior to the body he led, and was, 
 moreover, supported by some horse, he drove them away, and captured 
 several bags of powder which they left behind them in their hurry to 
 escape. This was a valuable acquisition, as Montrose's men had spent 
 already almost the whole of their ammunition. A curious observation 
 made by one of O'Kean's men upon getting hold of the bags of powder 
 has been related. Finding that the enemy had left no ball, he exclaim- 
 ed, " What ! have they left no ball ? but we must take them afterwai'ds 
 from these niggardly rascals." 
 
 While O'Kean was executing this brilliant affair, Montrose observed 
 five troops of horse, under the earl of Lothian, preparing to attack his 
 fifty horse who were posted a little way up the eminence, with a small 
 wood in their rear. He, therefore, without a moment's delay, ordered 
 a party of musketeers to their aid, who, having interlined themselves 
 with the fifty horse, kept up such a galling fire upon Lothian's troopers, 
 that before they had advanced half way across a field which lay between 
 them and Montrose's horse, they were obliged to wheel about and gal- 
 lop off. 
 
 Montrose's men became so elated with their success that they could 
 scarcely be restrained from leaving their ground and making a general 
 attack upon the whole of Argyle's army ; but although Montrose did 
 not approve of this design, he disguised his opinion and seemed rather 
 to concur in the views of his men, telling them, however, to be so far 
 mindful of their duty as to wait till he should see the fit moment for order- 
 ing the attack. Argyle remained till the evening without attempting any 
 thing farther, and then retired to a distance of about three miles across 
 the Spey ; his men passed the night under arms. The only person of 
 note killed in these skirmishes, was Captain Keith, brother of the Earl 
 Marshall. 
 
 Next day Argyle resolved to attack Montrose with the view of driv- 
 ing him from his position. He was induced to come to this determina- 
 tion from a report which had reached him that Montrose's army was 
 almost destitute of ammunition, a report, by the by, too well founded ; 
 but, on arriving at the bottom of the hill, he changed his resolution, not 
 judging it safe, from the experience of the preceding day, to hazard an 
 
SECESSION FROM MONTROSe's CAMP. 355 
 
 attack. Montrose, on the other hand, agreeably to his original plan, kept 
 his ground, as he did not deem it adviseable to expose his men to the 
 enemy's cavalry by descending from the eminence. Witli the exception 
 of some trifling skirmishes between the advanced posts, the main body 
 of both armies remained quiescent during the whole day. To supply 
 his want of shot, Montrose melted down all the pewter dishes he could 
 collect, including a certain utensil, in reference to which, one of his 
 men, after discharging his musket, jocularly said, " I have certainly broke 
 one traitor's face with a ch p — ."* 
 
 Argyle again retired in the evening to the ground he had occupied 
 the preceding night, whence he returned the following daj^ part of 
 which was spent in the same manner as the former ; but long before 
 the day had expired, he led off his army, " upon fair day light," says 
 Spalding, " to a considei'able distance, leaving Montrose to effect his es- 
 cape unmolested." A more remarkable instance of utter imbecility, or 
 rather pusillanimity, than that exhibited in the conduct of Argyle on 
 the present occasion, it is scarcely possible to conceive ; and it seems 
 surprising that, after thus incurring " disgrace among his friends, and 
 contempt from his enemies," he should have still been allowed to retain 
 a command for which he was evidently altogether unfitted. 
 
 Montrose, thus left to follow anj' course he pleased, marched off after 
 night-fall towards Strathbogie, plundering Turriff and Rothiemay house 
 in his route. He selected Strathbogie as the place of his retreat, on ac- 
 count of the ruggedness of the country and of the numerous dikes with 
 which it was intersected, which would prevent the operations of Argyle's 
 cavalry, and where he intended to remain till joined by Macdonald, 
 whom he daily expected from the Highlands with a reinforcement. 
 When Argyle heard of Montrose's departure on the following morning, 
 being the last day of October, he, forthwith, proceeded after him with his 
 army, thinking to bring him to action in the open country, and en- 
 camped at TuUochbeg on the second of November, where he drew out 
 his army in battle array. He endeavoured to bring Montrose to a gene- 
 ral engagement, and in order to draw him from a favourable position 
 he was preparing to occupy, Argyle sent out a skirmishing party of his 
 Highlanders ; but they were soon repulsed, and Montrose took possession 
 of the ground he had selected. 
 
 Baffled in all his attempts to overcome Montrose by force of arms, 
 Argyle, whose talents were more fitted for the intrigues of the cabinet 
 than the tactics of the field, had now recourse to negotiation, with the 
 view of effecting the ruin of his antagonist. For this purpose he pro- 
 posed a cessation of arms, and that he and Montrose should hold a confer- 
 ence previous to which arrangements should be entered into for their mu- 
 tual security. Montrose knew Argyle too well to place any reliance upon 
 his word, and as he had no doubt that Argyle would take advantage, 
 
 • VVishart, p. 100. 
 
356 HISTORY OF THE HIGHLANDS. 
 
 during the proposed cessation, to tamper with his men, and endeavour to 
 withdraw them from their allegiance, he called a council of war, and pro- 
 posed to retire without delay to the Highlands. The council at once 
 approved of this suggestion, whereupon Montrose resolved to march next 
 night as far as Badenoch ; and that his army might be able to accomplish 
 such a long journey within the time fixed, he immediately sent off all 
 his heavy baggage under a guard, and ordered his men to keep 
 themselves prepared as if to fight a battle the next day.* Scarcely, 
 however, had the carriages and heavy baggage been despatched, when 
 an event took place which greatly disconcerted Montrose. This was 
 nothing less than the desertion of his friend Colonel Sibbald and some 
 of his officers, who went over to the enemy. They were accom^janied 
 by Sir William Forbes of Craigievar, who, having been unable to fulfil 
 the condition on which he was to obtain his ultimate liberation, had 
 returned two or three days before to Montrose's camp. This distressing 
 occurrence induced INIontrose to postpone his march for a time, as he 
 was quite certain that the deserters would communicate his plans to 
 Argyle. Ordering, therefore, back the baggage he had sent off, he re- 
 sumed his former position in which he remained four days, as if he there 
 intended to take up his winter quarters. 
 
 In the meantime Montrose had the mortification to witness the de- 
 fection of almost the whole of his officers, who were very numerous, for, 
 vnth. the exception of the Irish and Highlanders, they outnumbered the 
 privates from the Lowlands. The bad example which had been set by 
 Sibbald, the intimate friend of Montrose, and the insidious promises of 
 preferment held out to them by Argyle, induced some, whose loyalty was 
 questionable, to adopt this course ; but the idea of the privations to 
 which they would be exposed in traversing, during winter, among frost 
 and snow, the dreary and dangerous regions of the Highlands, shook the 
 constancy of others, who, in different circumstances, would have willingly 
 exposed their lives for their sovereign. Bad health, inability to undergo 
 the fatigue of long and constant marches — these and other excuses were 
 made to Montrose as the reasons for craving a discharge from a service 
 which had now become more hazardous than ever. Montrose made no 
 remonstrance, but with looks of high disdain which betrayed the inward 
 workings of a proud and unsubdued mind, indignant at being thus aban- 
 doned at such a dangerous crisis, readily complied with the request of 
 every man who asked permission to retire. The earl of Airly, now sixty 
 years of age and in precarious health, and his two sons, Sir Thomas, and 
 Sir David, out of all the Lowlanders, alone remained faithful to Mon- 
 ti'ose, and could, on no account, be prevailed upon to abandon him. 
 Among others who left Montrose on this occasion, was Sir Nathaniel 
 Gordon, who, it is said, went over to Argyle's camp in consequence of a 
 concerted plan between him and Montrose, for the purpose of detaching 
 
 * Wishart, p. 1(12. 
 
RETREAT OF MONTROSE TO THE HIGHLANDS. 357 
 
 Lord Lewis Gordon from the cause of the covenanters, a conjecture 
 which seems to have originated in the subsequent conduct of Sir Na- 
 thaniel and Lord Lewis, who joined Montrose the following year. 
 
 Montrose, now abandoned by all his Lowland friends, prepared for 
 his march, preparatory to which, he sent off his baggage as formerly ; 
 and after lighting some fires for the purpose of deceiving the enemy, 
 took his departure on the evening of the sixth of November, and arrived 
 about break of day at Balveny. After remaining a few days there to 
 refresh his men, he proceeded through Badenoch, and descended by ra- 
 pid marches into Athole, where he was joined by Macdonald and John 
 Muidartach, the captain of the Clanranald, the latter of whom brought 
 five hundred of his men along with them. He was also reinforced by 
 some small parties from the neighbouring Highlands, whom Macdonald 
 had induced to follow him. 
 
 In the meantime Argyle, after giving orders to his Highlanders to 
 return home, went himself to Edinburgh where he " got but small thanks 
 for his service against Montrose."* Although the Committee of Estates, 
 out of deference, approved of his conduct, which some of his flatterers 
 considered deserving of praise because he " had shed no blood ;"f yet 
 all impartial persons had formed a very diflTerent estimate of his charac- 
 ter, during a campaign which had been as inglorious to himself as hu- 
 miliating to the cause which he had endeavoured to support. Confident 
 of success, the heads of the covenanters looked upon the first efforts of 
 Montrose in the light of a desperate and forlorn attempt, rashly and in- 
 considerately undertaken, and which they expected would be speedily 
 put down ; but the results of the battles of Tippermuir, Aberdeen, and 
 Fyvie, gave a new direction to their thoughts, and the royalists, hitherto 
 contemned, began now to be dreaded and respected. In allusion to the 
 present " posture of affairs," it is observed by Guthry, that " many who 
 had formerly been violent, began to talk moderately of business, and 
 what was most taken notice of, was the lukewarmness of many amongst 
 the ministry, who now in their preaching had began to abate much of 
 their former zeal.":j: The early success of Montrose had indeed caused 
 some misgivings in the minds of the covenanters ; but as they all hoped 
 that Argyle would change the tide of war, they showed no disposition 
 to relax in their severities towards those who were suspected of favouring 
 the cause of the king. The signal failure, however, of Argyle's expedi- 
 tion, and his return to the capital, quite changed, as we have seen, the 
 aspect of affairs, and many of those who had been most sanguine in 
 their calculations regarding the result of the struggle, began now to 
 waver and to doubt. 
 
 While Argyle was passing his time in Edinburgh, Montrose was 
 meditating a terrible blow at Argyle himself to revenge the cruelties 
 he had exercised upon the royalists, and to give confidence to the 
 clans in Argyle's neighbourhood, who had been hitherto prevented 
 
 » Spalding, vol, II. p. 2S7. t Guthry, p. 134, t Memoirs, pp. 131-5. 
 
358 HISTORY OF THE HIGHLANDS. 
 
 from joining Montrose's standard from a dread of Argyie, who having 
 always a body of five or six thousand Highlanders at command, had 
 kept them in such complete subjection that they dared not, without the 
 risk of absolute ruin, espouse the cause of their sovereign. It is said 
 that Montrose intended at first to have transferred the seat of war at 
 once to the Lowlands, where he expected to be better able to support 
 his troops during winter, but that he was induced to give up this plan 
 by Macdonald and the captain of Clanranald, who, having a strong 
 dislike at Argyie, advised him to invade the territory of their common 
 enemy. Nothing could be more gratifying to Montrose's followers than 
 his resolution to carry the war into Argyle's country, as they would 
 thus have an ample opportunity of retaliating upon him and his retainers 
 the injuries which, for a course of years, they had inflicted upon the sup- 
 porters of royalty in the adjoining countries, many of whom had been 
 ruined by Argyie. The idea of curbing the power of a haughty and 
 domineering chief whose very word was a law to the inhabitants of an 
 extensive district, ready to obey his cruel mandates at all times, and the 
 spirit of revenge, the predominating characteristic of the clans, smoothed 
 the difficulties which presented themselves in invading a country made 
 almost inaccessible by nature, and rendered still more unapproachable 
 by the severities of winter. The determination of Montrose having 
 thus met with a willing response in the breasts of his men, he lost no 
 time in putting them in motion. Dividing his army into two parts, he 
 himself mai'ched with the main body, consisting of the Irish and the 
 Athole-men, to Loch Tay, whence he proceeded through Breadalbane. 
 The other body, composed of the Clan-Donald and other Highlanders, 
 he despatched by a different route, with instructions to meet him at an 
 assigned spot on the borders of Argyie. The country through which 
 both divisions passed, being chiefly in possession of Argyle's kinsmen or 
 dependants, was laid waste by them, and particularly the lands of 
 Campbell of Glenorchy. 
 
 When Argyie heard of the ravages committed by Montrose's army 
 on the lands of his kinsmen, he hastened home from Edinburgh to his 
 castle at Inverary, and gave orders for the assembling of his clan, either 
 to repel any attack that might be made on his own country, or to pro- 
 tect his friends from future aggression. It is by no means certain that 
 he anticipated an invasion from Montrose, particularly at such a season 
 of the year, and he seemed to imagine himself so secure from attack, 
 owing to the intricacy of the passes leading into Argyie, that although a 
 mere handful of men could have effectually opposed an army much 
 larger than that of Montrose, he took no precautions to guard them. 
 So important indeed did he himself consider these passes to be, that he 
 had fi-equently declared that he would rather forfeit a hundred thousand 
 crowns, than that an enemy should know the passes by which an ai'nied 
 force could penetrate into Argyie.* 
 
 * Wishart, p. 107. 
 
RAVAGES OF MONTROSE IN ARGYLE AND LORN. 359 
 
 While thus reposing in fancied security in his impregnable strong- 
 hold, and issuing his mandates for levying his forces, some shepherds 
 arrived in great terror from the hills, and brought him the alarming 
 intelligence, that the enemy whom he had imagined were about a hun- 
 dred miles distant, were within two miles of his own dwelling. Terrified 
 at the unexpected appearance of Montrose, whose vengeance he justly 
 dreaded, he had barely self-possession left to concert measures for his 
 own personal safety by taking refuge on board a fishing boat in Loch 
 Fyne, in which he sought his way to the Lowlands, leaving his people 
 and country exposed to the merciless will of an enemy thirsting for re- 
 venge. The inhabitants of Argyle being thus basely abandoned by 
 their chief, made no attempt to oppose Montrose, who, the more effec- 
 tually to carry his plan for pillaging and ravaging the country into 
 execution, divided his army into three parties, each under the respective 
 orders of the captain of Clanranald, Macdonald, and himself. For up- 
 wards of six weeks, viz. from the thirteenth of December, sixteen hun- 
 dred and forty four, till nearly the end of January following, these dif- 
 ferent bodies traversed the whole country without molestation, burning, 
 wasting, and destroying every thing which came within their reach , 
 villages and cottages, furniture, grain, and effects of every description 
 were made a prey to the devouring element of fire. The cattle which 
 they did not succeed in driving off were either mutilated or slaughtered, 
 and the whole of Argyle as well as the district of Lorn soon became a 
 dreary waste. Nor were the people themselves spared, for although it 
 is mentioned by one writer, that Montrose " shed no blood in regard that 
 all the people (following their Lord's laudable example) delivered them- 
 selves by flight also,"* it is evident from several contemporary authors 
 that the slaughter must have been iramense.f One of these :{: says, that 
 Montrose spared none that were able to bear arms, and that he put to 
 death all the men who were going to the rendezvous appointed by 
 Argyle. Probably the eight hundred and ninety-five persons mentioned 
 by the author of the Red Book of Clanranald, as having been killed by 
 the party of Clanranald without opposition, may be those alluded to 
 by Wishart. In fact, before the end of January, the face of a single 
 male inhabitant was not to be seen throughout the whole extent of Ar- 
 gyle and Lorn, the whole population having been either driven out of 
 these districts, or taken refuge in dens and caves known only to them- 
 selves. 
 
 Having thus retaliated upon Argyle and his people in a tenfold de- 
 gree the miseries wliich he had occasioned in Lochaber and the adjoin- 
 ing countries, Montrose left Argyle and Lorn, passing through Glencoe 
 and Lochaber on his way to Lochness. On liis march eastwards he was 
 joined by the laird of Abergeldie, the Farquharsons of the Braes of 
 Mar, and by a party of the Gordons. The object of Montrose, by 
 
 * GiUhrv, p. 136. 
 t S^ialding, vol. II. p. 294, Wislart, \>. 108— K,(l IJouk of Clanraiialil, MS. t Wishart 
 
 I. 2 z 
 
360 HISTORY OF THE HIGHLANDS. 
 
 this movement, was to seize Inverness, which was then only protected 
 by two regiments, in the expectation that its capture would operate as 
 a stimulus to the northern clans, who had not yet declared themselves. 
 This resolution was by no means altered on reaching the head of Loch- 
 ness, where he learned that the earl of Seaforth was advancing to meet 
 him with an army of five thousand horse and foot, collected from Mo- 
 ray, Ross, Sutherland, and Caithness, including the veteran garrison of 
 Inverness, and the clan of the Frasers. Although Montrose had only 
 at this time about fifteen hundred men, in consequence of the temporary 
 absence of the Highlanders, who, according to custom, were occupied 
 in securing at home the booty which they had acquired in Argyle, he 
 resolved to encounter Seaforth 's army, which, with the exception of the 
 two regular regiments, was composed of raw and undisciplined levies. 
 
 While proceeding, however, through Abertarf, a person arrived in great 
 haste at Kilcummin, the present Fort Augustus, who brought him the sur- 
 prising intelligence that Argyle had entered Lochaber with an army of 
 three thousand men ; that he was burning and laying waste the country, 
 and that his head quarters were at the old castle of Inverlochy. After 
 Argyle had effected his escape from Inverary, he had gone to Dumbar- 
 ton, where he remained till Montrose's departure from his territory. 
 While there, a body of covenanting troops, who had sei'ved in England, 
 arrived under the command of Major-General Baillie, for the purpose 
 of assisting Argyle in expelling Montrose from his bounds ; but on 
 learning that Montrose had left Argyle, and was marching through 
 Glencoe and Lochaber, General Baillie, instead of proceeding into Ar- 
 gyle for the purpose of following Montrose, determined to lead his 
 army in an easterly direction through the Lowlands, with the intention 
 of intercepting Montrose, should he attempt a descent. At the same 
 time it was arranged between Baillie and Argyle, that the latter, who 
 had now recovered from his panic, in consequence of Montrose's de- 
 parture, should return to Argyle and collect his men from their hiding- 
 places and retreats ; but as it was not improbable that Montrose might 
 renew his visit, the Committee of Estates allowed Baillie to place eleven 
 hundred of his men at the disposal of Argyle, who, as soon as he was 
 able to muster his men, was to follow Montrose's rear, yet so as to avoid 
 an engagement, till Baillie, who, on hearing of Argyle's advance into 
 Lochaber, was to march suddenly across the Grampians, should attack 
 Montrose in fi-ont. To assist him in levying and organizing his clan, 
 Argyle called over Campbell of Auchinbreck, his kinsman, from Ireland, 
 who had considerable reputation as a military commander. In terms of his 
 instructions, therefore, Argyle had entered Lochaber, and had advanced 
 as far as Inverlochy, when, as we have seen, the news of his arrival 
 was brought to Montrose. 
 
 Montrose was at first almost disinclined to believe, from the well- 
 known character of Argyle, the truth of this intelligence, but being 
 fully assured of its correctness from the apparent sincerity of his in- 
 
BATTLE OF INVERLOCIIY. 361 
 
 former, he lost not a moment in making up his mind as to tlie course he 
 should pursue. He might have instantly marched back upon Argyle 
 by the route he had just followed ; but as Argyle would thus get due 
 notice of his approach, and prepare himself for the danger which threat- 
 ened him, Montrose resolved upon a different plan. The design he 
 conceived could only have originated in the mind of such a daring and 
 enterprising commander as Montrose, before whose towering genius 
 difficulties, hitherto deemed insurmountable, at once disappeared. The 
 idea of carrying an army over dangerous and precipitous mountains, 
 whose wild and frowning aspect seemed to forbid the approach of hu- 
 man footsteps, and in the middle of winter too, when the formidable 
 perils of the journey were greatly increased by the snow which had 
 obliterated the faint tracks of the wild deer and adventurous hunter, and 
 filled up many a dangerous chasm, however chimerical it might have 
 seemed to other men, appeared quite practicable to Montrose, whose 
 sanguine anticipations of the advantages to be derived from such an 
 extraordinary exploit, more than counterbalanced in his mind the risks 
 to be encountered. 
 
 The distance between the place where Montrose received the news of 
 Argyle's arrival, and Inverlochy, is about thirty miles ; but this dis- 
 tance was considerably increased by the devious track which Montrose 
 followed. Marching along the small river Tarf in a southerly direc- 
 tion, he crossed the hills of Lairie Thierard, passed through Glenroy, 
 and after traversing the range of mountains between the Glen and Ben 
 Nevis, he arrived in Glennevis before Argyle had the least notice of his 
 approach. Before setting out on his march, Montrose had taken the 
 wise precaution of placing guards upon the common road leading to 
 Inverlochy, to prevent intelligence of his movements being carried to 
 Argyle, and he had killed such of Argyle's scouts as he had fallen in 
 with in the course of his march. This fatiguing and unexampled jour- 
 ney had been performed in little more than a night and a day, and when, 
 in the course of the evening Montrose's men arrived in Glennevis, they 
 found themselves so weary and exhausted that they could not venture 
 to attack the enemy. They therefore lay under arms all night, and re- 
 freshed themselves, as they best could, till next morning. As the night 
 was uncommonly clear and enlightened by the moon, the advanced posts 
 of both armies kept up a small fire of musketry during the night, which 
 led to no result. 
 
 In the meantime Argyle, after committing his army to the charge of 
 his cousin Campbell of Auchinbreck, had the dastardliness to abandon 
 his men, by going, during the night, on board a boat in the loch, ac- 
 companied by Sir John Wauchope of Niddry, Sir James Rollock of 
 Duncrub, Archibald Sydserf, one of the bailies of Edinburgh, and 
 Mungo Law, a minister of the same city. Argyle excused himself for 
 this pusillanimous act, by alleging his incapacity to enter the field of 
 battle, in consequence of some contusions he had received by a fall, 
 
362 HISTORY OF THE HIGHLANDS. 
 
 two or three weeks before ; but, his enemies averred, that cowardice 
 was the real motive which induced him to take refuge in his galley, 
 from wliich he witnessed the defeat and destruction of his army. 
 
 It would appear, that it was not until the morning of the battle, that 
 Argyle's men were aware that it was the army of Montrose that was 
 present, as they considered it quitfe impossible, that he should have been 
 able to bring his forces across the mountains, and they imagined, that 
 the body before them consisted of some of the inhabitants of the coun- 
 try, who had collected to defend their properties. But they were un- 
 deceived, when, in the dawn of the morning, the warlike sound of Mon- 
 trose's trumpets, resounding through the glen where they lay, and re- 
 verberating from the adjoining hills, broke upon their ears. This served 
 as the signal to both armies to prepare for battle. Montrose drew out 
 his army in an extended line. The right wing consisted of a regiment of 
 Irish, under the command of Macdonald, his major-general ; the centre 
 was composed of the Athole-men, the Stuarts of Appin, and the Mac- 
 donalds of Glencoe, and other Highlanders, severally under the command 
 of Clanranald, M'Lean, and Glengary ; and the left wing consisted of 
 some Irish, at the head of whom was the brave Colonel O'Kean. A 
 body of Irish was placed behind the main body as a reserve,, under the 
 command of Colonel James M'Donald, alias O'Neill. The general of 
 Argyle's army formed it in a similar manner. The Lowland forces 
 were equally divided, and formed the wings, between which the High- 
 landers were placed. Upon a rising ground, behind this line, General 
 Campbell drew up a reserve of Highlanders, and placed a field piece. 
 Within the house of Inverlochy, which was only about a pistol shot 
 from the place where the army was formed, he planted a body of forty 
 or fifty men to protect the place, and to annoy Montrose's men with 
 discharges of musquetry.* The account given by Gordon of Sallagh, 
 that Argyle had transported the half of his army over the water at In- 
 verlochy, under the command of Auchinbreck, and that Montrose de- 
 feated this division, while Argyle was prevented from relieving it with 
 the other division, from the intervention of "an arm of the sea, that was 
 interjected betwixt them and him,"f is certainly erroneous, for the cir- 
 cumstance is not mentioned by any other writer of the period, and it is 
 Avell known, that Argyle abandoned his army, and witnessed its destruc- 
 tion from his galley, — circumstances, which Gordon altogether over- 
 looks. 
 
 It was at sunrise, on Sunday, the second day of February, in 
 the year sixteen hundred and forty-five, that Montrose, after having 
 formed his army in battle array, gave orders to his men to advance 
 upon the enemy. The left wing of Montrose's army, under the com- 
 mand of O'Kean, was the- first to commence the attack, by charging 
 
 • Spalding, vol. II, p. 29S. t Continuation, p. 522. 
 
BATTLE OF INVERLOCHY. 363 
 
 the enemy's I'ight. This was immediately followed by a furious assault 
 upon the centre and left wing of Argyle's army, by Montrose's right 
 wing and centre. Argyle's right wing not being able to resist the at- 
 tack of Montrose's left, turned about and fled, which circumstance had 
 such a discouraging effect on the I'emainder of Argyle's troops, that after 
 discharging their muskets, the whole of them, including the reserve, took 
 to their heels. The route now became general. An attempt was made by 
 a body of about two hundred of the fugitives, to throw themselves into 
 the castle of Inverlochy, but a party of Montrose's horse prevented them. 
 Some of the flying enemy directed their course along the side of Loch- 
 Eil, but all these were either killed or drowned in the pursuit. The 
 greater part, however, fled towards the hills in the direction of Argyle, 
 and were pursued by Montrose's men, to the distance of about eight 
 miles. As no resistance was made by the defeated party in their flight, 
 the carnage was very great, being reckoned at fifteen hundred men, or 
 about the half of Argyle's army. Many more would have been cut off 
 had it not been for the humanity of Montrose, who did every thing in 
 his power to save the unresisting enemy from the fury of his men, who 
 were not disposed to give quarter to the unfortunate Campbells. Hav- 
 ing taken the castle, Montrose not only treated the officers, who were 
 from the Lowlands, with kindness, but gave them their liberty on parole. 
 Among the principal persons who fell on Argyle's side, were the 
 commander, Campbell of Auchinbreck, Campbell of Lochnell, the eldest 
 son of Lochnell, and his brother, Colin ; M'Dougall of Rara and his eldest 
 son ; Major Menzies, brother to the laird, (or Prior as he was called) of 
 Achattens Parbreck ; and the provost of the church of Kilraun. The 
 chief prisoners were the lairds of Parbreck, Silvercraig, Innerea, La- 
 ment, St. M'DonaJd in Kintyre, the young laird of Glensaddel, the 
 goodman of Pynmoir, the son of the captain of Dunstaffhage, Lieu- 
 tenant-Colonels Roche and Cockburn, Captains Stewart, Murray, 
 Hume, and Stirling, Robert Cleland, alias Clydson, and MacDougall, 
 a preacher. The loss on the side of Montrose was extremely tri- 
 fling. The number of wounded is indeed not stated, but he had only 
 three privates killed. He sustained, however, a severe loss in Sir 
 Thomas Ogilvie, son of the earl of Airly, who died a few days after 
 the battle, of a wound he received in the thigh. Montrose regretted 
 the death of this stedfast friend and worthy man, with feelings of real 
 sorrow, and caused his body to be interred in Athole with duo solem- 
 nity.* Montrose immediately after the battle sent a messenger to the 
 king with a letter, giving an account of it, at the conclusion of which 
 he exultingly says to Charles, " give me leave, after I have reduced this 
 country, and conquered from Dan to Beersheba, to say to your Majesty, 
 as David's general to his master, come thou thyself, lest this country 
 
 ■ Spalding, vol. ii. p. 29-6.— Wishart, p. Ill, ct scq.— GuUhiy, p. 140. 
 
364 HISTORY OF THE HIGHLANDS. 
 
 be called by my name." When the king received this letter, the royal 
 and parliamentary commissioners were sitting at Uxbridge negotiating 
 the terms of a peace ; but Charles was induced by this imprudent letter 
 to break off the negotiation, a circumstance which led to his ruin. 
 
CHAPTER XVII. 
 
 Alarm of the Estates— Montrose returns through Badenoch — Marches to Inveniess and 
 Elgin — Wastes the lands of the Covenanters in Moray — Enters Elgin — Joined by 
 Lord Gordon — Crosses the Spey — Plunders CuUen — Death of Lord Graham — Mon- 
 trose wastes the lands in the Boyne — Enters and plunders Banff — Arrives at Turriff 
 — Deputation from Aberdeen — Death of Colonel Donald Farquharson — Montrose 
 imposes a tax of £10,000 on Aberdeen — Enters Stonehaven, which he bums — Ar- 
 rives at Fettercairn — Defeat of Hurry's horse — Enters Brechin — Marches to Dunkeld 
 — Storms Dundee — Memorable retreat of Montrose from Dundee — Movements of 
 General Baillie — Battle of Auldearn — Montrose enters Elgin — Battle of Alford. 
 
 When the disastrous news of the battle of Inverlochy reached Edinburgh, 
 the estates were thrown into a state of great alarm. They had, no doubt, 
 begun to fear, before that event, and, of course, to respect the prowess of 
 Montrose, but they never could have been made to believe that, within 
 the space of a few days, a well appointed army, composed in part of veter- 
 an troops, would have been utterly defeated by a force so vastly inferior in 
 point of numbers, and beset with difficulties and dangers to which the army 
 of Argyle was not exposed. Nor were the fears of the estates much 
 allayed by the appearance of Argyle, who arrived at Edinburgh to give 
 them an account of the affair, " having his left arm tied up in a scarf, 
 as if he had been at bones-breaking."* It is true that Lord Balmerinoch 
 made a speech before the assembly of the estates, in which he affirmed, 
 that the great loss reported to be sustained at Inverlochy, " was but the 
 invention of the malignants, who spake as they wished," and that " upon 
 his honour, not more than thirty of Argyle's men had been killed ;"f but? 
 as the disaster was well known, this device only misled the weak and 
 ignorant. Had Montrose at this juncture descended into the Lowlands, 
 it is not improbable that his presence might have given a favourable 
 turn to the state of matters in the south, where the king's affairs were 
 in the most precarious situation ; and it is also likely, that many persons 
 who, from timidity or want of opportunity to join him, had hitherto not 
 declared themselves, would have rallied round his standard ; but such a 
 design does not seem to have accorded with his views of prolonging the 
 
 » Guthry, p. 141. t Ibid. 
 
366 HISTORY OF THE HIGHLANDS. 
 
 contest in the Highlands, which were more suitable than the Lowlands 
 to his plan of operations, and to the nature of his forces. 
 
 Accordingly, after allowing his men to refresh themselves a few days 
 at Inverlochy, Montrose returned across the mountains of Lochaber in- 
 to Badenoch, " with displayed banner." Marching down the south side 
 of the Spey, he crossed that river at Balchastel, and entered Moray 
 without opposition. He proceeded by rapid strides, towards the town 
 of Inverness, which he intended to take possession of; but, on arriving 
 in the neighbourhood, he found it garrisoned by the laird of Lawers' and 
 Buchanan's regiments. As he did not wish to consume his time in a 
 siege, he immediately altered his course and marched in the direction of 
 Elgin, issuing, as he went along, a proclamation, in the king's name, 
 calling upon all males, from 16 to 60 years of age, to join him im- 
 mediately, armed as they best could, on foot or on horse, and that under 
 pain of fire and sword, as rebels to the king. In consequence of this 
 threat, Montrose was joined by some of the Moray-men, including the 
 laird of Grant, and two hundred of his followers ; and, to show an ex- 
 ample of severity, he plundered the houses and laid waste the estates of 
 Grangehill, Brodie, Culbin, and Innes, belonging respectively to Ninian 
 
 Dunbar, the laird of Brodie, Kinnaird, and the laird of Innes. 
 
 The houses of Pitchash, Foyness, and Ballindalloch, and the lands of 
 Ballindalloch, all belonging to the laird of Ballindalloch, shared a similar 
 fate. He also plundered the lands of Duffus, Burgie, and Lethin, and the 
 village of Garmouth or Garmach ; but he did not burn any of the houses 
 and their contents, as he had done in the other cases. Besides plundering 
 and destroying the properties, Montrose's army carried off a large quan- 
 tity of cattle and effects, and destroyed the boats and nets which they 
 fell in with on the Spey.* 
 
 Whilst Montrose was thus laying waste part of Moray, a committee 
 of the estates, consisting of the earl of Seaforth, the laird of Innes, Sir 
 Robert Gordon, the laird of Pluscarden, and others, was sitting at 
 Elgin, who, on hearing of his proceedings, sent notice through the town 
 by beat of drum, on the seventeenth of February, prohibiting the holding 
 of the fair, which was kept there annually on Fasten's eve, and to which 
 many merchants and others in the north resorted, lest the property brought 
 there for sale might fall a prey to Montrose's army. They, at the same 
 time, sent Sir Robert Gordon, Mackenzie of Pluscarden, and Innes of 
 Luthers, to treat with Montrose, in name of the gentry of Moray, most of 
 whom were then assembled in Elgin ; but he refused to enter into any 
 negotiation, and gave this answer, that he would accept of the services 
 of such as would join him and obey him as the king's lieutenant.-}- Be- 
 fore this answer had been communicated to the gentry at Elgin, they 
 had all fled from the town in consequence of hearing that Montrose was 
 advancing upon them with rapidity. The laird of Innes, along with 
 
 • Spalding, vol. ii. p. 23S. \ Gordon's Continuation, p. 522. 
 
ENTRY OF MONTROSE INTO ELCiFN. 3G7 
 
 some of his friends, retired to the castle of Spynie, possessed by his 
 eklest son, which was well fortified and provided with every neces- 
 sary for undergoing a siege. The laird of DufFus went into Suther-^ 
 land. As soon as the inhabitants of the town saw the committee pre- 
 paring to leave it, most of them also resolved to depart, which they did, 
 carrying along with them their principal effects. Some went to Inver- 
 ness, and others into Ross, but the greater part went to the castle of 
 Spynie, where they sought and obtained refuge. 
 
 Apprehensive that Montrose might follow up the dreadful example 
 he had shown, by burning the town, a proposal was made to, and 
 accepted, by him, to pay him four thousand merks to save the town 
 from destruction ; but, on entering it, which he did on the nineteenth of 
 February, his men, and particularly the laird of Grant's party, were so 
 disappointed in their hopes of plunder, in consequence of the inhabitants 
 having carried away the best of their effects, that they broke and de- 
 stroyed every article of furniture which was left. 
 
 Montrose was joined, on his arrival at Elgin, by Lord Gordon, the 
 eldest son of the marquis of Huntly, with some of his friends and vas- 
 sals. This young nobleman had been long kept in a state of du- 
 rance by Argyle, his uncle, contrary to his own wishes, and now, when 
 an opportunity had, for the first time, occurred, he showed the bent of 
 his inclination, by declaring for the king. It is curious that two con- 
 temporaneous, writers,* who seem to have had access to the best sources 
 of information, were quite at a loss to account for Lord Gordon's mo- 
 tives in taking this step. The one says, " At this time, the Lord Gor- 
 don, with most part of his friends, came in to Montrose, upon what 
 grounds I know not ; whether the state had disobliged him in some 
 particulars betwixt him and his neighbours, the Crightons and the For- 
 besses, or had not performed to him such things as they had promised, 
 or such much as he did expect and deserve ; or whether that most of 
 his friends, by warrant of his father, had resolved to follow his younger 
 brother, Lord Lewis, I cannot determine." f The other observes, " The 
 Lord Gordon being in the Bog, leaped quickly on horse, having Nathan- 
 iel Gordon, with some few others, in his company, and that same night 
 came to Elgin, saluted Montrose, who made him heartily welcome, and 
 soups joyfully together. Many marvelled at the Lord Gordon's going 
 in after such manner, being upon the country's service, and colonel to a 
 foot regiment and to a horse regiment. Some alleged that the estates 
 oversaw him in divers points touching his honour, which he could not 
 digest. Others said that he was likely to lose his father, for following 
 the country cause, if he should continue, and the country happen to be 
 borne down. Others, again, said that it was a plot betwixt Montrose 
 and Nathaniel Gordon, when he was with him, and when he came from 
 him, with Craigievar, as ye have before ; and, albeit, for his coming 
 
 • Gordon of Sallagh, and Spal.ling. + Gordon, p. 523. 
 
 I. o A 
 
308 HISTORY OF THE HIGHLANDS. 
 
 away, he was esteemed traitorous and disloyal to Montrose, yet he 
 proved the politician, and his faithful servant in this business. This 
 was the opinion of some. Howsoever it was, in he went ; but how, or 
 upon what reason, I cannot tell." * 
 
 On taking possession of Elgin, Montrose gave orders to bring all the 
 ferry-boats on the Spey to the north side of the river, and he stationed 
 sentinels at all the fords up and down, to watch any movements 
 which might be made by the enemies' forces in the south. 
 
 Montrose, thereupon, held a council of war, at which it was determin- 
 ed to cross the Spey, and march into the shires of Banff and Aberdeen, 
 and, by the aid of Lord Gordon, to raise the friends and retainers of 
 the marquis of Huntly, and from thence to proceed into the Mearns, 
 where another accession of forces was expected. Accordingly, Mon- 
 trose left Elgin on the fourth of March, with the main body of his army, 
 towards the Bog of Gicht, accompanied by the earl of Seaforth, Sir 
 Robert Gordon, the lairds of Grant, Pluscarden, Findrassie, and sever- 
 al other gentlemen who " had come in to him " at Elgin. To punish 
 the earl of Finlater, who had refused to join him, Montrose sent the 
 Farquharsons of Braemar before him across the Spey, who plundered, 
 without mercy, the town of CuUen, belonging to the earl. 
 
 After crossing the Spey, Montrose, either apprehensive that depreda- 
 tions would be committed upon the properties of his Moray friends, who 
 accompanied him, by the two regiments which garrisoned Inverness and 
 the covenanters of that district, or having received notice to that effect, 
 he allowed the earl of Seaforth, the laird of Grant, and the other Moray 
 gentlemen, to return home to defend their estates ; but before allowing 
 them to depart, he made them take a solemn oath of allegiance to the 
 king, and promise that they should never, henceforth, take up arms 
 against his majesty or his loyal subjects. At same time, he made them 
 come under an engagement to join him with all their forces, as soon as 
 they could do so. The earl of Seaforth obtained an infamous no- 
 toriety, by again joining the ranks of the covenanters. In a letter 
 which he wrote to the committee of estates, at Aberdeen, he stated that 
 he had yielded to Montrose through fear only, and he avowed that he 
 would abide by " the good cause to his death." f 
 
 As anticipated by Montrose, detachments from the garrison of Inver- 
 ness had been sent into the country to take vengeance upon those gentle- 
 men who had joined him ; and accordingly they plundered the house of 
 Elchies, belonging to the laird of Grant, carrying off his lady's wearing 
 apparel, trinkets, and jewels, of which, says Spalding, " she had store." 
 They laid waste the lands of Cukstoun, the goodman of which had fol- 
 lowed Lord Gordon when he joined Montrose ; and they entered Elgin, 
 where they took the laird of Pluscarden and his brother, Loslyn, pri- 
 soners, and carried them to Inverness ; but they were released at the 
 
 • Spalding, vol. ii. p. 293. f- Ibid. ii. 301. 
 
DEATH OF LOUD GRAHAM. 369 
 
 intreaty of their brother, the earl of Seaforth, who, notwithstanding, was 
 suspected of having connived at their arrest. 
 
 On Montrose's arrival at Strathbogie, or Gordon castle, Lord Graham, 
 his eldest son, a youth of sixteen, and of the most promising ex- 
 pectations, became unwell, and died after a few days' illness. The loss 
 of a son, who had followed him in his campaigns, and shared with him 
 the dangers of the field, was a subject of deep regret to Montrose. 
 While Montrose was occupied at the death-bed of his son, Lord Gordon 
 was busily employed among the Gordons, out of whom he speedily 
 raised a force about five hundred foot, and one hundred and sixty horse. 
 
 With this accession to his forces, Montrose left Strathbogie and 
 marched towards Banff, on his route to the south. In passing by the 
 house of Cullen, in Boyne, the seat of the earl of Finlatei', who had 
 fled to Edinburgh, and left the charge of the house to the countess, a 
 party of Montrose's men entered the house, which they plundered of 
 all its valuable contents. They then proceeded to set the house on fire, 
 but the countess having entreated Montrose to order his men to desist, 
 and promised that if her husband did not come to Montrose and give 
 him satisfaction within fifteen days, she would pay him twenty thousand 
 merks, of which sum she instantly paid down five thousand ; Montrose com- 
 plied with her request, and also spared the lands, although the earl was 
 " a great covenanter." Montrose's men next laid waste the lands in the 
 Boyne, burnt the houses, and plundered the minister of the place of all his 
 goods and effects, including his books. The laird of Boyne shut him- 
 self up in his stronghold, the Crag, where he was out of danger ; but he 
 had the misfortune to see his lands laid waste and destroyed. Montrose 
 then went to Banff", which he gave up to indiscriminate plunder. His 
 troops did not leave a vestige of moveable property in the town, and 
 they even stript, to the skin, every man they met with in the streets. 
 They also burned two or three houses of little value, but not a drop of 
 blood was spilt, a circumstance which speaks highly in favour of the 
 humanity of Montrose, 
 
 From Banff, Montrose proceeded to Turriff", where a deputation 
 from the town council of Aberdeen waited upon him, consisting of 
 Thomas Gray, George Morison, George Cullen, and John Alexander, 
 advocate, "four discreet, well-set burgesses," says Spalding. These 
 commissioners humbly represented to Montrose, the many miseries 
 which the town of Aberdeen had suff"ered from its frequent occupation 
 by hostile armies since the first outbreaking of the unfortunate troubles 
 which molested the kingdom, — miseries well known to himself, and 
 which were such as no other burgh had been doomed to suffer : they 
 further represented, that such was the terror of the inhabitants at the 
 idea of another visit from his Irish troops that all the men and women, 
 on hearing of his approach, had made preparations for abandoning the 
 town, and that they Avould certainly leave it if thoy did not get an as- 
 surance from the marquis of safety and protection. The deputation 
 
370 HISTORY OF THE HIGHLANDS. 
 
 therefore begged Montrose to give them this assurance, and that, upon 
 receiving it, they would return to Aberdeen and prevail upon the in- 
 habitants to remain in town. Montrose heard the commissioners pa- 
 tiently, expressed his regret at the calamities which had befallen 
 their town, and bade them not be afraid, as he would take care that 
 none of his foot, or Irish, soldiers, should come within eight miles 
 of Aberdeen ; and that if he himself should enter the town, he would 
 support himself at his own expense. Returning many thanks for the 
 favourable answer they had received, the commissioners returned to 
 Aberdeen, where they arrived on the tenth of March, and related 
 the successful issue of their journey, to the great joy of all the inhab- 
 itants.* 
 
 Whilst Montrose lay at Turriff, Sir Nathaniel Gordon, with some 
 troopers, went to Aberdeen, which he entered on Sunday the ninth of 
 March, on which day there had been " no sermon in either of the Abei'- 
 deens," as the ministers had fled the town. The keys of the churches, 
 gates, and jail, were delivered to him by the magistrates. The following 
 morning, Sir Nathaniel was joined by a hundred Irish dragoons. After 
 releasing some prisoners, he went to Torry, and took, after a slight re- 
 sistance, eighteen hundred muskets, pikes, and other arms, which had 
 been left in charge of a troop of horse. Besides receiving orders to 
 watch the town. Sir Nathaniel was instructed to send out scouts as far 
 as Cowie to watch the enemy, who were daily expected from the south. 
 When reconnoitering, a skirmish took place at the bridge of Dee, in 
 which Captain Keith's troop was routed. Finding the country quite 
 clear, and no appearance of the Covenanting forces, Gordon returned back 
 to the army, which had advanced to Frendraught. No attempt was made 
 upon the house of Frendraught, which was kept by the young viscount in 
 absence of his father, who was then at Muchallis with his godson, Lord 
 Fraser ; but Montrose destroyed sixty ploughs of land belonging to 
 Frendraught within the parishes of Forgue, Inverkeithnie, and Drum- 
 blade, and the house of the minister of Forgue, with all the other houses 
 and buildings, and their contents. Nothing, in fact, was spared. The 
 whole cattle, horses, sheep, and other domestic animals, were carried 
 off, and the whole of Frendraught's lands were left a dreary and unin- 
 habitable waste. 
 
 From Pennyburn, Montrose dispatched, on the tenth of March, a 
 letter to the authorities of Aberdeen, commanding them to intimate, by 
 tuck of drum, an order, that all men, of whatever description,' between 
 the age of sixteen and sixty, should meet him equipped in their best 
 arms, and such of them as had horses, mounted on the best of them, on 
 the fifteenth of March, at his camp at Inverury, under the pain of fire 
 and sword. In consequence of this mandate, he was joined by a con- 
 siderable number of horse and foot. On the twelfth of March, Mon- 
 
 • Snalding, ii. 302. 
 
DEATH OF DONALD FARQUHARSON. 371 
 
 troso arrived at Kintore, and took up his own quarters in the house 
 of John Cheyne, the minister of the place, whence he issued an order 
 commanding each parish within the presbytery of Aberdeen, (with the 
 exception of the town of Aberdeen,) to send to him two commission- 
 ers who were required to bring along with them a complete roll of the 
 whole heritors, feuars and liferenters of each parish. His object, in re- 
 quiring such a list, was to ascertain the number of men capable of serving, 
 and also the names of those who should refuse to join him. Commis- 
 sioners were accordingly sent from the parishes, and the consequence 
 was, that Montrose was joined daily by many men, who would not 
 otherwise have assisted him, but who were now alarmed for the safety 
 of their properties. While at Kintore, an occurrence took place which 
 vexed Montrose exceedingly. 
 
 To reconnoitre and watch the motions of the enemy, Montrose 
 had, on the twelfth of March, sent Sir Nathaniel Gordon along with 
 Donald Farquharson, Captain Mortimer, and other well mounted cava- 
 liers, to the number of about eighty, to Aberdeen. This party per- 
 ceiving no enemy in the neighbourhood of Aberdeen, utterly neglected 
 to place any sentinels at the gates of the town, and spent their time at 
 their lodgings in entertainments and amusements. This careless conduct 
 did not pass unobserved by some of the covenanters in the town, who, 
 it is said, sent notice thereof to Major-General Hurry, the second in 
 command under General Baillie, who was then lying at the North 
 Water Bridge with Lord Balcarras' and other foot regiments. On re- 
 ceiving this intelligence, Hurry put himself at the head of one hundred 
 and sixty horse and foot, taken from the regular regiments, and some 
 troopers and musketeers, and rode off to Aberdeen in great haste, 
 where he arrived on the fifteenth of March at eight o'clock in the even- 
 ing. Having posted sentinels at the gates to prevent any of Montrose's 
 party from escaping, he entered the town at an hour when they Avere 
 all dispersed through the town, carelessly enjoying themselves in their 
 lodgings, quite unapprehensive of such a visit. The noise in the streets, 
 occasioned by the tramping of the horses, was the first indication they 
 had of the presence of the enemy, but it was then too late for them to 
 defend themselves. Donald Farquharson was killed in the street op- 
 posite the guard-house, " a brave gentleman," says Spalding, " and 
 one of the noblest captains amongst all the Highlanders of Scotland, 
 and the king's man for life and death." The enemy stript him of a 
 rich dress he had put on the same day, and left his body lying naked 
 in the street. A few other gentlemen were also killed, and some taken 
 prisoners, but the greater part escaped. The prisoners were sent 
 to Edinburgh, and put in irons within the tolbooth there. Hurry 
 left the town next day, and, on his return to Baillie's camp, he en- 
 tered the town of Montrose, and carried off Lord Graham, Montrose's 
 second son, a boy of fourteen years of age, then at school, who, along 
 with his teacher, was sent to Edinburgh, and committed to the castle. 
 
372 HISTORY OF THE HIGHLANDS. 
 
 The gentlemen who had escaped from Aberdeen, " returned," says 
 Spalding, " back to Montrose, part on horse and part on foot, ashamed 
 of this accident." Montrose was greatly offended at them for their 
 carelessness, but the same writer adds, that " the gentlemen were sorry, 
 and could not mend it." The magistrates of Aberdeen, alarmed lest 
 Montrose should inflict summary vengeance upon the tOAvn, as being 
 implicated in the attack upon the cavaliers, sent two commissioners to 
 Kintore to assure him that they were in no way concerned in that af- 
 fair. Although he heard them with great patience, he gave them no 
 satisfaction as to his intentions, and they returned to Aberdeen with- 
 out being able to obtain any promise from him to spare the tov/n. 
 The magistrates, however, acted wisely in sending the deputation to 
 Montrose, for had they taken no notice of the affair, he might have in- 
 ferred either that the inhabitants were privy to it, or were by no means 
 displeased at the result. Montrose might have availed himself of this 
 opportunity, to have inflicted a heavy chastisement upon the town, but 
 he was contented to make the merchants furnish him with cloth, and 
 gold and silver-lace, to the amount of £10,000 Scots for the use of 
 his army, which he took the magistrates bound to pay, by a tax upon 
 the inhabitants. " Thus," says Spalding, " cross upon cross upon 
 Aberdeen." 
 
 When Sir Nathaniel Gordon and the remainder of his party returned 
 to Kintore, Montrose dispatched, on the same day, viz., sixteenth March, 
 a body of one thousand horse and foot, the latter consisting of Irish, to 
 Aberdeen, under the command of Macdonald his major-general, where 
 they arrived at four o'clock in the afternoon. Many of the inhabitants, 
 alarmed at the approach of this party, and still having the fear of the 
 Irish before their eyes, were preparing to leave the town ; but Macdon- 
 ald relieved their apprehensions by assuring them that the Irish, who 
 amounted to seven hundred, should not enter the town, and he accord- 
 ingly stationed them at the Bridge of Dee and the Two Mile Cross, he 
 and his troopers alone entering the town. And to secure the town from 
 annoyance, he stationed strong parties at the gates to prevent any strag- 
 gling parties of the Irish from entering. With the exception of the 
 houses of one or two " remarkable covenanters," which were plundered, 
 Macdonald showed the utmost respect for private property, a circum- 
 stance which obtained for him the est-eem of the inhabitants, who had 
 seldom experienced such kind treatment before. 
 
 Having discharged the last duties to the brave Farquharson and his 
 companions, on Sunday the seventeenth of March, Macdonald left 
 Aberdeen the following day to join Montrose at Durris ; but he had not 
 proceeded far when complaints were brought to him that some of his 
 Irish troops, who had lagged behind, had entered the town, and were 
 plundering it. *' They were," says Spalding, " abusing and fearing 
 the town's people, taking their cloaks, plaids, and purses from them on 
 the high streets." Macdonald, therefore, returned immediately to the 
 
STONEHAVF.N BURNRD P.Y MONTROSE. iilS 
 
 town, and drove, says the same writer, " all these rascals with sore 
 skins out of the town before him." * 
 
 Before leaving Kintore, the earl of Airly was attacked by a fever, in 
 consequence of which, Montrose sent him to Lethintie, the residence 
 of the earl's son-in-law, under a guard of three hundred men ; but he 
 was afterwards removed to Strathbogie for greater security. On arriv- 
 ing at Durris, in Kincardineshire, where he was joined by Macdonald, 
 Montrose burnt the house to the ground, and all the offices and grain, 
 and swept away the whole cattle, horses, and sheep. He also wasted 
 such of the lands of Fintry as belonged to Forbes of Craigievar, to pun- 
 ish him for the breach of his parole, and he set fire to the house, and 
 burnt the grain belonging to Abercrombie, the minister of Fintry, who 
 was " a main covenanter." These proceedings took place on the seven- 
 teenth of March. On the nineteenth, Montrose entered Stonehaven, 
 and took up his residence in the house of James Clerk, the provost of 
 the town. Here learning that the covenanters in the north were troub- 
 ling Lord Gordon's lands, he dispatched five hundi'ed of Gordon's foot 
 to defend Strathbogie and his other possessions ; but he still retained 
 Lord Gordon himself with his troopers. 
 
 On the day after his arrival at Stonehaven, Montrose wrote a letter 
 to the Earl Marshall, who, along with sixteen ministers, and some other 
 persons of distinction, had shut himself up in his castle of Dunottar. 
 The bearer of the letter was not, however, suffered to enter within the 
 gate, and was allowed to depart without an answer. It is said that the 
 Marshall's lady and the ministers, particularly the celebrated Andrew 
 Cant, were his advisers on this occasion. This disdainful silence, 
 on the part of the Earl Marshall, highly incensed Montrose; but 
 probably suspecting that he was tutored by the persons who sur» 
 rounded him, he desired Lord Gordon to write a letter to George 
 Keith, the earl's brother, who, in consequence, had an interview 
 with Montrose at Stonehaven. Montrose then told him that all that 
 he wanted from his brother was, that he should serve the king, 
 his master, against his rebellious subjects, a service to which he was 
 bound in duty and honour from the high situation he held ; and that if 
 he failed to comply, he would do so at his own peril. But the earl de- 
 clined to comply with Montrose's request, as he said " he would not be 
 against the country." f 
 
 In consequence of the refusal of the Earl Marshall to declare for the 
 king, Montrose resolved to inflict summary vengeance upon him, by- 
 burning and laying waste his lands and those of his retainers in the 
 neighbourhood. Acting upon this determination, he, on the twenty-first 
 of March, set fire to the houses adjoining the castle of Dunottar, and burnt 
 the grain which was stacked in the barn-yards. Even the house of the 
 minister did not escape. He next set fire to the town of Stonehaven, 
 
 • Vol. ii. p. 306. i lb. p. 307. 
 
374 HISTORY OF THE HIGHLANDS. 
 
 sparing only the house of the provost, in which he resided ; plundered 
 a ship which lay in the harbour, and then set her on fire, along with 
 all the fishing boats. The lands and houses of Cowie shared the same 
 hard fate. Whilst the work of destruction was going on, it is said that 
 the inhabitants appeared before the castle of Dunottar, and, setting up 
 cries of pity, implored the earl to save them from ruin, but they receiv- 
 ed no answer to their supplications, and the earl witnessed from his 
 stronghold the total destruction of the properties of his tenants and de- 
 pendents without making any effort to stop it. After he had effected 
 the destruction of the barony of Dunottar, Montrose set fire to the 
 lands of Fetteresso, one fourth part of which was burnt up, together 
 with the whole corn in the yards. A beautiful deer park was also 
 burnt and its alarmed inmates were all taken and killed, as well as all 
 the cattle in the barony. Montrose next proceeded to Drumlaithie 
 and Urie, belonging to John Forbes of Leslie, a leading covenanter, 
 where he committed similar depredations. 
 
 Montrose advanced to Fettercairn, the following day, where he 
 quartered his foot soldiers, but he sent out quarter-masters through the 
 country and about the town of Montrose to provide quarters for some 
 troopers ; but, as these troopers were proceeding' on their journey, they 
 were alarmed by the sudden appearance of some of Major-General 
 Hurry's troops, who had concealed themselves within the plantation of 
 Halkerton. This party suddenly issuing from the wood, set up a 
 loud shout, on hearing which the troopers immediately turned to the 
 right about and went back to the camp. This party turned out to be a 
 body of six hundred horse, under the command of Hurry himself, who 
 had left the head quarters of General Baillie, at Brechin, for the pur- 
 pose of reconnoitering Montrose's movements. In order to deceive 
 Hurry, who kept advancing with his six hundred horse, Montrose 
 placed his horse, which amounted only to two hundred, and which he 
 took care to line with some expert musqueteers, in a prominent situa- 
 tion, and concealed his foot in 'an adjoining valley. This ruse had 
 the desired effect, for Hurry imagining that there were no other 
 forces at hand, immediately attacked the small body of horse opposed 
 to him ; but he was soon undeceived by the sudden appearance of the 
 foot, and forced to retreat with precipitation. Though his men were 
 greatly alarmed, Hurry, who was a brave officer, having placed himself 
 in the rear, managed his retreat across the North Esk with very little 
 loss. 
 
 After this affair, Montrose allowed his men to refiresh themselves for 
 a few days, and, on the twenty-fifth of March, he put his army in mo- 
 tion in the direction of Brechin. On hearing of his approach, the in- 
 habitants of the town concealed their effects in the castle and in the 
 steeples of the churches, and fled. Montrose's troops, although they 
 found out the secreted goods, were so enraged at the conduct of the in- 
 habitants that they plundered the town, and burnt about sixty houses. 
 
STORMIN(; AND CAI'TUllE OF DUNDKi:. 375 
 
 From Brocliin, Montroso proceeded through Angus, with the intention 
 cither of figliting Baillio, or of marching onwards to the south. His whole 
 force, at this time, did not exceed three thousand men, and, on reaching 
 Kirriemuir, his cavalry was greatly diminished by his having been obliged 
 to send away about one hundred and sixty horsemen to Strathbogie, 
 under Lord Gordon and his brother, Lewis, to defend their father's pos- 
 sessions against the covenanters. Montrose proceeded, with his army, 
 along the foot of the Grampians, in the direction of Dunkeld, where 
 he intended to cross the Tay in the sight of General Baillie, who com- 
 manded an army greatly sujDerior in numbers ; but, although Montrose 
 frequently offered him battle, Baillie, contrary, it is said, to the advice 
 of Hurry, as often declined it. On arriving at the water of Isla, the 
 two armies, separated by that stream, remained motionless for several 
 days, as if undetermined how to act. At length Montrose sent a trum- 
 peter to Baillie offering him battle ; and, as the water could not be 
 safely passed by his army, if opposed, Montrose proposed to a,llow Baillie 
 to pass it unmolested, on condition that he would give him his word of 
 honour tliat he would fight without delay ; but Bailie returned this an- 
 swer, that he would attend to liis own business himself, and that he 
 would fight when he himself thought proper. The conduct of Baillie 
 throughout, seems altogether extraordinary, but it is alleged that he 
 could do nothing himself, being subject to the directions of a council of 
 war, composed of the earls of Crawford and Cassillis, the Lords Balmer- 
 inoch, Kirkcudbright, and others.* 
 
 As Montrose could not attempt to cross the water of Isla without 
 cavalry, in opposition to a force so greatly superior, he led his army off 
 in the direction of the Grampians, and marched upon Dunkeld, which 
 he took possession of. Baillie being fully aware of his intention to cross 
 the Tay, immediately withdrew to Perth for the purpose of opposing 
 Montrose's passage ; but, if Montrose really entertained such an inten- 
 tion after he had sent away the Gordon troopers, he abandoned it after 
 reaching Dunkeld, and resolved to retrace his steps northwards. Being 
 anxious, however, to signalize himself by some important achievement 
 before he retui'ned to the north, and to give confidence to the royalists, 
 he determined to surprise Dundee, a town which had rendered 
 itself particularly obnoxious to him for the resistance made by the 
 inhabitants after the battle of Tippermuir. Having sent off the 
 weaker part of his troops, and those who were lightly armed, with 
 his heavy baggage, along the bottom of the hills, with instructions to 
 meet him at Brechin, Montrose himself, at the head of about one 
 hundred and fifty horse, and six hundred cxjiert musketeers,-]- left 
 Dunkeld on third April, about midnight, and marched with such 
 extraordinary expedition that he arrived at Dundee Law at 10 o'clock 
 in the morning, where he encamped. Montrose then sent a trumpeter 
 
 * Spaldiufr, vol. ii. p. 309, 
 + This is Wisiiarl's accoiinf, but Spalding says tlicrc were 200 Iiorsc and 800 foot. 
 I. 3 B 
 
37G HISTORY OF THE HIGHLANDS. 
 
 into tlie to^vn with a summons, requiring a suri'endcr, and promising 
 that, in the event of compliance, he would protect the lives and proper- 
 ties of the inhabitants, but threatening, in case of refusal, to set fire to the 
 town and to put the inhabitants to the sword. Instead of returning an 
 answer to this demand, the town's people put the messenger into prison. 
 This insult was keenly felt by Montrose, who immediately gave orders 
 to his troops to storm the town in three different places at once, and to 
 fulfil the threat which he had held out in case of resistance. The inhabi- 
 tants, in the mean time, made such prepai-ations for defence as the short- 
 ness of the time allowed, but, although they fought bravely, they could 
 not resist the impetuosity of Montrose's troops, who, impelled by a spi- 
 rit of revenge, and a thirst for plunder, Avhich Dundee, then one of the 
 largest and most opulent towns in Scotland, offered them considerable 
 temptations of gratifying, forced the inhabitants from the stations they oc- 
 cupied, and turned the cannon, which they had planted in the streets, 
 against themselves. The contest, however, continued in different quarters 
 of the town for several hours, during which the town was set on fire in 
 different places. The whole of that quarter of the town called the Bonnet 
 Hill fell a prey to the flames, and the entire town would have certainly 
 shared the same fate had not Montrose's men chiefly occupied themselves 
 in plundering the houses and filling themselves with the contents of the 
 wine cellars. The sack of the town continued till the evening, and the 
 inhabitants were subjected to every excess which an infuriated and vic- 
 torious soldiery, maddened by intoxication, could inflict. 
 
 This melancholy state of things was, however, fortunately put an end 
 to by intelligence having been brought to Montrose, who had viewed the 
 storming of the town from the neighbouring height of Dundee Law, 
 that General Baillie was marching in great haste down the Carse of 
 Gowrie, towards Dundee, with three thousand foot and eight hundred 
 horse. On receiving this news from his scouts, Montrose gave imme- 
 diate orders to his troops to evacuate Dundee, but so intent were they 
 upon their booty, that it was with the utmost difficulty they could be 
 prevailed upon to leave the town, and, before the last of theyn could be 
 induced to retire, some of the enemy's troops were within gun shot of 
 them. The sudden appearance of Baillie's army was quite unlooked 
 for, as Montrose had been made to believe, from the reports of his 
 scouts, that it had crossed the Tay, and was proceeding to the Forth, 
 when, in fact, only a very small part, which had been mistaken by the 
 scouts for the entire army of Baillie, had passed. 
 
 In this critical conjuncture, Montrose held a council of war, to con- 
 sult how to act under the perilous circumstances in which he was 
 now placed. The council was divided between two opinions. Some 
 of them advised Montrose to consult his own personal safety, by riding 
 off to the north with his horse, leaving the foot to their fate, as they 
 considered it utterly impossible for him to carry them off in their present 
 6tate, fatigued, and worn out as they were by a march of twenty-four 
 
MEMORABLE RETREAT OF MONTROSE. 377 
 
 miles during the preceding niglit, and rendered almost incapable of re- 
 sisting the enemy, from the debauch they had indulged in during the 
 day. Besides, they would require to march twenty or even thirty 
 miles, before they could reckon themselves secure from the attacks of 
 their pursuers, a journey which was deemed impossible of performance, 
 without being previously allowed some hours repose. The members of 
 the council, who took this view of matters, urged upon Montrose the 
 absolute necessity of following it, judging it much better to allow these 
 men to shift for themselves, than to risk his own person and the safety 
 of those who could secure an escape, in a hopeless attempt to carry off 
 men who were almost disabled from walking. That in this way, and in 
 no other, could he expect to retrieve matters, as he could, by his pre- 
 sence among his friends in the north, raise new forces ; but that, if he 
 himself was cut oif, the king's affairs would be utterly ruined. The 
 other part of the council gave quite an opposite opinion, by declaring 
 that, as the cause for which they had fought so gloriously was now 
 irretrievably lost, they sliould remain in their position, and await the 
 issue of an attack, judging it more honourable to die fighting in defence 
 of their king, than to seek safety in an ignominious flight, which would 
 be rendered still more disgraceful by abandoning their unfortunate fel- 
 low-warriors to the mercy of a revengeful foe. 
 
 Montrose, however, stated his disapprobation of both these plans. 
 He considered the first as unbecoming the generosity of men who had 
 fought so often side by side ; and the second he thought extremely rash 
 and imprudent. He, therefore, resolved to steer a middle course, and, 
 refusing to abandon his brave companions in arms in the hour of danger, 
 gave orders for an immediate retreat, in the direction of Arbroath. 
 This route was, however, a mere manoeuvre to deceive the enemy, as 
 Montrose intended, after nightfall, to march towards the Grampians. In 
 order to make his retreat more secure, Montrose dispatched first four 
 hundred of his foot, and gave them orders to march as quickly as pos- 
 sible, without breaking their ranks. These were followed by two hun- 
 dred of his most exjjert musketeers, and Montrose himself closed the 
 rear with his horse, in open rank, so as to admit the musketeers to 
 interline them, in case of an attack. It was about six o'clock in the 
 evening, when Montrose began his retreat, at which hour the last of 
 Baillie's foot had reached Dundee. 
 
 Scarcely had Montrose begun to move, wlien intelligence was re- 
 received by Baillie, from some prisoners he had taken, of Montrose's 
 intentions, which was now confirmed by ocular proof. A proposal, it 
 is said, was then made by Hurry, to follow Montrose with the whole 
 army, and attack him, but Baillie rejected it, and the better, as he 
 thought, to secure Montrose, and prevent his escape, he divided his 
 army into two parts, one of which he sent off in the direction of the 
 Grampians, to prevent Montrose from entering the Highlands, and to 
 interpose between him and his intended place of retreat; and the other 
 
378 HISTORY OF THE HIGHLANDS. 
 
 followed directly in the rear of Montrose. He thus expected to be able 
 to cut off Montrose entirely, and to encourage his men to the pursuit, he 
 offered a reward of twenty thousand crowns to any one who should bring 
 him Montrose's head. Baillie's cavalry soon came up with Montrose's 
 rear, but they were so well received by the musketeers, who brought 
 down some of them, that they became very cautious in their approaches. 
 The darkness of the night soon put an end to the pursuit, and Montrose 
 continued his march unmolested during the night, to Arbroath, in the 
 neighbourhood of which he arrived about midnight. His troops had 
 now marched upwards of forty miles, seventeen of which they had per- 
 formed in a few hours, in the face of a large army, and had passed 
 two nights and a day without sleep ; but as their safety might be en- 
 dangered by allowing them to repose till daylight, Montrose entreated 
 them to proceed on their march. Though almost exhausted with in- 
 cessant fatigue, and overpowered with drowsiness, they readily obeyed 
 the orders of their general, and, after a short halt, proceeded on their 
 route in a northwesterly direction. They arrived at the South Esk 
 early in the morning, which they crossed, at sunrise, near Carriston 
 Castle. 
 
 Montrose now sent notice to the party which he had dispatched from 
 Dunkeld to Brechin, with his baggage, to join him, but they had, on 
 hearing of his retreat, already taken refuge among the neighbouring hills. 
 Baillie, who had passed the night at Forfar, now considered that he had 
 Montrose completely in his power ; for little did he imagine that Mon- 
 trose had passed close by him during the night, and eluded his grasp ; 
 but, to his utter amazement, not a trace of Montrose was to be seen 
 next morning. Chagrined at this unexpected disappointment, Baillie, 
 without waiting for his foot, galloped off at full speed to overtake Mon- 
 trose, and, with such celerity did he travel, that he was close upon 
 Montrose before the latter received notice of his approach. The whole 
 of Montrose's men, with the exception of a few sentinels, were now 
 stretched upon the ground, in a state of profound repose, and, so firmly 
 did sleep hold their exhausted frames in its grasp, that it was with the 
 utmost difficulty that they could be aroused from their slumbers, or 
 made sensible of their danger. The sentinels, it is said, had even to 
 prick some of them with their swords, before they could be awakened,* 
 and, when they at length succeeded in rousing the sleepers, they effected 
 a retreat, after some skirmishing, to the foot of the Grampians, about 
 three miles distant from their camp, and retired, thereafter, through 
 Glenesk into the interior without further molestation. 
 
 This memorable retreat is certainly one of the most extraordinary 
 events which occurred during the whole of Montrose's campaigns. Had 
 his men been quite fresh when they left Dundee Law, their escape, 
 under such an expert commander as Montrose, would have been iu no 
 
 » Montrose Riilivivui, p. G& 
 
RETURN OF MONTROSE TO THE SOUTH. 379 
 
 way singular; but to see a handful of men wlio had not enjoyed a 
 moment's repose for two days, who had performed a tedious march of 
 twenty miles during the night, and taken one of the most consider- 
 able towns in the kingdom, after a short struggle, and had, there- 
 after, given themselves up to intoxication, retire in good order before 
 a large and well appointed army at their very heels, and perform 
 another march of about sixty miles, without resting, is truly wonderful. 
 It is not therefore surprising, that some of the most experienced officers 
 in Britain, and in France and Germany, considered this retreat of 
 Montrose as the most splendid of all his achievements.* 
 
 Being now secure from all danger in the fastnesses of the Grampians, 
 Monti'ose allowed his men to refresh themselves for some days. Whilst 
 enjoying this necessary relaxation from the fatigues of the field, intelli- 
 gence was brought to Montrose that a division of the covenanting army, 
 under Hurry, was in full march on Aberdeen, with an intention of pro- 
 ceeding into Moray. Judging that an attack upon the possessions of 
 the Gordons would be one of Hurry's objects, Montrose dispatched 
 Lord Gordon with his horse to the north, for the purpose of assisting 
 his friends in case of attack. 
 
 It was not in the nature of Montrose to remain inactive for any 
 length of time, and an occurrence, of which he had received notice, 
 had lately taken place, which determined him to return a second time 
 to Dunkeld. This was the escape of Viscount Aboyne, and some 
 other noblemen and gentlemen, from Carlisle, and who, he was in- 
 formed, were on their way north to join him. Apprehensive that 
 they might be interrupted by Baillie's troops, he resolved to make a 
 diversion in their favour, and, by drawing off the attention of Baillie, 
 enable them the more effectually to elude observation. Leaving, 
 therefore, Macdonald, with about two hundred men, to beat up the 
 enemy in the neighboui'hood of Cupar Angus, Montrose proceeded, 
 with the remainder of his forces, consisting only of five hundred foot 
 and fifty horse, to Dunkeld, whence he marched to Crieff, which is 
 about seventeen miles west from Perth. It was not until he had arrived 
 at the latter town, that Baillie, who, after his pursuit of Montrose, had 
 returned to Perth with his army, heard of this movement. As Baillie 
 was sufficiently aware of the weakness of Montrose's force, and as he 
 was sure that, with such a great disparity, Montrose would not risk a 
 general engagement, he endeavoured to surprise him, in the hope, either 
 of cutting him off" entirely, or crippling him so effectually, as to prevent 
 him from again taking the field. He therefore left Perth during the 
 night of the seventh of April, with his whole army, consisting of two 
 thousand foot and five hundred horse, with the intention of falling upon 
 Montrose by break of day, before he should be aware of his presence ; 
 but Montrose's experience had taught liini tiic necessity of being always 
 
 * VVishart, p. 127, 
 
380 insroixY of the highlands. 
 
 upon his guard, when so near an enemy's camp, and, accordingly, lie 
 had drawn up his army, in anticipation of Baillie's advance, in such or- 
 der as would enable him eitlier to give battle or retreat. 
 
 As soon as he heard of Baillie's approach, Montrose advanced with 
 his horse to reconnoitre the enemy, and having ascertained their 
 strength and numbers, which were too formidable to be encountered with 
 his little band, brave as they were, he gave immediate orders to his foot 
 to retreat with speed up Stratherne, and to retire into the adjoining 
 passes. To prevent them from being harassed in their retreat by the 
 enemy's cavalry, Montrose covered their rear with his small body of horse, 
 with which he sustained a very severe attack, which he warmly repulsed, 
 and having killed several of the assailants, the rest were forced to retire 
 in disorder. After a march of about eight miles, Montrose's troops ar- 
 rived at the pass of Stratherne, of which they took immediate possession, 
 and Baillie thinking it useless to follow them into their retreat, disconti- 
 nued the pursuit, and retired back with his army towards Perth. Mon- 
 trose passed the night on the banks of Loch Erne, and marched next 
 morning through Balquidder, where he was joined, at the ford of Car- 
 dross, by the Viscount Aboyne, the Master of Napier, Hay of Dal- 
 getty, and Stirling of Keir, who, along with the earl of Nithsdale, Lord 
 Herries and others, had escaped from Carlisle, as before stated. 
 
 No sooner had Baillie returned from the pursuit of Montrose than 
 intelligence was brought to him that Macdonald, with the two hundred 
 men which Montrose had left with him, had burnt the town of Cupar- 
 Angus, — that he had wasted the lands of Lord Balmerinoch, — killed Pa- 
 trick Lindsay, the minister of Cupar, — and, finallj'-, after routing some 
 troopers of Lord Balcarras, killing some of them, and carrying off their 
 horses and arms, had fled to the hills. This occurrence, while it with- 
 drew the attention of Baillie from Montrose's future movements, enabled 
 the latter to proceed to the north without opposition. 
 
 Montrose had advanced as far as Loch Katrine, when a messenger 
 brought him intelligence that General Hurry was in the Enzie with a con- 
 siderable force, that he had been joined by some of the Moray-men, and, 
 after plundering and laying waste the country, was preparing to attack 
 Lord Gordon, who had not a sufficient force to oppose him. On re- 
 ceiving this information, Montrose resolved to proceed immediately to 
 the north to save the Gordons from the destruction which appeared to 
 hang over them, hoping that with such accessions of force as he might 
 obtain in his mai'ch, united with that under Lord Gordon, lie would 
 succeed in defeating Hurry before Baillie should be aware of his 
 movements. 
 
 He, therefore, returned through Balquidder, and marched with rapid 
 strides along the side of Loch Tay, and through Athole and Angus, 
 and crossing the Grampian hills, proceeded down the Strath of Glen- 
 muck. In his march, Montrose was joined by the Athole-men and the 
 
BATXr.E OF AULDEARN. 381 
 
 other Highlanders who had obtained, or rather taken, leave of absenco 
 after the battle of Inverlochy, and also by Macdonald and his party. 
 On arriving in the neighbourhood of Auchindoun, he was met by Lord 
 Gordon at the head of a thousand foot and two hundred horse. He 
 crossed the Dee on the first of May at the mill of Cruthie, and sent 
 Lord Aboyne, the same day, down Dee-side with eighty horse to Aber- 
 deen in quest of powder, of which his army stood in great want. His 
 lordship had the good fortune to find no less than twenty barrels of 
 powder in the ships which lay in the harbour, which he immediately 
 carried off with him to the army, which he joined the same night at 
 Skene, where Montrose had pitched his camp. * 
 
 Thus reinforced and well provided with ammunition, Montrose con- 
 tinued his march towards the Spey, and before Hurry was even aware 
 that he had crossed the Grampians, he found Montrose within six miles 
 of his camp. The sudden appearance of Montrose with such a supe- 
 rior force — for Hurry had only at this time about a thousand foot 
 and two hundred horse — greatly alarmed him, and raising his camp, he 
 crossed the Spey in great haste, with the intention of marching to In- 
 verness, where he would be joined by the troops of the garrison, and 
 receive large reinforcements from the neighbouring countries. Mon- 
 trose immediately pursued him, and followed close upon his heels suc- 
 cessively through Elgin and Forres, and for fourteen miles beyond the 
 latter, when, favoured by the darkness of the night. Hurry effected his 
 escape, with little loss, and arrived at Inverness. 
 
 The panic into which Hurry had been thrown soon gave way to a 
 very different feeling, as he found the earls of Seaforth and Sutherland 
 with their retainers, and the Clan-Fraser, and others from Moray and 
 Caithness, all assembled at Inverness, as he had directed. This acces- 
 sion of force increased his army to three thousand five hundred foot, 
 and four hundred horse. He, therefore, resolved to act on the offensive 
 by giving battle to Montrose immediately. 
 
 Montrose had taken up a position at the village of Auldearn, between 
 three and four miles from Nairn, on the morning after the pursuit. In 
 the course of the day, Hurry advanced with all his forces, including the 
 garrison of Inverness, towards Nairn, and, on approaching Auldearn, 
 formed his army in order of battle. Montrose's force, which had been 
 greatly weakened by the return of the Athole-men and other Highland- 
 ers, to defend their country from the depredations of Baillie's army, now 
 consisted of only fifteen hundred foot, and two hundred and fifty horse- 
 It was not, therefore, without great reluctance, that he resolved to risk 
 a battle with an enemy more than double in point of numbers, and com- 
 posed in great part of veteran troops ; but, pressed as he was by Hurry, 
 and in danger of being attacked in his rear by Baillie, who was advan- 
 
 * Spalding, vol. ii. p. 31G. 
 
382 HISTORY OF THE HIGHLANDS. 
 
 ding by forced marches to the north, he had no alternative but to haz- 
 ard a general engagement. He, therefore, instantly looked about him 
 for an advantageous position. 
 
 The village of Auldearn stands upon a height, behind which, or on 
 the east, is a valley, which is overlooked by a ridge of little eminences, 
 running in a northerly direction, and which almost conceals the valley 
 from view. In this hollow Montrose arranged his forces in order of 
 battle. Having formed them into two divisions, he posted the right 
 wing on the north of the village, at a place where there was a consider- 
 able number of dikes and ditches. This body, which consisted of four 
 hundred men, chiefly Irish, was placed under the command of Mac- 
 donald. On taking their stations, Montrose gave them strict injunc- 
 tions not to leave their position on any account, as they were effectually 
 protected by the walls around them, not only from the attacks of ca- 
 valry but of foot, and could, without much danger to themselves, keep 
 up a galling and destructive fire upon their assailants. In order to at- 
 tract the best troops of the enemy to this difficult spot where they could 
 not act, and to make them believe that Montrose commanded this wing, 
 he gave the royal standard to Macdonald, intending, when they should 
 get entangled among the bushes and dikes, with which the ground to the 
 right was covered, to attack them himself with his left wing. And to 
 enable him to do so the more effectually, he placed the whole of his 
 horse and the remainder of the foot on the left wing to the south of the 
 village. The former he committed to the charge of Lord Gordon, re- 
 serving the command of the latter to himself. After placing a few 
 chosen foot with some cannon in front of the village, under cover of 
 some dikes, Montrose firmly awaited the attack of the enemy. 
 
 The arrangements of Hurry were these. He divided his foot and his 
 horse into two divisions each. On the right wing of the main body 
 of the foot, which was commanded by Campbell of Lawers, Hurry 
 placed the regular cavalry which he had brought from the south, and on 
 the left the horse of Moray and the north under the charge of Captain 
 Drummond. The other division of foot was placed behind as a reserve 
 and commanded by Hurry himself. 
 
 When Hurry observed the singular position which Montrose Iiad 
 taken up, he was utterly at a loss to guess his designs, and thougli it 
 appeared to him, skilful as he was in the art of war, a most extraordi- 
 nary and novel sight, yet, from the well known character of Mon- 
 trose, he was satisfied that Montrose's arrangements were the result of 
 a deep laid scheme. But what especially excited the surprise of Hurry, 
 was the appearance of the large yellow banner or royal standard in the 
 midst of a small body of foot stationed among hedges and dikes and 
 stones, almost isolated from the horse and the main body of the foot. 
 To attack this party at the head of which he naturally supposed 
 Montrose was, was his first object. This was precisely what Mon- 
 trose had wished by committing the royal standard to the charge of 
 
BATTLE OF AULDEAKN. 383 
 
 Macdonald, and tlie snare proved successful. With the design of over- 
 whelming at once the right wing, Hurry dispatched towards it the best 
 of his horse and all his veteran troops, who made a furious attack upon 
 Macdonald's party, who defended themselves bravely behind the dikes 
 and bushes. The contest continued for sometime on the right with 
 varied success, and Hurry, who had plenty of men to spare, relieved 
 those who were engaged by fresh troops. Montrose, who kept a steady 
 eye upon the motions of the enemy, and watched a favourable oppor- 
 tunity for making a grand attack upon them with the left wing, was just 
 preparing to carry his design into execution, when a confidential person 
 suddenly rode up to him and whispered in his ear that the right wing 
 had been put to flight. 
 
 This intelligence was not, however, quite correct. It seems that Mac- 
 donald who, says Wishart, " was a brave enough man, but rather a 
 better soldier than a general, extremely violent, and daring even to 
 rashness," had been so provoked with the taunts and insults of the 
 enemy, that in spite of the express orders he had received from Mon- 
 trose on no account to leave his position, he had unwisely advanced 
 beyond it to attack the enemy, and though he had been several times 
 repulsed he returned to the charge. But he was at last borne down by 
 the great numerical superiority of the enemy's horse and foot, consisting 
 of veteran troops, and forced to retire in great disorder into an adjoin- 
 ing inclosure. Nothing, however, could exceed the admirable manner in 
 which he managed this retreat and the courage he displayed while lead- 
 ing off his men. Defending his body with a large target, he resisted, 
 single handed, the assaults of the enemy, and was the last man to leave 
 the field. So closely indeed was he pi'essed by Hurry's spearmen, that 
 some of them actually came so near him as to fix their spears in his 
 target, which he cut off by threes or fours at a time with his broadsword.* 
 
 It was during this retreat that Montrose received the intelligence of 
 the flight of the right wing ; but he preserved his usual presence of 
 mind, and to encourage his men who might get alarmed at hearing such 
 news, he thus addressed Lord Gordon, loud enough to be heard by his 
 troops, " what are we doing, my lord ? Our friend Macdonald has 
 routed the enemy on the right and is carrying all before him. Shall we 
 look on, and let him carry off the whole honour of the day ?" A crisis 
 had arrived, and not a moment was to be lost. Scarcely, therefore, were 
 the words out of Montrose's mouth, when he ordered his men to charge 
 the enemy. When his men were advancing to the charge. Captain or 
 Major Drummond, who commanded Hurry's horse, made an awkward 
 movement by wheeling about his men, and his horse coming in contact 
 witli the foot, broke their ranks and occasioned considerable confusion. 
 Lord Gordon seeing this, immediately, rushed in upon Drumraond's 
 horse with his party and put them to flight. Montrose followed hard 
 
 • Wishart, p. 130. 
 I. 3 c 
 
384 HISTORY OF THE HIGHLANDS. 
 
 with the foot, and attacked the main body of Hurry's army, whieli he 
 routed after a powerful resistance. The veterans in Hurry's army who 
 had served in Ireland, fought manfully, and chose rather to be cut down 
 standing in their ranks than retreat ; but the new levies from Moray, 
 Ross, Sutherland, and Caithness, fled in great consternation. They v/ere 
 pursued for several miles, and might have been all killed or captured if 
 Lord Aboyne had not, by an unnecessary display of ensigns and stand- 
 ards, which he had taken from the enemy, attracted the notice of the 
 pursuers, who halted for sometime under the impression that a fresh 
 party of the enemy was coming up to attack them. In this way, Hurry 
 and some of his troops who were the last to leave the field of battle, as 
 well as the other fugitives, escaped from the impending danger, and arrived 
 at Inverness the following morning. As the loss of this battle was mainly 
 owing to Captain Drummond, he was tried by a court-martial at In- 
 verness and condemned to be shot, a sentence which was carried into 
 immediate execution. He was accused of having betrayed the army, 
 and it is said that he admitted that after the battle had commenced 
 he had spoken with the enemy.* 
 
 The number of killed on both sides has been variously stated. That 
 on the side of the covenantees has been reckoned by one writer at one 
 thousandjf by another;}; at two thousand, and by a third at three thou- 
 sand men. II Montrose on the other hand, is said by the first of these 
 authors to have lost about two hundred men, while the second says, 
 that he had only " some twenty-four gentlemen hurt, and some few Irish 
 killed," and Wishart informs us that Montrose only missed one private 
 man on the left, and that the right wing commanded by Macdonald, 
 " lost only fourteen private men." This trifling loss, on the part of 
 Montrose, will appear almost incredible, and makes us incline to think 
 that it must have been greatly underrated, for it is impossible to conceive 
 that the right wing could have maintained the arduous struggle it did 
 without a large sacrifice of life. The clans who had joined Hurry suf- 
 fered considerably, particularly the Frazers, who, besides unmarried 
 men, are said to have left dead on the field no less than eighty-seven 
 married men. Among the principal covenanting officers who were 
 slain, were Colonel Campbell of Lawers, and Sirs John and Gideon 
 Murray, and Colonel James Campbell, with several other officers of 
 inferior note. The laird of Lawer's brother, Archibald Campbell, and a 
 few other officers were taken prisoners. Captain Macdonald and 
 William Macpherson of Invereschie, were the only persons of any 
 note killed on Montrose's side. Montrose took several prisoners, whom, 
 with the wounded, he treated with great kindness. Such of the former 
 as expressed their sorrow for having joined the ranks of the covenanters 
 he released — others who were disposed to join him he received into his 
 army, but such as remained obstinate he imprisoned. Besides taking 
 
 • Gordon's Ccntinaation, p. 525. -f Gordon of Sallagh. \ Spalding. || Wishart. 
 
BATTLE OF ATII.DEAnV. 385 
 
 sixteen standards from the enemy, Montrose got possession of the 
 whole of their baggage, provisions, and ammunition, and a consider- 
 able quantity of money and valuable effects. The battle of Auldearn 
 was fought on the fourth of May according to some writers, and on the 
 ninth according to others, in the year sixteen hundred and forty-five. 
 
 The immense disproportion between the numbers of the slain, on tlie 
 side of the covenanters, and that of the prisoners, taken by Montrose, 
 evidently shows that very little quarter had been given, the cause of which 
 's said to have been the murder of James Gordon, younger of Rhiny, who 
 was killed by a party from the garrison of Spynie, and by some of the in- 
 habitants of Elgin at Struders, near Forres, where he had been left in 
 consequence of a severe wound he had received in a skirmish during 
 Hurry's first retreat to Inverness.* But Montrose carried his revenge 
 still farther, for, after burning the lands and houses of Campbell of 
 Calder, and plundering all his effects, as well as those of the earl of 
 Moray, who was then in England, he proceeded to Elgin, where, on 
 the twelfth of May, he burnt the houses of Walter Smith, John Mill, 
 John Douglas of Morristoun, and Alexander Douglas, some of whom, 
 with some of their sons, were concerned in James Gordon's murder. 
 The houses of Robert Gibson, George Donaldson, and George Suther- 
 land, and other inhabitants of Elgin, from their proximity to those put 
 on fire, were seized upon by the flames, and consumed. The houses of 
 Hay, the provost, and Gawin Douglas were also selected for destruction, 
 but their safety was secured by the payment of a sum of money. The 
 property, called the Friars of Elgin, was plundered, but, " being church 
 building," says Spalding, was preserved from fire. The house belong- 
 ing to the laird of Pluscarden, in Elgin, was also plundered. From 
 Elgin, Montrose sent out a party to the town of Garmouth, belonging 
 to the laird of Innes, which they burnt, and another party burnt the 
 Bishop's Mill and Milltoun, life-rented by the wife of Major Suther- 
 land, who had been also concerned in James Gordon's death.f 
 
 While these proceedings were going on, Montrose sent his whole 
 baggage, booty, and warlike stores, across the Spey, which he himself 
 crossed upon the fourteenth of May, after which he proceeded to the Bog 
 of Gicht, where he did not remain long, but went to Birkenbog, the 
 seat of " a great covenanter," where he took up his head quarters. He 
 quartered his men in the neighbourhood, and, during a short stay at 
 Birkenbog, he sent out different parties of his troops to scour the coun- 
 try, who burnt the town of CuUen, and such of the lands belonging to 
 Lord Frendraught as had formerly escaped their ravages. A party of 
 men, under the command of Leith of Harthill, also burnt the town and 
 lands of Thombeg, belonging to the laird of Monymusk, and occupied 
 by William Forbes, his tenant, because Forbes had robbed Leith's ser- 
 vaiit of his baggage horse, and some money. J 
 
 * Gi'icltm's Coiilimiiitiim, p. 525. f Spalding, vol. ii. p. 320. 
 
 t Ibid., vol. ii. p. :m. 
 
386 HISTORY OF THE HIGHLANDS. 
 
 When General Baillie first heard of the defeat of his colleague, Hurry, 
 at Auldearn, he was lying at Cromar with his army. He had, in the 
 beginning of May, after Montrose's departure to the noi'th, entered 
 Athole, which he had wasted with fire and sword, and had made an 
 attempt upon the strong castle of Blair, into which many of the prison- 
 ers taken at the battle of Inverlochy were confined ; but, not succeed- 
 ing in his enterprize, he had, after collecting an immense booty, march- 
 ed through Athole, and, passing by Kirriemuir and Fettercairn, had en- 
 camped on the Birse on the tenth of May. His force at this time 
 amounted to about two thousand foot and one hundred and twenty 
 troopers. On the following day, he had marched to Cromar, where he 
 encamped between the Kirks of CouU and Tarlan till he should 
 be joined by Lord Balcarras' horse regiment. While lying at Cromar, 
 he laid waste the estates of the royalists in the neighbourhood, and 
 burnt the house of Terpersie, belonging to a gentleman of the name of 
 Gordon.* In a short time, he was joined not only by Balcarras' regi- 
 ment but by two foot regiments. The ministers endeavoured to induce 
 the country people also to join Baillie, by " thundering out of pulpits ; " 
 but " they lay still," says Spalding, " and would not follow him." 
 
 As soon as Baillie heard of the defeat of Hurry, he raised his camp 
 at Cromar, upon the ninteenth of May, and hurried north. He arrived 
 at the wood of Cochlarachie, within two miles of Strathbogie, before 
 Montrose was aware of his approach. Here he was joined by Hurry, 
 who, with some horse from Inverness, had passed themselves off as be- 
 longing to Lord Gordon's party, and had thus been permitted to go 
 through Montrose's lines without opposition. 
 
 It was on the nineteenth of May, when lying at Birkenbog, that Mon- 
 trose received the intelligence of Baillie's arrival in the neighbourhood of 
 Strathbogie. Although Montrose's men had not yet wholly recovered 
 from the fatigues of their late extraordinary march and subsequent la- 
 bours ; and although their numbers had been reduced since the battle of 
 Auldearn by the departure of some of the Highlanders with the booty 
 they had acquired, they felt no disinclination to engage the enemy, but, ov 
 the contrary, were desirous of coming to immediate action. But Mon- 
 trose himself thought differently ; for although he had the utmost confi- 
 dence in the often tried courage of his troops, he judged more expedient to 
 avoid an engagement at present, and to retire, in the meantime, into his 
 fastnesses to recruit his exhausted strength, than risk another battle with a 
 fresh force, greatly superior to his own. In order to deceive the enemy as 
 to his intentions, he advanced, the same day, upon Srathbogie, and, within 
 view of their camp, began to make entrenchments, and raise fortifications, 
 as if preparing to defend himself But as soon as the darkness of the night 
 prevented Baillie from discovering his motions, Montrose marched rapidly 
 up the south side of the Spey with his foot, leaving his horse behind him, 
 
 * Spalding, ii. p. 318, 
 
MONTROSE KETUUNS TO THE SOUTH. 387 
 
 to whom he gave instructions to follow him as soon as daylight began to 
 appear, which instructions were punctually obeyed. 
 
 Baillie had passed the night in the confident expectation of a battle 
 next day ; but he was surprised to learn the following morning that not a 
 vestige of Montrose's army was to be seen. Montrose had taken the 
 route to Balveny, which having been ascertained by Baillie, he imme- 
 diately prepared to follow him. He, accordingly, crossed the Spey, and, 
 after a rapid march, almost overtook the retiring foe in Glenlivet ; but 
 Montrose, having outdistanced his pursuers by several miles before night 
 came on, he got the start of them so completely, that they were quite at 
 a loss next morning to ascertain the route he had taken, and could only 
 guess at it by observing the traces of his footsteps on the grass and the 
 heather over which he had passed. Following, therefore, the course 
 thus pointed out, Baillie came again in sight of Montrose ; but he found 
 that he had taken up a position, which, whilst it almost defied approach 
 from its rocky and woody situation, commanded the entrance into 
 Badenoch, from which country Montrose could, without molestation, 
 draw supplies of both men and provisions. To attack Montrose in 
 his stronghold was out of the question ; but, in the hope of withdrawing 
 him from it, Baillie encamped his army hard by. Montrose lay quite 
 secure in his well-chosen position, from which he sent out parties who, 
 skirmishing by day, and beating up the quarters of the enemy during the 
 night, so harassed and frightened them, that they were obliged to retreat 
 to Inverness, after a stay of a few days, a measure which was rendered 
 still more necessary from the want of provisions and of provender for the 
 horses. Leaving Inverness, Baillie crossed the Spey, and proceeded to 
 Aberdeenshire, and arrived on the third of June at Newton, in the 
 Garioch, " where he encamped, destroying the country, and cutting the 
 green growing crops to the very clod."* So bold had the Gordons and 
 other royalists lately become, in consequence of Montrose's success, that, in 
 passing through Strathbogie on this occasion, Baillie was considerably 
 annoyed by small parties who hung upon and harassed his rear ; but he 
 did not retaliate as he might have done. 
 
 Having got quit of the presence of Baillie's armj^, Montrose resolved 
 to make a descent into Angus, and attack the earl of Crawford, who lay 
 at the castle of Newtyle with an army of reserve to support Baillie, and 
 to prevent Montrose from crossing the Foi'th, and carrying the war into 
 the south. This nobleman, who stood next to Argyle, as head of the 
 covenanters, had often complained to the estates against Argyle, whose 
 rival he was, for his inactivity and pusillanimity ; and having insinuated 
 that he would have acted a very different part had the command of such 
 an army, as Argyle had, been intrusted to him, he had the address to 
 obtain the command of the army now under him, which had been newly 
 raised ; but the earl was without military experience, and quite unfit to 
 cope for a moment with Montrose. 
 
 » Spalding, ii. 3H. 
 
388 HISTORY OF THE HIGHLANDS. 
 
 Proceeding through Badenoch, Montrose crossed the Grampians, and 
 arrived by rapid marches on the banks of the river Airly, within seven 
 miles of Crawford's camp, before the latter was aware of his approach. He 
 would have assuredly annihilated Crawford's army, which he was prepar- 
 ing to attack, but an unexpected occurrence put an end to his design. 
 This was the desertion of the Gordons and their friends, who almost all 
 returned to their country. Intelligence, it would appear, had been re- 
 ceived by them that Baillie was laying waste their lands, to protect 
 which, they appear to have adopted the resolution of returning home to 
 defend their possessions ; but Lord Gordon was very indignant at their 
 conduct, and it is said that he would have punished with death such of 
 his own retainers as left the army, had not Montrose prevented him.* 
 
 The desertion of this part of his forces forced Montrose to abandon 
 the idea of attacking Crawford ; but the disappointment, instead of limit- 
 ing his operations, only served to incite him to follow out more extended 
 views. He now formed the resolution to attack Baillie himself, but be- 
 fore he could venture on such a bold step, he saw that there was an ab- 
 solute necessity of making some additions to his force. With this view 
 he sent Sir Nathaniel Gordon, an influential cavalier, into the north be- 
 fore him, to raise the Gordons and the other royalists ; and, on his 
 march north through Glenshee and the Braes of Mar, Montrose dis- 
 patched Macdonald into the remoter highlands with a party to bring 
 him, as speedily as" possible, all the forces he could. Judging that the 
 influence and authority of Lord Gordon might greatly assist Sir Natha- 
 niel, he sent him after him, and Montrose himself encamped in the 
 country of Cromar, waiting for the expected reinforcements. 
 
 In the meantime, Baillie lay in camp on Dee-side in the lower 
 Mar, where he was joined by Crawford, but he showed no dispo- 
 sition to attack Montrose, who, from the inferiority, in point of number, 
 of his forces, retired to the old castle of Kargarf. Crawford did not, how- 
 ever, remain long with Baillie ; but, exchanging a thousand of his raw 
 recruits for a similar number of Baillie's veterans, he returned with these, 
 and the remainder of his army, through the Mearns into Angus, as it 
 he intended some mighty exploit ; he, thereafter, entered Athole, and in 
 imitation of Argyle, plundered and burnt the country. 
 
 Raising his camp, Baillie marched towards Strathbogie to lay siege 
 to the marquis of Huntly's castle, the Bog of Gicht, now Gordon cas- 
 tle ; but although Montrose had not yet received any reinforcements, he re- 
 resolved to follow Baillie and prevent him from proceeding in his intended 
 attack upon the castle. But Montrose had marched scarcely three 
 miles when he was observed by Baillie's scouts. Being desirous to 
 know his strength and the position he occupied, Montrose sent out some 
 men acquainted with the country to examine the enemy's force at a dis- 
 tance. These speedily returned with information that Baillie's foot 
 
 » Wishart, p. 142. 
 
BATTLE OF ALFORD. 389 
 
 wero drawn up on a rising ground above Keith, about two miles off, 
 and that tlieir horse were in possession of a very narrow pass, about 
 half way between the two armies. Montrose thereupon sent off a body 
 of horse, along with some light musketeers to support them. Some 
 slight skirmishing took place, after which, Baillie's horse retired through 
 the pass, but as it was well guarded by musketeers, Montrose's horse 
 did not venture to follow them. He, therefore, ordered forward his foot to 
 drive them from their position, but, night coming on, they were prevented 
 from proceeding. Next morning Montrose, not considering it advisable 
 to attack Baillie in the strong position he occupied, sent a trumpeter 
 to him offering to engage him on open ground, but Baillie answered the 
 hostile message by saying, that lie would not receive ordei-s for fighting 
 from his enemy.* 
 
 In this situation of matters, Montrose had recourse to stratagy to 
 draw Baillie from his stronghold. By retiring across the river Don 
 near the castle of Druminnor, belonging to Lord Forbes, the covenant- 
 ing general was led to believe that Montrose intended to march to the 
 south, and he was, therefore, advised by a committee of the estates 
 which always accompanied him, and in whose hands he appears to have 
 been a mere passive instrument, to pursue Montrose. Leaving therefore 
 the ground from which Montrose could not dislodge him by force, he 
 followed Montrose, and was thus led into the very snare which had been 
 laid for him by his expert adversary. As soon as Montrose's scouts 
 brought intelligence that Baillie was advancing, he set off by break of 
 day to the village of Alford on the river Don, where he intended to 
 await the enemy. When Baillie was informed of this movement, he 
 imagined that Montrose was in full retreat before him, a supposition 
 which encouraged him so to hasten his march, that he came up with 
 Montrose at noon at the distance of a few miles from Alford. Montrose, 
 thereupon, drew up his army in order of battle on an advantageous rising 
 ground and waited for the enemy; but instead of attacking him, 
 Baillie made a detour to the left with the intention of getting into Mon- 
 trose's rear and cutting off his retreat. Montrose then continued his 
 march to Alford, where he passed the night. 
 
 On the following morning being the second day of July, sixteen hun- 
 dred and forty-five, the two armies were only the distance of aliout 
 four miles from each other. Montrose drew up his troops on a little hill 
 behind the village of Alford. In his rear was a marsh full of ditches 
 and pits, which would protect him from the inroads of Baillie's cavalry 
 should they attempt to assail his rear, and in his front stood a steep hill, 
 which prevented the enemy from observing his motions. He gave the 
 command of the right wing to Lord Gordon and Sir Nathaniel ; the 
 left he committed to Viscount Aboyne and Sir William RoUock ; and 
 the main body was put under the charge of Angus Macvichalaster, chief 
 
 * Wibhnrt, p. 145. 
 
390 HISTORY OF THE HIGHLANDS. 
 
 of the .Macdonell's of Glengarry, Drummond younger of Balloch, and 
 Quarter-master George Graham, a skilful officer. To Napier his nephew, 
 Montrose intrusted a body of reserve, which was concealed behind the hill. 
 After thus choosing his ground and making his dispositions, Mon- 
 trose himself, at the head of a troop of horse, rode off to watch the move- 
 ments of the enemy, and while examining the fords of the Don, intelli- 
 gence was brought to him that the whole of the enemy's forces were in 
 rapid motion up the river to possess themselves of a ford about a mile 
 above Alford, at which they meant to cross with the view of cutting off 
 his retreat, as they still supposed that he was flying before them. Leav- 
 ing therefore some of the horse to notice the motions of the enemy, 
 Montrose returned to his army to give the necessary orders for battle. 
 
 Scarcely, however, had Montrose completed his arrangements, when 
 the troop of horse he had left near the ford returned in full gallop with 
 intelligence that the enemy had crossed the Don, and was moving in the 
 direction of Alford. This was a fatal step on the part of Baillie, who, it 
 is said, was forced into battle by the rashness of Lord Balcarras, who 
 unnecessarily placed himself and his regiment in a position of such 
 danger that they could not be rescued without exposing the whole of 
 the covenanting army.* 
 
 When Baillie arrived in the valley adjoining the hill on which Mon- 
 trose had taken up his position, both armies remained motionless for 
 some time, viewing each other, as if unwilling to begin the combat. 
 Owing to the commanding position which Montrose occupied, the cove- 
 nanters could not expect to gain any thing by attacking him even with 
 superior forces ; but now, for the first time, the number of the respec- 
 tive armies was about equal, and Montrose had this advantage over his 
 adversary, that while Baillie's army consisted in part of the raw and un- 
 disciplined levies which the earl of Crawford had exchanged for some of 
 his veteran troops, the greater pax-t of Montrose's men had been long 
 accustomed to service. These circumstances determined Baillie not to 
 attempt the ascent of the hill, but to remain in the valley, where, in 
 the event of a descent by Montrose, his superiority in cavalry would 
 give him the advantage. 
 
 This state of inaction was, however, soon put an end to by Lord 
 Gordon, who observing a party of Baillie's troops driving away before 
 them a large quantity of cattle which they had collected in Strathbogie 
 and the Enzie, and being desirous of recovering the property of his 
 countrymen, selected a body of horse, with which he attempted a rescue. 
 The assailed party was protected by some dikes and inclosures, from be- 
 hind which they fired a volley upon the Gordons, of whom the horse led 
 by Lord Gordon was composed, which did considerable execution 
 amongst them. Such a cool and determined reception, attended with a 
 result so disastrous and unexpected, might have been attended by dan- 
 
 * Wishart, p. 147. 
 
BATTLE OF ALFORD. 391 
 
 gerous consequences, had not Montrose, on observing the party of 
 Lord Gordon giving indications as if undetermined how to act, re- 
 solved immediately to commence a general attack upon the enemy 
 with his whole army. But as Baillie's foot had entrenclied themselves 
 amongst the dikes and fences which covered the ground at the bottom 
 of the hill, and could not be attacked in that position with success, 
 Montrose immediately ordered the horse, who were engaged with the 
 enemy, to retreat to their former position, in the expectation that Baillie's 
 troops would leave their ground and follow them. And in this hope 
 he was not disappointed, for the covenanters thinking that this move- 
 ment of the horse was merely the prelude to a retreat, advanced from 
 their secure position and followed the supposed fugitives with their whole 
 horse and foot in regular order. 
 
 Both armies now came to close quarters, and fought face to face and 
 man to man with great obstinacy for some time, without either party 
 receding from the ground they occupied. At length Sir Nathaniel 
 Gordon, growing impatient at such a protracted resistance, resolved 
 to cut his way through the enemy's left wing, consisting of Lord Bal- 
 carras' regiment of horse ; and calling to the light musketeers who lined 
 his horse, he ordered them to throw aside their muskets, which were 
 now unnecessary, and to attack the enemy's horse with their drawn 
 swords. This order was immediately obeyed, and in a short time they 
 cut a passage through the ranks of the enemy, whom they hewed down 
 with great slaughter. When the horse which composed Baillie's right 
 Aving, and which had been kept in check by Lord Aboyne, perceived that 
 their left had given way, they also retreated.* An attempt was made 
 by the covenanting general to rally his left wing by bringing up the 
 right, after it had retired, to its support, but they were so alarmed at 
 the spectacle or melee which they had just witnessed on the left, where 
 their comrades had been cut down by the broad swords of Montrose's 
 musketeers, that they could not be induced to take the place of their 
 retiring friends. 
 
 Thus abandoned by the horse, Baillie's foot were attacked on all sides 
 by Montrose's forces. They fought with uncommon bravery, and al- 
 though they were cut down in great numbers, the survivors exhibited 
 a perseverance and determination to resist to the last extremity. An 
 accident now occurred, which, whilst it threw a melancholy gloom over 
 the fortunes of the day, and the spirits of Montrose's men, served to 
 hasten the work of carnage and death. This was the fall of Lord Gor- 
 don, who having incautiously rushed in amongst the thickest of the 
 enemy, was unfortunately shot dead when in the act of pulling Baillie, 
 the covenanting general, from his horse, having, it is said, in a moment 
 of exultation, promised to his men, to drag Baillie out of the ranks and 
 present him before them. Tlie Gordons, on perceiving their young 
 
 » Wis hart, p. 149. 
 I. 3 u 
 
392 HISTORY OF THE HIGHLANDS. 
 
 chief fall, set no bounds to their fury, and falling upon the enemy with 
 renewed vigour, hewed them down without mercy ; yet these brave 
 men still showed no disposition to flee, and it was not until the appear- 
 ance of the reserve under the Master of Napier, which had hitherto been 
 kept out of the view of the enemy at the back of the hill, that their 
 courage began to fail them. But when this body began to descend the hill, 
 accompanied by what appeared to them a fresh reinforcement of cavalry, 
 but which consisted merely of the camp or livery boys, who had mounted 
 the sumpter-horses to make a display for the purpose of alarming the 
 enemy, the entire remaining body of the covenanting foot fled with 
 precipitation. A hot pursuit took place, and so great was the slaughter 
 that very few of them escaped. The covenanting-general and his prin- 
 cipal oflRcers were saved by the fleetness of their horses, and the mar- 
 quis of Argyle, who had accompanied Baillie as a member of the com- 
 mittee, and who was closely pursued by Glengarry and some of his 
 Highlanders, made a narrow escape by repeatedly changing horses. 
 
 Thus ended one of the best contested battles which Montrose had 
 yet fought, yet strange as the fact may appear, his loss was, as usual, 
 extremely trifling. Besides Lord Gordon, were killed, Mowat of Bal- 
 wholly, Ogilvy of Milton, and one Dickson, an Irish captain, and a few 
 privates. A considerable number, however, of Montrose's men were 
 wounded, particularly the Gordons, who, for a long time, sustained the 
 attacks of Balcarras' horse, amongst whom were Sir Nathaniel, and 
 Gordon, younger of Gicht.* The loss on the side of the covenanters 
 was immense ; by far the greater part of their foot, and a considerable 
 number of their cavalry having been slain. Some prisoners were taken 
 from them, but their number was small, owing to their obstinacy in re- 
 fusing quarter. These were sent to Strathbogie under an escort. 
 
 The victory, brilliant as it was, was, however, clouded by the death of 
 Lord Gordon, " a very hopeful young gentleman, able of mind and 
 body, about the age of twenty-eight years." f Wishart gives an af. 
 fecting description of the feelings of Montrose's army when this amiable 
 young nobleman was killed. " There was," he says, " a general la- 
 mentation for the loss of the Lord Gordon, whose death seemed to 
 eclipse all the glory of the victory. As the report spread among the 
 soldiers, every one appeared to be struck dumb with the melancholy 
 news, and a universal silence prevailed for some time through the ar- 
 my. However, their grief soon burst through all restraint, venting it- 
 self in the voice of lamentation and sorrow. When the first transports 
 were over, the soldiers exclaimed against heaven and earth for bereav- 
 ing the king, the kingdom, and themselves, of such an excellent young 
 nobleman ; and, unmindful of the victory or of the plunder, they 
 thronged about the body of their dead captain, some weeping over his 
 wounds and kissing his lifeless limbs ; while others praised his comely 
 
 » Gordon's Continuation, p. 526. t Ibid. 
 
BATTLE OF ALFOUD. 393 
 
 appearance even in death, and extolled his noble mind, which was en- 
 riched with every valuable qualification that could adorn his high birth 
 or ample fortune : they even cursed the victory bought at so dear a rate. 
 Nothing could have supported the army under this immense sorrow but 
 the presence of Montrose, whose safety gave them joy, and not a little 
 revived their drooping spirits. In the meantime he could not command 
 his grief, but mourned bitterly over the melancholy fate of his only and 
 dearest friend, grievously complaining, that one who was the honour of 
 his nation, the ornament of the Scots nobility, and the boldest assertor 
 of the royal authority in the north, had fallen in the flower of his 
 youth." * 
 
 » Memoirs, p. 132. 
 
CHAPTER XVIII. 
 
 Retreat of General Baillie and the Committee of Estates to Stirling — March of Mon- 
 trose to Aberdeen — Interment of Lord Gordon — Buchan laid under assessment by 
 Montrose — The Parliament meets at Perth, and orders a lev)' — Advance of Montrose 
 to the south — Joined by the Athole Highlanders, the Macdonalds, Macleans, and other 
 Clans — Crosses the Tay, and encamps at Amulree — Removes to the wood of Methven 
 — Retreats to Little Dunkeld, where he is joined by the Earls of Aboyne and Airly — 
 Advances to Logie Almond — Baillie retires to Kilgraston — March of Montrose to- 
 wards Stirling — Castle Campbell burnt by the Macleans — Mansions of Menstrie and 
 Airthrie burnt by Argj'le — Progress of the hostile armies — Battle of Kilsjth — Entry 
 of Montrose into Glasgow — Encamps on Bothwell Moor — Submission of the Nobility 
 and the western shires — Communications with the King — Montrose appointed Lieu- 
 tenant Governor of Scotland — Battle of Philiphaugh, 
 
 The successive victories of Montrose, in Scotland, were more than 
 counterbalanced by those of the parliamentary forces in England. Un- 
 der different circumstances, the success at Alford might have been at- 
 tended with consequences the most important to the royal cause ; but 
 the defeat of the king, on the fourteenth of June, at Naseby, had raised 
 the hopes of the covenanters, and prepared their minds to receive the 
 tidings of Baillie's defeat with coolness and moderation. 
 
 Upon the day on which the battle of Alford was fought, the parlia- 
 ment had adjourned to Stirling from Edinburgh, on account of a de- 
 structive pestilence which had reached the capital from Newcastle, by 
 way of Kelso. Thither General Baillie, Lord Balcarras, and the committee 
 of estates, which had accompanied the covenanting army, repaired, to lay 
 a statement of the late disaster before the parliament, and to receive 
 instructions as to their future conduct. They arrived just as the parliament 
 was about sitting, and, with the exception of Baillie, were well received. 
 Balcarras, who had particularly distinguished himself in the battle at 
 the head of his horse, received a vote of thanks, and a similar acknow- 
 ledgment was, after some hesitation, awarded to Baillie, notwithstand- 
 ing some attempts made to prejudice the parliament against him. But 
 the fact was, they could not dispense in the present emergency with an 
 officer of the military talents of Baillie, who, instead of shrinking from 
 responsibility for the loss of the battle of Alford, offered to stand trial 
 before a court martial, and to justify his conduct on that occasion. To 
 have withheld therefore, the usual token of approbation from him, while 
 bestowing it upon an inferior officer, would have been to affix a stigma 
 upon him which he M^as not disposed to brook consistently with the re- 
 tention of the command of the army ; and as the parliament resolved to 
 
REMOVAL OF THE PARLIAMENT TO TERTH. 395 
 
 renew his commission, by ap^jointing liim to the command of the army 
 then concentrating at Perth, they afterwards professed their unqualified 
 satisfaction with him. 
 
 After the battle of Alford, the army of Montrose was considerably 
 diminished, in consequence of the Highlanders, according to custom, 
 taking leave of absence, and returning home with the spoil they had 
 taken from the enemy. This singular, though ordinary practice, contri- 
 buted more to paralyze the exertions of Montrose, and to prevent him 
 from following up his successes, than any event which occurred in the 
 whole course of his campaigns, and it may appear strange that Montrose 
 did not attempt to put an end to it ; but the tenure by which he held 
 the services of these hardy mountaineers being that they should be al- 
 lowed their wonted privileges, any attempt to deviate from their esta- 
 blished customs would have been an inniiediate signal for desertion. 
 
 As it would have been imprudent in Montrose, with forces thus im- 
 paired, to have followed the fugitives, who would receive fresh succours 
 from the south, he, after allowing his men some time to refresh them- 
 selves, mai'ched to Aberdeen, where he celebrated the funeral obsequies 
 of his valued friend. Lord Gordon, with becoming dignity. 
 
 The district of Buchan, in Aberdeenshire, which, from its outlying 
 situation, had hitherto escaped assessment for the supply of the hostile 
 armies, was at this time subjected to the surveillance of Montrose, who 
 dispatched a party from Aberdeen into that country to collect all the 
 horses they could find for the use of his army, and also to obtain re- 
 cruits. About the same time, the marquis of Huntly, who had been living 
 in Strathnaver for some time, having heard of the death of his eldest 
 son. Lord Gordon, meditated a return to his own country, intending to 
 throw the influence of his name and authority into the royal scale. But 
 as he might be exposed to danger in passing through countries M'hich 
 were hostile to the royal cause, it was arranged between Montrose and 
 the Viscount Aboyne, who had just been created an earl, that the lat- 
 ter should proceed to Strathnaver, with a force of two thousand men to 
 escort his father south. This expedition was, however, abandoned, in 
 consequence of intelligence having been brought to Montrose that the 
 covenanters were assembling in great strength at Perth. 
 
 The Parliament which, as we have seen, had left Edinburgh, and 
 gone to Stirling on account of the pestilence, had been obliged, in con- 
 sequence of its appearance in Stirling, to adjourn to Perth, where it 
 was to meet on the twenty-fourth of July ; but before leaving Stirling, 
 they ordered a levy of 10,000 foot to be raised in the shires to the 
 south of the Tay, each of which shires was to furnish a proportionate 
 number of men ; and to insure due obedience to this mandate, all 
 noblemen, gentlemen, and heritors, were required to attend at Perth on 
 or before that day well mounted, and to bring with them such forces as 
 they could raise, under a heavy penalty. * 
 
 » Guthrie's Memoirs, p. 150. 
 
396 HISTORY OF THE HIGHLANDS. 
 
 On leaving Aberdeen, Montrose took up his quarters at Crabston, 
 situated a few miles from Aberdeen, between the rivers Don and Dee, 
 where he remained for some time in the expectation of being joined by 
 reinforcements from the Highlands under Major-General Macdonald, 
 who had been absent about two months from the army in quest of re- 
 cruits ; but as these expected succours did not arrive within the time 
 expected, Montrose, impatient of delay, crossed the Dee, and marching 
 over the Grampians, descended into the Mearns, and pitched his camp at 
 Fordoun in Kincardineshire, celebrated for being the burial place of 
 St Palladius, and the birth place of Joannes a Fordun, author of the 
 Scoti-Chronicon. From thence he dispatched a message to the earl of 
 Aboyne, who was at the time in Aberdeen, to join him with such forces 
 as he had been able to raise. This order the earl immediately obeyed, 
 but on his arrival at the camp with a very small party, Montrose im- 
 mediately sent him back to the north with instructions to levy additional 
 troops. 
 
 Proceeding on his march through Angus and Blair Gowrie to Dun- 
 keld, Montrose had the good fortune to be successively joined by his 
 cousin, Patrick Graham of Inchbrakie, at the head of the brave Athole 
 Highlanders, and by Macdonald his major-general, who brought with 
 him the chief of the Macleans, and about seven hundred of that clan, 
 all animated by a strong feeling of animosity against Argyle and his 
 partizans. He was also joined by John Muidartach, the celebrated 
 captain of the Clanranald, at the head of five hundred of his men ; by 
 the Macgregors and Macnabs, headed by their respective chieftains ; by 
 the Clandonald, under the command of the uncles of Glengarry and 
 other officers, Glengarry himself, " who," says Bishop Wishart, " de- 
 serves a singular commendation for his bravery and steady loyalty to 
 the king, and his peculiar attachment to Montrose," * having never 
 left Montrose since he joined him at the time of his expedition into 
 Argyle. Besides all these, the Stewarts of Appin, some of the Far- 
 quharsons of Braemar, and small parties of inferior clans from Bade- 
 noch, rallied round the standard of Montrose. 
 
 Having obtained these timeous reinforcements, Montrose now formed 
 the design of marching upon Perth, and breaking up the parliament 
 which had there assembled, and thereafter of proceeding to the south, 
 and dissipating the levies which were raising beyond the Tay. But 
 the want of cavalry, an arm in which he was constantly deficient, 
 formed a bar to this plan, and Montrose was, therefore, obliged to defer 
 his project till he should be joined by the earls of Aboyne and Airly, 
 whom he expected soon with a considerable body of horse. In the 
 meantime, Montrose crossed the Tay at Dunkeld, and encamped at 
 Amulree. The covenanting army, with the exception of the garrison 
 of Perth, was then lying on the south side of the Erne, and a body of 
 
 * Memoirs, p. 155. 
 
RETREAT OF MONTROSE TO DUNKET.D. 397 
 
 four hundred horse was posted near the town, for the protection of the 
 estates or parliament. 
 
 This movement, on the part of Montrose, created some alarm in the 
 minds of the covenanters, which was greatly increased by a report from 
 their horse, stationed in the neighbourhood of the town, who, seeing 
 some of his scouts approach it, had fancied that he was going to storm it' 
 While this panic was at its height, Montrose, who had no intention of 
 attacking the town, raised his camp, and took up a position in the wood 
 of Methven, about five miles from Perth. During this movement, the 
 town was thrown into a state of the greatest consternation, from an ap- 
 prehension that Montrose was about to attack it, and the nobility and 
 the other members of the parliament were earnestly solicited to secure 
 their safety by a speedy flight, but the estates remained firm, and could 
 not be persuaded to abandon their posts. In order, if possible, still farther 
 to increase the panic in the town, Montrose advanced almost to the very 
 gates of Perth with his horse the following day, which, although not 
 exceeding a hundred, were made to appear formidable by the addition 
 of the baggage-horses, on which some musketeers were mounted. This 
 act of bold defiance magnified the fears of those who were in the town, 
 and made them imagine that Montrose was well provided in cavalry. 
 The covenanting troops, therefore, were afraid to venture beyond the 
 gates ; and Montrose having thus easily accomplished his object, was 
 encouraged, still farther, to cross the Erne at Dupplin, when he openly 
 reconnoitred the enemy's array on the south of that river, and surveyed 
 the Strath with great deliberation and coolness without interruption. 
 
 Both armies remained in their positions for several days without at- 
 tempting any thing, each waiting for reinforcements. During all this 
 time, the enemy had been deceived respecting the strength of Montrose's 
 horse, but having learned his weakness in that respect, and the decep- 
 tion which he had practised so successfully upon them, and being joined 
 by three regiments from Fife, they resolved to offer him battle. Mon- 
 trose, however, from his great inferiority of numbers, particularly in 
 horse, was not in a condition to accept the challenge, and wisely de- 
 clined it. Accordingly, when he saw the enemy advancing towards 
 him, he prepared to retreat among the neighbouring mountains ; but to 
 deceive the enemy, and to enable him to cany off" his baggage, he drew 
 out his army as if he intended to fight, placing his horse in front, and 
 securing the passes into the mountains with guards. While making these 
 dispositions, he sent off' his baggage towards the hills under an escort ; 
 and when he thought the baggage out of danger, he gave orders to his 
 army to march off" in close rank ; and to cover its retreat and protect 
 it from the cavalry of the enemy, he placed his horse, lined as usual 
 with his best musketeers, in the rear. 
 
 As soon as Baillie, the covenanting general, perceived that Montrose 
 was in full retreat, he dispatched General Hurry with the cavalry in 
 pursuit of him ; but irom a most unaccountable delay on Hurry's part 
 
398 HISTORY OF THE HIGHLANDS. 
 
 in crossing the Powe — so slow, indeed, had his movements been, that 
 Baillie's foot overtook him at the fords of the Almond — that Montrose 
 had almost reached the passes of the mountains before he was over- 
 taken. * Chagrined at his easy escape, and determined to perform 
 some striking exploit before Montrose should retire into his fastnesses, 
 a body of three hundred of the best mounted covenanting cavalry set off 
 at full gallop after him, and attacked him Avith great fury, using at the 
 same time the most insulting and abusive language. To put an end to 
 this annoyance, Montrose selected twenty expert Highlanders, who from 
 habit were good marksmen, and requested them to bring down some of 
 the assailants. Accordingly, these marksmen advanced in a crouching 
 attitude, concealing their guns, and having approached Avithin musket- 
 shot, they took deliberate aim, and soon brought down the more ad- 
 vanced of the party. This unexpected disaster made the assailants more 
 cautious in their advances, and caused them to resolve upon an immediate 
 retreat ; but the marksmen were so elated with their success, that they 
 actually pursued them down into the plain, " and resolutely attacked 
 the whole party, who putting spurs to their horses, fled with the utmost 
 precipitation, like so many deer before the hunters."f In this retreat 
 Montrose did not lose a single man. 
 
 After giving over this fruitless pursuit, the enemy returned to Mon- 
 trose's camp at Methven, where, according to Wishart, they committed 
 a most barbarous act in revenge of their late affront, by butchering some 
 of the wives of the Highlanders and Irish who had been left behind. 
 Montrose took up his quarters at Little Dunkeld, both because he was 
 there perfectly secure from the attacks of the enemy's cavalry, and be- 
 cause it was a convenient station to wait for the reinforcements of horse 
 which he daily expected fi-om the north under the earls of Airly and 
 Aboyne. Although both armies lay close together for several days, 
 nothing was attempted on either side. The covenanting general now 
 became quite disgusted with the service in consequence of the jealousies 
 and suspicions which it was too evident the committee entertained of him, 
 and an event occurred which increased his displeasure. This was the 
 sudden return of the Fife men to their country, who preferred their do- 
 mestic comforts to the vicissitudes of war, but who unfortunately were, 
 as we shall soon see, to be sacrificed at its shrine. 
 
 At length, the earl of Aboyne, accompanied by Sir Nathaniel Gor- 
 don, arrived at Little Dunkeld, but with a force much inferior in num- 
 bers to that expected. They only brought two hundred horse and a 
 hundred and twenty musketeers, which last were mounted upon carriage 
 horses. The smallness of their number was compensated, howevei , in a 
 great measure by their steadiness and bravery. The earl of Airly, and his 
 son. Sir David Ogilvy, joined Montrose at the same time, along with a 
 troop of eighty horse, consisting chiefly of gentlemen of the name of 
 
 » Baillie's Narrative, ii. 2C9. t Wishart's Memoirs, p. 159. 
 
KETREAT OF UKNEKAL UAILLIE. 399 
 
 Ogilvy, among whom was Alexander Ogilvy, son of Sir John Ogilvy of 
 Innerquharity, a young man who had already distinguished himself in 
 the field. 
 
 Never at any former period of his eventful career, did the probabilities 
 of ultimate success on the side of Montrose appear to greater advantage 
 than now. His army, ardent and devoted to the royal cause, now 
 amounted to nearly five thousand foot and about five hundred 
 horse ; the greater part of which consisted of brave and experienced 
 wari-ioi's whom he had often led to victory. A considerable portion of 
 his army was composed of some of the most valiant of the Highland 
 clans led by their respective chiefs, among whom, the renowned captain 
 of Clanranald, in himself a host, stood conspicuous. These last were 
 animated by a feeling of the most unbounded attachment to what they 
 considered the cause of their chiefs, and by a deadly spirit of revenge 
 for the cruelties which the covenanters under Argyle had exercised in 
 the highlands. The Macleans and the Athole highlanders in particular, 
 longed for an opportunity of retaliating upon the covenanting partizans 
 of Argyle, the injuries which they had repeatedly received at his hands, 
 and thereby wiping out the stain, which, as they conceived, had been 
 cast upon them. But fortunate as Montrose now was in having such 
 an army at his disposal, the chances in his favour were greatly enhanced 
 by this lucky circumstance, that whereas, in his former campaigns, he 
 had to watch tlie movements of different armies and to fight them in 
 detail, he Avas now enabled, from having annihilated or dispersed the 
 whole armies formerly opposed to him, to concentrate his strength and to 
 direct all his energies to one point. The only bar which now presented 
 itself to the entire subjugation of Scotland to the authority of the king, 
 was the army of Baillie, and the defeat or destruction of this body 
 now became the immediate object of Montrose. His resolution to 
 attack the enemy was hastened by the receipt of information, that the Fife 
 regiments had left Bailie's camp and returned home, and that the general 
 himself was so dissatisfied with the conduct of the covenanting com- 
 mittee, who thwarted all his plans and usurped his authority, that he 
 was about to resign the command of the army. 
 
 Montrose, therefore, without loss of time, raised his camp and de- 
 scending into the lowlands, arrived at Logic Almond, where he halted 
 his foot. From thence he went out with his cavalry to reconnoitre the 
 enemy, and came in full view of them before sunset. They made no 
 attempt to molest him, and testified their dread of this unexpected visit 
 by retiring within their lines. Early next morning, Montrose again 
 rode out to make his observations, but was surpi-ised to learn that the 
 enemy had abandoned their camp at Methven during the night and had 
 retired across the Erne, and taken up a position at Kilgraston near the 
 bridge of Erne. Montrose immediately put his army in motion towards 
 the Erne, which he crossed by the bridge of Nether Gask, about eight 
 miles above Kilgraston. He then proceeded forward as fur as the Kirk of 
 
 /. 3 E 
 
400 HISTORY OF THE HIGHLANDS. 
 
 Drone, by which movement he for the first time succeeded in throwing 
 open to the operations of his army the whole of the country south of the 
 Tay, from which the enemy had hitherto carefully excluded him. The 
 enemy, alarmed at Montrose's approach, made every preparation for 
 defending themselves by strengthening the position in which they had 
 entrenched themselves, and which, from the narrowness of the passes 
 and the nature of the ground, was well adapted for sustaining an attack. 
 
 Montrose was most anxious to bring the enemy to an engagement 
 before they should be joined by a large levy then raising in Fife ; but 
 as they were too advantageously posted to be attacked with much cer- 
 tainty of success, and as he could not by any means induce them to leave 
 their ground, he, after spending two or three days in fruitless attempts 
 to entice them from their position, marched to Kinross for the double 
 purpose of putting an end to the Fife levies and of withdrawing the 
 enemy from their position, so as to afford him an opportunity of attack- 
 ing them under more favourable circumstances. This movement had 
 the effect of drawing Baillie from his strong-hold, who cautiously fol- 
 lowed Montrose at a respectful distance. In the course of his march, 
 Baillie was again joined by the three Fife regiments. On arriving at 
 Kinross in the evening, Montrose learned from an advanced party he 
 had sent out to collect information through the country, under the com- 
 mand of Colonel Nathaniel Gordon, and Sir William RoUock, that the 
 people of Fife were in arms, a piece of intelligence which made him re- 
 solve immediately to retrace his steps, judging it imprudent to risk a 
 battle in such a hostile district. Although the men of Fife were stern 
 covenanters, and were ready to fight for the covenant on their own soil, 
 yet living for the most part in towns, and following out the sober pur- 
 suits of a quiet and domestic life, they had no relish for war, and dis 
 liked the service of the camp. Hence the speedy return of the Fife 
 regiments from the camp at Methven, to their own country, and hence 
 another reason which induced Montrose to leave their unfriendly soil, 
 viz. that they would probably again abandon Baillie, should he attempt 
 to follow Montrose in his progress west. 
 
 Accordingly, after remaining a night at Kinross, Montrose, the fol- 
 lowing morning, marched towards Alloa, in the neighbourhood of which 
 he arrived in the evening, and passed the night in the wood of TuUy- 
 body. The Irish plundered the town of Alloa, and the adjoining lord- 
 ship, which belonged to the earl of Mar ; but notwithstanding of this 
 unprovoked outrage, the earl and Lord Erskine gave Montrose, the 
 earl of Airly, and the principal officers of the army, an elegant enter- 
 tainment in the castle of Alloa. Montrose, however, did not delay the 
 march of his army while partaking of the hospitality of the earl of Mar, 
 but dispatched Macdonald immediately west to Stirling with the foot, 
 retaining only the horse to serve him as a body guard. In this route 
 the Macleans laid waste the parishes of Muckhart and Dollar, of 
 which the marquis of Argyle was the superior, and burnt Castle Camp^ 
 
I'KOCiUESS Of THE llO.STlLli AUMIKS. 401 
 
 bell, tlie principal residence of the Arj^yle tUinily in tiie lowlands, in 
 requital of similar acts done by the niarfjuis anil his followers in the 
 country of the Macleans.* 
 
 As the pestilence was still raging in the town of Stirling, Montrose 
 avoided it altogether, lest his army might catch the infection. He halt- 
 ed within three miles of the town, where his army passed the night, and 
 being apprised niixt morning, by one of Buillie's scouts who had been 
 taken prisoner, that Baillie was close at hand with the whole of his 
 army, Montrose marched quickly up to the fords of Frew, about eight 
 miles above Stirling bridge, and there crossed the Forth. Pursuing his 
 march the following morning in the direction of Glasgow, he made a 
 short halt about six miles from Stirling, to ascertain the enemy's move- 
 ments, and being informed that Baillie had not yet crossed the Forth, 
 ho marched to Kilsyth, where he encamped. During the day, Baillie 
 passed the Forth by Stirling bridge, and marching forwards, came with- 
 in view of Montrose's army, and encamped tiiat evening within three 
 miles of Kilsyth.f 
 
 The covenanting army had, in its progress westward, followed exact- 
 ly the track of Montrose through the vale of the Devon. The marquis 
 of Argyle availing himself of this circumstance, caused the house 
 of Menstrie, the seat of the earl of Stirling, the king's secretary, and 
 that of Airthrie, belonging to Sir John Graham of Braco, to be burnt. 
 This was done by way of retaliation for the destruction of Castle 
 Campbell and the properties of his vassals, by the Macleans. He, 
 moreover, sent an insolent message to the earl of Mar, notifying to him, 
 that, on the return of the army from the pursuit of Montrose, he, the 
 earl, might calculate on having his castle also burnt, for the hospitality 
 he had shown Montrose.;}: 
 
 The conjecture of Montrose, that the Fife regiments would not cross 
 the Forth, was not altogether without foundation. In fact, when they 
 arrived near Stirling, they positively refused to advance further, and ex- 
 cused themselves, by alleging that they were raised on the express condi- 
 tion that they should not be called upon to serve out of their own shire, 
 and that, having already advanced beyond its limits, they would on no 
 account cross the Forth. But their obstinacy was overcome by the all- 
 powerful influence of the ministers, who, in addition to the usual scrip- 
 tural appeals, " told them jolly tales that Lanark, Glencairn, and Eglin- 
 ton, were lifting an army to join them, and therefore entreated that they 
 would, for only one day more, go out," until that army approached, 
 when they should be discharged.^ 
 
 While the Fife regiments were thus persuaded to expose themselves 
 to the unforeseen destruction which unfortunately awaited them, an in- 
 cident occurred on the opposite bank of the Forth, which betokened ill 
 for the future prospects of the covenanting army. This will be best 
 
 • Gulhry's Memoirs, p. 151. t Wishart, p. 156. 
 
 \ Guthry, p. 153. § Ibid. 
 
402 HISTORY OF THE HIGHLANDS. 
 
 explained by stating the matter in General Baillie's own words. " A 
 little above the park (the king's park at Stirling), I halted until the 
 Fife regiments were brought up, hearing that the rebels were marching 
 towards Kilsyth. After the upcoming of these regiments, the marquis 
 of Argyle, earl of Crawford, and Lord Burleigh, and, if I mistake not, 
 the earl of Tulliebardin, the Lords Elcho and Balcarras, with some 
 others, came up. My lord marquis asked me what next was to be 
 done. I answered, the direction should come from his lordship and 
 those of the committee. My lord demanded what reason was for this ? 
 I answered, I found myself so slighted in every thing belonging to a 
 commander-in-chief, that, for the short time I was to stay with them, I 
 would absolutely submit to their direction and follow it. The marquis 
 desired me to explain myself, which I did in these particulars, sufficient- 
 ly known to my lord marquis and the other lords and gentlemen then 
 present. I told his lordship, (1.) Prisoners of all sorts were exchanged 
 without my knowledge ; the traffickers therein received passes from 
 others, and sometimes passing within two miles of me, did neither 
 acquaint me with their business, nor, at their return, v/here, or in what 
 posture, they had left the enemy : (2.) While I was present, others 
 did sometimes undertake the command of the army : (3.) Without 
 either my order or knowledge, fire was raised, and that destroyed, which 
 might have been a recompense to some good deserver, for which I 
 would not be answerable to the public. All which things considered, I 
 should in any thing freely give my own opinion, but follow the judg- 
 ment of the committee, and the rather because that was the last day of 
 my undertaking." * It is here necessary to state, by way of explana- 
 tion, that Baillie had, in consequence of the previous conduct of the 
 committee, resigned his commission, and had only been induced at the 
 earnest solicitation of the parliament, to continue his services for a de- 
 finite period, which, it appears, was just on the point of expiring. 
 
 The differences between Baillie and the committee being patched up, 
 the covenanting army proceeded on the fourteenth of August in the 
 direction of Denny, and having crossed the Carron at Hollandbush, en- 
 camped, as we have stated, about three miles from Kilsyth. 
 
 Before the arrival of Baillie, Montrose had received information, 
 which made him resolve to hazard a battle immediately. The intelli- 
 gence he had obtained was to this effect, that the earls of Cassillis, 
 Eglinton, and Glencairn, and other heads of the covenanters, were 
 actively engaged in levying forces in the west of Scotland, and that the 
 earl of Lanark had already raised a body of a thousand foot and five 
 hundred horse in Clydesdale, among the vassals and dependents of the 
 Hamilton family, and that this force was within twelve miles of Kilsyth. 
 
 Having taken his resolution, Montrose made the necessary arrange- 
 ments for receiving the enemy, by placing his men in the best position 
 
 • General Baillie's Ncarrative, Baillie's Letters, vol. ii. pp. 270, 271. 
 
BATTLE OF KILSYTH. 403 
 
 which the nature of the ground afforded. In front of his position were 
 several cottages and gardens of which he took possession. Baillie, seeing 
 the advantageous position chosen by Montrose, would have willingly 
 delayed battle till either the expected reinforcements from the west 
 should arrive, or till Montrose should be induced to become the as- 
 sailant ; but his plans were over-ruled by Argyle and the other members 
 of the committee, who insisted that he should immediately attack Mon- 
 trose. Accordingly, early in the morning, he put his army in motion 
 from HolIandbush,and advanced near Auchinclogh, about two miles to the 
 east of Kilsyth, where he halted. As the ground between him and 
 Montrose was full of quagmires, which effectually prevented Montrose 
 from attacking him in front, he proposed to take up a defensive position 
 without advancing farther, and await an attack. But here, again, the 
 committee interposed, and when he was in the very act of arranging the 
 stations of his army, they advised him to take a position on a hill on his 
 right, which they considered more suitable. It was in vain that Baillie 
 remonstrated against what he, and as the event showed, justly considered 
 an imprudent advice — the committee were inexorable in their resolution, 
 and Baillie had no alternative but to obey. In justice, however, to 
 Lord Balcarras, it must be mentioned that he disapproved of the views 
 of the committee. 
 
 When Montrose saw the covenanting army approach from Holland- 
 bush, he was exceedingly delighted, as, from the excellent state of his 
 army, the courageous bearing of his men, and the advantage of his 
 position, he calculated upon obtaining a decisive victory, which 
 might enable him to advance into England and retrieve the affairs 
 of his sovereign in that kingdom. But while Montrose was thus 
 joyfully anticipating a victory, whicli, he flattered himself, would be 
 crowned with results the most favourable to the royal cause, an incident 
 occurred which might have proved fatal to his hopes, had he not, with 
 that wonderful self-possession and consummate prudence for which he 
 was so distinguished, turned that very incident to his own advantage. 
 Among the covenanting cavalry was a regiment of cuirassiers, the ap- 
 pearance of whose armour, glittering in the sun, struck such terror into 
 Montrose's horse, that they hesitated about engaging with such formid- 
 able antagonists, and, while riding along the line, to encourage his men 
 and give the necessary directions, Montrose heard his horse muttering 
 among themselves and complaining that tiiey were now for the first 
 time to fight with men clad in iron, whose bodies would be quite 
 impenetrable to their swords. The crisis was important, and not a 
 moment was to be lost in removing the dangerous impression from 
 their minds. To have led such a body of men into battle, labouring 
 under the influence of fear, would have been to rush upon open de- 
 struction ; and to have avoided battle, under such circumstances, sup- 
 posing that a battle could have been avoided, would have been tant- 
 amount to a defeat. There have been but few commanders who would 
 
404 HISTORY OF THE HIGHLANDS. 
 
 not have been disconcerted or embarrassed by an event so sudden and 
 unexpected, and fewer still who could have, almost in an instant of 
 time, by the mere dint of genius alone, revived the drooping spirits of 
 their men ; but Montrose is one of those very rare instances in which, 
 by a singular combination of genius and presence of mind, under instant 
 difficulties, those very difficulties themselves are made subservient to 
 their own removal. When the terror of a foe has once taken hold of 
 the mind, it can only be sufficiently eradicated by supplanting it with a 
 feeling of contempt for the object of its dread, and no man was better 
 fitted by nature than Montrose for inspiring such a feeling into the minds 
 of his troops. Accordingly, scarcely had the murmurings of his horse 
 broken upon his ears, when he rode up to the head of his cavalry, and 
 (pointing to the cuirassiers) thus addressed his men: — "Gentlemen, 
 these are the same men you beat at Alford, that ran away from you at 
 Auldearn, Tippermuir, &c. ; they are such cowardly rascals that their 
 officers could not bring them to look you in the face till they had clad 
 them in armour ; to shew our contempt of them we'll fight them in our 
 shirts."-]- No sooner had these woi*ds been uttered, when, to add to 
 the impi'ession they could not fail to produce, Montrose threw otf his 
 coat and waistcoat with great vigour, and, drawing his sword with the 
 mien of a hero, stood before his men, at once an object of their wonder 
 and a model for their imitation. The effijct was instantaneous. The 
 example thus set by Montrose was immediately followed by the whole 
 army, every man stripping himself to his shirt, and the cavalry, par- 
 taking in the general enthusiasm, assured themselves of victory. As the 
 day was uncommonly hot and oppressive, the troops found great relief 
 by disburdening themselves of their clothes, and the infantry were, in 
 consequence, enabled to display greater agility in combat. The ex- 
 traordinary appearance of Montrose's men after they had parted with 
 their clothes, excited the astonishment of the covenanters, and as they 
 could only attribute such a singular prepai'ation for battle to a fixed 
 determination on the part of the royalists to conquer or to die, fearful 
 doubts arose in their minds as to the probable result of the contest in 
 which they were just about to engage. 
 
 In moving to take up the new position which had been assigned to 
 Baillie's army by the committee, the utmost disorder prevailed among 
 the covenanting army, which the general was unable to cori'ect. In- 
 deed, so unruly had the troops become, that some regiments, instead of 
 taking the stations assigned to them by the commander, took up, at the 
 suggestion of Argyle, quite different ground, while others, in utter dis- 
 regard of Baillie's instructions, actually selected positions for themselves. 
 Thus, at the moment the battle was about to begin, Baillie found all his 
 plans completely over-ruled, and as he now saw how utterly impossible 
 it then was for him to carry any of his contemplated arrangements into 
 
 f Carte, iv. 538. 
 
BATTLE OF KlLSYTir. 406 
 
 effect, he was necessitated to engage Montrose under tlie most unfavour- 
 able circumstances. 
 
 The covenanting general, however, might have so accommodated 
 himself in the unexpected dilemma in which he had been placed as to 
 have prevented the disastrous result which followed, had not his horse 
 regiments, from an impression that Montrose had begun a retreat, rashly 
 commenced the action before all the infantry had come up, by attempting 
 to carry the cottages and gardens in which the advanced guard of Mon- 
 trose was placed. Although they made a violent charge, they were as 
 warmly received by Montrose's musketeers, who, being protected by 
 the dykes and inclosures, kept up such a galling fire upon their assail- 
 ants as to oblige them to retreat with precipitation and some loss. 
 
 A body of about a thousand Highlanders, who were posted next to 
 Montrose's advanced guard, became so suddenly elated with this suc- 
 cess that, without waiting for orders from Montrose, they innnediately 
 ran up that part of the hill where the main body of the covenanting 
 army was posted. Montrose was highly displeased with the Highlanders 
 for this rash act, which seemed to threaten them with instant destruc- 
 tion ; but there was no time for remonstrance, and as he saw an absolute 
 necessity for supporting this intrepid body, he stifled his displeasure, 
 and began to consider how he could most effectually afford that sup- 
 port. Owing to the tardy advance of the enemy's rear, it was some 
 little time before the covenanting army attacked this resolute body. At 
 length, three troops of horse and a body of about two thousand foot, 
 were seen advancing against them, and in a short time both parties 
 closed upon each other. The Highlanders, as usual, displayed great 
 intrepidity, and firmly maintained their ground ; but as it was evident 
 to Montrose that they could not long withstand the overwhelming force 
 opposed to them, and as their defeat might have the most injurious 
 effect upon the rest of his army, Montrose resolved immediately to send 
 a force to their relief; but, when giving orders for that purpose, he was 
 exceedingly mortified to find that there existed a general unwillingness 
 among his men to engage in a piece of service which they considered ex- 
 tremely hazardous. Many even positively refused, when ordered, to under- 
 take such a duty; but notwithstanding of this embarrassment, Montrose 
 did not lose his accustomed presence of mind. After several ineffectual 
 attempts to induce different parties of his army to volunteer in defence 
 of the brave men who were struggling for their existence within view of 
 their companions in arms, Montrose, as a dernier resort, appealed to 
 his tried friend, the earl of Airly, in behalf of the rash men who had 
 thus exposed themselves to imminent danger. He represented to him 
 the perilous situation in which they had, by their imprudence, placed 
 themselves, — that, if not immediately supported, they would assuredly 
 be destroyed by the enemy's horse, and that as the eyes of the whole 
 army were in this conjuncture directed towards him, the earl, as the 
 fittest officer, indeed the only one who, from tried experience, joined to 
 
406 HISTORY OF THE HIGHLANDS. 
 
 great discretion, could extricate the Highlanders from the perils which 
 beset them, he begged of him, in the name of God ! to perform the 
 duty expected of him. This appeal to the chivalrous feelings of the 
 venerable earl met with a ready and willing response from him, and 
 after stating his readiness to undertake the duty assigned him, he imme- 
 diately put himself at the head of a troop of his own horse, commanded 
 by Colonel John Ogilvy of Baldavie, who had distinguished himself in 
 the Swedish service, and rode off with great speed towards the enemy. 
 He instantly ordered his squadron to charge the enemy's horse, who 
 stood the attack with firmness at first, but they could not long withstand 
 the impetuous bravery of the Ogilvies, and were forced to retire. The 
 earl of Airly did not allow them an opportunity of rallying, but kept 
 pressing so closely upon them that they got entangled among the 
 covenanting foot, which they put into disorder. 
 
 As soon as Baillie perceived that his horse were falling back, he 
 endeavoured to bring up his reserve to support them ; but this body, 
 which consisted chiefly of the Fife militia, became so alarmed at the 
 retreat of the horse, that they immediately abandoned their ranks and 
 fled. On the other hand, the rest of Montrose's men, encouraged by 
 the success of the Ogilvie's, could no longer restrain themselves, and 
 rushing forward upon the enemy with a loud shout, completed the 
 disorder. The wild appearance of the royalists, who were almost in a 
 state of complete nudity — for, with the exception of the cavalry, who 
 had throwm off merely their upper garments, the whole of Montrose's 
 troops had cast away every article of their apparel but their shirts — added 
 to the dreadful yells which they set up, created such a panic among the 
 astonished covenanters, that, in an instant, and as if by a simultaneous 
 impulse, every man threw away his arms, and endeavoured to secure his 
 personal safety by flight. In the general rout which ensued, the 
 covenanting horse, in their anxiety to escape, galloped through the flying 
 foot, and trampled many of their companions in arms almost to death. 
 
 In the pursuit which followed, Montrose's men cut down the defence- 
 less covenanters without mercy, and so great was the carnage, that, out 
 of a body of upwards of six thousand foot, probably not more than a 
 hundred escaped with their lives. The royalists were so intent upon 
 hewing down the unfortunate foot, that a considerable part of the cavalry 
 effected their escape. Some of them, however, in the hurry of their 
 flight, having ran unawares into a large morass, called Dolater bog, now 
 forming a part of the bed of the Forth and Clyde canal, there perished, 
 and, many years afterwards, the bodies of men and horses w^ ere dug up 
 from the bog, without any marks of decomposition ; and there is a tra- 
 dition still current, that one man was found upon horseback, fully attired 
 in his military costume, in the very posture in which he had sunk.* 
 Very few prisoners were taken, and with the exception of Sir William 
 
 * Nimmo's General History of Stirlingshire, p. 396. 
 
BATTLE OF KILSYTH. 407 
 
 Murray of Blebo, James Arnot, brother to Lord Burleigh, and 
 Colonels Dyee and Wallace, and a few other gentlemen, who received 
 quarter, and, after being well treated by Montrose, were afterwards 
 released upon parole, all the officers of the covenanting army escaped. 
 Some of them fled to Stirling, and took temporary refuge in the castle ; 
 others galloped down to the south shore of the Frith of Forth. Among 
 the latter, Argyle was the most conspicuous, who, according to Bishop 
 Guthry, " never looked over his shoulder until, after twenty miles riding, 
 he reached the South Queensferry, where he possessed himself of a boat 
 again.*" Wishart sarcastically observes, that this was the third time that 
 Argyle had " saved himself by means of a boat ; and, even then, he did 
 not reckon himself secure till they had weighed anchor and carried the 
 vessel out to sea."f 
 
 The whole of the baggage, arms, and stores, belonging to the 
 covenanting army were captured by the royalists. The loss on the side 
 of Montrose was, as usual, extremely trifling, amounting only to six or 
 eight men, three of whom were of the Ogilvies, who fell in the charge 
 which decided the fortune of the day. 
 
 The news of this disastrous and melancholy victory, speedily spread 
 throughout the kingdom and filled it with mourning. The plague, which 
 had devastated some of the most populous of the covenanting districts, 
 was still carrying on its depopulating career, and the spirits of the peo- 
 ple, already broken and subdued under that afflicting scourge of provi- 
 dence, were reduced to a state almost bordering on despair when they 
 received the afflicting intelligence of the utter annihilation of an army 
 on which their only hopes were placed. No alternative, therefore, now 
 remained for them but unconditional submission to the conqueror, by 
 throwing themselves entirely upon the clemency of Montrose, and ac- 
 cordingly, deputies were sent to him from different parts of the kingdom, 
 to assure him of the return of the people to their allegiance to the king, 
 to proffer their obedience to Montrose as his lieutenant, and to offer him 
 assistance in support of the royal cause. The nobility and other per- 
 sons of note who had hitherto kept aloof, or whose loyalty had been 
 questionable, also crowded to the royal standard to congratulate Mon- 
 trose upon the favourable aspect of affairs and to offer their services. 
 
 While at Kilsyth, two commissioners, Sir Robert Douglas and Mr 
 Archibald Fleming, commissary, arrived at Montrose's camp on the 
 part of the inhabitants of Glasgow, to obtain favour and forgiveness, 
 by congratulating him upon his success, and inviting him to visit their 
 city. Montrose received these commissioners and the other numerous 
 deputations and individuals who afterwards waited on him, not merely 
 with courtesy but with kindness, and promised to bury all past occur- 
 rences in perfect oblivion, but on the condition that they should return 
 to their allegiance and conduct themselves in future as loyal subjects. 
 
 * Memoirs, p. 154. + Memoirs, p. 171. 
 
 I. 3 i- 
 
408 HISTORY OF THE HIGHLANDS. 
 
 " The whole country now," says Wishart, " resounded Montrose's praise. 
 His unparalleled magnanimity and bravery, his happiness in devising 
 his plan of operations, and his quickness in executing them, his unshaken 
 resolution and intrepidity, even in the greatest dangers, and his patience 
 in bearing the severest hardships and fatigues ; his faithfulness and 
 strict observance of his promises to such as submitted, and his clemency 
 towards his prisoners ; in short, that heroic virtue which displayed itself 
 in all his actions, was extolled to the skies, and filled the mouths of all 
 ranks of men, and several poems and panegyrics were wrote upon this 
 occasion."* It is believed, however, that there was little sincerity in 
 these professions. 
 
 This submission of the people was accelerated by the dispersion of 
 the covenanting nobility, an event which put a temporary end to the 
 government which they had established. Argyle, Crawford, Lanark, and 
 others, sought protection in Berwick, and Glencairn, and Cassillis took 
 refuge in Ireland. 
 
 Montrose might have now marched directly upon, and seized the capi- 
 tal, where many of his friends were confined as prisoners ; but he con- 
 side»"ed it of more importance to march to the west and disperse some 
 levies which were there raising. Accordingly, after refreshing his troops 
 two days at Kilsyth, he dispatched a strong body under the command of 
 Macdonald, his major-general, into Ayrshire to suppress a rising under 
 the Earls of Cassillis and Glencairn; and with the remainder of his army 
 he proceeded towards Glasgow, which he entered amidst the general 
 acclamations of the citizens. Here Montrose immediatelj'^ commenced 
 an inquiry into the conduct of the leading covenanters of the city, some 
 of whom he put to death as a terror to others, a circumstance which de- 
 tracts from the usual clemepcy of Montrose, but perhaps he considered 
 it necessary to show an example of rigour among a population on whose 
 fidelity he probably placed little reliance. Montrose remained only a 
 day in Glasgow, and encamped the following day on Bothwell moor, 
 about twelve miles from the city. His object in doing so, was to put an 
 end to some excesses on the part of his Irish and Highland troops, in 
 which they were beginning to indulge, and which from the precarious 
 tenure of their services, and his inability to pay them, he could not ven- 
 ture to control by the severities of martial law.f And as he was ap- 
 prehensive that some of his men might lurk behind, or visit the city for 
 the purpose of plunder, he allowed the inhabitants to form a guard 
 among themselves to protect it. The citizens, in gratitude for the fa- 
 vour and clemency thus shown them, presented Montrose with the sum 
 of ten thousand merks. 
 
 In the meantime, major-general Macdonald arrived in Ayrshire, 
 where he was received with open arras. The levies which had been 
 raised in the west quietly dispersed ; and the Earls of Cassillis and Glen- 
 
 • Memoirs, p. 174. 
 I Burnet's Memoirs of the Dukes of Hamilton, p. 276. 
 
SUBMISSION OF EDINBURGH. 409 
 
 cairn fled to Ireland. The Countess of Loudon, whose husband had acted 
 a conspicuous part against the King, received Macdonald with great 
 kindness at Loudon castle, and not only embraced him in her arms, but 
 entertained him with great splendour and hospitality ; and she even sent 
 a servant to Montrose to offer her respects to him.* 
 
 During Montrose's stay at Bothvvell, where he remained till the fourth 
 of September, he was waited upon by many of the nobility in person, to 
 congratulate him upon his recent victory, and to tender their services. 
 Others sent similar communications by their friends. The Marquis of 
 Douglas, the Earls of Linlithgow and Annandale, the Lords Seton, Drum- 
 mond, Fleming, Maderty, Carnegie and Johnston, were among the first 
 who came forward. Deputations also arrived from the shires of Linlith- 
 gow, Lanark, Renfrew, and Ayr, and also from the towns of Greenock, 
 Ayr, and Irvine, to implore forgiveness for past offences, and to give 
 pledges for their future loyalty. Montrose received them all very gra- 
 ciously,and relying upon their assurances, granted them an amnesty. 
 
 Montrose expected that the city of Edinburgh, which had been the 
 focus of rebellion, would have followed the example of Glasgow and the 
 other towns ; but whether from obstinacy or from the dread of a refusal 
 of pardon, the authorities did not send commissioners to Montrose, and 
 it was not until a body of the royalist horse appeared within four miles 
 of the city, that they resolved to proffer their submission, and to throw 
 themselves on the mercy of the conqueror. The following interesting 
 and circumstantial account of Montrose's intentions, with regard to the 
 city, and of the conduct of the inhabitants on this trying occasion, is 
 given by Dr Wishart, who was at the time in question, a prisoner in the 
 jail of Edinburgh. 
 
 " Montrose's first and principal concern, after the victory at Kilsyth, 
 was about his friends in prison. His generous soul was touched with 
 their miserable condition ; they had continued long under the hardships 
 of a nasty and squalid imprisonment in the tolbooth of Edinburgh, and 
 had been condemned to death for no other alleged crime, but their loyalty 
 to their sovereign, and were daily expecting the execution of this sen. 
 tence. He, therefore, dispatched his nephew, Archibald Master of Na- 
 pier, and Nathaniel Gordon, with a select body of horse, to Edinburgh, 
 in order to summon the city to surrender, to secure its obedience and 
 fidelity, and to set the prisoners at liberty ; but if they refused to sub- 
 mit, then their orders were to attack them with fire and sword. When 
 they came within four miles of the town, they stopped, not intending to 
 approach nearer, unless they were obliged by the obstinacy of the citi- 
 zens : this they did, both to preserve the city and its inhabitants from 
 the fury and rapacious insolence of their soldiers, who, considering it as 
 the chief spring and fomenter of this accursed rebellion, might, in the 
 transports of their rage and fury, be hurried to commit the greatest cruel - 
 
 * Guthry's Memoirs, p. 155. 
 
410 HISTORY OF THE HIGHLANDS. 
 
 ties, and perhaps set the city on flames, and consume it to ashes ; a thing 
 Montrose had principally cautioned them to guard against : as also to 
 preserve their own men from the infection of the plague, which then 
 raged in that place and neighbourhood, and daily cut off great numbers. 
 
 " When the news of their approach reached the town, an universal con- 
 sternation seized all ranks ; they despaired of obtaining terms, and ap- 
 peared as frantic as if the city had been already in a blaze, and an en- 
 raged enemy murdering and destroying within its gates. Many, con- 
 scious of their guilt, accused themselves as sacrilegious, perjured and un- 
 grateful traitors, and unworthy of that clemency and forgiveness for 
 which they so ardently prayed. 
 
 " They privately made application to the prisoners, and, in the most 
 humble manner, entreated them, out of compassion to the place, which 
 was already ruined by the pestilence, and to the miserable remains of 
 the inhabitants, that they would intercede for them with Montrose, and 
 by their good offices avert that rage, which they now acknowledged 
 they had justly provoked. All their hopes, they said, were centered in 
 their undertaking this generous office, as the only mean to preserve a 
 sinking city from utter destruction. They acknowledged themselves 
 guilty of all the crimes laid to their charge, but solemnly protested, that 
 should they at this time experience his clemency and goodness, they 
 should atone for their former rebellion by the most exemplary loyalty, 
 and implicit duty and obedience. The prisoners, whom, not long before, 
 even the meanest of the mob had treated in the most contemptible and 
 despiteful manner, and had devoted to the gibbet, unmindful of the 
 cruel treatment they had received, farther than that the sensible remem- 
 brance of it prompted them to return thanks to God for thus bringing 
 about their preservation and deliverance at a time when they so little 
 expected it, encouraged their enemies, and told them, that neither the 
 king himself, nor Montrose, his lieutenant, had any pleasure in the ruin 
 and destruction of his subjects, but earnestly wished and laboured for 
 their safety and prosperity, could they be only brought to see it them- 
 selves. They advised them forthwith to send commissioners to Mon- 
 trose, to implore his pardon, as nothing could more effectually contri- 
 bute to mollify the heart of a conqueror than a speedy submission ; 
 promising to intercede with Montrose in their behalf; and they did not 
 doubt but his great and generous soul would allow itself to be overcome 
 with the humble entreaties and supplications of a distressed city. 
 
 " The citizens of Edinburgh, thus encouraged with hopes of success, 
 immediately convened the town council, in order to make choice of 
 proper commissioners to send to Montrose. Among the prisoners there 
 were two especially eminent for their high birth, and thoroughly ac- 
 quainted with Montrose. The first of these was Ludovick earl of 
 Crawfurd, chief of the ancient and noble family of the Lindesays, a per- 
 son famous for his military achievements abroad, in the Swedish, Aus- 
 trian and Spanish services. The earl of Lindesay, his cousin, from an 
 
SUBMISSION OF EDINBURGH. 411 
 
 ambition to attain to the title and honours of Crawfurd, thirsted for his 
 blood, and liad such address and influence with the covenanters as to 
 get him condemned. The only crime they laid to his charge, was, that 
 he had served the king his master with the greatest fidelity and bravery, 
 in his capacity as a soldier, and they feared would still do so, were he 
 left alive. The other was James Lord Ogilvy, son to the earl of Airly, 
 \vho was very highly esteemed by Montrose, and was, besides, odious 
 to the rebels, both for his own and his father's courage and power. 
 And, as he was a declared enemy to Argyle, both on account of the 
 ancient animosities that subsisted betwixt the families, and some recent 
 injuries they had received from Argyle, he was, therefore, accused of 
 the same crime with Crawfurd, and condemned to the same punishment. 
 The council of Edinburgh made choice of these two noblemen from 
 among the prisoners, and set them at liberty, earnestly imploring them 
 to use their interest with the lord governor in their behalf, and assist 
 their deputies in obtaining their request, thereby to preserve a city, 
 already sore afflicted with the avenging hand of heaven ; at the same- 
 time wishing destruction to themselves and their posterity, if ever they 
 should prove unmindful of the favour, or ungrateful to their bene- 
 factors. 
 
 " These two noblemen cheerfully undertook this office, to the great 
 satisfaction of the whole city, and, having joined the delegates, went out 
 to meet the master of Napier. In his way towards Edinburgh, Napier 
 had released his father and spouse. Sir George Stirling of Keir, his 
 brother-in-law, and his sisters, from the prison of Linlithgow, to which 
 they had been sent by the covenanters from the castle of Edinburgh ; 
 and, now being attended with this agreeable company and by the city 
 delegates, Mr Napier returned directly to his uncle. 
 
 "Montrose was transported with joy at the sight of his dearest friends 
 Crawfurd and Ogilvy, whom he met with the tenderest embraces of 
 friendship, having been so long deprived of their company and assist- 
 ance. He congratulated them on their safety and deliverance, and gave 
 them all the respect and accommodation possible, as a consolation, in 
 some degree, for their long confinement. On the other hand, they ex- 
 pressed the utmost gratitude to him, and extolled him as their avenger 
 and deliverer; both parties thus seeming to vie with one another in 
 mutual expressions of their affection and esteem. 
 
 " The city delegates were then admitted to audience ; they made a 
 free surrender to him of the town, and humbly deprecated his ven- 
 geance and implored his pardon and forgiveness, promising, in name of 
 the whole inhabitants, an inviolable fidelity and obedience for the future, 
 and committing themselves and all their concerns to his patronage and 
 protection, which they humbly entreated he would grant them. They 
 promised also, immediately to release all the prisoners in their custody, 
 and desired him to assure himself that any thing else he should desire 
 of them should be instantly complied with. The town, they said, had 
 
412 HISTORY OF THE HIGHLANDS. 
 
 been almost depopulated by a dreadful plague, so that no supplies of 
 men could be expected fi-om it ; but they were ready to contribute all 
 they could to defray the expense of what troops he might raise in other 
 places. Above all, they most earnestly implored him to intercede for 
 them with their most gracious and merciful king, to obtain his pity and 
 pardon, and that he would not condemn the whole city for the crime of 
 rebellion, in which they had been involved by the craft and example 
 of a few seditious men, armed with power and authority. Montrose 
 gave them reason to hope for the royal forgiveness ; and the only condi- 
 tions he required of them, were, sacredly to observe their loyalty and 
 allegiance to his majesty for the future ; to renounce all correspondence 
 with the rebels, whether within or without the kingdom : the castle of 
 Edinburgh, which he well knew was then in their power, he required 
 they should surrender to the king's officers ; and that, as soon as the 
 delegates returned to the city, all the prisoners should be immediately set 
 at liberty, and sent to his camp." 
 
 Although the commissioners agreed to these conditions, and promised 
 to perform them, the only one they ever fulfilled was that which stipu- 
 lated the release of the prisoners, who were immediately on the return 
 of the commissioners sent to Montrose's camp, — in the non-fulfilment 
 of which conditions they were guilty of a piece of deceit, which, says 
 Wishart, " was agreeable to their usual perfidy and ingratitude." In- 
 deed, it was scarcely to be expected from the character of the times, 
 that the citizens of Edinburgh, who had all along been warm partizans 
 of the covenanting interest, would show a readiness to comply with stipu- 
 lations which had been extorted from their commissioners, under the 
 circumstances we have mentioned. 
 
 While at Bothwell Montrose received different comumnications from 
 the king, who was then at Oxford. The most important of these were 
 two commissions under the great seal, one appointing Montrose Captain- 
 general, and Lieutenant-governor of Scotland, and conferring on him 
 full powers to raise forces, punish state offenders, and make knights, &c. 
 and the other authorising him to summon a parliament to meet at 
 Glasgow, to settle the affairs of the kingdom. The bearer of these im- 
 portant documents was Sir Robert Spottiswood, formerly president of 
 the court of session, and who now acted as secretary of state for Scot- 
 land. As a person so well known as Sir Robert, could not travel by 
 any of the ordinary roads without risk of apprehension, he took a cir- 
 cuitous route from Oxford, passing through Wales, and from thence cross- 
 ing over to the Isle of Man, he took shipping and landed in the West 
 Highlands. From Lochaber he proceeded down into Athole, whence he 
 was conducted by a party of Athole-men to Montrose, at Bothwell Moor 
 
 The instructions brought by Sir Robert Spottiswood, regarding the 
 holding of a parliament and the matters connected therewith, were in 
 the meantime superseded by orders from the king of a later date, brought 
 by a more direct route. By these he Avas directed to march inimedi- 
 
DESERTION OF THE HIGHLANDERS. 413 
 
 ately to the borders, where he would, it was said, be joined by the earls 
 of Roxburghe, Traquair and Home, and the other royalist nobility of 
 the Southern shires at the head of their numerous vassals and tenants, 
 as well as by a body of horse which his majesty would send from Eng- 
 land, and that with these united forces, he should watch the motions of 
 General David Leslie, who was advancing to the north with a body of six 
 thousand cavalry. In fact, Leslie, who had acquired great celebrity by 
 his conduct in the battle of Long Marston Moor, had reached Berwick 
 in the beginning of September, having been called thither on his road to 
 Hereford by the covenanting nobility, who had taken refuge there after 
 the battle of Kilsyth. 
 
 Pursuant to raising his camp for the Tweed, Montrose reviewed his 
 army on the third of September, on which occasion Sir Robert Spottis- 
 wood delivered to him the commission, appointing him his majesty's 
 lieutenant-governor for Scotland, and general of all his majesty's forces, 
 " in a respectful manner under the royal standard."* Montrose, on 
 receiving this and the other commission, delivered them to Archi- 
 bald Primrose, who had acted as clerk to the committee of estates, and 
 had lately joined Montrose, to be proclaimed to the army. After these 
 commissions had been read, Montrose addressed his army in a short 
 and feeling speech, in the course of which he took occasion to praise 
 their bravery and loyalty, and expressed great affection for them. In 
 conclusion, addressing Macdonald, his major-general, he bestowed upon 
 him the tribute of his praise, and by virtue of the power with which he 
 had been invested, conferred the honour of knighthood upon Macdonald, 
 in presence of the whole army. Little did Montrose imagine, that the man 
 whose services he was now so justly rewarding had resolved immediately 
 to abandon him, and, under the pretence of avenging some injuries 
 which his friends had sustained at the hands of Argyle four years be- 
 fore, to quit for ever the service of his royal master. 
 
 Montrose's ranks had, before the review alluded to, been thinned by 
 private desertions among the Highlanders, who carried off with them 
 all the booty thej' had been able to collect ; but as soon as Montrose 
 announced his intention, in terms of the instructions he had received 
 from the king, to march south, the Highlanders in a body demanded 
 liberty to return home, for a short time, to repair their houses which had 
 been reduced to ruins by the enemy, and to provide a stock of provi- 
 sions for their wives and families during the ensuing winter. To induce 
 Montrose to comply the more readily with their request, they promised 
 to return to his camp within forty days, and to bring some of their 
 friends along with them. As Montrose saw that the Highlanders had 
 formed a determined resolution to depart, and that consequently any at- 
 tempt to retain them would be unavailing, he dissembled the displeasure 
 he felt, and after thanking them in the king's name for their services, 
 
 • Wishart. 
 
414 HISTORY OF THE HIGHLANDS. 
 
 and entreating them to return to him as soon as possible, he granted 
 them leave of absence with apparent good will. But when Sir Alaster 
 Macdonald also announced his intention to return to the Highlands, 
 Montrose could not conceal his chagrin, and strongly remonstrated 
 against such a step. " Montrose, (says Guthry,) dealt most seriously 
 with him to have staid until they had been absolute conquerors, promis- 
 ing then to go thither himself, and be concurring with him in punishing 
 them, (Argyle and his party) as they deserved ; and withal told him, 
 tliat his separating at this time must be the occasion of ruin to them 
 both. But all was to no purpose ; he would needs be gone, and for a 
 reason enlarged himself in reckoning up the Marquis of Argyle's cruel- 
 ties against his friends who, as he said, did four years ago draw 
 his father and brother to Inverary upon trust, and then made them pri- 
 soners ; and since, (his friends having retired to the Isles of Jura and 
 Rachlin, for shelter) sent Ardkinlass and the captain of Skipness, to the 
 said isles to murder them, which, (said he) they did without mercy, 
 sparing neither women nor children. With such discourses he justified 
 his departure, and would not be hindered." IMacdonald, accordingly, 
 after returning thanks to Montrose in a formal oration for the favours 
 he had received, and pledging himself for the early return of the High- 
 landers, departed for the Highlands on the day of the review, accompanied 
 by upwards of three thousand Highlanders, the elite of Montrose's army, 
 and by one hundred and twenty of the best of the Irish troops, whom 
 he had selected as a body guard. 
 
 The desertion of such a large body of men, consisting of the flower of 
 his army, was a subject of the deepest concern to Montrose, whose sole 
 reliance for support against the powerful force of Leslie, now depended 
 upon the precarious succours he might obtain on his march to the south. 
 Under such circumstances a commander more prudent than Montrose 
 would have hesitated about the course to be pursued in such an un- 
 looked for emergency, and would probably have either remained for 
 sometime in his position, till the levies raising in the south should assem- 
 ble, or retreated across the Forth, and there awaited for reinforcements 
 from the north ; but the ardent and chivalrous feelings of Montrose so 
 blinded him, as to make him altogether disregard prudential consider- 
 ations, and the splendour of his victories had dazzled his imagination 
 so much, as to induce him to believe that he had only to engage the 
 enemy to defeat them. 
 
 Accordingly, on the day following the departure of the Highlanders, 
 viz. the fourth of September, Montrose began his march to the south ; 
 but he had not proceeded far, when he had the mortification to find 
 himself also abandoned by the earl of Aboyne, who not only carried off 
 the whole of his own men, but induced the other horsemen of the north, 
 who were not of his party, to accompany him. Of the Gordons, Sir 
 Nathaniel Gordon appears to have been the only individual of that name 
 who remained behind. The cause of such a hasty proceeding on the 
 
MARCH OF MONTROSE TO IME TWEED. 416 
 
 part of the carl of Aboyno, does not sufficiently appear ; but it seems 
 probable, that his lordship had taken some offence at Montrose, who, 
 according to a partizan of the Gordon family, arrogated to himself all 
 the honour of the victories which the earl had greatly contributed to 
 obtain.* 
 
 The array of Montrose was now reduced to a mere handful of men, 
 consisting only of about two hundred gentlemen who had joined him at 
 Bothwell, and seven hundred foot, chiefly Irish.-|- Yet he resolved to 
 proceed on his march and reached Cranstoun-Kirk in Mid-Lothian, on 
 Saturday the sixth of September, where he received intelligence that 
 General David Leslie had arrived at Berwick with a great body of cavalry. 
 He encamped at Cranstoun-Kirk with the intention of remaining there over 
 the Sunday, and hearing Dr Wishart preach ; but having, the following 
 morning, been put in possession of a correspondence between Leslie and 
 the heads of the covenanters, at Berwick, which developed, their plans, 
 without waiting for sermon, he quickly raised his camp and advanced into 
 Strath-gala. A more imprudent step than this cannot be well conceived, 
 as Montrose threw his little band into the jaws of Leslie who was laying 
 ready to pounce upon him. In his march along Gala-water, he was 
 joined by the marquis of Douglas and Lord Ogilvy at the head of a 
 small party, the remains of a larger body which had been diminished 
 by desertion : Montrose was waited upon at Galashiels by the earl of 
 Traquair, who professed the most fervent attachment to the king, and 
 promised to obtain information for him respecting Leslie's movements, 
 and in proof of his sincerity, sent his son Lord Linton with a troop of well 
 mounted horse who joined him the following day. 
 
 From Galashiels Montrose marched to Kelso, where he expected to 
 be joined by the Earls of Home and Roxburghe, and their vassals ; but 
 on his arrival there, he was surprised to find that these two noblemen 
 had taken no measures to raise the levies they had promised. He, there- 
 fore, resolved to pay them a visit, to compel them to fulfil their en- 
 gagements ; but anticipating such a step, they had allowed themselves to 
 be made voluntary prisoners by a party of Leslie's horse and carried to 
 Berwick. Roxburghe, whom Wishart calls " a cunning old fox," was 
 the contriver of this artful scheme, which, while it secured him and his 
 colleague Home the favour of the covenanters, was intended to induce 
 the king to believe that they were suffering for their loyalty. 
 
 This act of perfidy opened the eyes of Montrose to the danger of his 
 situation, and made him instantly resolve to retrace his steps, so as to 
 prevent his retreat to the north being cut off" by David Leslie, who had 
 by this time crossed the Tweed. He, therefore, marched from Kelso west- 
 ward to Jedburgh, and from thence to Selkirk where he arrived on the 
 twelfth of September, and encamped that night in a wood, called Hare- 
 headwood, in the neighbourhood of the town at the head of a long and 
 
 • Gi rdon's Continuatioi), p. 528. + Gulhrj's Memoirs, p. 159. 
 
416 HISTORY OF THE HIGHLANDS. 
 
 level piece of ground called Philiphaugh, on the north bank of the Et- 
 trick. Montrose himself, with his horse, took up his quarters in the 
 town. 
 
 The position thus selected by Montrose was well calculated to pre- 
 vent his being taken by surprise, as Leslie, from the direction he had ne- 
 cessarily to advance, could only approach it by coming up the open vale 
 of Philiphaugh ; but unfortunately, Montrose did not, on this occasion, 
 take those extraordinary precautions which he had been accustomed to 
 do. It had always been his practice hitherto, to superintend in person 
 the setting of the night watches, and to give instructions himself to the 
 sentinels, and to the scouts he sent out, to watch the motions of the 
 enemy ; but having important letters to write to the king, which he was de- 
 sirous of sending off before the break of day by a trusty messenger, he 
 entrusted these details to his cavalry officers, whom he exhorted to great 
 vigilance, and to take care that the scouts kept a sharp outlook for the 
 enemy. Montrose had the utmost confidence in the wisdom and integ- 
 rity of his officers, whose long experience in military affairs, he had 
 many times witnessed ; and as there seemed to be no immediate danger, 
 he thought that, for one night at least, he could safely leave the direction 
 of affairs to such men. 
 
 While occupied during the night preparing his despatches for the king, 
 Montrose received several loose reports, from time to time, respecting the 
 alleged movements of the enemy, of which he sent due notice to his offi- 
 cers, but he was as often assured, both by the reports of his officers and 
 of the scouts, that not a vestige of an enemy was to be seen. Thus the 
 night passed without any apparent foundation for the supposition that 
 the enemy was at hand, and to make assurance doubly sure, some of the 
 fleetest of the cavalry were sent out at break of day to reconnoitre. On 
 their return, they stated that they had examined with care, all the roads 
 and passes for ten miles round, and solemnly averred, that there was not 
 the least appearance of an enemy within the range they had just scoured. 
 Yet singular as the fact may appear, Leslie was lying at that very time 
 at Melrose, with four thousand horse, within six miles of Montrose's 
 camp. 
 
 It appears that on the day of Montrose's march from Jedburgh, gene- 
 ral Leslie, who had a few days before crossed the Tweed at Berwick, 
 held a council of war on Gladsrauir in East Lothian, at which it was de- 
 termined that he should proceed towards Stirling to cut off Montrose's 
 retreat to the Highlands, whither it was supposed that he meant instantly 
 to retire, for the purpose of obtaining reinforcements. But the council 
 had scarcely risen, when letters were brought to Leslie, communicating 
 to him the low and impaired state of Montrose's forces, and his design 
 of marching into Dumfries-shire to procure an accession of strength. 
 On receiving this intelligence, Leslie abandoned his plan of marching 
 northward, and ordering his army to turn to the left, he immediately 
 marched to the south, and entering the vale of Gala, proceeded to Mel- 
 
RATILE OF PHILUMIAUGir. 417 
 
 rose, where he took up his quarters for the night, intending to attack 
 Montrose's little band next morning, in the hope of annihilating it alto- 
 gether. Who the traitor was who made the communication in question 
 to the covenanting general, is a point which has never been ascertained. 
 Both Wishart and Guthry suspect that the earl of Traquair was the 
 guilty person, and they rest their conjecture upon the circumstance of 
 his having withdrawn during the night, (without acquainting Montrose,) 
 the troop of horse under his son, Lord Linton, but this is not sufficient, of 
 itself, to infer such a criminal act. 
 
 But the most extraordinary and unaccountable circumstance which 
 preceded the battle of Philiphaugh, was this, that although Leslie was 
 within six miles of Montrose's camp, neither the scouts nor the cavalry, 
 who are stated to have scoured the country four miles beyond the place 
 where Leslie lay, could discover, as they reported, any traces of him. Did 
 the scouts deceive Montrose, or did they not proceed in the direction of 
 Leslie's camp, or did they confine their perambulations within a more 
 limited range ? These are questions which it is impossible to answer 
 with any degree of certainty. But what is to be said of the cavalry who 
 having made their observations at day-break, and confessedly several 
 miles beyond the enemy's camp, returned as luckless as the midnight 
 scouts ? The only plausible answer that can be given to this question is, 
 either that they had not visited the neighbourhood of Melrose, or that 
 a thick mist, which prevailed on the morning of the thirteenth of Sep- 
 tember, had obscured the enemy from their view. However, be this as 
 it may, certain it is that owing to the thickness of the fog, Leslie was 
 enabled to advance, unobserved, till he came within half a mile of Mon- 
 trose's head quarters. On the alarm occasioned by this sudden and un- 
 expected appearance of the enemy, Montrose instantly sprung upon the 
 first horse that he met, and galloped off" to his camp. On his arrival, he 
 fortunately found that all his men, though the hour was very early, had 
 risen, but considerable disorder prevailed in the camp in consequence of 
 preparations they were making for an immediate march into Dumfries- 
 sliire in terms of instructions they had received the previous evening. 
 The cavalry, however, were quite dismounted, some of the officers were 
 absent, and their horses were scattered through the adjoining fields tak- 
 ing their morning repast. Short as the time was for putting his small 
 band in a defensive position, Montrose acted with his accustomed pre- 
 sence of mind, and before the enemy commenced his attack, Montrose 
 had succeeded in drawing up his men in order of battle, in the position 
 which they had occupied the preceding night. Nothing but self-preser- 
 vation, on which the cause of the king, his master, was chiefly depend- 
 ant, could have justified Montrose in attempting to resist the powerful 
 force now about to assail him. With about a thousand foot and five hun- 
 dred horse, the greater part of which was composed of raw and undis- 
 ciplined levies hastily brought into the field, and lukewarm in the 
 cause, he had to resist the attack of a body of about six thousand ve- 
 
418 HISTORY OF THE HIGHLANDS. 
 
 teran troops, chiefly English cavalry, who had distinguished themselves 
 at the battle of Marston-moor, who, though they could make no addition 
 to their laurels by defeating such a handful of men, may be supposed to 
 have been especially desirous of annihilating the remains of an army 
 which had been so long formidable and victorious. 
 
 The covenanting general began the battle by charging Montrose's 
 right wing, consisting of horse, with the great body of his cavalry ; but 
 so firmly was the charge received by the brave cavaliers with Montrose 
 at their head, that the assailants were forced to retire with loss. A sec- 
 ond charge met a similar fate. Thus foiled in their attempts on the 
 right, they next attacked Montrose's left wing, consisting of foot, whichj 
 after a gallant resistance, retired a little up the face of the hill, where it 
 was posted, to avoid the attacks of the cavalry. While this struggle was 
 going on on the left;, a body of two thousand of the covenanting foot 
 which had made a circuitous rout, appeared in the rear of the right wing, 
 which they attacked. The right wing not being able to resist this force? 
 and apprehensive that a new attack would be made upon them by the 
 enemy's cavalry, and that they would thus be surrounded and perhaps 
 cut to pieces, fled from the field. The foot who had taken up a po- 
 sition on the side of the hill, being thus abandoned to their fate, sur- 
 rendered themselves as prisoners of war after a slight resistance ; but 
 horrible to tell, they were afterwards shot by orders of the covenanting 
 general, at the instigation, it is said, of some presbyterian ministers, who 
 declared that no faith should be kept with such persons. 
 
 Montrose was still on the field with about thirty brave cavaliers, and 
 witnessed the rout of one part of his army and the surrender of another, 
 with the most poignant feelings of regret. He might have instantly re- 
 treated with safety, but he could not brook the idea of running away, 
 and, therefore, resolved not to abandon the post of honour, but to fight to 
 the last extremity, and to sell his life as dearly as possible. It was not 
 long before he and his noble band were nearly surrounded by the enemy, 
 who kept pressing so hard upon him, and in such numbers, as almost to 
 preclude the possibility of escape. Yet they did not venture to attack 
 Montrose and his brave associates in a body, but in detached parties, 
 every one of which was successively repulsed with loss. As the enemy 
 grcM' tired of attacking him, and seemed to be more intent upon plun- 
 dering his baggage than capturing his person, Montrose saw that the 
 danger was not so great as he supposed, and, therefore, he began to reflect 
 upon the folly of sacrificing his life so long as a ray of hope remained. 
 He had lost a battle no doubt ; but in tliis there was no dishonour when 
 the disparity of his force with that of the enemy was considered. Besides 
 he had lost few of his men, and the Highlanders, on whom he chiefly re- 
 lied, were still entire, and were ready to take the field as soon as he ap- 
 peared again among them. And as to the eflTect which such a defeat 
 might be supposed to have upon the adherents of the king, who were still 
 numerous and powerful, it could be easily removed as soon as they saw him 
 
FLIGHT OF MONTROSE. 419 
 
 again at the head of a frosh force. That he could only expect to retrieve 
 the present state of affairs by escaping from the present danger and rais- 
 ing new troops ; but that if he rashly sacrificed his life the king's affairs 
 might be irretrievably ruined. These reflections being seconded by the 
 marquis of Douglas and a few trusty friends, who implored him not to 
 throw away a life so valuable to the king and to the country, Montrose 
 resolved to consult his safety by an immediate flight. Putting himself, 
 therefore, at the head of his troop, he cut his way through the enemj'-, 
 without the loss of a single man. They were pursued by a party of 
 horse, some of whom they killed, and actually carried off one Bruce, a 
 captain of horse, and two standard-bearers, with their ensigns, as prison- 
 ers. Montrose went in the direction of Peebles, which he entered 
 about sun-set, and here he was joined by different straggling parties of 
 his men who had escaped. 
 
 Montrose lost in this engagement very few of his horse, but a consider- 
 able part of his foot was destroyed. He carried off, as we have seen, two 
 of the enemy's standards, and fortunately preserved his own, two in num- 
 ber, from the enemy. That belonging to his infantry was saved by an Ir- 
 ish soldier of great bravery, who, on seeing the battle lost, and the enemy 
 in possession of the field, tore it from the pole and wrapping it round iiis 
 body, which was without any other covering, nobly cut his way through 
 the enemy sword in hand. He overtook Montrose at Peebles, and de- 
 livered the standard into his hands the same night. Montrose rewarded 
 his bravery by appointing him one of his life-guard, and by committing 
 the standard to his future charge. 
 
 It was to the honourable William Hay, brother to the earl of Kinnoub 
 a youth of a martial and enterprising spirit, that Montrose was in- 
 debted for the preservation of his second ensign belonging to the horse. 
 Mr Hay had been appointed to the honourable post of standard-bearer, af- 
 ter the battle of Alford, instead of Mr Douglas, son of the earl of Morton, 
 who had been seriously wounded in that engagement. This noble youth 
 fled to the south carrying the royal ensign along with him, and, after 
 concealing himself for some time about the English borders, he in com- 
 pany with Robert Touris of Inverleith, who had served as a captain in 
 the French service, went in disguise to the north, where he joined Mon- 
 trose, and delivered the royal standard into his hands. 
 
 Montrose passed the night at Peebles, where he was joined by most 
 of his horse and part of his infantry ; but some of his officers who Iiad 
 mistaken their way, or fled in a different direction, were seized by the 
 country people, and delivered over to Leslie. Among these were the 
 earl of Hartfell, the lords Drummond and Ogilvie, Sir Robert Spottis- 
 wood, Sir Alexander Leslie of Auchintoul, Sir William RoUock, Sir 
 Philip Nisbet, the honourable William Murray, brother to the earl of 
 TuUiebardine, Alexander Ogilvie of Inverquharity, colonel Nathaniel 
 Gordon and Mr Andrew Guthry son of the bishop of Moray.* Mon- 
 * Guthry's Meinoiis, p. IGl. 
 
420 HISTORY OF THE HIGHLANDS. 
 
 trose did not tarry long in Peebles, from which he departed early the 
 following morning, and crossing the Clyde at a ford shown him by Sir 
 John Dalziel, where he was, to his great joy, joined by the earls of Craw- 
 furd and Airly, and other noblemen who had effected their escape by a 
 different route, he proceeded rapidly to the north, and entered Athole, 
 after despatching the marquis of Douglas and the earl of Airly into 
 Angus, and Lord Erskine into Mar, to raise forces. Montrose then sent 
 letters to Sir Alexander INIacdonald and the earl of Aboyne, requesting 
 them to join him without delay, and to bring with them all the forces 
 they could muster, to enable him to enter on a new campaign. 
 
 As soon as the members of the committee of estates, who had taken 
 refuge in Berwick, heard of Montrose's defeat at Philiphaugh, they 
 joined Leslie's army, which they accompanied to Edinburgh, and there 
 concocted those measures of revenge against the unhappy royalists who 
 had fallen into their hands, which they afterwards carried into execution. 
 The first who suffered were Colonel O'Kean, to whose distinguished 
 braverj'^ at the battle of Fyvie, we have already alluded, and Major 
 Laughlane, another brave officer. Both these were hanged, without trial, 
 upon the Castle-hill of Edinburgh. Perhaps the circumstance of being 
 Irishmen, appeared a sufficient reason in the eyes of their murder- 
 ers for despatching them so summarily, but they were, nevertheless, the 
 subjects of the king, and as fully entitled to all the privileges of war 
 as the other prisoners. This hatred of the Irish by the covenanters 
 was not confined to the cases of these individuals. Having in their 
 march westward to Glasgow fallen in, near Linlithgow, with a body 
 of helpless Irish women and children, who, in consequence of the loss 
 of their husbands and fathers at the battle of Philiphaugh, were now 
 seeking their way home to their own country, they were all seized by 
 orders of the heads of the covenanters, and thrown headlong by the 
 brutal soldiers over the bridge of Avon into the river below. Some of 
 these unfortunate beings, who had sufficient strength left to reach the 
 banks of the river, were not allowed to save themselves from drowning, 
 but after being beaten on the head and stunned by blows from the butt 
 ends of muskets and by clubs, were pushed back into the stream, where 
 they all perished.* 
 
 The covenanting army continued its march to Glasgow, where a 
 convention of the estates was held to determine upon farther measures. 
 To testify their gratitude to Leslie, they granted him a present of fifty 
 thousand merks and a gold chain, and they also voted the sum of twenty- 
 five thousand merks to Middleton, the second in command, for his ser- 
 vices, t 
 
 * Sir George Mackenzie's Viiid. vol. ii. 348. — Gordon's History of the family of 
 Gordon vol. ii. 490, 491. 
 
 t Guthry, p. 1C3. 
 
CHAPTER XIX. 
 
 Montrose retires into Athole— Marciies nortli to meet Lord Aboyiie — Ineffectual attempts 
 of Montrose to induce Huntly to join him — Joined by Lord Aboyne, who soon de- 
 serts him — Execution of iSirs William Rollock, and Philip Nisbet, and Ogilvie, 
 younger of Inverquharity — March of Montrose into the Lennox — Returns to Athole — 
 Deatli and cliaracter of Lord Napier — Return of Montrose to the north — Marches on 
 Inverness — Defeat of the Campbells at Callander by the Athole men — Meeting of the 
 Covenanting Parliament at St Andrews — Condemnation and execution of Colonel Na- 
 thaniel Gordon, Sir Robert Spottiswood, Captain Guthry, and Mr Murray — Escape 
 of Lord Ogilvie — Ineffectual attempts of Montrose to reduce Inverness — Town of 
 Fraserburgh burnt by the Earl of Crawford— March of General Middleton to Aber- 
 deen — And to Inverness — Retreat of Montrose from Inverness — Capture of Aberdeen 
 by Huntly — Abandoned by him — Return of Middleton — The King escapes to the 
 Scots army — Montrose ordered by the King to disband his army — Corresponds with 
 the King — Meeting between Montrose and Middleton — Montrose disbands his army 
 at Rattray — Embarks for the continent, and arrives at Bergen in Norway. 
 
 Montrose appeared among his Athole friends at a time the most unfavour- 
 able for obtaining their aid. Many of them were engaged in the occupa- 
 tion of the harvest, securing, for the support of themselves and their fami- 
 lies, the scanty and precarious crops which were then upon the ground, and 
 which, if neglected to be cut down in due time, might be destroyed 
 by unfavourable weather. It was, besides, little more than a month 
 since they had left him at Bothwell muir for the purpose partly of 
 repairing the depredations which had been committed by Argyle's men 
 upon their houses, and the interval which had since elapsed had not 
 been sufficient for accomplishing their object. Yet, notwithstanding of 
 these drawbacks, Montrose succeeded in inducing about four hundred 
 of the men of Athole to join him immediately, and to follow him to the 
 north in quest of additional reinforcements; and he obtained a promise 
 that, on his return, the whole of the Athole Highlanders would join him 
 in a body. 
 
 While in Athole, Montrose received promises both from Lord Abojnne 
 and Sir Alexander Macdonald, that they would speedily join him with 
 considerable reinforcements ; but, growing impatient at Aboyne's delay, 
 he resolved to proceed north himself to ascertain in person the cause of 
 it, and to urge that nobleman to fulfil his promise. Crossing, therefore, 
 the Grampians, he marched with great haste through Aberdeenshire, 
 and had an interview with Lord Aboyne, whom he expected to rouse 
 from his apathy. Montrose, however, soon perceived, that whatever 
 Aboyne's own intentions were, he was thwarted by his father, the mar- 
 
422 HISTORY OF THE HIGHLANDS. 
 
 quis of Huntly, who, on hearing of Montrose's success at Kilsyth, had 
 left his retreat in Strathnaver, where he had passed a year and a half 
 in absolute supineness, and returned to his own country. The marquis 
 envied and hated Montrose, and although a royalist in his heart, he did 
 not care to expose the crown and monarchy to danger to gratify his 
 spleen and vanity, as he could not endure to see a man whom he looked 
 upon as his inferior in rank, monopolize the whole power and authority 
 in Scotland. 
 
 " He was," says Bishop Wishart, " a man equally unfortunate and 
 inconsiderate ; and, however much he would seem, or was really attach- 
 ed to the king, yet he often betrayed that intei'est through a pride and 
 unaccountable envy he had conceived against Montrose, whose glory 
 and renown he endeavoured rather to extenuate than make the object of 
 his emulation. He durst not venture to depreciate Montrose's actions 
 before his own people, who had been eye-witnesses of them, and were 
 well acquainted with his abilities, lest it might be construed into a sign 
 of disaffection to the king himself. However, he gave out that he would 
 take the charge of commanding them himself during the remainder of 
 the war ; and in that view he headed all his own vassals, and advised 
 his neighbours, not without threats if they acted otherwise, to enlist 
 under no other authority than his own. They remonstrated how they 
 could be answerable to disobey Montrose's command, who was appoint- 
 ed by the king his deputy-governor and captain-general of all the 
 forces within the kingdom. Huntly replied, that he himself should in 
 no way be wanting in his duty to the king ; but, in the meantime, it 
 tended no less to their honour than his own that it should appear 
 to the king and the whole kingdom how much they contributed to the 
 maintenance of the war ; and this, he said, could never be done, unless 
 they composed a separate army by themselves. He spoke in very 
 magnificent terms of Iiis own power, and endeavoured as much as pos- 
 sible to extenuate that of Montrose. He extolled immoderately the 
 glory and achievements of his ancestors, the Gordons ; a race, worthy 
 indeed of all due commendation, whose power had for many ages been 
 formidable, and an overmatch for their neighbours ; and was so even at 
 this day. It was therefore, he said, extremely unjust to ascribe unto 
 another, meaning Montrose, the glory and renown acquired by their 
 courage, and at the expense of their blood. But, for the future, he 
 would take care, that neither the king should be disappointed of the 
 help of the Gordons, nor should they be robbed of the praise due to 
 their merit." 
 
 By this insidious reasoning, Huntly succeeded in blinding the greater 
 part of his clan as to his real intentions ; but there were some honour- 
 able men among them who saw through the disguise of the marquis, 
 and who justly appreciated the talents of Montrose. They perceived the 
 great danger to which the king's affairs would be exposed by such 
 selfish conduct, and they did every thing in their power to induce him 
 
ATTEMPTS OF MONTROSE TO RAISE THE (JOUUONS. 423 
 
 to altei' his resolution. It was, however, in vain tliat they represented to 
 him the danger and impropriety of dividing the friends of the king at such 
 a crisis when union and harmony were so essentially necessary for 
 accomplishing the objects they had in view, and when, I)y allowing 
 petty jealousies to interfere and distract their councils, they might ruin 
 the royal cause in Scotland. Huntly lent a deaf ear to all their en- 
 treaties, and instead of adopting the advice of his friends to support 
 Montrose, by ordering his vassals to join him, he opposed him almost 
 in every thing he proposed by underhand means, although affecting a 
 seeming compliance with his wishes. Seeing all their efforts fruitless, 
 those friends who had advised Huntly to join Montrose, declared that 
 they would range themselves under Montrose's banner as the king's 
 lieutenant regardless of consequences, and they kept their word. 
 
 The author of the history of the family of Gordon, endeavours to de- 
 fend Huntly from the charges of Wishart, and having given one side 
 of the question, it is but justice also to state what that author has to 
 say in defence of his chief. " Here that author (Wishart) gives 
 Huntly a very bad character. Envy is an action or rather passion of 
 the mind. He pretends to have known the very secret thoughts of his 
 mind ; he speaks very doubtfully of his loyalty, and that his mind began 
 to be alienated from the king. He would need to have been well ac- 
 quainted with him, when he knew the secrets of his mind, none of them 
 appearing by any overt act. Huntly was immoveable and constant in 
 his loyalty even to and in his death, as the same author acknowledges 
 in another place, Avhich I will have occasion to notice hereafter. Then 
 he makes Huntly to have had very senseless speeches to his friends, full 
 of boasting of the glory and gi*eat actions of his ancestors, his own 
 great power ; and that it was unjust that the honour gotten at the expense 
 of their blood should be put to another man's score ; and a great deal 
 more of such idle stuff, needless to be repeated. Now, this author was 
 not an ear-witness to those speeches, nor does he name any person who 
 told him of them ; and, therefoi'e, in all justice, they must be esteemed 
 as his own, and for these reasons, in no construction can be put upon 
 Huntly ; and so I do not think myself obliged to take any further no- 
 tice of them. Only, I must be allowed to think it not a little strange, 
 that such a pious and loyal author should give so bad a character of 
 Huntly here, who in another place hereafter is pleased to give him so 
 great a one."* 
 
 Among other reasons which induced Montrose to take the speedy 
 step he did of marching north himself, was a report which had reached 
 him that the king was to send from England a large body of horse to 
 support him, and he was most anxious to collect such forces as he could 
 to enable him to be in a condition to advance to the south, and unite 
 with this body. In fact, the king had given orders to Lord Digby and 
 
 * Vol. ii. 495. 
 I. S u , 
 
424 HISTORY OF THE HIGHLANDS. 
 
 Sir Marmaduke Langdale to proceed to Scotland with a body of fif- 
 teen hundred horse ; but they were, unfortunately, completely defeated, 
 even before Montrose's departure to the north, by Colonel Copley at 
 Sherburn, with the loss of all their baggage. Digby and Langdale, ac- 
 companied by the earls of Camwath and Nithsdale, fled to Skipton, 
 and afterwards to Dumfries, whence they took shipping to the Isle of 
 Man.* 
 
 Notwithstanding the evasions of the marquis of Huntly, Montrose 
 succeeded in inducing the earl of Aboyne to join him at Drumminor, 
 the seat of Lord Forbes, with a force of fifteen hundred foot and three 
 hundred horse, all of whom appeared to be actuated by the best spirit. 
 To remove every unfavourable impression from the mind of Montrose, 
 Aboyne assured him with great frankness, that he and his men were 
 ready to follow him wherever he should be pleased to lead them, that they 
 would obey his orders ; and that his brother, Lord Lewis, would also 
 speedily join him, as he soon did, with an additional force. 
 
 On receiving this reinforcement, IMontrose turned his face to the 
 south, and marched towards Mar, where he was to be joined by forces 
 which Lord Erskine had raised there ; but he had not proceeded far, 
 when Lord Lewis Gordon, under some pretence or other, returned home 
 with a considerable party of horse, pi'omising to return to the army the 
 following day. The desertion of Lord Lewis had a most pernicious 
 influence upon the remainder of Aboyne's men, who, before the army 
 had reached Alford, were greatly diminished by desertion. As the re- 
 mainder showed great unwillingness to march forward, and as the de- 
 sertions continued, Aboyne requested leave of absence, alleging as his 
 reason, that his father had expressly commanded him to return to 
 defend his possessions against a party of the enemy who were in lower 
 Mar, and who were threatening an attack. The demand of Aboyne 
 excited the astonishment of Montrose, who remonstrated with him, 
 and gave many reasons to induce him to remain. He showed that 
 Aboyne's apprehensions of danger were groundless, as, with the excep- 
 tion of a few troops of the enemy's horse quartered in Aberdeen, there 
 were no other forces in the north which could disturb his father's pos- 
 sessions, and that these horse were too weak to attempt any thing — 
 that by marching south the seat of war would be transferred from the 
 north country, and that, in this way, the marquis of Huntly would be 
 relieved altogether of the presence of the enemy — that it would be 
 impossible to join the royalist forces, which were on their way from 
 England, without crossing the Forth, and that it was only by adopting 
 the latter step that they could ever expect to rescue their brave friends 
 from the fangs of the covenanters, and save their lives. 
 
 Aboyne did not attempt to answer these reasons, which were urged 
 vith Montrose's peculiar energy, but he requested him to send some 
 
 * Eachard's Hist, of England, vol. i. 538. 
 
EXKCUTioN or SIR \v^r. koli.ock and otiiku.s. 4'2o 
 
 persons who liad influence with his father to acquaint him with them. 
 Donald, Lord Rae, at whose house Huntly had lived during his exile in 
 Strathnaver, and Alexander Irvine, younger of Drum, Huntly 's son- 
 in-law, both of whom had been indebted to Montrose for their liberty, 
 were accordingly sent by him to the marquis of Huntly, as the 
 most likely persons he could select to induce Huntly to allow Aboyne 
 to remain with the army. But all their arguments and entreaties were 
 to no purpose. Lord Rae was so heartily ashamed at the failure of his 
 mission, that he declined to return to Montrose ; and Irvine who 
 brought some evasive letters from Huntly, frankly declared to Montrose, 
 that he could obtain no satisfactory explanation from his father-in-law 
 of his real intentions, farther, than that he remained tixed in his resolu- 
 tion that Aboyne should return home immediately. After declaring 
 that he parted from Monti'ose with reluctance, and promising to join him 
 within a fortnight with a force even larger than that which he had 
 lately brought, Aboyne left the army and returned to his father. 
 
 Montrose then continued his march through Braemar and Glenshee 
 into Athole, where he obtained an accession of force. He next proceed- 
 ed to Strathearn, where he was met by two messengers, who arrived by 
 different routes, with orders from the king, desiring Montrose to join 
 Lord George Digby, near the English border, as soon as possible. 
 These messengers were Captain Thomas Ogilvy, younger of Pourie, 
 and Captain Robert Nisbet. On receiving these commands, Montrose 
 immediately sent these messengers north to the marquis of Huntly, to 
 acquaint him with the king's wishes, in the expectation that the use oi 
 his majesty's name would at once induce him to send Aboyne south 
 with reinforcements. 
 
 While Montrose lay in Strathearn waiting for reinforcements, intelli- 
 gence was brought to him that the covenanters were about to imbrue 
 their hands in the blood of his friends who had been taken prisoners 
 after the battle of Philiphaugh. The committee of estates, which had 
 accompanied the covenanting army to Glasgow, had now determined 
 upon this bold and illegal step, for which hitherto, with the recent ex- 
 ceptions of O'Kean and Laughlane, no example had been set by either 
 of the belligerent parties in Scotland since the commencement of the 
 war. They had wisely abstained from staining the scaffolds with blood, 
 but from different motives. Montrose, acting agreeably to the under- 
 stood wishes of the king, which were congenial with his own disposition, 
 not to hurry matters to extremities with his Scottish subjects, refrained 
 fi-om inflicting capital punishment, and, as we have seen, often released 
 his prisoners on parole. The heads of the covenanters had been de- 
 terred by fear alone from carrying their bloody purposes into execution ; 
 but considering that they had now nothing to fear, they soon appeared 
 in their true colours. That the measures of Charles were unconstitu- 
 tional and oppressive, cannot be denied, and that he endeavoured to 
 
426 HISTORY OF THE HIGHLANDS. 
 
 circumvent the parties opposed to him by duplicity and cunning, is a point 
 equally certain ; but there can be no question that, being king de facto, 
 as well as dejure, he had a right, so long as he held the reins of go- 
 vernment, to exercise all the power of the executive in the protection of 
 his person and throne. With the covenanters, however, the case was 
 widely different. They, indeed, struggled for the existence of their re- 
 ligious liberties, but they had no right to assume judicial powers, by 
 consigning to the block those who, from a principle of duty, had taken 
 up arms in defence of their sovereign. But a period of civil war is 
 not the time for attending to such distinctions. 
 
 Besides the committee of the estates, a committee of the kirk held 
 sittings in Glasgow at the same time, which sittings were afterwards 
 transferred to Perth, where, after deposing some ministers who were 
 considered disaffected to the covenant, because they had not " mourned" 
 for Montrose's victory at Kilsyth, they " concerned" themselves, as 
 Guthry observes, about " the disposition of men's heads." Accordingly, 
 thinking the committee of estates remiss in condemning and executing 
 the prisoners, they appointed Mr William Bennet, who acted as Mode- 
 rator in the absence of Mr Robert Douglas, and two others of their 
 number, to wait upon the committee of estates, and remonstrate with 
 them for their supineness. Guthry relates, that the deputation re- 
 ported on their return, in his own hearing, that some of the lords of 
 the committee slighted the desire of the committee of the kirk, and that 
 they were likely to have obtained nothing had not the earl of Tullie- 
 bardine made a seasonable speech to this effect, "that because he had a 
 brother among those men, it might be that their lordships so valued his 
 concurrence with them in the good cause, that for respect of him they 
 were the more loth to resolve upon the question. But that, as for him- 
 self, since that young man had joined with that wicked crew, he did not 
 esteem him his brothei*, and therefore declared that he would take it for no 
 favour if upon that account any indulgence was granted him."*f This 
 fratricidal speech made those members of the committee, who had disliked 
 the shedding of blood, hang down their heads, according to Bennet's re- 
 port, and the committee, thereupon, resolved that ten of the prisoners 
 should be executed, viz. the earl of Hartfell, the Lord Ogilvie, Sir 
 Robert Spottiswood, the Honourable William Murraj', brother to the 
 Earl of Tulliebardine, Alexander Ogilvie of Inverquharity, Sir William 
 RoUock, Sir Philip Nisbet, Colonel Nathaniel Gordon. Adjutant Stewart, 
 and Captain Andrew Guthry. 
 
 * Memoirs, 1C4. 
 f This report fortunately appears to be belied by the following entries in Balfour's 
 Annals, 17th and 19th January, 1646. " The earl of Tulliebardine humbly petitions th<j 
 House that they woidd be pleased to pardon his brother, William Murray's life, in re- 
 spect he averred on his honour, that he was not compos metitis, as also witliin age." 
 '' The earl of Tulliebardine again this day gave in a huml)le petition to the House for 
 prolonging the execution of that sentence pronounced against his brother." Vol. iii. 
 362, 363. 
 
MONTROSE MARCHES INTO THE LENNOX. 427 
 
 Apprehensive, however, that Montrose miglit still be in a condition to 
 avenge the blood of" his friends, the committee did not venture to carry 
 their sentence into immediate execution upon any of them ; but hearing 
 of the division between Montrose and Huntly, and the desertion of the 
 Gordons, they thought they might now safely venture to immolate a few 
 victims at the shrine of the covenant. Accordingly three of the prisoners 
 were ordered for execution, viz. Sir William Rollock, Sir Philip Nisbet, 
 cliief of that name, and Alexander Ogilvie, younger of Inverquharity, a 
 youth not quite eighteen years of age, who had already given proofs of 
 genius. This excellent young man was sacrificed to gratify the malignant 
 animosity of Argyle at the Ogilvies. Sir William was executed at the mar- 
 ket cross of Glasgow, upon the twenty-eiglith day of October, and Sir 
 Philip and Ogilvie suffered at the same place on the following day. 
 Wishart relates a circumstance connected with Sir William RoUock's 
 condemnation, which exhibits a singular instance of the ferocity and 
 fanaticism of the times. He says, that the chief crime laid to Sir Wil- 
 liam's charge was, that he had not perpetrated a deed of the most 
 villanous and atrocious nature ; for having been sent by Montrose, 
 after the battle of Aberdeen, with some dispatches to the king, he 
 was apprehended by the enemy, and would undoubtedly have been 
 immediatel}'^ executed, but for Argyle, who used all his endeavours to 
 engage him to assassinate Montrose, and who at length, by threatening 
 him with immediate death, and promising him, in case of compliance, 
 very high rewards, prevailed on him to undertake that barbarous office, 
 for which, however, he secretly entertained the utmost abhorrence; and 
 having thereby obtained his life and liberty, he returned straight to 
 Montrose and disclosed the whole matter to him, entreating him at the 
 sametime, to look more carefully to his own safety ; as it could not be 
 supposed that he. Sir William, was the only person who had been prac- 
 tised upon in this shameful manner, or that others would equally detest 
 the deed, but that some persons would undoubtedly be found who, 
 allured with the bait, would use their utmost industry ^nd pains to 
 obtain the promised reward.* Another instance of fanaticism is related 
 by Guthry, of Da^ i I Dickson the " bloody preacher," who, on wit- 
 nessing the execution of Nisbet and Ogilvie, was heard to utter this 
 barbarous expression — " the work goes bonnyly on," an expression 
 which afterwards, became, proverbial. 
 
 About the time this tragedy was performing, Montrose crossed the 
 Forth and entered the Lennox with a force of three; hundred horse and 
 twelve hundred foot, and took up his quarters on the lands of Sir John 
 Buchanan, an ardent covenanter, whence he sent out his cavalry every 
 day, who hovered about Glasgow, and plundered the neighbouring 
 country without opposition, although the covenantors had a force of about 
 three thousand cavalry in Glasgow and the neighbourhood. When 
 
428 HISTORY OF THE HIGHLANDS. 
 
 Montrose heard of the execution of his friends his heart was filled with 
 the most poignant grief, and he longed for a suitable opportunity to 
 avenge their deaths, but he was too weak to venture upon an immediate 
 attack. He sent repeated messages fi'om his present head-quarters to 
 Sir Alexander Macdonald to join him ; but after hovering several weeks 
 about Glasgow, like a hawk ready to pounce upon its quarry, he had the 
 mortification to find, that Macdonald had no intention of ever again re- 
 turnmg to him, and that his expectations of being joined by the earl of 
 Aboyne were to be equally disappointed. 
 
 Under these untoward circumstances, therefore, and as the winter, 
 which turned out unusually severe, was far advanced, Montrose resolved 
 to retire into the north where he could remain undisturbed. With 
 this view he began his march fiom the Lennox on the nineteenth of 
 November, and crossing the hills of Monteith, which were covered with 
 snow to a considerable depth, he entered Strathearn, and crossing the 
 Tay, marched into Athole. Here Montrose received the melancholy 
 news of the death of his brother-in-law Archibald Lord Napier of Mer- 
 chiston, whom he had left behind him in Athole on account of indis- 
 position, a man, says Bishop Wishart, " not less noble in his personal 
 accomplishments than in his birth and descent ; a man of the greatest 
 uprightness and integrity, and of a most happy genius, being, as to his 
 skill in the sciences, equal to his father and grandfather, who were 
 famous all the world over for their knowledge in philosophy and mathe- 
 matics, and in the doctrine of civil prudence far beyond them." Mon- 
 trose had been accustomed from his earliest years to look up to this 
 gifted nobleman with feelings of reverential and filial awe, nor were 
 these feelings impaired as he advanced in life. He was interred in the 
 Kirk of Blair with becoming solemnity by Montrose. 
 
 When Montrose arrived in Athole, he there found Captain Ogilvie 
 and Captain Nisbet, who had just returned from the north to give an 
 account of their embassy to the Marquis of Huntly. They reported 
 that they found him quite inflexible in his determination not to send 
 assistance to Montrose, that he had spoken disdainfully to them, and 
 even questioned the authenticity of the message which they brought 
 from the king. It was truly grievous for Montrose to see the cause for 
 which he had fought so long, and for which he had encountered so manj' 
 personal risks, thus endangered by the wilful and fatal obstinacy of an 
 individual who had abandoned his country and his friends in the most 
 trying circumstances, and cowardly skulked in Strathnaver, without 
 showing any inclination to support the tottering diadem of his sovereign. 
 But Montrose did not yet despair of bringing the marquis to a due sense 
 of his duty, and as he considered that it was more expedient, in the present 
 conjuncture, to endeavour to soothe the wounded pride of the marquis 
 than to use the language of menace, he sent Sir John Dalziel to Huntly 
 with a message of peace and reconciliation ; intending, if necessary, as 
 soon as circumstances permitted, to follow him, and enforce by his per- 
 
DEFEAT OF THE CAMPBELLS AT CALLANUEU. 429 
 
 sonal presence, at a friendly conference, which Sir John was requested to 
 ask from tlie marquis, the absolute necessity of such a reconciliation. 
 
 As Dalziel was quite unsuccessful in his mission, and could not pre- 
 vail upon Huntly to agree to a confei-ence with Montrose, the latter 
 hastened to put into effect his intention of paying a personal visit to 
 Huntly, " that nothing might be unattempted to bring him to a right way 
 of thinking," and " by heaping favours and benefits upon him, force him 
 even against his will, to a reconciliation, and to co-operate with him in 
 promoting the king's affairs."* Montrose accordingly left Athole with his 
 army in the month of December, and marching into Angus, crossed the 
 Grampians, then covered with frost and snow, and arrived by rapid 
 marches in Strathbogy before Huntly was aware of his movements. To 
 avoid Montrose Huntly immediately shut himself up in his castle of Bog 
 of Gicht, on the Spey, but Montrose having left his head-quarters with a 
 troop of horse, unexpectedly surprised him very early in the morning 
 before he had time to secret himself. Instead of reproaching Huntly with 
 his past conduct, Montrose spoke to him in the most affable manner, and 
 apparently succeeded in i-emoving his dissatisfaction so far, that a plan 
 for conducting the future operations of the army was agreed upon be- 
 tween them. The reduction of the garrison of Inverness, which, though 
 strong and well fortified, was but scantily stored with provisions, and an 
 attempt to induce the earl of Seaforth to join them, were the leading 
 parts of this plan. Accordingly, while Montrose Avas to march through 
 Strathspey, on his way to Inverness, it was agreed that Huntly should 
 also advance upon it by a different road along the sea coast of Murray- 
 shire, and thereby hem in the garrison on both sides. 
 
 In prosecution of this design, Montrose proceeded through Strath- 
 spey, and sat down before Inverness, waiting for the arrival of Huntly. 
 When marching through Strathspey, Montrose received intelligence that 
 Athole was threatened with a visit from the Campbells — a circumstance 
 which induced him to despatch Graham of Inchbrakie and John Drum- 
 mond, younger of Balloch, to that country, for the purpose of embody- 
 ing the Athole Highlanders, who had remained at home, in defence of their 
 country. The inhabitants of Argyle, on hearing of Sir Alexander Mac- 
 donald's arrival in their country, after the battle of Kilsyth, had fled to 
 avoid his vengeance, and concealed themselves in caverns or in the 
 clefts of the rocks ; but being compelled by the calls of hunger to aban- 
 don their retreats, they had been collected together by Campbell ot 
 Ardkinlass to the number of about twelve hundred, and had attacked 
 the Macgregors and Macnabs for favouring Montrose. Being joined 
 bj-^ the Stuarts of Balquidder, the Menzieses, and other partisans of 
 Argyle, to the number of about three hundred, they meditated an in- 
 vasion of Athole, and had advanced as far as Strathample, with the in- 
 tention of carrying their design into execution, Mhen intelligence was 
 
 • VVisluiit, p. 227. 
 
430 HISTORY OF THE HIGHLANDS. 
 
 brought to Inchbrakie of their approach. Inchbrakie and Balloch had 
 by this time collected a body of seven hundred able-bodied men, and, 
 with this force, they immediately proceeded to meet the Campbells. 
 These had laid siege to Castle Ample ; but, on being apprised of the 
 advance of the Athole-men, they retired to Monteith, whither they were 
 hotly pursued by the Athole-men, who overtook them at Callander, near 
 the village of Monteith. After crossing the river Teith, they halted and 
 prepared for battle, having previously stationed a large party of mus- 
 keteers to guard the ford of the river. 
 
 Having ascertained the strength and position of the Campbells, Inch- 
 brakie ordered a hundred of his men to advance to the ford, as if with 
 the intention of crossing it, in order to draw the attention of the Camp- 
 bells to this single point, while, with the remainder of his men, he hasten- 
 ed to cross the river by another ford, higher up, and nearer the village. 
 This movement was immediately perceived by the Argyle-men, who, 
 alarmed at such a bold step, and probably thinking that the Athole-men 
 were more numerous than they really were, abandoned their position, 
 and fled with precipitation towards Stirling. As soon as the Athole 
 party, stationed at the lower ford, saw the opposite bank deserted, they 
 immediately crossed the river and attacked the rear of the retiring 
 Campbells. They were soon joined in the pursuit by the party which 
 had crossed the higher ford ; but, as the Athole-men had performed a 
 tedious march of ten miles that morning, they were unable to continue 
 the pursuit far. About eighty of the Campbells were killed in the pur- 
 suit. They loitered about Stirling for some time in a very pitiful state, 
 till visited by their chief, on his way to Ireland, who, not knowing how to 
 dispose of them, led them into Renfrewshire, under the impression that as 
 the inhabitants of that district w^ere friendly to the covenant, they would 
 be well received ; but the people of Renfrewshire, instead of showing 
 sympathy for these unfortunate wanderers, threatened to take arms and 
 cut them down, unless they departed immediately. The marquis, there- 
 upon, sent them into the Lennox, and quartered them upon the lands of 
 Lord Napier and other " malignants," as the royalists were called.* 
 
 The support of General Leslie's army being heavily felt by the 
 people, complaints were made to the committee of estates for retaining 
 such a large body of men in Scotland, without any necessity, and whose 
 habits and mode of living were so different from those of the inhabitants 
 of North Britain. The committee sent Leslie back to England, retain- 
 ing only a small brigade imder General Middleton, to watch the 
 motions of Montrose. 
 
 The covenanters, emboldened by recent events, had summoned a 
 parliament, without any authority from the king, to meet at St Andrews, 
 and which accordingly assembled on the twenty -sixth of November, six- 
 teen hundred and forty-five ; and, that the ministers might not be behind 
 
 ♦Giitluy, p. 172. 
 
MEETING OF THE COVENANTING PARLIAMENT. 431 
 
 llic'ir lay-brethren in zeal for the blood of the " malignants," the gen- 
 ei-al assembly of the church also met at the same time and place. It is 
 truly melancholy to find men, under the pretence of religion, demanding 
 the lives of their countrymen as a sacrifice which they considered would 
 be well-pleasing to God ; yet, whilst every well disposed mind must 
 condemn the fanaticism of the covenanters, it must be remembered that 
 the unconstitutional attempts of the king to force protestant episcopacy 
 upon them — a system which they detested, — the severe losses which 
 they had sustained from the arms of Montrose, and the dread of being 
 subjected to the yoke of prelacy, and punished for their resistance, had 
 aroused them to a state of phrenzy, over which reason and religion could 
 have little control. 
 
 x\.s a preparative for the bloody scenes about to be enacted. Sir 
 Archibald Johnston of Warriston, on the day the parliament met, ad- 
 dressed the house in a long harangue, in which he entreated them to 
 "unity amongst themselves, to lay all private respects and interests aside, 
 and to do justice on delinquents and malignants ; showing that their 
 dallying formerly had provoked God's two great servants against them 
 — the sword and plague of pestilence — which had ploughed up the land 
 with deep furrows : he showed that the massacre of Kilsyth was never 
 to be forgotten, and that God, who was the just Judge of the world, would 
 not but judge righteously, and keep in remembrance that sea of innocent 
 blood which lay before his throne, crying for vengeance on these blood- 
 thirsty rebels, the butchers of so many innocent souls. He showed, like- 
 wise, that the times required a more narrow and sharp looking into 
 than formerly, in respect that the house of parliament was become at 
 this present like to Noah's ark, which had in it both foul and clean 
 creatures, and therefore he besought the estates there now convened by 
 God's especial permission and appointment, before that they went about 
 the constitution of that high court of parliament, that they would make 
 a serious search and inquiry after such as were ears and eyes to the 
 enemies of the commonwealth, and did sit there as if there was nothing 
 to say to them ; and, therefore, he humbly desired that the house might 
 be adjourned till to-morrow at two o'clock in the afternoon, and that the 
 several estates might consider what corrupted members were amongst 
 them, who had complied with the public enemy of the state, either by 
 themselves or by their agents or friends."* 
 
 On the fourth of December, a petition was presented to the parlia- 
 ment from the prisoners confined in the castle of St Andrews, praying 
 to be tried either by their peers, the justice-general, or before the whole 
 parliament, and not by a committee, as proposed ; and they very pro- 
 perly objected to Sir Archibald Johnston, who had prejudged their 
 case, from sitting as a judge ; but the house, " in one voice," most 
 iniquitously rejected tlie petition, reserving, however, to the prisoners 
 
 « Balfour, vol. iii. p. 311, .S12. 
 '^ I 
 
432 HISTORY OF THE HIGHLANDS. 
 
 still tu object to Sir Archibald before the committee, " if they hail not 
 any personal exception against his person."* 
 
 As the ministers considered the parliament tardy in their proceedings 
 against the royalists, the commissioners of the general assembly present- 
 ed, on fifth December, a remonstrance, praying them " for justice upon 
 delinquents and malignants who had shed the blood of their brethren," 
 and, on same day, four petitions and remonstrances to the same effect 
 were presented to the parliament, from the provincial assemblies and 
 from the shires of Fife, Dumfries, Merse, Teviotdale, and Galloway, by a 
 body of about two hundred persons. The parliament, says Balfour, by 
 their president, returned this answer — that they had taken their " mo- 
 dest petitions and seasonable remonstrances very kindly, and rendered 
 them hearty thanks, and wished them to be confident that, with all 
 alacrity and diligence, they would go about and proceed in answering 
 the expectations of all their reasonable desires, as they might them- 
 selves perceive in their procedure hitherto ; and, withal, he entreated 
 them, in the name of the house, that they would be earnest with God 
 to implore and beg his blessing to assist and encourage them to the per- 
 formance of what they demanded."f 
 
 Notwithstanding the entreaties of the ministei'S to proceed with the 
 condemnation of the prisoners, the parliament postponed proceedings 
 till the seventeenth of January ; but, as a peace offering, they 
 ordered, in the mean time, some Irish prisoners, composed partly 
 of those who had been taken at Philiphaugh, and who had escaped as- 
 sassination, and partly of stragglers who had been picked up after that 
 battle, and who were confined in all the different prisons of the kingdom, 
 especially in those of Selkirk, Jedburgh, Glasgow, Dumbarton, and 
 Perth, to be executed without trial, " conform to the treaty betwixt 
 both kingdoms.":}: A more illegal act it is scarcely possible to conceive, 
 but in these times even the forms of justice were set aside. 
 
 The committee of estates, when sitting in Glasgow, had condemned 
 the earl of Hartfell and Lord Ogilvie to death, along with Sir William 
 RoUock, Sir Philip Nisbet, and Alexander Ogilvie ; but, for some reason 
 or other, their execution was deferred. So that, with the exception of 
 Adjutant Stuart, who escaped while under the charge of General Mid- 
 dleton, there remained only four persons of any note for condemnation, 
 viz. Colonel Nathaniel Gordon, Sir Robert Spottiswood, the honourable 
 Wm. Murray, and Captain Guthry. It appears from the parliamentary 
 register of Sir James Balfour, that these four prisoners pleaded exemp- 
 tion from trial, or rather from condemnation, on the ground of " quar- 
 ters ;" but after three hours* debate, on the tenth of Januarj^, the parlia- 
 ment overruled this defence ; and the committee having, of course, found 
 them all " guilty of high treason against the states of the kingdom," 
 
 * Balfour, vol. iii.p. 323. f IbiJ. p. S25. i Ibid. p. 341. 
 
ESCAPE OF LOKI) OGILVIE. 433 
 
 tlicy fixed the sixtecntli of that month for taking into consideration tlic 
 punishment to be inflicted upon the prisoners. 
 
 The first case taken up on the appointed day, was that of Colonel 
 Nathaniel Gordon, who, after a debate of three hours' duration, was 
 sentenced to be beheaded at the cross of St Andrews, on Tuesday, the 
 twentieth of January, at twelve o'clock, noon, and his lands and goods 
 were declared forfeited to the public. The lord chancellor declined voting. 
 Similar sentences were pronounced upon the honourable William Mur- 
 ray and Captain Guthry, by a plurality of votes, a few of the members 
 having voted that they should be imprisoned during life. Mr Murray's 
 brother, the earl of Tulliebardine, absented himself. These three fell 
 under an act passed the preceding year, declaring that all persons who, 
 after having subscribed the covenant, should withdraw from it, should 
 be held as guilty of high treason. But the case of Sir Robert Spottis- 
 wood, who had not subscribed the covenant, not falling within the scope 
 of this ex-post-facto law, the " committee" had stated in a special report 
 the grounds on which they found Sir Robert guilty of high treason, 
 namely, 1st, that he had advised, docketed, signed, carried, and delivered 
 to Montrose the commission appointing him " lieutenant-governor and 
 captain-general" of all his majesty's forces in Scotland ; and 2dly, that 
 he had been taken in arms against the country at Philiphaugh. After 
 a lengthened debate, the parliament decided that both these charges 
 were capital offences, and accordingly Sir Robert was condemned by a 
 large majority to lose his head.* The four prisoners were, on the fol- 
 lowing day, brought up for judgment, and received sentence " on their 
 knees severally."! 
 
 It was the intention of the parliament to have ordered the earl of Hai't- 
 fell and Lord Ogilvie to be executed along with the other prisoners ; but 
 on the evening of the nineteenth of January Lord Ogilvie effected his es- 
 cape in the following way. Pretending sickness he applied for, and ob- 
 tained, though with considerable difficulty, libert}' to his mother, lady, and 
 sister, to visit and attend him in prison. On entering his chamber the 
 sentinels retired out of respect to the ladies; and, as soon as the door was 
 shut, his lordship jumped out of bed, and attired himself in his sister's 
 clothes, who, on undressing, took the place of her brother in bed, and 
 put on his night-cap. After spending some time together to prevent sus- 
 picion, the tM'o other ladies and his lordship, after opening the door ajar 
 so as to be seen by the guards, pretended to take a most affectionate and 
 painful leave of the unfortunate bed-ridden prisoner, and drawing the 
 door after them, passed the sentinels without interruption. This hap- 
 pened about eight o'clock in the evening ; and as horses had been pre- 
 pared for his lordship and two companions who were waiting to escort 
 him, he immediately mounted, and was out of all danger before next 
 nioniing, when tiic cheat was discovered. The escape of Lord Ogilvie 
 
 * L'alluur, iy. 359—61. t Ibid. 
 
434 HISTORY OF THE HIGHLANDS. 
 
 highly incensed Argyle, who hated the Ogilvies, and who, it is said, 
 longed for the death of his lordship. He could not conceal the chagrin 
 he felt on the occasion, and even had the audacity to propose that the 
 three ladies should be immediately punished ; but the Hamiltons and 
 Lord Lindsay, who, on account of their relationship to Lord Ogilvie, 
 were suspected of being privy to his escape, protected them from his 
 vengeance. The escape of Lord Ogilvie was a fortunate occurrence for 
 the earl of Hartfell, for whose life it is alleged the Hamiltons thirsted in 
 their turn ; and to disappoint whom Argyle insisted that the earl's life 
 should be spared, a concession which he obtained.* 
 
 Of the four prisoners Colonel Nathaniel Gordon, " a man, (says Wish- 
 art,) of excellent endowments both of body and mind," was the first that 
 suffered. He had been long under the ban of the church for adultery ; 
 but on signing a paper, declaratory of his repentance, he was absolved 
 from the sentence of excommunication. He died expressing great sor- 
 row for the vices and follies of his youth ; but vindicated himself for the 
 part he had taken in the troubles of his country, professed the most 
 unshaken loyalty to his king ; and declared that if there were any thing 
 in the instrument he had signed which might be construed as dishonour- 
 able to the king, or repugnant to his authority, he completely disowned it. 
 
 Colonel Gordon was followed to the scaffold by Sir Robert Spottis- 
 wood, a man of the most spotless integrity, and one of the most profound 
 scholars of the age. He was the eldest son of Archbishop Spottiswood, 
 and had, by his rare endowments and great merit, been noticed with 
 distinction by king James and his successor Charles. James conferred 
 on him the order of knighthood, and made him a privy councillor, and 
 Charles promoted him to the high situation of lord president of the court 
 of session ; and, upon the desertion of the earl of Lanark to the covenan- 
 ters, the king appointed him principal secretary of state for Scotland 
 instead of that nobleman. This appointment drew down upon him the 
 hatred of the leading covenanters, but still there were some among them 
 who continued to respect him on account of his worth and shining ta- 
 lents, and when the vote was taken in parliament whether he should 
 suffer, the earls of Eglintoun, Cassillis, Dunfermline, and Carnwath, 
 voted that his life should be spared ; and the lord chancellor and the earl 
 of Lanark, by leave of the house, declined voting. " Though many 
 liked not his party, they liked his person, which made him many friends 
 even among the covenanters, insomuch, that after his sentence was read, 
 some of the nobility spoke in his behalf, and entreated the house to con- 
 sider the quality and parts of that excellent gentleman and most just 
 judge, whom they had condemned, and begged earnestly his life might 
 be spared. But an eminent knowledge and esteem, which, in other 
 cases, might be a motive to save a criminal, was here only the cause of 
 taking an innocent man's life — so dangerous is it, in a corrupt age, to 
 
 « Wishait, p. 238; Guthi)-, p. 168. 
 
EXECUTION OF SIR KOREUT Sl'OTTISWOOD. 435 
 
 be eminently constant and virtuous. The gentlemen who spoke were 
 told that the authority of the established government was not secure 
 while Sir Robert's life was spared. Whereupon the noblemen who pre- 
 sided at the meeting of the estates at Glasgow, and in the parliament at 
 St Andrews, openly declared, when they signed the respective sen- 
 tences, that they did sign as prescs, and in obedience to the command 
 of the estates, but not as to their particular judgment."* 
 
 After he had mounted the scaffold, still reeking with the blood of 
 Colonel Gordon, Sir Robert surveyed the terrific scene around him with 
 singular composure, which, added to his appearance, which was naturally 
 grave and dignified, filled the breasts of the spectators with a feeling of 
 compassion. Sir Robert had intended to have addressed the people, and 
 had prepared a written speech for the occasion ;-]- but on turning round to 
 
 * Life prefixed to Sir Robert's worlc, titled " Practicks," folio, printed in 170G. 
 
 f This speech is too long for insertion, but the most interesting parts of it are here 
 given. 
 
 " You will expect to hear from me somewhat of the cause for which I am brought 
 hither at this time to suffer in this kind; which I am bound to do, for clearing the inte- 
 grity of mine own proceedings, vindicating his majesty's just and pious intentions, and 
 withal to undeceive you that are muzzled in ignorance, and made to believe that you are 
 tied in conscience, to set forward this unnatural rebellion, masked under the cover and 
 pretext of propagating religion, and maintaining of public liberty. 
 
 "You have perceived by the fact which hath gone before, viz., tearing of my arms, 
 &c., that I stand here adjudged to die by this pretended parliament, as a traitor to tlie 
 states, and enemy to my native country. This is a treason unheard of before in this 
 kingdom ; against the states, a thing of a new creation, which, I believe, there be some 
 would have erected in opposition to the just and lawful authority of the king, under which 
 we and our predecessors have been so many hundreds of years governed. 
 
 " To come to the particulars of my treasonable deme.-mour, as they term it, the main 
 one is, that I did bring down a commission of lieutenancy from his Majesty to the lord 
 marquis of Montrose, with a proclamation for indicting a parliament by the king's au- 
 thority, wherein the lord marquis was the commissioner. Not to excuse myself upon the 
 necessity laid upon me to obey his majesty's command in a business of that nature, in 
 regard of the charge I had about him ; I cannot so far betray mine own conscience, as to 
 keep up from you my judgment of the thing itself; seeing it may both tend to the justi- 
 fying of the king's part, and your better information, for lack whereof I know many are 
 entangled in this rebellion unwittingly ; and who knoweth but God, in his merciful pro- 
 vidence, hath brought us hither, to be the instruments of freeing you from the manifold 
 delusions that are made use of to insnare you. 
 
 " I Seiy, then, it was just and necessary to his majesty to grant such commissions, and, 
 by consequence, an act of duty in me to perform what he was pleased to command me. 
 
 " It is known well enough what contentment In's majesty gave to the kingdom at his 
 last being here, botli in the affairs of church and policy ; notwithstanding whereof the 
 world seeth what meeting he hath got from us. When this rebellion first burst out in 
 England, all that he desired of us was only to stand neutral, and not to meddle between 
 him and lus subjects there. Of which moderate desire of his little reckoning was maile. 
 13ut on the contrary, at the request of these rebels, by the power of their faction amongst 
 us, an army was raised and sent into England, to assist tliem against their own native 
 king. 
 
 " His majesty being reduced to this extremity, what expedient could he find so fair and 
 easy, as to make use of the help of such of his loyal subjects as he knew had such un|ia- 
 ralleled disloyalty in horror and detestation? Amongst whom, that matchless mirror of 
 all true worth and nobility, the lord marquis of IMontrose, iiaving offered himself, it 
 pleased his majesty to give him a suhaltern commission first; which he having executul 
 with such unheard-of success, that his memory shall be had in honour for it, in all ages, 
 
436 HISTORY OF THE HIGHLANDS. 
 
 address the spectators, he was prevented from proceeding by the provost 
 of St Andrews, formerly a servant of Sir Robert's father, who had been 
 instigated to impose silence upon him by Robert Blair, one of those 
 ministers who, to the scandal of religion, had dishonoured their profession 
 by calling out for the blood of their countiymen. Blair's motive in oc- 
 casioning this interruption is said to have arisen from a dread he enter- 
 tained that Sir Robert would expose the designs of the covenanters, 
 and impress the bystanders with an unfavourable opinion of their pro- 
 ceedings. Sir Robert bore the interruption with the most unruffled 
 composure, and, as he saw no chance of succeeding, he threw the 
 manuscript of his speech amongst the crowd, and applied himself to 
 his private devotions. But here again he was annoyed by the officious 
 impertinence of Blair, who rudely asked him whether he (Blair) and the 
 people should pray for the salvation of his soul ? To this question Sir 
 Robert answered, that he indeed desired the prayers of the people ; but 
 knowing the blood-thii-sty character of the man he was addressing, who 
 had come to tease him in his last moments, he told him that he " would 
 have no concern with his prayers, which he believed were impious, and 
 an abomination unto God ; adding, that of all the plagues with which the 
 offi}nded majesty of God had scourged the nation, this was certainly by 
 far the greatest, greater than even the sword, fire, or pestilence ; that for 
 the sins of the people God had sent a lying spirit into the mouths of the 
 prophets."* This answer raised the fury of Blair, who assailed Sir 
 Robert with the most acrimonious imputations, and reviled the memory 
 of his father by the most infamous charges ; but Sir Robert was too 
 deeply absorbed in meditation to regard such obloquy. Having finished 
 his devotions, this great and good man, after uttering these words, 
 " Merciful Jesus ! gather my soul unto thy saints and martjTS who have 
 run before me in this race," laid his neck upon the fatal block, and in 
 an instant his head was severed from his body. 
 
 After Sir Robert Spottiswood's execution, Captain Guthry, son of the 
 
 his majesty, for the better furthering of his own sei-vice, and to countenance and encou- 
 rage him the more in it, gave an absolute one, and, independent, thereafter; which is that 
 I delivered into his hands by his majesty's command. Here withal, his majesty, pity- 
 ing the miseries of this poor kingdom, occasioned by the rebellious stubbonniess of a few 
 factious spirits, thought fit to give a power to the said lord marquis to cdl a parliament 
 in his own name, to try if by that means a remedy might be found against the present 
 evils, 
 
 " And in all this, I see not what can be justly upon his majesty, or upon me his sor- 
 vaut, who have done nothing against any authorised law of the kingdom, but have served 
 him faithfully, unto whom by trust and natural allegiance I owe so much." 
 
 The day before his execution Sir Robert wrote a letter to the marquis of Mon- 
 trose offering the " last tribute of his service," and expressing a hope that " the king's 
 cause" would be advanced by his death. He encouraged the marquis to go on and crown 
 the work he had " so gloriously" begun, and recommended to him to pursue the course 
 he had hitherto followed, " Ijy fair and gentle carriage, to gain the people's affection to 
 their prince, rather than imitate the barbarous inhumanity'' of his adversaries. Sir Ro- 
 bert concluded by recommending hii orphans and liis "brother's house" to his care. 
 
 * AVisharl, p. 2]2. 
 
EXECUTION OF CAPTAIN GUTIIRY AND MR MURRAY, 437 
 
 ex-bishop of Moray, was next led to the scaffold. The fierce and un- 
 feeling Blair, who had already officiously witnessed, with the most mor- 
 oid complacency, the successive executions of Colonel Gordon and Sir 
 Robert, not satisfied with reviling the latter gentleman in his last and awful 
 moments, and lacerating his feelings by heaping every sort of obloquy 
 upon the memory of his father, vented the dregs of his impotent rage; 
 upon the unfortunate victim now before him ; but Guthry bore all this 
 man's reproaches with becoming dignity, and declared that he considered 
 it an honour to die in defence of the just cause of his sovereign. He 
 met his death with the fortitude of a hero and the firmness of a Christian. 
 
 In consequence of an application to the parliament by the earl of 
 Tulliebardine, the execution of his brother, William Murray, was delayed 
 till the twenty-third day of January. The case of this unfortunate young 
 man excited a strong feeling of regret among the covenanters themselves, 
 and some writers have not scrupled to blame the earl as the cause of his 
 death, that he might succeed to his patrimony. Some countenance is 
 afforded to this conjecture from the circumstance that the earl not only 
 made no exertions to save his brother from condemnation, but that he 
 even absented himself from parliament the day that his brother's case 
 came to be discussed, when, by his presence or his vote, he might have 
 saved his brother's life. Nor is this supposition, it is contended, in any 
 shape weakened by the attempt he afterwards made to get off his bro- 
 ther ; for he must have known that the parliament had gone too far to 
 retract, and could not, without laying itself open to the charge of the 
 grossest partiality, reprieve Mr Murray, and allow their sentence to be 
 carried into execution against the other prisoners. If true, however, 
 that the earl delivered the speech imputed to him by Bennet, there can 
 be no doubt of his being a particiisator in the death of his brother, but, 
 it would be hard to condemn him on such questionable authority. To 
 whatever cause it was owing, Mr Murray was not, during his last mo- 
 ments, subjected to the annoyances of Blair, nor was he prevented from 
 delivering the following speech to the persons assembled to witness his 
 execution. He spoke in a loud tone of voice as follows : " I hope, my 
 countrymen, you will reckon that the house of Tulliebardine, and the 
 wJiole family of Murray, have this day acquired a new and no small 
 addition of honour ; that a young man, descended of that ancient race, 
 has, though innocent, and in the flower of his age, with the greatest 
 readiness and cheerfulness, delivered up his life for his king, the father 
 of his country, and the most munificent patron and benefactor of that 
 family from which he is sprung. Let not my honoured mother, my 
 dearest sisters, my kindred or my friends, lament the shortness of my 
 life, seeing that it is abundantly recompensed by the honour of my 
 death. Pray for my soul, and God be with you."* 
 
 Many prisoners, but of less note, still remained to be disposed of; but 
 
 • Giilhry, p. 215. 
 
438 HISTORY OF THE HIGHLANDS. 
 
 the pai:liament, either averse to shed more blood, or from other consi- 
 derations, took no steps against them. The committee of the kirk, how- 
 ever, being actuated by other motives, pressed the parliament to dispose 
 of some more of the " malignants ;" but the bloody zeal of these clerical 
 enthusiasts was checked by the better sense of the parliament ; and in 
 order to get rid of their importunities for blood, a suggestion was made 
 to them by the leading men in parliament to lay before them an " over- 
 ture," proposing some more lenient mode of punishment. The " godly" 
 brotherhood soon met, but a considerable difference of opinion prevail- 
 ing as to the nature of the punishment to be submitted to parliament in 
 the proposed overture, the moderator asked David Dickson what he 
 thought best to be done with the prisoners, who answered " in his homely 
 way of speaking, ' shame them and herry (plunder) them.' " This pro- 
 posal being adopted was made the subject of an overture, which was 
 accordingly presented to parliament ; and to meet the views of the min- 
 isters, a remit was made to a large committee, which was appointed to 
 meet at Linlithgow, the twenty-fifth of February, to fix the amount of 
 the fines to be imposed upon the diflTerent delinquents. 
 
 While the proceedings before detailed were going on at St Andrews, 
 Montrose was ineffectually endeavouring to reduce the garrison of In- 
 verness, the acquisition of which would have been of some importance 
 to him. Had the marquis of Huntly kept his promise, and joined Mon- 
 trose, its capture might have been effected ; but that nobleman never 
 made his appearance, and as Inverness was thus left open on the side 
 which it was intended he should block up, tlie enemy were enabled to 
 supply themselves with provisions and warlike stores, of which they 
 stood in great need. Huntly, however, afterwards crossed the Spey, 
 and entered Moray with a considerable force, but instead of joining 
 Montrose, who repeatedly sent for him, he wasted his time in fruitless 
 enterprises, besieging and taking a few castles of no importance. 
 
 As Huntly who envied the military glory of Montrose, probably did 
 not think that the capture of a few obscure castles was sufficient to 
 establish his pretensions as Montrose's rival, he resolved to seize Aber- 
 deen, and had advanced on his way as far as Kintore, where he was met 
 by Ludovick Lindsay, earl of Crawford, who had retired from the 
 Mearus, where he had been stationed with Montrose's horse, on hearing 
 of the approach of the parliamentary army under the command of Gen- 
 eral Middleton towards Aberdeen. This intelligence was quite sufficient 
 to induce the marquis to desist from his enterprize. Lindsay then 
 marched into Buchan, and burnt the town of Fraserburgh. He, there- 
 after, went to Banff, but was compelled to retire hastily into Moray with 
 some loss in February sixteen hundred and forty-six, by a division of 
 Middleton's army under the command of Lieutenant-Colonel Montgo- 
 mery and Major David Barclay.* 
 
 * Gordon's Continuation p. 531. ;. 
 
MARCH OF MIDDLETON TO INVERNESS. 439 
 
 About this time intelligence was brought to Montrose that General 
 Middleton had arrived at Aberdeen with a force of six hundred horse 
 and eight hundred foot. He now renewed his entreaties to Huntly to 
 join him immediately, that they might either reduce Inverness or march 
 jointly upon Aberdeen and attack Middleton ; but the jealousy or vanity 
 of Huntly would not permit him to accede to Montrose's request. This 
 refusal exasperated Montrose to such a degree that he resolved to have 
 recourse to force to compel compliance, as he could no longer endure to 
 see the authority of the sovereign, whose deputy he was, thus trampled 
 upon and despised. As he had already brought over the Earl of Sea- 
 forth to his side, who had induced the heads of some of the principal 
 clans to form a confederation for obtaining a national peace, he was fully 
 in a condition to have I'educed Huntly to obedience ; but the sudden 
 advance of Middleton prevented Montrose from making the attempt. 
 
 Wishart relates rather an incredible story respecting an alleged piece 
 of treachery on the part of Lord Lewis Gordon on this occasion. He 
 states that, as Montrose had no reliance on Huntly, and as he " began 
 now to think it high time to look more carefully to his own safety, lest 
 Huntly 's malice might at last carry him the length even to betray him," 
 he sent three troops of horse to the fords of the Spey to watch the 
 motions of the enemy, with orders, if they approached, to send him 
 immediate intimation of their movements. This body, it is said, occu- 
 pied the most convenient stations, and watched with very great diligence 
 for some time, till Lord Lewis, who then kept the castle of Rothes, 
 having contrived his scheme of villany, assured the officers who com- 
 manded the horse, that the enemy was very far distant, and had no 
 intention to pass the river ; he, therefore, advised them to cease watching, 
 and having invited them to the castle where they were sumptuously en- 
 tertained by him, plied with wine and spirits, and detained till such time 
 as Lord Middleton had crossed the Spey with a large army of horse 
 and foot, and penetrated far into Moray, he dismissed his guests with 
 these jeering remarks — " Go, return to your general Montrose, who 
 will now have better work than he had at Selkirk." Such a statement 
 carries its own condemnation upon the face of it, for even supposing that 
 Montrose's officers had acted the stupid part iinputed to them, they 
 would certainly not have forgotten their duty so far as to order their 
 men to abandon their posts. 
 
 It was in the month of May, sixteen hundred and forty-six, that 
 General Middleton left Aberdeen at the head of his army, on his way to 
 Inverness. He left behind him in Aberdeen a regiment of horse, and 
 another of foot, for the protection of the town, under the command of 
 Lieutenant-Colonel Montgomery. Middleton made a rapid march, and 
 arfivcd in the neighbourhood of Inverness on the ninth of May, 
 driving before him the few troops of horse which Montrose had sta- 
 tioned on the Spey to watch his motions. On being warned of Middle- 
 ton's approach, Montrose drew his troops together, and took up a 
 
 I. 3 k 
 
440 HISTORY OF THE HIGHLANDS. 
 
 position at some distance from the town ; but having ascertained that 
 Middleton was strong in cavalry, he hastily crossed the river Ness. 
 Middleton, thereupon, despatched two regiments of cavalry after him, 
 who attacked his rear, cut off some of his men, and captured two pieces 
 of cannon and part of his baggage. Montrose continued his retreat by 
 Beauly into Rosshire, whither he was pursued by Middleton, who, 
 however, suffered some loss in the pursuit. As Montrose's forces were 
 far inferior, in point of numbers, to those of Middleton, he avoided 
 coming to an engagement, and as Seaforth's men, who had joined Mon- 
 trose at Inverness, under their chief, began to desert him in great 
 numbers, and as he could not depend on the population by which he 
 was surrounded, Montrose turned to the right, and passing by Lochness, 
 marched through Strathglass and Stratherrick to the banks of the Spey. 
 Middleton did not follow Montrose, but went and laid siege to the castle 
 of the earl of Seaforth in the chanonry of Ross, which he took after a 
 siege of four days. He behaved towards the countess of Seaforth, who 
 was within the castle, with great politeness, and restored it to her after 
 taking away the ammunition which it contained.* 
 
 The absence of Middleton from Aberdeen afforded Huntly an opportu- 
 nity of accomplishing the design which he formerly entertained, till scared 
 by the approach of Middleton from the south, of taking Aberdeen, and 
 accordingly he ordered his men to march fi'om Deeside to Inverury 
 where he appointed a general rendezvous to be held on the tenth of 
 May. Colonel Montgomery being aware of his motions, beat up his quar- 
 ter the same night at Kintore with a party of horse, and killed some of his 
 men. But Montgomery was repulsed by Lord Lewis Gordon, with some 
 loss, and forced to retire back to Aberdeen. The marquis appeared at the 
 gates of Aberdeen at 12 o'clock on the following day, with a force of fifteen 
 hundred Highland foot and six hundred horse, and stormed it in three 
 different places. The garrison defended themselves with courage, and 
 twice repulsed the assailants, in which contest a part of the town was 
 set on fire ; but a fresh reinforcement having entered the town, under 
 Lord Aboyne, the attack was renewed, and Montgomery and his horse 
 were forced to retire down to the edge of the river Dee, which they 
 crossed by swimming. The covenanting foot, after taking refuge in 
 the tolbooth and in the houses of the Earl Marischal and Menzies of Pit- 
 foddles, craved quarter and surrendered at discretion. Although the city 
 of Aberdeen had done nothing to incur Huntly's displeasure, he allow- 
 ed his Highlanders to pillage it. About twenty officers were taken pri- 
 soners, among whom were Colonels Hurry, Barclay, and David Leighton ; 
 besides Sir William Forbes of Craigievar, and other country gentlemen, 
 particularly of the name of Forbes ; but they were also released next day 
 on their parole of honour not to serve against the king in future. There 
 were killed on the side of the covenanters. Colonel William Foi'bes, 
 
 * Gordon's continuation, p. 623. 
 
MONTROSE RECEIVES A LETTER FROM THE KING. 441 
 
 Captain Lockhart, son of Sir James Lockiiart of Lcc, and three otlicr 
 captains of foot, besides a considerable number of privates ; but Huntly 
 lost only about twenty men in whole.* 
 
 As Huntly 's force was considerably reduced by the return of the 
 Highlanders, who had accompanied him, to their own houses, with the 
 booty which they had collected in Aberdeen, and, as he was api)rehen- 
 sive of the immediate return of Middlcton from the north, Huntly re- 
 mained but a short time in Aberdeen. Marching up the north bank of 
 the Dee, he encamped in Cromar ; but the sudden appearance of Mid- 
 dleton, who, on hearing of Huntly 's advance on Aberdeen, had retraced 
 his steps and rc-crossed the Spey, made him retire into Mar, where he 
 was followed by Middleton, who, in some slight skirmishes, cut off some 
 of his men ; but Middleton discontinued the pursuit and returned to 
 Aberdeen, which he found had suffered severely from Huntly 's visit. 
 
 After an ineffectual attempt by Montrose to obtain an interview with 
 Huntly at the bog of Gicht, whither he had gone after Middleton's re- 
 turn to Aberdeen, Montrose resolved to make a tour through the High- 
 lands, in the hope that he would be able, by his personal presence, and 
 by promising suitable rewards, to induce the clans to rise in defence of 
 their sovereign ; but with the determination, in case of refusal, to en- 
 force obedience to his commands. This resolution was not taken by 
 Montrose, without the concurrence of some of his best friends, who pro- 
 mised to aid him by every means in their power, in carrying it into ef- 
 fect. In pursuance of his design, Montrose was just about setting out 
 on his proposed journey, when, on the last day of May, a messenger 
 arrived with a letter f from the king, requesting him to disband his 
 forces, and to retire, himself, to France, where he would receive " further 
 directions." After the disastrous battle of Naseby, which was fought 
 on the fourteenth day of June, sixteen hundred and forty-four, between 
 the English royalists and the pai'liamentary forces, the campaign in 
 England, on the part of the king, " presented little more than the last and 
 feeble struggles of an expiring party." :{; The king had been enabled, 
 in consequence of the recall of the horse, which had reached Notting- 
 ham, on their way to Hereford, under General Davitl Leslie, after the 
 battle of Kilsyth, to drive the parliamentaiy infantry back from the 
 siege of Hereford ; but the surrender of Bristol to the forces of the par- 
 liament, on the tenth of September, and the defeat of the royalists at 
 
 * Gordon's Continuation, p. 533. 
 t Montrose, — I am in such a condition as is much fitter for relation than wriiiiij;, 
 wherefore I refer you to this trusty bearer, Robin Ker, for the reasons and manner of 
 my coming to (his army; as also what my treatment hath been since I came, and my 
 resolutions upon my whole business. This shall, therefore, only give you positive com- 
 mands, and tell you real truths, leaving the irhy of all to this bearer. You must dis- 
 band your forces, and go into France, where you shall receive my further direction!;. 
 This, at first, may justly startle you, but I assure you, that, if for the present, I should 
 offer to do more for you, 1 could not do so much, and that you shall always find me your 
 most assured, constant, real, and faithful friend, 
 
 Newcastle, May 19, ItiiC, CHARLES i\. 
 
 X Lingard, vol. vi. p. o30, 4lo. 
 
442 HISTORY OF THE HIGHLANDS. 
 
 Chester, on the twenty-third of the same month, completed the ruin of 
 the king's affairs. Having shut himself up in Oxford, for the last time, 
 in November following, Charles, after the discovery of the secret 
 treaty with the catholics of Ireland, w hich had been entered into by the 
 earl of Glamorgan, endeavoured to negotiate with the English parlia- 
 ment in the expectation that if he could gain either of the parties (the 
 presbyterians and independents) over to his side, by fair promises, he 
 would be enabled to destroy both.* That negotiation, however, not 
 succeeding, a separate negotiation was set on foot, through the medium 
 of Montrevil, the French envoy, with the Scots army before Newark, 
 the leaders of which offered an asylum to the king on certain conditions. 
 At length Charles, undetermined as to the course he should pursue, on 
 hearing of the approach of the parliamentary army, under Fairfax, left 
 Oxford at midnight, on the twenty-seventh of April, sixteen hundred and 
 forty-six, in the disguise of a servant, accompanied by Mr Ashburnham 
 and Dr Hudson, a clergj^man, and, after traversing the neighbouring 
 countiy, arrived at Southwell on the fifth of May, where he was intro- 
 duced by Montrevil to the earl of Leven, the commander of the Scots 
 army, and the officers of his staff. The arrival of the king seemed to 
 surprise the officers very much, although it is generally supposed that 
 they had been made previously aware of his intentions by Hudson, Avho 
 had preceded him, and they treated him with becoming respect, the 
 commander tendering his bare sword upon his knee ;f but when Charles, 
 who had retained Leven's sword, indicated his intention to take the com- 
 mand of the army, by giving orders to the guard, that crafty veteran 
 unhesitatingly thus addressed him : — " I am the older soldier. Sir : 
 your majesty had better leave that office to me." :{: The king was, in 
 in fact, now a prisoner. As soon as the intelligence reached the capital, 
 that the king had retired to the Scots camp, the two parliamentary fac- 
 tions united in accusing the Scots of perfidy, and sent a body of five 
 thousand horse to watch their motions ; but the Scots being desirous to 
 avoid hostilities, raised their camp before Newark, and hastily retired to 
 Newcastle, carrying the king along with them. 
 
 On arriving at Newcastle, the king was waited upon by the earls of 
 Lanark and Callander, and Lord Balmerino, who paid their respects to 
 him. As Callander was understood to be favourably inclined to the 
 king, Lanark and Balmerino were desirous to get rid of him, and accord- 
 ingly they prevailed upon his majesty to send Callander back to Edin- 
 burgh with a letter, which they had induced his majesty to write to 
 the committee of estates, expressive of his desire to comply with the 
 wishes of the Scots parliament, and containing instructions to them to 
 order Montrose, Huntly, and Sir Alexander Macdonald to disband their 
 
 * Ibid. 513—" I am not without hope that I shall be able to draw either the presby- 
 terians or independents with me, for extirpating the one or other, that I shall be easily 
 king again.'' Carte's Ormond, iii. 4C2. 
 
 t Kirkton. | Ru^hworth, vi. 
 
COMMUNICATION FROM MONTROSE TO THE KING. 443 
 
 forces. And it was also at the desire of these two noblemen that tlio 
 king wrote the letter to Montrose referred to. 
 
 After Montrose had read this letter he was filled with deep amaze- 
 ment and concern. All those visionary schemes for accomplisJiing the 
 great object of his ambition, which a few minutes before liad floated ia 
 his vivid imagination, were now dispelled. He was now placed in one 
 of the most painful and difficult situations it is possible to conceive. He 
 had no doubt that the letter had been extorted from the king, yet he 
 considered that it would neither be prudent nor safe for him to risk the 
 responsibility of disobeying the king's orders. Besides, were he to at- 
 tempt to act contrary to these instructions, he might thereby compromise 
 the safety of the king, as his enemies would find it no difficult affair to 
 convince the army that Montrose was acting according to private in- 
 structions from the king himself. On the other hand, by instantly dis- 
 banding his army, Montrose considered that he would leave the royal- 
 ists, and all those friends who had shared his dangers, to the mercy 
 of their enemies. In this dilemma, he determined to convene a 
 general meeting of all the principal royalists to consult as to how he should 
 act — a resolution which showed his good sense, and kind and just feel- 
 ing towards those who had been induced by his means to risk their 
 lives and fortunes in the cause of the king. Notwithstanding the many 
 slights which had been put upon him by the marquis of Huntly, Mon- 
 trose, anxious to preserve a good understanding witli him, sent Sir John 
 Hurry and Sir John Innes, two gentlemen the most unexceptionable he 
 could select, to Huntly, to invite him to attend the proposed meeting, 
 and that there might not appear any idea of dictation on the part of 
 Montrose, the time and place of meeting was left to Huntly's own choice 
 But this haughty nobleman answered that he himself had received 
 orders similar to those sent to Montrose, which he was resolved to obey 
 immediately, and, therefore, he declined to attend any meeting on the 
 subject. 
 
 In this situation of matters, Montrose considered that his best and 
 wisest course would be to keep his army together till he should receive 
 another communication from the king, in answer to a letter which he 
 sent by a messenger of his own, in which he begged his majesty to acquaint 
 him of the real situation of matters, whether he considered his person 
 safe in the hands of the covenanters, and if he could be of any farther 
 service to him. Montrose begged also to be informed by the king, if 
 he persevered in his resolution to disband an army which had fought so 
 bravely in his defence, and that at a time when his enemies, in both 
 kingdoms, were still under arms ; and if so, he wished to be instructed 
 by his majesty as to the course he should pursue, for the protection and 
 security of the lives and fortunes of tliose brave men, who had encoun- 
 tered so many dangers, and had spent their blood in his defence, as he 
 could not endure the idea of leaving such lo^'al subjects to the mercy of 
 
444 HISTORY OF THE HIGHLANDS. 
 
 their enemies.* The king returned an answer f to this letter, by the 
 former messenger, Ker, in which he assured him that he no less esteem- 
 ed his willingness to lay down arms at his command, " for a gallant and 
 real expression " of his zeal and affection to his service than any of his 
 former actions ; but he hoped that Montrose had not such a mean opin- 
 ion of him, that for any particular or worldly I'espects he would suffer 
 him (Montrose) to be ruined, — that his only reason for sending Mon- 
 trose out of the country was that he might return with greater glory, 
 and, in the meantime, to have as honourable an employment as he (the 
 king) could confer upon him, — that Ker would tell him the care he had 
 of all Montrose's friends, and his own, to whom, although he could not 
 promise such conditions as he would have wished, yet they would be 
 such, all things considered, as were most fit for them to accept. " Where- 
 fore," continues his majesty, " I renew my former directions, of laying 
 down arms, unto you, desiring you to let Huntly, Crawford, Airly, Sea- 
 forth, and Ogilvy, know, that want of time hath made me now omit to 
 reiterate my former commands unto you, intending that this shall serve 
 for all ; assuring them, and all the rest of my friends, that, whensoever 
 God shall enable me, they shall reap the fruits of their loyalty and affec- 
 tion to my service." 
 
 These ' conditions,' which consisted of several articles, and in the 
 drawing up of which the king probably had no concern, were far from 
 satisfactory to Montrose, who refused to accede to them. He even re- 
 fused to treat with the covenanters, and he sent back the messenger to 
 the king to notify to him, that as he had acted under his majesty's com- 
 mission, he would admit of no conditions for laying down his arms, or 
 disbanding his army, which did not come directly from the king himself, 
 but that if his majesty imposed conditions upon him, he would accept of 
 them with the most implicit submission. The king, who had no alter- 
 native but to adopt these conditions as his own, put his name to them and 
 sent back the messenger with them, with fresh instructions to Montrose to 
 disband his army forthwith under the pain of high treason. Besides Ker, 
 the king despatched another trusty messenger to Montrose with a pri- 
 vate letter:}: urging him to accept of the conditions offered, as in the event 
 of his refusal to break up his army, his majesty might be placed " in 
 a very sad condition," such as he would rather leave Montrose to guess 
 at than seek himself to cxpi-ess. From this expression, it would appear 
 that Charles already began to entertain some apprehensions about his 
 personal safety. These commands of the king were too peremptory to 
 be any longer withstood, and as Montrose had been informed that se- 
 veral of the leading royalists, particularly the marquis of Huntly, Lord 
 Aboyne, and the earl of Seaforth, were negotiating with the estates in 
 their own behalf, and that Huntly and Aboyne had even offered to com- 
 
 * Wishart, p. 262. t June 15, 1616. 
 
 i July 16, 1646. 
 
MONTROSE DISBANDS HIS AUMY 445 
 
 pel Montrose to lay down his arms in compliance with the orders of the 
 king, he immediately resolved to disband his army. 
 
 As Middleton had been intrusted by the committee of estates with 
 ample powers to negotiate with the royalists, and to see the conditions 
 offered to Montrose implemented by him in case of acceptance, a cessa- 
 tion of arms was agreed upon between Montrose and Middleton ; and 
 in order to discuss the conditions, a conference was held between tlicm 
 on the twenty-second day of July, on a meadow, near the river Hay, in 
 Angus, where they " conferred for the space of two hours, there being 
 none near them but one man for each of them to hold his horse."* The 
 conditions agreed upon were these, that with the exception of Montrose 
 himself, the carl of Crawford, Sir Alexander Macdonald, and Sir John 
 Hurry, . all those who had taken up arms against the covenanters would 
 be pardoned on making their submission, and that Montrose, Crawford, 
 Hurry, and Graham of Gorthy, should transport themselves beyond 
 seas, before the last day of August, in a ship to be provided by the 
 estates. This arrangement was ratified by the comraitee of estates, but 
 the committee of the kirk exclaimed against it, and petitioned the com- 
 mittee of estates not to sanction it. 
 
 Preparatory to disbanding his army, Montrose appointed it to ren- 
 dezvous at Rattray, in the neighbourhood of Cupar-Angus, at which 
 place, on the thirtieth day of July, he discharged his men, after address, 
 ing a feeling and animated oration to them, in which, " after giving 
 them due praise for their faithful services and good behaviour, he told 
 them liis orders, and bid them farewell, an event no less sorrowful to 
 the whole army than to himself; and, notwithstanding he used his ut- 
 most endeavours to raise their drooping spirits, and encourage them 
 with the flattering prospect of a speedy and desirable peace, and assured 
 them that he contributed to the king's safety and interest by his present 
 ready submission, no less than he had formerly done by his military at- 
 tempts ; yet they concluded, that a period was that day put to the king's 
 authority, which would expire with the dissolution of their army, for dis- 
 banding of which, they were all convinced the ox'ders had been extorted 
 from the king, or granted by him on purpose to evite a greater and 
 more immediate evil. And, upon whatever favourable conditions their 
 own safety might be provided for, yet they lamented their own fate, and 
 would much rather have undergone the greatest fatigue and hardships 
 than be obliged to remain inactive and idle spectators of the miseries and 
 calamities befalling then- dearest sovereign. Neither were their gener- 
 ous souls a little concerned for the unworthy and disgraceful opinion 
 which foreign nations and after ages could not fail to conceive of the 
 Scots, as universally dipt in rebellion, and guilty of defection from the 
 best of kings. Their sorrow was likewise considerably augmented by 
 the thoughts of being separated from their brave and successful general, 
 
 * Gutlu-y, p. 179. 
 
446 HISTORY OF THE HIGHLANDS. 
 
 who was now obliged to enter into a kind of banishment, to the irrepa- 
 rable loss of the king, the country, themselves, and all good men, at a 
 time when they never had greater occasion for his service : And falling 
 down upon their knees, with tears in their eyes, they obtested him, that 
 seeing the king's safety and interest required his immediate departure 
 from the kingdom, he would take them along with him to whatever 
 comer of the world he would retire, professing their readiness to live, to 
 fight, nay, if it so pleased God, even to die under his command. 
 And not a few of them had privately determined, though at the evident 
 risk of their lives and fortunes, to follow him without his knowledge, and 
 even against his inclination, and to offer him their service in a foreign 
 land, which they could not any longer afford him in their own dis- 
 tressed native country."* 
 
 Such is the account of the affecting farewell between Montrose and 
 the few remaining brave and adventurous men who had shared with him 
 in all the dangers and vicissitudes of the battle-field, as related by a 
 warm partizan of fallen royalty ; yet there is no reason for supposing 
 that he has given an exaggerated view of the feelings of the warlike 
 and devoted band at parting, under existing circumstances, with their 
 beloved commander who had so often led them to victory, and whose 
 banishment from his native country they regarded as the death-blow to 
 their hopes. 
 
 Upon the dissolution of Montrose's army, the Scots officers and sol- 
 diers retired to their respective homes, and the Irish troops marched 
 westward into Argyle, whence they embarked for their own country, 
 being accompanied thither by the earl of Crawford, who from thence 
 went to Spain. Montrose, along with the few friends who were to fol- 
 low him abroad, took up his abode at his seat of Old Montrose, there 
 to wait the arrival of the vessel destined to convey them to the continent. 
 The day fixed for Montrose's dcpai-ture was the first of September, and 
 he waited with impatience for the arrival of the expected vessel ; but as 
 the month of August was fast expiring without such vessel making its 
 appearance, or any apparent preparation for the voyage, Montrose's 
 friends applied to the committee of the estates for a prorogation of the 
 day stipulated for his departure, but they could obtain no satisfactory 
 answer. 
 
 At length, on the last day of August, a vessel for the reception of the 
 marquis entered the harbour of Montrose, in which he proposed imme- 
 diately to embark, but he was told by the shipmaster, " a violent and 
 rigid covenanter," that he meant to careen his vessel before going to 
 sea, an operation which would occupy a few days. In the course of 
 conversation, the shipmaster bluntly stated to his intended passengers, 
 that he had received express instructions to land them at certain ports- 
 The behaviour of the captain, joined to the inform.ation he had com- 
 
 * Wishart, p. 264-5. 
 
EMBARK AXIOM OF MONTllOSE FOR NORWAY. 447 
 
 numicated, and the fact that several English ships of war had been seen 
 for several days off the coast, as if watching his embarkation and de- 
 parture, of which fact he had received private information from some 
 friends, created a strong suspicion in Montrose's mind that a plan had 
 been laid for capturing him, and induced him to consult his own safety 
 and that of his friends, by seeking another way of leaving the kingdom. 
 He accordingly sent some trusty persons to the other harbours in the 
 north to search for and engage any foreign vessel they might fall in with 
 to be ready, on a day to be fixed, to carry out to Norway such passen- 
 gers as might present themselves ; but such a plan was considered so hope- 
 less l)y Montrose's friends, who still remained with him, that they ad- 
 vised him, as the best course which could be pursued under such dan- 
 gerous circumstances, to retire to the Highlands, to collect his forces 
 again, and trust to the chances of war ; but he was opposed to such a 
 proposal, principally on the ground that such a step on his part wouUl 
 be imputed to the king, whose life might thereby be endangered. The 
 anxiety of Montrose and his followers was speedily relieved by the ar- 
 rival of intelligence, that a small vessel belonging to Bergen, in Norway, 
 had been found in the neighbouring harbour of Stonehaven ; and that 
 the master had engaged, on being promised a handsome freight, to be in 
 readiness, against an appointed day, to sail with such passengers as 
 should appear. 
 
 Accordingly, after sending off Sir John Hurry, John Drummond of 
 Balloch, Graham of Gorthy, Dr Wishart, and a few other friends by 
 land to Stonehaven, on the third day of September sixteen hundred 
 and forty-six, lie himself left the harbour of Montrose in a small boat, 
 disguised as the servant of James Wood, a clergyman, who accom- 
 panied him ; and the same evening went safely on board the vessel, 
 into which his friends had embarked, and setting sail with a fair wind, 
 arrived in a few days at Bergen, in Norway, where he received a friendly 
 welcome from Thomas Gray, a Scotsman, the governor of the castle of 
 Bergen. * 
 
 * Wishart. 
 
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