MASTER NEGA TIVE NO 91 2 MICROFILMED 1991 COLUMBIA U>TIVERSITY LIBRARIES/NEW YORK as part of the Foundations of Western Civilization Preservation Project" Funded by the Na )NAL endowment FOR THE HUMANITIES Reproductions may not be made without permission from Columbia University Library COPYRIGHT STATEMENT The í y:\-^ I law of the United States - Title 17, United States Code - concerns the making of phoíoco¡ k < or other reproductions of .oroTighted matenai... Columbia Uni : ^ Library reserves the right to refuse to accept a cop\ o i, r r in its judgement, fulfillment of the order would involve '■-"^Lu'^^r '^^ ^^ ihe copyright law. AUTHOR: UASThO. ADOLFO .''">-•- ..i TITLE: HISTORY OF RELIGIOUS INTOLERANCE IN SPAIN LONDON DATE: 1853 COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY LIBRARIES PRESERVATION DEPARTMENT Master Negative # i^MlC Km ih. )KM I it 1^ X Original Material as Filmed - Existing Bibliographic Record Restrictions on Use: 946.015 C279 Castro y Rossi, Adolfo de, 1823-1898. History of religious intolerance in Spain: or. An examination of some of the causes which led to that nation's decline. Tr. by Thomas Parker. London, W. and F. G. Cash, 1853. xxiv, 227, 24 p. port. 1^ Religious liberty - Spain. I. Title; Religious intolerance in Spain. II. Parker, Thomas tr. """" TECHNICAL MICROFORM DATA REDUCTION RATIO:__il FILM SIZE: 3j3__r>n_/r\ IMAGEPLAC i MENT: lA (^ IB IIB DATE FILMED J^Ji2_V-_^ INITIALS_^^_fí^_ FTTMEDBY- R ESEARCH PUBLICATIONS. INC WOODBRIDGE. cf c Association for information and image Management 1100 Wayne Avenue, Suite 1100 Silver Spring. Maryland 20910 301/587-8202 Centimeter mi J IINIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIlMl 4 5 lllllllMlll 6 7 8 9 10 iiliiiiliiiiliiiiliiiiliiiiliiiiliiiiliiiiliii 11 12 13 14 15 mm I IIIIIUIIIIIIIIIIIIlll I I Inches rrr T "Mill 1.0 I.I 1.25 ITT TTT ill^" 2.8 ■ 5.0 2.5 "^ .,., la 11^ 2.2 163 ^ 1^ 2.0 l¿ li u BilAU 1.8 1.4 1.6 T T 1 MRNUFfiCTURED TO PIIM STHNDfiRDS BY fiPPLIED IMAGE, INC. Z>-C vc^^r^) 6w ¡■^lA/Zfr / ^ tüiumbíi! ¿fiiitirrsttp mífifCífriifiímil^iírk^ THE LIBRARIES ) 1 I >■ .\\ f .■!u:i!i.ii!::: ,.!í::::;i...:.::!:í¡ü;í¡i;í1i!:!:'v;..!i.i;i.„. HISTORY OF RELIGIOUS INTOLERANCE IN SPAIN: OR, AN EXAMINATION OF SOME OF THE CAUSES WHICH LED TO THAT NATION'S DECLINE. TRANSLATED FROM THE SPANISH OF SEÑOR DON ADOLFO DE CASTRO, BY THOMAS PARKER, TRANSLATOR OF <' A PICTURE OF THE COURT OF ROME," " THE HISTORY OF THE SPANISH FROrESvTAN^rS,'' &íí &G . I > , I I > I > I LONDON: WILLIAM AND FEEDEEICK G. CASH, (successors to CHARLES GILPIN,) 5, BISHOPSGATE STEEET WITHOUT. 1853. // CJ) V— o =5C » < • • • • • • • » • •« • « • » • • t • • • • • • r » • • • ' V • • • • • * « • « • TivAWSFERHED CONTENTS. CHAPTEE I. PAGE. Surrender of Toledo on the invasion of the Moors — Eeligion of the Christians tolerated — Ee-conquest of Toledo by Alonzo VI. — Eeligion of the Moors tolerated — Intolerance of the Spaniards— Ferdinand III. begins the practice of burning Heretics— Pretext for a religious war — The Clergy persecute the Jews— Interposition of the Pope— St. Vicente Ferrer- Intolerance extended to Christians— The MSS. of the Marquis of Villena — Henry IV. — Disorders in his reign — His tole- ration—Disgusts the Clergy— Their interdict against him— Henry accused of heresy— The Clergy place his sister Isabella on the throne— Last moments of Henry— Isabella and Ferdi- nand crowned— Juana's manifesto— Isabella's policy towards the nobility— Establishment of the Inquisition— Origin of confiscations— Eoyal and ecclesiastical cupidity— Gonzalez de Mendoza— Hernando Pulgar— Comparison of the Spanish with the Eoman nobility ...... CHAPTEE II. Conquest of Granada by Ferdinand and Isabella- -Their Edict against the Jews — Torquemado— The Jews expelled— The Queen's ingratitude — The Pope confers on Ferdinand and Isabella the title of " The Catholic Kings"— Depopulation of Spain— Intolerance of Ximenes Cisneros— Isabella's fanaticism iv CONTENTS. and inconsistency— LUierty of conscience abolished— Military orders in Spain— Corruption of elections— Power of nobility destroyed — Comparison of the Spaniards with the Eomans — Lebrija the first Christian victim — Death of Isabella— Persecution of Talayera — His letter to Ferdinand —Juana, wife of Philip L¡ ascends the throne— Contempt of the people towards Ferdinand— Philip's reception— His attempt to abolish the Inquisition, and sudden death— Juana's insanity— Return of Ferdinand as Eegent— Supports the Inquisition -Character of Cisneros ..••••• CHAPTER III. Ferdinand V. in prospect of death— His will— Intrigues of Cis- neros— His comparison of his own translation of the Bible with the Greek and the Vulgate— His oppressive acts— Militia —Charles I. compels him to retire to Toledo— Charles covets the German crown— Goes in quest of it— Revolt of nobility and democracy— They demand to be more fitly represented in Cortes- Attempt to recover lost liberties— Prepare heads of a constitution— Are overthrown— General pardon— Charles, now Emperor, makes Spain subservient to his ambition— The Pope's alliance with Francis I.— Tlie Duke of Bourbon's con- duct in Rome to Clement and the Clergy— Charles' clemency to the Pope— Diego Hurtado de Mendoza's anonymous memo- rials to Charles— Review of Charles' clemency in liberating Clement without taking away his temporal power— Reflection on the Popes— Their limited dominions— Ability to extend them compared with that of Sparta, Greece, Macedonia, France, Castile and England— Charles asks Clement to crown him— Napoleon followed his example— Pope Pius IV,— Reflections on the Reformation ...... CHAPTEE IV. State of learning in Spain in the sixteenth century- Coram on friendship among learne,-.:, translator's preface. XV instruction, will avail but little towards improving the moral and social condition of any people. The experi- ment has been tried and failed. It has been tried and failed in private famihes, in parishes, in counties, and even in more extended communities. Degradation of mind, a want of regard for character, a heedlessness of reputation, and a complete prostration of those powers which should resist the evil passions of mankind, are the results of ignorance of biblical truth. Some talk of a sense of right and wrong being in every man, and affirm, what has been frequently said, that secular education is sufficient to induce men to lead moral lives. But such dreamers may be challenged to tell, in what book, or in what series of books, a poor, ignorant, and illiterate, man can find laws, rules, threat- enings, and promises, so expressly suited to his wants as in that remarkable book the Bible— a volume containing about sixty-six tracts, written by about thirty-six men, extending over a period of about 1600 years, setting forth certain statements of facts and principles, not contradicting but supporting each other. But there is another kind of slavery of conscience, or religious intolerance, which is not generally treated on. There are those spiritual guides who concede the right to some of, what are called, the educated portion of the laity to read the Bible, but impose on them a restraint on interpretation. These blind guides say : " ' Take the Bible and read it ; but remember, you must not under- stand it, except in the sense in which the church to which you belong understands it.' " This specious pro- position, when exposed, amounts precisely to this : Do not read at all. " Now, there are only four classes of persons who can conform to this rule of reading, but not inter- \';^?ssa^»t«*^3Ési TRANSLATOR S PREFACE. xvn XVI translator's PREFACE. nretin- First, those who read in a language they cannot^at all comprehend : this happens to some eccle- siastics ^N-ho read their matins, and to the beadle or :;i-L, who chants the Epistle at Mass, in tl. absence of the sub-deacon. Seco>idl¡,, those who read m their own lang^^age, but who do not know the value, impor . or signification, of some words in the matters on which they read : this would be the case with French people, who, having no idea of mathematics, might happen to read this theorem " ' Le carré de rhypothcnuse est egal a la somme des carves des deu.v autre cotes du triangle rectangle;' " or with an Englishman who reads the same thin/in his own language thus: " ' The square of the hypothenuse is ecjual to the sum of the squares of the two oler sides of a rectangle triangle'. " Thirdly, those who read in a well-known tongue, but who do so mechanically, their attention being all the time diverted from the sub- ject, or who, during such reading, are thmkmg aboxvt something else ; this might occur to all the wld Fourthly, those who may happen to read some of the self-evident axioms which people are m the habit ot expressing by the most simple and abstract words m th language; this would be the case vv.th him who reads this phrase : " ' That which is, is.' Now, of these four classes none of the persons interpret, though they all read If you ask the first three, what they have understood by their reading, they will answer you : « ' Nothing.' " If you ask the fourth, he will be forced to answer by a phrase literally the same as that which he has read. This is he who does not at all mterpret. " According to the Church of Rome, no one may trans- late the Bible but he who may also interpret it ; that is to say the church alone. This is why no translation. >\\ nor even the original Greek, or the Hebrew, has any authority in that communion. There is but one text, the Latin Vulgate, which, in Rome's estimation, is of any authority ; for that is the translation which she has rendered her own by her approval of it. Every bishop may, for example, reject the French Bible of Sacey, although that is, in fact, a translation from the Vulgate : and he has a right to do so ; for it is not a French text that the Roman church has approved," " The Christians of Toulouse, who recently petitioned the Archbishop of that city for a commission, composed of persons well instructed in the Greek and Hebrew tongues, to verify the translations of the Protestants, ought to have known, very well, that the Archbishop could not grant their request without imposing, on the persons to be nominated in that commission, the con- dition of not translating otherwise than the Church of Rome has done ; which, in other words, simply implies that those persons could not be allowed to interpret otherwise than in the sense which that church does ; this is what the Archbishop and every Roman Cathohc holds to be right." " The primitive Christians did not consult the readings and explanations of the Holy Scriptures given by the church ; but every individual believer devoted himself to the reading of the Bible in his own private house. Clement, of Alexandria, recounts that the Christians of his time read the Scriptures, before sitting down to table, during their repast, and before retiring to rest. Eusebius narrates, speaking of Quadratus and his com- panions, that " ' even the laity traversed various countries announcing Jesus Christ to those who had not heard xviü translator's preface. him speak, and placing the sacred book of the gospel in their hands.' " The same historian tells us of a holy priest, named Pamphilius, who " ' bought a great number of copies, which he distributed, with joy, to both men and women whom he knew to be desirous of reading them." ^ "When searches were made, under the Edict of Nantes, for copies of the Scriptures, in order that they might be burnt, these searches were not limited to the churches ; but they were made, mhiutely, in private houses, for, according to the accounts of historians, " ' the laity, as well as others, had copies of the Scriptures in theu- dwellings, they read them assiduously, and even knew them by heart; ; the artizans had them commonly m their shops, the children and servants, as well as other people, read them, and heard them read, daily, m their families; travellers and soldiers carried them about with them.' " But I forbear to pursue these observations, which are, in substance, suggested by an unpublished MS. in my possession, and which will, I hope, shortly appear before the worid, in the Spanish, Italian, French, and English, languages, the translations into the two latter having already been completed.* Scarcely had Señor De Castro concluded and pub- lished, in Spain, the first twelve of the following chapters, than he was seized with a brain fever, which, for a time, assumed so alarming a crisis as to forbid hopes of his recovery ; but, thank God, his life is spared, and it may Calderón, a native of La Mancha m Spm^.and PF'JÍtr t on Ion Langiiage and of Spanish Literature in King s College, London. »-ísBi»»wtli»ii»a¿S„ ■.;,.;''«*«-SCC!; translator's preface. XIX be interesting to his readers to know, that he is again in the plentitude of health and the usual exercise of his pen, having engaged in the laborious task of writing a Dictionary of the Spanish language, in which is given, not only the sense of each word, but the classical authority for its use, according to the plan adopted by Dr. Johnson, in his Dictionary of the English lan- guage. Specimens of this colossal undertaking have already appeared in the Spanish capital, and been well received in it's literary circles. I have much pleasure in being able to present my readers with a fine steel engraving, by Walton, from a Daguerreotype portrait taken in Cadiz, of this good, courageous, accomphshed, and extraordinary man, and also a/ac simile of his writing. Boundless is the pro- spect before him. Much as he has already done, it is nothing in comparison with what he may yet accom- plish. Providence, it w^ould seem, has endowed him with gifts eminently suited to the work he has undertaken, and to the prejudices he will yet have to overcome. From such a man, in the prime of life, in the possession of renovated health, and of ample means for the prosecution of his labours, what may the friends of civil and religious liberty not expect 1 I here offer to him the tribute of my thanks for enabhng me to be the humble, but honoured, instrument of placing some portions of his works before the EngUsh nation. Long may he live, and continue to disseminate among his countrymen, those liberal, enlightened, and evangelical, principles by which he is actuated. Under the inñuence of such principles ignorance, superstition, and slavery of conscience, must. i XX translator's preface. in time, give place to learuiug, religion, and liberty ; under that influence the Spanish throne must ultimately be estabhshed in righteousness. Spahi shall then be reckoned great among the nations, and her people shall be numbered among " the excellent oí the earth. % 9 s\ THO: PARKER. Spring Gardens, ISth April, 1853. • #1 THE AUTHOR'S PEEFACE. The utility of a work containing a true and concise statement, founded on authentic documents, of the causes which, in little more than a century, extinguished the power of Spaniards both in Europe and in America, was lately suggested to me by two Enghsh gentlemen who take an interest in Spanish affairs. Encouraged by that suggestion, and by the good reception which my History of the Spanish Protestants has met with, in England, in the elegant translation of my friend Mr. Thomas Parker, I resolved to attempt the task of writing such a statement ; and this book, which I now offer to the world, is the result of my labours. The undertaking has been difficult ; for, in a country like Spain, the archives have nothing of pubHcity per- taining to them except the name. In other countries those who devote themselves to history or to political science find great facility of access to documents, but in Spain every obstacle is interposed. The keeper of the archives foolishly imagines that the publication of a paper of the sixteenth century, containing any state- secret, may give birth to a thousand dangers. That there really exist men of such prejudices seems incredible to those who have not had occasion to refer m XXll AUTHORS PREFACE. to our archives. Happily, however, I have been able to ascertain facts from many curious, and hitherto un- published, documents in the National Library, one of the few estabhshments of the kind, in Spain, which do render assistance to those in search of the treasures they contain. Those documents, and others, for the perusal of which I am indebted to the courtesy of some of my friends, form the foundations of my work. I attach much importance to the documents not before pubHshed ; because in them, and them alone, is to be found the truth concerning the events and occur- rences in our country to which they refer. Our ancient historians, paid by the Sovereign, wrote to suit the tastes of those by whom our country was oppressed. This accounts for that alteration and con- fusion of facts which w^e meet with in their works. It would seem, if we compare those works with the MSS. in our archives, that, in order to make the history of Spain a true history, it would be necessary to re- write it, and in a manner, too, almost the reverse of that in which it has been written. I am aware that most of our authors were afraid of giving a frank and unbiassed judgment of the facts which they profess to record, lest they should incur the charge of going against the current of popular opinion ; I know also that they were too willing to be imposed upon, and too unwilling to discard false conclusions. These are some, among many, causes, why not only history but others of the sciences have made so httle progress among us. Many foreign historians who have written on Spanish affairs, although without access to our archives, have performed their task with greater accuracy than those AUTHORS PREFACE. XXIU of our own nation. In the works of the former the force of reason, alone, has discovered much which the latter, through fear of incurring the pubUc displeasure, or of advocating the cause of liberty against their own interests, have been induced to pass over in silence. Much has been written by Spaniards with a view of refuting the opinions of foreigners touching our affairs, but with little effect ; for the statements of the Spanish historians have seldom passed the Pyrenees, while those of the foreigner have circulated all over the world. This may be accounted for, in some measure, by the fact that while the one has been influenced by a false patriotism which has induced him to flatter ignorance and self-conceit, the other has been guided, entirely, by a love of philosophy and truth. To love one s country is not to confirm the errors and justify the crimes of one's predecessors ; but, on the contrary, to anticipate other nations in the correction of the one and execration of the other. What purpose will it serve that a few thousands of men shall call infamy glory, if the w^hole civilized human race besides, in all ages, shall call each by it's proper name '? We have constantly been trained up to the vice of pronouncing Spain perfect, and of designating as bad Spaniards those who, for the pubUc good, have at- tempted to prove that no such perfection ever did, or does now, exist, without perceiving that those are, in truth, the "bad Spaniards" who cannot, or will not, discern real from imaginary glories. If our literati, whose researches are confined, chiefly, to ancient Spanish books, would but examine, with equal diligence, those of other European countries, they would not, in their literary or political labours, continue to uphold and increase the popular delusions. XXIV AUTHORS PREFACE. I am not sure that in this work I have been able, altogether, to avoid the errors to which I have just alluded ; but, in order that I might not fall into the opposite extreme, I have resolved that the propositions put forth in my text shall not go unauthorized, but be vouched by notes at foot, referring to, or quoting, docu- mentary authorities, so that my desire to seek after truth may be accredited. Truth should be the pole-star of every writer who seeks to promote the pubhc good and desires that his works may be useful to his country. If, however, there should be any one who, doubting my sincerity, dares to say that I am a " bad Spaniard '' because I do not applaud and make common cause with authors worthy of that appellation, my answer to him shall be very brief : Cara patria, carior libertas. Cadiz, 1852. 1 V HISTORY OF RELIGIOUS INTOLEEANCE IN SPAIN, &c. CHAPTEE I. Surrender of Toledo on the invasion of the Moors — Religion of the Christians tolerated — Re-conquest of Toledo by Alonso VI. — Religion of the Moors tolerated — Intolerance of the Spaniards — Ferdinand III. begins the practice of burning Heretics — Pretext for a reli- gious war — The Clergy persecute the Jews — Interposition of the Pope — St. Vicente Ferrer — Intolerance extended to Christians — The MSS. of the Marquis of Villena — Henry IV. — Disorders in his reign — His toleration — Disgusts the Clergy — Their interdict against him — Henry accused of heresy — The clergy place his sister Isabella on the throne — Last moments of Henry — Isabella and Ferdinand crowned — Juana's manifesto — Isabella's policy towards the nobility — Establishment of the Inquisition — Origin of confiscations — Royal and ecclesiastical cupidity — Gonzalez de Mendoza — Her- nando Pulgar — Comparison of the Spanish with the Roman nobility. On the invasion of Spain by the Arabs, Toledo, after a long siege, was obliged to surrender on certain stipula- tions. Among these was one ensuring to the Christians the enjoyment of the religion of their forefathers, and the exercise of it in pubhc worship. The conquerors, like wise and honorable men, faithfully observed this condition, and although possession of Toledo was long li HISTORY OF RELIGIOUS INTOLERANCE IN SPAIN. 3 maintained by the Moors, the Christians who dwelt in that city Uved in the free exercise of their own rites and ceremonies, nor was there any attempt to make them follow the Koran of Mahomet. In the course of events, Toledo- Arabian was, in turn, constrained to open the gates of her citadel to the victorious legions of Don Alonso VI. of Castile, who, in the adjustment of the terms of that capitulation, restored to the Moors their Great Mosque, in order that in it they might continue to observe the Mahometan religion. In a short time, however, the covetous clergy violated the sanctity of this engagement. The queen, like a weak woman, was too easily allured, by promises of spiritual rewards, to the commission of a base and perfidious crime. With her connivance, the Archbishop of Toledo, profiting by the absence of Don Alonso, took forcible possession of the mosque, and converted it into a cathedral church, which he consecrated with perjury.^'^ A solemn treaty thus violated by an archbishop, with the assent of a queen, and by the subsequent approval of a king, gave the common people clearly to under- stand that they were under no obhgation to keep faith with those of a different religion. With so iniquitous an example, intolerance increased. Christians were no longer content to conquer the Moors by means of arms, but, making an infamous use of victory, they even compelled them to become converts to the Christian faith. Violence accompanied the water of baptism, and in due time these new Christians were called on to witness the loss of their religion as well as of their country. * Historias del Arzobispo don Rodrigo y don Lucas de Twf. Crónica General de don Alonso el Sabio. • ñ To punish those who still preferred living under the Mahometan religion, Ferdinand III., on the suggestion of his wife, the French Doña Juana, introduced the custom of burning those called heretics. Until that age the laws of Spain "^^ had merely pro- vided that persons guilty of heresy should be admonished and corrected ; and, if still pertinacious, then that they should be expelled and anathematized. The desire on the part of Spaniards to recover the lands of their fathers, usurped by a powerful foreign army, was, by the clergy, craftily made the pretext of a religious war. The ecclesiastics now began to enrich themselves with the precious spoils taken from the con- quered ; spoils which were offered, as acts of grace, in the temples of the fanatical conquerors. At this time the band of oppression followed, as it generally does, in the rear of a prosperous fortune. The clergy, not satisfied with the property of the conquered Moors, began to excite the lower people against the Jews, who, by permission of the laws, dwelt in Castile and had become rich by their commercial enterprise. In Seville, the Archdeacon of Ecija, (1390 and 1391), preached against the Jewish people, and urged the Christians, as a proof of their faith, to destroy the whole race by fire and sword. Other ecclesiastics, living in important cities in Spain, responded to the discourses of the archdeacon, and soon began to raise a tumult against the miserable Jews. Seville, Cordoba, and Toledo, were stained with blood by the Christians, who did not scruple to sacrifice on the altars of their piety, not only the lives of the Hebrews, but also the fortunes which they had accumulated. " All urns avarice and * El fuero juzgo. B 2 4 HISTORY OF robbery rather than devotion,'' according to the cliro- nicler Pero Lopez de Ayala. '" At length the Pope, at the request of the King of Castile, ordered the Archdeacon of Ecija, and the other preachers who followed his example, to forbear exciting the people by their discourses; and deprecated all attempts to exterminate the Jews by such excesses as were then practised. But the haughty archdeacon de- spised the commands of the Pope : he persisted in preaching as before, and even dared to tell the people he addressed, that the Roman Pontiff himself had no authority to prohibit the clergy from speaking against the enemies of the name of Christ, t From this time the Archdeacon of Ecija served as a model to the monarchs and ecclesiastics in Spain, from which they might learn to exceed all other nations in religious intolerance. Whilst intolerance was exercising its rigours in Castile, the kingdoms of Arragon and Valencia did not remain idle, nor did the principality of Catalonia. San-Vicente Ferrer, a friar of the order of preachers, devoted him- self to the conversion of the Jews. But the fruits of his labours were exceedingly small. The rabble had recourse to violence, and by tragical examples struck terror into the minds of the Jews, who were driven to baptism in order to save their lives and property. Such are the accounts of Cathohc authors who write on this subject. J * Cnmica dd Rey Enrique III. t M8S. of the Biblioteca Nacional. X No pudo Fray Vicente con- vertir sino muy pocos dellos. E las gentes con despecho, metiéronlos en Castilla á espada, é mataron TRANSLATION. Friar Vicente could only con- vert very few of them. And the people with indignation flew to arms in Castile and killed many i } RELIGIOUS INTOLERANCE IN SPAIN. 5 The Jews relate that San- Vicente Ferrer collected together a number of riotous people, and went about with them at his heels through the cities, with a crucifix in his hands, exhorting the Hebrews to turn and become Christians ; but as they did not comply with his wishes they were all attacked and overpowered. Some were murdered ; others, in many of the cities of Arragon, Valencia, Mallorca, and Catalonia, were ill-treated by the followers of that friar.'"' That intolerance which commenced with embruing its hands in the blood of the Moors and Jews, soon began to extend its dominion over the Christians, and shot the first rays of its ire against two distinguished persons, one of them being the most illustrious grandee of Castile, the other one of its monarchs. Don Enrique of Arragon, Marquis of Villena, a nobleman devoted to every kind of science, left, at his death, many manuscripts written by his own hand. These were alleged, by the vulgar and superstitious, to be full of necromancy, and therefore the king, Don Juan II., commanded Don Lope de Barrientes, Bishop of Cuenca, that, without any previous examination of their contents, he should consign them to the flames. This good man, wanting the Christianity of the monarch for the execu- tion of any such order, carried off the books, at once, to the convent of the Dominicans at Madrid, and thus muchos . . . Entonces veníanse ellos mismos a baptizar .... ó después de baptizados se iban algunos á Portugal é á otros reynos á ser judios. — Bernaldez- Historia de los Reyes Católicos. MS. * Consola<^ho as trihnkK^oem de Israel, composto por Samuel l/sgue. — Ferrara, 5313. (1553,) . . . Then they came of them- selves to be baptized . . . and after baptism, some of them went to Portugal and other kingdoms to be Jews. 6 HISTORY OF handed down to posterity the works of a man superior to the age in which he hved. ''' Henry IV., a monarch of good understanding, although inconstant and more disposed to rule by mildness than force, succeeded the fanatical king Don John II. I believe that the true causes of the riots and dis- orders of his reign, and against his person, have been suppressed by the old historians, and concealed from the light of modern philosophy. But there are such marks and signs in the recollections and memorials of his age, that the faithful and impartial historian can shew to the world why the clergy, the greater part of the nobility, and the low^er people, raised a tumult against him. Henry was, perhaps, as great a materiaUst as Fre- derick the Great of Prussia. In his palace, and roimd about his person, were a number of gentlemen who followed the opinions of Phny touching the mortality of the soul. Men of such principles as these were greatly favoured by the monarch, as may be proved by authentic documents . t * Barrientos said in one of his books, addressing himself to Don Juan II. : — u Tú como rey cristianísimo mandaste á mí tu siervo y hechura que lo quemase á vuelta de otros muchos . . . En lo qual . . . pareció y parece la devoción que tu señoría siempre ovo á la reli- gion cristiana." Fernán Nufiez gives this passage in TRANSLATION. Thou as a most Christian king didst order me, thy servant and creature, that I shoiüd bum them with many others . . In which . . appeared, and still appears, the devotion which thou hast always had to the Christian religion, his notes to Juan de Mena. t Marina, in his Theory of the Cortes, gives (vol. iii.), a petition from the procurators of King Henry IV., in which he says : — " Señaladamente es muy notorio haber personas en vuestro palacio, é cerca de vuestra persona, infieles enemigos de nuestra santa fé Cató- lica é otros, aunque cristianos por Especially is it very notorious that you have persons in your palace, and near your person, who are infidels, enemies of our holy Catholic faith ; and others, al- \ RELIGIOUS INTOLERANCE IN SPAIN. 7 The Moors and the Jews experienced, in the court of Henry, a rehgious tolerance, called by the fanatical clergy an unpardonable crime. '" People both of the Mahometan and Jewish religion were, indiscriminately, allowed to go about among Christians, without suflering any persecution instituted by royal authority, t Henry ordered the archbishops of Santiago and of Seville to be arrested for some disrespect to his person, and sequestered their revenues. The clergy, indignant at this, were induced to lav an interdict and cessation d divinis upon all his kingdoms and seigniories. But Henry regarded with contempt these anathemas against his person, and yet, not wishing to suspend the public worship of CathoKcs among his Christian subjects, he commanded the interdicts to be broken, especially in Toledo, Cordova, and Seville, cities in which the eccle- siastics had become most haughty and daring. To frustrate the designs of the clergy, he seized upon many of the canons and dignitaries of the churches of Seville, Cordoba, and Toledo, and carried them off to his court.| nombre, muy sospechosos en la fé, que creen é afirman que otro mundo no hay, sino nacer y morir como bestias," &c. TRANSLATION. though christians in name, very suspicious in the faith, who believe and aflirm that there is no other world, and that we have but to be born and die like beasts, &c. Your subjects and vassals are much scandalized at your great familiarity with the Moors whom you have under your protection. * *^De la grand familiaridad que V. A. tiene con los moros que en su guarda trae, vuestros subditos é naturales están muy, escandali- zados." Peticiones á Enrique IV. — Documentos de los señores Baranda y Salva. t Vide la^ coplas de Mingo Revulgo con el comento de Pulgar. X Referring these events in complaining to Henry IV., some bishops and gentlemen said to him : — " Todo es en muy gran cargo All is a serious charge against de vuestra anima, é mengua de your soul, a disgrace to your royal í«:^ 8 HISTORY OF Neither before nor after these acts would the king receive, nor did he receive, the sacraments of confession and communion which the church had commanded to be received bj all Cathohcs.''* Irritated by the increduhty of the monarch, by the rehgious tolerance granted to the Moors and Jews in his dominions, and by the consideration shown to these people, the ecclesiastics lighted the torch of discord in the kingdoms, and many turbulent noblemen and others, friends of novelty and its attendant advantages, con- spired against Henry IV. The king was desirous of checking the first impulses of rebelhon ; but the clergy, seeing that he had no dis- position to satisfy their wishes, excited the fury of their adherents, and even that of the populace, by declaring the Princess Doña Juana to be, not what she appeared, viz. the daughter of Henry, but that of his private friend' Don Beltran de la Cueva. They proclaimed the king's impotency, and, assisted by the discontented of both the higher and lower orders, they declared, in the fields of Avila, that Henry was unworthy the crown, deposed vuestra persona real, é en gran oprobio é vilipendio de la santa madre igUamr— Baranda }/ Salva — Documentos. * Los obispos, arzobispos, ca- balleros y señores de España exi- gieron á Enrique IV. que confesase y recibiese comunión á lo menos una vez en el año, "para evitar la pena que es que el que no confiesa una vez en el año é comulga el dia de Pascua, en tanto que viviere debe ser alanzado de la iglesia, ó si modere debe carecer de la ec- clesiástica sepultura." — Baranda y Salva — Documentos. TRANSLATION. person, and in great opprobrium and contempt of the holy mother church. The bishops, archbishops, knights and lords of Spain besought Henry IV. to confess himself and receive the communion at least once in the year, "in order to avert the penalty, which is, that he who does not confess once in the year and communicate on Easter-day, so long as he may live, shall be cast out of the church, and if he shall die he is to be deprived of ecclesi- astical sepulture." I RELIGIOUS INTOLERANCE IN SPAIN. 9 him, in effigy, of his royal dignity, and raised the standard of his brother, Don Alonso. As, in the case of the manuscripts of the Marquis de Villena, was seen, in the flames to which they were ordered to be consigned, a sad presage of the condition to which the clergy were disposed to reduce Spanish philosophy; so also in the ceremony of degrading, in effigy. King Henry IV., was seen that model which, at a later period, the inquisitors were to follow in their autos de fe. The first crime of which Henry was pubhcly accused, with a view of taking away his sceptre and his crown, was that of heresy, evidenced by the allegation that he had not confessed twice for forty years. ''" The pretender Don Alonso died at an early age ; but the fanatics did not lay down their arms : on the con- trary, they resolved to place the king's sister, Doña Isabel, upon the throne by force. To the ambition and brilliant genius of this woman was united an extraordinary subtilty. She deemed it imprudent to hazard the accomplishment of her desires to the various chances of a civil war in the lifetime of her brother, but contented herself with being declared heiress to the throne of Castile. Henry, endeavouring to avoid bloodshed in his king- doms, appeared to cede to everything, and gave to the * Fray Pedro de Rozas, in his " Repertorio de algunos Actos y Cosas singulares que en estos Reynos de Castilla acaecieron,'' Códice G. 5, Biblioteca Nacional, says : — " Vinieron al rey don Enrique dicendo como era ere je, é que en quarenta años no se faílava averse confesado dos veces," &c. TRANSLATION. They came to King Henry, telling him that he was a heretic, and that in forty years he had not been found to have confessed twice, &c. 10 HISTORY OF rebels the declaration which their violence demanded. But very transient was the peace bought by a cruel deception, and at the expensive sacrifice of paternal love. Although the king had consented that Isabella might inherit the crown, he had never positively declared that Doña Juana was not his daughter. Turning, by the impulse of natural aflection, towards his own blood, he annulled the declaration extorted from him by the rebels, — obtained from Pope Paul II. a release from the oath he had taken to his subjects, and appointed Doña Juana his successor to the throne of Castile. The Roman court was on that occasion entirely subservient to the wishes of Henry, owing either to his great wealth, or the munificent presents it received at his hands. ■^''" Whilst Henry w^as using all diligence to establish the peace of his kingdoms, and leave his daughter, Doña Juana, in quiet possession of the crown, he was suddenly attacked by an unknown disease, which in a few hours terminated his existence. In his last moments, several ecclesiastics importuned him to confess and receive the communion ; but he constantly refused ; and when an altar was raised in front of his bed to excite him to devotion, he turned away his eyes in token of his contempt, t On the death of Henry IV., a civil war broke out in Castile. Isabella, and her consort Don Ferdinand of TRANSLATION. * Crónica de Enrique Cuarto, Chronicle of Henry IV., written que escrivió Alonso de Falencia. — by Alonso de Falencia. An ac- Memorial de divei*sas hazañas, count of various exploits, arranged ordenado por Mosen Diego de by M. D. Valera. Valera. MSS. in the library of my jfriend don Fascual de Gayangos. t Idem, RELIGIOUS INTOLERANCE IN SPAIN. 11 ■/' Arragon, w^ere crowned " kings." Almost all the clergy^ a great part of the nobility, and all the common people, assisted at the ceremony. Doña Juana implored the succour of her uncle, the Portuguese monarch, and addressed a letter to the cities and towns of the kingdom, denouncing the crimes of Isabella, committed with a view of ascending the throne, and setting forth the causes which incapacitated her for the inheritance to which she pretended. The manifesto of Doña Juana declared that her father, Henry IV., with a view of tranquillizing his states, had recognised Isabella as his successor, she having taken a solemn oath to Uve by his side and marry whomso- ever he might approve f' that Isabella had violated this promise, by retiring from the palace and disposing of herself in marriage to the Prince of Arragon without Henry's permission, and without the apostoKcal dispen- sation, which was necessary on account of the near rela- tionship between her and her consort ; — by which acts she had, according to the laws of Castile, incurred the forfeiture of all hereditary rights. It also charged Isa- bella with having poisoned the king, and made herself mistress of all his treasures, brocades, and state robes, * This most rare unpublished document appears in the Códice G. 5 of the Biblioteca Nacional. TRANSLATION. "La infanta, doña Isabel . . . The infanta, Doña Isabel ... with con grande atrevimiento, en grande great daring, to the great offence ofensa é menosprecio de la persona and contempt of the royal person real del dicho rey mi señor, se of the said king my lord, wished quiso de fecho intitular por reyna to be entitled queen of these my destos dichos mis reynos." said kingdoms. Further on, speaking of the offer of Isabel to live with her brother and marry according to his pleasure, it adds : — " De lo cual todo fizo jura- Of all which she took an oath mento é voto á la casa santa de and made a solemn vow to the Gerusalen solennemente." holy house of Jerusalem. 12 HISTORY OF and carrying her covetousness to such an extent as even to deny any of these things to be used in adorning his funeral, which was consequently entirely without pomp.''^ It further charged Isabella with offering rewards for obtaining and delivering up Juana's person, with a view to her perpetual imprisonment or the destruction of her life.t And, lastly, in this manifesto, Juana called upon the cities and towns to urge Ferdinand and Isabella to unite with her in convoking the Cortes, in order that the kingdom itself might determine who was the legiti- * In the MS. letter already cited, we thus read of the Catholic kings : — " Por codicia desordenada de reinar accordaron ... de le facer dar, é fueron dadas yerbas é pon- zoña de que después fallesció. . . . Todo esto está averiguado é sabido de tales personas, físicos, é por tales violentas presunciones que facen entera probanza, é se mos- trará mas abiertamente quando convenga. And further on we read : — " Nunca dieron ni consintieron dar para las honras de su enter- ramiento é sepultura, lo que para qualquiera pobre caballero de su reyno se diera." t Aun desto no contenta la dicha Reyna de Sicilia, trabajó é procuró por muchas ó diversas maneras de me aver é llevar á su poder, para me tener presa é encarcelada per- petuamente, é por aventura para me facer matar, ofreciendo muy grandes dádivas é partidos para que yo le fuese entregrada. . . . Por donde podréis bien conocer cual aya sido siempre la intención é soberbia de la dicha . . . contra mí. . . . — M/S. be/ore cited. TRANSLATION. Through a shameful covetous- ness to reign, they agreed ... to cause to be given to him, and there were given, herbs and poison of which he afterwards died. . . All this is verified and known through such persons, from such effects and violent symptoms as make entire proof, and which will show itself more openly when ex- pedient. They never gave or consented to give, in order to the honours of his funeral and sepulture, what would have been bestowed on any poor gentleman whomsoever in his kingdom. The said Queen of Sicily, not content with this, even plotted and contrived in a variety of ways to get me into her power, in order to make me a prisoner and keep me in perpetual confinement, and, peradventure, to cause me to be killed, offering many large bribes and favours in order that I might be delivered up to her. . . . From which you will easily perceive what have always been the in- tentions of the said . . . against me . . . RELIGIOUS INTOLERANCE IN SPAIN. 13 fi mate heir to the crown, and thereby avert the horrors of a war.* • But Isabella and Ferdinand rejected the pretensions of Doña Juana, fearful, doubtless, that the kingdom united in Cortes might declare that the latter was, de jure, the Sovereign of Castile. They neither desired to observe the laws nor to submit themselves to her sway. By sedition, Isabella had acquired her rights ; by arms, and with the help of the vulgar and ignorant, she sus- tained them. The Portuguese monarch, overcome by the entreaties of some of the nobles and gentry of Castile, resolved to defend the cause of Doña Juana, and place her on the throne of her father. He entered Castile with a powerful army ; took several cities ; and, supported by the adherents of truth and justice, vigorously main- tained the war for the space of three years. At last he adjusted a peace with Isabella, in the articles of which he compelled her to stipulate for the marriage of Doña Juana w^th the hereditary prince that she, Isabella, might have by her marriage with Ferdinand, so soon as that hereditary prince should have attained a proper age. Doña Juana, as great in generosity as Isabella was in * All the clauses of the docmn show her strong desire for peace, quoted the words following : — " Luego por los tres estados des- tos dichos mis reinos, é por per- sonas escojidas dellos de buena fama é conciencia que sean sin sospecha se vea é libre é deter- mine por justicia á quien estos dichos mis reinos pertenecen, por- que se escusen todos rigores é rom- pimientos de guerra." ents of the Princess Doña Juana We find in the same letter before TRANSLATION. Wherefore, by the three states of those my said kingdoms, and by persons of good fame and con- science who may be without sus- picion, let it be seen, decided and determined on, in a court of jus- tice, to whom those my said king- doms do pertain, in order to avert all the rigours and ruptures of war. 14 HISTORY OP RELIGIOUS INTOLERANCE IN SPAIN. 15 talents and ambition, was unwilling that civil discord should any longer rage in the Castihan territory ; and, although she counted under her banners many brave generals and nobles who were resolved to die in defence of her rights to the throne, and notwithstanding the reluctance of the Portuguese Sovereign to lay down his arms, she could no longer endure to contend for a sceptre and a crown which were to be purchased at the expense of the tears and blood of her subjects. Wicked- ness and injustice were allowed, for once, a temporary triumph ; Doña Juana retired to the cloister, and for some time assumed the habit of a nun. Isabella was a woman of great capacity. No sooner was peace estabUshed, than she began to occupy the minds of her turbulent nobles in wars with the Moors, whose dominion in Spain had become reduced to the kingdom of Granada. She knew that the royal power came from the people, and that the grandees and gentry who, at Avila, had, in effigy, deposed Henry IV., be- lieved themselves still possessed of the faculty and power to dispose of sceptres and crowns. That which had so much pleased her, and served her interests, whilst she herself was among the number of the rebels, now inspired her with great fears. She dreaded that the old conspirators might retrace their steps, and throw down the same power which they had been instrumental in setting up. In the name of a religious war, there- fore, she sent her army against the Moors ; and thus, prompted by the daring spirit of a heroine, she cleverly contrived to divert the minds of her ambitious nobles, and at the same time to extend the dominions of Castile. Meantime, the friars and clergy were grieved to dis- Í» cover that the new Christians, who had been converted through violence and fear, were returning either to the old Mosaic usages or to the Mahometan customs. They therefore besought Isabella that, in order to punish the wanderers from the Catholic faith, the tribunal of the Holy Office might be established. Ferdinand and his consort allowed themselves to be persuaded by the clergy, in reference to this important proceeding; but especially was Isabella overcome by their persuasions, if we may credit the testimony of cotemporary Jews, in treating of that great political crime, the estabhshment of the Inquisition ; and they, being the victims of both of those CathoKc sovereigns, were more Kkely on that account to be impartial than modern historians, who have bUndly idoUzed the name of the queen.* The clergy and the crown, by the punishment of those who returned to the religion of their forefathers, found a legal pretext for exercising dominion over the riches of the delinquents, under colour of confisca- tions, f * Samuel Usque, in his before-cited book, Be Consolagao as tri- hvla^oems de Israel, says : — TRANSLATION. " Achando os enemigos de minha " The enemies of my fortune find- prosperidade aparelho em el rey é ing in the king, and much more muito mas a reinha Dona Isabel in the gueen, a disposition to per- de OS perseguir," &c. secute, ' &c. In the face of this, however, Christian authors of the present century, merely out of conjecture, believe that the queen did not wish for the Inquisition, but that it was to be attributed entirely to her consort. — The Author. t Pulgar, in his Crónica, speaking of those victims, says :— That "* sus bienes y hereda- "Their goods and inheritances mientos fueron tomados y apli- were taken and applied to the cados al fisco del rey é de la king and queen's exchequer." reyna." Doubtless, he remembered Pliny's panegyric of Trajan, " The ex- chequer is never in bad condition, except under a good prince ;" and IG HISTORY OF The plebeians, from that period, became accustomed, in their zeal for the Christian faith, to raise a tumult against the new converts, attack and plunder their houses, and put the inhabitants to the sword. Thus, in the reign of Henry IV., the streets of Cordoba, Jaen, and other cities of Andalusia, ran with the blood of Jews, recently converted to the faith, and invaders of the domestic circles carried off the spoils with impunity.* These examples soon excited the royal and the eccle- siastical cupidity ; and, by compact, the altar and the throne in their united efforts to restrain the impetuosity of the rabble against the recent converts, sought to bring these seditions and disturbances in the streets and squares within some legal limits ; so that the - penalty of death, on those who hated a religion violently forced upon them, and in the name of which they were punished for having received it, might be inflicted by proper recognised executioners ; and that the property, formerly divided among the murderous rioters in the streets, might now^ go to enrich the exchequer of the crow^n and the coffers of the churches. Ferdinand and Isabella never respected those laws of also the advice of Tacitus, that the prince ought not to appropriate to himself the goods of criminals, lest he should thereby furnish matter for belief that, out of covetousness, he had persecuted the innocent. * Alonso de Falencia (Crónica M.S. of Henry IV.) and Valera (in his MS. Memorial) say : — TRANSLATION. Don Alonso de Aguilar . . . changed his intention, so that none of the victims might be de- fended, hut robbed. . . . There was a general plunder^ and those who were able to escape to the fields ... if they were seen by the labourers were at once robbed and murdered. "Don Alonso de Aguilar . . . mudó el propósito, dando lugar á que ninguno de los conversos fuesen defendidos, mas fuesen robados. ... Se hizo robo general^ y los que pudieron huir por los campos ... si eran vistos de los labradores, luego eran robados y muertos." RELIGIOUS INTOLERANCE IN SPAIN. 17 Spain which stood in the way of their purposes. For this reason, therefore, the Cortes were not consulted with reference to the establishment of the Inquisition, lest the voice of humanity should have prevailed against this attempt to enslave conscience. The Spanish nation itself never founded so execrable a tribunal ; the kings and priests were its authors, in spite of the opposition of many towns, which, sword in hand, resisted its establishment. The Inquisition, availing itself of flames, tortures, and confiscations, as well as attainders, began to feed itself with the miserable objects of its hatred. In Seville, its cruelties exceeded, if that were possible, even the limits of m-humanity. No lips were permitted to complain ; none to offer consolation to the persecuted. One voice alone, in all Spain, was heard in defence of the victims of the clergy and friars. The Cardinal Archbishop of Seville, Don Pedro Gonzalez de Mendoza, desirous of knowing the opinion of Hernando del Pulgar (a sage of the brightest genius and most exalted piety, and whose w^orks do honour to the literary history of Spain) touching those sanguinary executions, wrote to him on the subject. Pulgar, wrestling between the compassion with which he beheld those ravages and the fear he had of incurring the hatred of the inquisitors, dared not, at first, to give an answer ; but at last, over- come by the importunities of the archbishop's secretary and other persons, he addressed to the cardinal the fol- lowing curious epistle : — " Illustrious and most reverend señor : yours I received. Your secretary has also wTitten to inform me what I have learned from several other persons, viz : — c 8 HISTORY OF RELIGIOUS INTOLERANCE IN SPAIN. 19 that you are waiting to see what I have to write touching the things now going on in Andalusia. " Truly, my lord, many days have passed since I have had written in mv mind, and even with humiliating ink, the ignorance so blind, and the bhndness so igno- rant, of that people who see plainly that the only fruit they can expect to reap is that which ignorance, of itself, ever must produce/^' " It appears to me also, my lord, that our lady the queen does what she can, and what a most Christian queen is bound to do, nor ought she to do more than God requires . . . t All the fire comes from her ministers ; for, as you well know, the course they take with a few relapsed persons is not that which can be pursued with a great many. To a few the punishment may adapt itself; but the more it does so to the few, the more dangerous is it, and even difficult in application to a multitude, who, as St. Augustine says, ought to be judged as our Lord judgeth every one of us ; for although he knows us . . . and is waiting for our conversion, yet he has mercy upon us . . . This is found in an epistle which he wrote to the Emperor Marciano J on the relapse of the Donatists, admonishing him to pardon them ... for otherwise there would not be found wood enough to burn them. " I believe, my lord, that there are (in Andalusia) * Alluding to the want of caution with which the converts were returning to Judaism. t Words used to avoid drawing down openly upon Queen Isabel the terrible complaints against the proceedings of the Inquisitors. Pulgar was the chronicler of " The Catholic Kings," and as such con- strained to show a certain respect to his patrons. t There is no such Marciano. St. Augustin wrote upon this subject to Boniface, the pro-consul of Africa, and at the same time to Donatus, who also occupied the same office. — A. de C. some who are very great sinners : and others, still more numerous, who follow their example, but who would, if permitted, be followers of good men. But as the old converts are such bad Christians, so also the 7iew ones are consequently such good Jews. I believe, my lord, that there are at least ten thousand young women of from ten to twenty years old, in Andalusia, who from their birth have never been absent from their homes, or heard of or known any other religion than that which they have seen and heard practised under the parental roof To burn all these would be a most cruel act, and even a very difficult one to perform, for they would be driven away in despair to places beyond the reach of all correction, which would be both dangerous to the ministers, and a great sin as well. " I know of a certainty that there are some who run away to escape the enmity of the judges rather than from the fear of their own conscience. " I do not say this, my lord, in favour of the wicked, but rather with a view of providing a remedy for those who have been amended, which remedy, it appeal's to me, would best be provided by sending into that locality some notable persons, accompanied by a few of the same nation, who by an exemplary life and holy conversation may, by degrees, correct the former and amend the latter, as has already been done in the kingdom and out of it. All other means appear to me to make them obstinate and not to amend them, which greatly en- dangers the souls, not only of those who are punished, but of those also by whom the punishment is inflicted. Diego de Merlo and Doctor Medina,''' are very good * Merlo, assistant of Seville, and commissioned by the Catholic Kings to establish the Inquisition. C 2 20 HISTORY OF men ; but I know that they, with their flames, will never make such good Christians as will the Bishops Don Paulo and Don Alonso, with their water,* and not without reason, because these men were chosen by our Lord and Saviour Christ for that purpose, while those were chosen by the licenciate, our chancellor, for the other." t This document proves that, amid the triumphs of royal and ecclesiastical tyranny in Spain, there were not wanting some, disposed at least, to raise their voice in defence of those sacred rights of conscience, which were iniquitously trampled under foot in the name of a God of mercy. Pulgar hearing of such frightful crimes, spoke in some passages of his letter with a caution which the oppres- sion of the times rendered necessary, but in others with a boldness worthy of being imitated by all who would promote the felicity of the Spanish nation. But what imitators could he expect to find when even he, charged with heresy, was called upon to exculpate himself for having written this very document ? | * Don Pablo de Santa Maria, Bishop of Burgos, after his conversion to Christianity, baptized a number of Jews (xiv. century) ; and Alonso, of Carthegena, Bishop also of Burgos (xv. century), and a convert, did the like. These are the men to whom Pulgar here alludes. t Mariana in his History of Spain, notices this letter. Llórente in his Memoria Sobre la opinion de España acerca de la Inquisición, says, that this document has not been handed down to our day. He was, however, mistaken ; for it exists in MS. in the Biblioteca Nacional, Códice F. 133. I have taken from it the translation in the text of the present history. — A. de C. X Among his printed letters there is one in which he says to one of his reprehenders . — " No es maravilla que su Alteza haya errado en la comisión que hizo, pensando que cometia bien, y ellos en los procesos pensando que TRANSLATION. It is no wonder that your High- ness may have erred in the com- mission which you authorized, thinking that you were acting llELIGIOUS INTOLERANCE IN SPAIN. 21 Some of the Spanish grandees and gentry took up arms, in various cities, to oppose the establishment of the Holy Office ; but the majority of the lower classes either abandoned them in the enterprise, or, led on by the satellites of fanaticism, contributed to overthrow those brave men who contended for liberty of con- science. At last the nobihty, being conquered, became the abettors of tyranny. The incensed plebeians in assisting the oppressors, were in fact but forging their own chains ; nay more, they compelled the higher classes, who, in defending their own, also defended the rights of the common people, to seek, through adulation, the permanent control of their own property, the pre- servation of their rank, and even the security of their lives. Thus as the Roman nobles, descendants of the Camilos, the Scipios, the Mételas, the Fabricios, and the Brutus', the ancient virtue being lost, converted themselves into flatterers of the imperium, and into servants of the nefarious Caesars ; so, in imitation of them and their followers, in every species of vice, the grandees and gentry of Spain abandoned the lofty examples of those who had achieved the independence of their country against Mahometan warriors, and, following the cruelties and caprices of tyranny, exchanged their swords for wands of the familiares of the holy office — the defence of justice for the persecution of heretics and Jews ; and those hands which had contended with the lance in support of innocence and feminine weakness, became no se informaban mal : aunque yo no dije ni afirmo cosa ninguna de estas.^^ TRANSLATION. well, and they, in the prosecutions, thinking that they were not ill- informed, although I neither said nor affirmed anything of the kind. 1 I) 22 HISTORY OF RELIGIOUS INTOLERANCE IN SPAIN. 23 instruments by which even unoffending women were to be imprisoned and reduced to ashes. Almost always have we found the ignorant and vulgar following under the banners of tyrants. Despots, in their struggles with the defenders of civil and religious Hberty, have hi their train persons of timid and unde- cisive minds, and men who seem to have been born for slavery. CHAPTEE II. Conquest of Granada by Ferdinand and Isai:>ella— Their Edict against the Jews— Torquemado— The Jews expelled— The queen's ingra- titude—The Pope confers on Ferdinand and Isabella the title of "The Catholic Kings"— Depopulation of Spain — Intolerance of Ximenez Cisneros — Isabella's fanaticism and inconsistency — Liberty of conscience abolished— Military orders in Spain— Corruption of elections — Power of nobility destroyed — Comparison of the Spaniards with the Eomans— Lebrija the first Christian victim- Death of Isabella — Persecution of Talavera— His letter to Ferdinand —Juana., wife of Philip I., ascends the throne— Contempt of the people towards Ferdinand— Philip's reception— His attempt to abolish the Inquisition, and sudden death — Juana's insanity— Ke- turn of Ferdinand as Kegent— Supports the Inquisition— Character of Cisneros. After many a severe combat with the Moors, Ferdinand and Isabella conquered the city of Granada, the last fortress on which waved the standard of the crescent. Victories gained by tyrants, even over a foreign enemy, are, in reality, misfortunes to the people who groan beneath their yoke. The Cathohc Kings, elated with the success of their arms against the Moors, thought there was now nothing to check the impulse of their own will. They found the laws the most formidable opponents to their despotic designs ; but pride on the one hand, and priestly counsel on the other, prepared the mind of a woman, grasping at absolute dominion, to tread under foot esta- «A 24 HISTOKY OF blished privileges, break through royal engagements, and utterly disregard all sense of right and reason. Shortly after the conquest of Granada, " The Catholic Kings" published an edict requiring that at the expiration of a given time, all un-baptized Jews should quit Spain for ever, and leave behind them their gold, silver, and precious stones. The instigators and counsellors of this edict were Friar Tomas Torquemado, Inquisitor-General, and Don Pedro Gonzalez de Mendoza, Archbishop of Seville. ^^ According to these divines the consciences of Fer- dinand and Isabella, on the commission of this great political crime, remained in the utmost tranquillity. From remote ages the laws of Spain had conceded to the Jews the right of having a permanent residence in that country, and the free w^orship of God according to the Mosaic religion. The kingdom united in Cortes, in Toledo, in 1480, had resolved that both Hebrews and Mahometans should be permitted to inhabit certain districts separated from those of the Christians, and there erect their synagogues and mosques. As the barbarous edict which abolished liberty of conscience among the Jews was in direct violation of * In the Chronicle of Cardinal Don Pedro Gonzalez de Mendoza, by Dr. Salazar (Toledo 1624) we read :— " Consideraron juntamente que no se habia sacado hasta entonces tanto fruto de la institución del Santo Oficio, como se habían pro- metido, de que estaban muy bien informados del Inquisidor general por cwp consejo y d perpetua hutancia y persuasion del car- denal se determinaron, á echar de todos sus re}iios los judios, &c. TRANSLATION. They considered that up to that period they had not derived so much fruit from the institution of the Holy Office as they had pro- mised themselves upon the infor- mation of the Inquisitor- General^ by whose persuasion and constant advice they had determined to expel the Jews from all their kingdoms. \ RELIGIOUS INTOLERANCE IN SPAIN. 25 the laws of the kingdom, those monarchs did not vfíiitura_lo^ CQiisiik. t^^ ; and although there was a law commanding that, on all affairs of importance, the sovereign should assemble the kingdom in^Cortes and proce.ed_according to its deliberation and counsel,^' yet Ferdinand and Isabella resolved to dis- regard that law, and everything else that interposed between them and their absolute desires, without caring wharihe Spanish nation might wish or say on the subject. The Cathohc Kings, in their anxiety to extend and increase the sovereign power, made justice subservient to their own convenience, and thereby incurred the just indignation of the world ; and yet, still, there was no attempt on the part of their subjects to vindicate the laws by recourse to arms. A great number of the people, many of them through violence, were induced to abjure the Mosaic religion ; and, of the rest, one hundred and seventy thousand departed from Spain. This grievous outrage against those of an adverse re- ligion, was regarded with indifference by those w^ho had men such as Torquemado for their masters. * By a law sanctioned and published in Medina del Campo in 1328, and in Madrid in 1329, it is provided : — TRANSLATION. Because in all the important afíairs of our kingdoms it is neces- sary to have the advice of our natural subjects, especially of the .deputies of our cities, towns, and places of our kingdoms ; to this end therefore we order and command that upon such important matters the Cortes may be assembled, and that the opinion of our three states of our kingdoms be taken accord- ing to the practice of our proge- nitors." " Por que en los hechos arduos de nuestros reynos es necesario el consejo de nuestros subditos natu- rales, especialmente de los pro- curadores de las nuestras cibdades y villas y lugares de los nuestros reynos, por ende ordenamos y mandamos que sobre los tales hechos grandes y arduos se hayan de juntar Cortes, y se faga consejo de los tres estados de nuestros reynos, según lo hicieron los reyes nuestros progenitores." — Law ii. ; Title vii. ; Book vi. of the Recopi- lación. 26 HISTORY OF RELIGIOUS INTOLERANCE IN SPAIN. 27 I During the war, maiiy of those Jews had assisted Isabella with large sums of money at a time when she was in want of everything for the maintenance of her army. But for them, indeed, she must have abandoned the enterprise of conquering Granada, or seen her soldiers perish of hunger. Despots are wont to look upon benefits as injuries, when those benefits are no longer required. The poor unhappy Jews, therefore, who had thus succoured their queen in the time of her distress, were recompensed by the edict of expulsion, and the loss of nearly all their property. The Pope admitted into Rome many of those Hebrew fugitives, and permitted them to dwell with their brethren in the pontifical states. He, however, in due time, con- ferred on Ferdinand and Isabella the title of " The Catholic Kings," doubtless for having shewn a desire to be more catholic than even Popes themselves, — at all events, so far as regarded their treatment of the Jewish This title was the reward which those two race. sovereigns received for the depopulation of Spain, and for the dishonour brought upon the gospel all over Europe, and even in Asia and Africa ; accompanied, as it was, by the just complaints of the victims persecuted in the name of a religion of peace and mercy. Too often those who violate the laws without being overtaken by punishment, go on from crime to crime heedless of either fear or shame for the consequences. Having obtained an easy victory over the Hebrews, the Catholic sovereigns next resolved that not an indi- vidual should continue in Spain whose opinions were not in accordance with their own in matters pertaining to the faith. Proud of their conquests, they imagined that, because they were conquerors, they had a right, not only to rule the cities and their inhabitants, but to be masters of the consciences of their new sub- jects. r' History furnishes but few examples of such folly. The repubUc and the imperium of Rome became great, because they never compelled the conquered to believe in the religion of the conquerors. They knew, at once, how to make a conquest, and how to maintain it in peace. ^ The Moors of Granada, as we have already stated in the first chapter, on surrendering to Ferdinand and Isabella, did so on condition that their religious liberty should be conceded to them — that no Mahometan should be constrained to embrace Christianity.''' Besides tliis, the Moors, being fearful that the sovereigns might punish the renegade Spaniards Uving with them in Granada, obtained for them also the like stipulations ; and, further- more, that neither they, their children, nor their descend- ants, should be molested on account of their religious opinions.f * Que sus Altezas y sus sucesores para siempre jamás dejaran vivir á todo el común, chicos y grandes, en su ley, y no les con- sentirán quitar sus mezquitas, &c. " Que nuigun moro ni mora serán apremiados á ser cristianos con- tra su voluntad." — Marmol. -- Historia del Rebelión del reí/no de Granada. t Que no se permitirá que nin- guna persona maltrate de obra ni palabra á los cristianos o cristi- anas que antes de estas capitula- ciones se hovieren vuelto Moros ; y que si algvm Moro tuviere alguna renegada por mujer, no será apre- TRANSLATION. That their Highnesses and theii- successors for ever, shall allow to live all the community, small and great, according to their law, and not permit them to be deprived of their mosques, &c. That no Moors, male or female, shall be urged to become Chris- tians against their will. That it shall not be permitted that any person shall maltreat by word or deed the Christians, male or female, who before these stipu- lations had become Moors again ; and that if any Moor should take a renegade for wife, she shall not i : y V. O 28 HISTORY OF The Catholic sovereigns took an oath to observe the terms of this treaty f but what oaths— what engage- ments—could be expected to bind those who had been a^stomed to consider their own will as superior to all laws ? There was a Franciscan friar who soon rose to be, not only Archbishop of Toledo, but a cardinal to boot. I aUude to friar Francisco Ximenes de Cisneros — a man of great learning, who, in order to carry out his ambitious projects, became devoted to the service of tyranny. -' ./-This man persuaded Ferdinand and Isabella that N^V^ '' ^^'^y ^^^^ ^nder no obligation to tolerate the Maho- ^^y metans; for that they and their children belonged to the Catholic Church, and, as such, she had a right to claim them.-j- miada, á ser Christiana contra su voluntad ... y lo mismo se enten- derá con los niños y niñas na- cidos de Christiana y Moro.— Marmol.— Historia already cited. *0s prometemos y juramos por nuestra palabra real, que podrá cada uno de vosotros, salir á labrar •sus heredades. . . y os mandaremos dejaren vuestra ley, &c.— Marmol. — Historia already cited. TRANSLATION. be urged to become a Christian ^P,?f* ^er will ... and the same shall be understood as to boys and girls born of Moor and Christian. We promise and swear to you by our royal word, that every one ot you shall have power to go out and work your estates .... and we shall order you to be left in the use of your own law, &c. \ t In the National Library there is (in Códice M l4'^^ o „ +• T^l Ferdinand the Cat.7olic and hii coundlTors^dis^ld und'r the allegory of a shepherd, some wolves, some mastiffs a da fl„„t cVdtrSrol*''^ ''""'^ ^--^ -^ - ^^^^'^^^^"^ " Traes un lobo rapaz En hábito de cordero, Que en son de poner en paz Nos muerde mas de ligero. A wolf, whose cravings never cease, Thou bring'st, in lamb's skin, to decoy ; But he, instead of making peace, Is swift to worry and destroy.' I RELTGIOITS INTOLERANCE IN SPAIN. 29 / A mere shadow of pretence is enough, in the mind / of a tyrant, to justify a breach of the law, or the viola- tion of an oath ; and to warrant him in establishing, on ^^he ruins of reason and justice, his own absolute will. " The Catholic Kings,'' therefore, did not sciniple to fol- low the counsels of the cardinal, Cisneros. Doubtless this friar also promised them, as a reward for such wicked services, rendered, as they believed, to God, not only eternal glory, but the earthly praises of future generations. Just as though those haughty tyrants, by their wicked deeds, could restrain the curses of an in- jured posteritj^, and hold the human mind and con- science in perpetual slavery. Cisneros, armed with royal powers, arrived at Granada, and began to persecute those persons who had renounced Christianity and were living in the practice of their own Mahometan rites. So flagrant a violation of treaties and oaths exasperated the rene- gade Spaniards and Moors. They flew to arms and opposed themselves to the cardinal's infamous pro- ceedings. These people were judged as seditious when, in truth, those only who were guilty of sedition were__ihe sove- reigns and ministers themselveSj^ in daringjbojó^^ ^^ iaith of solemn capitulations. A people which thus rises, to defend its privileges and pre-eminences, can- not be guilty of sedition ; because, in defending these, " En la cueva do yacia Raices crudas comia, y después se entró lamiendo, Y en tu ato está mordiendo Los mastines cada dia." As in his den, stretched out, he lay, The crudest roots were once his food; But to thy fold he forced his way, Where, e'en our mastiflfe, he doth slay ; And now he licks our very blood. f 30 HISTORY OF they are but defending the laws from being set at nought or abolished. Cisneros, notwithstanding the boldness of the Moors, did not swerve from his purpose ; on the contrary he' turned eren that to the account of the Catholic Kings He gave these to understand that, as the Moors had broken the treaty themselves, by the:r rebellion, the Christians were absolved from the compact. Ferdinand and Isabella commanded that the rene- gades and ancient Moors should immediately receive the water of baptism, forgetting that they themselves were the first to break the stipulated conditions. These sovereigns had indeed the power, by force of arms, to qualify those conditions, and they did so to their own profit, as they fooUshly beheved ; but, in effect, it was only a momentary triumph of their own vanity, and was, m truth, the origin of many disasters which were brought upon Spain. More than a century of disquietudes and wars fol- owed the execution of these orders of the Catholic Kings, and the policy of Cisneros.* Isabella was not mistress of herself, in spite of her great understanding ; for her fanaticism touched on the borders of madness. With strange infatuation, she grievously deplored a wounded conscience, for havino- assisted by her presence, at a bull-fight, witnessing the death of brutes ;t and yet, with complacency, she could give up the unfortunate Jews and Moors to be consumed ahve m the flames ! A poet of that time, moved with a zeal for the public **i?m:^-'^'^"'^'='*^'- ^^- ^^"90 HuHado de Mendoza : Guerra t ClemetKin—Elogio de Isabel la Católica. } RELIGIOUS INTOLERANCE IN SPAIN. 31 good, took occasion to advise Isabella to serve God, not by fastings and penances, nor by discontinuing the use of pillows and sleeping on the ground, nor by afflicting herself by wearing silicios,'^'' but in punishing the dehn- quents without miMure of cruelty ; and to leave the repeating of prayers in canonical hours to those who lived in monasteries ; and that, in order to the good government of the people, she ought to postpone those observances, inasmuch as the account which she would have to give to God, as a queen, would not be one of repeating prayers or enduring penances, but of the justice or injustice done by her whilst tlie government jwas in her hands.f It always happens that subjects, but especially^ííie clergy, nnitate the_defects_of their sovereignT] The ecclesiastics — believing that Isabella was much attached to devotion and to devoted persons, and being desirous of gaining her favour — began to feign, in the exterior of their conduct, if not all the virtues, at least the ■^ Shirts or girdles made of hair. t In the Ca7icionero General, compiled by Hernando del Castillo (Toledo, 1520) ; in the same (Toledo, 1527) ; and in the Cancioiiero de Anvers (1573) there is a work entitled Regimiento de Príncipes, in which its author, Gomez Manrique, says to Isabella the Catholic, that she might contrive to serve God, " No con muchas devociones Ayunos ni disciplinas, Con estremas devociones Saliendo de los colchones A dormir en las espinan No que vistades silicio. Ni hagades abstinencia. * * * * Al mayor de los mayores Con sacrificios plazibles La sangre de los nocibles Crueles y robadores. Esto le sacrificad Con gran deliberación ; Pero, señora, guardad No se mezcle crueldad Con la tal ejecución. El rezar de los Salterios Y el dezir de las horas Dejad á las rezadoras Que están en los monasterios * * * * Cá no vos demandarán Cuenta de lo que rezáis : Si no vos disciplináis. No vos lo preguntarán. De justicia si hicistes Despojada de pasión. Si los cidpados punistes Desto será la cuestión." í 32 HISTOHY OF RELIGIOUS INTOLERANCE IN SPAIN. 33 principal ones. Hypocrisy was substituted for trutli , religion was counterfeited b}^ fanaticism.*' Liberty of conscience was abolished, and even civil liberty received a mortal blow^ at the hands of " the Catholic Kings." They knew that Spahi required order and peace, and, with a view to her enjoying both, the disorders which had previously existed among the nobi- lity and the low^er people, as demonstrated in the streets and public squares, were transferred to the palace. In order that revolution might not endanger the state, the monarchs themselves became rebels. If in former times the will of many insurgents gave veneration to the laws and obtained victory in favour of the king, now the will of only one was to be held as superior to all rights (fueros) and to all subjects. There were three military orders in Castile, of which the national army was composed. The heads of these were denominated masters. To w^eaken the powder of the nobility, the Catholic Kings united to the crow^n the maestrazgos (grand masterships) of Alcantara, Calatrava, and Santiago. They fortified their jurisdiction and their power by perpetuating the corregidores (chief magis- trates) of the cities and towns, they multiplied the tribunals of justice, and extended the royal authority as * Lucio Marineo Siculo, in his book on the memorable things of Spain (1539), says : — " Lo ciial fué causa que muchos de los que hablaban poco y tenian los cabellos mas cortos que las cejas, comenzaron á traer los ojos bajos, mirando la tierra, y andar con mas gravedad y hacer mejor vida, simulando por ventura algu- nos mas la virtud que ejercitún- dolar TRANSLATION. Which was the cause of many of them speaking little, and having the hair cut as short as the eye- brows, they began to turn the eyes downwards, looking upon the ground and walking with more gravity and leading a better life. Some of them dissimulating virtue rather than practising it. i ^ far as the power of despotism could reach, but yet not quite so far as their ambitious desires extended. The name of the nobility has ahvays been odious to the people, whilst at the same time monarchs, who in opposition to the laws, have attempted to acquire abso- lute dominion, have found in the nobility not only ene- mies of tyranny, but zealous defenders of the rights of the people. It was the nobility who compelled King John, Lack-land, to sign Magna Gharta, the foundation of English liberty : it was the nobility who, in Flanders, opposed, resolutely, the inquisitorial power of Spain : it was the nobiUty who founded the republic of Holland, preferring to be clad in the meanest attire, or even to perish in the field of battle, rather than Kve in luxury and opulence but in slavery of conscience : it was, in fine, the nobihty who, in Arragon, dared to oppose, though with infehcitous success, the power of Philip II, by taking up arms against him in defence of the rights and privileges of that ancient kingdom. The Spanish nobihty, in the middle ages, never opposed itself to the liberties of the people, as is generally sup- posed by men who judge the events related in our ancient history by the events which have occurred in a neighbour- ing nation. Even in times when the power of feudalism in Spain was at its height, the vassals had the right of meeting in the juntas called behetrías, and by common consent, if they were not able to tolerate the yoke of their lord, to put themselves under the dominion of another who might rule over them with more reason and justice. In Arragon the nobles, through the plebeians, and the plebeians through the nobles, enjoyed great immu- nities and franchises. The Cortes of that kingdom was D 34 HISTORY OF composed of the nobility, of the clergy, and of the yeo- manry. All had a voice and a vote in defence of their interests, and in framing the laws of their country. The Arragonese government was a mixture of mon- archy, aristocracy, and democracy. None of these pre- dominated, but both noble and plebeian were subject to the law of suffering, in the tribunals, the severe test ot being put to the torture ; and, if under the power of the king^s judges, they suffered any wrong, they found at once a remedy in the fuero de la manifestación, by which the Justicia mayor took sole cognizance of the cause, and the injured culprit succeeded in obtaining the pro- tection of the laws, the benignity of a magistrate without pride or passion, and consequently a less rigorous sentence. In this way, the plebeians had, in Arragon, almost as many political rights as the nobles ; for the former saw in the acquisition and faithful observance of fueros by both, the well-being of their country, and the most firm defence against that spirit of pride and despotism which is wont to menace a free people. The wealthy and powerful nobles in Castile were designated by the title of lords, or seiiores : those of more moderate fortune, were styled knights, or caballeros. The former answered to the Roman patricians, and the latter corresponded with the equestrian order, introduced by Romulus. It may truly be said that the ancient Spanish knights, or caballeros, if we consider their great number and their circumstances, composed what, now-a-days, we call the middle class. On the occasions of cities being conquered and taken from the Moors, the kings were wont to grant their royal letters to the inhabitants, RELIGIOUS INTOLERANCE IN SPAIN. 35 whereby these obtained the title of caballeros. When Ferdinand III. took Seville, he made nobles of those Hving near the suburbs, who, on account of their ex- emptions and liberties, were called francos. Each community, each ayuntamiento,* each council, enjoyed great privileges; so that the dwellers in the cities, towns, and villages, could not be charged with greater burdens than such as were sanctioned by the authority of the population ; true contracts between the monarch and his subjects. From the time of Don Alonso X. the sovereigns were desirous of diminishing, in Castile, the liberties of the country, under the false colour of equalising the laws. The attempt to destroy the power by which the people defended themselves was begun by Don John 11, who endeavoured to corrupt the office of procurador or deputy in the Cortes, elected by the councils. He cor- rupted the municipal troops, delivering them over to the command of those who offered most money for them, and converted Castile into a sort of pubhc mint for making and disposing of the most important offices. With greater insolence, he dared to reserve to the crown the nomination of the procuradores, or deputies, when- ever he saw fit ; by which means the monarch had the faculty of appointing, at pleasure, the representatives of the people ! The nobility has, as I before stated, always been opposed to despotism. It has for many centuries hu- miliated the arrogance of kings, and on many occasions * A provincial assembly, or town-council. D 2 36 HISTORY OF manifested itself to be. a lover of the well-being and liberties of the people."^^ The Catholic Kings, pandering to the passions of the vulgar, who are generally on bad terms with the rich and the intelligent, began by degrees to destroy the power of the nobles and gentry of Castile. The plebeians did not perceive that absolutism was marchmg agamst both great and small, and overthrowing all power which might be Ukely to oppose it. Thus it has ever been. The Roman nobility, in defend- ing their own rights, secured also the liberties of the people, by whose support they were enabled to contend with the C^sars, who were sustained by the prsetorian troops. But it is remarkable that the plebeians, blinded by the false hope of seeing the power of the nobles destroyed, assisted in exterminating the patriots of their country. Under the rule of the nobility, the plebeians were admitted, through the medium of the tribunes and leave of the assembly, to take a part in the government Bishop of Burgos, says, in 1444, in the library of the Escurial) :— TRANSI^VTION. The republic does not protect those who do not serve their king, nor do those serve their king who injure the people ... he does not guard the body of men who wounds the head, nor would he guard well the head who wounds the body, for all the members are united together. The Marquis de SantUlana, in his Proverbs, says :— « Antepon la libertad batalloso Prefer a war-bought liberty á servitud vergonzosa. to a shameful slavery. * Don Alonso de Cartagena, to the Marquis de Santillana (MS. * Non guarda la república quien desirve á su rey, nin sirve á su rey quien daña al pueblo ... que non guarda bien el cuerpo del hombre quien le fiere en la cabeza, nin le guardarla bien la cabeza quien le firiese en el cuerpo, cá todos los miembros son coligados.''' \ O que bien murió Catón, si permitiese nuestra ley y consintiese tal razón !" O 'tis well that Cato died if thoughts like this our laws permit and sanction ! RELIGIOUS INTOLERANCE IN SPAIN. 37 of the republic. Under the yoke of the emperors, these assemblies, the foundations of popular rights, were abolished, and the power incident to the tribune was usurped by the same imperial hand which was almost idolised by the people. In the course of time, that sanguinary rehgious persecution, which at first had been directed exclu- sively against the Jews and the Moors, began to extend itself to the Christians. Antonio de Lebrija, a wise and learned man, remarkable for his intimate acquaint- ance with the oriental languages, thought fit to correct several errors which he had found in some copies of the vulgate translation of the Bible ; errors resulting, pro- bably, from mere carelessness on the part of the copyists. No sooner had the fruits of his labours appeared, than certain divines denounced the author to the Inquisition for, what they were pleased to call, this sacrilege. The object of those divines was not so much to reprove the labours of Lebrija, as to dismay him by persecution, in order that he might not dare to write anything relating to matters of the faith.* The envious have often per- secuted the learned as delinquents against rehgion, and have even awarded to them the punishment provided for sacrilege. Thus, through envy, Anaxagoras was branded with impiety, and died in exile. For the like cause Socrates was poisoned at Athens. The Inquisition had not yet acquired sufiicient power to oppress Christians. This was the first step which it took to chp the wings of philosophy, and keep the mind in a state of thraldom. The tribunal, therefore, was * Non tam ut probaret improbaretve, quam ut auctorem á scri- bendi studio revocaret. — Antonius Nebrissa. — Apologia. 38 HISTORY OF content with consigning the manuscripts of Lebrija to the flames. " It is not enough," says this wise man, " that out of obsequiousness to the faith, 1 must hold captive my understanding ; but I must even be con- strained to consider as false that which I plainly discern and believe to be true. What species of slavery must that be which prohibits me saying what I feel respectmg things which have nothing to do with Chnstian piety ^ To speak did I say ^ Nay, to write, or even to think my own thoughts within the walls of my own dwellmg!' * Thus commenced, in Spain, the persecution of reason and conscience, while the light of philosophy, assisted by the divine art of printing, was diffusing itself over the world. ... On the death of Queen Isabella, the Inqmsition sig- nalled out a new victim in the person of the Archbishop of Granada, Don Hernando de Talavera, a sage much favored by that sovereign. Talavera, at the age of eighty years, was proceeded against by the Holy Office, in consequence of his havmg opposed the establishment of that tribunal, first in Castile, and then in the kingdom of Granada. Fanaticism is ever wakeful ; when unable to execute its vengeance, it waits the change of time and circumstances. In the midst of his tribulation, Talavera wrote to King Ferdinand a letter, complaining of the way in which he now saw himself abandoned, and of the out- rages which his rivals were preparing to inflict upon him. He accused the monarch with his persecution, * An mihi non sit satis in iis quae mi|ji . ^eligió <^r«d^^da pro- T^nnit o-iT)tivae inteUectum in obseqiuum Christi, &c. .... ^juae numTaerservUus est ... . quae te non sinat, pietate salva ibere SeTen'a^ dTcIre ? Quid diceri Í Immo nee intra pañetes latitans scribere . . . aiit . . . cogiitive.-^Nebnssa.- Apologia. RELIGIOUS INTOLERANCE IN SPAIN. 39 and the indiñ*erence with which the latter regarded the proceedings that had been so scandalously instituted against him. " Through neglect," says he, " of my king and my lord, of my son and my angel, the King Don Ferdinand ; and I say through neglect, because I cannot bring my- self to conclude that it is through malice .... al- though all who open their hps about it say the contrary. But I rather wish to be thought a fool, and to be one than .... beheve any such thing. It is true there has been very great neglect, and this has afforded ground for imputing all to anger and mahce. " I know not what excuse your highness may be able to give to God, who has been and still is, oflended by such neglect ; and so are all the people, from the least to the greatest, and from the enemy to the friend, all are much scandahzed. Your Highness will have to per- form miracles, ere they can love and esteem you as at first ; and as I, in my conscience, feel that you ought to be loved and esteemed ; and as I, though you may kill me, do love and esteem you. my king, my lord ; God forgive you. Amen, that ever you should consent to have such a stain on your glorious reputation! • • • • Oh, unwary sovereign, you are greatly deceived and in- jured by bad servants and bad company ! Oh ! idle, and, therefore, disliked and disparaged, king, for not taking the trouble to see and examine for yourself that something on which a pretext is founded . . . For then, they say, your Highness would remedy the matter by entreating the Inquisition to place itself under the Most Reverend the Archbishop of Toledo ... I ought to know it, in order to purge my innocence, and to go out to meet the wolf at his encounter, as did my Redeemer those who 40 HISTORY OF came to take him : of which innocence I have for my principal witness . . your own royal person, let them say what they please. Let them say of you in heaven, what I desire that they may say of you on earth ; princes have need of a good reputation on earth, in order to obtain the glory of heaven .... From Granada, 28 January, 1505/'* The persecution of the venerable Talavera is one of the greatest stains on the character of Ferdinand the Catholic ; and the letter of the archbishop is proof of the energy of which an octogenarian was capable, when falsehood, envy, and perversity conspired against his dignity and his innocence. Those who in the person of Lebrija persecuted learning, intended, in the person of Talavera, to persecute virtue and a zeal for the public good. At the end of three years of outrages, after being stained with the charge of heresy, and witnessing the persecution of all his relations and friends, this vene- rable prelate was absolved by the Pope. He was a man superior to the age in which he lived, and survived the sentence but a short time. Nor could he, in descending to the tomb, be much comforted by the proclamation of his innocence, seeing that he was leaving his country in the hands of his persecutors. Ferdinand was at last obliged to abandon Castile ; he was almost expelled. His daughter Doña Juana, who was married to the Archduke of Austria, Phihp I., ascended the throne. On the king's return to his own states of Arragon, he was received every where with proofs of the hatred with which he was regarded. * These fragments of a hitherto unpublished letter, so curious and notable, are copied from the Códice G. G. 96, of the National Library. RELIGIOUS INTOLERANCE IN SPAIN. 41 Whilst he could command force, that force was re- spected ; but that lost, he was looked upon by the Castillians as a vile and despicable tyrant. They refused in the cities and towns, even to lodge him.* Nay, such was the indignation of the people, that their very gates were closed against him. Philip I., a prince not accustomed to assist in the horrors of Spain, received with great humanity the complaints of those who suffered under the yoke of the ministers of the Holy Office, and he suspended the inqui- sitorial jurisdiction of the Archbishop of Seville and that of his council." This king prepared the way to abolish the tribunal of the faith, and free the Spanish nation from its power ; but death intercepted his design a very few months after the commencement of his reign, and in the very spring- tide of his existence. The flatterers of the Inquisition attributed his untimely death to a chastisement from heaven. t I attribute it to the vengeance of men. J * Zurita^ in his life of this kingy says that he was driven from the kingdoms of Castile so ignominiously, and so persecuted, that — TRANSLATION. " Algunos pueblos, por donde él Some of the towns through pasaba se usó de tanta descortesía which he passed, treated him with y villanía que le cerraron las so much discourtesy and rudeness, puertas y no le quisieron recibir that they closed the gates against en ellos." himand refused him admittance. t Zurita, in his book already cited, says : — " Se attribuyó comunmente al It was commonly attributed as juicio de Dios . . . que tratan- a judgment from God ... for dose las causas y negocios de la fó meddling with things concerning . . . con tanta irreverencia . . . the faith . . . with such irreve- aquel gobierno se acabase en tan rence . . . that his reign was so breves dias " short. X Sancho Cota, in his Memorias de Carlos F., (MS. which is in the possession of my erudite friend Don Pascual de Gayangos,) says : — " El Emperador (Maximiliano), The Emperor (Maximilian) did no estimó tanto las cosas de Cas- not like things in Castile, and 42 HISTORY OF The king, Ferdinand, owing to the insanity of his daughter Doña Juana, returned to Castile as regent named in the will of his wife, in the event of that insanity which happened. His entry into this kingdom was with all pomp, in which he made his new ccnsort, Germana de Fox, participate. He sought to revenge former offences by compelhng the people to acknowledge this lady, (who was not queen of Castile,) and receive her with the same respect and public honours as were shown to Isabella by the cities in her own dominions. ^ To such a wretched condition does a nation arrive under the perpetration of continued outrages, that it loses, by degrees, its love of civil liberty. In the kingdoms of Don John II. and Henry IV., so great were those outrages, and so prostrated the royal dignity, that the greater part of the Castillians w^ere divided into parties, some maintaining one tiling and some another, like the English in the time of their Charles L, or the French' in the time of Louis XVI.t TRANSLATION. tilla, en especial por que creía especially because he believed they que \ahian muerto con ponzoTia el had poisoned King Philip''' rey don Felipe." * Sancho Cota in his MS. Memorias^ cited in the preceding note, says : — " Que la gobernación del rey pesava á muchos en Castilla, asi cavalleros y señores, como a cib- dadanos é á otras gentes que decian haber fecho grandes agi-avios . . . trayendo consigo á la reyua Ger- mana, su muger por los mismos lugares y con tanto triumfo como á la reyna doña Isabel." That the king's rule was heavy upon many in Castile, as well lords and knights, as citizens and other people who complained of having suffered great wrongs . . . bring- ing the queen Germana, his wife with him, through the same towns, and with the same pomp aa he had caused to be shown to Queen Isabella. t As a proof of the manner of thinking touching political liberty and the royal power m the time of H^ry IV. and the beginning of IsabeUa's reign, only read what Fray Pedro de Rozas says m his MS. Repertorio, already cited : — « Decidme agora, reyes de la Tell me now, ye kmgs of the tierra . . . amigos de soberbia, com- earth . . . friends of the proud I KELIGIOUS INTOLERANCE IN SPAIN. 43 In order to the security of his power, the king wished • to strengthen the Holy Office. He named as Inquisitor- general Cisneros, then Archbishop of Toledo, who had always condemned the proceedings of that tribunal against illustrious persons, and among these Lebrija and Talayera. It happened with him, however, as with all ambitious aspirants for power : they show themselves enemies to the very thing which is the object of their ambition ; but that once attained, they do not hesitate to burn cities and stain the country with blood in de- fence of the same systems they formerly disapproved. Cisneros was opposed to the proposition that the royal authority should be taken away from the Inquisitors, and that in causes of the faith, the names of the wit- nesses should be published in order to destroy the iniqui- tous mystery of secret denouncements of persons to that tribunal.''^ The Holy Office was thus secured in Spain. pañeros de la cobdicia, padrastros de la humildad, contrarios de la razón, cuya libertad es cautiverio, cuya señorío servidumbre, cuya grandeza congoja, cuyo poder per- secución, [De qual buena andanza os podéis alabar ] ¿ De qual pros- peridad presumir, cuando ni el retrete vos descansa ? . . . ¿ De qual singular excelencia vos place ser coronados ? ¿ De qual re- nombre mas digno queréis aver perfección, quando ni, siendo ma- yores, gobernáis á vosotros, ni regie vuestros pueblos, ni siendo señores, procuráis libertad, ni la dais á ninguno ? Basté, pues, saber de vosotros, quanto mas grandes mas sojuzgados, ó quanto mas altos mas abatidos. TRANSLATION. companions of the covetous, step- fathers of humility, opponents of reason, whose liberty is captivity, whose sway is slavery, whose grandeur is anguish, whose power persecution ; for what good action can you praise yourselves 1 On what prosperity can you presume, when even the retirement of the closet does not aiford you repose ? . . . For what singular excellency does it please you to be crowned ? To what greater renown or per- fection do you wish to attain, when, being superior to all, you neither govern yourselves nor ride your subjects ; and, being lords, you neither procure your own liberty nor give it to any 07ie? Enough, then, to know of you, that when greatest you are least, and when most elevated you are most abased. / « * Quintanilla. — Vida del Cardenal Cisneros. í" 44 HISTORY OF RELIGIOUS INTOLERANCE IN SPAIN. 45 This friar, by all the means in his power, endeavoured to abohsh every remaining vestige of civil and religious liberty. Cisneros, who from the humble, habit of San Fran- cisco reached the mitre of Archbishop of Toledo, (the primacy of all Spain,) and even the cardinals purple, as well as the insignia of Inquisitor-general, followed in the track of almost all those who, from the fisherman's hut, the shepherd's cabin, or the artisan's shop,by their superior intelligence, ascend to the occupation of the most im- portant posts in the state. Proud at having attained that eminence which but few attain, they become inflated with their position and an assumed superiority of mind ; they imagine that they are entitled to receive homage from their inferiors, who can never rise like them to play such lofty parts in the theatre of the world. Such persons are instinctively qualified to become the allies of despots, when they themselves cannot exercise absolute dominion over their fellow-men. Among the many examples which history offers in confirmation of tliis truth is found that of the Cardinal Francisco Ximenez de Cisneros. CHAPTEE III. Ferdinand V. in prospect of death— His will— Intrigues of Cisneros— His comparison of his own translation of the Bible with the Greek and the Vulgate— His oppressive acts— Militia— Charles I. compels him to retire to Toledo — Charles covets the German crown— Goes in quest of it — Revolt of nobility and democracy — They demand to be more fitly represented m Cortes— Attempt to recover lost liberties- Prepare heads of a constitution —Are overthrown — General pardon — Charles, now emperor, makes Spain subservient to his ambition The Pope's alliance with Francis I.— The Duke of Bourbon's conduct in Rome to Clement and the clergy— Charles' clemency to the Pope — Diego Hurtado de Mendoza's anonymous memorials to Charles Review of Charles' clemency in liberating Clement without taking away his temporal power- Reflection on the Popes— Their limited dominions— ability to extend them compared with that of Sparta, Greece, Macedonia, France, Castile and England —Charles asks Clement to crown him — Napoleon followed his example — Pope Pius IV. — Reflections on the Reformation. Ferdinand V., as the end of his existence approached, resembled the greatest despots that ever lived. Tiberiis of Rome, and Louis of France, accustomed to absolute dominion, imagined that, by the mere exercise of their will, they could prolong Hfe, at the very time when it was about to terminate. The Catholic King, by a testament which he directed to be prepared, left the government to his second grand- son, the Infante Don Ferdinand, during the absence of Carlos, the eldest son of Doña Juana the lunatic, and then residing in Flanders. This being known to the Cardinal Ximenes Cisneros and his friends, they became desirous of working upon 4^ 46 HISTORY OF RELIGIOUS INTOLERANCE IN SPAIN. the conscience of the dying man, and thereby pre- venting the government from falHng into the hands of the Infante. But their first difficulty was in making the king behove that the end of his earthly career'' was really approaching. The confessor wished to see the monarch on his knees before him asking absolution from his sins, and for this purpose had recourse to every ex- pedient. Ferdinand was firm. He refused to have any conversation with the confessor ; knowing '' that he came to him more with a view of negotiating state affairs than of discharging his conscience."^ The king's pertinacity did not long continue. The strength of his understanding began to fail, and he seemed to be on the very brink of the grave. It is not difficult to draw from a dying man, when his faculties are impaired, any thing that is desired ; nor to make him speak and act as he would not do whilst in the fiill enjoyment of his mental powers. Ferdinand confessed ; and the result of that, confession was, that he called his narrators to his council, f The PathnlToT^ Galindezde Carvajal, a councillor and chamberlain of the ii ^ Kings^in his //..^ona de lo Sucedido después de la Muerte de donFernando,MS. m the possession of my friend Señor Gayangos, says :- \Mn^7}^Atu7 '^ ^'''•riga- The king being at Madrigalejo, i%:¿¿ ^ entender que was given to understand that be estaba rnuy cercaiio á la muerte ... was near his death . . . wished nei- no quena ver ni llamar á su con- ther to see nor to call his confes- iSt JV r n*° "^"^ "'^"°''' T"^' ■■■ ^°'- ; ^t l«^t. ^«-7 seldom . .when Me) lo procuro ; pero el rey le the latter contrived to get an in- mi .1 fi «Í d'ciendo que venia terview; but the king sent hn°, X Z !^/'/'^''''''!" T""""- ^^^y- ^yi°g tl^at he "came more ales, que entender en el descargo with the object of negotiating ie de sa conciencia." presenting, petitions, than K^ charge his conscience, out 1I,«K «Í* confession resultó And the result of confession was, s^ rekwt ^* P""^'" rT^ ■"'i' \'^^ ^^"^ *""' doctor Carvaial, 47 extreme youth of the Infante was discussed, and it was considered that the charge of governing, during the absence of Carlos from the kingdoms, ought to devolve on some person of practical experience in the business of the state. One of the council suggested Friar Francisco Ximenes de Cisneros ; but the king not only heard the proposal with displeasure, but intimated that It was not proper to leave the government in the hands of an archbishop and an inquisitor. At last, however these auhcs overcame the King's scruples, and he ceded to their wishes.""" Although a dying man may have very little energy oi mmd to msist on his own wiU, in consequence of the tear of death ; yet, in that hour he is undeceived He knows perfectly well his own errors, and he remembers the accomplices of his crimes. The regard which Fer- dmand bore towards Cisneros for services rendered in carrymg out his tyrannical acts, was changed, at the hour of death, into fear of leaving power in the hands of a man who had already used it so much to the iniurv 01 the nation. "^ During the government of Cisneros, he ruled by iorce, and not according to the laws of Castile. * "Fué nombrado por uno del CardinJ1^^'';^''T- • consejo que allí estaba el Cardenal menes riwsho^'-ofTnf r ^'■ don Fr. Francisco Ximenes Arzo- nam¡5 f-'^<^"'"S"í'P «í Toledo, was bispo de Toledo, yl^so^Jf^iA TT,Í ^ °°*' f- *^* •=°""«" ^ho que^nohabiaesteibifne^lTeyen kZtl%''''f "T^^iately the . ^-WrtZ^lil^t:.^^'lít^^'':^^^Y^ eulogise Cisneros, Catholic Kins But Cl> i» /L .attested by a servant of the has been wrTtfen. ' *^' ^^^ '" "^'"^ "'^ '"«t^^y of Spain i 48 HISTORY OF The man who had opposed the translation of the Bible into Arabic, lest the Moors, who had been con- verted to the Christian faith solely by coercion, might know something of the foundations on which it rested, wished everybody to follow his orders, without seeking for causes, or enquiring whether those orders were founded in reason or just ice. "^^^ Whatever measure he projected as beneficial to his country was, if not in itself absolutely injurious, yet in consequence of some extravagant condition or other annexed to it, ren- dered of no useful effect. Intending to publish an edition of the Bible in various languages, he assembled a number of wise men, collected a great many manu- scripts, and purposed that their labours should serve to form a monument to his own glory. But these labours (as is generally believed by the wise men of Europe) went to corrupt the Greek and Hebrew texts, in an attempt to make them correspond with the vulgate. Cisneros compares the \nilgate, which neither followed the Greek nor the Hebrew Bibles, and was printed in his book between the two, to Jesus Christ crucified * Cipriano de Valera, in the preface to his edition of the Bible in the Spanish language, says : — " Para que . . . estos moros recien convertidos, fuesen bien instruidos en la religion cristiana, el primer Arzobispo de Granada . . . fué de parecer, que la sagrada escritura se trasladase en lengua arábiga . . . A este tan pió intento se opuso Fray Francisco X imenes, Arzo- bispo de Toledo .... y así se im- pidió la traslación que tanto bien hubiera hecho á aquellos pobres é ignorantes Moriscos." TRANSLATION. In order that .... those Moors, recently converted, might be well instructed in the Christian re- ligion, the first Archbishop of Gra- nada .... was of opinion that the sacred scripture ought to be trans- lated into the Arabic tongue. . . . This pious attempt Friar Fran- cisco Ximenes, Archbishop of To- ledo, opposed .... and thus was frustrated the design of that trans- lation, which would have done so much good to those poor and ignorant Moors. RELIGIOUS INTOLERANCE IN SPAIN. 49 between two thieves.''^ Such were the eflPects of the fanatical madness by which Cisneros was actuated. He soon began to dispossess the grandees of Castile of the property given them by the CathoHc Sovereigns as a reward for their services ; and this he did under the pretext that such property pertained to the crown, and that those Sovereigns could not bestow more than its usufructs. The grandees resisted, and even demanded to know by what authority he was proceeding thus reso- lutely in so hard a case. The answer of Cisneros was significant enough : he merely pointed to some pieces of cannon and some troops which happened at the moment to be in the square in front of his palace. His intention was evidently to put down a class which had in its own hands the power of opposing his arbitrary will.f The Cardinal's next step was to arm a permanent militia, under a behef that the lower orders of the people would assist him m his oppression, although he pretended that by such a force he was only anxious to * As I do not wish that, on perusal of this extravagant comparison of Cisneros, I should be accused, by fanatics, of calumny, I ffive the very words of the Cardinal, from the preface to the polyglot :~AIediam autem inter has latinam Beati Hieronymi trandationem vdut ITr symigogam et orientalem ecclesiam posuimus : tamquam duoshinc et inde cXc'^r» ''''^^'^ ^^"""^ ^'''' ^^ romanara sive latinam ecdesiam t As a proof that the nobles of the sixteenth century made the cause oí the people their own, m order to oppose tyranny, let us read the words v7r. ^l^F Hurtado de Mendoza, an author related to many of the nobüity of Spain, m his Diálogo entre Caronte y d áninia de Pedro Luis Farmsio.hijo de Papa Paulo IIL, MS., of which there are various copies m the national library :— vaiiouh « T • J- . , , , , TRANSLATION. La indignación del pueblo mal- The indignation of an ill treated tratado pone armas en la mano del people puts arms into the hands «^; , , of the noble. tl clamor de la injuria del The clamour of the people's pueblo despierta é incita á la ven- wi-ongs rouses the soul of the ganza el ánimo del noble." noble and incites it to vengeance. E 50 HISTORY OF RELIGIOUS INTOLERANCE IN SPAIN. 51 protect the monarchs from being oppressed by the nobles; but his attempt was abortive. The lower orders rose against that very species of slavery under which the Cardinal wanted to bring them, and, seeing this, he was obliged to cede the point, in spite of his pride, before the orders of the sovereign who com- manded the suspension of a project which w^as much reprobated by all classes.* When Charles I. came to Spain, Cisneros received, from the hand of despotism, the proper punishment for his own despotical acts. He imagined that because he had taken a part in the government of Spain, during the reign of the Catholic Kings, he would therefore under the new sovereign, continue to domineer over the Spanish nation ; but he was deceived. Charles wrote a letter desiring to see him, and to learn from his ow^n lips the state of affairs, requesting also that he might afterwards betake himself to his own episcopal palace in Toledo. This contempt was unexpected. It was not w^hat the Cardinal was accustomed to. His mind was much disquieted, for he was unable to endure the thought of being deprived of the government. To a person whose will, for so many years, had been respected as law, from the royal citadels even to the shepherd's hut, it was painful to contemplate his future condition. He who had commanded with kingly authority, was now to sub- mit to be commanded. Despots like Cisneros, in con- * Galindez de Carvajal, in the MS. before cited, says that Cisneros :-— "A las veces erraba los nego- cios por que no iba por medios derechos : antes creia que como una cosa él concebia, que así avia sin remedio de ser producida." TRANSLATION. At times he entangled affairs be- cause he did not proceed by the right means : on the contrary, he believed that as he conceived a thing to be, so it accordingly, and with- out fail, was to be produced. I templating their loss of power, have a constant dread that the enemies and victims who have outlived their domination will rejoice in their fall, and seek to be revenged for past offences. Never was the valour of Sylla duly appreciated, until it was known that he had aban- doned the dictatorship, and had the courage to live as a plain citizen among the families and friends of those great men, whom he had persecuted in the days of his power. Charles I., as a sovereign, did not depart from the ways of his forefathers. He, like them, persisted in governing against the laws. Covetous of the crown of the German Empire, he set out precipitately from Spain in search of it, leaving his own kingdoms to be governed by strangers. The grandees, hidalgos, and plebeians, in many parts, rose in rebelHon, not being willing any longer to tolerate his infamous yoke. They formed the project of a con- stitution, in which it was provided that each royal towTi might send to assist in the Cortes, two procuradors, or deputies, the one a hidalgo, and the other an operative ; and that none of these should receive any salary from the King ; that in case of the absence, minority, or insanity, of the Sovereign, the Cortes should appoint a regent ; that the Sovereign should not have the appoint- ment of the magistrates, but select them from those that, every three years, should be returned by the cities and towns for that purpose ; and that there should always be two elected, the one a hidalgo, the other a working man, in order that the government might be divided between the two states of the people"; and finally, and more important than all the rest, it was insisted that the King should swear to observe all these things, and authorise his subjects to contradict and E 2 52 HISTORY OF oppose him, without being chargeable with treason, in case he should fail to comply with the laws.* The Spaniards were thus desirous of recovering the political liberty which they had lost during the slavery to which they had been doomed under the Cathohc kings and the Cardinal Ximenes Cisneros. Nearly all the heads of this constitution were formed with a view of destroying the works of these arbitrary governors. Out of the triumphs of political liberty would have sprung religious tolerance ; but some of the grandees and gentry, alarmed at the rising of the plebeians against the nobihty in some cities, went over to the band of those who took the part of Charles. . The populace in Mallorca and Valencia wished to obtain all, at once, and not share the government with the lords, but to deprive them of their dignities. Often has ambition, on the part of the populace, served the cause of despotism * Proyecto de la constitución de la Junta de las comunidades de Castilla. (Yalladolid 1842) taken from a MS. of the archive of Simancas, by the erudite don Luis Usoz y Rio, a friend of the author of the present history. The clause containing the royal oath is most remarkable : thus — TRANSLATION. "Que cada é cuando alguno That each, and whenever anyone uviere de susceder en el reyno, shall have to succeed to the king- antes que sea rescebido por rey, dom, before being received as jure de cumplir é guardar todos king, shall swear to fulfil and keep estos capitulos é confiese que all those chapters, and confess rescibe el reino con estas condi- that he receives the kingdoms clones, é que si fuere contra ellas upon those conditions, and that if que los del reino se lo puedan he acts contrary to them, those of contradecir é defender sin caer the kingdom shall be at liberty to por ello en pena de aleve ni contradict and oppose him without, traición : é que ningún alcaide le on that account, falling under trea- entregue fortaleza ninguna sin que son or the least treachery; and that le muestre por testimonio como no governor shall deliver to him ha jurado estas condiciones ante any fortress, unless it be shewn to los procuradores del reino, é sin him by evidence, that he has sworn que uno de los mismos procura- to these conditions before the de- dores vaya é se lo diga en persona puties of the kingdom, and unless como lo ha jurado " &c. one of these same deputies shall go and state, in person, that he has so sworn, «Smí, RELIGIOUS INTOLERANCE IN SPAIN. 53 when attempting to curtail its power. Liberty is apt to fight against itself, and in the name of liberty to give a license for indulging the worst of passions. The Castillians, as well patricians as plebeians, who fought mutually for their franchises, were conquered, and their leaders were beheaded. The Valencians who most firmly resisted, took up a position in front of their numerous enemies. The chief of the Mallorquines, Juan Oldon Colon, who surrendered the city of Palma on honourable terms, went over on the faith of these, with safe conduct, to see Charles I., who in a sealed letter gave him an order for the viceroy. Colon, in con- sequence of that letter, was taken prisoner, and after having been exhibited in triumph to the people, who loved him, was torn to pieces, aHve, with pincers, by the executioner of the King, in the same streets and squares that, a short time before, had resounded with the joyful acclamations of the Mallorquines. The perfidy and ferocity of Charles did not stop here. Grandees, knights, and many of the principal gentry of Castile were deca- pitated under the axe of the executioner. Satiated with vengeance, and knowing it was not reasonable to kill every body in Castile, he published a letter with the title of perdon-general, in which he con- fined the penalty to more than three hundred persons who having left the kingdom were beyond the reach of punishment, but were to suffer whenever they should set foot on the Spanish territory. A generous people having thus been enslaved, Charles thought of nothing short of converting Spain into a mere colony of the German empire, the crown of which had now been adjudged to him by the electors. During his long life he only regarded Spain as a source 54 HISTORY OF from which to draw the necessary supplies of men and money to sustain those wars which liis ambition pro- moted in Europe, Asia, and Africa, and with a view to defend himself against the French monarch, against the orand Turk, and against the Pope, all of whom were in league against him. What signified to Spaniards the struggles of Charles with German princes ? Of what importance was the preservation of the feudal rights of the empire, that Spaniards were to shed their blood in battles, and groan under tributes on that account ? The vanity of having a powerful emperor for king, was, doubtless, considered enough to outweigh the consideration of the disasters which might be brought upon them by useless pomp and perishing greatness/' * The celebrated Garcilaso de la Vega, an officer who in the flower of his youth, lost his life hi the service of Charles in Italy,t said to the Duke of Alba with reference to these vain conquests— TRANSLATION. " To many, oh how many, will be lost " Home, son, wife, memory, undistracted brain, " And fortune un-incumbered ! of this cost " What rich returns, what vestiges remain 1 " Fortmie ? 'tis nought ; fame ¡ glory I victory ? gain ? " Distinction i wouldst thou know, our history read ; " Thou wilt there find that our fatigue and pain, " Like dust upon the wind, is driven with speed, " Long e'er our bright designs suc- cessfully proceed." J. n. WIFFEN. I qnd se saca de aquesto I ¿ Algu- na gloria, algimos premios ó agradecimien- tos ? Sabrálo quien leyere nuestra his- toria : veráse alU que como polvo al viento así se deshará nuestra fatiga, ante quien se endereza nuestro intento. Elegía al Buque de Alba. See also what is said on the same subject by the erudite modern editor of a book entitled La imagen del Ante-Cristo. t The respected author, Señor de Castro, is in error here. Garcilaso did not lose his life in Italy. He was killed in an escalade of the (^i^tleof Muv, near Frejus, in the south of France, on the retreat ot RELIGIOUS INTOLERANCE IN SPAIN. 55 The Popes, who were coveting possession of the kingdom of Naples, with a view of extending the domi- nions of the church, had no objection, in order to expel the Spaniards from Italy, to enter into an alliance with Francis I. of France, and to divide with him the spoils of the conquered. Charles had shown himself to be a powerful protector of the authority of the Roman Pontiff, against the doctrine of free examination, which Luther was preaching in Germany, and in which he was followed by many wise men in other nations of Europe, and Clement VII. beheved that the anger of the emperor, though great on losing his cities and kingdoms which he held in Italy, would cede to anathemas. He remembered that Frederic Barbarroja, another emperor, wrestled also with Rome, but that, by her excommu- nications, she conquered him, and ultimately set her foot upon his neck in the Cathedral of Venice. Henry VIII. of England had not yet refused obedience to the Popes. But Clement knew not the natural disposition of the Duke of Bourbon, the commander-in-chief of Charles's army in Italy, a man most ardent in his military enter- prises. Without previous orders from the emperor, Bourbon began the assault of Rome, and although he himself was slain, his troops entered the city as con- querors. The Spaniards and Germans, composing the greater part of this army, manifested so great a con- the emperor's forces from their unsuccessful expedition into that country in 1536. A block of stone, which was rolled over the battle- ments, beat him to the ground. He was carried to Nice, and after lingering twenty-four days, expired at the early age of thirty-three. His body was removed from Nice, and interred in a chapel of the church of San Pedro Martyr, at Toledo, in the sepulchre of his ancestor. I am indebted for this correction, to my esteemed friend Mr. Benjamin Wiffen, brother to the deceased translator of Garcilaso's Works. — T. P. I I 56 HISTORY OF tempt for the things and ministers of rehgion,that they did not seem to be Cathohcs. The altars and images were destroyed ; the sacred vessels were sold ; their contents were thrown on the ground ; the cardinals were put up to auction ; the bishops were taken to the market with straw upon their heads to be sold like beasts ; the nuns were distributed among the soldiers, or bought by them, as slaves, at low prices.'"' Europe was in consternation at the news of these events. The Protestants believed that the Pontificate was at an end ; wise men and lovers of liberty imagined that the temporal power of the Pope was abrogated, as though in fulfilment of the desires of Dante and Boccacio in ancient times, and those of Nicholas Machia- vello in that present age. But these hopes were soon blighted. Charles kept Clement in prison for some months, more with a view * In the códice C. C. 59, of the National Library, there is an extract from a letter which was written on the sack of Rome. In it we find the following passage : — TRANSLATION. " En ninguna iglesia quedó cáliz, In no church did there remain ni patena, ni cosa de oro, ni plata. any chalice, paten, or other article Las custodias con el santísimo of either gold or silver. The de- sacramento y reliquias santas positaries with the most holy echavan por el suelo .... con sacrament and sacred reliques, tanto desacatamiento como si they threw on the ground with as fueran Turcos .... Al obispo much desecration as if they were de Terrachina .... le tomaron Turks .... From the Bishop 30,000 ducados, y no queriéndose of Terrachina .... they took rescatar, le sacaron á vender al 30,000 ducats, and, he not wishing mercado con una paja en la cabeza to ransom himself, they took him como á bestia : otro obispo y otros out to the market place to be sold, muchos eclesiásticos y seculares with a straw rope about his neck fueron vendidos públicamente y like a beast : another bishop and juiirados .... muchas que hoy many ecclesiastics and secular conozco monjas, buenas religiosas, persons were publicly sold and sacadas de sus monasterios, vendi- raffled for .... Many nims, and das entre los soldados á uno ó dos good religious professors, whom I ducados." know at this day, were taken out of the monasteries and sold among the soldiers, at one or two ducats a-piece. RELIGIOUS INTOLERANCE IN SPAIN. 57 of preserving the Hfe of the pontiff, than of causing him annoyance. He feared the troops would not consent to release the Pope without a ransom, and, therefore, he acted under a sense of fear of his own forces. Devoted to the pontifical court, and fearful that Francis I. might commence war, he did not wish to deprive Clement of the temporal power ; and by not doing so, he frequently left himself in great embarrassment in his conquests, and the prosperity of his arms. Pope Paul III. also, with the desire of possessing the kingdom of Naples, followed the standard of Francis I. ; but, with deceitful professions, he pretended to be the friend of Charles. Nay, more ; knowing that the Em- peror was reduced to great necessity for want of money, he offered to purchase the state of Milan, to enable him to pay his debts. Charles heard the proposition, and was even on the point of selling his Milanese territory, when a Spanish gentleman, by spirited and eloquent political reasoning, dissuaded him from his purpose. This was no other than Don Diego Hurtado de Mendoza, governor of Siena, who availed himself of a variety of means to effect his object. Hurtado was a man of great eru- dition, well read in the ancient histories of Greece and Rome ; of great practical experience in state affairs, and incapable of tolerating, in silence, those future evils which his wisdom foresaw would be the result of the erroneous measures of the government. He caused to be dropped in the chamber of Charles V. an anonymous memorial, in which he represented the disasters to be expected from the Spanish arms in Italy, if the sale of Milan were concluded ; and then, reprehending him, he said : " Very little did your Majesty know of letters when you held the most sacred temple of the church in I) 58 HISTORY OF your hands, and let it go again ; for in no way could you have done an injury to Christ by taking from his vicar the temporal arm, which is the key to open and shut the door to war ; for God has not founded a temporal, but only a spiritual church."^ The zeal of Mendoza was not content with having thus written ; he addressed another memorial to the Emperor, exhorting him not to sell Milan, or to resign that sovereignty to the Popes; and to give greater authority to the document, he remitted it to Charles by the hand of his Chamberlain, Don Luis de Avila y Zúñiga, author of the book on the war against the Duke of Saxony and the Landgrave of Hesse.t In this most important document we find as follows : — " Only look at the style and manner which Popes * The original of this document is in the Biblioteca Colombina, under the title of Memorial hallado en la Cámara del Emperador. I published it for the first time in one of the notes to el Buscapié (Cadiz, 1848 : Madrid 1850 : Id., 1851). The learned German, Herr Fernando Wolf, in the session of the Imperial Academy of Vienna, held 7th February, 1849 delivered an address, giving to that Society a notice of what I had discovered respecting the life of Mendoza, and translating, entire, the memorial of this smthor.—See the records of the Academe/ of Vienna. TRANSLATION. To the very illustrious and mag- nificent señor Don Luis Davila, Chamberlain of H.M. Illustrious and most magnificent Señor : en- raged at the things which are })assing, I retired to my quarters, and wrote this letter to H. M. I beseech you to look at it, and, if it appear to you worthy that H.M. should see it, to shew it him ; but if not, that you will tear it up : because, for my part, it suffi- ces to have unburthened myself in having written it. Who I am, at a more convenient time, shall be made known to vou, whose magnificent person and house may Our Lord preserve. RELIGIOUS INTOLERANCE IN SPAIN. 59 t " Al muy ilustre y muy magiií- fico señor el señor don Luis Dávila, camarero de S.M. Ilustre y muy magnífico señor. Enojado de las cosas que pasan, me retruje á mi quartel y escribí esta letra á S.M. Suplico á vuestra merced la vea, y si le pareciere digna que S.M. la vea, se la muestre ; y si no la rompa : porque para mí bástame averme desenconado en averio fecho. Quien soy, otro tiempo mas conveniente lo sabrá vuestra mer- ced, cuya muy magnífica persona y casa conserve Nuestro Señor." — aklice a. G. 59. Biblioteca Na- cional. have always adopted on acquiring their states ; they have invariably sown discord between Christian princes, put them into a state of revolt, aspiring sometimes to one part, and sometimes to another, always pursuing some private, and not the common, interest ; and, in this way, have made it necessary that the contending princes should come to their hands : thus increasing the Papal States but destroying religion; and this en- genders all the fire which is constantly lit up by Christi- anity and these are the arms which disturb the public tranquillity. Take measures, sire, for putting them down so low as to be secured against them. So long as the Pope has power to injure you, there can be no security for you in Italy, or even out of it. The Pontiff once brought down, all then will be easy and plain. And as you are now in Italy .... do not allow yourself to be any longer deceived. Take your sword truly in your hand, and put an end to the miseries which Christianity now suffers .... ''- " There is only one scruple which it remains for me to satisfy, and that is, your Majesty will say that it is a grave matter to take away the temporal state from the 7icar of Christ. To this, I answer, that when two evils are proposed, the lesser must be chosen. It may be an evil to take away from the Pope his temporal state, but without comparison, a much greater one to all Christendom would follow if he were permitted to hold it ; because, in order to magnify the flesh, men forget entirely the spirit : in this way they turn the world upside down, and the house of God is over- tlirown in order that they may raise up their own. Thus * These concluding words are found in the memorial of Mendoza published, with suppressions, by Sandoval, in La Crónica de Carlos V. ' I 60 HISTORY OF RELIGIOUS INTOLERANCE IN SPAIN. 61 we have seen that the Popes, before they were possessed of riches, were all saints ; but that after they gave themselves up to have them, they have been, and always will be, like Paul III." " Besides all this, what greater amount of good could be done to the world, than by reducing the pontificate to its primitive condition 1 Cliiist, who is the true God, the sum of wisdom, the sum of power, could well have founded it in states, since to him all states did then, and do now, belong. He founded it in poverty and holiness, and with these he drew all the world to himself, and so did all the holy Pontiffs that followed the same way. Well then, if now, a prince is to be found who would constitute an empire and a pontificate like those of ancient times, and, in order to do a great good to Christendom, might cause a trifling injury to some private person, (as might be the case in taking away from the Pope his temporal dominion,) would it not be a thing acceptable to God and very beneficial to the Christian religion, seeing that the Popes hold the seigniory not by the donation of Constantino, which is false, (for neither times, authors, nor things, concur in that fable) but by subtilty and force ? " "All histories agree that after the decline of the Roman Empire, whilst multitudes of people, such as the Huns, the Vandals, the Goths, the Franks, the Lom- bards, and many others were running to and fro, the Emperors, who held the imperial seat in Constantinople, had so much to do in defending themselves there, that they were not able to attend to the things of Italy and the West. And thus, while some were coming and driving away others (who appeared to them to be doing nothing, if not occupying and destroying Rome the head of the Empire) all united and brought to bear their force, their passion, and their vengeance against that city which had been the mistress of them all. Conse- quently, Italy, seeing herself thus afflicted, and her cities thus destroyed and deprived of buecuui irom iIk Em- peror, began to think and to provide a r^:nwdx. lience originated the multitude of republics m Italy, unl ihc usurpation of the temporal state and the election ol iho clergy of Rome, who are now called Cardinals, li i^ a very important circumstance, certiiniv. wiicn we con- sider it, that up to those times no lu-ji |aii-t was a Pope, if he were not confirmed by the Emperor nv liis exarch, who resided in Ravenna ; and iwm thence- forward, not only did they not care for that coTifirnia- tion, but a very short time afterwards to such an extent did their authority grow, that they not only deprived the ancient Emperors of the empire and gave it to the Franks, but even other kings of their kingdoms, and gave them to other sovereigns. Thus using that feigned power, they have brought matters to such a state, that they depose an Emperor of an empire and a liuig of a kingdom, with as httle ceremony as they would deprive a protestant clergyman of a benefice." " So that, invincible Prince, the Pontificate and its foundation considered, as Christ left it to St. Peter, and as it was continued by those most holy Pontiffs until this usurpation of the temporal dominion ; and regard being had to the great good done to the Christian reh- gion by their hfe, habits, hohness, and example ; and, on the contrary, to the great injury which has followed, and is every day following, the temporal power of the Pope, since it converts everything, not into a common benefit, as one would reasonably expect, but solely to his own private .h 4 62 HISTORY OF RELIGIOUS INTOLERANCE IN SPAIN. 63 purposes, and the advancement of his sons, his nephews, and relations ; I hold it for certain, that you cannot render any more acceptable service to God, or a greater one to the republic, than to do what I say."^^ The language of Don Diego de Mendoza was not agreeable to Charles V., a monarch who, in 1527, through fear of a great part of Europe, let slip the most opportune occasion ever presented to a prince for destroying the temporal power of the Popes, the origin of a thousand wars and dissensions in ancient times. As I have already said, Clement was Charles' pri- soner ; the city of Rome and its dependencies, and almost the whole of Italy, were occupied by more than a hundred thousand men. Add to such occupation, the friendship of the republics, and the respect shewn to his victorious arms — What more was necessary ? Several learned Spaniards, however, succeeded in over- coming the fears of Charles with reference to an en- terprise in which the whole human race were interested.! * All which is here quoted has been hitherto unpublished. It will be found in the Memorial entire of Mendoza. — Códice G. G. 59 in the Biblioteca National. Although this gentleman, Catholic as he was, does not speak against the spiritual power of the Pope, yet Don Fray Prudencio Sandoval, Bishop of Pamplona, in publishing this document in his life of Charles V., observes that he omits from it — TRANSLATION. " Lo mal sonante que Mendoza The ill-sounding words which con la lil)ertad de aquel tiempo Mendoza, with the liberty of the dijo (in 1543). times, made use of t Dr. Alfonso Guerrero, in his Tratado del modo que se ha de tener en la celebración del gerneral Concilio, y acerca de la reformación de la Iglesia {Ghiova, año de 1537), says to Charles V. : — " No puede el Papa hacerse The Pope cannot make himself capitán de la Iglesia, por que es captain of the church, for that is destruir y quebrantar los decretos to destroy and break the decrees y tradiciones de los Santos Padres ; and traditions of the holy fathers ; porque el Emperador se llama vi- because the Emperor calls himself cario de Cristo en la tierra en las Christ's vicar on earth in temporal cosas temporales. ... El Papa no things. . . . The Pope shall not adminstrará gladio temporal en administer the temporal sword in perjuicio de la imperial potestad. prejudice of the imperial power. The Ghibelline band of Italy, the Protestants of Germany, the Spanish Protestants, whose desires were made manifest in the sack of Rome by the troops of Bourbon, would not have abandoned Charles, if even France, through the ambition of her king, Francis, had favoured the cause of the Pope. But the successors of Clement, although they knew Charles' timidity, feared that, in time, it would give way before the confidence in his arms, and his German coun- cils. They saw the greatness of the Emperor, and that he was gradually extending his dominions ; and, there- fore, the Pontiffs, by all means in their power, en- deavoured to oppose him in his progress. They desired to see the government of the world divided among many princes, in order that it should not be necessary to depend on the authority of any one monarch, who might easily, and without opposition, completely annihilate the temporal power of the Popes. For these reasons, and remembering that the ancient Rome of the Caesars was the mistress of the world, both by her conquests and reputation, they became ambitious of extending their own dominions, and of acquiring, in property, that which by the followers of Luther in Germany, of Calvin in France and Switzerland, and by the example of Henry VIII in Great Britain, they were losing in spiri- tual jurisdiction. ... Y que Cristo no dio gladio temporal á San Pedro parece á la clara, porque respondiendo á Pi- lato como San Juan escribe en el capítulo 18, dijo, " Regnum meum non est de hoc mundo^ Así que no es de creer que el cuchillo tem- poral que él no habia querido, ni quiso administrar, lo diese á San Pedro." .... And that Christ did not give the temporal sword to St. Peter, appears clear; because, in answering Pilate, as St. John writes in the 18th chapter, he says, " My kingdom is not of this worldr Thus, we are not to believe that the temporal sword, which he had never liked, or wished to ad- minister, was to be given to St. Peter. \l 64 HISTORY OF In this state of things, the Pontiffs sought the aid of France in weakening the forces of Charles V. They knew that it was his great poKcy to overthrow their temporal power, and they hastened to anticipate a remedy for the mischief which they feared was about to happen. Nothing can be a greater proof of the small amount of credit which the Popes enjoyed, than their inability to constitute Italy into one nation, subjected to their obedience. The weakness of an ancient principality is shewn by its own continuance for many centuries among small kingdoms and repubhcs, without becoming supreme ruler of them all. Thus the Popes were living in the vicinity of Florence, Venice, Ragusa, Genova, and some ^^yw^OL, Duchies, without widening the space oftEeir territory, or even making a conquest of any one of these by the favour or neutrality of the others ; for a weak power can easily strengthen itself, so as to become formidable to many, simply by sowing discord among those which would endeavour to reduce it by violence. By reputation, by a dexterous policy, or by force of arms, small and various states have been formed into powerful nations. Sparta domineered over Greece. Macedonia, with the talent of Philip, and the valour of Alexander, soon subjugated that same Sparta and the republics of Greece. France reduced into one body pohtic the different seignories which existed in its territory. Castile drew to its dependency the other kingdoms of the Spanish peninsula, and, among the rest, that of Portugal ; and England at last made herself powerful and invincible by her^union with Scotland and Ireland. If Charles had but listened to the voice of reason, which was teaching him the way to perpetuate his name RELIGIOUS INTOLERANCE IN SPAIN. 65 i' / as a benefactor to mankind, the German Protestants (the temporal power of the Popes being gone) would easily have submitted to those who had ceased to be sove- reigns, in order to occupy themselves solely in the religion of Christ. The chief cause that gave rise to the preaching of Luther was found in the disorders of the Roman clergy in the sixteenth century.* Charles might have taken away the sovereignty of the Pontiffs without incurring any danger to himself If he had only withdrawn his protection and left them to the princes of Germany, the Duke of Saxony and the Landgrave of Hesse, they would have humbled Italy, and destroyed the Popes' temporal power, in which case the indignation of Europe would not have fallen on his person, as the author of such a proceeding.! He wished, however, to employ other means, and com- * Hurtado de Mendoza, in his Dialogo entre Caronte // el alma de Pedro Luis Farnesio (the MS. before cited), says :— TRANSLATION. The first thing which moved the Germans to deny obedience to the Church was the dissolute con- duct of the clergy, and the wicked- ness suffered and committed in Rome every hour. "La primera occasion que movió á los alemanes á negar la obedi- ensia á la iglesia, nació de la diso- lución del clero y de las maldades que en Roma se sufren y cometen cada hora." t Hurtado de Mendoza, in his cited Dialogo (MS.), says, in 1547 :- " No será menester que él tome la espada, ni que sus ejércitos se ocupen en tan baja guerra. Bastará que no os dé el calor y favor que siempre os ha dado ... ni será menester que dé licencia á los alemanes herejes para que ellos lo hagan, como lo habrian hecho viente años há, sf no los hubiese tenido el miedo y el respeto del emperador." It will not be necessary that he should take the sword, nor that his armies should be occupied in so ignoble a war. It will be suf- ficient that he gives to us the warmth and favour that he always has given us . . . nor will it be necessary tliat he should give to the German heretics licence to do as they would have done these twenty years, if they had not had the fear and respect of the Em- peror. t Í 66 HISTORY OF bat Lutheranism by an armed force, and the abuses of the Church by the theological disputes of a council.* The policy of great conquerors is equal in all ages ; because ambition, vanity, and a desire to give what the world caUs legal pomp to their undertakings, are always more powerful motives of action than a zeal for the public good. Charles conquers the Pope, and yet, immediately afterwards, requires the imperial crown to be placed upon his head by the hands of that same Pontiff. Napoleon, even in the present century, imitates his example. Thus, as Phihp of Macedón, under the pre- , text of religious wars, made himself master of Focida, foc^. so Charles V., under colour of making the Germans submit to the decisions of the Council of Trent, abused the victory acquired over the Protestants, and humbled the power of the most potent nobles- of the empire. Rome, in spite of the services afforded her by Charles in the cause of the Catholic religion, always shewed herself his adversary, keeping constantly in view the taking possession of the kingdom of Naples. When the Emperor was about to abandon his worldly dominion, and retire to the solitude of the cloister. Pope Paul IV. began to disquiet him in a variety of ways. He did not forget the good services which that prince had rendered to the apostolic see ; and knowing, by these, the great fear and respect which Charles had towards him, he began to attempt carrying out his * The same author, in the cited MS., says, that^ the desire of the Emperor was TRANSLATION. « iiiTitar el concilio y remediar to unite the council, and to re- iunTamente con las herejias de medy, jointly with the heretics of Alem^nS h-vs bellaqueria^ de Germany, the knaveries of Rome. Roma." RELIGIOUS INTOLERANCE IN SPAIN. 6' ambitious projects, in the security that he was contend- ing with a slave. "^ A powerful sovereign, or a great minister who dis- covers a weak side in the character which pertains to him, may be compared to a very strong fortress, which has one of its towers almost in a state of ruin. The enemy, knowing its w^eakness, will be sure to render use- less all the preparations of war at that point, and, with facility, will make themselves masters of it, to the surprise and admiration of the very men by whom it was defended. Charles attempted to stop the progress of the reforma- tion by means of a powerful army ; but ideas were not to be suppressed by the smoke of powder, or banished from the mind by the noise of cannon. The conquest of Lutheranism lay within the banks of the Tiber : it con- sisted in overthrowing the temporal power of the Popes. Charles might, with his own hand, have held the wings of the reformation, and have put a stop to the sanguinary catastrophes of England under Henry VIII. and his daughter Mary, which horrified all Europe — the religious wars in France, — the horrible massacres of St. Bar- tholomew — the inquisitorial ñames of the Spanish nation, and the tumults in Flanders. * In the Códice G.G. 59 of the Biblioteca Nacional, there is a letter from a personage (whose name is suppressed) to the Viceroy of Naples. In this it is said : — TRANSLATION. It appears to me that he has fallen late, seeing that with the present Pope, fine words and com- mendations avail but little ; for experience has shewn .... that they have not been availing, but that notable damage has resulted from them ; for good words and obsequiousness are never taken in good part (by the Popes), unless rendered to them out of respect and fear. F 2 " Me parece que se ha caido tarde en que con el Papa presente, aprovechan poco buenas palabras ni commendimientos, pues la es- periencia ha mostrado . . . que no han hecho provecho, mas han sa- lido dellos notables daños, porque nunca toman ellos estas obras y obsequio á buena parte, sino á que se les hacen por respeto y temor." 68 HISTORY OF Unhappy the reputation of a prince who, having in his day the power to do much pubHc good, yet, in descending to the tomb, left his kingdom a prey to civil discords ! To the misfortune of nations, it must be admitted, there are sovereigns whom a superstitious fear deprives of action at the very moment when they have the means of establishing permanent sources of the public feUcity. RELIGIOUS INTOLERANCE IN SPAIN. 69 CHAPTEE IV. State of learning in Spain in the sixteenth century— Common friend- ship among learned men of that age— Sir Thomas More— Dr. Juan de Vergara— Juan Luis Vives— Vives' letter to PopeA drian— Eras- mus— Statute of Purity— Protest of Vergara— Divine right of Kings — Vergara's appeal to the Pope -State of the Nation—Spanish contrasted with Turkish, policy as to religion— Julian's notions of toleration. The sovereigns of Spain persevered in their attempt to promote the feKcity of their subjects, but the means used to that end were calculated only to degrade the mind and to keep it in a state of serviUty. The clergy never ceased from the eager pursuit of means adapted to the destruction of all rights of conscience. The cause of learning has never been entirely left without defenders. Some learned men were still found to oppose the fury and madness of fanaticism. They were few in number, nor did they enjoy that popular favour which excites alarm in the breasts of tyrants. The Spanish people, educated in slavery, were livino- in a state of ignorance. Their minds were constantly terrified by menaces of torture and of death. The few lovers of learning and liberty, found themselves as isolated from each other as vessels in the Atlantic, or as palm trees in the deserts. Their words had no more effect on their fellow Spaniards than if they had been addressed to the sepulchral inhabitants of a vast pan- theon. 70 HISTORY OF The learned men of the principal kingdoms of Eu- rope were, at that time, miited together by the bonds of a sincere friendship ; whilst the absolute sovereigns, influenced by covetousness, were contending among themselves for the possession of the world. Sir Thomas More, the celebrated Lord Chancellor of Henry VIII. of England, and Erasmus, were in corre- spondence with the great Spanish doctor, Juan de Vergara, Canon of Toledo, who had succeeded in draw- ing- too-ether, about his person, some excellent and truly pious men.* These learned men were encouraged from England, by the celebrated Spaniard, Juan Luis Vives, t the pre- cursor of Bacon, afterw^ards Lord Verulam. Vives rose to the degree of professor in the University of Oxford, became one of the preceptors of Mary, daughter of Henry VIIL, and had the honor of counting that monarch as one of his audience at his public lectures. Such was the courage and energy of Vives, that in a letter which he addressed to Adrian, on his exaltation to the pontificate, he tells him, in the first place, that such and so many were the disorders of Rome, that people laughed at the idea of giving the title of " Christ s Vicar'' to those whom nobody would like to have for his own vicar, and the appellation of " 7nost Holy Father'' to artful and wicked men ; and hi the second place, that he was not surprised at the people not having praised * My friend, the orientalist, Gayangos, has, in MS., some of these letters, written in Latin, from Erasmus to Vergara, and from Vergara to Erasmus. t I am not aware that any life of Vives has yet been published I have coTjious MS. materials for such a work ; for these I am indebted to my esteemed friend, Señor Don Joso Joaquin de Mora, of Madrid, late Consul-General in England. I hope to be able to give them, in due time, to the public— T. P. RELIGIOUS INTOLERANCE IN SPAIN. 71 the habits of many Popes, his predecessors, seeing that he, Adrian, had condemned them by his own exemplary life, which was, in every thing, totally dissimilar to theirs.*^ Vergara became a convert to the maxims of his friends More, Erasmus, and Vives, devoted his whole life to the practice of religion and virtue ; and whether in soHtude or among his intimate friends, deeply bewailed the infelicity of his country. But a man who dwelt in Spain, who was anxious for the well-being of his country, and was also a learned man, could not long be shielded from the powers of fanaticism. Accused of heresy by the Inquisition, he was compelled to abjure liis principles pubhcly in an auto de fe, in the principal square of Toledo. Yet, notwithstanding this persecu- tion, Vergara could not through a slavish fear abandon the cause of truth, when he saw fresh persecutions arise. About that time there was an archbishop, a man so presumptuous and ignorant, that instead of calling him- * Rident qui scelestum hom- inem et facinoribus obrutum sanctissimum patrem nominaturi sunt, pudetque vicar ium Chris ti eum nuneupare quern suum nemo vellet. Excogitantur tituli con- suetorum dissimiles, quibus a- dearis. Tu illorum Pontificum, quos nostra vidit aetas dissimiles. Non impetrabis hoc á libértate nostra, ut interea dum Tu illorum vitam actionibus tuis reprobas, nos eam oratione nostra compro- bemus. — Luis Vives opera. A letter vjritten in Louvaine^ I2th October^ 1522. TRANSLATION. They are laughing at you who think of calling a man " most holy father," when he is an abandoned wretch, overwhelmed with acts of atrocity ; and it is a shameful thing to style him the vicar of Christ, when no one would have him for his own vicar. Titles very different from the ordinary ones, are being invented to accost you by ; you are entirely different from those pontiffs whom our days have seen — you never will induce our free constitution to consent to approve, by addresses of ours, that life of theirs which you, by your actions, disprove. 72 HISTOllY OF self by his proper name of Juan Martinez Guijarro, (meaning a pebble) he adopted the name of Juan Mar- tinez Silíceo, (a flint) ; thus Latinizing his surname by one of those ridiculous puffs of vanity, common in that age, among persons of little understanding."^^' This man proposed, on 9th July, 1547, to the Eccle- siastical Chapter, that no descendant of Jews or of Moors should thenceforth be able to hold any dignity, or even the office of chaplain, in the church of Toledo. On the 23rd of the same month, a meeting was held to approve or disapprove the proposition ; and, although there were found ten voices against it, there were twenty-four in its favour ; and indeed, considering the intellectual state of Spain at that time, it could not be otherwise. Men who, without merit, obtain dignities, immediately make the way to them as difficult as pos- sible to others, in order that they themselves may ap- pear greater in the eyes of the common people, t To this measure they gave the name of Statute of Purity. [Estatuto de Limpieza.] The minority, aware of the evils which would flow from the execution of this statute, deputed Doctor Vergara, in their name, to petition the Council of Castile that it might be con- sidered as inigatory. \\\ that impoi'tant document we ■* Guijarro was considered too pleV.eian-like a name for an arch- l)itíhop of Toledo, and cardinal of the Church of Rome ; and therefore his reverence formed for himself a surname from the Latin word 8Ue.v. t The canons present at this vote, or who were, subsequently, against the archbishop, were Don Diego de Castilla, (Dean) ; Bernardino de Alcaraz, (Schoolmaster) ; Bernardino Zapata, (Precentor) ; Rodrigo Zapata, (Senior Chaplain) ; the bachelor Juan Delgado, Doctor Peralta, Doctor Herrera, Doctor Juan Vergara, Antonie de Leon, Esteban de Valera, Miguel Diaz, Juan de Salazar, Pedro Sanchez, (Canons). Vide Codire Q, ^\ in the BihUoteca Xacional. RELIGIOUS INTOLERANCE IN SPAIN. •:3 if h find Vergara exclaiming, — " We say, my lords, that the reasons w^hich have moved us, and now move us, to con- tradict the said statute are : first, on account of its being, as it is ... . against canonical rights and the determination of holy fathers : secondly, because it is against the laws of the kingdom : thirdly, because it is against the express authority of the sacred Scriptures : fourthly, because it is against all natural reason : fifthly, because it is to the injury and dishonour of many of the noble and principal gentry of these kingdoms : sixthly, because it is contrary to the dignity and authority of the holy church : seventhly, because it is at variance with the peace and tranquillity of the beneficed clergy, and of the whole republic : eighthly, because it is against the good state and government of our city : ninthly, because the perpetual hifamy of our nation wdll result from it ... . The Pope (Nicholas V.) hearing that some people of this kingdom were attempting to exclude the newly converted and their sons from the dignities, honours, and offices, and other things, reprehended such movers with asperity, calling them soivers of tares, cor- rupters of Christian peace and unity, renovators of dis- cord whom the Apostle Saint Paul had extirpated, con- tradicters of the divine authority . . . a7id, finally, men mho had erred from the truth of the Catholic faith, de- termining that the newly converted, and their sons and descendants, ought .... to be admitted to all dignities and offices, as well ecclesiastical as secular .... " The blessed apostle (St. Paul) hearing that, among the Christians newly converted in Rome, some were of Gentile, and some of Jewish extraction, and that there were dissension and difference as to which of them should \ 74 HISTORY OF have precedence, and be preferred to the others, wrote to them .... reprehending both, and urging them to unity and concord, teUing the Jewish converts that they ought not hghtly to esteem the others, since God was the God of all, and not of the Jews only. And, because the Gentile converts, being numerous, w^ere commencing to exercise dominion over them .... the apostle was more severe in telling them that they ought not to despise the Jewish people, since they had been adopted ii& sons, and to them had been given the divine law and the promises .... '• That the said statute is contrary to all natural reason, appears clear ; because there was none whatever .... which could disquahfy men, not only noble but illustrious, of great learning and virtue, without any canonical obstacle or impediment, to become chaplains of the church of Toledo, whilst at the same time, it was held that men of low condition and idiots .... were to be considered eligible for dignities and canons ..." " That it wall be to the injury and dishonour of many of the noble and principal people of the kingdom, re- (^uires but little proof; for it is notorious that, by ancient and modern marriages, there has been, is now, and always will be, a mixture of many of the Spanish nobles with a diversity of lineages. And, as all these, to whom the mixture pertains by the maternal line alone, are by the laws of this kingdom, constituted some into hidalgos, others into knights, others into illustrious persons, in conformity with the paternal line ; and as such enjoy pacifically their honours and pre-eminences, .... so, on the otliei- hand, thus to disgrace and dis- qualify them and all their descendants for ever by a RELIGIOUS INTOLERANCE IN SPAIN. 75 statute like this, could not be without the most grave dishonour and disparagement to their persons and re- putations .... "'"" Vergara had learned, from the Utopia, a philosophical novel written by his friend Sir Thomas More, maxims of political liberty and religious tolerance. Therefore he was enabled with manly energy to represent the injuries that were about to be inflicted by this Statute of Purity, which had originated with the archbishop Silíceo. But the Council of Castile treating alike with contempt the opinion of the apostle St. Paul, the orders of Nicholas V., and the dictates of natural reason in so important a case, ordered the memorial of Vergara to be dismissed, and gave sentence in favour of the prelate and of the Chapter. Thus were the clergy, in turn, assisted by sovereigns, in order that the former should, on other occasions, favour the latter in their attempts to consoKdate absolute power. In that century, the notion of the divine right of kings had its origin. The ecclesiastics accommodated the sovereigns, by giving this investiture to the power which they had acquired by the overthrow of the nobiUty and of the people. In the time of the Gothic domination in Spain, when the bishops were elected by the clergy and laity, the ecclesiastics did not give the right divine to kings, but to the people ; and when the nobles, in the middle ages, brought up their forces against the sove- reigns, the clergy followed under the banners of the former. The priests of Greece and Rome did the like : „* ?-^^ ^^P^®^ of this curious document are in existence, in the Lihlioteca Nacional, Códices Q. 85 and R 60. It is too long to give entire in the body of this work. í 76 HISTORY OF they always deified the right of the victorious and power- ful, although wickedness was in their train. The oracles of their feigned gods, created by human fears, always incUned to the side of the strongest, in order to applaud the establishment or the ruin of a repubhc, a kingdom, or an empire.* As, in Spain, there w^as no respect for the laws, and force could be destroyed solely by force, the voice of suffering humanity was only listened to with a disdain natural to those who live and prosper under an infamous servility. But Vergara, and his few followers, appealed to Rome, hoping in that court to find justice. Delusive hope ! The Pope, two years afterwards, confirmed the sentence of the Council of Castile ; thus estabhshing, in these kingdoms, a usage which was not practised in his owLi states. He saw with satisfaction the extremes of Catholicism in Spain, but had no wish, by any means, to temper the zeal of his spiritual subjects. The Spanish nation found herself in a state of polished imbecihty : although men studied the Greek and Latin authors of a learned antiquity, they could neither follow the flight of the grand models, nor raise themselves to the altitude of the illustrious philosophers of Europe in that age. Comparing the policy of Spaniards in the sixteenth century with that of the Turks and Africans, it would seem that all prudent state - government had fled to * Alonso de Falencia, in his MS. CrÓ7iica de Henrique /F., before cited, says :■ — TRANSLATION. " Por proverbio común se tiene There is a common proverb (lue (Ml la corte Eomano á los ven- wliich says, that in the Roman cedores dan la corona, é á los ven- court they give a crown to con- cidos descomulgan.'' queroi-s, but the conquered they excommunicate. 5 I RELIGIOUS INTOLERANCE IN SPAIN. 77 Turkey and Africa. The Christians who fled to Algiers and Constantinople, (perhaps more with a view of saving themselves from the troubles of captivity, than from any faith in the religion of Mahomet,) and ceased to follow the Christian religion, found, among the Turks and Algorines, respect, riches, and honours. The governors were, for the most part, renegades ; and so were the captains ; and, in short, even the famous and dreaded corsairs were chiefly of the same class. Natural reason teaches us that the way to attract people of a different religion does not consist in per- secuting those who have already become converts, or in deposing them from dignities, or in handing down their names to infamy. It is certain that Spaniards, in con- sequence of the state of stupidity to which they were brought by their ecclesiastical education, and their utter ignorance of the rights of man, were unable to com- prehend this truth. One Don Sancho de Leyva, a Spanish captain, taken prisoner by the Turks, and afterwards ransomed by his relatives, addressed to the king a notification of the maritime and political power of those who had been masters of his liberty ; and, in that work, he expresses his surprise that the latter should confide to the rene- gades the most important civil and military offices. ^'^ * In & Discurso politico que hizo á S.M. don Sancho de Leyva, sobre el poder del Turco y custodia de las costas de Levante, MS. in the library of don Pascual de Gayangos, we read : — " Estos renegados que todos, los unos y los otros, son hombres bajos comunes, y al fin los mas ruines de sus naciones, son los que vienen á ser soldados genízaros hombres de cargos y al fin Baxaes. Destos hacen su confianza : estos son los que gobiernan la paz y la TRANSLATION. Those renegades who, one and all of them, are low, common men, and, in short, the meanest of their nations, are those that come to be soldiers genizaros (begotten by parents of different nations) .... men of ofiicial rank, and, in short. Bashaws, In these is confidence H a 78 HISTORY OF The Spaniards forced the Jews and Moors to become Christians, and, immediately afterwards, held them as infamous for the act of having received the water of baptism. What love or what attraction, in the eyes of those people, would a religion have, in the name of which thev were declared incapable of acquiring honours and dig-nities 1 ''' TRANSLATION. placed : these are the people that govern, both in time of peace and in time of war : it is remarkable that they, being people of such different nations, not even know- ing their fathers or mothers, or, in truth, one another ; and being so low, so common, that naturally they are weak in mind, of little genius and talent ; yet, still, have placed in their hands and con- fidence the government of the states, of the war, and of the army and all its operations : and being men for that purpose, they govern in such a way, that not only do they maintain the wars, but they always gain them. One cannot, in the face of this, believe any- thing else but that God favours them in order to punish us for our sins ; if it were not so, he would not suffer on the earth men who had changed the law of truth for one of so bad a sect. * Nearly a century after the presenting of the memorial of Vergara, the licencíate Fernandez de Navarete published (in 1626) his book, entitled Conservación de Moimrquias, in which he says,— *'Me persuado á que si antes I am persuaded that in.^ioi'e guerra: cosa es de notar que si- endo gente de tantas y tan dife- rentes naciones, que ni conocen padres ni madres, ni se conocen unos á otros, siendo gente tan baja, tan común que naturalmente han de ser de débiles ánimos, de poco ingenio y habilidad, pongan en sus manos y confianza la gobernación de los estados, el de la guerra y el exercicio y ejecución della, y sean hombres para ello y lo gobiernen de manera que no solo lo sustentan pero ganan siempre. No puede conforme á esto creerse otra cosa sino que Dios los favorece para castigo de nuestros pecados ; que si así no fuese, no sufrirla en la tierra hombres que han trocado la ley de verdad por una tan mala seta." que estos (the Moors) hubieron llegado á la desesperación . . . . se hubiera buscado forma de ad- mitillos á* alguna parte de honores sin tenerlos en la nota y señal de infamia, fuera posible que por la puerta del honor hubieran entrado al templo de la virtud y al gremio y obediencia de la iglesia católica, sin que los incitara á ser malos el tenerlos en mala opinion." they (the Mooi-s) had arrived at desperation, there had been sought out a way of admit- ting them to a participation of honours without holding them un- der the mark of infamy, it were possible that through the gate of honour they would have entered the temple of virtue and to the pale ancf obedience of the catholic church, without inciting men to be wicked and holding them un- der a bad reputation. RELIGIOUS INTOLERANCE IN SPAIN. 79 It is remarkable that Juhan, one of the few men distinguished for knowledge and morality who occupied the throne of the Caesars, and wished to re-establish the gods of paganism in his extended empire, and to an- nihilate the religion of Christ, did not persecute its fol- lowers with infamy, confiscation, and death. Whilst they were Christians, the doors to riches and honours were indeed closed against them, but immediately on their return to heathenism, the public offices, dignities, and pomps of the worid, were conferred on them by that Emperor ; who, in the triumph of his proposition, be- hoved he was securing the valour and the virtues which had belonged to the heroes of ancient Rome. But only a man like JuKan, brought up in the study of stoic philosophy, and with the examples of Trajan and Marcus Aurelius, could act in this manner. The Queen Isabella and her consort, and afterwards Charles V., educated in maxims of self-interest, and in alliance with those who wished to thrive by the ignorance and slavery of the people, had not the great- ness of soul of that Emperor to accommodate their subjects to that which they desired, without exercising violence, which has always been the common resort o'f wicked princes and their ministers. This insanity on the part of Spanish monarchs, in attempting to convert the Moors to Christianity by force, cost the nation much blood. Sooner or later the political crimes of sovereigns receive their punishment ; but, unhappily for subjects, they are, not unfrequently! the only parties on whom that punishment descends. The Spanish nation had great need of many men like Vergara, to check its sovereigns in their career to perdition, and not them only, but their unhappy country. 80 HISTORY OF and to counterbalance the force of bad councils by which it was precipitated from error to error, and from one wickedness to another. In Spain, however such good men appeared only now and then, like flashes of Lmmer lightning in a dark night ; whilst, in other king- doms of Europe, they resembled bolts from that forked element, accompanied by claps of thunder. liELIGIOtrS IxVTOLER.VNCE IN SPAIN. 81 CHAPTEK V. Error of Charlea V.— Advino nf l,;» n r Charle-s retire, to ^Z^^^^¡^^- ^^«-„,_ Mary of England-ProtestautiL T • T '"''rriage with solicits Elizabeth's hand-E^tZ "í ^P^^'r *í=^'-y'« .leath-Philip -Elizabeth's conduct in th! Sa s? ."""'^ «^ Iberia's letters contmues his suit-BribesEZlTv '"■°*'"*' %¡tives-Philip riage with Hizabeth of ValoS ot VTÍ u"'''^""'^ '^ ™''' charges Philip with precip tenTv^ n f '*'' ^''^' sorrow, and Feria-Philip proposHo ne2^7 ?"" ''"''' ^'""^ '^^ »«k« «f proposal to The Archduke "f W .*'' ^'''' «f Leicester-IIis Spain. ' °^ Austna-^Eurning of Protestants in queiors td oV"" 7''' '"^ *'" P^'"* '' g^^^ ^o»" querors, and of princes who have ruled over provinces tTol o?tt?e'Vt"' ^ '''''''' ^"^*-- -'-1^ - ttt one . n.' "" '^"^ "^^^'>' ^^'^--t' t« suppose that one and the same policy would serve for the government of all. "*^ Charles V., accustomed in Spain to rule bv force «n,l Pelled, by he Catholic Kings, to abandon their relioion anism was by having recourse to arms. Fanatical an.] superstitious, he disregarded those counseHf ^1 überty. There were constantly about his court, in afl his wh T; T' " '" '" ""^^' ^ »"-ber of Spani h <^lt who had been taught, by the examples of Torquemad, Z Garci. f ,'"^'^^*^*'«°« «f tl^« emperor's confessor, l^on Garcia de Loaysa, to be at peace with all Europe This wise man, then a Cardinal and Bishop of Sa," G :|J HISTORY OF , f qioiiPiiza and subsequently Archbishop ^t^elL^rS ht L he ought to aWdon the to God. and rather endeavour ^ draw b^ °"r I'rr^nl nTto'rrJnU hy .he rewarding serv« h« "» , ^„„h ^,™es were Srrortth'ihcs - that, hy ..wa>. ..ing Lutherans or u reputation over the ''T. ' A xl":: p^;:,ted'out the .m^ .< 7 .^rremám to think as they pleased in matter i";:f t,ró:.r .:;:t"reoLtanu, -ing against Christendom-t * E3 mi voto que (18 de No- viembre de 1530), y^^J?J^ll fnprzas para corregir, que hagáis Sil "g? maña, y «s o¿gue. con el hereje como con el Católico, y hagai merced si ««. igualare con ^1 r?Utiano en serviros, l^uite t^v^m^^e^^^^l la fantasía de SnVertir almas á Dios :occupaos de Iquí adelante en convertir cu- erpos^ á vuestra obediencia y saU vad vuestra ánima . . • acres Tentando en virtud, pues hoy hay r^or necesidad ^e ^Ua que n^^^^^^ ca ''— Loaysa.— Cartas ai iimpe Tador Carlos F., coptaáo. md archivo de Simancas, por G. Heim {Berlin, 1848). + « De los errores Luteranos (8 June, 1531) seria en parecer que al presente se cometiese á la TRANSLATION. It is my opinion that (18 Nov 1530), since there are no forces to iunish you should play the subtle PCanLo more trouble yourself Wh the heretic than you do with i^e Catholic, but «hew him favor if he shall equal the Christian m serving you Let your majesty ¿7e u| the fantasy of converting louls to God : occupy yourself, in future, in converting bodies to yo;^^ and in savmg yom: own soul . . . increasmg m virtue, si^ce now there is a greater neces- sity for it than ever. Of the errors of Lutherans (8 June, 1531), it ^«^^^J^^,/?^ that, at present, they should be RELIGIOUS INTOLERANCE IN SPA FN. 83 This advice of Loaysa produced no effect on the mind of Charles, who still persuaded himself that he wa^ bound to pursue the Germans with fire and sword. The kings of Spain were never destitute of good men to teach them their errors, and direct them in the path to glory. But, in deciding between conflicting opinions, they have generally followed, as do all bad princes, that which was, unhappily, the worst for the nation, being most in conformity with their own despotic instincts ; for truth seldom, if ever, meets with a good reception in the palace of a tyrant. At the beginning of the war against the Protestants victory followed the Emperor. The two leaders of the reformation in Germany, after a disastrous battle, became the prisoners of Charles ; one of them on the banks of the Elbe, and the other, at a later period, by confiding in promises of peace made to him in the name of that sovereign. In a short time, however, Charles found by experience that it was not easy to humihate a people who knew their civil and religious rights ; and that a disimulación ó por via de treguas entre herejes y Cristianos, dejando a cada uno creer como quisiere, ó haciendo con ellos pacto, que hasta el concilio futuro vivan todos en sus ritos, sin estorbar ... los unos á los otros. Y que cuando por falta del Sumo Pontífice en tres años no se congregare el concilio, que de ahí adelante puedan libre- mente y sin empacho de príncipes ni de dietas perseverar en su forma de creer. Todo esto me paresce que V. M. les puedo otorgar sin ninguna culpa, con tal condición que os sirvan y ayuden contra este enemigo común (el gran Turco)." — Loaysa. — Cartas, &c., already cited. TRANSLATION. treated with dissimulation, or by way of truces between heretics and Christians, each being left to believe what he pleases ; or that a compact should be made with them, that, until a future council, all of them may live in their own rites, with- out interrupting . . . one another. And that, if the High Pontiff shall fail, within three years, to as- semble the council, from thence- forward they may freely, and without hindrance of princes or of diets, continue in their form of belief. All this, it appears to me, your Majesty can consent to, with- out blame, on condition that they serve and assist you against the common enemy (the Grand Turk). G 2 i 84 HISTORY OF great and prosperous nation is never deficient of expe t Ld magnanimous men to break the yoke, when tl^ proper season has arrived. Maurice of Saxony, to whom Ees had shewn great favour for 1-ng previous^ abandoned the cause of reform, -^^ ;'^^-%t ^¡ Emperor, and returned to the new doctrmes. He sud- denb^ attacked his sovereign, -ted his squadrons,^^^^^^ missed the fathers of the Council of Trent, who jv ere TccuSil themselves in discussing what Europe sWd blevla^d obliged Csar, in Augsburg, to sign a treaty of peace with reference to matters of rehgion. Charles V. at last discovered his error m not having followed the advice of Loaysa. Ashamed at seeing all h careful plans frustrated, and kno^ving tha his credit and putation, which so much contributed to a con queror's success, and had already served to Fon-te "s own, was now prostrated, and cut into a thousand fiag- ments, in the face of astonished Europe he gave up worldly dominion to his son Philip, and retired o the solitude of a monastery. His heir, educated by the same people who had urged on the father to religion wars, did not succeed in uniting the Spanish and the Imperial crowns ; for Charles had ceded that of G r- many to his brother Ferdinand, King of Hungary. This separation of these crowns was of S^'^^^ ^'^ Í?J 1^ cause of liberty ; because Phihp II., who, instead of being scared by the disasters of his father's erroneous policy, wished to continue it, believing that by its continuance he would finally triumph, and in the end rule over France^ EiMand, and Holland, with the united forces of S^rniaii Italians, and Germans, and that nothing would be able to oppose itself to his absolute will. Philip attempted to acquire dominion over tlie EELIGIOUS INTOLERANCE IN SPAIN. 85 world by trampling upon the necks of the Protestants, and obliging them to kneel at the feet of the Roman pontiff". He saw his wishes to some extent realized. England, through his marriage with the devoted and superstitious Mary, daughter of Henry VIII., had been turned to Catholicism by the convincing process of fire and sword which she carried in her train. France, broken by intestine discord, was harassed by the forces of the Spanish King, who hoped to secure, by the peace which followed his victories, the destruction of tlie Huguenots. Flanders, compelled, by the Spanish arms and presence of Philip, to succumb to the Pope, dared not to express its own thoughts. Spain, enslaved by the clergy, was consuming her vigour in serving the ambition of her monarchs, in order that other nations miglit emulate her example in dragging along the fetters of lier bondage. But the arrogance of Philip's attempt was quickly opposed. England contrived to separate herself from his yoke, and Protestantism attacked him in the very heart of his kingdoms. He happened to be in Flanders when he received intelligence that Mary was at the point of death, and that the English were desirous that her sister Ehzabeth, who was addicted to the reforma- tion, should succeed to the throne. He lost no time and spared no efforts in endeavouring to prevail on Elizabeth on no account to separate herself from obe- dience to the Pope, and even solicited her to become his consort. Accustomed to reign in England, he wished to make sure of that nation, in order to liis grand de- sign of re-establishing the CathoHc religion throughout Europe. He dispatched the Duke of Feria to England, with instructions to gain over the heart of Elizabeth, I \ij 86 HISTORY OF and with that view to overcome with politeness and presents certain gentlemen of her court ; but Philip s messenger was not received so well in that country as his master desired.* Elizabeth, knowing that Philip designed her for his prey, and that he wished to see her act with severity a-ainst her subjects, with courteous yet artful and ambiguous language, nattered the vanity of the Spanish King in the interviews she had with his ambassador ; she "expressed her gratitude at having obtained her liberty during the life of her sister Mary, through the influence of Philip, and prided herself at being one of his greatest friends, t But she declined either to imitate his policy or to follow his councils. Princes endowed with a compre- hensive mind and superior talents know how to make * Mv frieud the orientalist, Don Pascual de Gayangos haa the col- lection of Tetters of the Duke of Feria (MSS.). In that of Uth N(^ vember, 1588, the writer says to Phil.p II.- ^^^^^^,^^ " Están muy temerosos estos con- sejeros de lo que madama Isabel hará con ellos: hánme recibido bien, aunque en cierta manera como á hombre que viene con bulas de Papa muerto." t "Ella (Elizabeth) me respondió que regraciaba á V. M. mucho por lo que le mandaba decir, y que V. M. podia creer que ella le oTiardaria la buena amistad que entre sus predecesores y los de V. M. habia habido, por tres causas : la primera por que quan- do ella estaba en prisión V. M. la ayudó y ñivoreció á salir de ella ; y que no se deshonraba de decir que habia sido prisionera; por- que la deshonra habia sido de los que la habian puesto en ella, &c. — The MS. letter of the Duke of Feriüy cited in a former note. Madame Elizabeth's councillors are very much afraid of what she may do with them : they have re- ceived me well, but stül, in a cer- tain way, as a man who comes with bulls from a dead Pope. She answered me that she thanked your Majesty much, for what you had commanded me to say to her, and that your Majesty might rest assured she would maintain the good friendship which had existed between her predecessors and those of your Majesty, for three reasons : first, because when she was in prison your Majesty aided and favoured her in gaining her liberty ; and that she was not dishonoured ni saying she had been a prisoner, because the dishonour belonged to those who sent her to prison, &c. RELIGIOUS INTOLERANCE IN SPAIN. 87 the nations which are subject to their government, truly great ; but sovereigns of mean capacity are apt to de- stroy their kingdoms by endeavouring to adjust every thing to their own Httleness. Those unhappy creatures, who, for rehgious causes, were fugitives in foreign countries, fled to England, to the succour of EHzabeth — a princess who had not a single enemy in her kingdom. She looked upon every one as her protector, by whose means she had been restored to her country. And, although compelled for a time to hsten to councillors who attempted to lead her away from the lofty designs to which she aspired, she dis- regarded all such endeavours, and constantly refused to allow such ministers to gain the least influence or ascen- dency over her mind. By Ehzabeth's outward conduct, however, both the Duke of Feria and his master. King Philip, understood that the object of all their united efforts was not easily attainable ; still they did not think it im])ossible ; for vanity and ambition induced them to behove that the heart of the English sovereign could not long resist a constant and dexterous pohcy.* * " Ella es una muger vanísima y aguda : débenle haber predicado mucho la manera de proceder del rey su padre : tengo gran miedo que en las cosas de la religion no estará bien, porque la veo incli- nada á gobernar por hombres que están tenidos por herejes .... Tras esto véola muy indignada de las cosas que se han hecho contra ella en vida de la Eeyna, muy asida al pueblo y que lo tiene todo de su parte .... No hay ningún herege ni traidor en todo el reyíio que no se haya levantado de la sepultura para venir á TRANSLATION. She is a most vain and acute woman : they must have preached a great deal to her as to her father the king's mode of pro- ceeding: I fear much that in matters of religion she will not be easy to manage, because I see she is inclined to govern by men who are held to be heretics .... Besides this, I can see that she is very indignant at things which have been done to her in the life- time of the queen, she is attached to the nation, which she holds en- tirely on her side There is neither heretic nor traitor «S TWwmr ' WwuBTii ii ii m i ■ nmi»i>m«»l8«;if.H, ijMgp»g • >mmmi;m m (ií 88 HISTORY OF Philip's ardent desire was to become master of Eng- land ; and now that he could see no prospect of success by means of violence— (for the condition of his army and of Europe, was against force)— he had recourse to per- severance and subornation, foolishly believing that, by purchasing some half-dozen men of a nation, their country would be delivered up to his dominion without resistance.* In this, as in every thing else which Phihp undertook during his long life, he was completely deceived. He neither knew himself nor others. He saw himself blessed by those Spaniards who were accustomed to dis- simulate and shed tears hi the presence of their sovereign, and to respect his name even when he might be absent from the kingdom ; but he could not be made to com- prehend that a nation which had once thrown off his yoke, would never submit to its re-imposition, unl<3ss compelled to do so by an irresistible force. The English, who had experienced the barbarity of Philip s dominion, in burnings, imprisonings, and banish- ings, hated him to the death ; and they shunned all TRANSI^VTION. in all her kingdom who has not been raised from the very dust to appear before her with great satisfaction : she is determined not to allow herself to be governed by anybody, &c. • That such was the proposition of Philip is discovered by that same letter of the Duke of Feria, in which he says :— « El crédito de los 40,000 duca- The credit of the 40,000 ducats dos y las joyas que se me habian and the jewels which were to be ella con gran contentamiento : está puesta en que nose ha de dejar gobernar de nadie," &c. — Letter of the Dulce of Feria to Philip //, airead}^ cited. de enviar no son venidas, aqui no veo otro medio de negociar sino es con dádivas y diges. Suplico á V.M. mande que se me envié cré- dito largo pues V.M. vó cuánto mcís cuesta ganarse un reyno con fuerza que con manar sent me have not arrived, and here I see no other way of negotiating hut with bribes and baubles. I pray your Majesty to order to be sent me a large credit ; for your Ma- jesty may see how much more it costs to gain a kingdom by force than by artifice. \ t \ \ RELIGIOUS INTOLERANCE IN SPAIN. 89 treaty with his ambassador, the Duke of Feria, who found himself slighted by every one in the Court of Ehzabeth.* At last Philip became convinced that EHzabeth only wished to gain time enough to secure the crown of England firmly on her brow ; and, therefore, on the adjustment of peace with France, he concerted his marriage with EHzabeth of Valoise. Meanwhile reh- gious matters in England were going on favourably for the reformation. But Queen Elizabeth still sagaciously entertained the mind of Philip ; and, the better to dis- simulate, she pretended, before the Duke of Feria, to be fretful and complaining at the coming nuptials which the Spanish monarch was about to celebrate, since, she alleged, she was on the very point of disposing of her- self to him, so soon as the affairs of her kingdom would permit. It is certain that the duke never elicited a formal answer to his demand of her in marriage to his master, and equally so that EUzabeth never pledged her word to fix upon the Spanish King for her husband. Nay, more : as she had never discovered her intentions, she complained of Philip s false love, in consequence of his not being able to wait for her three or four months. Thus, with feigned protestations, she deceived him, and worked out that peace which England so much required * " Están contentos todos de verse sueltos de V. M. como si les hubiera hecho malas obras .... y á causa de estar tan enagenados .... me hallo muy embarazado y confuso en buscar manera de saber lo que pasa ; porque verda- deramente huyen de mí como del diablo." — Letter of Duke of Feria^ dated London, 14th Deconber, 1 558. (MS. of Gayangos.) TRANSLATION. They are delighted to find them- selves let loose from your Majesty, as though some bad deed would have been perpetrated against them . . . and in consequence of their being so alienated ... I find myself under great embar- rassment and confusion in endea- vouring to ascertain what is pass- ing ; for, I may truly say, people shun me as they would the devil. 'M 90 HISTORY OF to recruit her forces and constitute herself a powerful nation. * The English Catholics, who had placed their hopes on Philip II., felt themselves aggrieved that he had not availed himself of his ample powers to establish the spiritual dominion of the Court of Home in Great Britain, and they complained that he had not used the necessary dexterity to overcome the talents of EHzabeth, and carry out his own designs. * Comenzó á decirme que V.M. estaba casado, sonriendo . . • • _y algunas veces dando unos sospiril- los á vueltas de la risa. Díjele que .... yo no me podia alegrar de ver casado á V.M. y no con ella, y de que no me hubiese querido creer, habiéndola importunado tanto, y suplicadole viese quanto le couvenia casar con V. M. ; y entonces salió con decir que por V.M. habia quedado y no por ella : (jue ella nunca me habia dado respuesta ; y que yo le habia dicho que tampoco lo habia escrito á V.M. Díjele que bien sabia ella la verdad : que yo no habia que- rido tomar respuesta, porque en- tendí la que me queria dar; y (jue en negocio de aquella calidad entre dos príncipes tan grandes .... yo tenia obligación, ya que no se conformaban, de dalle tal sídida, que no pudiese causar al- gima indignación ó desabrimiento .... Después tornó á decirme que V.M. no debia de estar tan enamorado de ella como yo le habia dicho : pues no habia tenido paciencia para aguardar cuatro meses ; y muchas cosas de estas como persona que no le ha placido nada de la determinación que V.M. ha tom&áo.'"— Letter of the Duke of Feria, of Wth April, 1559 {in the MS. collectioyi of Gayangos). TRANSLATION. She began by saying that your Majesty was married, smiling . . . and sometimes heaving gentle sighs at intervals between her smiles. I told her that .... I could not be glad at seeing your Majesty married and not with her, and which I never wished to believe, having importimed her much, and entreated her to con- sider how greatly it befitted her to marry your Majesty. And then she went on to say, that she had waited for your Majesty, and not for herself; that she had never given me an answer; and that I had told her I never had written to your Majesty to any such effect. I said she well knew the truth : that I did not like to take an answer because I understood what answer she wished to give ; and that in an affair of such quality between two such great princes .... I was under an obligation, should there not be a conformity of inclinations, that there might be no cause of vexation or chagrin arising out of such a result .... Afterwards she turned again, and said that your Majesty could not be so much enamoured with her as 1 had told her, because you had not the patience to wait four months : and many other similar things, as a person not at all pleased with the resolution which your Majesty has taken. RELIGIOUS INTOLERxVNCE IN SPAIN. 91 Philip, on the other hand, consoled himself that, as he could do nothing else, he had, at least to some small extent, sustained the Catholic Church in England, before it crumbled and fell to pieces with such a frightful rum. Phihp gave pensions to several distinguished persons in England, with a view of engaging them in his in- terest, securing possession of the kingdom, and esta- bhshing CathoKcism ; but he never in the least degree profited by this liberality : the gentlemen took his pen- sions, but never rendered any services to His Spanish Majesty. Indeed, these same recipients of his bounty, in their interviews with the Duke of Feria, and to his very face, laughed at his credulity.! At last Philip was obliged to withdraw his favours from those English courtiers ; for he was persuaded that, secretly, they were serving the cause of Elizabeth and the reformation. Relying on the mystery with which he surrounded all * " Esto de la religion hasta ahora se ha entretenido sin que acabase de caer milagi'osamente, mías veces con persuadir blanda- mente, á la reyna, otras con asom- bralla y procurar que diese mas tiempo al negocio .... Los cató- licos (á FeRpe) le ponen demanda de que habiendo estado este reyno á disposición de V. M. para poder dejallo de la manera que quisiera, ha venido á parar en lo que está." — Carta del duque de Feria^ citada 671 la 7iota precedente. t Rióse conmigo (un caballero ingles parcial de Felipe) del poco servicio que avian hecho a V. M. las pensiones que aqui ha dado. — Letter of the Duke of Feria. Lon- don, \m April, 1559. MS, TRANSLATION. The (Catholic) religion, up to the present time, has been delayed from entirely and miraculously falling away, some times by softly persuading the queen, and at others by frightening her, and pro- curing her to devote more leisure to the matter . . . The Catholics put the question why this king- dom, which has been at your Majesty's disposal to deal with as you pleased, has come to finish in the way it does. — Letter of the Duhe of Feria, cited in the pre- ceding note. He (an English gentleman, one of Philip's adherents,) laughed at me to think of the small services your Majesty had received for the pensions you have allowed in this country. \\ 92 HISTORY OF his actions, he imagined that his poUtical intentions were concealed from foreigners ; and yet, at the same time, he know nothing of the pubhc opinion of that very kino-dom vfhkh he was vainly endeavouring to draw under his dominion. Those who strive by secrecy and dissimulation to earn the reputation of great pohticians, are, when just on the point of deceiving others, frequently deceived them- selves, especially in supposing that an adversary places any reliance on their avowed motives and designs. EHzabeth's chamberlain, whom Philip attempted to l)ribe with a pension, although not in the confidence of that king, knew more of his thoughts and intentions than did his own councillors and friends. Thus he prognosticated to the Queen, as also to the Duke of Feria, that Philip would immediately abandon the states in Flanders, and that, when once again in Spain, he would never return to them. The prognostication of the English chamberlain turned out to be correct.* All hope of Philip's marriage with Ehzabeth being lost, and the reformed religion being re-established in England, he still did not despair of sooner or later making himself master of that powerful kingdom. By his ambassador he lay watching, in ambush, like a hon in view of his prey, the movements and inclinations of Ehzabeth. He endeavoured to gain the friendship of her favourites, and to acquire, through them, what he had not been able to obtain by himself. He negotiated with * Una de las cosas que ha dicho á la reyna y á mí es que apostará que V. M, se vá á Kspaña luego y que no volverá á Flandes en estos siete &ños:'— Letter of the Duke of Feria, cited in the preceding Note. TRANSLATION. One of the things which he told the Queen, and me also, is, that he will lay a wager that your Majesty will at once go to Spain, and not return to Flanders for seven years. RELIGIOUS INTOLERANCE IN SPAIN. 93 those who aspired to her favour, as if he were treating for a kingdom which had been usurped ; and in all his intercourse he showed a constant desire to make him- self master of the British dominions. In the first place he wished to sign a secret capitulation with Robert Dudley, Earl of Leicester, to whom he believed the Queen was about to give her hand.* Afterwards, knowing that Ferdinand, Archduke of Austria, had pretensions to the hand of her Majesty, he offered to assist him in his suit, under the absurd notion that it would be an easy matter to persuade him that, with the power of Spain, in case Elizabeth should die without issue, he might remain ruler of the English nation, f * " De unos dias á esta parte ha venido en tanta gracia milord Euberto, que hace quanto quiere en cosas de negocios ; y aun dizen que S. M. lo vá á visitar á su cá- mara de dia y de noche ; y hablase en esto tan resueltamente, que llega la cosa á decir que su muger está muy mala de un pecho, y que la reyna aguarda á que se muera para casarse con él. Y digo á V. M. que se ha tratado ¿a cosa de manera que me ha hecho peiuar si seria bueno tratar de parte de V. M. con Milord Ruherto, y pro- meteUe su ayuda y favor y capi- tular con él. — Letter of Feria, cited in the two IcLst preceding notes. t " No me parece mal expediente el del matrimonio del archiduque Fernando ; pues para lo de aquí yo no veo otro mejor ; y para lo de allá será bueno, si V. M. con esta occasion lo atrae y afirma en su amistad, de arte que él entienda quan útil le será para acrecentarse y sostenerse Y si Fernando es hombre con las espaldas que V. M. le hará, no TRANSLATION. Within the last few days my Lord llol)ert has arrived in these parts in such favour, that he does whatever he pleases in matters of business ; and it is even said that her Majesty goes to visit his chamber day and night ; and so positively is this affair talked about, that it is reported his lady is very ill of complaint in her heart, and the Queen is waiting her death in order to marry him. And I tell your Majesty that the thing has been treated in such a way as to Tnake me think it would be well to negotiate, on the part of your Majesty, with my Lord Robert, and promise him your help and favour, and capitulate with him. It does not appear to me a bad expedient, that of a marriage with the Archduke Ferdinand ; because with regard to things here I do not see a better ; and as to the state of things elsewhere, it will be well if your Majesty, by the occasion, can bring it about and confirm it with your friendship, so that he may un- derstand how useful it would be to him in order to the increase and 94 HISTORY OF RELIGIOUS TNTOiiERANCE IN SPAIN. 95 111 this wav Philip flattcrcl himself he should be able to re-establiJh Catholicism in Great Britain, and that the kinf'dom itself would come to the hands of the house of Austria. But all these propositions, although covered, as he thought, with the shadow of a cunning policy, were patent to the sagacity of Elizabeth ; who, knowing she was surrounded by the subtilty and snares of Rome and of Spain, determined to secure herself agamst them all by not bestomng her hand upon any one who could be' bouc^ht by her enemies, either with gold or with promises of the crown of England itself after her death. Thus she saved herself from that bondage which was preparing for her, and, perhaps, also, from an un- timely and violent death. She also saved, from the chains of slavery, not only her own country, but other parts of Europe, which, through her favour, were able successfully to war against the hosts of Phihp H. The rage of Philip on seeing his hopes blasted, was turned ag°ainst those of his own subjects who had em- braced the doctrines of the reformation. It appeared that on the Protestants of Spain he endeavoured to wreak his vengeance for the scorn with which he had been treated by those of England. The joys and the sorrows of tyrants are always TRANSLATION. solaxnente podrd reforma, lo de la -^-f^XandYaTa; of Bu¿h ri?i rr AT;-T. PLs., ^ y- Majesty wU. que V. M. llegT^e á meter ei pc ^ ^^^^ ^,,^,,, fust preceding notes. ^^^^J^ ^^ ^¿^j^ ^^^.^^^ ^^ ^o see your Majesty place your foot here, it is this. accompanied by the tears of sufFering humanity. When PhiHp, by means of his marriage with Mary, succeeded in making England accept anew the Roman Catliohc rehgion, Spain blazed with fetes in celebration of the event, whilst in the British islands the flames were de- vouring the bodies of the Protestants.* When England returned to the reformation, Philip offered up to the God of Christians holocausts of human blood, in token of the constancy of his faith ! There had been discovered, in the kingdom, a grand Lutheran conspiracy. The cities of Falencia, Valladolid, Toro, Zamora, and Seville, had protestant temples, in which, in the silence of night, the reformers met to shun the observation of inquisitors. Canons, friars, nuns, the sons, and daughters, and other relatives, of the grandees of Castile, as well as gentlemen and plebeians, were the sectarians in Spain who followed the new doctrine. PhiUp, although in Flanders attending to the affairs of Europe, had not forgotten his own country. Scarcely had he heard of the great number of proselytes which Lutheranism was making in Spain, than he commanded the princess Doña Juana, governor of the kingdom, that with all diligence and rigour she should punish the guilty. On the 21st of May, 1559, was celebrated, in the great square of Valladolid, an mdo de fé against the * A description of these fetes celebrated in Spain has been pre- served; its title is, — " Flor de las soletmies alegrías y fiestas que se hicieron e^i la imperial cuidad de Toledo por la conversion del reyno de Inglaterra, compuesta por Juan de Ángulo, vecitio de la dicha ciudad, éccT — Toledo, 1555. TRANSLATION. " Flower of the solemn rejoicings and fetes which were made in the imperial city of Toledo, on the conversion of the kingdom of England ; composed by Juan de Ángulo, a neighbour of the said city, &c." !4 96 HISTORY OF Protestants. A concourse of people, actuated by the ferocious instincts of barbarians, was gathered together from the adjacent countries, and even from more distant nlaces to be the witnesses of human vengeance, ihe house! in ValladoUd were not sufficiently numerous to lodc^e the curious visitors who flocked to that city ; and, consequently, many of them were obliged to pass the night in the neighbourmg fields. The Princess Doña Juana and the Prince Don Carlos bv order of Philip H-, presided on that occasion, assisted by a great number of the Spanish nobility. The spectacle until then, was entirely new; for members of the royal family had never been accustomed to take a part in those sacrifices. j„„ ^:^ Three of the clergy were there degraded under cir- cumstances of the greatest indignity that can be imagined . their hands, fingers, crown of the head, and mouü , ^ere scraped, as if in order to prepare hem foi the sufí-erings they were to endure at the stake.- Doctoi * « El obispo Falencia pasó de donde los príncipes estaban al tablado á degradarlos, que fue una cosa muy de ver, porque nunca se habia visto en nuestro tiempo. Vistióse el dicho obispo una sobre- pelliz, y encima una capa de ter- ciopelo con una cruz y su mitra blanca. Vistieron á los tres sacer- dotes (Cazalla, Vivero y Perez) como si fueran á decir misa, con una^ casullas de terciopelo negro, en donde estando de rodillas de- lante del mismo obispo, les quitaron los cálizes de las manos y los metieron en un arca que allí tenian, y luego habiendo leído ciertas cosas en un pontiñcal que delante del obispo tenian, les qui- taron las casullas y tra- géronles tres dahnáticas, y puestas TRANSLATION. The Bishop of Falencia passed over to where the princes were, to proceed to degrade them, which was a very remarkable sight to witness, because it had never l^efore heen seen in our time, i he bishop dresseil himself in a sur- plice, and, upon that, was a cloak of velvet, with across, andhiswhite mitre. The three priests (CazaUa, Vivero, and Ferez) were in their vestments as if going to say mass, with casuUa^ of black velvet ; and, bein¿ upon their knees before the same bishop, their chalices were taken from their hands, and put into a chest which was there ; and then, certain things having been read out of ^.pontifical which stood l)efore the bishop, their casuUas were taken from them, and .... RELIGIOUS INTOLERANCE IN SPAIN. ^^ Aug'ustin (le Cazalla was there seen, brought out by the side of the coffin or shell, containing the mortal remains of his mother, which had been exhumed to be with him reduced to ashes; an iniquitous mode of aggravatino- a son s affliction by dishonouring the dust of her who had brought him into existence ; but one to be expected of men who could designate as sacrilege the disinterment of corpses with a view of robbing them of their grave- clothes, and yet could, themselves, disturb the repose of the dead, and outrage the living by their ignominious penances. The clerical rage was thus carried even to the tomb, and barbarous vengeance, in the name of a (xod of mercy, taken, not only on living criminals, who might be affected by such deeds, but on heaps of flesh- less bones. On this same occasion, the Bachelor Her- rezuelo, who remained firm to the last in the doctrines of the reformation, had a gag thrust into his mouth so that his pious exhortations might not off^end the ears of a priest-ridden and enslaved people; he too, in his turn, was called to suflfer the greatest indignity ; for, whilst con sus collares, se las quitaron luego, poniéndolos como de epís- tola, y leyendo otro poco, se las quitaron .... y quedaron con los sambenitos. Después de ha- berles raido las manos, dedos, corona y boca en una fuente muy grande que allí tenian, llegó un barbero y les quitó el pelo de las coronas, y hecho esto les pusieron tres corozas."— J/,X in the Biblio- teca Nacional— Relaciones de autos defé. TRANSLATION. there were put upon their shoul- ders three dalmáticas (vestments with open sleeves) with their col- lars, which were removed and so placed as if for the reading the epistle; another short passage being then read, these were taken ^^¿^ •••.... and they remained witii their sa7nbenitos* After having washed their hands, fin- gers, crowns, and mouths, in a large fountain there provided there came a barber and took away the hair from their crowns ; and this done, three corozasf were .. placed on their heads. * A coarse tunic with a rope. t A kind of fool's cap, resembling a mitre but verv ]nfi^ or..i + ing, at the top, to a point. ' ^"^ ^^^*^' ^^'^ ^^P^^- H \ 98 HISTORY OP valiantly despising the satellites of the Inquisition and the flames which were consuming his body, a soldier thrust a lance into his side, and at the same time he was struck with violence in the forehead by a stone thrown from the hand of a bystander* But the furies of fanaticism did not stop with merely these and other sanguinary executions. Not only were the dry bones of Cazalla's mother, as well as the live bodies of her children, consumed in the same fire, and their names handed down to posterity with infamy, but even the house in which they lived was thrown down, and salt sown over its foundation : nay, a column was erected over its ruins, to announce to coming generations the memory of a family whose only crime was an uncom- promising attachment to the cause of religious liberty.t In order to solemnize the return of Philip II. to Spain, other Protestants of Valladoli.l were reserved as much with a view of gratifying the inquisitors, as of serving the exigency of the monarch. In short, he assisted at another mdo de fé, in which an illus nous nobleman, Don Carlos de Sesso, crippled in both his hands and feet by the tortures to which he had been put and almost carried in the arms of two jamxhms of the Holy Oflice, with an energetic voice reprehended PhiUp to his face for his manner of proceeding against the Protestants. But a gag quickly stopped the mouth of the unhappy sufferer, whose body, with those of other noble victims, was quickly consigned to the flames. * Macione> MS. de avios ''«/'^•-BiWiote'^a NaciW. + T+ ia i> mirioim circumstance, that whilst i was occupied, mi o^;^ ^ the Cazalla^, it seems their house was being ^^-^^^^^^^^^ ^panfsh Protestantsr published in London, by Gilpin, m 1851. RELIGIOUS INTOLERANCE IN SPAIN. 99 Philip 11. appears to have been like Nero presiding, in the gardens of his palace, over the burning of the Christians. He wished to gain a reputation for severity in the administration of justice : and hence the stamp of cruelty accompanied all his actions.* Caligula, in his madness, was wont to express his desire that the Roman people had but one neck, which he might sever at one blow. This tyrannical wish of Cahgula was, at the end of sixteen centuries, realized in Spain. Philip II. did not content himself with desiring it, or saying it, but by putting it in execution in the person of Don Juan de la Nuza, the chief justice (justicia mayor J of the kingdom of Arragon, in whom was vested the representation of the rights and liberties of the nobility and all the people. His head fell, at the feet of the executioner, in Zaragoza, by order of Philip Il.t Spain, divided into various kingdoms of diverse laws and customs, but subject to only one sovereign, presented a sad example of what all nations must be which are ignorant of the blessing of religious liberty. As the pomp and magnificence of the sacrifices of pagan Rome, at the terrible spectacle of the death of a multitude of animals, had a tendency to make men fierce and apt to TRANSLATION. * " Ogni sua attione molto piú Every one of his actions had ha del crudele che del severo : much more of cruelty than of se- onde giamai non havendo potuto verity : whence, never having been ne saputo, imparar I'arte, tanto able to know or to learn the art of necesario á prencipi de perdonare, pardoning, so necessary to princes, &c." — Boccalini. — Pietra del Para- &c. gone politico {Cosmopoli, 1671). In these words he alludes to the policy of the Spaniards. t A full account of Nuza's execution will be found in the author's ^^ History of the Spanish Protestants^'' by the translator of this work. H 2 100 HISTORY OF venture themselves in dangers for the mundane glory and the good of their fellow-citizens ; so Spaniards, educated in the sanguinary executions of the autos de fe, were bred up with minds paralysed with fright, and unfit to defend the public cause against tyranny, but well suited, by their ferocity, to aid despots in their attempts to enslave mankind. RELIGIOUS INTOLERANCE IN SPAIN. 101 CHAPTEE VI. Philip II. attempts to stop the reformation in the Low Countries— Duke of Alva— Philip's son Carlos— His premature and suspicious death -Sanguinary executions — Liberties of Holland — Catherme de Medicis— Massacre of the Huguenots— Francisco Antonio Alarcon — Oath of the members of the Cortes as to secrecy— Conduct of Alvaro de la Quadra, Philip's ambassador to Queen Elizabeth— She dismisses him— Conduct of his successor, Gueraldo de Spes, and his dismissal— Bernadino de Mendoza, successor to Spes— Mary Stuart —Movements of the Pope— Philip's armada against England. Philip XL proposed to himself the task of humbhng the pride of the Low Countries, and of converting them into another Spain. But he did not seem to remember, if indeed he ever knew, that the latter country, flattered as she was by the vanity of her conquering kings and prosperous fortunes, had herself, by degrees, been abdi- cating her rights and privileges ; nor did he consider that the States of Flanders remained in all their vigour and energy, and were not therefore disposed to surrender their hberties. In carrying out his design, his first step was, by introducing the Inquisition, to root out the doctrines of the Reformation among the Flemings, and to so weaken them that, at a subsequent period, they might easily be deprived of their privileges, and of all means of defending them. When Charles I. was crowned King of Spain, the people of the Low Countries rejoiced to see their Count 102 HISTORY OF raised to that new dignity, vainly supposing that the sovereignty of Flanders was passing into their own hands, and that they themselves were thenceforth to be the rulers of those dominions. This vain presumption, however, lasted but a short time. Philip II, estabhshing his Court in Spain, began to treat the Flemings as strangers, and not as natural-born subjects. Flanders from that time was considered as a Spanish colony, in the same manner as Spain had formerly been considered a Flemish colony.* The nobles and the plebeians of the Low Countries were determhied to maintain their privileges. They sent messengers to Philip representing the evils which would result from the execution of his orders ; but these mes- sengers, on their arrival in Spain, were, one after another, secretly put to death. The king was resolved to carry out his object. He sent new forces to Flanders, and a governor experienced * " Albora che vide (Fiaudra) li suoi eonti divenuti Re di Spagna, scioccameute si diede á credere di (lover manomettere li Spagnnoli ; perchioche ni breve tempo non la Spagna dalli Fiamenghi, ma la Fiaudra dalli avari et crudeli Spagnnoli fa maudata á sacco . . . Et che perció cominció ad essere governata da gente straniera con quelle gelosie, con quelli strapazzi, con quelli scorticameute di nuovi gabelle, di soventioni, di contri- butioni . . . dalle quali nacque poi la guerra civile : la quale doppo una indecibile profusione d'oro, una infinita effusion di sangue, una incredibile perdita dell' honor di Fiamenghi si 6 convertita en una avara mercantia di Spannoli." — BoccaUtiL — Pietra del pamr/one politico. TRANSLATION. Now that Flanders saw her Counts become Kings of Spain, she foolishly permitted herself to believe that she ought to turn out the Spaniards ; but, in a short time, not Spain by the Flemings, but Flanders itself was taken and sacked by the avaricious and cruel Spaniards . . . And then it began to be governed by foreigners with that jealousy, with those insults, with those excoriations of new taxes, impositions, customs, and contributions .... to which the civil war gave birth ; and which, after an unspeakable profusion of gold, an infinite effusion of blood, and an incredible loss of honour on the pai-t of the Flemings, were converted into ;ui avaricious mer- chandize of the Si)aniards. RELIGIOUS INTOLERANCE IN SPAIN. 103 in every thing relating to war, a man well adapted to serve in the enterprise without respect to dignities, laws, or even lives. The Duke of Alva entered the Low Countries with the determination to extinguish the very idea of liberty throughout those lands, and to stifle every generous thought which was contrary to Philip's own notions. At that time the Flemings had centred all their hopes for remedying their grievances in the Prince Don Carlos of the Asturias, son of Philip II. ; for this youth was himself anxious to throw off* the paternal yoke, and, above all, as heir to the crow^n, to have charge of the govern- ment of Flanders. Carlos commenced and kept up a correspondence, on these matters, with the Prince of Orange, and the Counts of Egmont and Home ; and, according to the behef of the Dutch and the Flemings, was attached to the reformed religion ; even in the present century the same opinion is entertained, in con- sequence of the mysterious expressions w^hich are met with in the documents having reference to his imprison- ment and death.* * The opinion of the Flemings was in conformity with that which I have expressed, and attempted to prove by several Spanish and Italian documents quoted in my '■ Histort/ of the Spanish Protestants,'''' published in 1851. See also a book, entitled " Le miroir de la cruelle et horrible Tijrannie Espagnole perpetree au Pa?/s £as par le Ti/ran Due de Albe, et aultres Commandeurs de par le roy Philippe le deuxiesme d-c. — Nouvelle- ment exorné et Tot Amsterdam Ghedruckt hy Ian Evertss Cloppenhurg opH Watertegen over de Koor-Beurs, éc, 1620.'" Speaking of the Prince Don Carlos, the author says, — " Ce leun homme et prince estoit fort bien aymé de ceux de nostre Patrie et desirojent fort de I'avoir pour son prince, mais les ennemiz de la pais, I'empescherent q'un tel Soleil ne donna ses rayons sur un tel florissant pays en no- blesse et richesse. Quand on le TRANSLATION. This young man and prince was much loved by those of our coun- try, who greatly desired to have him as their prince ; but the ene- mies of peace prevented such a Sun shedding his rays on a country so flourishing in nobleness and riches. When they dispatched \i 104 UISTOKY OF RELIGIOUS INTOLERANCE IN SPAIN. 105 But Pliilip, aware that his son was endeavouniig to put a stop to his cruel poHey, shut him up in his own palace. Carlos did not long survive his imprisonment. He finished his existence at the age of twenty-three years, under circumstances which gave rise to suspicions that he had suffered, in the cause of humanity, a \iolent death, in pursuance of secret orders from Philip II. The Duke of Alva arrested many of the Flemish gentry, and summoned others by public proclamation. The Counts of Egmont and of Home were publicly be- headed pursuant to sentence of iniquitous judges, who, contrary to the laws and to the protestations of the victims, made the tribunal of justice subservient to the will of a tyrant. These Counts, as Knights of the order of the Golden Fleece, could not, according to the then existing laws and their privileges, be tried, except by their peers. (lepescha, il estoit en aage de vingt et deux una, fort geiiereux d'en- tcnderaent, liberal, diligent aux estudes, il dorraoit rarement sur- passant cest en alegresáe á caste heure regnant. II estoit fort adonné augoiiverne- inont et principalement disiroit il d'aller avec son pere vers le Pays Ras, mais il trouva des hai- neux empesehant la bonne volonté car ilz disolent que le seroit la source de beaucoup de maulx et qu'il estoit besoing de prendre garde á luy, qu'il pensoit quelque jour aller vers Italie et apres vers le Pays Bas ; qu'il commu- nicoit tousiours avec les seigneurs de Pays Bas, comnie le Marquiz de Bergh en Montigny et qu'il }>oui*tant n' estoit totaleiiient ad- donné á la religion catholique,''' TRANSLATION him, he was of the age of two and twenty years, of a generous un- derstanding, liberal, diligent in his studies, seldom sleeping, and sur- passing in liveliness of disposition even those of his age. He was much bent on govern- ing, and particularly desired to go with his father towards the Low Countries ; but he found some malicious opposers to his good will, for they said that it would 1)6 the source of many evils and that it was necessary to place a guard over him, for that he thought some day to go towards Italy, and afterwards towards the Low Countries ; and that he communicated constantly with the lords of the Low Countries, such as the Marquis of Bergh en Montigny, and t/iat, moreover, he was not entire! // addicted to the Catholic relif/ion. A nmltitude of other sanguinary executions, and no less frightful and appalling, followed those of the Counts, in Rotterdam, in Malines, at the Hague, and in other towns. Even the Cathohcs themselves in Flanders, although adherents of the Spanish King, were horrified at the atrocious deeds of the Duke of Alva. They perceived how rapidly the indignation of the pubUc was increasing, as well as that of the friends and followers of the persecuted nobility. They not only warned the governor of the torrents of blood he was about to shed in the Low Countries, but wrote to Philip, beseeching liim to grant a general pardon, as the only mode of ap- peasing the anger of the people. But the King s order came too late. The strife had increased to such a fearful extent, that the military force was inadequate to restore the public tranquiUity.^^* The Prince of Orange, with a view of liberating his country, raised an army composed of Germans, French, and Walcherens, With this force he entered Flanders to succour the people. This illustrious man, whose devotedness rivalled that of the most renowned citizens of Greece and Rome, spent the whole of his patrimony in protecting the Flemings ; and, with a view of subduing the ardour of his noble spirit, the ferocious Duke of Alva carried off, from Louvaine, his son, the Count of Bueren ; * " Le Prince d' Orange monstra sa loyaute qu' engaqa tons ces biens pour 1' amour de nous, es- tants en plus miserable estat dú monde : toutesfois il desideroit nous delivrer de la tyrannic Es- l)agnole ; mais le temps n' estoit })as encore avenu." — Le Miroir de la cruelle et horrible tyramiie Es- paynole, ¿:c. TRANSLATION. The Prince of Orange mani- fested his loyalty by devoting all his property, out of love to us, we being in the most miserable state in the world : he always wished to deliver us from the Spanish tyranny ; but the time was not yet arrived. 106 HISTORY OF RELIGIOUS INTOLERANCE IN SPAIN. 107 thus violating and trampling upon the privileges of Bra- bante and of the University, in order that this young captive might, by a fifteen years' imprisonment in Spain, expiate his crime of having been born of an enemy to a despot ! But the Prince of Orange was incapable of being overcome by the entreaties, menaces, or bribes, of the King of Spain. He was, therefore, able, by the sacrifice of his own fortune, to secure the liberties of Holland and Zealand. Fearful of the unhappy results which might attend the arms of those who maintained the independence of their country, he wished to preserve his credit, that, when necessary, it might be available for the public service. With this view, he declined the first office in the government, advising his friends to confide it to the Archduke Mathias, of Austria, after- wards to the Duke Francisco de Alenson, brother of the King of France, and ultimately to Robert, Earl of Leicester, a favourite of Elizabeth, Queen of England ; but none of those were able to offer those services which the necessities of the Dutch required. Philip employed every species of artifice to gain over the mind of the Prince of Orange. The Emperor of Germany, in the name of the King of Spain, to induce him to lay down his arms, offered to both him and his friends the most advantageous propositions, and engaged, as mediator, to see them inviolably carried out. But the Queen of France, Catherine de Médicis, who was disaffected to Philip, in consequence of suspicions that he had ordered his wife, her daughter, Elizabeth of Valois, to be poisoned, and owing to other insults against the French, interfered, and put aside the treaty, promising the Prince of Orange all her assistance, if ^• he would but continue the war against the King of Spain.* French inconstancy afterwards left the Prince and the Dutch engaged in the struggle with a powerful nation, having only their own forces, and those which at that time were afforded them under the protection of Queen Ehzabeth of England.f But the treachery of Catherine de Médicis had the effect of making them more courageous and the better fitted for the enterprise of w^orking out their own Kberties. * " Le Prince d'Orange, chef de ceux qui s'estoint eslevez es Pais Bas contre Finquisition et le gou- vernement des espagnols, s'estoit retiré chez soy en Allemagne et estoit instamment solicité d'accor- der avec le Eoy d'Espagne á con- ditions assez avantageuses, les- quelles I'Empereur (moyenneur de cest accord) luy proposoit et pro- mettoit faire inviolablement ob- server, tellement qu'il estoit á demy encline á les recevoir. Pour rompre ce traite, Catherine fait que le roy son fils escrit une lettre au Comte Ludovic de Nassau, frere du Prince d'Orange .... par la quelle il lui donna espe- rance de secours contre le roy d'Espagne .... La roine estoit fort corroucée de la mort de sa filie empoisonnée en Espagne." — Dis- cours merveilleux de la vie actions et deportemens de la royne Cathe- rine de Mediéis^ mere de Fram^ois II., Charles IX., Henry III, rois de France. — A Pari, 1663. t "Les ruines de ees pauvres peuples, voire des princes, qui les out conduits pour les avoir aban- donnez au besoin, apres les avoir semonds á s'eslever pour se mettre en sa protection." — Le Tocsaiii co7itre les masecreurs et auteurs des ronftisio)is en France. — A Reims, Mb.LXXVlL TRANSLATION. The Prince of Orange, the chief of those who had risen in the Low Countries against the Inquisition and the government of the Spa- niards, had retired to his house Germany, and was earnestly solici- ted to agree with the King of Spain to very advantageous conditions, which the emperor (the medium of that agreement,) proposed to him, and promised to see that they were observed inviolably, so that he was half inclined to accept them. To break off the treaty, Catherine prevailed on the king, her son, to write a letter to the Count Ludo- vico, of Nassau, brother to the Prince of Orange .... in which he gave him hope of assistance against the King of Spain .... The queen was much enraged — at the death of her daughter, who was poisoned in Spain. The ruin of these poor people, nay, even of the princes, who had led them on, to abandon them in time of need, after having in- vited them to rise, and put them- selves under their protection. 108 HISTOKY OF Philip II., under pretence of fortifying the CathoHc faith, still continued to use every effort to draw France and England under his power. Before the death of his queen, Elizabeth of Valois, sister of the French Kings, Francis IL, Charles IX. and Henry III., he believed that he was shortly to make himself master of all the countries on the other side of the Pyrenees. The cunning and perfidious Catherine de Medicis, through the Duke of Alva, offered to place the crown of France on the brow of her daughter, Elizabeth, if Philip would assist her in taking possession of Florence. But the Duke, not wishing to rely on promises and offers so un- likely to be performed, exacted from her, in token of her good faith, a pledge that she would abohsli liberty of conscience in the French dominions, and begin at once by the punishment of the Huguenots.* In all those conspiracies, plotted by the sovereigns of Europe against the Protestants, Philip IL and the Pope appear to have .been the principal instigators. The * "Promit et iura au due d'Albe de faire tombere la couroune de France sur la teste de sa fiUe aisiiue pour se le rendrebon patron et garent, au cas que ses enfants mourussent. Mais le Due d'Albe ne la pouvant legerement croire, voulut pour confirmation de ce faict que la royne mere luy pro- mist, cependant de rompre et casser I'edict de pacification et de oster aux Huguenots tout ce qu'ils avoyent de liberté de conscience et de exerciee de religion, pour meilleure preuve de sa bonne volonte envers I'Espagne." — Le Reveille-matin des Francois et de leurs V0ÍSÍ71S. — Compose par En- sebe Philadelphe, cosmopolite. — A EdÍ7ihourg, 1574. TRANSLATION. She promised and swore, to the Duke of Alva, to let fall the crown of France on the head of her eldest daugliter, to make herself a good patron, and guarantee, in case her children should die. But the Duke of Alva, not being able easily to believe her, wished, as a confir- mation of this fact, that the queen mother should promise in the interim to break the edict of paci- fication, and to deprive the Hu- guenots of all that they had of liberty of conscience, and exercise of religion, as a better proof of her good will towards Spain. RELIGIOUS INTOLERANCE IN SPAIN. 109 horrible murder of the French Huguenots, on the night of St. Bartholomew, was promised beforehand by Catherine de Medicis to the King of Spain and the Roman Pontiff. The advice of these two personages, and the assistance they rendered in the execution of the deed, as well as the money and men furnished by them on the occasion, filled the whole world with indignation.* Philip, wasting his own treasures and those of his subjects in protecting the cause of the Pope in Europe, greatly impoverished the Spanish nation. In a meeting of the Cortes, held in Madrid (I think in 1588), with the object of asking subsidies of the people, in order to defend the Catholic religion, a procurador, Don Francisco Antonio Alarcon, gave an opinion contrary to the petition which Philip had pre- sented for a duty on flour. In that notable speech, written with great courage and reason, we find the eloquent patriot thus expressing himself : — " I ask — what connection is there between a cessation of heresies there, and our paying a tax upon flour here ! Think you, for example, that France, Flanders, and England, will be better when Spain is poorer \ The remedy for the sins of Nineveh was not to augment the taxes of Palestine, in order to send and conquer ; but to send to the people of Nineveh a person who might convert them The Cathohc religion, and the cause and defence of it, is common to all Christendom ; * " Et ce pour satisfaire á la promesse faite au Pape et á 1' espagnol avec lesquels la con- juration avoit este projectee di longue main, &c." — Le tocsain contre les m/xsecreurs^ éc. TRANSLATION. And to fulfil the promise made to the Pope, and to the Spaniard by whom the conspiracy had been projected, a long time previously, &c. lio HISTOKY OF RELIGIOUS INTOLERANCE IN SPAIN. Ill and if those wars are necessary for it, it does not belong to Castile to bear all the charge, there being other kingdoms, and princes, and republics to look to . . " " I beseech you to consider, that the present wars cannot continue ; for, like other things of the world and of the state, they take such turns, that it is possible, supposing present intentions to change, means may be found to bring about peace with our enemies ; and then would be seen our great fault and imprudence, in having, through false alarms of a short war, put the nation under true and perpetual slavery ; for, according to the opinion of those who are learned in state añairs, an open war would be a less evil than a peace on such onerous con- ditions." " It may be seen at a glance that wars with France and Flanders are very dangerous .... and therefore the kingdom ought not, and cannot, with reason, bring upon herself a certain evil for the hope of anything so dubious, because .... these provinces being in a much better condition, and your majesty in less necessity, seeing that they have always become deteriorated with so many years of war, and with so much expense and power, it is a manifest indication of what may be ex- pected in prosecuting them; on the contrary, if well considered, these events and things are like so many monitors, reminding us of the little fruit derived by the ever victorious Emperor Charles V. from the war with the heretics and heresies of Germany, and by the kings of France against those of their kingdom ; and, finally, by our ovm. Lord the King against those of Flanders, of England, and of France. And when it is also considered, that the mischief was not remedied, or even lessened, by the means applied, it is a clear sign that either the ^ i disease is mortal, or that the remedies are not those adapted to cure it ; and then, wise men say, it is neces- sary to attempt the cure by contrary means It is a good thing not to have wars within a kingdom, and very desirable to free it from them; . . . and, if the procuring of peace in Spain is to be by so much poverty, and such a burden as is threatened b}^ the tax upon flour, that would be a peace more cruel than all the wars. Because, if death is the greatest of all the troubles of this life, and if to die of hunger is the most miserable of all deaths, as wise men affirm it is, it follows that this tax will cause great hunger in the kingdom : the people will live by tlie greatest labour while they do exist, and then die the most miserable of all deaths " " Doubtless our enemies, and even our foreign friends, understand it to be most prejudicial that the affairs of this monarchy have arrived at such an extremity, that, in order to free us from either the war or the heresies of other kingdoms, there is now no other remedy, accord- ing to the lords of the junta, than to take the bread from our mouths : for the power of Spain would be but lightly esteemed if we were deprived of bread ; so would our genius, if we were unable to procure bread ; and so also would our sense, if we did not desire to have bread. Such is the condition of all human affairs, that burdened kingdoms and necessitous princes lose the respect of their friends and the fear of their enemies not being able to fulfil their promises to the former, or to execute their menaces against the latter " " The tax upon flour, because full of difficulties, inconveniences, and inequality, ought not to, nor can it, be conceded or consented to; for, without \i 1 1 I i ■\' H 112 HISTORY OF feigning anything, we can say, with those of Andria to Themistocles, who, endeavouring to impose a tribute upon them, said, that, in order that they might concede it to him, he was raising up two very powerful goddesses- Persuasion and Force : to which the Andrians replied, that they also had two other goddesses, still more valiant, who would defend them against its payment, which were— Poverty and Impossibility/'* Such were the protests of men, lovers of their country and of the welfare of mankind, against the temerarious wars of religion moved by Philip 11. ; such the reason- ings with which some persons, instigated by a holy zeal, and armed with extraordinary courage, defended the public interests, menaced by the ambition of a monarch who attempted to impose upon all people and nations the articles of his own creed. These animated words of Alarcon, uttered in the Cortes of Madrid, were, however, not permitted to resound through the extended boundaries of the Spanish dominions, and to be re-echoed by Europe throughout * The document from which these passages are copied, exists in MS. in the Biblioteca Nacional of Madrid, Códice S. 151, with the title— " Discurso que trata del tributo ó imposición sobre la harina que en tiempo del Rey Don Felipe II. nuestro Senor^ se propuso en algunas de las cortes que se celebraron en los reynos de la corono de Castilla y Leon que concediesen á SJÍ.,el qual fué un parecer ó voto que dio en las cortes de Madrid un Procurador de ellas. Y tiénese por cosa cierta y sin duda que le compuso el Licen- ciado Gonzalo de Valcárcel, juris- consulto muy docto y de grande erudicicmr In the catalogue, it bears the name TRANSLATION. A Discourse which treats of the tribute or imposition upon four^ which in the time of the King Don Philip II., our Lord, was proposed in some of the cortes celebrated in the kingdoms of the Crown of Castile and Leon to be conceded to II.M., which was an opinion, or a vote, given by a Deputy of the Cortes in Madrid. Ana it is held for certain, and without doubt, that it was composed by the Licentiate Gonzalo de V alear eel f a jurisconsult of great learning and erudition. of Don Francisco Antonio Alarcon. I RELIGIOUS INTOLERANCE IN SPAIN. 113 ÍJS y ,•' the world, announcing that, even in Spain, the torch which illumined the human understanding, in spite of the Holy Office and of Philip XL, was not yet extinguished. The procuradores in Cortes were sworn, before taking their seats in them, not to reveal to a human being any of its proceedings, without the permission of the King, or of the functionary who presided in his name. Philip had carried his inquisitorial secrecy even into the representative assembly; so that the people were ignorant of what was done or left undone, by their representatives, for the public service. They only knew of these proceedings by their effects ; and not even by these, if the monarch, the council of Castile, and the tribunal of the Inquisition so ordered ; nor were they able to read any account of the votes of the represen- tatives of the kingdom on questions discussed in the Cortes.'''" But Philip was resolved to put himself in possession of every part of Europe w^hich had cast off obedience * The form of the oath taken, in 1698, by the procuradores in cortes, was as follows : — " Que juran á Dios y á esta cruz y á las palabras de los Santos Evangelios, que con sus manos derechas han tocado, que ternán y guardarán secreto de todo lo que se tratare y platicare en las cortes, tocante al servicio de Dios y de S.M., y bien y procomún destos sus reynos ; y que no lo dirán ni revelarán por interpósitas per- sonas, directe ni indirecte, á per- sona algima hasta ser acabadas y despedidas las dichas cortes, salvo si no fuere con licencia de S.M., ó del Señor Presidente que en su nombre está presente, &c." — MS. in the library of Señor Don Pascual de Gayangos. TRANSLATION. That they swear by God, and by that holy cross, and on the words of the holy Evangelists, which they have touched with their right hands, that they will guard and keep secret all that is spoken of or treated upon in the cortes, touching the service of God and of his majesty, and the com- mon welfare of those his king- doms ; and that they will neither speak of, nor reveal anything, through strangers, directly or in- directly, to any person whom- soever, until the said cortes shall have been dissolved and separated, except by license of his majesty, or of the Lord President who, in his name, is present, «&;c. I i RELIGIOUS INTOLERANCE IN SPAIN. 115 114 HISTORY OF to the Pope; nor did he regard the remonstrances made l; his subjects when they reminded him of h.s error. He wasted his resources in maintammg himself at the head of the conspirators of foreign kingdoms In England, the Bishop de Aquila, Don Alvaro de la Quadra, ambassador of Philip, harboured the malcontents hi his house, and directed all the machmations of the Catholics against Queen EUzabeth. To suc^i an extreme did these arrive, that the Queen, and those of he, comicil, ordered the house of the Spanish embassy to be surrounded by armed people, who were commanded to take it, to break open its doors in case of resistanc , and to remove all the English found withm its walls. Already an English magistrate had been placed withm the embassy, to watch the Bishop, and give an ax^coun of the persons who visited him. But these W^^TZ were of little avail; for it generally happens that the ambassador of a powerful monarch resolved to favour conspirators of other kingdoms, is influenced by a daring pertinacity. Many Spaniards, Italians, and Flemmgs, were igno- miniously turned out of the Bishop's house, and, after having been exposed to the derision of the people, were put into the public prison of London.^ Elizabeth * On 7th February, 1563, Cuadra « El mariscal de la corte subió á mi aposento y me dijo de parte de la reyna, que le mandase entregar todos los Ingleses que había en casa Yo le dije que no había visto ningún Inglés .... Visto que no había Ingleses, tomaron Españoles, Italianos y Flamencos los que qui- sieron y los llevaron públicamente con irrisión y grita del pueblo, por wrote to Philip, saying to him :— TR^VNSLATION. The marshal of the court came up to mv apartment, and told me, on behalf of the Queen, that 1 must deliver up to him all the English who were in the house ..... I told him there had not been an Englishman seen in it . . . Perceiving that there were no English, they took as many of the Spaniards, Italians, and Flemmgs, r determined that Philip should not, through his agents in England, any longer conspire against her ; and thus it became necessary for him to send to her court another ambassador, who was not an ecclesiastic. But the King of Spain, and his messengers in England, did not abandon their policy of plotting conspiracies against Queen Elizabeth. Owing to these, the am- bassador Don Gueraldo de Spes, a military knight of the order of Calatrava, was made a prisoner in his own house, and, subsequently, called before Elizabeth's council and severely reprehended for his attempts to encourage those''^ who were disaffected to her majesty, in order that they might resort to violence and open rebellion ; and for having circulated the bulls fulminated by the todo lo mas largo de la ciudad hasta la cárcel pública Paréceme que están determinados de prohibir espresamente que no venga á misa nadie, aunque sea estrangero .... He sabido que la orden que estaba dada era que si en mi casa se hiciese la menor resistencia del mundo, se hubiesen abierto las puertas, y apellidado por la reyna y que me hubiesen combatido la casa, y muerto á cuantos en ella habia."— Pape/es del Archivo de Simancas. — See the work ^'España, y el Vizconde Pal- merstonr * " A los 8 de Enero (1569) él (Cecil) y el almirante con grande insolencia me arrestaron en casa, despidiéndome todos los criados ingleses, sino uno, y poniendo muy estrecha guarda, repartida la gente por cuatro cuadrillas, para las cuales hicieron tres casas de ma- dera, y para la cuarta servia una casilla en la puerta principal."— Papeles del Archivo de Simancas. Vide the already-cited work, ''España y el Vizconde Palmerstonr TRANSLATION. as they pleased, and carried them away publicly, amid the derision and hootings of the people, through the longest way in the city, to the public prison .... It appears to me they are determined to prohibit, expressly, every one from coming to mass, even though they be foreigners .... I have learned that the order given was, that if, in my house, there had been made the least resistance in the world, they would have broken open the doors, and, lighting for the Queen, have taken the house by assault, killing every one found within it. On 8th January (1569) he (Cecil) and the admiral, with great insolence, arrested me in my house, discharging all the English ser- vants, except one, and placing over the house a strict guard, di- vided into four companies, for three of which were erected three wooden houses, and for the fourth was appropriated a small house or lodge at the principal gate. I 2 116 HISTORY OF Pope against that sovereign.-*^— Owing to these same conspiracies, Don Bernardino Mendoza, the successor of De Spes, was expelled from England, for his attempts to carry off Mary Stuart from the kingdom, after having in vain endeavoured to exculpate himself before Elizabeth's council ; for, whilst asking time to communicate with Philip, the members rose from their seats, and refused to hear him. t— Finally, owing to these, Mary Stuart was * «S. M. qiie V. S. dá . . tiene entendido muesti-a de ser en muy mayor grado inclinado á in- tentar cosas peligrosas contra S. M usando de continuos tratos secretos con sus subditos para divertir los buenos de su de- bido oficio, y animar los incon- stantes á intentar muy horribles maleficios contra su patria, niovi- éndoles á ser rebeldes, y animán- dolos á ellos con persuasiones y esperanzas que V. S. les ha dado de ciertas invasiones , . . . . y estos sus últimos tractos son tan claros y manifestos á S. M. que ya no los puede mas sufrer, &c." — Papeles del Archivo Simancas. Copy of the intimation given to Spes in the coimcil of the Queen of England, on the 14th December, 1571. t " El secretario ... me dijo .... estar (la reyna) muy mal satisfecha de mí por los oficios que habia hecho para inquietar su reyno, teniendo comunicación con la reyna de Escocia, como lo habia confesado un Mor que es- taba preso, haberme dado cartas suyas y tratar yo de quererla sa- car deste pais con inteligencia del duque de Guisa á cuya causa era la voluntad de la reyna que dentro de quince dias me partiese .... Les dije que yo era enemigo de estar en casa de nadie k su pesar .... por lo cual cumpliria la voluntad de la reyna al momento que despachase TRANSI^VTION. Her majesty has understood that you had given proofs of be- ing, in the greatest degree, in- clined to attempt dangerous things against her majesty . . . having recourse to secret treaties, contin- uously, with her subjects, in order to divert the good from their duty, and animate the disaffected to attempt horrible deeds against their country, moving them to re- bellion and exciting them to it with promises and hopes that you had given of certain invasions .... and that those, your ulti- mate designs, . . . are so clear and manifest to her majesty, that she cannot suffer them any longer, &c. The secretary .... told me .... that she (the Queen) being ill-pleased with me for the offices that I had rendered in disquieting her kingdom, by having communi- cation with the Queen of Scots, as a Moor had confessed, he lieing a prisoner, saying that he had given me letters and conferred with me about carrying her off from this country, by arrange- ment with the Duke of Guise . . . for which cause, it was the Queen's will that I should make my de- parture in fifteen days .... T told him I did not wish to be in any one's house against his will .... for which reason I would RELIGIOUS INTOLERANCE IN SPAIN. 117 ordered to be beheaded, as a punishment not for her attempts to liberate herself from prison, but for having conspired against the throne and Kfe of Elizabeth, and against the English Protestants, in concert with Philip XL, with the Pope, and with the Duke of Alva, who, by their imprudent actions had discovered, to the sagacity of the English Queen, the tempest which menaced her kingdom. "^^ Philip II., in spite of the sacrifices of his troops and his treasures, had the misfortune to see all his attempts against other nations entirely frustrated, and a consider- able portion of the property of his own subjects wasted by his unsuccessful projects. From such results one may infer how^ erroneous is the policy of sovereigns who un correo á V. M Eepli- caron levantándose de las sillas que no, sino que habia de partirme luego, disculpando las cosas hechas con disvergiienzas, que no es en mi mano tener atrevimiento para escribirlas á V. M." — Papeles del Archivo de SÍ7na7icas. Carta de Mendoza á Felipe, escrita en Lon- dres á 26 de Enero de 1584. * " II est certain que si la con- spiration eust sorty son effect, la religion eust change en Angle- terre : l'intelligence du Pape, du roy d'Espagne, et du due d'Albe, le descouvren assez .... La punition de ceste conspiration, n'adioustera rien a leur mauvaise vontó ; mais l'impunitó adious- tera bien aux moyens. Le Pape, le roy de Espagne, ny le due d'Albe, ( quelle parentelle ! ) ny confederation ou amité si estroicte out ils á la dicte royne d'Escosse que pour son respect ils ayent iamais voula s'armer contre la royne d'Angleterre ? &c. " — Le Reveille-matin des Francois et de hurs V0ÍSÍ71S. (Edimbourg, 1574.) TRANSLATION. comply with the Queen's will the moment I should have dispatched a courier to your majesty .... They replied, raising themselves from their seats, no ; I should take my departure immediately, justifying their violence without the least shame ; in a way that even my hand has not the courage to write or describe. It is certain, that if the con- spiracy had carried out its inten- tion, religion would have been changed in England : the corres- pondence of tlie Pope, of the King of Spain, and of the Duke of Alva, sufficiently proves it ... The punishment of this conspiracy will add nothuig to their wicked design; but impunity will add greatly to their means. Has the Pope, the King of Spain, or the Duke of Alva, ( what relations ! ) neither confederation nor friend- ship so strict towards the said Queen of Scots, that, out of respect to her, they have never wished to arm themselves against the Queen of England ? 118 HISTORY OF carry their pertinacity to the utmost extreme, heedless of the disasters which their conduct towards foreign kingdoms may bring upon their own. But whilst Spain was employed in wars against the greater portion of Europe in defence of the Pontiff, the latter, through his Nuncio, was attempting to abridge the royal authority and set up his own. In order to this, he, in the first place, ordered the correjidor (chief magistrate,) and the judge of Logroño to be excommu- nicated, for having sequestrated the property of certain ecclesiastics, and thereupon declared void the bishopric of Calahorra, the bishop of which had attacked the orders of the council and of Philip in reference to the same matter. The King expelled the Nuncio for his temerity, and wrote to Cardinal Granville complaining of the Pope's ingratitude for all the wars he had under- taken with a view of maintaining the power of his hohness in all Europe.* PhiUp, by the benefits which he conferred, engen- dered only ingratitude ; for he bestowed them on reci- * " Es fuerte cosa (decia Felipe) i^ue por ver que yo solo soy el que respeto á la Sede Apostólica, y con suma veneración mis reynos,y pro- curo hagan lo mismo los ágenos, en lugar de agradecérmelo, como de- bían, se aprovechan de ello para quererme usupar la autoridad . . . Y só muy bien que no debo sufrir que estas cosas pasen tan ade- lante ; y 03 certifico yo que me traen muy cansado y cerca de acabárseme la paciencia, por mu- cha que tengo. Y si á esto se llega podria ser que á todos pesase de ello." — Carta á Gran- velle desde Lisboa el ano de 1582. Juicio imparcial sobre el monitoria de Parma. TRANSLATION. It is a hard thing, (said Philip,) that, seeing I am the only one who respects the apostolical see, and that my kingdoms do the same with the utmost veneration, and that I procure foreign kingdoms to do the like, instead of being thanked for it, as I ought to be, I am taken advantage of by all those who desire to usurp my authority .... And I know very well that I ought not to suffer these things to go any further ; for I assure you that they tire me, and nearly exhaust my patience, much as I have of it. RELIGIOUS INTOLERANCE IN SPAIN. 119 pients who regarded them as flowing from a sense of imperative duty, rather than from affection and devotion. By his artifices and dissimulations in his pohtical track he caused irreconcileable enemies, and by his wars he brought up victorious competitors, who fought against his own arrogance, and destroyed the property of his subjects. He had to struggle with the talent of the Prince of Orange, who knew how to profit by the cruelties of the Duke of Alva and of his leaders, perpe- trated in the Low Countries. These cruelties afforded a fair pretext for instigating the minds of the people to vengeance, and inducing an ardent desire to recover their privileges, and a wish to consohdate, into one republic, the seven provinces which had rebelled against Philip ; and, although the latter had contrived, by treachery, to take the life of the Prince of Orange, yet his eldest son, Maurice of Nassau, educated in the lessons of the histories of Polybius and JuUus Cajsar, united, unfortunately for the Spanish King, to the political talents of his father, great valour and military skill ; he continued the struggle, (sustained as it was, on one side, by the great loss of Spanish people and of Spanish property, and on the other, by the riches which the commerce of the Dutch w^ere enabled to supply,) and ultimately secured the liberties of the country. Not less infelicitous were the movements of Philip in attempting to take possession of France. The captains of the Catholic League, in that country, sold their services to King Henry IV., rather than place themselves at the disposition of Philip ; and that monarch made a false pretence of letting alone the reformed religion, in order to put an end to the inquietudes of his kingdoms. After his attempts to conspire against Queen 120 HISTORY OF Elizabeth, Philip, seeing himself foiled by her sagacity, determined on having recourse to arms in order to make himself master of the British Isles. He prepared a most numerous Armada, to which the common people gave the name of invincible : but the English admiral, Sir Francis Drake, with great boldness, entered some of the Spanish ports, (Cadiz among the rest,) where the vessels, destined for the expedition were lying, and burned a great number of them. Afterwards the Armada, under orders of the Duke of Medina Sidonia, passed the channel of La Mancha : but by the burthen of the ships, the ignorance of PhiUp's sailors, who were un- accustomed to such rough seas, the active pursuit by the English and Dutch ships, which kept a constant cannonade against the Spaniards, and sent fire-ships among them, and by the taking of several galleons and their crews, this enterprise of Philip was entirely destroyed.^ TRANSLATION. An account of what befel the Ar7nada of His MaAesty from the time it entered the English Channel until its arrival at Dunkerque on the I2ih and 13íA of August, 1688. The Armada entered the Channel on Saturday, Z^th July, and, on that day, it made way to the entrance to Plymouth, in sight of a great num- ber of the enemy'' s ships. * ^^Belacion de lo sucedido á la Armada de S. M\ desde que entró en el canal, de Inglaterra hasta lo que se entendió en Dunquerque á los doze y treze de Agosto de 1688. Entró en d canal la Armada, sá- bado treunta de Julio y aquel dia se mejoró hasta la entrada de Flemua (Plymouth,) y se vieron cantidad de baxdes del enemigo^ — Impresa en Sevilla en casa de Cosmo de Xara, un pliego en folio de letra gótico. The history of the Invincible Armada contains the above curious titles. It recounts that not a day passed in which the English vessels did not molest those of the Spaniards. The Duke of Medina wrote to the Duke of Parma : — We cannot go beating about with this Armada, because, being so heavy, it goes naturally to lee- ward of the enemy, without being able to do anything against it, although it tries to effect some- thing. " No se puede andar campeando eon esta armada, pues el ser tan pesada hace andar á sotaviento del enemigo sin poder hacer nada con él aimque se procura. — A. 7 de Agosto de l58S.~Sobre Calés. II ^ \¡ RELIGIOUS INTOLERANCE IN SPAIN. 121 This victory tended to strengthen the maritime power of the English, which now began to dispute, with great success, against the Spanish forces, the possessions of the East and West Indies, and even dared to come to the states of the Peninsula, making itself master of the city of Cadiz ; from whence, without having sacrificed hves in a zeal for religion, but on the contrary, after ha\dng permitted friars and many secular persons flying in the habit of San Francisco for fear of being made prisoners, to quit the city, the EngKsh returned to their country, richly laden with spoils, and with hostages, for which they hoped to receive large ransoms. 122 HISTORY OF RELIGIOUS INTOLERANCE IN SPAIN. 123 CHAPTER VII. Philip — His unpopularity — Alarmed by a thunderbolt — His seclusion — Inconstancy of his friendships — Impoverishment of his kingdom contrasted with Elizabeth's prosperity — Toleration of Elizabeth — Results. Philip II. was as much detested in Spain as in all Europe besides. His presumptuous enterprizes against the liberties of other nations were similar to those which he directed against his own. The complaints of those of his subjects, who had been able to escape with their lives when he threatened them with destruction were heard throughout the world; but those of the unhappy victims who groaned beneath his yoke, after faintly reaching his ears, were disregarded in the confusion of the times, without leaving scarcely so much as a me- morial of them behind. As wicked men have always during their triumph their partisans, and, after death has levelled all distinctions between the offender and the offended, their flatterers, so great political criminals usually find, in future generations, some more ready to extol them for virtues they never possessed, than to hold up their crimes as a warning to coming generations. Philip, hke the Emperor Tiberias, withdrew himself from the world, and lived a long time in seclusion, the slave of dissimulation, startled at the very air that blew upon his garments, lest it should waft his thoughts to the nation and to his enemies, for they were identical. On a i~-r certain occasion, near an alcove in which Philip was asleep at the Escurial, there fell a thunderbolt, filling his heart with alarm, and constraining him to consider the event as a warning from heaven for him to amend his government. As all despots have believed in auguries, Philip had recourse to the priest of the palace, Don Luis Manrique, desiring to be made acquainted with the com- plaints of his subjects, and advised as to the means of redressing them to the satisfaction of everybody. Terror had taken possession of his soul, and subdued those haughty notions which had elevated his royal dignity to such a pitch, that complaints could never reach it with- out crime, which was immediately visited with punish- ment. Manrique, however, knowing that, in these moments of the King's dread of the divine displeasure, which this fall of the thunderbolt had apparently indi- cated, he had full liberty to answer his master s enquiries, gave him a faithful representation of the evils which caused so much disgust in his kingdoms. Philip avoided all intercourse with society. He refused to place confidence in any human being ; and was, con- sequently, obliged to be always employed in perusing government-papers, even those of the most insignificant kind. This seclusion, and this labour, were highly pre- judicial to the interests of his subjects, who wasted their time in waiting the tardy resolutions of the King in the business of the state.* * " Habiendo también en otra ocasión avisado á V-M, de la púb- lica querella y disconsuelo que habia por el estilo que V.M. habia tomado de negociar estando con- tinuamente asido de los papeles ; y que se daba á entender que principalmente lo hacia V.M. por TRANSLATION. Having also on another occasion advised your majesty of the public grievance and discontent that exist in consequence of the plan your majesty has adopted for tran- sacting business, l)eing constantly besieged with papers ; Í now tell you it is understood you take this 124 HISTORY OF RELIGIOUS INTOLERANCE IN SPAIN. 125 " Your Majesty," said Manrique, " commits a gi'eat oflence against God, in not changing this manner of government, so as to give less trouble to yourself, and more profit, satisfaction, and contentment, to the world ; into which God did not send your Majesty, arid all other kings that have their time on the earth, in order to be always reading, or writing, or contemplating, or praying in canonical hours ; but that you and they may he the 'pub- lic and patent oracles to which all subjects may come for answers and remedies to their wants and necessities!^ ^ To such an extent did Philip carry his seclusion, that it became nearly impossible for his subjects to represent to him the evils they suifered.t tener mejor titulo para huir de la gente, de mas de no quererse fiar de nadie, y que lo que mas se sentia es el poco despacho y dilaciones, tristezas y desespera- ciones de los negociantes, que no podian en muchos dias dar alcance á V.M., y al pueblo que nunca le veia, &c." — Representación que hizo á la 7najestad del JSeñor Felipe II. el cura dtí palacio, Don Luis Man- rique, por haberle inandado S.M. le advirtiese lo que se deeia de su gobierno en la ocasión de haber caido un rayo cerca de la alcoba donde S.M. dorima. — MS., for access to which I am indebted to my erudite friend and orientalist Gayangos. * The MS. cited in last note. t Dije á V.M. como se quejaban todos, no solamente de que V.M. se les escondia, mas de que no habia dejado puerta abierta por donde pudiesen alguna vez los miserables entrar á representar sus miserias y disconsuelos .... Estas puertas son los privados Cristianos y fieles, y moderados en las cosas de los príncipes ; que ios TRANSLATION. course to shun the people, and be- cause you do not like to confide in anybody ; and what is more felt . . . is the want of dispatch and the great delays, the misery and despe- ration of the suitors, who cannot, for days together, catch a glance of your majesty, for you never see the people, &c. — Representation made hi/ the priest of the palace, Don Luis Manrique, to the majesty of Philip II., on being requested by his majesty, on the occasion of the falling of a thunderA)olt near the alcove in which his mxijesty was sleeping, to inform him what was said of his go^vernment. I have told your majesty, as indeed everybody complains, not only that your majesty is hiding yourself from them, but that you have not left an open door by which the miserable creatures may occasionally enter, to lay before you their petitions, and represent to you their grievances Those doors are the private He wished to bear on his own shoulders the whole weight of the monarchy, and therefore directed his secretaries to bring every affair before him in writing, in order tliat no one might have the opportunity of a personal conference with him ; for in this way he believed that the royal dignity was made to assimilate itself to the power of God, whom men knew, not by presence, or by conference, but only by effects. The folly and impiety of this King in wishing to be taken for God on the earth, invisible and omniscient, rendered his rule tardy, irresolute, and fatiguing.* He did not appreciate, as political councillors, men wise in the science of government ; but gave preference to those persons who were his inferiors in understanding and business-habits, in order that he might not be hindered, by philosophical and historical observations, from putting his own desires into execution. A king, (according to Philip ii.,) could not tolerate, without dishonour, that, in state-affairs, any one should presume to point out to him the proper course. He considered soberbios y ambiciosos no son puertas sino compuertas que se echan para que no entre nadie sino ellos." — Manrique, already cited. * " Acriminan mucho el no pa- recer V. M. y negociar por billetes y por escrito, pareciendo á todo el mundo que esto es causa de que se despachen pocas cosas y tarde .... y dase mucho á entender que V. M. no negocia por escrito por que le parezca lo mas conveniente, sino por que no le hable nadie." — Man- rique, MS. already cited. TRANSLATION. Christians and believers, and moderate - thinking - people in things relating to religion ; but the proud and ambitious are not doors, but mere hatches, thrown down in order to exclude every one but themselves. They complain bitterly of your majesty's not appearing in person, but negotiating by notes and in writing, making it clear to all the world that this is the reason why so few things are dispatched, and even these so tardily .... and giving it to be understood that your majesty does not transact business by writing, merely lie- cause more convenient, but because nobody may speak to you. Í- % 126 HISTORY OP that as he was, in point of dignity, the greatest of all Spaniards, so also, in acumen and political economy, he far excelled his subjects ; for he was persuaded that the opmion of a King was never far from the way of truth and justice ; and that in those who were nominally of his council he ought to find the obedience of servants, and not that expression of a free opinion which might be prompted by a zeal for the public good.^ Philip II. passed from the extreme of confiding in two or three persons, to that of trusting alone to^'his own opinion, formed upon such materials as the adula- tion and self-interest of bad men would allow to reach the steps of his throne ; or to invoke tlie monastic solitude in which he had shut himself up, wishing to bo thought the lord of the world, Uke another Alexander another Ca3sar, or another Attila, without incurrino- the personal danger of putting himself at the head of his troops. Spanish historians, favourable to the memory of Phihp, show the inconstancy of his friendship ; for one of No tienen por bastante dea- cargo el que dá V. M. de que de esta manera entiende mejor los negocios, y los ministros no lo pueden engañar ; por que sin hacer lo que y. M. hace, pasan y pasaron otros reyes y gobernadores con menos trabajo suyo y de sus súbdi- tos,buscando personas convenientes para los oficios, premiando á los buenos, y castigando á los malos. Otra cosa anadian mas, y es que imaginan que Y. M. aborrece á los que le siguen, y que le son pesados los que saben mucho, y que huelga mas con los que saben poco porque no le obliguen á dejar su parecer y yohmtadr—Manrique^ JfS. be- fore cited. TRANSI^TION. They do not hold it for a suffi- cient excuse that, in this manner, your majesty may the better under- stand business, and the ministers cannot deny it ; for, without seclud- ing themselves as your majesty does, other kings and governors get on with less trouble to them- selves and their subjects, seeking for persons adapted to the offices rewarding the good and punishing the bad. They add one thinS more: they imagine your ma*^ jesty hates those who follow you, that those who know much are wearisome to you, and that you are more at ease with those who know little, because they do not oblige you to give up your will and opinion. \lf RELIGIOUS INTOLERANCE IN SPAIN. 127 them says that his smile and his sword, or knife were -"separable, or always went together. [Su ris'a y ,« cuMlo eran confines.]* And another asserts, that the rnost beloved of his friend. If.od .i.h his shr ud t W hand dreading the sentence of his master. [stlZ rr::qr "^""' ''' "^ ~' "^^^'^^^ ^^>'-^^« Even when standing on the brink of the grave Philin refused to pardon som. of his subjects who'in his^ari days had rebelled against his authority in the k Idot of Arragon ; these men, constrained by a love to^ard^ the hands of his ministers, he inflicted upon them the pun.hment of death and confiscation of ^U thel pfo^ Henry IV. of France, m his eager desire to conouer «>ose sovereigns by force of arms, forgot that thel," way of competing with them wa. ^to work out the * Lui^ Cabrera de Córdoba Vida de Fdim TT X tmT ""'"'"• ^''^ y '-ol^'-^^RÍdon Felipe HI buted to Antonio Pere¿ S n VT ^ ^''''^^ ''^ T^^át^m, and attri- SeviUia. Bou José ^^tl^UZ"::^ ^J .X^^^'^'^ '~' TRANSLATION. "Habiéndose presentado, traí- aos del amor de su patria, y el de aei crédito de que para ejemplo bastanau los primeros <4S hechos y ejecutados en personas gi-aades, y esperando que su m^! con los perdones de los demás 1Ó98,) estando ya muv cerca íIp lo muerte el rey ks.,Lh:n coi- denado en pena de muerte y con- fiscación de bienes." ^ Havmg presented themselves drawn by the love of their country and that of their estates and society, and perhaps believing that the punishment already inflicted suffice, and hoping that the recol- lection of those examples mi^ht have operated a^ a pardon to the iTl ¿^ '''■S*^"^' fi««^ (this wa^ m 1598,) our Lord the King bein^ very near his end, they were con- demned to death and confiscation 01 property. I If 128 HISTORY OF RELTOTOUS INTOLERANCE IN SPAIN. 129 felicity of his own states and leave them more rich and powerful at his death. Scarcely had he ascended the throne of Castile, than, in his need of money to sustain wars with Europe, he refused to be sworn to observe the laws until certain subsidies had been granted to him ; for by such reprisals he contrived to give a vigour to his regal authority in exacting obedience from his subjects * Afterwards, by his dissensions in Flanders, his fruitless conquest of the Republic of Holland, his unfortunate enterprize against England, and his struggles with France, he burthened his kingdoms by imposts, thereby ruining families, impoverishing the labouring classes, and destroying commerce on every side, f Elizabeth at * "De los reyno3 de España . . . después de la recuperación, es Castilla la cabeza, y esta tiene sus leyes y privilegios, particulares jurados por el rey presente, y todos sus antecesores aunque Felipe se tardó en el juramejito, por que aquel rey supo mucho para sí, des- pués que empezó á gobernar. Y á este propósito me afirman que en Toledo, ciudad grande junto á Madrid, donde al presente se hallaba, rehusó hacerle (en jura- mento) hasta que sacó al reyno algunas alcabalas. " Relación que hirzo á la república embajada que habia hecho en España friend Señor de Gayangos. t "Del consejo de hacienda dicen que de él salen cosas que tienen mas parentesco con la tiranía que con la justicia .... No hagan entender á VJVI. los de este consejo que las imposi- ciones de la sal y de otras cosas, y la persecución que ha andado y anda por este reyno ha sido de algún, provecho 6 interés .... que muy mas seguro se podrán creer las lágrimas de muchas pobres gentes que por esto se han TRANSLATION. Of the kingdoms of Spain . . . since the Restoration, Castile is the head, and enjoys her particular laws and privileges, sworn to by the reigning king and all his pre- decessors, although Philip delayed to sfioear to their observance^ because that King knew very well how to take care of himself after he began to reign. And with that intent they affirm, that in Toledo, a con- siderable city close to Madrid, where he then was, he refused to swear to them, until he first drew some supplies from the kingdom. de Venecia Simon Centurion de la .—M.S. 1605, in the library of my It is said of the council of re- venue .... that from it pro- ceed things which have more re- lation to tyranny than to justice .... Those of this council do not give your majesty to under- stand that the duties on salt and other things, and the persecution which has gone on, and continues to go on, in this kingdom, have l>een of any interest or profit . . . that they may, with gi*eater reason, believe the tears of many Í i the same time undertook wars only through an absolute necessity to defend herself in a just cause, when a power- ful and fanatical monarch had pursued her into her own kingdom, and was there affording protection to the malcontents and conspirators ; and, armed with a papal bull which ceded to him the English crown, he was threatening to invade her dominions \\4th a numerous host. She always found her subjects ready and willing to concede subsidies to her, to enable her to castigate Philip's temerity, in compliance with the wishes of her country. This gave rise to a proverb in common use in Spain for more than a century afterwards — " Con todos guerra y paz con Inglaterra ;" War with all the world, but pence with England.^ perdido, como en Asturias y Galicia, y se van perdiendo, y de otros que por acá han padecido y padecen no solo por las imposi- ciones, sino por malvados hombres administradores, &c " — Manrique, MS. before cited. TRANSLATION. poor people, who, in consequence of them have perished, as for ex- ample in the Asturias and in Galicia, and are still perishing, and from others there also who have suffered and still suffer, not only by the taxes imposed, but by the wicked men appointed to col- lect them. The same author says in another place : — " Todos saben que V. M. no All know that your Majesty is ignora la grita, lágrinas y escla- not ignorant of the cries, tears. maciones que hay por todo este reyno, por causa de las alcabalas y de las vejaciones á injusticias y tiranías de los administradores y cobradores de ellas." * . . . Pour le conseill que Phil- lippe II. donna á son fils avant que de mourir, en luy recommandant ^^d'estre en paix avec V xUigleterre pour pouvoir faire la guerre avec tout te mo?io?e." — Voyage de Es- pctgne."" A Cologrie 1666. " Par quelq'autre dependauce politique, suivant le proverbe commun d'Espagne : con todos guerra y paz con Inglaterra,'"' — Memoires curieux envoyez de Madrid. A Paris, 1670. and exclamations which there are throughout the kingdom, in con- sequence of the excise duties, and the vexation, injustice, and tyranny perpetrated by the surveyors and collectors of them. In the advice which Philip II., before his death, gave to his son, he recommended him "to be at peace with England, in order, thereby, to be able to make war with all the world." By some other political depend- ance, following the common pro- verb in Spain : " con todos guerra y paz con Inglaterra'' K 130 HISTORY OF RELTGIOÍJS INTOLERANCE IN SPAIN. 131 Those political lessons, derived by the costly and san- guinary experience of the people, were the rewards which the Spanish nation received for having, to her own in- jury, assisted Philip in his tyrannical and ambitious pro- jects over all Europe. Henry IV. on coming to the throne of France, found his monarchy divided by civil and religious contentions ; in a debilitated condition for foreign wars, and without riches. Having learned to conquer himself, he was enabled to conquer the enemies of his country. He abjured the reformed for the Catholic religion, thus making a sacrifice for the public good, which Philip H. never would have made, for sooner than tolerate liberty of conscience, he suflFcred his country to lose its posses- sions in Flanders. Henry, at his death, left as an in- heritance to his people, peace, not only at home but abroad ; a powerful army prepared to take the field in case of necessity, and the royal cofi'ers filled with treasures. Elizabeth succeeded to the throne of England when that nation was suffering from the bad policy of her predecessors. Instead of opposing herself to the no- tions of civil and religious liberty cherished by her sub- jects, she was the firm protector of both. Her troops were always victorious: the people, with pleasure, furnished supphes for the defence of the country against foreign enemies, and in order to assist the Dutch in their wars against Spain : the royal maritime power became invincible, and EUzabeth, impelled by a love for her people, did not hesitate to sell part of the royal patrimony, thus leaving herself and her successors more dependant on the House of Commons. She also, in de- scending to the tomb, left her kingdom in a state of great power and grandeur. % M i: 1 t Philip II., who set himself in opposition to the very age in which he lived, was always conquered and defeated. He received, on every side, the just reward of his temerity. He sought to compass the misery of his enemies, but had the mortification to see them prosperous and happy. Indeed, in the end, he punished himself ; for, the chastisements he received for his cruel and unjust enterprises were severely felt in the heart of his own kingdoms, in consequence of the bad policy to which he resorted with a view of subjugating the world. The superb structure of the Spanish monarchy began to crumble away from the latter part of the reign of Philip ii., a monarch who was only able to see his will triumphant in the peninsula; nor was that triumph attained through the means of which lie availed himself, but by having found the country already prepared for slavery and dishonour by the kings who had previously occupied the throne of Castile. k2 132 HISTORY OF CHAPTEE VIII. Intolerance of Ferdinand and Isabella continued by Philip IT. — The Moors of Granada — Confiscations — Exodus of the Moors — Their reception by Henry IV. of France — Philip III. allows them to quit his kingdoms — Their reception in Tunis — Philip's cupidity. The temerity of the strong and powerful, as shown in their acts of oppression against the feeble creatures who groan beneath their bondage, only terminates when the latter, urged on by desperation, make a last struggle for liberty, for vengeance, or for death. Unhappy the kingdom in which the people arrive at sucli an extremity as to regard the last moment of existence in the light of a boon from heaven, and the prelude to their eman- cipation from an odious and intolerable slavery ; for they w^ill not hesitate to stain the country with blood, in the hope that, by taking away the life of another, they can award punishment for wTongs endured, or obtain felicity and rest by the sacrifice of their own. Ferdinand and Isabella, who perfidiously deprived the conquered Moors of the use of their religion, initiated their successors in the practice of intolerance towards all who trusted in the oaths of Christians. Philip IL, who desired to extend the policy of those monarchs, ordered that the Moors should abandon their language, their costume, their music, their fetes, their songs, and their amusements; he prohibited them the use of their baths, the fastenings on the doors of their houses, and the custom of permitting their wives and daughters to appear in the streets with veiled faces. RELIGIOUS INTOLERANCE IN SPAIN. 133 The Moors of Granada, as might be expected, became indignant at these prohibitions; for it is easier for a people to surrender their rights and privileges of a political kind, than usages of that description. But Philip believed that his will was sufficient to produce in the minds of men a formal renunciation of all claims whenever the surrender of these was necessary to his triumph, although contrary to justice and sound sense. The Moors elected a king, made themselves masters of some cities in the Sierras, and, for the space of two years, defended them with a valour which desperation alone could inspire ; but at last they had to humble themselves before the powerful forces of their implacable enemy ; for they were abandoned by the cowardice of others who lived in the kingdoms of Arragon and Valencia and some parts of Andalusia, and, above all, by the Grand Turk, who, instead of kindling the flames of war at the head of the Spanish king's dominions to weaken him, preferred entering into combat with him to less advantage in other places. Philip, always haughty towards the weak, did not fail to abuse this victory. He granted a pardon to the Moors who threw themselves on his clemency that he might not vent his fury on some thousands of men ; but he refused to return to them the property which he had confiscated at the time of their revolt, for his want of foresight induced him to prefer enriching his coflers, rather than secure, by kindness and generosity, the affections of that subdued and insulted people.''^ * Ya sabéis y á todos es notorio cómo por la rel)elion y levanta- miento de los Moriscos del nuestro reyno de Granada, habiendo ellos TRANSLATION. You know, and it is notorious to all, that by the rebellion and rising of the Moors of our king- dom of Granada, they incurred 134 HISTORY OF Never did despotism and avarice bind themselves more closely together than they did in Spain from the age of the Catholic sovereigns. Hence we find that Philip, trusting to the imbecility of his subjects, had the insolence to enact a law which provided that all the Moors who were forcibly expelled from the kingdom of Granada, under an apprehension that possibly they might revolt with the others, although they had not manifested any desire to do so, should suffer the same penalty of confiscation ; because, although there might, perhaps, be among them persons of the greatest innocence and loyalty, yet it would not be expedient to the state, incurrido en los crímenes lesee divines et humance rnajestatis, y cometido otros graves, atroces y enormes delitos, entre otros penas que por derecho y leyes de estos reynos contra los tales están esta- blecidas, por el mismo caso y hecho y desde el principio que desto tra- taron, perdieron todos sus bienes muebles, raices y semovientes, derechos y acciones en quales- quiera manera que les pertene- ciesen aquellos, y el Señorío y propiedad dellos, fueron confis- cados y aplicados á la nuestro cámara y fisco, y se hicieron y son nuestros, y de la dicha nuestra cámara ; y que no embargante que muchos de los dichos Moriscos, después de haber estado rebelados y con las armas tantos dias, se redujeron y vinieron a nuestra obediencia, la gracia y merced que cti los admitir y recibir les hicimos lio fué. con perdón ni remisión alguna de los dichos bienes ni aquella se estendió ni comprehendió esto, y así quedaron y fincaron nuestros y de la nuestra cámara!''' — Céilula (le Felipe II. dada en Aran- juez á 24 de Febrero de 1571 — MiS. — Archivos de Granada. TRANSLATION. the crimes of high treaso^i both against God and man, and com- mitted other grave, atrocious, and enormous offences ; among other penalties which, by right of the laws of these kingdoms, are pro- vided against such persons, for the deeds they have committed, was the loss of all their goods^ chattels, estates, stock, rights, and credits, in any manner howsoever belonging to them, and all the ownership and property therein were confiscated and forfeited to our chamber of exchequer, and were made, and are, ours, and belong to the said chamber ; and that notwithstand- ing many of the said Moors, after having l)een rebels and in arms for so many days, submitted them- selves, and came to our obedience, the grace and favour which ice granted in admitting and receiving them, was not with pardon or any remission as to any of the said goods, ¿:c., nor did it extend to or comprehend any such things, so that these remainea and continued to belong to us and our said chamber. * ~^ M. wi.t,fS:iK%3l*JSt|„ie^:^ RELIGIOUS INTOLERANCE IN SPAIN. 135 that for the sake of the innocent, some of the guilty should be suffered to escape.* This avowedly unjust mode of confiscating the property of innocent persons in order that the exchequer might not be prejudiced by losing * Los bienes de los moriscos, que de la ciudad de Granada y lugares de la vega y de otras partes fueron sacados del dicho reyno y llevados á otras partes, no se ha- biendo aun ellos clara y descubier- tamente rebelado, levantado y to- mado las armas, en aquellos que fueron partícipes concios, ó con- sejeros ayudadores, ó en otra cua- lesquiera manera intervinieron ó participaron en lo tocante á la dicha rel)elion y levantamiento de los demás, habiendo por esto incur- rido como incurrieron en las mis- mas penas, fueron y son asimismo confiscados y aplicados á la nuestra cámara y fisco, y son nuestros y nos pertenecen. Y como quiera que á algunos de los dichos moris- cos que asi fueron sacados y no fueron partícipes, concios ni en manera alguna culpados, no es nuestra intención ni voluntad de los perjudicar ni agraviar : antes con los tales usaríamos de gracia y gratificación : mas considerando que los bienes que dellos quedaran en el dicho reyno de Granada, es~ peciahiente las rayces, como casas, viiías, huertas y heredades, no pu- diendo dellos vivir ni estar en dicho reyno de Granada, como por agora no es ni debe de ser permi- tido, no pudiendo ellos por esta causa labrarlos cultivarlos ni bene- ficiarlos, ni disponer de ellos sino con mucho daño y pérdida ; y con- siderando con esto juntamente la dificultad, dilación y confusión que habría en el distinguir y apartar los bienes de los delinquentes y culpados, de los que pretenderán no lo ser, y lo que habrá en la averiguación de los susodichos, y TRANSLATION. The goods of those Moors who were carried away and expelled from the city of Granada and towns of the i)lain, and from other parts, although they had not clearly and openly rebelled, risen up, or taken arms, with those who were participators, privy to, or aiding and abetting, or otherwise assist- ing, or participating in what con- cerned the said rebellion, and rising of the rest of them, having thereby incurred, as they did incur, the same })imishment, were and are also confiscated and forfeited to our fiscal chamber, and are ours and belong to us. And as to some of the said Moors, who were so ex- pelled, and were not participators, or privy, or in any way culpable, it is not our intention, or wish, to injure or wrong them : but on the contrary, to act towartls them with grace and favour : but consi- derimj thmr goods which remain in the said kingdom of Granada, especially the real estates, such as houses, vineyards, orchards, and inheritances, (the owners being no longer able to live in the said king- dom of Granada, as at present is not, and ought not to be permitted, ami consequently they not being able either to work them, cultivate them, or make them beneficial, or even to dispose of them except with great loss and damage ; and considering in addition to this, the difficulty, delay, and confusion, there would be in distinguishing and separating the goods of the delinquents from the goods of those who pretend not to be of that class, and moreover the difficulty there would be in proving the matters I 136 HISTORY OF that of some persons who might be guilty, exceeds in tyranny the most flagrant examples that are to be found in the history of nations. When the sovereign of a king- dom has such an insatiable thirst for the gold of his subjects, that in order to gratify it he persecutes the innocent as well as the guilty, he takes the surest w^ay of instigating all his subjects to acts of sedition and revenge. The wretched condition to which Spain was reduced by the tyranny of her kings, as well with reference to intellectual progress as to manners and customs and a respect for the laws, was summed up by a Moor in these four lines : — " Razon duerme, traycion vela, justicia falta, malicia reyna."* Reason sleeps, Treason flies, Justice fails. Malice reigns. The Inquisition persecuted the Moors on every side, and took from them their property to augment the en las culpas ó inocencia de los unos y de los otros, yqueá los que asi no fuesen culpados, se les podrá hacer y mandaremos {pero no lo llegó á inandar) que se les haga la justa recompensa, y satis- facción de lo que los dichos sus bienes valieron, habernos acordado que todos los dichos bienes, mue- bles, raices y semovientes destos, y acciones que los dichos moriscos en el dicho reyno de Granada tienen .... 8Ín distinción ni es- cepcion alguna, sean todos puestos, metidos, incorporados en la nuestra cámara y jisco^ — Document cited in the preceding note. TRANSLATION. aforesaid, and the guilt or inno- cence of one and the other, and that to those who thus may not have been guilty, we reserve to ourselves the power to order if)ui, that has not yet become an order), that they should have awarded to them the just recompense and satisfaction of what the said goods are worth,) we have conceded that all the said goods, chattels, estates, and stock thereon, and shares which the said Moors in the said kingdom of Granada hold .... without distirhction or any excep- tion, he all put into, mixed ivith, and incorporated Í7i our exchequer. * Códice GG. 174, in the Biblioteca Nacional intituled : — " Diversas historias y Apologia contra la i'eligion christiana, y el romance de Juan Alonso Aragonés.'''' Of this poet we read in another Moorish Códice, in the same library (GG. 169.), the following :— " Juan Alonso, maestro en the- Juan Alonso, master in tlico- ulugia .... siendo hijo de padres l^gy, . . . being born of Christian RELIGIOUS INTOLERANCE IN SPAIN. 137 exchequer. Nay, that tribunal even deprived them of their children, and sent them far from their parents, to be reared up among strangers, by whom they were to be instructed in the religion of Christ. There was no species of insult which was not resorted to, in order to oppress that unhappy people : indeed, the laws, and those by whom they were administered, were alike their enemies, cristianos, pero guiado de una buena consideración .... no aten- diendo á si . . . . fueron moros, judios ni cristianos, buscaba des- engañarse y saber la verdad de lo que le convenia, considerando y mirando los tres caminos de las tres leyes qual dellos era el que ¿uinva á la salvación para caminar por él, y hallándola como la halló, se vino á Tetuan á seguirla ; y dexando rentas excesivas se con- tentó con el trabajo de su persona, ocupado en ganar su sustento mise- rablemente." TRANSLATION. parents, but guided by a good un- derstanding . . . not caring to know whether .... they were Moors, Jews, or Christians, set about undeceiving himself and ascertaining the truth of the matter, considering and examining the three roads of the three laws to find which of them was the way of salvation for him, and finding- it, as he did find it, he came to Tetuan to follow it : and, leaving a considerable property behind him, he contented himself to sub- mit to personal labour in order to gain a miserable sustenance. * In a Moorish códice of my friend, the celebrated orientalist Gayangos, (speaking of what a Mahometan ought to know and to believe,) we read as follows : — " Era fuerza mostrar lo que ellos (los cristianos) querían, porque de no hacello los llevaban á la inquisición, adonde por siguir la verdad, eramos privados de las vidas haciendas y hijos ; pues en un pensamiento estaba la persona en una cárcel escura tan negra como sus malos intentos ; adonde los dejaban muchos años para yr consumiendo la hacienda que luego secrestaban, comiendo ellos de ella, y decian con justificación y era la capa de sus malas y traydoras en- trañas, y los hijos si eran pequeños los daban á criar para hacellos, como ellos, erexes." One was forced to do what they (the Christians) wished, because if we did not do so, they carried us oft* to the Inquisition, where, by folio w- tlie truth, we were deprived of our lives, property, and children ; for, as quick as thought, a person would find himself in an obscure cell, as black as their wicked designs ; in this cell they leave you for many years, in order to go on consuming your living, which is immediately sequestrated : they eat and drink out of it, and it was said, with good reason, that it was the cloak of their wickedness and treacherous bowels : ami the chil- dren, if little, were given out to be reared up, in order that they should be made, like themselves, heretics. 138 HISTORY OF RELIGIOUS INTOLERANCE IN SPAIN. 139 Many of the persecuted Moors fled secretly from Spain ; not by sea, for all ports were closed against them, but by way of France, where Henry IV. received the wretched fugitives with great benevolence. In a short time, however, the desire of all was complied with in a very unexpected manner. Philip III., a man of rude mind, allowed himself to be easily governed by those who, knowing the fears of his conscience, took advantage of his imbecility, in order to effect their own wishes.* Many of the clergy, remembering the expulsion of the Jews and Moors by order of Ferdinand and Isabella, and knowing that it would be agreeable to Philip III. to imitate those monarchs, advised him to banish all the Moors resident in his kingdoms; since, not only did they persist in following the Mahometan rites, but they held intercourse with the Turks, and, through them, hoped to regain their liberties. The Moors solicited, secretly, auxiliaries of Henry IV., pledging themselves, in order the better to persuade him to the undertaking, to profess the Protestant re- ligion, it not being so much oj)posed to their own usages ; and because it, as well as the Mahometan religion, forbad the adoration of images — a practice which nothing short of violence could induce them to adopt. Philip III., although at the sacrifice of a great part of his property, opened a way, both by sea and land, * The Venician ambassador, Simon Centurion, in his Memorial, cited in page , says to the government of his country, in 1605 : — TRANSLATION. " Cualquiera puede mucho con Any one able to do much with él (Felipe III.) tanto mas si toca him (Philij) II T.) can do so much en conciencia, y quien fuere })or the more if the affair is one of este camino no negociará poco. conscience ; and lie who goes by No hará un pecado mortal por this road will succeed not a little, todo el mundo." He will not commit a mortal sin for all the world. ' / É for the Moors to escape from their odious captivity. In the state to which the sovereigns of Spain, and their ministers, had reduced the government of the Moors, there were but three remedies for the evil, viz. : — to suffer the horrors of a frightful war: to adopt an entirely different policy : or to expel from Spain some milKons of people. To vary the policy was impossible ; for the opinion of the common people, and of almost all the clergy, as well as a great part of the nobility, was so hostile to the Moors, that to contend against it would have required all the rigour practised by kings against those who maintniTiod a different religion. Thus fear misled them fi^om the right way — fear of increasing the pride of the iiuurs, on their perceiving that any regard was paid to justice by those under whom they were governed ; and fear that a stupid populace, being taught to mistake \áce for virtue, and virtue for vice, might attempt to impose on their masters and governors the consequences of having once in their lives sought to adjust the laws to that state of things which the happiness of Spain required. The Spanish monarch being convinced, not that violence was the only author of the disquietudes and vexations of the Christians, but that it was of no use as regarded the pertinacity of the Moors, (for an imbecile despot never learns by experience,) gave to that people liberty, which is the greatest of all felicities, while yet he intended to afflict them with still severer punishmciiL. Hence may be inferred the disorder and misery which must be found among a people whose rulers are ignorant of the tendency of the orders they promulgate, bclieviii'j; themselves to be strongest when they display weakness, and most glorious when they are covering tliemselves with ignominy. 140 HISTORY OF KELIGTOIJS INTOLERANCE IN SPAIN. 141 The Moors, whilst they remained in exile, only so far remembered the loss of their country, as to demonstrate their joy on seeing that the chains of the miserable slavery in which they had been born were at last broken."^'* Although they endured many changes of fortune by sea and land, and although in some parts of Barbary they were treated inhumanly by the fanatical populace, yet, about thirty thousand entered France, and, thanks to a favorable edict of Henry IV., they found a generous hospitality in that kingdom. * In the Códice G. G. 169 of the Biblioteca Nacional j we find, in a comment upon a treatise composed by Ibrahim de Bolf ad (an inhabitant of Algiers, attlicted with corporal blindness, but brilliantly illumined in the heart and understanding), the following : — TRANSLATION. Tlie Christians reward this An- dalusian nation with prisons, tor- tures, and death ; and yet, for all this, they (the Moors) maintain firmness, and that of their true faith, shewing the one, and having in their hearts the other. " Los cristianos que tanto apre- miaron esta nación andaluza con prisiones, tormentos y muertes ; y con todo sustentaron (los moros) la firmeza de su fe verdadera, mos- trándoles uno y teniendo en su corazón otro." In another Códice, also Moorish, in the same library, (G.G. 171,) we read : — This is the faith of theCliristians, and what we saw with our eyes, and were obliged to follow, and sometimes we did pretend to follow ; but God well knows that it was a thing dreaded and vitu- perated in the heart .... Thanks and praise be given to Him who, of his infinite power, has delivered us from the sight of such heresies. In another Códice of my fi-iend Ga - .igos (already cited) we find :— " Fuü servido (el Criador) de ' He (the Creator) was pleased to sacamos de entre aquellos mal- ditos perros, enemigos de la verdad, que ciegos con su falsa seta " Esta es la fó de los cristianos, y la que bimos por los ojos siguir, y algiuia vcz mostramos que si- guiamos ; pero bien sal)e Dios que era haciendo escarnio y bitu- perando en el corazón .... Las gracias y alabanzas sean dadas al que con su infinito poder nos sacó de ber tantas eregias." con su rigorosa justicia y cruel ynquisicion, á fuerza de rigores y castigos nos tenian tan sujetos y aniquilados, quemando á nuestros deudos y amigos, usurpando las /ladendas, yncitandonos y á nues- tros hijos á la perdición de las almas. Démosle milliones de gracias pues nos sacó de entre ellos." deliver us from those wicke