Presented by tbe Worsliijjftil Company of Goldsmiflis. 1903 . {I(f A LETTER FROM A BY-STANDER TO A Member of Parhament, Price One Shilling and Sixpence, A A letter FROM A BY-STAN D E R TO A Member of Parliament: Wherein is Examined What Neceffity there is for the Main- - tenance of a Large Regular L a n h- Force in this Island; What Proportions the Revenues of the Crown have born to thofe of the People, at different Periods from the Reftoration to His pre- fent M A J E S T Y’s Acccffion ; And whether the Weight of Power in the Regal or Popular Scale now preponderates. LONDON: Printed for J. R o b e r t s in Warwick-Lane. M DCC XLI. Price One Shilling and Six Pence. A LETTER F R 0 M A BY-STANDER T O A M EMBER of Parliament, &’c. SIR, F I apprehend rightly the Circum- ftances of the prefcnt Junfture, it is no Time for Apology, nor a proper Seafon to trouble you with any Imper- tinencics concerning my own Modefty and Diffidence in Writing; it is fufficient that I am induced to it out of a Regard to my Coun¬ try, to the Freedom and Welfare of it, and a Defire that fome Points of the utmoft Confe- quence to thefe Ihould be better underftood, and more candidly received by the People of Britain. It is a Prolpefl: that is very melancholy to e- vcry one. that regards the Liberty and Happi- [ 6 ] nels of Mankind, to obfcrvc the prodigious mi¬ litary Elhblifliments in every Kingdom and Province of Europe j thefe have for above a Cen- i tury paff been continually increafing in all Parts i around us; Princes formerly v/d with each o- ther in the Variety and Gaiety of their Diverfi- ons; magnificent Tilts, and Tournaments, with Hunting and Hawking delighted thofe that were the inoft martial, while fumptuous Feaft- ings and Masks employed the milder Genius of others; and the moft puiflant then chiefly gra¬ tified their Ambition by ppffefling extenfive Chafes and Forefts: But their Thoughts are now diredted to more formidable Ends; Their Ex- pences are almoft all employed in rendering themfelves terrible to their Neighbours; and for¬ tified Towns and Cittadels are the fovereign Game they hunt after. Applications of this hoflile Turn in fome, foon made them neceflary in all •, and we now fee the Face of Europe overfpread with military Grandeur; and immenfe Bodies of Men, not call’d together as formerly, from the Plough, to make any fudden Irruption, but conftantly main¬ tained and kept apart for the Purpofes of War 5 , their Time is employed folely. in Exercifes of this Sort, and they are trained up with exquifite Skill in the Art of flaughtering their Fellow- Creatures. The regular Forces of France in Time of Peace amount to about 200,000 Men, which if there be Occafion are readily augmented to 300,000, or a much greater Number, out of their eftablifhed Militia. Let any one confider how formi- formidable thefe are 'to. all neighboaring States; the-Troops of the Ring of Sardinia amount to about 50,000 Men, which he main¬ tains only in the Dutchiesof Sa^t^and Piedmont’, the late King oiPruffta in the midftof profound Peace kept up 100,000 difciplin’d Soldiers, which are faid to be fince confiderably augment¬ ed by his Succeflbr; nor are thefe military Ex- pences barely for Pomp and Ornaments; the life that has lately been made of the Pruffian , Troops is evident to the World; and that the Soldiery of France are not merely defign’d for Shew, hath been fufficiently demonftrated for this laft Century, nor requires to be prov’d by their prefent perfidious Attack of the Houfc of Auftria. This being the melancholy Situation of Things, it is become ablblutely neceiJary for every State that would preferve its prefent Exiftence, to fup- port a confiderable Body of difciplin’d Troops; And the more fo, fince the only imaginable Relburce and Security of the Weaker, by form¬ ing defenfive Alliances and Confederacies, ap¬ pears in this Bay to be of no Efieft. The moft folemnEngagements areimpioufiy violated; Do¬ minions are ravaged by thofe that have guaran¬ tied them; and the World at the lame Time fneeringly appeal’d to, for the Purity of the Ra- vagers Intentions, It is indeed the Happinefs of Britain to be furrounded by the Sea, which is our glorious Barrier and Defence; it is this that preferves us fecure from the perpetual Alarms which difturb the Powers on the Continent, which if we were join’d [ 8 ] join’d to, we fhould unayoidably-b? put to |in immenfe Expence in fupporting Fortificationssj and frontier Towns; and could not maintain our^ Rank and Security with lefi than 120,000 dif- ciplin’d Men, conftandy kept up without any Remiflion: But though we are free from pre- fcnt Alarms of an Invafion, and are Mailers of the moft potent Navy that ever appear’d upon the Globe, yet it is by no means iniprafticable for a Body of Troops to be landed in Britain^ notwithftanding the utmoft Vigilance of our Fleet; Forces may be pour’d in upon us from Abroad by the feme Winds that lhall block up our own Ships in their Ports; the glorious Re¬ volution and the Recovery of all our Rights de¬ pended chiefly upon this Contingency; And in the Reign of tiiat heroic Prince our Deliverer, an Invafion was twice determined to have been made upon us from France^ the Tranlports were prepar’d, and the Troops appointed to each Expedition were ready to imbark, but they were both wonderfully prevented; though the Hiflories of that Time fufficiently tefbfy the Terrors we were under, and the Confidence of our Enemies, upon thofe Occafions. The fmall Imbarkation at Dunkirk in the be¬ ginning of the Year 1708, caus'd the moft dreadful Alarm amongft us, and though the French did not venture to land in Scotland, yet our Fears were fo great, that our public Credit was in the utmoft Danger; the Government Securities prodigioufly fell; and had the Exprefe from Sir George Bing of his Arrival in the Firth of Edinburg, and of the Retreat of the French, t 9 ] deferr’d a few Hours Ipnger^ tht Bank of England had been abfolutely ruin’d. And however thofe who defire a. Change, may fet forth our Inland Strength, and proclaim us to be invincible i yet the real Sentiments of the inofl: difeerning Men are beft difeover’d by the Effefts which Alarms of an Inyafion have upon our Public CreditIpecious Arguments are ea- fily brought on either Side, either to prove our Power or Weaknefs: But die Public Credit is in fome meafure the Pulfe of the Nation; and however this may be flightly affected by accident tal D,iforders, yet while it continues to beat high and regular in general, the Nation may be deem’d in a vigorous healthy State i nor is it any Ob- jedtion to this to fay, that the Rife and Fall of it is perpetually influenc’d by falfe Reportsj and other Tricks of the Stock-jobbers; for, though this be admitted, it proves no more than that thefe Reports, or rather theEffedls of them, are forne of thofe cafual Diforders to which the Pub^ lie Securities are fubjedf: But, if any Report of an Event, whether founded in Truth or not, con- fiderably lowers the Price of our Public.Securi- ties,’ it undeniably appears that fuch an Event is confider’d by the Pubic in general as a real .De¬ triment to the Nation. And when it is thus confider’d, it really becomes fo, by lefiening the Public Credit, and diminilhing the Property cir¬ culating in the Kingdom. And we may judge, by the fame Rule, of the Opinion of the Public, with Regard to our own Ability to withftand anlnvafionj her late Ma- jefty Queen Anne was much indilpos’d the latter B End [ le J £hd of the Year and cortrihued fo the January following, ^hen an Article Was pub* Jilh’d in the Poji-By, that the Frencif were e- quipping fourteen Men of Watj witH Tranfports to receive twelve or fourteen Thoufand. Men, Now though this Was entirely a Faftion, yet the Dread of its Reality fo aftefted the Nation, that in an Inftaht the Public Securities fell, and a prodigious Run Was ttiade Upon thtBank^ who call’d in forty pet- Cent, from the Subferibers to the circulating of the £vf%«er-Bills, and de* puted four of their Direftots to wait upon the Treafurer in this Exigency to reprefent the Dan¬ ger they were under i the News was at length difeover’d to be falfe, and fo the Terror of the People gradually abated: But fuch was our Dread at that Time upon the Hft Surmile of an Invafion. I am fenfible that the lUnefs of the Queen Was alledg’d by fome to occafion this Shock of our Credit 5 and herMajefty was induc’d to fend a Letter from Mndfor to the Lord Mayor of London^ with an Account of her Health being more eftablifh’d: but, however this Suggeftion that the Public Credit depended on her Maje- fty’s Life might agreeably flatter the Queen, ihe was, perhaps, the only Perlbn in the Kingdom that really believ’d it, provided the Protejlcnt SuccelTion had been elteem’d fecure j fo that the Shock of our Credit lay wholly upon the Suf- picions which were held of the Miniftry, and upon our real Inability to withftand an Invafion. How much of this Evil was to be attributed to the general Opinion of the Minifterial Attachment a itiiiarTinie ^q tU i? ^i^cult %: my to dete^fliin^i le,t, thqfc x?!w' tiiqn in th^ Coufidettce pf -th« fylini%» iand are now prpr teftjpg thpir Fideiity, ^d; j^klAg Oaths, tp the pjefent Fftabl^mpnt, pint ,qpt this Quantity, aod .wiiat PPrtipn.of diis gyd w?s juftly due tp fugh Apprcheplioins j and tl^e Remainder of it then mpft reajiy arife frqiiythe general Senfe of oRr own WiSaJcnefs; Rut, if they aver their Igr ootance, and declare theirjijisbelief of fuch Mi- tufteriaJ JEJefigns, or of any ill Effefts pn that Account, it will then come entirely tp this, thai: the Shods of our Publick Credit at that Time, and the great Piminution the Proprty circu- jating in .the.Ringdora, WR? folely owing to th? Alarm of the pr(nch Jnvafion, and the Coidcir pufnels we were .under pf our own open and dq^ fencelefs Condition. It could not but be very Ihiocking to every EngliflmaVt who reflefted on the Glory of hjs Country ,a few Years before, and the Terrors of Frame from the BrMiJh Troops, to view the Scene fo quickly changed, to obferve Briiatn dreading the Attacks of the French, and tre.mb- ■ling at every Motion of their Troops; and it mult powerfully convince him, that the Main- ;tainance of a confidcrablc regular Land-Force is at all Times requifite to the Safety and Happi- ngls of his Country, It is very well known that the chief Induce¬ ment to Lewis the Fourteenth to conclude the Treaty of Reifwick, was in order to break the Grand Alliance, to have Qpportunitysof prafti- B 2 fing fing upon the Eleftor of Bavaria^ who was Go? vemor of the Spamjb'Netherlands, and in Hopes that the Allies, particularly Great Britain, would difarm, and weaken thcmfelves, while he Ihould at, the fame Time cherifli and fupport his own Troop in dteir full Vigour and Number, and of courfe be ready to feize the Spanijh Monarchy upon the Demife of the King then regnant, be¬ fore any tolerable Force could be brought a- gainft him. How well he fucceededin thrfe De- figns is fufficiehdy known i our Great. Deliverer was far from being infenfible of them, but the Expence of the War being grievous to his People, he was defirous of giving us fome Re- fpite i at the fame Time warning Us of the Views of the French, and pointing out the Neceflity of our fupporting a proper Body of regular Troops: Butfo great was the Malice of the Tories, and the Infatuadon of the Whiggs, that no more would be fuffer’d to be maintain’d amongft us than about feven Thoufand Menj though the French King had no lefs' than three hundred Thoufand Veteran Soldiers under ourNofes j and Plots and AlMinations againft our Glorious Monarch were perpetually concerted. How gready the Spirits of the French were hereby elated, is eafy to conceive; and it muft move the Indignation and Concern of every true Englijhman, to refleft on their triumphing in theTranfaftions of our own Parliament, infult- ing our Deliverer, and fubduing the Britijh Troops in St. Stephenh Chapel, whom they could never fairly overthrow in the Field; it cannot be forgot what Ingratitude was fhewn to eur Glorious Prince, with Refpeft to a few BuUb Guards: Guards r his Majefty had a generous AfFeftion for Men, who had bravely fought by his Side from his very Youth, and had prov*d their Var lour and Fidelity upon numberlefi Occafions 5 he imagin’d they had fome Merit likewiie with England, if the Part which they bore in the Refcue of our Laws, Religion, and Liberties, was to be thought fo, and their peculiar Share in the important Viftory of the Boyne -, it was his Majefly’s Defire therefore, that thefe gallant Men might be receiv’d amongft ourownTroops; but it was infolently determin’d to thruft them away: his Majefty interceded for them, and acquainted the Commons, That he fhould take it very kindly, if they might be permitted to ftay amongft us: and it is hardly to be believ’d that it Ihould be denyM to our Glorious Deliver¬ er, by thofe People he had fo lately refeued; it was known that he had it nearly at Heart; and it could not be deny’d that the Nation was in¬ finitely oblig’d to thefe gallant Men: but alas! thefe were Objeftions, inftead of Recommenda- . tions with the 'Toty Leaders; and they gratify’d their Malice in mortifying his Majefty, and putting a Difgrace, to the utmoft of their Pow¬ er, upon thofe who had fo bravely adted for the (paufe of Liberty, in almoft every Field of Eu¬ rope': Such was the Jcjy-Gratitude to William the Third; but the Account is too melancholy to be long infifted upon, and muft affeft every generous Breaft with the moft tender Concern and Uneafmefs. In fhort, thefe Troops were unworthily torn from him, and left their He¬ roic General with Tears, but ftepp’d from an ungrateful Land with Scorn and Deteftation. I am by no Means infenfible that the Rdue^ tion of die Army at that Time was concurred: m by feveral w£lI-meaning;i 5 P&jjJ, and as hearr tfly repented of afterwards. “ I was (fays a “ noble Lord in the Tear , 1733) one of thofe “ who were the Cade of the Army’s being re- “ duced follow after the Peace of petr “ haps, I repented of vdiat 1 did at that Time, “ becaufe of the Turn that the Affairs of E^^^ “ rape took foon after.” .Hifi. Reg. Vel. |8. p«sg« ^§ 6 . His Lordfhip undoubtedly add in that Bdinefs, as well as fome other Gentlemen^ in Support, as they thought, of our Conftitution.; and imagin’d, as fome do at prej^t, that the Jeries were all converted, and united with them ina .fmcereRegard for our Liberties; but the Codequence was almoft fatal; the feeing nothing at hand to oppofe them; were tempted to feize the Spanijh Monarchy; the Eledor of Btioaria obferving their Power, and the Weaknefs of other unguarded hlations, .yielded into their Hands the Spanijh Netherlands i and the immenfc Expence of Blood and Treafure which was afterwards fpent in attempting their Recovery, was chiefly owing to the fatal dit ■arming of ourfelves after the Treaty of Rseif It cannot be imagined by any Gentleman that France is lels adive or defigning at prefent, than -fhe was then; or that we have lefs Caufe now to be upon our guard; on the contrary our Circum- ftances at prefent, even if it was a Time ofPeace, require a much greater Number of reguIarTroops than they did formerly .OurPoffelTions of Gibraltar and [-5] and Portmahone, Amapolis and Placentia^ with other confiderable Places more than formerly we enjoyed, neceflarily demand not only a Body of Troops for their Garrifon, but Hkewife an addi¬ tional Number at Home, ready to be difpatch- ed to their Relief upon any Occafion, without leaving ourfelves unguarded. To this there is to be added a further Confide- ration, of the greateft Confequence, and that is the large Incrcafe of the French Shipiping, it be¬ ing certain that the Number of their Merchant Ships is of late prodigioufly augmented, fo that Ihould they under theie Circumftances determine to invade us, they will no more be at a Lois for Tranfports, as they have been formerly, but may aftually land any Troops they pleafe upofl us, before we have the leaft Notice, This I apprehend is a new Article of the ut- moft Importance againft us, and loudly alls for die ferious Attention of every true Briton. It is our Happinefs at prefent, but may prove our Mifery, without a proper Guard, that Riches and Plenty abound amonglt us; and that every Part of our Country is apable of fubfifting a numerous Army, The open Cities and Towns that are fpread throughout, are a great Temp¬ tation, and can make little Refiltance to a pow¬ erful Invader; and as the French are at prefent able to provide Tranfports fufficient for a large Body of Troops, at four or five different Ports at the lame Time, for fo Ihort a Voyage as to Britain or Ireland, it feenis next to impoflible for us to block them all up, and prevent their [i6i tembarlcatlonj even under our prefent Superio¬ rity of naval Force; efpecially if it be coniider- ed what Advantage may be taken of any Sepa¬ ration of our Fleet, or Abfence of a Part of it upon Convoys or other Emergencies. it is indeed to be hoped that in England we are generally united in an hearty Attachment to the Proteftant Succeffion, in the prefent illuftri- ous Family; however it is certain that we have many who are lukewarm, and not a few who are realjacobites. In Scotland the inclination of many Families are known to be favourable to the Pre¬ tender, and the French Interefl:; and the Multi¬ tudes of Papifts in Ireland, greatly fuperior to the Proteftants, leave no room to doubt of their Wilhes and Principles. It is the conftant Bufi- nefs and Application of thefe to follicit foreign Attacks upon us, and they are ready to join any Force that lhall be landed; and how great an Encouragement thefe Circumftances are to an Invafion upon us, I leave to every Gentleman that defires our Welfare, calmly to refieft. If a regular Force of twenty of thirty Thou- fand Men, was embarked for Ireland in TranP ports and Frigates from Bourdeaux, and at the; fame Time an equal Body for Scotland, from Ca¬ lais and Graveline ; whilft a powerful Squadron of French Men of War at Brejl, and a Body of Land Forces encampM at La Hogue and Die^ employed the Attention of the Britl/h Fleet, and kept them in the Channel; 1 fay if we were thus attack’d, let every Englijhman that loves his Country, think on the Confequences of fuch an Invafion, and determine coolly whether a con- fiderable fiderable Land Force is not always neceffary for the Safety of Britain, If infuch a Conjunflure likewife the Crown of Spain fliould be againft us, and join their Fleet to the French, our own Navy muft conti¬ nue in the Channel, and could fcarcely venture to fend any Detachments to Scotland and Ireland, without being inferior to the Fleet of the Bour¬ bon Family. In this Situation likewife the Buteb might be aw’d by an Army upon their Frontiers, or otherwifc entangled; whilll the Swedes might be induced to join in the Invafion upon Scotland, as the Spaniards naturally would in that upon Ire- I am by no means verfed in Plans of this Sort; but if it be eafy for any one, the moft unacquainted in fuch Matters, to point out the Dangers we are continually fubjedt to, without a fufficient regular Land Force, it may well be imagined that Perfons, who are ufed to thefeDe- figns, will readily demonftrate the Facility of in¬ vading us, upon much better Schemes j for it is not to be imagin’d that the French want Pro- jedtors; and I Iball not be accufed of inftrudl- ing our Enemies, by thofe who have our Wel¬ fareat Heart j on the contrary, fuch will be juftly alarmed at our great Wcaknefs, and honeftly concur in proper Meafures for our Se¬ curity. Itis fufficiently obvious, that the landing of Troops from Spain upon the North of Ireland is fubjedt tolittle Obftrudtion; and the Difficul¬ ties C^een Elizabeth was involved in by fuch At- C tacks [. 8 ] tacks the greateft Part of her Reigtij are abun¬ dantly recorded; they perplexed her Afialrs, and exhaufted herTreafury,more than all otherCircum- ftances together •, it is likewife very well known, howeafily King7flw«,in 1650,was convey'd from France to Ireland^ with a great Number of Scotch zndtirijh ; and afterwards 5000 difeiplin’d French Soldiers were landed there under Monfieur Lau- fm, and 5000 Irijh returned to France in their Stead-; we were then fuperior at Sea, yet the French were at no great Difficulties in Applying their Troops in Ireland with Ammunition, and other Neceffaries as far as they judg’d proper -, imd atlaftjwhen theAffairs of Kingjaww became defperate there, they withdrew the fame Troops again, with great Numbers of Irip, in Ipight of all the Attempts of our Squadrons; and dio’ their Fleer before that Time had fufiered fo much at La Hogue ; fq that let no one imagine that ever the Ae/rrat of our Invaders is abfolutely impradiicable v but the Facility of their landing upon us is quite undeniable. How we are to oppofe them when landed, without a good Body of regular Troops, is dif¬ ficult to be conceiv'd: it was generally admitted that the Dutch when they entered the Thames^ and burnt' our Ships at Chatham^ might have lent a Body of regular Troops into the City of tendon, "tvag James in his intended Invafion of us from Calais in the Year 1692, with-about fixteen or feventeen thoufand Men, defigned up¬ on his landing to have' marched immediately to our Metropolis, being fenfible he could meet with little Obftruftion; and it is very well known in his late Majefty’s Reign, that a fmall [• 9 ] Body of Highlanders travers’d the greateft Part of this-Kingdom without. Oppofidon i the Be¬ haviour of the Weftmmknd Militia in this Bufi- ne6, who ran away at the 'firft Sight of them, though encouraged by feveral e}merienced Offi¬ cers, may Efficiently open our Eyes; and the Cqnffifion and Terrors of undifciplined People upon all thcfc Occafioiu, may fully convince us, how little we can depend on any thing for our Safety, but a regular Land Force. The Power of our Navy, it is readily owned, is greater than ever; and it ought to be remem¬ bered with due Efteem of theprefent Govern¬ ment, under whofe Care it has been fo highly advanced j but we quite deprive ourfelves rf the belt Effei^s of it, without a confiderable Body of difciplin’d Troops; for, with relpeft to other Powers, particularly France, we ate now obligM to lie upon die defenfive, and Can only -hope to proteCf ouffelves from being invaded, without a- ny Ability to attack that Kingdom 5 I am not upon projecting of Frawf; but I can¬ not apprehend the Policy of perpetually kCepirig ourfelves in a harmlefs Condition, with refpeCl: to that Kingdom, The Oppreffion of theif People in general, together with the gfeat Difcoilteht of the States of Norma^y, Brittany, afld tJn- gutdoc, under the continual Abridgment of theif Rights and Privileges, bight probably ocd- fion Efficient Difturbances in thofe PfOviltCel?, if they were well fomented, and animated by a powerful Defcent from hence; but they mult lee an Ability in us, and a due Spirit tO rappOrt them, before they can be expeCled to yehture to Purpofe. C 2 It [ 20 ] It is hardly to be imagin’d how tender tlie French Monarchy is in thofc Parts, where there is a confiderable Remnant of Proteftants ftill left j And upon a Dcfcent from hence into Brit- tarrj, and at the fame time from Ireland, upon the Coaft of Languedoc, in favour of thofc Peo¬ ple, it is much to be queftioned whether the French Court would venture to truft them with Arms, or to raife the^mVre Ban of thofe-Pro¬ vinces; It is certain at Icaft, that they would be put to much Expence, in fortifying and garrifoning Places on their Sea-coafts, and in de¬ fending fo vaft an additional Frontier from In- fultsi And the Terror of the French Court would be fo great, that the Privileges and Abatement of Taxes they would grant on one hand, and the Augmentation of Charges they would be put to oh the other, would confide- rably diminilh the Strength of that Monarchy. It is not to be forgot, that the Infurreftion of a few perfecuted Proteftants in the Cevennes in the Year 1702, gave Lewis XIV, the utmoft Uncafinels, and had it been properly fupported by the Allies, might have had the moft glo¬ rious Cdniequences; There were Intentions in¬ deed of this fort in England, but they were all betray’d and came to nothing j Monfieur Ca-r vallier the chief Commander of that brave Peo¬ ple, in his Memoirs dedicated to Lord Carteret, thus expreffes himfclf upon that Occafionj Fage J74, and 175. “ The Truth is, I believe France had then EmiffariK in England, as it ufually has, which put a flop to die Projeft of Monfieur Miremont, and prevented the “ Queen [ 21 ] “ Queen and her Allies from making ufe of “ fo favourable an Occafion to ruin France^ “ which might have have been efFefted in leli “ than two Years; for being Mailers of the “ Sea, they might eafily have fent us Suc- “ cours, at leaft fomc Arms and Money; “ for had they fent us but twenty thoufand “ Pounds, we ihould foon have made up a Bo- “ dy of fifty thoufand Men; But as I faid be- “ fore, they look’d on this War, as a fudden “ Blaze, which would foon vaniih away, and “ therefore negledted to fend us any Relief; “ and ’tis wonderful how we could refift for “ fo long a time againtt twenty thoufand Men “ and.two Marfoals of France-," And again, " If the Reader will ferioufly confider the Ad- vantage the Allies had by our War, he will “ foon be perfuaded that if the twenty thou- “ fand Men who were fent diredtly againft us, “ had been employ'd cither in Italy or Ger- “ maty, or Spain, they would have put a flop to the Progrefs of the-Allies, efpecially of “ his Royal Highnefs the Duke of Savoy, or in Spain, againft the Portuguefe. ” And be¬ fore this. Page 15^5, he fays, “ The King was fully refolved to deftroy us all at once, fearing “ the ill Confequences of this War, for truly “ had the Allies been acquainted with the “ State in which France was at that time, and “ accordingly taken their meafures, they would “ probably have conquer’d all Prance in lels than two Years,” This was a great Op¬ portunity of weakening that infolent Monarchy; but it was entirely loft; By what Means, our Enemies can tell with Pleafure. Ilhall [«] I ftall only .obferve, that when the Relief of thefe gallant People was generoufly propos’d in Gduncil' by her Majefly (^een Anne, and Prince George of Benmrk, it was ftrongly oppos’d by Lord Nottingham, who r.eprefented the jij Con- fequences of alfifting 'Rekk againft their natural Prince-, which, as I humbly apprehend, were very extraordinary Sentiments to be held by the Secretary of State of .England, who was conti¬ nually acquainted with the Praftices of the Court of France, in endeavouring to raife up Rebellions in this Kingdom and even to affaflinate pur Glorious Deliverer: however, it was determin’d to -endeavour to fupply them with Arms, Am¬ munition, and Money; but the Seafon of the Year was far advancU. iiC being the 15th of September, before the Ships for this Purpofe en¬ ter’d the Gulph of Narbonm : and there upon taking a French Tartane, tliey were infoj-m’d by the Matter of it, that Marlhal Montrevell had Intelligence of their Defign, and had taken the neceffary Meafures to prevent it; * fo that when they made the Signals from the Ships, wliich the Earl of Nottingham, who oppos’d the Re¬ lief, had been careful to direft from Court un¬ der, his own Hand, they were none of them an- fwer’d. Monlieur. Cavallier, in his Memoirs before mention’d, appears to have been quite unac¬ quainted with the Arrival of any fuch Ships, and not to have had the leaft Notice of their failing; but intimates, that theAffair was fo ma¬ naged as to be a great Detriment to their People, * Annals, fol. Page 85. by [^ 3 ] by the Diredions they receiv’d to be .upon the Relerve till the Arrival o? Succours, “ which “ prov’d (fays he, Page 173) ve^ prejudicial “ to us afterwards; for it wais then wfe were “ beginning to get the better over our Ene- “ mies, and our Remiffnefs gave them Time to “ take Meafures to Hop our Frogrefs.” The Truth is, by fome Means, or other, we have little attended to fupport any inteftine Di- vifions or Commotions in France: Our perfidious abandoning of the Protejiants there, upon former Occafions, before they were reduc’d to this Ebb, is a Reproach upon the Siuarts that can never be wip’d off j and the Guilt and Blood of it lies at' their Door : But Circumftances of this Sort in the prefent Times require to be nicely manag’d, and can no Way be improv’d to much Advan¬ tage, without we have a confiderable Body of Re¬ gular Troops at hand, which alone can convince the People of France of our Power to give them Affiftance. This is, perhaps, now the only Method of breaking the Strength of the French Monarchy, which is abundantly fortify’d on its Inland-Frontiers-, and whilft it has the whole Body of its People within undifturb’d, v/ill al¬ ways be able to exert a prodigious Force at thefe Extremities: but an Attack by Sea in the Heart of its moft fruitful Provinces, would interrupt its Commerce, and fupprefs its Revenues, and raife- a Spirit in their People, which they might never afterwards be able to break: but ail tliis it is in vain to think of, without we fupport a fufficient Land-Force. But Admitting the utmoft that can be attri¬ buted to our Fleet alone; Allowing, though it is by no Means true, that it can elfedlually guard our own Coafts; is it not evident that our Weaknefs at Land muft diminilh its Force? for we muft always referve our moft potent Squadron at hand, for our own Defence againft an Invafion; and the Remainder is all that we can employ at any Diftance j which, probably, may not exceed the French Squadron in the Streights, or Weft-Indies: Jo that our Weaknefs at Land aUually deprives us of a Superiority at Sea. This at the fame Time is fiire to create an ignorant Clamour ; and the Wifdom of a Minifter in not leaving us unguarded at home, fhall be branded for Cowardice-, and the Squa¬ drons that are refcrv’d for our ewn^ Defence, lhall be ridicul'd, and ftigmatiz'd with being pacijick. But Perfons who indulge themfelves in Re- fleftions of this Sort, are litde acquainted with the Circumftances of Britain. If they calmly confider’d the Nature of Public Credit, how ea- lily it is affeifted in all Places, how difficultly reftor’d in any, and of what Confequence it is to this Kingdom, they would foon apprehend the Importance of guarding againft all Appre- henlions of the Stability of the Government, before every other Circumftance whatever. It is eafy to form Expeditions for five hundred Ships of War, if ,we had fo many -, and to propofe plaufiUe Schemes for employing all our Regular Land-Force, if it was fifty times as great as it is: And I am fenfible it is thought [^ 5 ] by fome projeBing Perfons, .that ,we ought, in, the Beginning of this War, to have difpatch’d al- moft all our Fleet, and our experienc’d Regi¬ ments to the JVeft-lndies, This might have been done indeed, if our Regular Land-Force, was at all numerous, and would admit of any Dc- duftion for foreign Service, confiftent with our own domeftic Security. But if we had thus ventur’d in our grefent Circumftances, and left the Nation expos’d with pnly eight or ten Thoufand difciplin’d Soldiers, and a weak Squadron, the leaft Motion of the Troops of France towards Dunkirk, Calais, or the Coafts of Normandy, or Brittany, would juttly have given us fevcre Uneafmefs: And the Equipment of a French Squadron, or an Account of their collefting Tranfports together, would have immediately thrown us into the ut- mofl: Terror and Confufion; have put a Run upon the Bank of England, and perhaps, ruin’d it; and funk the Price of our Government- Securities almoft to nothing; and thus have an¬ nihilated forty or fifty Millions of Property cir¬ culating in the Kingdom. All this might have been brought upon us in unguarded Circumftances by France, without their embarking a Regiment, or running any Hazard on their Part, but merely by carrying on hoftile Appearances of a formidable Defcent upon us: The Effefts of miftaken Rumours of this fort in theYear 1713, which arc before men¬ tion’d, fufiiciently demonftrate it; and had any Confirmation then come of a real Preparation of Tranfports in France, and of an Appearance of'Troops ready to embark, we ibould have fafier’d at that Time prodigious Mifchief j fo much do we tremble at the Motions of Franci upon any Senfe of our own Weaknels: And whoever confidcrs the exceflive Damage we Ihould hereby endtrre; the utter Stagnation of ail Trade and Bufineii, and the Ruin of Mil¬ lions amongftus; and fuch a diorough DifR- dence of our Government-Securities, from this Evidence of their Uncertainty, that our Pub¬ lic Credit might never recover its former Glo¬ ry ; Ilay, whoever conflders the Mifchief we mould thereby be fubjeft to, will be fiilly con- yinc*d, that our Security at home is the grand point to be guarded by a wife Miniftry ; and that the leaft Apprehenfms of it are not to be hazarded, for any Views of difiatit Ac(\uifi- It is fer from my Intention to deny the Be¬ nefit of thefe Acquifitions, if they can be made with Safety to this Kingdom; I am very fen- lible of the Value and Confequence of them, and how much it is our Intereft to put our- fclves in a proper Capacity for making fuch Conquefts: but this 1 apprehend can only be done, by a right Augmentation of our Regular Land-Force, fo that we may have a Surplus lufficient for any Expedition, above what is re- quifitc for our own Security; other Wife, if we venture ourTroops from us, ova Risk at home will be immenfely greater, than any jufi ProfpeSls of Mvantage abroad. It is certain indeed, that our Regular Land- Force of late hath been fomewhat augmented, fo [ >7l fo that in Times of Peace theWifdom of the Lc» giflature hath appointed, “ That the Numljef of “ effeftive Men to be provided, for Guards and “ Garrifons in Gw/^nVa/s, and for Guemfg “ and Jerf^t .Ihould be, (including 1815 Inva- “ lids, and .555 Men, which the fix independant “ Companies confift of, for die Service of the “ Higlmnds) feventeen Thoufand feven hundred “ and four Men, Commiflion and Non-Commif,. “ fion Officers, included : ” And though the Wifdom and Lenity of his Majefty’s Govern¬ ment have gready promoted our Trade and Wealth,., apd advanced the "public Credit of the Nadon j yet thofe, who have confideted thefe Things, will be fenfible that I am far from aflert- ing too much, when I affirm, that our public Credit could never have arofe to its prefent Glo¬ ry, without this Augmentation of our difciplin’d Troops, whereby , die Stability of the Govern¬ ment, hath been better fecured than formerly, 1 and the People relieved from perpetual Dread and Alarms of Invafions. ’Tis natural, I am very .fenfible, for Country Gendcmen to urge the Sixpence of our dilci- phn’d Troops, ahd the Danger they bring up¬ on our Liberdes and Happinds; and they mean well and honeftly in it j but with due Tcnder- nels and Refpcft to thefe Gentlemen, I muft beg Leave to fay that they do not apprehend the Cir- cumftanccs of the Nation •, our public Credit is now interwoven with the prefent happy, Efta- bliffiment; The Support of the Government, the Property of Millions, and the Continuance of our Trade andManufadures depend upon ^his Credit j and it is certain that any confiderable Redudion of our difciplin’d Troops would im- D 2 me- mediately' aflfeft itand riiat to diniinifti thefe Ttdops as low as.they were after the Peace of Reifwick, which fome Gentlemen are fond of, would deftroy at lead tWenty or thirty Millions oj Property in the Government Securities, be¬ longing to our mod ufefiil Trading Subjedtsj which would of courfe alfo proportionably leflen' the Value of the Landed EJtates ; and thus we Ihpuld annually lofe immenfely - more by &ch a of thefe Troops, than we have ever yet paid for their Maintainance fo that the Ar- gUrtient from 'Expence is quite midaken; as is that likewife from the Danger of aav Liberty and Happinefs ; if they arc aSowed to depend, iu they certainly mud in a great Degree, upon the firm Edablidiment of our Public Credit, ■ It cannot be denied then, that our Maintai¬ nance of a confiderable Body of difeiplin’d Troops, is abfolutely neceflary to keep our Pro¬ perties from continually fluduating, to preferve our Trade, and to give Strength and Stability to the Government; at the fame Time it mud be own’d with equal Candour, that the Maintainance of fuch a Body naturally augments the Power of the Crown ? What then is to be done ? On one Side it hprov'd, that we are continually liable to foreign Ravages, and to perpetual Mifehiefs from the Dread of them; On the other it is fear'd, that we lhall lay ourfelves open to Tyranny at home. It is neceffary therefore to enquire into the prefent Ballance q{ Power in this State between the Crown and iht People ; And if it fhall appear, that the Power of the Crown is increafmg at prefent, then an Augmentation of our Regular Land-Force, pr any other additional Weight to the Crown, is judly to be dreaded by real Patriots; but if the Power I 29 ] power of the Crown at prcfent is fwiftly creafingt we have then lefs Caufe for Apprehen-' fions from this ^tarter^ and ought heartily to ‘ provide for our Security from foreig^n Ravages,' though the nece^ary Means of making this Pro-' vifion Ihould tend to increafe the Regal Powers This Power I am fenfible hath been reprefent- ed of late in a very formidable Light, particu-. larly by the Author of thtDiffertalion on Parties-, And if Prejudices in general ought not to be ftriftly fupprefled, elpecially in Matters of fuch high Importance, I muft needs acknowledge, that I Ihould be ftrongly prejudiced againft any Tenets recommended by this Writer-, for is not this the Man that hath efpoufed and betrayed all Parties, that broke the viftorious grand Alli¬ ance, and preferved the Power of France ftill infolent and dreadful ? Is not this he that tramp¬ led under Foot all the Blood and Treafure that had been fo freely fpent for the Liberties of Eu¬ rope-, that fneePd the brave and fuffering Cata¬ lans ■,2LtA hath always fhewn the moft determin’d Jiatred to the Freedom and Happinefs of Man¬ kind ; but he is now alarming us with the Pow¬ er of our own Crown; Hear his Words. Page 235 of that Treatife, “ Much more “ might be faid concerning the Increafe of “ Power that the Crown hath acquir’d, and “ muft continue to acquire, according to the “ prcfent Conftitution, and Management of die “ Revenue. Much more might be faid to Ihew “ that the Power of Money, as the World is “ now conftituted, is real Power-, and that all “ Power without this is imaginary: that the “ Prince who gets Prerogative alone gets a “ Phan- [ 30 ] “ Phantom^, but that he who gets Moneyy even without Prerogative, gets fomething real, and “ will be as much ftronger than his Neightours, “ and his People too, as he hath a greater Com- Thisicems atfirfl: to be a Paraphrafe upon/Xtr- rington's Pofition in his Oceatia, ’That Dminim is founded only inProperty ; and in the long Run this will always be found true, however it may happen upon fudden Occafions: Butlmuft beg Leave to diflent from one Aflertion of this Gaitleman’s, That the Prince who gets Prerogative alone gets a Phantom ; for Prerogative in full Power will command Money-, i'i was always fevercly felr, before it was reftrain’d, in this Kingdom; par¬ ticularly in Loans, Benevolences, and free Gifts, which the People were continually forc'd to grant, under the Terrors of its Power; being lenfible, if they refus’d, they Ihould be other- wife harrafe’d with Amercements, on in¬ numerable Pretences. The Fines and Com- pofitions for Scutage, and Knight-Service, were an inexhauftible Fund of Wealth to the Crown. William the Second order’d twenty Thouland Men to be ready for his Service in Normandy-, and when tney were come to the Sea-lhore, in order to be tranfported, allow’d them all to re¬ turn home, upon paying him Twenty Shillings a Man. The Grants of Monopolies, and Ex¬ actions of Ship-Money, fo late as in Charles the FirlPs Time, are known to every one; and, in Ihort, nothing is more evident, than that the Prerogative was fo far from being a Phantom, as this Gentleman terms it, that it gave the Crown i Power, almoft unlimited, over the lives and Properties of the Subjects. It It is indeed for the Purpofe of this Gentle¬ man, who is reprefenting the prefent Power of the Crown as enormous, to conceal, as far as he can, every Branch of its antierit Power ; and to fet forth the Dread and Influence of the old Prerogative as quite imaginaiy: How falfc thefeColourings are, is fufflciently known to every judicious Lover of Liberty; nor can we ever be too fenfible of the Blefling, of having the Prero¬ gative confin’d within narrow Limits. But pafling from this, I return again to the Power of Mo¬ ney •, It is continually urg’d, that the Power of the Crown in this Relpeft is at prefent increas'd, and increafmg beyond all due Proportion; if it be lb, I mull freely acknowledge it to be a juft Occafion for Jealoufy in the People. But, before I examine into this, by ftating the feveral Re¬ venues of the Crown at different Periods, from the Reftoration to his prefent Majefty’s Accelfi- on, it is proper firft to obferve, that the Crown, before the Revolution, had the abfolute Com¬ mand and Difpofal of the whole fianding Pub¬ lic Revenue, which was then all call’d the Re¬ venue of the Crown, and referv’d any Part of it for its own Purpofes and Defigns; employing as little as it pleas’d, for the honeji and ufeful Pur¬ pofes of the Nation. Such was the abfolute unconiroubbk Power which the Crown had over the Standing Reve¬ nue before the Revoktion, and upon cdling a Parliament, it was eafy to obtain, bn variou.s Pretences, a large additional Sum, the Difpofal of which was likewife entirely in the Breaft of the Crown : But indeed, Mifmanagements of the [ 32 1 Government under the t«o James's and Charles's vtexe, lb grca^ that thefe Princes were generally unwilling to meet a Parliament •, however, upon giving any moderate Satisfaftion to it, the Court almoft . always obtain’d whatever Aid they de- iired: And, if we examine the Hiftory of Charles the Second, we lhall fee large Sum^ continually procur’d from the People, and little,, or fometimes hothing, apply’d to the Purpofes for which they were given: This Method he follow’d fo clofely in the firft Butch War, that when a Pkce was only in View, before it was concluded, he negkfted to fit, out a Fleet, and left the Nation entirely defencelels; which brought upon, us the Reproach at Chat¬ ham i the Court pocketing one Million, eight hundred Thoufand Pounds, that was given for the Service of this War but about fix Months before, and w^ then in Colleftion by a Poll- Tax, and Monthly Afleflinent; but the Nation was then forced to bear it: for fuch was the Pleafure of the Court in thofe Days, and' its Power of Mon^. The fame Monarch, in the Year 1677, pre¬ tending to have real Intentions of declaring War againft France, according to the Defires of his People, began to levy Forces, and obtain’d an M for ratjing Money by a Poll, and otherwife, , to enable his Majejly to enter into Ac t u a l JFar againft the French King } when, at the fame Time he was negotiating a Treaty by his Am- baflador at France, for a Penfion of three hun¬ dred Thoufand Pounds per Annum from that Crown. This was difeover’d to the Houfe of Commons by Mr. Mountague, who was that Am- [ 33 I Ambafiador; and prov’d by Letters which the; King had underwritten with his mn Hand 5 Whereby the Parliament found they were en¬ tirely impos’d upon, and that the King had got by the Bargain a large Sum of Money, and a numerous Army on Foot; which, as It was by no Means defign’d for a foreign War, gave them juft Apprehenfions, and it was their Bu- finefs at any Rate to have thefe Forces disband¬ ed : And thus the Parliament, which had a few Weeks before given a large Sum of Money for raifing this Army, was now forc’d to provide another confiderable Sum for disbmtding it; and were glad to bring it to this KTue, without en¬ quiring into , the Diftribution of the Money firft given. All that they could infift upon was, that the Sum to be levy’d for disbanding thefe For¬ ces, fliould not be intmfted with the Crown, but with CommilTioncrs of their own appointing; nor could die Court, after fuch manifcft mifap- plying of the. Public Money, well oppofc It in tbu Infiance ; But fatisfy’d itfelf with pocketing the greatefi Part of what had ken before given for the Purpofes of the War. This was the Power and Conduit of the Crown ,, with Regard to tht Public Revenue before the Revolution', after which glorious Mra it was wifely concerted, for the Security of the People from perpetual Imbczzlements of the Money ap¬ pointed for Public Services, to allot a feparate Income for the Houftiold of the King, and for maintaining the Honour and Dignity of the Crown, which is now ufually call’d the Civil Lift, Revenue ; and to put the reft of the Public Re¬ venues entirely under the Command of the Par- E liament j [ 34 ] liament; and no more to leave them to the dif- cretionary Difpofal of the Court. This likcwife in¬ cluded in it not only the Command of the Public Revenues, but render’d at once all the Public Ser¬ vices of the Government entirely fubjcdl to the The Crown was thus inftantly ftripp’d of the greateft Part of its Power ; and the Commons ac¬ quir’d a new and extraordinary Weight in the LegiflaturCi Every particular Service of the Go¬ vernment has from that Time been firft fubmit- ted to their Approbation, in order to be pro¬ vided for out of the Public Revenues: As every Step that concerns thefe Revenues muft nrft proceed from the Commons j 'who, after they have examin’d and approv’d of the current Ser¬ vices for each enfuing Year, appoint the Man¬ ner of raifing the Suf^lys, and appropriate them to thofe particular Services only; the chief Bu- finels of the Crown, in thefe Rclpefls, being to fee to the Application of thefe Public Moneys according to their Appropriation; And at the next Meeting of Parliament, before any Supplys are granted, an Account of the Application of the Money given for the Services of the laft Year, is commonly fubmitted to both Houfes. This Appropriation of the Public Revenues is the great Palladium of our Liberty’s; Its Im¬ portance is fo high and valuable, that it ought to be generally underftood and inculcated, and will eafiiy excufe any Repetition I may fall in¬ to, in enumerating its Advantages, The firft and moft obvious Benefit of the Appropriation of the Public Revenues, is the dc- [ 35 ] depriving the Crofm of the ahfolute Power of difpofing of thefe Revenues at its Heafure; For, though it may, perhaps, be imagin’d by fome That, notwithilanding this Appropriation^ the Crown can command thefe Revenues by the Means of corrupt Officers; It is certain that the Nature of thefe Services is fo well known at prefent, and the Non-performance of them fo eafily detefted. In Ihort, the Number of thofe that are Checques, and muft be privy and con- fenting to every Fraud, are fo great. That no Minilter in his Senfes will attempt fuch a Crime, nor any Prince in thefe Bays offer to encourage or abett it; tlie Nature of the ori¬ ginal ContraB, and of the reciprocal Obliga¬ tion, are too well underftood at prefent by the People of Britain, to make thefe Things pafs for Jefts, as formerly *, Nor would it be poffible for the Court to prevent the Difeovery of fuch Wickednefs, if it was committed; or being concern’d in it, to bear up againft the Detec¬ tion. The fecond great Benefit of thefe Appropri¬ ations, as hath been before mention’d, is the Neceffity which it occafions of having every Article of the Public Service fubmitted to the Bifcujfion and Approbation of the Parlia¬ ment. The third Benefit, and what can never be too much valued, is the Method of this Appropri¬ ation, which is made only from Year to Year, with Regard to the Supplys for the current Services ; fo that without the Annual Meeting of the Parliament, the Navy, Army, Ordnante, E 2 and [ 36 ] and all the other necellary Wheels of the Go¬ vernment, are entirely flopp’d. This is likewifc abundantly flrengthen’d by the Method of grant¬ ing thefe Supplies, fo far as they confifl of the j<-fax and Land-Tax^ which is only from Year to Year; fo that Annual Meeting of the Parliament is become abfolutely neceffary for the Support of the Government^ whereby the Mea- furcs of the Court are continually examin’d, and any Grievances of the People laid open with fuch Freedom and Weight, as will never fuffer them to be long unrcdrels’d. This excellent Improvement of the ?ower and Liberties of the People is dear to every true Englijhman ; And to treat this with Coldnefs and Contempt, is a Conduft that deferves the mofl fevere Cenfure. It cannot but ftrongly move our Indignation, to hear the former unlimited Power of the Crown over the Public Revenues^ reprefented as a happier State of this Nation, than we enjoy at prefent; I leave it to the Reader to judge of the following Words, Page die i2th and 13th in a remarkable Pamphlet, entitled. An Enquiry into the Conduit of our Do- tnejlic Affairs from the Tear 1721, Printed- for H. Haines, at Mr. Franklyn’s. “ Let us con- “ fider a little the different Circumflances of “ the Kingdom now, from what it was former- “ ly; When our Kings had only Occafmal “ Aids and Subftdys granted them for immedi- “ ate Services, which foon ceas’d, the Collec- “ tion was by few Officers, and at little Ex- “ pence. As the Money was ufually given to “ carry on Wars undertaken by the Crown, “ and not in fb liberal a manner, as Supplys “ have [ 37 ] ‘‘ have been lately given, the Scantinefs of them ‘‘ engaged our Princes to keep a very watch- ‘‘ ful Eye over the Difpofition of the Money; ‘‘ There being no long continued ‘‘ Parliaments in thofcDays, ready to make ‘‘ good all Dejiciencys demanded from them; NOR WAS THERE ANY OCCASION FOR “ Acts of Appropriation ; The Neceffi- “ tys of the Prince were a continued Checque “ in that Cafe upon the Conduft of his Mini- “ fters -, and their Mifmanagements feldom e- “ fcap’d his Refentment: For it was Himfelf “ who felt it more than his People.” “ But the whole Frame of our Government is “ fince chang’d, with Refpeifl: to the Method “ and Manner., as well as the great Sums of “ Money rais’d upon the People. OarNeceJfitys “ have render’d Annual Sejftons of Parliament “ neceflary, for above forty Years pad, in or- “ der to carry on two very long and expen- “ fiveWars, againft a Power who threaten’d the “ Libertys of Europe. ” This is fuch an unjuft and unthankful Reprefentation of the happy Improvement of our Conftitution, fince the Abdication of King James, as muft give the utnioll Difguft to every Friend to Liberty. Is it not furprizing at this Hime to hear any Gentleman commend the Princes of this Kingdom before the Revolution, for not fuffering Parliaments to meet; There be¬ ing, fays he, no long continued Parliaments in thofeDays ready to make good all Dejiciencys de¬ manded from them: whereas, it was the Reproach of the Reigns of the Four Stuarts before the Revolution, that they could feldom endure the Great [ 38 ] Great Council of the Nation, or fuffer’d it to meets Is it then juft to reprefent this Conduft of theirs, as a public Benefit ? In Ihort, this Paragraph, as it carrys an Applaufe of the ge¬ neral Behaviour of thofe Reigns with Regard to Parliaments, is highly Ihocking; and, if it be referPd to Particulars, is notorioufly untrue: For, is there any thing more glaring in our whole Hiftory, than the long and continued Parliament under Charles the Second; a Parliament fo cor¬ rupt, and fo giving, that the Pretences for ask¬ ing Supplys, were only efteem’d by the Court as Formalitys ; And little regarded in the Ap- plisation of the Money j Hear the Words of a Gendeman, who liv’d in that Reign, and in the latter End of it, thus recapitulated fome Circumftances in the Houfe of Commons; “ I “ remember when Eleven Hundred fhoufand “ Pounds was given for building of Ships, and “ not one Ship built; and above Pwo Millions “ given to fupport the Triple League, and “ then it was prefently employ’d for the break- “ ing of it; when 'Tvoehe Hundred fhoufand “ Pounds was given for an aElual War with “ France, when at the fame Time we were un- “ der all the Obligations for Peace, and fo “ continued.” After this, let the Reader determine, whether the Public Money was juftly apply’d in thofe Days; Or whether, as this Au¬ thor aflerts, there was then no Occafion for Mis of Appropriation. As to the Frugality and Oeconotny of Charles the Second, or indeed of any of the Stuarts, which he afterwards mentions; And that the Mifmanagements of their Minifiers feldom efcap'd their tbeir Refentment, it is as untnie, as any thing in Nature; and known to be fo, by every Child in Hiftory; fo that to offer to confute it fcri- oufly would be really ridiculous. It is very unaccountable, how a Gentleman - of Senfe and Difcernment, as the; Author of this Pamphlet undeniably is, could fuffer him- felf, to utter fuch Dodrines 5 And it fufficient- ly fcws, how liable we are to overlhqot our Mark, when we are too much agitated with Pique and Refentment: How painful a Reftraint muff he have put himfelf under, and how fe- verdy have check’d his own Spirit, when he fpoke of the Revolution in the following, and mammated ExprelEons; ^he whole Frame of our Government is fme changed, with Refpeff to the Method and Manner of it, as well as to the great Sums rais'd upen-tk People, In the latter Part of which Sentence, he leaves an Impreffion, of its having prpv’d too expenfm and hurthenfome. to the Nation-; which is the more extraordinary, and fliews how far Paffion is capable of hurrying: us, fince I am convinc’d, no one can Ids regret the Charges we have bore, in, oppoling the Arbitrary Defigns of France, than tliis Gentleman; or more tho¬ roughly abhor in his cooler Thoughts, any un¬ thankful Sentiment, with Regard to tht Revolu¬ tion : He adds. Our Necejfttys have render'd An¬ nual Sejfms of Parliament ueceffary. To which I fliall only lay, that he has perpetually urg’d it himfelf, that we are in Danger, leaft the Par¬ liament Ihould not be annually troubled about thefe Necejfttys ; leaft fome future Rajh and Defpe- rate Minijler Ihould think the Government is [ 40 ] in no Neceftty of Jnmal Supplys for the cumnt Services', but fhould attempt to provide for them out of the Sinking Fund and the Sail Du¬ ty. In Ihort, Jnnual Sefftons of Parliament are owing, to the Weight of the People in die Le- gijkture ; arid are not to be attributed to a Caiife, which will not be admitted to fuhfijl, when the People lofe that Weight ; though, at prefent, there feems to be no Danger in this Refpeft. I enter not into the Reft of this Pamphlet, which is very diftinftly anfwcr’d in another Treatife *, which I recommend to the Reader to perufe; but, as it appears, from this Speci¬ men of the Traft I have quoted, that it is dic¬ tated by too -warm and agitated a Frame of Temper; fo I muft acknowledge the Spirit and Vivacity of it, which this Gentleman has the peculiar Happinefi of preferving,- through De¬ tails of Accounts, and fuch Reprefentations, as are flat and tedious in all other Writers. I beg Lrave next to fubmit to the Reader theWords of 'TheDiJfertationonPartys, Page 222, “ Formerly (by which he means before the “ Rn>olution) the whole Expence of the State . “ was born by the Crown ; and when this Ex- “ pence grew upon extraordinary Occafions too “ great for the Revenue of the Crown to bear, “ the People aided the Crown, if they approv’d “ the Occafions of the Expence. Thefe Grants “ were properly Aids, no more; for the Reve- • Some Corfiieratms concerning the Pullk Funds, the Puhlic Revenues, and Annual Supplys, ISc. Printed for y. Roberts. “ nue “ me of the Crown was engagM in the firft ‘ “ Place, and therefore it might feem reafon-" “ able, that the Crown fliould have the Levp “ ing and Management of the Whole of thefe “ Aids, as well as of the Standing Revenue: “ but ithappen’dinthisCafe, as it does in ma- ny, the Rmfon of the ceas’d, and the “ Thing continued: A feparate private Reve- ‘‘ nue, or a Civil Lift, as we commonly call “ it, was affign’d to the Crown. From that “ Time the former Order hath been revers’d; “ our Kings, inftead of contributing moft, have “ contributed Nothing to the Public Charge: “ And the People of Britain, inftead of giv-i “ ing occafionally Aids to the Crown, have “ taken upon themfelves the whole Load of “ ordinary and extraordinary Expences, for “ which they annually provide.” This Paragraph is loaded with Malice, and falfe Infmuations; The Drift of it is to perfwade his Readers, that the Crown, fmee the Revolu-^ iion, is greatly eafed from Incumbrances on its' Revenue, and that the People have taken the whole Burthen upon themfelves; and his Argu^ ment ftands thus; The Crown, before the Revolution, bore all the ordinary Expences of the Government; die Crown, fmee the Revo^ lution, bears none of them; therefore the Crown, fmee the Revolution, is unreaion.'.bly eas’d, and the ixople incumber’d. Nov/ 'vould not any one imagine, that the Revenue of the Crown was the fame in both Call-s, and that no Author, in common Honefiy, would otheiwife urge this Argument to his Readers,, for, if the Revenue of the Crown, fince the Revolution, F be [ 4 *] be extremely lefs than it was btfori, it is im- pejjibU for the Crown to contribute to the Pub¬ lic Charge, if it was its Duty, as much as it could formerly; and the whole Argument falls to the Ground: But nothing is more certain, than that the Revenue of the Crown under James the Second was upwards of Two Milli¬ ons per Amum ; and under George the Firft only Seven hundred Thoufand Pounds. This the Dijfertator was fenfible, that many are un¬ acquainted with ; And to fuch as arc ignorant of it, which are nineteen in twenty of his com¬ mon Readers, his Argument appears irrefiftible: And they apprehend there is juft Caufe for be¬ ing jealous of the Encroachments of the Crown. Thus hcfucceftfiillypropagatesUneafinels ;-But, is this a fair Way of dealing with Mankind ? Or an honeft and virtuous Method of oppofing any Adminiftration ? This Matter may deferve to be more fully explain’d, though 1 have before enter’d into it: The Parliament, after the RevolutioHi being fen. fible of the perpetual Mifapplication of the Re. venue, whilft it was under the unlimited Power of the Crown, wifely determin’d to come to a fair Explanation of this Bufinels ; and to fix, what Part of the Revenue and what Part Jhou’d not, be in the Power of the Crown to ap- ply to its own particular Expences and Purpfes j accordingly, fuch a Part of the Revenue, as they judg’d reafonable, was allotted for the Maintainance of the King’s Houftiold, and fup- prting the Honour and Dignity of the Crown: This is the private Revenue of the Crown, which [ 43 ] is ufually Call’d the Civil Lijl all the reft of the Revenues the Parliament obtain’d the Power of appropriating and diredting to the Public Services, according to theit own Wifdom and Diferetion, witliout leaving them, as formerly, to the abfolute Power of the Crown. This was a Point of the utmoft Importance gain’d by the People: nay, it is probable, its Extent was hardly perceiv’d at firft; though it is now un¬ deniably feen to be the grand Barrier of our Libertysj and is fucli a new and effedbual Weight in the popular Scale of Power, as, if I am not greatly miftaken, is far from being over-bal* lanc’d by any thing in the Re^al. But to return, it is evident that the Crown, at prefent, inftead of having the whole Public Revenues to range in, and to apply to its own private Purpofes, as formerly, is entirely con¬ fin’d, if I may be pardon’d the Expreffion, to a particular Salary. It is not to be expefted, therefore, or defired, that the Crown Ihould allot any Part of this Salary to the Public Ser¬ vices, which is exprefsly allotted for its ownprf* vatc Ufes. That Part of the Revenue, which the Crown formerly allotted, or rather /hon'd have allotted, to the Public Ufes, is now taken from the Crown, and allotted to thefe Ufes by the Parliament. Is it reafonable therefore ? Is it poflible for the Crown, at prefent, to take the Bu^ then of die Public Charge on itfelf, as formerly ? Yet this is the Complaint of this Author j And dio’ we are fure,;^^ which we never were before, that the Revenue, which ought to be apply’d to the Public Services, is not uferp’d by the Crown; yet this is his Infinuatm. In F 2 Ihort, [ 44 ] fliort, fuch falfe and difingenuous Suggeffions, calculated to impofe on the Ignorance of his Readers, and to propagate groundlefs Uneafinefs, are to be detefted by every Man of Candour and Virtue i and fufEciently demonftrate, that thk Author was aftuated by another Spirit, than tiiQ Spirit ofTruth and Liherty, notwithftanding his forward Pretences in this Treatife, The reft of this Paragraph carrys on the lame Sort of Complaints and Infmuations againft the prefent Power of the Crown; this is indeed the peculiar Talent of this Author j He excells in a Method of fturring over Fads, and leaving the moft uneafy Impreffions upon his Readers, even when the real State of thefe Fads ought juftly to convey contrary Sentiments; of which the reft tiiat he offers upon this Subjed is a very Extraordinary Specimen ; “ Notwithftanding “ this vaft Alteration in the State of the Reve- “ nue, and the Intereft of the King and the « People, in the Management of it, the fame “ Forms of granting Aids to the Crown, and of levying few, and of managing the Pub- “ lie freafure, have been continued; fo that « the People Hand oblig’d (for the Crown, “ that is trufted with the M^ole, is bound for “ H'thing) to make good z\\ Deficiencies, though “ they have no Share in the Management of the Revenue." It is plainly intended, by this Paragraph, to create fome dark Jealoufys in the Reader, about the fame Form of levying Faxes being continued, KotwithfiaruUng a vaft Alteration ; and about the CrownU being bound for nothing, with other. -ter- rifying Infiinuations. I make no Queftion but thcfe Words have had that malicious EfFeft, which the Author defign’d and yet they re¬ ally contain no other Information than what . follows, as the Reader will immediately fee, if he pleafes to be at the Trouble to make the Comparifon: Notwithftanding the Crown is thus limited in its own Expences to the Civil Lifi Re. venue, yet ‘Taxes and Aids continue to he rais'd, as formerly, hy Ahi of Parliament: And they are fill granted, after the old Form, to the TCng, ■though they are appropriated to public Ufes-, fa that the Parliament provides for all that is want¬ ing for thefe public Ufes: for it is impoffible for the King to do it, who has only his Civil Lift^ though the Executive Power is fill left in the Crown. This is the whole Subftance of this Paragraph but he has thrown it into fuch Words himfelf, as muft alarm any ordinary Reader, and fuggeft to him very uneafy Appre- henfions: At the fame Time, though he infi- nuates the utmoft Mifchief, he plays fo loofe, that nothing can well be fix’d upon him; aft* ing like an Irifh Rapparee, who is continually feen, but whenever you advance to attack him; /retires into his Boggs, and vanilhes, not daring to maintain his Ground, like a fair and manly Enemy. He goes on upon the fame Subjeft, “ Our “ Kings, fince the Eftablilhment of the Civil “ Lift, have not only a private feparate Efiate, “ but receive a Kind of Rent-Churge out of “ the Public Ffiate, to maintain their Honour “ and Dignity, nothing elfc.” Now here the Reader may underftand, if he pleafes, that the Crown [ 46 ] Crown has not only a private Eftate, but a Rent-Charge upon the Public Eftate beftdes. It has been the Care of this Author to exprefe himfelf fo, that any one ignorant of the Mat* ter before, wou’d thus underftand it j Not on- lays he, a private feparate Eftate^ but receive a Kind of Rent-Charge to maintain their Honour andbignip, nothing ELSE.What else wou’d he have it for ? The Parliament have given it only for this ; they have thought fuch a Reve¬ nue requifite for this Purpofe only, the Par¬ liament likewife annually give the reft of the Revenue to the Public Ufes only, or, accord¬ ing to his Phrafe, to the Public Ufes •, nothing tlfe. If he thinks no fuch Rent-Charge Ihou’d be given to the Crown, why does not he fay fo, and produce his Reafons ? Inftead of dropping mean Infinuations, without fairly ftanding to aiiy Circumftance. It is neceflary to add the Remainder of his Paragraph upon this Subjeft; wherein the Read¬ er will fee the fame Deficiency of real ObjeSiems, and the fame Abundance of falfe Infinuations. “ And whether the Public Eftate thrive, or not, “ this Rent-Charge mull be made good to them; “ at Icaft as it hath been fettled on our prefent “ moft gracious Monarch ; If the Funds appro- priated produce the Double of that immenfe “ Revenue of Eight Hundred Thoufand Pounds a Year, which hath been fo liberally given him for life; the "Whole is his, without Ac- *'■ count; but if they fail in any Degree to produce it, the intire National Fund is en- “ gag’d to make up the Difierence: But al- though our Kings have thus no longer any “ inunediate intereft in the Public Eftate, they ‘‘ are [ 47 ] « are trufted with the intirc Management of “ it; they arc not only Stewards for the Pub- “ lie, but they condefeend to be fuch for all « thofe private Perfons, who are the Creditors “ of the Public, and have the additional Trouble “ of managing about Three Millions a Year on « this Head.” The firft Part of this Paragraph I lhall an- fwer hereafter; but the Aim of it, in the latter End, is to infinuate, that the Crown ought to be ^deprived of the Executive Power, and only to be intmfted with the Adminidration of its own Civil Liji Revenue. This he has before ftrongly urg’d, and laid down his Reafons, why the Crown ought not to be trufted, at prefent, with this Power, though it ought for- merfy. But as this is a Subjedt of the utmoft Con- fequence, I defire to give his Argument, as it is drawn up in his own Words though I have before confidePd them, with Regard to another Point: “ Formerly (fays he) the whole Ex- “ pence of the State was born by the Crown; “ and when this Expence grew, upon extra- “ ordinary Occafions, too great for the Reve- « nue of the Crown to bear, the People aided « the Crown, if they approt^d the Occafions of “ the Expence. Thefe Grants were properly “ Aids, no more; for the Revenue of the Crown was engag’d in the firft Place, and « therefore, it might feem reafonable, that the “ Crown Ihou’d have the Levying, andManagc- “ ment of the whole of thefe Aids, as well as ” of the ftandmg Revenue.” This [ 48 ]; This Argument in the ftrongeft Terms ftandl thus i Formerly, the whole Ordinary ExpenCes of the State were born by the Crown. Upon Extraordinary Occafions it was indeed fometimes aided by the People. But as the Crown took upon itfelf the wholi Burthen, it was but juft it Ihould have the whole The Fallacy of this Argument lies in not rightly diftinguifhing about the Revenue of the Crown 5 before the Revolution, the whole ordi-f nary Revenue of the State was in the Power of the Crown, and call’d Revenue of the Crown, without any Diftinftion of what was to be al¬ lotted for the Civil Lift, and what for the rar- rent Service. After the Revolution, the Civil Lift only became the Revenue of the Crown ; fo that the Argument of this Author is really re¬ duc’d to what follows: formerly, there were no Boundaries fix’d to the Expences for the Civil Lift, and for the current Services, the whole Ordinary Revenue of the State being then under the uncontroulable Power and Management of the Crown, Therefore the whole Extraordina-ry Revenue of the State ought to have been under the fame uncontroulable Management likewife. This is to convince every one, that the Crown was more juftly entitled to the executive Power t 49 V fortfterly, thah. at prefent; and ^is ia juft Specn men of the profound Reafoning. of this all-ac- comvlipd Writer. What he alledges about the on the . Revenue, of the Crown formerly,- is exaftly of the fame Texture V that is, a meaji Attempt to im-* ; pofc upon his Readers, by concealing from them,, that this Revenue before the Revolution included . the Civil Lift and 'current Strokes and fince included the C/w 7 only, —rr-But it is ne- ceffary to add. fomething more concerning the executive Power. That this PoVer^iri ,fhe i Crown IhOuld be limited, as at prefent; pardcularly,• that the Public Revenues fbould be appropriated by Par¬ liament, is juft and requifite; and a great Im¬ provement of our happy Conftitution : But to take any principal Part of this Power entirely from' the Crown, and to lodge it, for the future, in other Hands, uncontroulable by the Crown, will be, in Reality, to create two fupreme inde¬ pendent executive Magiftracys in. the fame Go¬ vernment ; the Abfurdity of which is fufficicntly evident. I fay nothing of the Expence, though this muft be very confiderable, to fupport any fuch independent executive Power in new Hands, with proper Dignity : but, from the Nature of Things, this new Magiftracy will immediately rival the Crown ; and fix what Limits you pleaie to dieir refpedtive Jurifdiftions, they will quick¬ ly clafti togedier, and in a little Time bend their Force to obftruft and fupprefs each other; whereby the Wheels of Government will be en¬ tirely flopp’d, till one of them becomes at [ 50 ] fubfervient to the other 5 in which Cafe the j'K* friitte executive Power will again be lodg’d in one Corporation only. If this Ihould be the new Magifiracy, which, by fupprefling the Regal Au- tboritys IhouW at length entirely prevail, who can tell, in the violent Contentions and Struggles for Superiority between this and the Crown, (which fliuft always continue till one of them is entirely fubdued,) what difioried Model the Go¬ vernment of this Ifland may be prefPd into 5 or, moft probably, it will, at length, be thrown into the Arms of One powerful refolute Perfon, without any Limitations. On the other Hand, if in the Straggle the Crown Ihould become the Conqueror, it muft, in Order to this, become fo powerfiil, as to break through all Reteaints whatever, whereby we lhall inevitably fall under an abfolute Mo^ mrchy •, and this, 'indeed, will probably be the lafi Rejult, whatever Side lhall obain the Vic¬ tory. It appears then from Ret^cnt, as it does from all Experience in Hiftofy, that two fuprme in¬ dependent executive Magijiracys can never long fubfill together in one Stare 4 and therefore, to deprive our own Crown, for the future, of any principal Part of the executive Power, fuch as the Colleftion and Diftribution of the Public Revenues, according to the Infmuatioa of this Author, would unavoidably occa'fion ihe moft violent Gonvulfions in this Nation, and foon end ai the Lois of all the preferv'd, iang envy'd Liberties of Britain. To f5>] Tp confi^cr the G)nfequences of this Author’s Infinuatiqn in anotner Light 5 —r If the Crottm was depriv'd of the principal Part of the exe¬ cutive Fewer, it would immediately lofe the greateft Share of its Weight and Authority, and ofitsUsEFULNESs likewifcto the State; for the Crown is to be confider’d now,, as vefted with the Supreme Magiftracy To fupport which with proper Grandeur and Dignity, at the Head of lb great and wealthy a People, and to be a E Balance to the LegiQative Power, a con¬ ic Civil Lift Revenue is juftly allotted: But, if you take away the Employment of the Crown, and make it only a Sine Cure, fo that the Poffeflbr of it lhall no more be the Supreme Magftrate, what will be the Confequences ? Will it not juaiy be faid, that the Civil Lift was ori¬ ginally defign^d and appointed for fupporting the Dignity or the Supreme Magftrate, and to at¬ tend upon him; That whdft this Magiftracy was vefted in the Crown, fuch a Revenue might have been properly allotted to it; But that it was by no Means reafonable, while the State labour’d under great Difficukys, to allow lb large a Sum for the Support only of an ufelefs Pageant. Tiius the Reafon and Foundation of this Revenue no more fubfiflanjg, it will be impoffible for the Crown to avoid yielding up fome Part of it to the Pid)lic; efpecially, its Weight and Influence being gone away with the Supreme Magiftracy: And this Jirft Diminution of the Revenue of the Crown will fiillabridge ks Weight and Influence, and of courfe render a fecond Dimi¬ nution of its Revenue more eafy. Let it be confider’d now where this is to ftop; the Name G 2 - of [ 52 ] of Monarchy will then be all that will continue of it ambngft us;' and that only, perhaps, but a little while; And I defire to know from any one, that is wife enough, what Frame of Govern¬ ment we fiiall then be refolv’d into/, for it is evi¬ dent, .that, to deprive the Crown of any confi- derable Part of die executive Power, will thus unavoidably rm us out of our ^refent Conjlitu- Thefe Political Tenets and Infinuations of the Difercator being thus expos’d, I come next to confiacr tlie Power of the Crown over Mo¬ ney, or its Pecuniary Power and Influence, at dif¬ ferent Periods fince the Reftoration-, But it is firll neceflary to deteft another Artifice, carry’d on of late with much Difingenuity by feveral Authors; they lay it down as a neceflary Con- fequence, that, becaufe the Income of the Crown is greater 7 ww, than at any Time fince the Re¬ volution ; therefore, that the Pecuniary Influence of the Crown is greater; which by no Means follows j unlds it can be Ihewn, that the Income of the People hath not been equivalently in¬ creas'd in the lame Time ; for if the Annual In¬ come of die Crown, and of the People, fet out ■in any Proportion to each other, and you double both, the fame Proportion between their In¬ comes is ftill preferv’d; nor will the Pecuniary Influence of the Crown become greater thereby than before; though thefe Gentlemen, according to their Method of arguing, would not fail to reprelent it to! be double; On the contrary, that this Influence would be lefs than before, feems to me evident; and that the following Propo- fition holds true in Politics, Pro- [ 53 ] Propofition. If the Income of the Crown, and of the People, berefpeltively doubled, trebled, or equally augmented to any Amount-, though the We alth of the Crown will be Jlill in the fame Proportion to the Wealth of the People, as before", yet /k Power W Influence of the Ckov/h will not be fo conftderable, as before, but will be much diminipd. This I fiiall endeavour to prove, by the fol¬ lowing Inftance: Suppofe a certain Manour to be wholly poflefs’d by the Lord of it, and one Thoufand Cottagers-, the Lord having Five Hundred Pounds per Annum, and each of the Cottagers Ten Pounds per Annum-, the Propor¬ tion then of his Income, to any one of theirs, is five hundred to ten, or fifty to one -, and he is certainly very great and powerful, in Com- parifon to any of thefe; it will be eafy for him to bribe, or to ruin, as many as he pleafes. Let now the Rents of the whole Manour be uniformly rais’d, by real Improvements, ten times as high as before; then will the Lord of it enjoy Five Thoufand Pounds per Annum, and the Cottagers will all become Farmers of One Hundred Pounds per Annum Freehold each : Let it now be confider’d what Sort of new People the Lord ’ has about him: Every one of thefe Farmers pofTcis’d of One Hundred l^ounds per Annum, will’ juftly look upon lumfelf to be in a great meafure independent, and will neither be led, nor drove, as formerly; It is not eafy to ruin any of them; And, as they will foon be [s+] fenfible, that they have new Charafters and For¬ tunes, it will be very difficult to awe or bribe a Majority of them. Again, if a Number of them unite together in any common Caufe, they are able to form a Purfe amongft themfelvcs, and make a powerful Oppofition to any of his Defignswhence he will feiilibly find, that, though his Income bears the fame Proportion to theirs which it did before, bis Weight and Power, infiead of being the fame, are This is eafdy referr’d to the Crown and the People-, And theReafon of.this Effedt from a general Increefe of Property, will clearly appear, by examining into the Nature of Power, and wherein it is coiilhtutcd. Now this feems to me to be near the Truth, ^he Power ^ the Crown and the Power cf the People are to each other, in Proportion to their refpeSiive Abilitvs, and their Dispo¬ sition and Advantages for employing them againji each other. The Abilitvs of each depend chiefly upon the Superfluity of their relpe&ive Incomes, over and above the Expenccs, which they make ne^ ceflary to themfelves. In mofl: Countries, therefore, the Abilityb cf the whole People cdledled together, are greater than thofe of the Crown ; But then it is evi¬ dent, that the Crown, by its Unity, Prerogative, executive Power, has more Advantages for C 55 1 for employing its Abilitys, in order to gain an abfoiute Superiority, and under many Reigns has been found to have more Disposition for doing fo, than the People. Thefe Principles will appear more plainly, by examining again the foregoing Inftance: When the Cottagers had no more than Ten Pounds per Annum each, their whole Income, Care, and Thought, was employ’d to provide, themfclves Food and Neceffarys: Their whole Scheme then was to keep themfelves from ftarv- ing i and all they could procure was juft fuffi- cient for that Purpofc only: But every Addition to this Income was a clear Acqiiifition of Strength, to them, and gave them Abilitys to procure, and defend other Enjoyments; whereby, accord¬ ing to what is laid'down ■ Superfluity 3.p- pears to be the Foundation of all their Abilitys : And ‘This, which was before peculiar to the Lord of the Manouf, is now cotnmon to thofe that were the Cottagers; But his Income being to all theirs colleftively, as Five Hundred to TeuThoufand, or as One to Twenty, it is evident, if the whole Income of the Manour is increas’d in the fame' Proportion, that for every fmgle Pound extra¬ ordinary that he obtains, they acquire amongft them all Twenty Pounds; fo that tliey imme¬ diately gain upon him vaftly in Ability ; for, though there is the fame Proportion ftill pre- ferv’d between the whole Amount of his In¬ come, and die whole Amount of theirs, yet there is by no Means the fame Proportion con* tinued between the Amount of their rcfpeiftive Stperfluitys, wherein their Abilitys confift; it being apparent, that the Advantage he had over them [ 56 ] them at firft, in this Refpcft, was infinite, if you liippofe they had no Superfluity at all; fot then, admitting One Hundred Pounds per An- mm to be the narroweft Bounds he could con- tradl himlelf within; his Superfluity is to theirs, as 400 to 0, or infinitely greater. But upon doubling*) C to,000/. per Ah. their Incomes, the/ goo to 10,000 < being requir'd for Cafe is alter’d, andv or ' {_ their Necellaries, his Superfluity is to^ i to n nearly, theirs, only as J ' Upon quintupling ) 2400 to 40,000 their Incomes, it is ^ or as J 1 to 17 nearly. And upon decup-) ling their Incomes, ( 4900 to go,ooo his Su^rfluity is to^ or all theirs colleaive-V i to 18 r nearly, ly, as } T ■' And if all their Incomci; be continually aug¬ mented in the fame Manner, the Superfluity of the Lord, in Proportion to all theirs, will con- ftantly be diminilh’d, and decline nearer and nearer to the Proportion of i to 20. As therefore, by this uniform Increafe of Pro¬ perty, the Cottagers gain upon the Lord in A-^ bility, which is the chief conffituent Article of Power ; fo will they likewife in another, that is in their Bifpojition for employing this Ability : For their Senle and Spirit will nle with their Property, and they will foon aim at the third Article of Power, the procuring Advantages to themfelves, for employing their Ability in the befl Manner upon any Occafion. Thus, if I miftake not, it undeniably appears, that the Power of the Lord, with Relpeci: to the Cot- [57] Cottigers, will bd confiderably dirriinifli'd, by a general uniform Increafe of the whole Property. of the Manour; And, if this be referr'd to the Crown and the People of this Kingdom, which is only a larger Manoury it will hold equally true, and fully demonftrate the Reafonablencls of the ■ foregoing Propofition. This being fo, I pfoceed next to enquire into the refpeftive Incomes of the Crown, and of the People, and of the general Increafe- of Property '■ amon^ us, at different Periods, from the Refto- ration to his prefent Majefty’s Acceflion; And ' if the Income of the Crown hath only been pro- poriionably augmented to the Income of the Peo- it muft be admitted that Power of the Crown is confiderably dminiftfd-. But, if this In¬ come hath by no -Means been increas’d’ pro- portiondbly to the increafing Income of the Peo- ’ pie, it will appear what litde Foundation there is "for Suggeftions, that the Power of the Crown is become.eiwrwm of late, and ready to devour the Rights of the People. On the other hand, it may, perhaps, bring fome ferious Re¬ flexions into the Minds of those, \(ho fmcerely mean the Welfare of their Country, but are fpirited up, and eager for fome CLuce, where- evef their UadersMl direft the Cry, and urge on dieirFury: Thuse Gentlemen, it is to be hop’d, will at length hefitate, and coolly con- fider where they arc driving to, or are rather drove by haughty Rulers; And, as there is z-Peint to which the Power of the People ought juftly to arrive, 'that their Freedom and Hap- pinefs may be well fecur’d; fo every Advance¬ ment beyond this, directly tends to involve us in H Con- [ 58 ] i Cc^fion, apd to, pvcrthroiM our-Goyernmpnt, *. Vpjrfs the mreufingMity. of the. People be rightljr temper’d, with, a rm m-. deration, apd ajqft Senfc of tjie felicity of their frejent. 5 yithout grajping at all- ■^itibority ; for that, there , ia a-vpry ex- traordimq Increafe of Abili^. ip. thePeoplf^ I believe will immediately appear; and that bur Teaden^ f .mfint, uplds.it be rightly mderaUd, lies, mpeh ftronger to Democrat, than, to abfs- lufe Monmb^. The Parliament, at thejR^^mtieti in i,66o, voted, that Twelve Hundred T&oufand. Pounds per 4 wa»»,lhould be fettledupn.the Crown for the. Support of its Dignity, and i for defraying, the ordinary Expences . of the Government j towards, which Sum the following Dutys were foon aR terwards granted to King Charles the Second’ for his late} wj}. 1, The Cuftomt, being the oWJ, ^Hdy of Tunnage and Poundage. 2, The Hereditary, and Tempor^iry Excife. 3, The PolROffice. 4, The Wine-Lieepces. 5 , The Hearth-Money. 6, To which are to be added, the fmallBranchet arifing chiefly from, the Hereditary Bltatc of the... Crown; viz. the firft Fruits and Tenths qfthe Clergy; the Fines for Writs of Covenant, and, Writs of Entry, payable in the Aliepation- Office; the Poft-Fines; the Sheriffs Proffers; the Compofitions, and Seizures of Uncuftom’d and Prohibited Goods; the Revenue of the Prin¬ cipality oi Hedies, and Dutchy oiCormall-, the- Rents I 59 I Rents of the Crown-Lands, and Fines for Leafcs; and the Four and a half per Cent, in Barbadoes] luid the Lee'taard-IJbmds. ’ The Tunnage and Poundage commenc’d from the 24th of Ju/y, 1660-, the Hereditary and Temporary Lxeife, both. From tlic 25th of D^- cember, I'ddoj the Poft-Office immediately from the Royal A&nt to the Aft For efeblilhing it, which was given on the 29th oiDsceinher, 1660; the Wine-Licences commenc’d frorai xhtLady-Day following; and the firft Half-Yearly Payment of theHearth-Moh'ey was dMcVit Mkhdehras, 1665. The Neat Produce of thefe fettled Taxes arofe not at firft to TwelVe Hundred Thoufand Pounds per Mmm’, thoiigh after a ftW Years they ar¬ riv’d to this Sub, and in the latter I^rt of this King’s Reign far exceeded that Aniiual Amount: But, to fupply this Deficiency in the Beginning, very confiaerable Sums Were given by the Par¬ liament, befldes providing for all extrOorMnary Services: A particular State 6f which Slims for feverai of the firft Yeart after the RefibrdtUn is hereto ful^oin’d, whereby it will appear; i.What was the Receipt of the Crown in each Year from its feitkd Rmme^ hhd from extrliofinaty Supplys. 2. Wh'at Part Of the Whole ivas dif- burs’d for the Publii Servie'es. And Mly, how much was obtain’d by the CrOWft for the Civil Lifi only. H 2 No. . [6o] ^ No. I. ' ’ An Account of the Sums granted to King Charles the Second, by the Convention begun Weftminfter, the z^th of A- pril, 166 ft 'within the firji feven Months afterJhe'K^^^orlCaon', that is, from the 2gth of May 1660, to the zcyth of December following, •when this Conven- ■ tion •was dijfoived. '■N N A61: for putting in Exe- \ Aflefsmcnt of Seventy Thoufandv Pounds per Month, for Threer ’ Months, commencing the 24th ofV June, 1660. 3 . s. TheTunnage and Poundage commencing from the 24th ofQ July, 1660, which, to the Chrift-^ ■ 140,000 mas following, being Five Months, v produc’d about J 3. Two Afts for continuing the' Commonwealth Excife to Chrift- mas 1660; The Amount of this _ ' Excife for that Time docs not ap- y 200,000 pear,.but is fuppos’d to exceed 1 the Cuftoms, and for thofe Seven j Months may be itated at j 550,000 Brought Brought over . - 4. An Aft for the Ipeedy Provifionl of Money, for disbanding and | paying of the Forces of this King¬ dom, both by Sea and Land this j was a Poll-Tax, the higheft, and j moft particular, that had ever been granted before that Time; and comprehended likewife aTax of Two Shillings in the Pound upon all Eftates Real and Perfo- nal j its Amount, probably, ex¬ ceeded . _ 5. An Aft for the fpeedy raifing ofl Seventy Thoufand Pounds for the prefent Supply of his Majefty 5! this was by an AflelTment of Se- )• venty Thoufand Founds for one [ Month, commencing the 29th of j September, 1660. J 6 . An Aft for the fpeedy raifing of") Sevenfeore Thoufand Pounds, for j the empleat disbanding of the whole Army, and paying of fome j Part of the Navy j this was, by an ). AflelTment of Seventy Thouland | Pounds per Month, for Two Months, commencing the firft of j November, 1660. j L. 550,000 [,000,000 70,000 140,00® [ 6 * ] L, Brought over ■ — 1,760,000 7. An Aft for levying the Arrears'! of the Twelve Months Afleffment of One HundredThoufandPoun^s /rr Month, commencing the 24th of June, 1659 i of the Six Months Affeffment of One Hun¬ dred Thoufand Pounds ^erMonth ,' 300,000 commencing the 25th of Decern- ler, 1659; ifwc fuppole, with M r. Coke, Three Months of thefe Eighteen to be in Arrear, as might cafilybe, in the Confufion of that Time, the Amount of this was - 8. An Ad for granting his Majcftyl Four Hundred and Twenty Thou¬ fand Pounds, by an Aireflinent of Seventy Thoufand Pounds per Month, for Six Months, for dif- banding the Remainder of the Ar- my, and paying of the Navy: though this AlTefTment was only to commence from the firft Day oi January, 1660; yet one Moi¬ ety of it was to be paid on, or 420yQ00 before, the firlt Day of Fehrmry following; md the Remainder of it on, or before, the firft Day of April next enfuing; Befides which, there is a Claufe for allowing Ten per Cent. Intereft to any Perfon ^ 2,480,000 Brought [ 63 ] 1 . Brought over 2,4.80,000 who ihall advance Money upon [. the Credit of this Aft; fo that the whole Amount was, probably, re- j cciV' d very foon- after Cbriftmas. 5, An Aft for raifirjg of Seventy' Thoufand Pounds ror the further Supply of his Majefty: this was - likewife by an AffelTment of Se¬ venty Thoufand Pounds for one 1 Month, to commence from the t 7 o>ooo firft Day oi july, 1661: But, j upon the Credit of it, his Majefty, • probably, foon obtain’d the great- j eft Part of it. J 10. To which are to be added the 1 fmall Branches, whofe Amount, according to Sir William Petty^ in his little Treatifc entitled, PfrW Sttpientiy wrote foon after the i?(f- ( fimtiotu, was One Hundred and ^ Thirty Thoufand Pounds per^Att- mm •, and it is not to be doubted ' but the whole Produce for this - Year was very cxaftly paid. j' 130,000 Total 2^,680,000'^ The Hereditary and Temporary Excife, the Ppft-Office, and Wine-Licenc®^ were' granted' by the lame Convention: Butf as thefe Dutys regan net to be in Gollcftion, till after Chrift- mast „ [ 64 ];; iSSo, they arc not added to the following Articles, whofe Produce was almoft all obtain’d by the King, within the firft Seven Months after the Refioration: For, it is to be remark’d, that the far greateft Part of theyfmy was difcharg’d before 1660; and the, laft Remnant of it was entirely disbanded on Tower-Hill^ the 14th of February following} and the Navy was likewife paid off about the fame Time : fo that the Six Months Afleffment of Four Hun¬ dred and Twenty Thoufand Pounds muft have been all receiv’d before that Time} unlels it be fappos’d, that the Moiety of it payable on the firltof was fufficient.forJatisfyingaO the Fones; which, if it was fo, the Crown gainfd more confiderably by the Gifts of thofe firft Se¬ ven Months, than I lhall venture, without full Proof, to charge to its Account. It is evident, indeed, by the very Tides of the A6b, that the Convention, after granting the Poll-Tax, for the fpecdy Provifion of Money for difcharging the Forces by Sea and Land, computed, that the further Sum of One Hun¬ dred and Forty Thouland Pounds was fully fuf- ficient for the compkat disbanding of the whole Army, and paying the Navy: but yet, the Crown afterwards demanded, and obtain’d. Four Hundred and Twenty Thoufand Pounds more, for difcharging tite Remainder of the Forces. However, admitting that the King gain’d no- thing by , this Bufinefs'; and that the three Ar¬ ticles of One Million, One Hundred and Forty Thotifand, Pounds, .and Four Hundred and Twenty Thoufand .Pounds, did no more than.. fatisfy [ 6s ] fatisfy all the Expences of the Army, Navy, and, the Pay of the three or four Regiments in Dun¬ kirk-, the Refult of the whole Account will ftand thus, for the firft Seven Months after the ReJka-> ration-. Granted for the Public Services, and Civil Lift, --- Disburs’d for the Public Services, f 1,000,000 < 140,000 ^ 420,000 ? 2,680,000 ^ 1,560,000 Remainder, being the Sum ob-i rain’d for the Civil Lift, — {^140,000 It may be obferv’d here befides, that the Convention prefented the King with FiftyThou- fand Pounds when he was in Holland -, and he receiv’d likewife confiderable Prefents from the States General, the City of London, and from a great Multitude of private Perfons, before and after his Arrival: All which I pals over, as well as the Amount of the Forfeitures in Eng¬ land Ireland, to a great Sum; having it far from my Intention to fwell this Account beyond its Limits. • This profiife Liberality to the Crown, it may be expefted, will be moderated next Year ; the firft Tranlports of the Reftoration were then over: The Congratulatory Poems from the Two TJ- niverfitys by that Time were extinti ; and the Cavaliers^ having done with boajiing of their Ealour, were glad to beg any where a little Cre¬ dit. To Gompleat our Happinefs, upon the 8th I of \ ‘of i66j, Ae Natldn wiS eqi^J)j)*d with a jPMaltndnt iiitir'dj foTy\ Now, OTiibtl^, ^ ftafl f^e'gr^t ah ^h lnfpeMon ^iAt '^t PiMc Hccmmts^ ahdh'?S//^ Mffofwn for fucceeding Parliaments, However, befbfe we triull^h too much in thefe good Things, it will be proper to obfer’Vc a little few me 'Giftitk. men fet forwards. Slid then, ariiOngifl; tlieir firft'Operations ; I. An M again^ fumUlts and Dtforders, upc» "Pf'it'ente of Jreprim, ^ frefenimg Public Petitions, or blh'er Mdrejfes to 'Us ‘Majefy, or the Parliament. i, jin M for the well ‘governing 'aU fegUlaU ihg of Corporations, 'By this Aft, all Berfons cbnceiri^'in the'Ma- igifiracw bf any Corporation were obit^ft to fake tile follbwinjg Oath; 1 A.B. do declare and 'heli'evey that 'it is ml flawful, upon, at^ Pretence "what'diier, to 'tah Arms againjl the King ; and that Ido Shorthat Traitorous Pojition of taking Arms 'by' Us Autho¬ rity againft his Perfon, or againjl tbofe that an 'tmmifftdn'd hy him: \ohelpmtyCibd. This Was'abolifli’d, |^e firft of King ihilim and "Mary, and had, in the Opinion of the E< liaftors, entirely excluded iJs from ever afferting our Bights and libertys,' 3. 4 n- M f^r thi and tfmens- Hat my, axifi ^ cmam 'P^rfcjk cabl'd atid Othexs, nfujing to tala 4, Jn ASl for He Vnifmtdy of P'Mx Pray, ers^ and Adminiftration of Sacraments^ and other Rites and Ceremoi^s. Thia Aft, the great ,Mr. Locke fays, V was “ fatal to our Church and Religioii, ig thto.w- “ ing out a very great Num.ber (alwye two “ Thoufaind) of Worthy, jLearped, Pious, and “ Ordiodox Divines, who coiild not cbrhe'up “ to, Several Things in it.” 5. An Aft for frroent'mg Akfes in, frinting Se¬ ditious, Lreafonabk, and Unlic^nfed Rooks and PmpHets ; and for r^gulafm^ pf Printing, andPrJnting-Pre£es.''' ' This Aft was continued from Time to Time, to June 1685-; arid thence for feyen Years fpng^ er, which extended iieyond .the af¬ ter which it was h,o.n n s t.l y luffer’d tp. ejtpire, being incopMent with the Ifbertys pf a 'Free People. It-Vfould be eafy to fill a Volume.with the mrthy Exploits pf this Sort perform’d .this Parliament,; hojw ftoutly they.fiipprefs’d,all venticles ; imprifpning, and othetwifc punilhing Thoufands of pious and fcrupulous Proteftants, for quietly worlhipping God according to their own Gonfciences •, abolilhing the Rights and I 2 Liber- lihrtys of the People, and ereding in their Stead Pajfive Obedience and Non-Rejijiance: But, leaving thefe Heroical A6b, it is my Pro¬ vince, at prefent, to enquire into their Bounty to the King, who enjoy’d now a very confide- rable fetded Revenue, and was therefore in lels Want of any Additional Supplys. No. 11 . yin Account of the Neat Produce of the Settled Revenue, and of the other Sums granted to King Charles the Second from Chriftmas 1660 to Chrillmas 1(361. L. I. ’THE Cuftoms, then farm’d ? 1 at about ; ^ 350,000 3. The Hereditary and. Temporary? Exclfe, then farm’d at J, 5. The Wine-Licences firft paid atl Lady-Bay that Year, * 4 , The fmall Branches, whofe Ac¬ count Sir William Petty about that Time computes, as follows, Crown-Lands/er Annum 70,000 Poft-Office, 20,000 Coinage andPre-emp-? tion ofTin, ^ j. Foreft of Bean, 4,000, Courts of Juftice, , 6,000 Firft-Fruits, 18,000 , 275.952 7,000 130,000 [ 6 ? ] L. Brought over -- 762,552 5. An Aft for the declaring, veft-l ing, and fettling, of all fuch Mo¬ neys, Goods, and 'Fhings in his Majefly, which were receiv’d, le- vy’d, or;Collefted in thefe late • ■ Times, and are remaining: in the , Hands or Pofleflion of any Trea- furers. Receivers, Colleftors, or. others not pardon’d by the Aft C 50>009 of Oblivion. I The Amount of thefe is un -1 known, but there were, doubtlefs, | very confiderable Sums outftand- j ing and unfettled, for which this 1 Aft was pafs'd; Tlhall, however, |! ftace what was obtained only at j 6. An Aft for a Free and Volun-’ . tary Prefent to his Majefly. This .was like a general Brief through¬ out the Kingdom; and eonfider- ing the Bent of the Times, and that many People wanted fuch Op- > 300,009 portunitys of . ingratiating them- 'j felves with the Court, its Amount muft have been v^ry large: how- j ever, I lhall charge it only, ac -1 ' cording to Mr. Coke, at J 7. An Aft for veiling in his Ma-') jefty the Arrears of the Excife, and new Impoft. By this Aft his j Majefly has a Power of profecut- j 1,112,952 Brought Brought ever ‘ .-- ing all i-'erfohs, or their Seeuritys; and the Heirs, Executors, and Adminiftrators of thefc, for all Arrears, and Sums, that were chargeable and demandable for thofe Dutys, whilft they fubfifted ; And thefe Perfons again have a Power given them of profecuting others, tp relieve themfelyes in diis Refpea. The Sum that the King obtam’d by this, Mr. Ceke L. 11,r 12,952 y 300,000 Thefe Afts were paflcd the 30th of"^ July i66i, from which the Par- liament was adjourn’d m.the 20th of iVwm^r following, when they likrally p^fs’d, within lefr- than a Month, cliq two following which, a^ngfr others, receiv’d J.c Royal AlTent, tlie 20th of Decemeerj i66i. " An Aft for granting unto the! King s Majefty Twelve Hundred I andSixtyThoufand Pounds. This w^ by an AflelTment of Seventy | Thoufand Pounds pr Mogth for f , ^ightcen Months, Cohimentlng Jom the 25^ of December 1661 ■ upon the Credit of it, his Maje% foon rais’d' the greateft Part of this Sum. £^] Brought over —— An Aft to enable the King’s'] Majefty to make Leaies, Grants, and Copys of Offices, Lands, Te¬ nements, andHerditantents, Par¬ cel of his Highnefs’s Dutchy of €vnivjttll, or, annex’d to the fame, and for Gdnffimation of Leafes and Grants already made, • This empower’d the King to grant' Leafes for Thirty^one Years, or Three Lives, of the Crown- Lands, in the Dutchy of Cornwall-, the referv’d Rent only not to be lefs than one Quarter of theYearly Value: by y?hich, doubtlefs, very large Siiifis were raised; The old leafes granted by his Father be¬ ing almoft all expir’d ; and many Perfons bidding for the new Grants; fo that I may moderately ftate the Sum^iifii’-d by this at L. 2)672,951 roa,ooo ! 2,772.952 ’Tis rquifite to Hate next the Disburfements of the Crown this Year for the Public Services, which, according to the beft Information I can obtain, were nearly as follows. No. [ 7 ^] No. lU. An Account of the Disburfementi for the Public Services from Chriftmas 1660 to Chriftmas 1661, difinguijh'd under the feveral Articles. L. I. ’THE Charges of T)imUrlc,\ JL which Mr. from the In-( ^ formation of feveral Members off 0,000 Parliament, eftimates at J 2. The Ordinary of the Navy and! Ordnance, His Majefty himfelf, in 1678, promis’d the Parliament, if they would fettle an Additional Revenue upon him, to allot Fifty ; Thoufand Pounds /if>- Attnum., for. the future, to this Service; it may, therefore, be fafely prefum’d, that before that Time, it had not coft him lb much 5 and that fo early as this Year, it did not amount to more than j 2- The Charges of a Summer-Guard ,1 and Cruilers, reckoning Three Thoufand Men, at tht prefent Ex¬ pence of Four Pounds a Man per Month. This is confirm’d by Sir William Petty., who eftimaites the whole Charges of the Navy; that is, including the Ordinary, in this Reign, communihs Annis, at about 200 , 000 /. 40,000 156,000 256,000 Brought [ 73 ] t: Brought Over ——256,006 - 4.-The Pay of one Regiment of) Horfe, and of one Regiment of Foot^which, upon disbanding the Army, his Majefly form’d for his own Guard; the Expcnce’of thefe muft dlerf have been lefi than the prefent Pay of the Four Troops )■ 99,667 of Life-Guards, and of the Cdld- Regiment of Foot-Guards; However, that I may not under- eftiinate''any thing, I fliall charge it at this^ The Horfe at 66,568 The Foot at 33,299, 5. Garrifons, Fire, Candle, and Con -1 ^ ^ tingencys. 5 Total 375,667 And the Refult of the whole Account for the Year, ending at Cbriftma 1661, will Hand thus; Receiv’d by the Crown for thc^ Public Services, and Civil Lift, ^ Disburs’d for the Public Services, 375 i ^^7 Remainder, being the Sum ob-"^ tain’d by the Crown for the >2,397,285 Civil Lift, • > Thefe were the Firjl-Fmts of this L/^a! Par¬ liament, and fuch is the Tory Likrality to the K Crom, Crown, when the Ppjfejjor of it is after their own Heart-, but, fince the Revolution, they are tlie moft fqtieamijh of People, and have been fright¬ en’d at allowing, the Crown an Arrear of One Hundred and Fifteen Thoufand Pounds, even to fupply- a Deficiency, which the Parliament was engag’d to make good.-But it is proper to obferve the further Progrels of thefe Gentlemen. The Parliament was prorogued from the 20th of December 1661 to the loth of January fol¬ lowing, where they perform’d many noble Ac¬ tions againft the Rights, and Freedom of their Country; But'their Pecuniary Exploits being what I am at prefent to fet forth, it is neceffary to give, , No. IV. jln Account of the Neat Produce of the ■ Settled Revenue, and of the other Sums -granted to King Charles the Second, from Chriftmas 1661 to Chriftmas 1662. Cuftoms, then farm’dj J. at about J L. 350,00® 2. The Hereditary and Temporary ? Excife, then farm’d at ^ 275>952 3. The Wine-Licences, 7,000 4. The fmall Branches, including? the Poft-Officc i 130,000 5. An A&. for eftablifliing an Ad-' ditional Revenue upon his Maje- jefty, his Heirs and Succeflbrs, for the better Support of his and their Crown and Dignity. This was the Hearth-Tax, which, until the King had a Power of collefting by his own Officers, I muft be fo fair to acknowledge, ► produc’d only about OneHundred Thoufand Pounds perAmum, dio’ after this Power was granted to his Majefly, as it was very foon, its Annual Produce was more than double that Sum; the firft Half- yearly Payment of this Duty was due, and levy’d at Michaelmas in this Year. 6, An A£i: direfting the Profecution 1 of fuch as are accountable for Prizii-Goods. By this Adi all Prize-Moneys, or Goods, fince the Year 1642, which were unfettled and unde¬ termin’d, were veiled in his Ma- jelty: This comprehended many very confiderable Captures belong¬ ing to our brave Seamen, that they had taken in the Common¬ wealth-War with ih.zj)utch^ and L. 8i 2,956 50,000 ■ _ %ought©ver - in the ProteSief^ War with the 1 Spaniards zxs^Portuguefe. And it is I laid in the A6t, that thefe would, }' probably, amount to confiderable ' Sums of Money ; and they may therefore be very moderately fta- ted at — - , / 7 - An M for the more fpecdy andl elicaual bringing thofe JPerfons to i Account, whole Accounts are ex- • cepted in the Adi of Oblivion. As this feems to be only an En- 0,00,000 of a former Adi pafs’d ^ (Article 5. No. 11.) 1 lhall not charge any thing here to Its Amount. 8. An Adi for ordering the Forces! in the feveral Countys of this f Kingdom. j His Majelty was empower’d, I ^ this Aft, upon any apparent ^ Hanger of the Government, off vmich he was left the Judge, to raile Seventy Thoulknd Pounds for Three Years, by an Afleflment, for defraying the Expence of any Part of the Mili. tia, helhouldin fuch Cafe think This, according to my Apprehenfion, was a Vote 210,00© Total 1,072,952 ( 77 1 cf Credit ; or an Additional Grant fo the Civil Ufi, under the Ap~ parance .of a Vote ofCredif. A^,' as Article of diis Sort haye been the grand Topic of Cenfure, of late Years, it is proper to tjc ■ known; that the Precedent of them was/ry? introduc’d araongft us by t^is ‘Toij Parliament. Total L. 1,072,952 The Smallnels of this Sum, confidering the liberality of thele Gentlemen, I mull confels, fur- priz’d me at firft ; and I could not help won¬ dering what Accident had diverted them from their former Speed.^ and his Majefty from his ufual Craving. I obferv’d, that the Parliament was prorogued from the 17th of in this Year, when thefe A6ts receiv’d the Royal Aflent, to the (8th of February following, which is a con- fiderable Advance into another Year; But f foon recollcfted that his Majefty was employ’d in felling Dunkirk to the French King the latter End of this Surntper, and receiv’d a large Por¬ tion with his Queen the Infanta of Portugal-y The Amount of thefe two Sums is, therefore, to be added to the former Articles; and the whole Account of his Majefty’s Receipts from Chrift- mas 1661 tfiChrifimut wll ftand thus; A. The Amount of thn Eight Articles before fpecify’d, - Receiv’d by the Sale of Dimkirkf]^ (befides the French King’s en -1 gaging for his Sifter’s Portion to I Brought L. 1,07/,952 [78] Brought over ' v the Duke of Orleans ) Five Mil- j lions of Livresi which then at about Twelve Pence each, though ^ fince reduc’d, amounted to j 250,000 Receiv’d for Qatta Calbarine'i Por¬ tion about 300,000 1,622,952 No. V. 'jh Account of the Disburfements for the Public Services from Chriftmas 1661 to Chriftmas 1662, d^inguifo'd under the feveral Articles, I, "T" H E Charges of Dunkirk, 1 which, though it was deliver’d / to the French before the End of ) 60,000 this Year, I lhall ftate at the full I Expenc e, ■ ■ ■ - J 2 The Charge* of Tangier, which"! Sir William Petty, in his Ve R -1 BUM Sapienti, eftimatcs, •* iommmihus Annis, exclufive ofj the Charge of the Mole, which | was fcarce yet begun upon at j 60,000 Total 120,000 Brought I [79] Brought over 2. The Ordinary of the Navy and I Ordnance, * 4. The Expence of Lord Sandwich's\ Squadron of eighteen Men of War thisYear to Lisbon Part of which brought home the new Queen, and the Reft, under Sir John Lawfon attack’d the Algtrines : If we reckon the whole Number of Seamen employ’d this Year at Six Thoufand Men, and thefe at Four Pounds a Man pr Month, tho’ it is too much, the Amount is. 5. The Horfe and Foot-Guards, as > before, though too much, 6. Garrifons, Fire, Candle, and Con- ? tingencys, ^ 7. The Sum of Sixty Thoufandl Pounds to the poor Cavalkr Of¬ ficers: this was dlreded to be paid them, by an Aft of Parlia¬ ment pafs’d this Seflion, entitled, An AU far Biftributitn of Three- fcore Thoufand Pounds amongji the truly hyal and indigent Officers., } out of the AirdTment of One 1 Million, Two Hundred and Six- 1 L. 120,000 40,009 312,009 99,667 20,000 60,009 Tptal 651,667 tjr tlioufand Pounds, granted to die King laflrScffion-. It is verf ; ebferyable, thaC the OppofiriM: of die Lords and Commons to , the King in 164a, is in this Aft call’d a IkriiiromRd)etlio}^\‘ th(^ 1 the Convention in 1660^- and all that regard the RigHtS' of l^cf i People, that gift OpJ- 1 pofition, before the EstcMon ofl the'Majority of the-MfelnbelS'of : the Houfa of CommoBfi-} j: It will be admitted, F bdifeve,- by ewrjr CJdn- tleman, who- is at alh ve^d in'tlirfeSul^efts, that I have* by- no Means fuppf^d,. or ditfti- nifh’d, any Articles of the Expences of the Crown for the Public Services:} Iff difobvOT any Warmth againft- f-ory FPitu^s^ and; ^orj ConduSi^ I am for from being biafs’d by it into any unfair Reprefcntation; of Fafti,, which arO every wheret deliver’d according to the beft'-of my Knowledge: I beg Pardon for this Digret fion, and return’ to examine the Refulc of the whole Account of tht'Receipts-' of the: Crown, and of its Disburfements fop the^Year; ending at Chrjimas i-66’i Z. Receiv’d by the Crowff^ for' they ^ Pubhc Services and- Civil LiftV^ 22,952 Disbursdl fop the Public SciVicesi 65;!,667 Remainder, being the Civil Lift > Revefluei S 97 5 [8i ] •Tis :proper to examine, the Receipts and Disburfements of one Year more. The Parliament met the iStli of febrmt^ 1662, and the following is. No. VI. Ai Account of the Neat Produce of the Settled Revenue, and of the other Sums, granted to King Charles the Second from Chriftmas 1662 to Chriftmas 1663. 2. The Excife, then farm’d at 275,952 3. The Wine-Licences, —— —• 7,000, 4. The fmall Branches, including the 2 Poft-Office,,--- i 130,000 5. The Hearth-Tax, —— 100,000 6. An Aft for granting four entire^ Subfidys to his Majefty by theQ . Temporalty, —^ 7, An Aft for confirming of four^ Subfidys granted by the Clergy; / 1,200,000 2,062,952 I. Brought [ 8 ^ ] L Brought over ?■ w — zfi6z,^52 Thefe Two comprehended al very drift Land -Tax of Four I Shilfings in the Pound, which,! though it is faid m have been f fomewhat evaded, I apprehend, j muft have amounted to this Sum. j An ^planatory Aft for Rko-T VCTy of the Arrears of Excife; j Tjiis being only to render more' fffeftual an Aft before paffed, 00,000 (Article the 7th, N. II.) I fliall c^rge nothing here for its A- mount. -rr-rr? Total 2,062,952 Thefe Afts atere pais’d the ^ of JuaSt an 4 27th of July 1663, from which laftDay the Parliament wa? jjrorggjjed to the itSth d Msrcfi Soliowing. It is oblervable, that the King this Year gave the Wine-Licences and Poft-Officc to the Puke of Teti, nnd a few Year* after re¬ lum’d them again: However, thefe are both to be conlider’das die Reyenije of the Grown, and are paid for accordingly by the People, whatever be his Majclly’s Method of dlfppling of them. No., [ 83 ] No. VIIv An AccoMt of the Dt^urjements for -.the Public Services ftm GhridrAas 1662 to Ckifttiias 1663, diflin^ijlfd under the feveral Articks, 1. '■T'AI^QIER^ Whitft,' m thelt I Prbjefl: 6f the ihhrir might be began', I ffial] flattr * at doublt the fehflei^ orj 2. The Oidinay of the sln 3 1 Ordnancfe, *-ai. '.ina-. S 4 ^» 9 oo 5.The Changes' 6f a Summer’s Guard, and Cruifers, reckoning Three I Thoufand M«f, at Pbuf fbdn^l a M&nper Moftths 156,000 4. The Pay- of Ohe Re^ffteftt of } Horfe-Guards, aftd 6f 0 M R^»> ^,667 gimentof Foot-Guards, j 5. ^tilbht, Fire, Cdndfev arid COfit | tingencys, ■ ■* ' *■ « —* ’ Dunhtrk was delivePd to‘ the.i7;l«fil King-.the iatter £i.nd of laft Yeary i and I find no Account of any Extraordinary Expence that was incurr’d this Year, unlefs it was 435^667 Brought L. Brought over . —-—• 435*667 the Hay of the En^lijh 1 roops, that had' been in Garriion at Dun¬ kirk ; and upon the relinquifhing y of that Town to the French, were ' fent into Portugal, and there afted as Auxiliarys under the Command of Count Schomberg againll the ' Spaniards-, t\as yeas at the Infti- ■ gation of the French, and in Pur- luance of a private Agreement with the King of Portugal: their Pay, if it is to be added as a ' • ' ■ Public Charge, might be about j Total 475,667 The Refult, therefore, of the whole Account of the Receipte of the Crown, and of its Disburfements, for the Year ending at Chrijtms 1663, is to be thus fettled i Receiv’d by the Crown for the * Public Services, and Civil Lift, ^ 2*062,95^ Disburs’d for die Public Services, 475,667 Remainder, being the Civil Lift Revenue, _ 1*587,285 The The next Year’ the Parliament gave the King a Power of collefting t]\t Hearth-fax by his own Officers, which immediately rais’d -the. Produce of that Duty to about 160,000 1 . per Jnnum^ and it went on further increafmg; befides this, about the End of this Year, they granted the King a Royal i^d of 2,477,500/. tor the Defence of the Nation, and his other Occafions. This was indeed given in Expeftation of the Dutch War, which was declared the 2 2d of February, 1664; and as it is difficult to determine, how much of this vaft Sum, and "of the other Extraordi¬ nary Aids, was applied by his Majefty.tothc Ufes of the War, I ffiall proceed no further in attempting to ftate his Civil Lt/l^ Revenue-, but only-beg leave to obferve, that it was generally efteemed one of the chief Motives to his Maje- fty’s engaging in this War, that he fliould be a- ble to obtain confiderable Sums out of the Sup- plys, for his own private Purpofes; and it is cer¬ tain, that in Schemes-oi this Sort his Majefty took particular Care never to be miftaken I have before mentioned the Reproach that befel us at Chatham, which was owing to his pocket¬ ing eighteen hundred thoufand Pounds that Ihould have fitted out the Navy; it muft therefore be admitted, that a Computation of his Civil Lijl Money from a Medium of the three firft Years and-an half, when he was engaged in no War, and whilft the Produce of his lettled Revenue, was not half what it afterwards amounted to, will be a very low and moderate Eftimate ; and therefore I lhall now ftate it accordingly from the foregoing Accounts. L. The Civil Lift Revenue for the) firftHalf Year after foe Refto-> i)i20,6do ration, ending at GbrifiimSi 1 660. 3 The fame, for the Year ending at'J Chriftmas, 1661, hsiag the Firji- ^ 2495^,285 Fruits of the Tory Parliment. J The fame for the Year endifig at, Cbrijimas, 1662.- — ^ The fame, for the Y^r ending at?, i, Chrijimas, 1663. ^ 1.537,2S5 Total 6,075,855 Which Sum of 6,075,80 /. for three Years and an Half, is after the Rate of one MUian fe^ ven hundred and thirty five iboufand inHe hundred for one Year. And this riiay be fair* ly ftated as, upon a Medium, the annual Civil Revenue after foe Reftoration. The Sum is indeed extravagantly large. But whoever accurately examines foe Accounts of fois Reign, Will find it is by rto means exaggera- ted; on one hand, is to be remeinbred his Mt- jeftfs infatiable petite for Mmey, and his w- cus ^ewtei for procuring it} on thettheri the forw^d Uheredity of his Fory Commons } after foe End of foe foft DuitB fFdr, when his Ma-* jefty could no more demand any Sums on that Pretence, he ftarted foe Triple Alli- .ANCE, and required exorbitant Supplys, in or- [ 87 ] der to keep the Pe^ce and his Commons very jreadily graf)ted him dpoft th?lee mieljons STER nuc,, for ,;h5, Support of this .league; the J^(|s upon this;Occai]lRil were quite at the Profufjpn of dje Commons ■, and Itord l,ms, in his Majffty’s ow Prefence, thus free¬ ly complained of their extravagant jBounty. «/» “ ibis laild Way., lays his Lordlhip, wf have no “ Certainty at all\ for if you give thus mtich TV “ <%’> yoti may give as much more To-morrow^ “ and n^tr leave gmng, till w have given all that mr we hm aw^;Jt is tbere- ‘8 fore nefejfary to be 4 k to make fame Efiimate of “ curjekef, would his Majefy be pleafed to have a “ garter of our Ef^tes ? For part he jhall “ have it. Would he be pkafed to have half? “ For n>y part, upon good Qccqfion, he fhallhave “ it hit then let ut hm fime 4 ffurances of the “ qmu Enjoyment of tlte Rmmder, and know what we have to tru/l to. Ihe Commons have “ here f^t up a fiill for the giving his Majefiy the “ twentieth Part of. our Efiates ; and I bear there “ are other Bills alfo preparing, which together will ^8 atnmtt to little lefs t^ three AEUions of Mo~ n^. 4 prodigious Sum I 4 nd fuck, that if your >“ Lordlhip (tfford no. Relief, we mvft fink under “ the Weight of it ; I hope therefore your Lardfhips will fet fame Bounds to the over liberal Humour of the Cotmons." In Ihort, his Majefty was perpetually craving, and the Commons were goring Ihm j and whether he was in War or Peatte, he never wanted Pretence for asking, nor the epmmous for giving, excelTive Supplys. I lhall not dwell upon the Bribes which his received from the French Court, as feven [88] Seven Hundred Thoufand Pounds for engaging in the fecond Butch Warand, as it was. gene¬ rally fuppos’d, about as much more for refufing to pals the Bill of Exclufwns befides his conftant ordinary Penfion from that Crown. ■ But I beg Leave to infift a little upon two of hisMaje- ' fly's Pecuniary Exploits, viz. The Ihutting up of the Exchequer, and The Sale of the Crown- Lands. The firft of thefe Aftions was an infamous ■Robbery of his Majefty’s Creditors to the A- mount of fhirteen Hundred and twenty ^ eight. thoufand. Five Hundred, and Twenty-Jix Pounds, whereby. Thoufands of Familys were ruin’d ; and it is proper to be remember’d, that the Advifer * of this Scheme, inftead of being impeach'd, and expos’d to the National Cehfure, was created a Peer, and made High-Treafurer of England, upon the foie Merit of it: All which was in thofe Days filently acquiefc’d in by a Parliament. The Sale of the Crown-Lands, purfuant to an Aft for that Purpofe in the Year 1670, brought in, as Mr. Coke fays, about Thirteen Hundred Thoufand Pounds, or probably upwards; con- fidering that the Rent paid to the Crown was Seventy Thoufand Pounds per Annum, befidcs Reverfions; which, at Twenty Yca.rs Purchafe, amounts to Fourteen Hundred Thoufand Pounds: And I mention this likewife, that it may always be remember’d, that the, depriving of the Crown of its antient Patrimony, and thereby throwing upon the People the whole Burthen of its Main- tainance Clip'ori. [ 89 ] . . . tamnce, was the and, Beed of a Tory Parliament. I fliall only add one Word more upon the Subjeft of his Majefty’s Civil Lift Money: It appears that in the Year 1675, the Majority of the Commons being then Whigs,, and having made all Enquiry into the. Public Accounts, the Houfe found that the King, befides enjoying the Produce of his fettled Revenue, had receiv’d a Million for the Ufes of the War more than he had expended in it: And “ In the Report made “ of this Affair, {k)'skapin) it was laid, that “ the Pai'liament was not oblig’d to pay the “ King’s private Debts by a Tax: for, if this “ Pretenfion was admitted, they would have to “ pay the like Debts about a Year and half “ hence;, and fo encourage tht Court to exaht “ yearly a MlUon and half as the) had hitherto " done ; that fince the End of the War, the “ whole Charge of the Government, both by “ Sea and Land, amounted not to above Seven “ Hundred Thoiifand Pounds Sterling', and the ‘‘ clear Income of the Revenue came at lead to “ Sixteen Hundred Lhoufand Pounds Sterling: “ And coniequentiy, there ought to have been “ a Yearly Remainder of near a Million.'^ From whence it is obfervable, 1. That the King had annually exafted from the Parliament about ce Million and half. 2. That the Pro¬ duce of his Revenue was then greatly increas’d, amounting to Sixteen Hundred Thoufand Pounds ■per Annum. 3. That the Expences of the Go¬ vernment, in which, I apprehend, were of courfe included the Salarys of Officers, Ambafiadors, M £s?r. [ 9 ° ] t^c. Wc, which are now confider’d ^ Charges upon riie Civil Lift, Seven Hundred fhoufand Pounds per Annum-, the Number of difdplin’d Forces being by this Time increas’d beyond the two Regiments of Guards, which were firft efta- blilh’d: And, if from this Sum be deduced One Hundred fhoufand Pounds per Annum for the Articles which belong to the Civil Lift, the Whole Amount of the Public Expcnce w?^ then Six Hundred fhoufand Pounds per Annum ; which is confirm’d by Sir William Petty, in his Political Arithmetic, Page the 103d, who, Ipeaking of this Reign, fays, “ fhe ordinary Charge of the “ Government, in Times of deep and ferens Peace,^ « was not Six Hundred fhoufand Pounds per An~ “ numy So that if this Sum be fubftradd from the Produce of the fettled Revenue, there will be a Mllion left clear for hisMajefty’s Civil Lift 5 •— hejides what he otmuedfy exaSled from Parliament. --After this, I prefumc, the 'Reader will be fully fatisfy’d of theModefty of the foregoing Eftimate of the Civil lifi Revenue in this Reign, at One Mllion, Seven Hundred and Thirty-five fhoufand. Nine Hundred Pounds per Annum. ,1 corte next to confider the Annual Income of the People at the Reftoration : This is va- rioufly eftimatcd by different Authors, as muft naturally be expefted from the great Variety and Magnitude of the Circumftancesj a very fmall Difference in the firft Principles making a very large Difagrcement in the Conclufion. Sir William Petty,- in his Verhum Sapienti, which he wrote fbon after the Reftoration, fays, Page 5, That the Number of People in England and ■ Wales Wales was then about Six Millions } and that their Annual Expence, upon a Medium, at about Six Pounds, thirteen SUllings and Four Pence per Head, amounted to Forty Millions. He then reckons the Rent of the Lands of England and Wales, without the Houfing, to be Eight Ml- lions per Annum •, he computes the Value of all the Houfing in England and Wales at thirty Millions i the Value of the Shipping at three Millions of the Livestock of Cattle, Deer, Swine, Filh, lAc. upon the faid Land, at thirty-fix Millions j the Gold and Silver Coin, fcarce Six Millionsy the reft of the Perfonal Stock, comprehending Wares, Merchandizes, and Utenfils of Plate and Furniture, thirty-one Mil¬ lions : So that the Value of the Houfing, and all the reft of the Swek, he eftimates at One Hundred and Six Mllons Sterling : And adding the Value of the Eight Millions of Land at Eighteen Years Purchafe, or One Hundred and Forty-four Mllions, the Amount of the whole Stock of England and Wales, including the Land, he makes to be two Hundred and Fifty Millions Sterling. Again, this One Hundred and Six Mllions Value in Stock, exclufive of the Land, he com¬ putes to yield about Seven Mllions per Annum: So that the. Annual Income of the Land and Stock was Fifteen Millions:^ And the remaining twenty-fine Mllions, wanting to make up the Forty MtlUons, at which he reckons the Ex¬ pence of the Nation, he fuppofes to be gain’d by Labour: But the fame (^ntleman. Page the 75th of \m Political Arithmetic, fays, That the whole Number of People in Gnat Britain and M 2 Ire- [ 9 *] Ireland, appear’d, from the Excife, Poll-Tax, and Hearth-Tax, to be Nine Millions and an half-, of which, as he eftimates the Number iit Ireland to have been about One Million, One Hufh dred Hooujand ; and that of all Scotland to be a- bout as many; It follows that the Number of Peor pie in England and Wales was upwards of Seven Millions. This was fully confirm’d by the Hearth-Books, which Ihew'd the whole Number of Houfes in England and Wales., foon after the Reftoration, to be about One Million, Two Hun¬ dred and Thirty Thoufand; And reckoning Six perfons, at a Medium, to each Houfe, it fixes the whole Number of our People, at that Period, to be about Seven Millions, As to the Quantity of our Coin at that Time, Dr. Davenant, from the Evidence of the Money brought in to be recoin’d, and other proper Accounts, determines. Page the 33d of the Second Volume of his Difeourfes on the Public Revenues, That the Coin of England at the Ae- Jloration was Fourteen Millions Sterling, This differs, it is true, very widely from Sir William Petty, who, as well as moft other Gentlemen, before the Recoinage of our Clipp’d Money, entertain’d an Opinion, that the Quantity of Coin in this Kingdom was very inconfiderable: This they abuntiantly fortify’d themfelves in, by their Ingenuity in demonllrating, how eafily a very fmall Sum, by circulating fwiftly thro’ different Hands, might be a Medium fufficient for carrying on all our .Bufinefs. Mr. Lowndes, in his Reyiort, Page the io8th, eftimates the whole Quantity of tiie Silver Coins, clipp’d and un- unclipp’d, hoarded and current, in England in 1695, to be Five Millions^ Six Hundred thou- fand Pounds-, which, within two Years after, at the Recoinage, appear’d to be Nme Millions Sterling. However, this happen’d to be a very fortunate Miftake for this Kingdom : For a longer Delay of the Recoinage mufl: have been attended with the molt fatal Mifehiefs; And tha Opinion, which prevail’d, of the fmall Quan¬ tity of our Coin, was an Encouragement to fonie, more than better Arguments, of the i^rac- ticablenefs, as well as Expediency, of an imme¬ diate Remedy. It was happy for Britain, at that impr- tant Crifts, that the Great Mn. Moun- TAG u E prefided at the treafury: His excellent Reafoning animated the Attempt, and fix’d the Model of this vaft Undertaking. The Torrent of bafe Money pour’d into the Mints beyond all Eftimation, and Provifion for its Deficiency, no way perplex’d his fuperior Genius; and whilft others were giddy with the Precipices on every Side, he almoft alone was calm and ferene; and direfted theWhole with irrefifrible Strength, and unerring Difcernment. An Accoraplifliment, the greateft that was ever perform’d by any Minifter! Let it always be remember’d with the warmed Gratitude, and endear the Name of H A L, L I FA X to Britain: And though the Statues of Gold, that he merited, were not rais’d to his Memory, yet every Piece from that Mint is a M e d a l to his G l 0 ry.- Nor is it any Diminution of his immortal Fame, that he was foon after perfecuted by tory Faftion; who, having exerted their utmod Efr forts to perplex, and defeat the Recoinage, ne- Dut, whillt the Loin was yet blooming, brought i fandalous Impeachment againft Him, and die Great and ViMous Lord Or- rORD. After this Digreffion, I return again to con- fider Dr. Lieuermth Eftimates j who, though he feems juftly to have determin’d, from the Ac¬ counts of the Mints, and other Obfervations, the Quantity of the Coin in this Kingdom, at the Reftoration, to be Fourteen Millions Sterling, yet has, by no Means, apprehended rightly the Quantity of our other Stock at the fame Peri¬ od i for, Page the 27th of the fame Volume, he eftimates the Amount of all our Stock in 1660, comprehending Gold and Silver Coin, Wrought Hate, Bullion, Rings, Jewels, Fur¬ niture, Apparel, Shipping, Stock for Trade, Stock - for Confumption, and Live Stock of Cattle to be Fifty-fix Millions: But, as he Ihews our Coin only to have been then Four¬ teen Millions, the Remainder, which is Forty- two Millions, or thrice the Value of our Coin, is all that he has left for the Amount of our whole Stock befides: whereas, it may fafely be judg’d, that this Amount was more than twenty times as great as the Value of our Coin only, or upwards of Two Hundred and Eighty Mi¬ ltons ; which I fhall thus eafily Ihew tq be ex-, tremely probable. If you go into the Houfe of the meaneft Cot¬ tager, you will find fome Sort of Furniture with¬ in, befides hisownTools, and generally Ibme little Stock without Doors. All which together may be worth [ 95 ] worth 2 '/&r« or Four Pounds, or probably much more, tho’ this Man lhall never have Five Shillings by him at once throughout the Year, and (me Time with another not near Shepence. If you go into a Farmer's Houfe and examine his Circumftances, you will find he has fcldom more by him in Mo¬ ney than thirty or Forty Shillings, if fo much except for a few Days after a Fair, and till he has carried it to his landlord; whereas his con- ftant Stock in his Houfe, in his Barns, in the Ground, and hisLive Stock of Cattle of all Kinds, lhall be worth or Four Hundred Pounds. If you go into a common Shopkeeper’s Houfe, you will feldom find more than fen or twelve Pounds in the Till, though at the lame Time the Stock in his Shop is worth two or three Hundred Poundt. If you examine the Houfes of wholefale Dealers, you will find fuch as are worth ten or twelve thoufand Pounds, and upwards, have feldom more than two or three Hundred Pounds in Calh lying by them j and Merchants worth twenty or Y&lr/y thoufand Pounds, who have the moft Oc- eafion for Money at Command, will feldom keep more than a thoufand, or Fifteen Hu»> drea Pounds in Calh at their Bankers, and much lels than this Sum in general. And laftly, if you enquire into the State of Gentlemens Houfes, from Peers to thofe of the loweft Rank, it will be found that the ready Money they have by them, is a very fmall Part of the Value of their Plate, Furniture, and Stock of all Kinds. As to the Calh that lies with the Bankers, I have before diftributed that to the Merchants; and fo far are thefe Bankers from keeping any of their own Money by them, that it is certain they keep but a Part only of wlut is depofited in their Hands Hands by other Perfons; without which they woiild have no Advantage: So that in the whole Circle of ^People of all Degrees, the Sum lying by them in ready Cafh is a very fmall Part, not one Twentieth, it is probable, of their whole Stock} that is, of the whole Stock of the King¬ dom: And therefore, as this has always been the Cafe, if, at the Rejioration, the Coin in the Kingdom was about Fourteen Millions, as it appears to have been, it is probable that the Value of all the reft of the Stock was then, at the. common Market-Price, Two Hundred and Eighty Millions Sterling. I might from hence endeavouf to point out the Income of this Stock, and add to it the In¬ come of the Land-, and to thefe afterwards join the Amount of the Income that was gain’d by Lahottr ; all which together would be the whole Amount of the Annual Income of the Peofle-, but as Eftimates of this Sort require much Ex¬ planation, in order to carry with them a proper Conviftion, it is neceflary in this Place to purfue a Ihorter Method. If therefore the whole Num¬ ber of. the People in England and Wales-, at the Refloration, was Seven Millions, and the annual Expence of each, at a Medium, was then about Six Pounds, Ten Shillings, which is nearly agree¬ able to Sir William Petty’s Computation in his Verhm Sapienti, it follows, that their whole an¬ nual Expence was Forty-five Millions and an Half Sterling. But all Perfons that are verfed in Speculations of this Sort, however they differ in other Points, unanimoully agree, that the Trade and Manufailures of this Kingdom in general, were then in increafing Circumftances; and Dr. Have- [ 97 ] Davenant^ in his Eflay on the Balance of Trade, page 103. fays, that Mr. Gregory King had efti- mated upon tiic moft probable Grounds, that the annual Increment of our Stock about the Year 1664, was One Million, Two Hundred Thoufand Pounds, and was ftill going on with an accumulated Augmentation. This Rate of increafe being admitted, though it feeras much too low, it follows, that the whole AnnualTncomt of the King and People of this Realm, foon after the Reftoration, was about Forty-fix Mil¬ lions, Seven Hundred Thoufand Pounds Sterling, or One Million, Two Hundred Thoufand Pounds per Annum more than their Expence. But the Annual Income belonging to the King only, or the Civil Lift Revenue at that Time, was One Million, Seven Hundred and Thirty-five Thoufand, Nine Hundred Pounds, therefore dedufting this from Forty-fix Millions, Seven Hundred Thoufand pounds, the Remainder, or Forty-four Millions, Nine Hundred Sixty-four Thoufand, One Hundred Pounds, was the Income that belong’d to the Pullic-, and the Civil Lift Revenue at that Time, was to the Revenue belonging to the Public, as One Million, Seven Hundred Thirty-five Thoufand, Nine Hundred Pounds, to Forty-four Millions, Nine Hundred Sixty-four Thoufand, One Hundred Pounds-, or as i, to 26 nearly in whole Number*. James the Second fuccecdcd his Brother on the 6th of February 168 1 , and foon afterwards fummoned a Parliament, which met on the 19th of May following, when thefe Revenue-Mis were difpatch’d through both Houfes in a few Days, and received the Royal Afient. ift. An Aft for fettling the Revenue on his Majefty for his Life, which was fettled on hij late Majefty for his IJfe. zd, An Ad for granting to his M^efty an Impofition upon all Wines and Tinegar import¬ ed between the 24th of June, 1S85, and the 14th of June, 1693. 2d, An Adi for granting to his Nfejefly an Impofition upon all Tobacco and Sugar itnMrt- ed between the 24th oi June, 1685, and the 24thof7a»e, 1693. ^h. An Adi for granting an Aid to his JMa- jelfy, by an Impofition on all Frencl) Linens, and all Linen, and feverd other Ma- nufadhires of In^a, and on all French wrought Silks and Stu^ and on all other wrought SiUu, and on all Brandys imported after die ift Day Jv^, 1685, and before the ift Day Ju¬ ly, 1690. And the clear fetded Revenue poflefled by this Monarch, flood thus, as appears by the fol¬ lowing Account of it delivered into the Houfe of Commons foon after (be Revolution. [99] No. VIII. An Account of the Annual Produce of the chief Branches of the Revenue, clear of all Charges in the ColleBion, at the Time of King James’j Abdication. ift. The Tonnage and Poundage T including the Wood Parm, Coal ^ Farm and Salt Farm, - 3- 600,000 id. The Hereditary and Tempo- 3 rary Excife, with the additional / Nine-pence for the Year, ending v 24th 7 a»e, 1689, produced clear ( of all' Charges, — - J- 666,383 ^d, The Hearth-Money,- - 245,000 4th, The Pbft-Office, j 65,006 5/^, The Wine Licenfes, 10,000 6//&, The Impofition on Wines'] and Vini^ar for the Year ending V September, 1688, ' J 172,901 phi The Impofition on T6bacco\ and Sugar for the fame Year, — i 148,861 ith, The Impbfitioh on French'^ LinenV Brandy and Silk fbr the > farneYeaf, -- J 93,71® Total neat' Produce 2, 60 1,855^ N 2- Brought [ 100 ] L. Brought Over . . 2,001,855 To which are to be added the fmall'j Branches, which, before his Pre- | deceffor fold the Crown Lands, ^ ^ amounted to One Hundred thirty j ’ Thoufand PoundsBut 1 fince that only to about -——— J Total neat Revenue of the Crown— 2,061,855 To this might be added his private Revenue, as.Dukeof TorL which he brought with him to the Crown, arifing from Lands in Inland^ Scotland England, Stock in the African Com¬ pany, Property in the Plantations, and great Sums of Money, befides his Rent-Charge of Twenty four Thoufand Pound per Annum fettled upon the Excile which is before included. But paffing this over, I proceed to enquire into his Pisburfements for the public Services; wherein it is to be obferv’d, i.That Tangier was demo- lifli’d in the latter End of his PredecelTor’s Reign; fo that he had no Charge upon his Hands from this Article. 2, That he 'had no War, or Occafion for any extraordinary Ex¬ pence, except from the Attempt of the Duke of Monmouth, which wasprefentlyfupprels’d : how¬ ever, it mull be acknowledg’d, in Juftice to his Condud, that he was abundantly more careful of the Navy than his Brother: And reckoning his extraordinaty Expence on this Account, to balance his laving by the Demolition of Tangier, the Annual Disburfements for the Public Ser¬ vices muft, in both Reigns, have been near upon ^.Equajityj that is, recl^oning towards the End of [ lOI ] of Charles the Second’s Reign, when he had augmented Iiis Land-Force, atwut Six Hundred Thoufand Pounds, which arofe from the follow¬ ing Articles: No. IX. At Account of the Annual Bisburfements for the Public Services during the Reign of James the Second. "M Aintainance of Seamen, and > Provifion of Naval Stores, S SOOjOoa 2 , Ordinary of the Nafy and Ord -1 nance, -- - S 50,000 2. Guards, and other Difciplin’d ? Troops, - — 5 200,000 4. Garrifons, Contingcncys, (ic. —- 50,000 Total 600,000 As to the numerous Popifi Army which this Monarch endeavour’d to form and eftablilh a- mongft us by his abfolute Will and Authority, it was undeniably for his own private Views and Defigns, and is by no means to be eftimated amongft the Public Services : However, it fuf- ficiendy fhews the Largenefs of his Civil Lift Revenue, which, befidcs the Support of his Houlhold, enabled him to bear fo great an Ex¬ pence, as the Maintainance of this Army, tck gether with endlefs Shoals of Jefuits, and Priefts of all Orders,, It [ 102 ] It is indeed true, that, befides this great fettled Revenue, King '^ames receiv’d no other Extraordinary Sums during his Reign; which happen’d entirely from his own arbitrary Max¬ ims, and a Refolution he had taken to owe little or nothing to his People; For the Par¬ liament, after the Defeat of the Duke of Mon- mutb^ at the End of the firji Year only of his Reign, befides granting him the Revenue of his Predeceffor .for Life, and die three Additional Impofitions, voted likewife an extraordinary Surri"^ of Seven Hundred ‘tboufand Pounds to his Majefty for his neceflary Occafions; and without ,doubt he might have obtain’d everjf Year from the Parliament a cbnfiderable Sum in the fame manner: but bccaufe the Commons were un- unwilling to allow a Fcnioer to be inbemt in him, of difpenfing with the Penal Lim and 35^, though they were preparing a Bill to capa¬ citate his Popijh Officers for their Polls, he pro¬ rogued the Two Houfes, and relinquilh’d the Seven Hundred ‘Thoufand Pounds^ rather than endure that ibis Power, which he had alTum’d, Ihould be brought into Queftion: Nor did' he ever afterwards luffer a Parliament to fit} Hav¬ ing, undoubtedly, determin’d to levy thefe Im- pofidons, after their Expiration by Law, or whatever Dutys befides he Ihduld think necef- fary, by his own abfolute Wiil and Authority ;' In the fame manner, as at his Acceffibrt' he le- vy’d the Dutys which ceas’d upon his Predecef- Tor’s Death,..before they,were granted to’hini- felf by Parliament: However, under thefe his Refufals of Money, and •before he had made himfclf Amends for them, as he would cerdainly / have [ «ej ] have done in a little Time, by affuming the fame unlimited Power over our Propertys, which he adtually ufurp*d over our Religion arid Li- bertys; it appears that the clear Amount of his Civil Lift Revenue was One Million, Four Hundred and Sixty-m Fhoufand, Eight Hundred and Eighty-five Pounds per Annum. It is ncceflary, in die next Place, to enquire into the annual Income of the People in 1688} in order to which it is to be obferv’d, that the In¬ come ol a People at all Times arifes from the Produce of diem}^^ of their Stock, and of their labour ; Arid as Mon^ has, for Ibme Years paft, been the common Meafute of all Thingsi'lr-will be proper to refer the Income of the People to this, in order to compare it with the Income of the Crown, which is before re¬ duc’d to the fame Standard. Now, it will appear. That our Produce w^ greater in 1688 than in 1660, if it can be fiiewh that our Lands were improv’d, that the Nuriiber of our People, of our Shipping, of our Furniture, of our Mamfiadures, and of our Houfes, was greater in the later Period. But it is certain, as 'Di.Davenant obferves. Page the 2^th of the Second Volume of his Difcourfes,^ That the Inprovements of the Lands of England from 1660 to 1688, were apparendy more, by indofing of Commons, and open Grounds, by clearing of Wood-Lands, by manuring, and fertilizing what were poor and barren, than had made in fifty Years before. It [ '04 ] It was evident, from the Plenty amongft the common People, and the natural Rate of their Increafe, as well as from other Obfervations, as the fame Gentleman declares, that Number of People in 1688 was at Icaft J'hree Hundred fhoufand more than in 1665, or before that Time, notwithftanding the great Diminution that happen’d by the Plague, ’Twas agreed, as he fays, by old and expe¬ rienc’d Merchants, that we had near double the Tonnage of Trading Ships in 1688, to what we had in 1660. Our Furniture of all Kinds was greatly im¬ prov’d in the Quantity and Richnefs of it: And, to inftance only in Plate, tlie Doftor obferves, there was more wrought for private Familys, from 1666 to 1688, than had been work’d for two Hundred Years before. Our ManufaSiures were increafing from 1660 to 1688, particularly, our Iron and Brafs Ma- nufa&ires, and Dying; and various new ones, as Glafs, Silk, Hats, were beginning to be efta- blilh’d. Many public and private magnificent Build¬ ings were crefted within the fame Time; and Farni-Houfes were kept all the while in good Re¬ pair; Befides which, as the lame Gentleman ob- ierves, it app^r’d from the Boob of the Hearth-Money, and from other Reafons, that within that Time, there had been built, in Lon¬ don and the Country, not lefs than Seventy 'Phou- fand Tenements upon new Foundations. To 0 [■ 05 ] To thcfe it is proper to add. That our Uvt Stock of large Cattle, and Sheep, every Day increas’d, as appear’d by the Farms being generally more plentifully flock’d than former¬ ly. And our_ Plantations Abroad grew every Day more confiderable. Thefe all undeniably demonflrate, that our Stock and Produce in 1688 was greater than in 1660: But this does not come up to the Point of fixing our Pecuniary Income, or the mount of our whole annual Produce at the Mar¬ ket-Price, in 1688; which is a Speculation of fome Difficulty; and is not to be determin’d by general Aflertions of the Increafe^ of Things, without affigning the dijlinll Quantity of fuch Increafe: But as the different Quantitys of our Coin in 1660 and in 1688, arc diftinftly af- fign’d, I ffiall endeavour to ferve myfelf of thefe two Articles, in determining our precife Income at this later Period. In order to which, it may be obferv’d, that dealing by Barter was very little in Ufc amongft us in 1660 or 1688; Sales and Purchafes in general at both thofe Times being made for Money ; and therefore the Demand for any Pro¬ duce amongfl us appear’d by the Quantity of Money brought to Market for its Purchafe. And as it may jufliy be afllim’d, that there was the fame Propenfity in general, at each of thofe Times to the buying and felling of all Commoditys, and the fame Freedom of Circular tion of Money, it follows, that, O fhe [ io6 ] whole Demand for all the Produces in the Kingdom, at either of thofe Periods, was greater or lefs, according to the whole §iuantity of Coin then circulating in the Kingdom, This may be fully demonftrated in the follow¬ ing Manner, The whole annual Income of the Kingdom, when referr‘d to Money only, at any Period, is the whole Amount of the annual Pro¬ duce of all Sorts, according to the ufual Mar¬ ket-Price at that Period. But when we talk of the Market-Price of the whole annual Produce of the Kingdom, this Pro¬ duce is not to be fuppos’d to be all brought to Market at once, to be fold for ready Money ; for then its whole Price could be no more, than the Money brought to Market for its Purcbafe; which could not exceed the whole Coin in the Kingdom, and might be much lels : But what is to be underftood, is, that in general, one con- ftant Share, or nearly fuch, of the whole annual Produce, is continually fluftuating, and changing Hands j and that the Worth of the reft, which is not upon Sale, is eftimated according to the Price which this fludtuating Part of the fame Kind, bears at Market, This being underftood, it follows, that the Market-Price'ViKicki t\\Q whole amual Produce of the Kingdom bears, or our whole annual Income, is greater, or left, according to the whole ^uan-' tity of I^ney brought to Market for Purchafes. And the whole Quantity of Money brought to Market for Purchafes is greater, or lefs, ac- coring [ '07 ] cording to the whole Quantity of Coin circu¬ lating in the Kingdom. Therefore our whole annual Income, at any Period, is greater, or leis, according to. the whole ^antity of Coin then circulating in the Kingdom, This is eafily prov’d more particularly; For fuppofe more Money, than ufual, was to be brought to all the Markets of the Kingdom for the fame Share of our whole Produce of Corn; It is plain then, that the Value, or Amount of this Share, and of all our Corn befides, upon the bringing of this additional Sum to Market, is, to its Amount, under the ufual Sum, as ii to lo; There being the fame (^antity of Corn, — to thefc different Proportions of Purchafe-Money : therefore the Amounts or Values of all our Corn in thefe different Cafes, will be proportionable to' the Amounts of the different Purchafe-Moneys; that is, to the different Quantitys of Coin circu- lating throughout the Kingdom. And this is true, with Regard to the whole Amount of our Corn, and of our whole Pro¬ duce of all other Sorts, whatever be the increafe or Diminution in the Quantity of each Sort; which will only make the fame Part of each Produce cheaper or dearer, but will not alter the Amount of the whole Quantity, It being therefore cftablifti’d. That oar whole Annual Income, at any Period, is greater, or lefs, O 2 according [ *°S ] ftccording to the whole Quantity of Coin thin circulating in the Kingdom, it follows, That, As 14 Millions, our whole Coin in 1660, To \%\Mllms, our whole Coin in 1688, So 46,700,000 /, our whole Annual Income in 1660, To 61,710,714/, our whole annual Income in 1688. And if from this Sum of Sixty-one Millions, Seven Hundred and ten fhoufand. Seven Hundred and fourteen Pounds, we deduft fwo, Millions, Four Hundred Hboufand Pounds, which Dr. Z?«- venant, in his Ejjay on the Balance of Trade, Page the lojd, fays, Mr. King had compu^ ted to be the annual Increafe of our Wealth in 1688, over and above our Expences, the Re¬ mainder, or Fifty-nine Millions, Seven Hundred and ten Thoufatid, Seven Hundred and fourteen Pounds, will be the Amount of our annual Ex¬ fences at that Period; and reckoning/jf Perfons to each of the Seventy Thoufand new Houfes, which appear’d by the Books of the Hearth- Money to have been built between 1660 and 1688, the Number of People were Four Hun¬ dred and twenty Thoufand more at this later Period than at the former; inftead of Three Hundred Thoufand more, which the Doftor imagin’d; and the whole Number of People in 1688 was Seven Millions, Four Hundred and twenty Thoufand ; amongft which, if this Sum of Fifty-nine Millions, Seven Himdred and ten Thoufand, Seven Hundred and fourteen Pounds be diftributed, it will amount to about Eight Pounds, [ 11^9 ] Pounds^ upon a Medium, for the annual Expcnc of each Perfon. As to the Amount of our whole Stock at this Period, exclufive of our Coin, it feems abun¬ dantly probable, that it was not kfs than twenty times the Amount of our Coin only,, or Hundred and ninety Millions Sterling ; though Dr. Davenant computes it only at Sixty-nine Millions and a half, which was little more than our whole annual Income; The Amount of this Stock might be approach’d to in another Man¬ ner, by confidering what Part of it lies dead, as ^e Plate, Furniture, Apparel, Equipage, Cfr. in Gentlemens Familys, and fuch as are not Traders in thefe Goods; what Part is conftant- ly offered to Sale; And what Part is aliually fludluating, or. continually changing Hands; which laft is ,the Part that enlivens the Whole, and denominates its Value: Thefe being fepa- rately enquir’d into, and what their reipeftive Amounts are, and their Shares of the whole Stock, would ferve mutually to correft, and to point out each other: But Speculations of this Sort require other Leifure; and it is high Time to fettle the Camparifon between the Income belonging to the Crown, and to the Public at this Period. Since therefore the whole Income of the King and of the People in 1688, appears to have been Sixty-one Millions, Seven Hundred and T ?» fhoufand. Seven Hundred and Fourteen Pounds ; and the Income belonging to the King only. One Million, Four Hundred and Sixty-one TImfand, Eight Hundred and Fifty-five Pounds ; it i-bilovv,s [ I#0 ] that the Civil Lift Revenue was to the Income belonging to the Public, as One MUion, Four. Hundred and Sixty-one fhoufand. Eight Hundred and Eighty-five Pounds, to Sixty Mllions, Two Hundred and Forty-eight Thoufand, Eight Hundred and Fifty-nine Pounds or as i 1041, in whole Numbers. It is obfervable from hence, that the Income of the Crown, in this Reign, was left in Propor¬ tion to the Income of the People, than in the Reign preceding} and the Weight of the Crown, in this Refpeft, would have declin’d very confi- derably, if hish^jefty had continu’d fatisfy’d with the Revenue then fettled: But the new Branches of Power Aat he affum’d, in other Articles, over the Lives’ and Confciences of his People, far overbalanc’d the finking Proportion, with Re¬ gard to his Income: However, the growing Wealth of the People carry’d naturally with it fo much Force, notwithflanding he check’d it as much as poiiible, by exorbitant Fines upon the flighteft Pretences, that he could fcarcely have kept his Power fix’d at the fame Height, without feizing upon an additional Share of the Property of the Kingdom 5 And this he would certainly have done, as foon as his Scheme had been in a little more Forwardnefs j In order to have balanc’d the Weight in the popular Scale, and to have preferv’d adue/£j«/to« in the Syftem of his Government. And thus having waded through thefe two Reigns, and rak’d tip fome of their Pecuniary Ei^leits, I leave them naked to the View of this Age. Jf they are oppofitc to the vulgar I I.I ] Prejudices in Favour of thofe Times,' it may be obferv’d, That the Debaucherys of Charks the Second, attended with Lord Rochejier's Jefts, and the Intrigues and Drunkennefs then rioting throughout the Kingdom, left an Imprefllon of Mirth and Gaiety upon ignorant People, which is handed down to the prefent Time; And de¬ ceives many in thefe Days into an Opinion of the Public Happinefs under his Government: But the Brave and Worthy at that Time fpoke, and felt, e/irr . Things; and faw nothing fiou- rifliing, that ought to flourifh, but our Trade and Colonys, both owing to the natural Genius and Advantages of our People i and thefe too greatly cramp’d by French Imports, and French Incroachments, under the Ihamefiil Connivance of our corrupt Miniftry. I come next to the Reign of our Immortal Deliverer, William the Third; a Series of Time full of Events, the moftinterefting, and important to every Briton. In this Reign the National Debt grew to be confiderable; which, I am fenfible, is ufually aferib’d to Whig-Max\3.ge.- ment ; All Concern in it being conftantly d^it claim'd by the Tory Gentlemen : But if it might be no Offence to their great Modefty, I would beg leave to lay the Commencement of Ais Debt, at their Door; it being indilputable that the firft and oldeft Article of it was the Bankers Lekf or one Moiety of the Sum feiz’d by King Charles the Second, at his ever memorable fhutting up of the Exchequer. As to the Increafe and Continuance of the National Debt, and to whofe Condudl it is juftly to [ ] to be attributed; as likewifc what Grants have been made to the Civil Lift, and the rel^ftive Amounts of it in this, and the fubfequent Reigns; and whatProprtions the Revenues of the Crown have born to the Revenues of the People at dif¬ ferent Periods, from the Revolution to the pre- lentTime; They are Points too curious and im¬ portant to be contrafted and prefs’d within a narrow Stint, and muft therefore be referv*d for aSEpONoPart; what has already pals’d, hav¬ ing far exceeded the Limits that were, delign’d to this Treatife. However, the Publication of this Firft Part to the-WorW, may not be unufefiil in the pre- fent Juncture: It contains Afhort Specimen of the Pecuniary Exploits of the Torys ; and may ferve as a Light to the Principles and Praftices of thofe Men, when the Diftribution of the Reve¬ nues was under their Power, and boafted Ma¬ nagement : For it cannot be improper fairly to explain the Meafures which tbeyhe\d ; TheM- ieration in Grants to the Civil Uft ; And the great Oppofition to the Incroachments of the Crown in their Days of Authority and Go¬ vernment ; That the Nation may judge, what is again to be expedted from them, if ever they Ihould be able (which Heaven avert) to thruft themfelves into the Public Adminiftration; and that the whole World may fee, with what Mo- dejl^znd Proprkly they now complain of Whi^ Liberality to the Civil Lift, and of fFhig Pro- fufions and Mifapplications. But it is far from being here infinuated, that the CoiTuption of the fotys Ihould be any Juftifi- cation ri»?3i] .j*34p 9 of MVjijl .Wick^e^^.uncJer, Bagement) .^.that is h^.ititen^ra, is ropoiiit oyt to the .11^944 the A(S^ I^wciples of the genuhieJh^j, ^nd hoiy i^nrehffwjlble it is^to.'pf- ■'pft/that the Public of Wi ^ht^ed'fe Cojn^tionV fhould be di^ hLulp or In(:iteniei]|t ;to’, tiHr C^p 4 u|i 3 ;: This ppljf is to be expe< 5 ?(i ijtpfld' th^ Egu')^ Pifintefefte4nefs of the An,(j they have with Inie- gfiiy, ^di^ourage, ftep’d in at' the late Breacl?^ and difappointed tbofe, whofe Aim was Confu- fm apd Pt/ibUc DifiraSlion-, Their Excellent Tern- .pn, and ^nfy Conten^t 0 onefi Sfiggejlms and Qa/a^i^s, has in this l)ay prefervM us, apd tnefits the united Applaufe and warmeft Grad- inide of their ever oblig’d Cdnntry; ’Tis oh Ihem .only, ^nd on /Mr .Moderation and Vir- ,tue, that'the ffadon happily relies for a ^d Enquiry into' the Meafures of the late jUmjmjiratio)} ^ . And . they ■vyill undoubt- ^edly make it, widiout Replitment, or falje partiality} Wxt!d a ftrift Regard to the Publif Good, and a reafonable Candour to the Perfon acGufed Nor will they fear to .publifh his Ac- .quittal to the World, if hp Ih^l be found tp merit it, after a ftrift Scrutiny and juft Exami- nation, defpi^ng the vain Reproaches pf thole, mho delight, in Gtiilti and jl^^ theinfclves with the Contemplalm of Wickednefs'—- Nor will the Wife and Virtuous throughout the Kingdom cenfure the Equity, or difapprove the Example, of his honourable Acquittal ': On the contrary, they will refleft, with Gratitude, on his unufual Lenity, and the happy Enjoy¬ ment of their molt ample Privileges, under his P Mi- ‘ [ "4 ] ‘Mlnlftry, when ilo harfh Exercifi of Eower, or any violeni’ ProfOTtions appear’d, but ill was mild and friitidly, as bis oWn frarik add benevolent Heart:. And thcrugh flagrant Guilt is not to be fereen’d, who is it that will forbid Car,Jcur in the Interpretation of his Adioris, who was of all others the moft candid? Or who will Tthik Moderation to Him, who, in the Height of Power, was, of all Men living, the moft moderate ? And now it is to be wilh’d only, that the Wli^s will coolly bbferve the" Defigns of their old and inveterate Enemys. Is it to be ima¬ gin’d, that the Aim and View of the Toty Leaders is the Deftruftion of one Whig, and confin’d to him only, and this merely from the Purity of their Hearts, and their Hatred to all Corruption ? — Their Principle and Pradllcfc have been esndcntly fhewn to be far otherwife. — Every U^ig, in his political State, is to them equally deteflable; And it therefore behoves the Body of xint ivhigs to confider in Time, whe¬ ther the Defign of the Totys at ^i% Jundfure is not tlieir general Scandal and Deftruftion; And whatever' perfonal Diftindions may be at¬ tempted to be made, whether the Effeft of a ■T'n Tr I u .\i p H, will not be feverely felt, againft the -xhok JFhig Interest, and the Friends of Liberty, throughout tlie Kingdom. 26 Fehruen, 174:. ' , r/, ■ / F I N I S.