Columbia (BnitJer^itj) THE LIBRARIES mrwmi pmimmmir^ ..if us.» wswm mAYm . mir [F3®!Bmr V/o L]KE©1S]. 7RTR A'TP TI.TRTR eiR e A^'T^. ^/'i^&j'/i^ 3z/ /^^AVai^z^y^zi/y/ . L I V E S OF THE PRESIDENTS OF THE UNITED STATIC WITH lU G 11 A r H I C A L NO T I C E S OF THE SIGNERS OF THE DEC:LAUATION OF INDEPENDENCE ; I SKETCHES OF THE M8ST REMAl!lvA]!l.E KVB'TS IN THE HISTORY OF THE COUNTRY. Po;-jidc;al'3 Huiise, ;u Washin TO WHICH ARE ADDED THE DECLARATION OF INDEPENllENCE AN]P> C ONSa^.lTUTION OF THE UNITED STATES, BY ROBERT W. LINCOLN. EMBELLISBSn WITH A PORTRAIT OF EACH OF TEE PRESIBE.NTS, AND FORTV-FIVE. ENGRAVLjNGS. BRATTLEBORO', VT.: PUBLISHED BY G. H. SAHSBUI^Y. ia52. Entered according to Act of Congress, in the year 1851, hy G. 11. SALISBURY, In the Clerk's Office of the District Court for the District of Vermont. 21/\PK34O0VUO PREFACE. In writing the Lives of the Presidents of the United States, it has been difficult to preserve the strict impartiahty w^hich the nature of the work requires, and avoid running either into eulogy or abuse. The circumstances of their administration are so recent, that one who has lived through the greater portion of them, and entered into all the excited feelings of party strife, can hardly be supposed capable of divesting himself of prejudices and passions, however much he may desire to be an honest chronicler of the times. We can only say, that it has been our sincere aim and endeavor to see near events with the eye of a distant spectator, and to anticipate the dispassionate judgment which posterity will pass upon the great men who have administered our Government. The affairs of the last twenty years are hardly yet ripe for the biographer, and the materials for their history are scattered in various directions, and to be drawn from many different sources. That all those sources should be pure, is more than can be expect- ed ; but we have uniformly endeavored to resort only to those least exposed to suspicion. For the materials of our work, we owe much obligation to many distinguished writers. To the Lives of the Signers of the Declara- tion of Independence, by a gentleman who has done a great deal for the illustration of American history, we have been much indebted in the course of the volume, and particularly in our summary of their biographies. To the eloquent eulogist of Mr. Monroe, to Marshall, Bancroft, Ramsay, Thacher, Tudor, Wirt, Lee, Jefferson, Irving, Knapp, the author of a Biographical Sketch of J. Q. Adams, Goodrich, Hinton, the editor of American Anec- dotes, the author of the History of the United States, published iv PREFACE. in Lardner's Cyclopaedia, to Eaton, Goodwin, the editors of the Annuai Kegister and North American Keview, and many others, of whose labors we have had occasion to avail ourselves, we take this opportunity of notic- ing our repeated obligations. It is idle, in a work of this description, to pretend to originality, and unfair not to acknowledge the sources to which we have been indebted. We hope that our readers will find in this work all that has been prom- ised, and indeed more. Of its imperfections, no one can be more aware than ourself ; but of its impartiality and honesty we believe that no one will have reason to doubt. R. W. LINCOLN. New- York, July 20, 1S33. |^° The Publisher deems it proper to state that the sketches of Presi- dents Harrison, Tyler, Polk, Taylor, and Fillmore have been prepared by other hands, and verified expressly for this edition by a careful recourse to the best authorities. Several errors, which escaped notice in former edi- tions, have been corrected, the descriptions of the chief cities have been entirely rewritten, much new matter has been added to the " General View," and the whole book has been faithfully " posted up " to the present date. The work is now confidently presented to the public, in the belief that it contains more really valuable historical and statistical information con- cerning the United States than can elsewhere be found in a single volume, and that it is the only complete and reliable biography of all the Presi- dents, from Washington to Fillmore. Brattleboro', Vt., August, 1851. CON T I : NTS. [.IVF.S OF THK PkESU>ENTS 1 (leof^o Washington ' Jot'.K Ad.itiis ThoiiiiisJelVe JiiiTK.'s !\f ;ulisoa ■* James Mouroc John Q,nincy Adams —'' Andrew Jackson •• " Martin Van Cure i William [lenrv Harrii^on • ^^ John 3!l3 James K. Tolk - - "^ll Zarhary Taylor -42 Settlement ofthe Southern States 1^1 North and South Carolina i^'' Settlement ofthe Nortliern States 11" French W\rs '"- ' Anlcuotes or the REvui.urios 14-5 DESCllIinlON OV THE ClIIEF CiTIES IX TilE UxiTED StATES 1 •>! General View of the United States — — lOo List of Administuations-- ••- - - - .182 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS. GEORGE WASHINGTON. There is no individunl whose life is more completely identified with ihe history of his country, than is tliat of George Washington. Notwith- standing the order, dignity, and beauty of his private character, there are many whose private life would furnish much more interesting subjects to the pen of a biographer. The interest of his life depends upon more im- Dortant circumstances than personal adventure, or romantic incident. It rests upon his connexion with tlie great events, which led to the indepen- dence of his country, and which, in their still spreading and accumulating effects, may break up the institutions of tyranny all over the globe. George Washington was born at Bridge's Creek, in Westmoreland county, Virginia, on the twenty-second of February, 1732. He was the son of Auo-ustine Washington, a descendant of one of the earliest settlers of the first English colony in America, who died when his son George was about ten years of age. The education of the orphan devolved upon his mother, who devoted herself to the task with a zeal and industry, for which she afi:ervvards reaped an ample reward. The means of education at that period were of course very limited, and a grammatical knowledge of the Eno-lish language, mathematics, history, natural and moral philoso- phy, formed the cour.se of his youthful studies. Of this education, mathe- matics formed by fiir the most important part. This was of great advan- tage to liim in early life, in qualifying him for the office of practical sur- veyor, and in later years in its connexion with military science. At the age of fifteen, he was desirous to enter into active life, and obtained the birth of a midshipman in the British navy ; but the anxiety of an af- fectionate mother dissuaded him from the adoption of this course of life. Of the early youth of Washington, no authentic anecdotes have been preserved. lie has been described by his contemporaries as grave, silent, and tiioughtfid ; diligent in his business ; correct in his deportment, nnd strictly honorable in all his conduct. His patrimony was small, but ma- naged with prudent industry. Of the estimation in which he was held, even when quite young, we may judge, from his being appointed one of the adjutants general of Virginia, at the age of nineteen. When hardly twenty-one, he was employed by the government of his native colony in an enterprise of very considerable importance. 2 WASHINGTON The Frencli were the first European discoverers of the Mississippi, and claimed all those extensive regions whose waters emptied into that river They had just formed a plan of connecting their possessions in America, by the union of Louisiana with Canada. In pursuance of this design, a line of military posts from the lakes to the Ohio had been commenced in the yent < vi This territory was situated within the boundaries of Vir- ginia, ana ne Jovernor of that province deemed it his duty to remonstrate against encroachments, which he considered in violation of previous treaties. He determined to send an agent to the French commandant on the Ohio, to convey his views upon this important and delicate subject For this purpose Mr. Washington was the person selected. In discharge of this trust, he set out about the middle of November, from Wills' Creek, then an extreme frontier settlement, and pjrsued his course over an unexplored tract of morasses and forests, over rivers of diffi cult passage, and among tribes of hostile Indians. Reaching the Moaion- gahela on the twenty-second, he there learnerl that the French general was dead, and that the greater part of the army had retired into winter quarters. lie spent a few days among the Indians, and very wisely secured the ser- vices of some of their chiefs, who guided him to the fort at French Creek, where he found the commanding officer on the Ohio. Delivering his let- ters, in three or four days he received an official reply, and immediately set out on his return. Finding the snow deep, and his horses weakened with fatigue, he determined to pursue his way on foot. He took his necessary papers, a gun and a pack, and wrapping himself in his watch-coat, set out with a single companion. On the day following, they fell in with a party of French Indians, one of whom fired upon them. They took this Indian WASHINGTON 'J prisoner, and kept liiin until nine o'clock in the evening, wIk-h tlioy re- leased him, and walked without stopping all the rest of the night, in order to be out ot"the reach of'j)ursuit. As the answer of the Frencii coniiiiandant indicated no disposition to withdraw from the disputed te,rritory, the Assemhly of Virginia determin- ed to maintain by force the rights of the British crown. A regiment was immediately raised of three hundred men. The command of this body WIS given to Mr. Fry, and Washington was appointed lieutenant cdionel. De^-irolls to engage in active service, and take as early measures as possi- ble in defence of the colony, Washington obtained permission to march in advance of the other troops, to Great Meadows. On reaching this place, he learned from the friendly Indians that a party of the French were en- camped in a valley a few miles to tlie M'est. The night was dark and rainy, and entirely concealed the movements of the troops. They sur- rounded the French camp, and took it completely by surprise. The com- manding olTicer was killed, one person escaped, and all the rest immedi- aU'ly surrendered. Soon after this affair. Colonel Fry died, and the conuuand of the regiment devolved upon Washington, who speedily collected forces at Great Mea- dows, to the number of four huiulred men. A small stockade was erected, called Fort Necessity, in which a few soldiers were stationed to guard the horses and provisions, while the main body moved forward to dislodge tlie French from Fort Du Quesne. They had not proceeded more than thir- teen miles, when they were informed by friendly Indians, "that the French, as numerous as pigeons in the woods, were advancing in an hostile manner towards the English settlements, and also, that Fort Du Q.uesne had been recently and strongly reinforced." In this critical situ- ation it was resolved to retreat to the Great Meadows, and every exertion was made to render Fort Necessity tenable. Before the completion of the works erecting for that [)urpose, the fort was attacked by a considerable force. The assa-ilants were protected by trees and high grass. The Americans received them witli great intrepidity, and Washington distin- guished himself by his coolness and ad(h-ess. Tlie engagement continued from ten in the morning until dark, when the French general demanded a parley, and offered terms of capitulation. These were refused, but in the course of the night other proposals were accepted. The fort was sur- rendered on condition that the garris-on should march out with the honors of war, should be permitted to retain their arms and baggage, and to pro- ceed without molestation into the inhabited parts of Virginia. A pultlic vote of thanks was given to Washington and the officers under his com- nvuid, for their conduct in this affair ; and three hundred pistoles were distributed among the soldiers. Tiie controversy in respect to the Ohio lands, which commenced in Virginia, was taken up with much zeal in Great Britain, and two regiments were sent to America to support the pretensions of his Britannic majesty. 'J'hey arrived early in 1755, under the command of General Braddock, who iiivited Wasiiington to serve the campaign as a volunteer aid-de-caiitp. This invitation lie at once accepted, and joined the regiment on its march '« Fort Cumberland. Here the army was detained tilfthe twelfth of .luue, 9 4 WASHINGTON waiting for wagons, horses and provisions. Soon after resuming their march, Washington was seized with a violent fever, but refusing to re- main behind the army, was conveyed with them in a covered wagon. The object of the campaign was the capture of Fort Du Quesne. Washington advised the general to leave his heavy artillery and baggage behind, and to press forward with a chosen body of troops as expeditiously as possible. This advice was adopted, and twelve hundred men were se- lected, to be commanded by General Braddock in person, and to advance with the utmost despatch. This corps inunediately commenced itf march, but did not move with the celerity that had been expected. " I found," said Washington, in a letter to his brother, " that instead of push- ing on with vigor, without regarding a little rough road, they were halting to level every mole hill, and to erect bridges over every brook." They were four days in passing over the first nineteen miles from the Little Meadows. Here the sickness of Washington made it impossible for him to proceed on the march. General Braddock ordered him to stay behind with a sTfiall guard, till the arrival of Colonel Dunbar, with the rear di- vision of the army. As soon as his strength would permit, he rejoined the general, and immediately entered on the duty of his office. The next day was an eventful one in our early history. It was the ninth of July. General Braddock had crossed the Monongahela, and was pressing forward, with no apprehension of danger, to Fort Du Q,uesne. He was already within a few miles of his destination, marching on an open road thick set with grass, when on a sudden a heavy and well directed fire was opened upon his troops by an invisible enemy, consisting of the French and Indians. From their sheltered retreats they were able to take a safe and steady aim, and the officers of the British troops were slain in great numbers. In a short time Washington was the only aid-de-camp left alive and unwounded. He was obliged consequently to carry all of the general's orders, to every part of the battle-field in person. In performing 5%^^: WASHINGTON. 5 this duty, he had two horses killed under him, and four balls passed throuiTJi liis coat. " I expected every moment," says an eyewitness, " to see him fall. Nothintr hut the superintending care of Providence could have saved him from the fate of all around him." Durinji; the whole course of the battle Braddock displayed the utmost intrepidity and firmness. He encouraged his men to keep their ground ; but valor was useless, and he saw his army falling around him like grass under the scytlie, without being able to render them any assistance. Un- acquainted with the Indian mode of fighting, his efforts to form his broken troops only exposed them more surely to the galling fire of the enemy. The action continued for three hours, in the course of which the general had three horses killed under him, and received himself a mortal wound. Ilis troops immediately fled in great confusion. It was impossible to rally them, until they had crossed the Monongahela, and placed a river between themselves and their enemy. The Indians were too much occupied with the plunder, to think of continuing the pursuit. Braddock was carried to the camp of Dunbar, where in a few days he died. On this occasion the British officers behaved with adniirable bravery, but the common soldiers broke into confusion in spite of every effort to rally them, and fled like sheep before hounds. The three Virginia com- panies, on the contrary, conducted with great spirit, and fought with such disregard of danger, that there were scarcely thirty men left alive from their whole number. This defeat did not injure the reputation of Wash- ington. His countrymen praised his conduct, and it was well understood that the disasters of the day originated in a neglect of his advice. Intelligence of the defeat of Braddock, and of the withdrawal of the regular forces from Virginia, arrived while the Assembly of that colony were still in session. It was at once resolved to raise a regiment of sixteen companies to protect the frontier settlements. The command of this was given to Washington, with authority to name the field officers. In executing the duties of his office, W^ashington visited the frontiers, and made the best disposition of the few soldiers he found in the various posts. On his way to Williamsburg, he was overtaken by an express, with information that tlie back settlements had been broken up by the French and Indians, who were burning their houses, devastating their crops, murdering and leading into captivity the men, women and children. The few troops stationed on the frontiers were unable to render them any assistance, but retired for their own safety to the stockade forts. Alarm and confusion prevailed on all sides. Before any sufficient force could be collected to repel the assailants, they had retreated beyond the Alleghany mountains, and were out of the reach of punishment. Irru[)tions of this kind were repeatedly made into the frontier settlements during the years 1756, 17.57, and 1758. The distresses of the inhabitants were extreme. In the forts they suffered from hunger, and were often besieged and mur- dered. In their farms and villages they lay down every night with the fear of a cruel death, or a more cruel bondage, continually before them. The people looked to Washington for the protection he was unable to give. The difficulty of raising a large number of men, and the inability of a small number to protect the extensive frontiers of Virginia, were t> WASHINGTON. continual fources of anxiety and distress. Tlie savages made no distinc- tions in their warfare. They slew the women and children, the aged and the helpless, as well as the men whom they found in arms. Wash- ington, in a letter written during this period to the governor, observed — "The supplicating tears of the women and moving petitions of the men, melt me with such deadly sorrow, that I solemnly declare, if I know my own mind, I could offer myself a willing sacrifice to the butchering enemy, provided that would contribute to the people's ease." He was indefati- gable in representing to the governor the wretched condition of the inha- bitants, and the great defects of the existing mode of defence. He ad- vised the reduction of Fort Du Quesne, the lurking-place and strong hold of these predatory bands, as the only means of effectually restoring secu rity to the frontier settlements. In case this measure was not adopted, he advised that twenty-two forts, extending in a line of three hundred and sixty miles, should be erected and garrisoned by two thousand men, in constant pay and service. In the autumn of 175S, to the great joy of Wasliington, an expedition was fitted out against Fort Du Quesne; but on reaching the post, they found that the garrison had deserted it and re- treated down the Ohio. A treaty of peace was soon after concluded with the Indian tribes. Fort Du Quesne received the name of Fort Pitt, was repaired and garrisoned M-ith two hundred men from Washington's regiment. Henceforward it was a source of as much advantage to the English settlements, as it had before been of detriment. The remains of '.liis fort presented the following appearance in the year 1S31. The great object of his wishes having been thus happily accomplished, Washington resigned his commission, and thus ended his career as a provincial officer. Soon after this resignation, he married Mrs. Martha WASHINGTON. i Custi% a young and beautiful lady, of great acconi])lisliments, and an amial)l'e character. Retiring to the estate at Mount Vernon, which he had acquired a few years before by the death of his elder brother, he devoted himself assiduously to the business of agriculture He became one of the greatest landholders in North America. His Mount Vernon estate alone consisted of nine thousand acres, and his domestic and farming establishments \vo:re composed of nearly a thousand persons. From the close of the frontier war to the conunencement of the revolu- tion, Washington acted as judge of a county court, and as a member of the House of Burgesses of his native province. In this body he was never distinguished as a speaker, yet he secured tlie esteem and confidence of all wlio knew him, by the firmness and propriety of his conduct, and the uniform good sense of his counsels. While in this situation, he took an active part in opposition to the principle of the British parliament, to tax the American colonics. He was elected a representative to the first Congress, which mefeat Philadelphia, in 1774, and was the active mem- ber of all the committees on military affairs. When the commencement of hostilities made it necessary to appoint a commander-in-chief of the American forces, George Washington was unanimously elected to the ofilce. On receiving from the President of Congress official notice of this appointment, he° thus addressed him: "Mr. President, although! am truly sensible of the high honor done me in this appointment, yet 1 feel great distress from a consciousness that my abilities and military experience may not be equal to the extensive and important trust. How- ever, as the Congress desire it, I will enter upon the momen:ous duty, and exert every power I possess in their service, and for support of the glorious cause. I beg they will accept my most cordial thanks, for this distinguished testimony of their approbation. " But, lest some unlucky event should happen, unfavorable to my reputation, I beg it may be remembered by every gentleman in the room, that I this day declare, with the utmost sincerity, I do not think myself equal to the command I am honored with. " As to pay. Sir, I beg leave to assure the Congress that as no pecunia- ry consideration could have tempted me to accept this arduous employ- ment, at the expense of my domestic ease and happiness, I do not wish to make any profit from it. I will keep an exact account of my expenses; tliose I doubt not they will discharge, and that is all I desire." A special commission was made out for him, and at the same time an unanimous resolution was adopted by Congress, " that they would main- tain and assist him, and adhere to him with their lives and fortunes, for the maintenance and preservation of American liberty " He prepared to enter immediately on tlie duties of his high station. Having passed a few days in New-York, and making some arrangement with General Schuyler who commanded there, he proceeded to Cambridge, which was the headquarters of the American army. On his way thither, he received from individuals and public bodies, the most flattering atten- tion and the strongest promises of support and assistance. A committee of tiie Massachusetts Congress met him at Springfield, about one hun- dred miles from Boston, and conducted him to the army 8 WASHINGTON. Immediately after his arrival, the Cong "ess presented him an address, in which they expressed their approbation of his appointment, and the great respect and affection they entertainec for him. His reply was well calculated to increase these sentiments. I'e returned the warmest ac- knowledgments of their kindness, and pnmised ever to retain it in grateful remembrance. In the course of this reply, he observed, "In exchanging the enjoyments of domestic life Ibr the duties of my present honorable, but arduous situation, I only emulate the virtue and public spirit of the whole province of Massachusetts, which, with a firmness and patriotism without example, has sacrificed all the comforts of social and political life, in support of the rights of mankind, and the welfare of our common country. My highest ambition is to be the happy instrument of vindicating these rights, and to see this devoted province again restor- ed to peace, liberty and safety." On reaching the camp, the first movements of the commander-in-chief were directed to an examination of the strength tand situation of his forces. They amounted to about fourteen thousand and five hundred men; occupying several posts in an extent of about twelve miles. Some were stationed at Roxbury, some at Cambridge, and some on Winter and Prospect Hills in front of Bunker's Hill. A few companies were posted in the towns about Boston Bay, which were most exposed to attacks from British armed vessels. The troops were not sufficiently numerous to defend so large an extent of country, but it was difficult to make a more compact arrangement. The British army were posted in three divisions. The main body, under General Howe, was intrenching itself on Bunker'? Hill, in Charlestown. Another division was stationed on Copp's Hill and the third was strongly entrenched and fortified on Roxbury Neck There were three floating batteries in Mystic river, and a small body of infantry and light horse stationed in Boston. The American army was very badly provided with the necessaries of war. Of military stores, they were almost entirely destitute. All the powder in New-England would not have furnished nine rounds to each soldier. In this condition, the army remained for a fortnight. There was no discipline among the troops, owing to their being enlisted only for short periods. The appointment of general officers by Congress gave great dissatisfiiction, and induced several of those who thought themselves injured, to quit the service. To remedy all these evils, to form an uniform mass of discordant materials, and subject men strivuig for independence to the rigid discipline of a camp, required patience, firmness, and a spirit of conciliation. General Gage had received a small reinforcement from New- York, so that the whole number of the British army now amounted to about eight thousand men. Their plans were principally directed to self-defence. With little interruption, both armies were employed in strengthening their re- spective fortifications. But (ew skirmishes took place, and those without much bloodshea. This state of things did not satisfy the mind of Wash- ington. He was eager for some active measures to destroy the British army in Boston, before it should receive additional reinforcements; and before the resources of the colonies should be entirely exhausted. WASHINGTON. 9 The situation of the enemy was frequently reconnoitered, and every eil^jrt made to ascertain their strength. To carry (heir works by storm was a dangerous project, hut it appeared to Washington practicable, and he determined to suggest it to his general officers. A council of war was called, and the measure proposed. It was decided that the attempt ought not to be at that time made. The original |)lan of continuing the block- ade appeared the most advisable, and Washington acquiesced in the decision of the council. The scarcity of fresh provisions in Boston, induced the enemy to send small parties to forage along the shores of the continent, under the pro- tection of their armed vessels. The defence of tiieir property imposed such a heavy burden upon the seaboard towns, that the governors of several colonies applied to Washington to send detachments to their assistance. Repeated applications of this nature were very embarrass- ing, till Congress passed a resolution " that the army before Boston was designed only to oj^ose the enemy in that place, and ought not to be weakened by detachments for the security of other parts of the country." In the course of the autumn, gradual approaches were made towards the British posts. The army was also reinforeed by the arrival of more than fourteen hundred riflemen, from Pennsylvania and Maryland. Through the season, the most active exertions of the commander-in- chief were directed to procuring arms and ammunition for his troops. A voyage was made to Africa, and every pound of gunpowder for sale in the British factories along the coast, was obtained by the exchange of New-England rum. A British ordnance ship, completely hden with military stores, was captured by a privateer under the command of Cap- tain Manly. On the fifth of September, a committee of Congress was appointed to visit the camp at Cambridge, and confer with the chief magistrates of the northern colonies, and the Council of Massachusetts, on the continuance and regulation of the continental army. The resull of their conference was, that the new army should consist of twenty thou sand three hundred seventy-two men, to serve till the last day of Decem- ber, 1776. This short term of enlistment proved a very serious and almost a fatal evil. In the execution of this resolve, Washington called upon the soldiers and officers to make their election, whether to retire or remain with the army. Great difficulties occurred in eflTecting the re-enlistment. Many were unwilling to continue in the army on any terms; some required leave of absence to visit their families, and others were in doubt, and uncertain what course to pursue. In his general orders, Washington appealed directly to the pride and patriotism of both officers and men "The times," he observed in the orders of October twentieth, " and the importance of the great cause we are engaged in, allow no room for hesi- tation and delay. When life, liberty and property are at stake ; when our country is in danger of being a melancholy scene of bloodshed and deso- lation; wlien our towns are laid in ashes, innocent women and children driven from their peaceful habitations, exposed to the rigors of an incle- ment season, to depend, perhaps, on the hand of charity for support; when calamities like these are staring us in the face, and a brutal, savage enemy 10 WASHINGTON. threateiis us, and every thing we hold dear, with destruction from foreign troops, it little becomes the character of a soldier to shrink from danger, and condition for new terms. It is the general's intention to indulge both officers and soldiers, who compose the new army, with furloughs for a reasonable time ; but this must be done in such a manner as not to injure the service, or weaken the army too much at once." The new regiment did not fill so rapidly as had been expected. The old troops, whose term of service had expired, were eager to return home; the new troops were slow in coming in. From this circumstance, the lines were often in a defenceless state. " It is not," says General Washingtbn, in a communication to Congress, " in the pages of history lo furnish a case like ours. To maintain a post within musket shot of the enemy, for six months together, without ammunition, and at the same lime to disband one army and recruit another, within that dis- tance of twenty odd British regiments, is more, probably, than ever was attempted." About the middle of February, 1776, the waters about Boston had become sufficiently frozen to bear the troops. Washington was now desirous to execute his plan of attacking the enemy. A council of war was again called, and was again almost unanimous against the measure. It was therefore reluctantly abandoned. The regular force engaged for the year, now amoiinted to more than fourteen thousand men, and the militia to about six thousand. With these troops, Washington determin- ed to take possession of the heights of Dorchester ; a step which he thought must certainly bring on a general action. To favor the execu- tion of this plan, a heavy bombardment on the town, and lines of the enemy, was commenced, on the evening of the second of March, and con- tinued on the two succeeding nights. On the night of the fourth, a detachment, under the command of General Thomas, crossed the neck from Roxbury, and took possession of the heights. The ground was deeply frozen, and it was with great labor that the party were able, during the night, to raise works which nearly covered them from the shot of the enemy. The British were very much surprised at the first view of these works, and immediately commenced a tremendous cannonade from their ship- ping in the harbor, and their forts in Boston. This scene has been very vividly described by Dr. Thacher. "Cannon shot are continually rolling and rebounding over the hill ; and it is astonishing to observe how little our soldiers are terrified by them. During the forenoon, we were in momentary expectation of witnessing an awful scone ; nothing less than the carnage of Breed's hill battle was expected. The royal troops are perceived to be in inotion, as if embarking to pass the harbor, and land on Dorchester shore, to attack our works. The hills and elevations in this vicinity are covered with spectators to witness deeds of horror in the expected conflict. His Excellency, General Washington, is present, ani- mating and encouraging the soldiers, and they, in their turn, manifest their joy, and express a warm desire for the approach of the enemy : each man knows his place, and is resolute to execute his duty." General IIow\, determined to attack the heights, and ordered three thousand men WASHINGTON. 11 on this service. Those wore eml).irke(l, and fell down to the Castle with the intention of proccedinir up the river to the attack, hut were disper'^'-n hy a tremendous storm. Before they could be in readiness to proceed, the American works were in such a state of security as to discourage any attempt aLjainst them. The British now resolved to evacuate Boston as soon as possible. A paper signed by four of the selectmen was sent out with a flag of truce, containing a proposition, which purported to come from General Ilowe, that the town should be left uninjured if tiie troops were allowed to em- bark witliout molestation. This letter was' directed to the commander-in- chief, but did not bear the signature of General Ilowe. Washington therefore declined taking any notice of it, but at the same time he " inti- mated his good wishes for the security of the town." On the seventeenth, the royal army commenced their embarkation on board of the transports. They were suffered to depart without annoyance. Immediately after their departure, Washington wdered a part of his army to New- York, to defend that town against the expected invasion cf the enemy. On entering Boston, the comiiaander-in-chief was wel- comed on all sides with the warmest gratulations. Congress passed a vote of thanks, to express the public approbation of his conduct ; and ordered the striking of a medal, with suitable devices, to perpetuate the remembrance of the event. The town had received much less injury than was at first anticipated. During the siege, the Old South Church, a brick building near the centre of tlie town, had been converted into a riding school for Burgoyne's dragoons. The pulpit and pews were re- moved, and the floor covered with earth, to make it suitable for exercising their horses upon. A beautiful pew, ornamented with silk and carved work, was broken up, and its pieces taken for a fence to a hog-stye. The North Church was torn down, and consumed for fuel. After providing for the security of Boston, Washington marched with the main army to New- York, and made every preparation for the defence of this very important position. In these labors, the American army was incessantly occupied, until Lord and General Howe arrived at Sandy Hook with their naval and land forces. Before the commencement of hostilities, an attempt was made at negociation. General Howe sent a letter by a flag, directed to " George Washington, Esq." This the general refused to receive, as it did not recognise the public character with which he had been invested by Congress. His conduct on this occasion met with the approbation of this body, and they resolved, " that he had acted with the dignity becoming his character." The British general was very anxious to obtain an interview with the commander-in- chief, but was unwilling to adopt his military address. He accordingly sent Colonel Patterson to the American headquarters, with a letter to '' George Washington, &c. &c. &lc." The general still declined receiv- ing it. He said it was true, the etceteras implied every thing ; they also nnplied any tiling: and a letter directed to a public character should have an address descriptive of that character. Colonel Patterson then said that General Howe would not urge his delicacy any further ; repeating his assertion that not the slightest disre- 3 12 WASHIJNGTUIN. spect was intended in the form of the address. Some conversation ensuea in respect to the treatment of prisoners ; when the colonel observed that Lord and General Howe had been appointed commissioners by the king, and were very desirous of arranging the difficulties that had so unfortu- nately arisen. General Washington observed that he was vested with no power of treating upon the subject. He had read the act of parliament, and found Lord and General Howe only authorized to grant pardons. The Americans, having committed no fault, desired no pardon ; they were only defending their rights. Colonel Patterson seemed confused, and said this would open a wide field for argument. After some few remarks, he was invited to a small collation, and introduced to the general oflicers. With many polite expressions at taking leave, he observetl — " Has your Excellency no commands to my Lord or General Howe?" " None, Sir," replied Washington, " but my particular compliments to both of them," On the arrival of General Howe at Staten Island, the American army did not exceed ten thousand men, but before the end of August they amounted to twenty-seven thousand. This force was distributed so judi- ciously, that the enemy were doubtful in what quarter to commence their operations. Every probable point of debarkation was guarded. From the arrival of the army, the Americans were in daily expectation of being at- tacked, and Washington was actively engaged in preparing their minds for action. In general orders he called upon the officers to be deliberate, and upon the soldiers to be firm, courageous and obedient. He directed tiiat any soldier who deserted his ranks in time of battle should be im- mediately shot down. " The tmie," he observed, " is now at hand, which must probably determine whether Americans are to be freemen or slaves ; whether they are to have any pfoi>erty they can call their own ; whether their houses and farms are to be pillaged and destroyed, and themselves consigned to a state of wretchedness, from which no human efforts will deliver them. The fate of unborn millions will now depend, under God, on the courage and conduct of this army. Our cruel and unrelenting enemy leaves us only the choice of a brave resistance, or the most abject submission. We have to resolve to conquer or die. Our own, our coun- try's honor, call upon us for a vigorous and manly exertion ; and if we now shamefully fail, we shall become infameus to the whole world. Let us then rely on the goodness of our cause, and on the aid of the Supreme Bei'ig. in whose hands victory is, to animate and encourage us to great ami noble actions. The eyes of all our countrymen are now upon us, and we shall have their blessings and praises, if happily we are the instruments of saving them from the tyranny meditated against them. Let us therefore animate and encourage each other, and show the whole world, that a freeman, contending lor liberty on his own ground, is superior to any slavish mercenary on earth." On the twenty-seventh of August, the enemy attacked the American forces under the command of General Sullivan, on Long Island Tne variety of ground and the number of different parties engaged on both sides, occasioned a succession of small engagements, pursuits, and slaughters, which lasted for many hours. The Americans were defeased WASHINGTON. 13 in cvory quarter. Thry sufTcred exccoflino'Iy from the want of disriplinft, and the means of ready transmission of intelligence. Tlie troops retired within their line, discouraerican troops, two privates were killed, an officer and five or six privates wounded, and two frozen to death. On the same day. General Washington recrossed the Delaware witli his prisoners, six pieces of ar- tillery, a thousand stand of arms, and some military stores. These being secured, and his men having enjoyed two or three days of rest, he returned, and took possession of Trenton. On the next day Lord Cornwallis move(l WASHINGTON. 17 forward with a numerous force, and reached Trenton about four o'clock in the afternoon. General Washington drew up his army behind a creek which runs tlirough the town, and in this position waited for the move- ments of the enemy. After having attempted to cross this creek, and findiiif the passes guarded, the British general halted his troops, and de- termined to defer the attack till the following morning. The situation of the Auierican troops was critical. Washington called a council of his officers, and laid before them the different plans that they might adopt. A retreat across the Delaware was impracticable, on account of the ice. A defeat, if they risked an engagement, would be entire destruction. It was determined to quit their present position, and get in (he rear of the Dritish army at Princeton. On the next morning, Lord Cornwallis discovered tliat his enemy had disn[)pcared. Soon after dark, Washington had given orders for the re- moval of the baggage to Burlington. Guards were stationed to perform the usual rounds, and to keep the watch fires burning throughout the night. At one o'clock, the army silently left the camp, and gained the rear of the enemy. They reached Princeton early in the morning, and would have completely surprised the British, if they had not been met by an advance of three regiments, which were on their way to join thd niaui army. ' The centre of the American troops was severely charged by this party, and gave way in disorder. In his effort to rally them. General Mercer was mortally wounded. At this moment, Washington advanced at the head of his troops, and plunged into the hottest fire of the enemy. He was bravely supported by his men, and the British were obliged to retreat. One party of them fled to the colleges, but after a few discharges from the American fieldpieces, they came out and surrendered them- selves. More than an hundred of the British Avere left dead upon the battle ground, and three hundred were made prisoners. These victories led to the most miportant consequences. Philadelphia was saved for the winter ; Jersey was recovered ; and the depressed spirits of the Americans were again revived. The character of the commander- in-chief rose still higher in public estimation ; and the soldiers began to entertain confidence in themselves and each other. After the campaign had been thus carried into the month of January, Washington retired into winter quarters at Morristown. His forces were small in comparison with those of the enemy, but public report had much exaggerated their number, and tliis deception was carefully continued. The remainder of the season passed over in a war of skirmishes, which generally terminated in favor of the Americans. Arranging the army in spring gave the connnander-in-chief inconceivable trouble. A difficulty arose in as- sembling the troops from the different states in which they had been enlisted. The state regulations, in respect to pay and bounty, were different, and occasioned petty and vexatious jealousies among the troops. Each state, that conceived itself exposed to invasion, was desirous of retaining a part of its force for its own security. All these embarrass- ments, however, were finally removed by the authority and great personal influence of Washington. 'J'lie treatment of American prisoners, !)y the British officers, was a IS WASHINGTON. source of yrcai vexation and difficulty. The)f were viewed as rebels, and conlined in prisons with common felons. General Waslnngton had written to General Gage on this subject early in the war. In tliis letter he de- clared the intention to regulate his conduct towards prisoners in his own hands, by the treatment which those should receive in the power of the British general. To this communication an insolent reply was received, ni which General Gage retorted the charge, and stated, as a mark of British clemency, that the cord was not applied to their prisoners. Gene- ral Washington rejoined in a manner worthy of his character, with a communication which, he observed, was " to close their correspondence, perhaps forever." In conclusion he remarked, " if your officers, our pri- soners, receive from me a treatment different from what I wished to show them, they and you will remember the occasion of it." Accordingly, all the British officers in his power were put into close jail, and the soldiers were confined in places of security. When Ilowe succeeded to the com- mand, the treatment of prisoners became more humane on both sides. Tlie capture of General Lee opened new sources of irritation on this subject. As he had formerly been a British officer, General Howe pretended to consider him as a traitor, and at first refused to consider him as a subject of exchange. Congress directed the commander-in-chief to propose to exchange six fieldofficers for General Lee; and in case of the rejection of this proposal, they resolved that these officers should be closely confined and receive in every respect the treatment that General Lee did. This plan of retaliation Washington considered unjust and impolitic, and he was reluctant to execute it. He remonstrated against it, and Congress eventually adopted the measures he recommended. In the approach of active operations. Congress determined to form an encampment on the western side of Philadelphia. W^ashington had made his arrangements for the campaign, with the expectation that the British would attempt to obtain possession of Philadelphia, or the Highlands on the Hudson. To prevent this, the northern troops were divided between Ticonderoga and Peekskill ; while those from the south were posted at Middlebrook, near the Haritan. This position was fortified by intrench- ments. The force of the Americans, collected at this strong encampment, was nominally between nine and ten thousand men ; but the effective force was about six thousand. A large portion of these consisted of ravv recruits, and a considerable number of those enlisted in the southern states were foreigners. To encourage their desertion. General Howe offered a bounty to every soldier who would come over to his army ; and, to counteract this measure, Washington recommended Congress to grant full pardon to all Americans who would relinquish the British service. On the part of the British, the campaign opened early in June. Their forces advanced toward Philadelphia as far as Somerset County in New- Jersey, but they soon fell back to New-Brunswick. The whole of this month was wasted in alternate advance and retreat, without any deter- minate action. Apprehensive that Sir William Howe would ultimately move up tlie North river, and that his moveinents southwardly were merely feints, Washington detached a brigade to reinforce the northern division of his army. Further advices favored the idea that a junction of WASHINGTON. 19 tlie royal armies near Albany was intended ; but still the whole afTair was embarrassed, and made doubtful by the future movements. Abinit tlie middle of August, certain accounts were received that the Britisii had taken possession of the Chesapeake, and landed as near Phila- delphia as was practicable. As soon as this was known, Washinirton ordered the divisions of his army to unite in the neighborhood of Phila- delphia, and the militia of the surrounding states to take the field. He had previously written very pressing letters to the governors of the eastern states to strengthen the northern army opposed to Burgoyne ; and even detached some of the best of his own forces on that important service. T'he effective American army did not exceed eleven thousand men. With these troops Washington marclied through Philadelphia, that the sight of them migiit make an impression on tlie minds of the wavering and disaffected. The two armies approached each other on the third of September. As the British troops advanced. Sir William Howe endeavored to gain the right wing of the American army. General Washington continued to fall back, until he crossed the Brandyvvine river. He here posted his troops on the high ground, near Chadd's Ford. The light corps, under General Maxwell, was advanced in front, and placed on the hills south of the river, in order to assail the enemy if they should approach in that direction. Troops were also posted at a ford two miles below, and at several passes some miles above. The opinion of Congress, and the general wish of the country, made it necessary for Washington to risk a general action at this place. On tiie morning of the eleventh, the British army advanced in two columns to the attack. One column took the direct road to Chadd's Ford, and soon forced Maxwell's corps to cross the river, with very little loss on either side. General Knyphausen, the commander of this body, continued to parade on the heights, to reconnoitre the American army, and was apparently preparing to attempt the passage of the river. The other coluaui, led by Lord Cornwallis, moved up on the west side of the Brandy wine, making a circuit of about seventeen mile-;. On com- ing within view of the American troops, it instantly formed the line of battle, and at about half after four the action began. It was continued with great spirit for some time. The American right first fell into dis- order and gave way. They attempted to rally, but on being vigorously charged by the enemy, again broke. The flight now becime common. General Washington, who had hastened towards the scene of action as soon as the firing commenced, only arrived in season to cover the retreat. When the right wing was engaged with Lord Cornwallis, the works at Chadd's Ford had been assaulted and carried by General Knyphausen. The whole army retreated that night to Chester, and on the next day, to Philadelphia. The Americans lost' in this battle about nine hundred men; three hundred of whom were slain, and the rest wounded and taken prisoners. Tliis defeat occasioned no dejection either among the citi- zens, or in the army. Measures were immediately taken to procure reinforcements. Fifteen hundred men were marched from Peekskill, and large detachments of militia ordered into the field. It was determin- 4 20 WASHINGTON. ed to risk a second engagement, for the security of Philadelphia. The enemy sought it, and Washington was willing to meet it. The commander-in-chief was empowered to impress all horses, v, agons, and provisions, requisite for the use of the army. Perceiving that the enemy were moving into the Lancaster road, towards the city, Washing- ton took possession of ground on the left of the British, and about twenty- three miles from Philadelphia. On the next morning, the approach of the British was announced. He immediately put his troops in motion, and a skirmish had already commenced, when a violent rain storm oblig- ed them to separate. The retreat of the Americans was now unavoida- ble. Their gun locks and cartridge boxes were badly made, and tl,ie storm rendered most of the arms unfit for use. The exposure of the army was still greater, from their being entirely destitute of bayonets. Washington continued his retreat through the day, and most of the night, amidst a very cold storm, and through very bad roads. On a full discovery of the damage that had been done the ammunition and arms, the general ascended the Schuylkill, and crossed it at Warwick Furnace, that the army might refit their muskets and replenish their cartridge boxes. He still resolved to risk a general engagement. Recrossing the Schuylkill at Parker's Ferry, he encamped on the east side, posting de- tachments at the different fords at which the enemy might attempt to force a passage. Instead of urging an action, the British moved rapidly on their march towards Reading. To save the military stores which had been deposited in that place, Washington took a new position, and left the enemy in undisturbed possession of the road which led to the city. Sir William Howe availed himself of this advantage, and on the twenty- sixth of the month entered Philadelphia in triumph. Washington had taken seasonable measures to remove the public stores from the city, and to secure the most necessary articles for the use of the army. Though failing in his plan to save Philadelphia, he retain- ed the undiminished confidence of the people, and of Congress. Instead of now going into winter quarters, he approached and encamped near the enemy. Four regiments of grenadiers were posted in Philadelphia, and the other corps of the British army were cantoned at Germantown. The first object of Sir William Howe was to effect an open communication through the Delaware with the British fleet. General Washington was desirous to cut off this source of supplies, and erected forts on both banks of this river, near its junction with the Schuylkill, and about seven miles below Philadelphia. In the channel between the forts, large pieces of timber strongly framed together and pointed with iron, were sunk in two ranges, to obstruct the passage of the ships. These works were covered by floating batteries and armed ships. A considerable number of British troops having been despatched to destroy these works, it was thought a favorable time to attack their main body. The American forces now amounted to about eight thousand regular troops and three thousand militia. The plan formed was, to attack the enemy in front and rear at the same time ; and, on the fourth of October, the army was moved near the scene of action. The line of WASHINGTON. 21 the British encampment crossed Germantown at riglit angles. At sun- rise, on the next morning, the attack was commenced. The American troops were at first successfiil. They routed the enemy at two different quarters, and took a number of prisoners. But the morning was extreme- ly foirgy, and the Americans were unable to take advantage of theii success. They could not perceive the situation of the enemy, nor under- stand their own situation. The field was hastily abandoned, and Wash- ington was obliged to resign a victory of which he had thought himself secure. The loss of the Americans, including the wounded, and four hundred prisoners, was about eleven hundred. A retreat was made twenty miles to Perkioming, with the loss of a single piece of artillery. The plan of the battle of Germantown was judicious, and its com- mencement well conducted ; unavoidable circumstances prevented a fortunate issue. Congress voted their unanimous thanks "to General Washington, for his wise and well concerted attack, and to the officers and soldiers of the army, for the brave exertions on that occasion." From the time that the British obtained possession of the city, every aid was given to the forts constructed on the Delaware, to close the naviga- tion of that river. Troops were sent out, to prevent the farmer from carrying provisions to the market, and to cut off the foraging parties. The British soon afi;er broke up their encampment at Germantown, con- centrated all their forces at Philadelphia, and directed their attention principally to opening the navigation of the Delaware. This opera- tion employed them about six weeks, and after a great display of valor on both sides, was successfully accomplished. In this state of public affairs, a long and very singular letter was ad- dressed to Washington, by the Rev. Jacob Duche, late chaplain of Con- gress, and a clergyman of rank and character. The purport of this communication was, to persuade him that farther resistance to Great Britain was hopeless, and would only increase the calamities of their common country; and to urge him to make the most favorable terms, and give up the contest. Such a letter, from a man of eminence, worth, and patriotism, corresponding also with the views of very many respecta- ble citizens, would have produced considerable effect on a mind less firm and resolute than that of Washington. He took no further notice of the letter, than merely to send a verbal message to the writer, "that if the contents of his letter had been known, it should have been return- ed unopened." While Sir William Howe was successful in all his enterprises in Penn- sylvania, the intelligence arrived that General Burgoyne and his whole army had surrendered prisoners of war. A' portion of the northern array soon after joined Washington, and with this reinforcement he took a posi- tion at and near White Marsh. Sir William Howe marched out of Phila- delphia, with tlie expectation of bringing on a general engagement. On tlie next morning he took a position upon Chesnut Hill, about three miles in front of the Americans, and spent several days in reconnoitering their camp. He changed his ground, and made every appearance of an inten- tion to commence an attack. Several severe skirmishes took place, and a general action was hourly expected. But Sir William Howe was too well '22 WASHINGTON. -\ aware of the advantage of the enemy's position, and returned to Phila delphia without coming to an engagement. Three days after the retreat of the British army, Washington made pre- parations to retire into w'nter quarters. He expressed in his general orders strong approbation o." the conduct of his troops. Presenting them with a favorable view of their country's situation, he exhorted them to bear with firmness the sufferings to which they must be exposed in the po- sition they were about to occupy. Valley Forge, about twenty-five miles back of Philadelphia, was fixed upon for winter quarters. This position ^ ^•"'■' ' ' was preferred to distant and more comfortable villages, as it was calculated lo give the most extensive security to the country. The American tt ^ny might have been tracked, by the blood of their bare feet, from Whue Marsh to their new position. They were badly clothed and' badly pro- vided with food. Many were obliged to go almost naked, suffering at the same time from famine. In this situation the men behaved with great for- titude. They felled trees, and built log huts, which were covered with straw and earth, and afforded but very poor shelter from the severity of the season. Washington was now obliged to pursue a course, which he adopted with the greatest reluctance. The army suffered exceedingly from hunger. It was necessary that they should be allowed to satisfy their wants by force. In obedience to the commands of Congress, the general issued a procla- mation, calling on " the farmers, within seventy miles of headquarters, to thresh out one half of their grain by the first of February, and the resi- due by the first of March, under the penalty of having the whole seized as straw." While these transactions had been going on in the middle states, the northern campaign had terminated in the capture of the army of General Burgoyne. This event had very highly raised the reputation of General Gates, the commander in that department. The different issue of affairs under General Washington, afforded the ignorant and discontented an WASHINGTON. 23 occasion to murmur and complain. Several members of Congress, and a few general ofliccrs of the army, were engaged in a j)]an to supplant him m iii-s office, and raise General Gates to the chief cojnmand. In the prosecution of this scheme, every effort was made to injure the character of General Wasliington. The conspiracy did not escape his notice ; but love of country was superior to every consideration. He re- pressed his indignation, to prevent an appearance of disunion and dissen- sion, that might ruin the cause in which he was engaged. His private letters at this period exhibit the state of bis feelings, and the honorable motives which directed his conduct. In a communication to the President of Congress, Mr. Laurens, he ob- serves upon tliis subject: — " My enemies lake an ungenerous advantage of me. They know tlie delicacy of my situation, and that motives of po- licy deprive me of the defence I might otiierwise make against their in- sidious attacks. They know I cannot combat their insinuations, however injurious, without disclosing secrets it is of the utmost moment to conceal. But why should I expect to be exempt from censure, the unfailing lot of an elevated station. Merit and talents wliich I cannot pretend to rival, have ever been subject to it. My heart tells me it has been my unremitted aim to do the best which circumstances would permit; yet I may have been very often mistaken in my judgment of the means, and may, in many instances, deserve the imputation of error. About this time it was rumored that Washington had determined to resign his command. On this occasion he wrote to a gentleman in New- England as follows : " I can assure you that no person ever heard me drop an expression that had a tendency to resignation. The same principles that led me to embark in the opposition to the arbitrary claims of Great Britain, operate with additional force at this day ; nor is it my desire to withdraw my services while they are considered of importance in the pre- sent contest : but to report a design of this kind, is among the acts which tliose who are endeavoring to effect a change, are practising to bring it to pass. I have said, and I still do say, that there is not an officer in the service of the United States, that would return to the sweets of domestic life with more heart-felt joy than I should. But I would have this decla- ration accompanied by these sentiments, that while the public are satis- fied with my endeavors, I mean not to shrink from the cause. But the moment her voice, not that of faction, calls upon me to resign, I shall do it with as much pleasure as ever the wearied traveller retired to rest." Washington now devoted himself to preparations for an active cam- paign in 1778. He labored to convince Congress of the necessity of en- listing a regular army, at least equal to that of the enemy. Congress deputed a committee from their body to reside in the camp, and act in concert with the commander-in-chief, in reforming the condition of the forces. This committee repaired to Valley Forge in January, 1778. Washington laid before them a minute view of the army, in which he minutely pointed out what he deemed necessary for the correction of abuses, and for the advancement of the service. He recommended, " as essentially necessary, that, in addition to present compensation, provision should be made by half pay, and a pensionary establishment, for the future 24 WASHINGTON. support of the officers, so as to render their commissions valuable." He pointed out " the insufficiency of their pay (especially in its present state of depreciation) for their decent subsistence ; the sacrifices they had al- ready made, and the unreasonableness of expecting that they would con- tinue patiently to bear such an over proportion of the common calamities growing out of the necessary war, in which all were equally interested ; the manv resignations that had already taken place, and the probability that more would follow, to the great injury of the service ; the impossi- bility of keeping uj) a strict discipline among officers whose commissions, in'a pecuniary view, were so far from being worth holding, that they were the means of impoverishing them." These and other weighty considera- tions were accompanied by a declaration from Washington, " that he neither could nor would receive the smallest benefit from the proposed establishment, and that he had no other inducement in urging it, but a full conviction of its utility and propriety." Congress acted upon the proposed reforms with a general concurrence of sentiment, but before the army could receive the benefit of them, their distresses had reached the most alarming height. Of seventeen thousand men m the camp, but five thousand were able to discharge effective duty. Several times during the winter, they experienced little less than famine; and a total dissolution of the army was often threatened in consequence. " It was on this occasion," observes i>r. Thacher, " that a foreigner of distinction said to a friend of mine, that he despaired of our independence; for while walking with General Washington along the soldiers' huts, he heard from many voices echoing through the open crevices between the logs, ' no pay, no clothes, no provisions, vo rum,' and when a miserable being was seen Hitting from one hut to another, his nakedness was only covered by a dirty blaukcl. It will be difficult to form a just conception of the emotions of grief and sorrow, which must have harrowed up the soul of our illustrious patriot and philanthropist. In this darke'ning hour of adversity, any man who possesses less firmness than Washington, would despair of our independence." It was at this period that the British government were disposed to make conciliatory proposals. The first certain intelligence of these offers was received by Washington in a letter from the British governor of New- York, enclosing the proposals, and recommending " that they should be circulated by General Washington among the officers and privates of his army." These proposals were immediately forwarded to Congress, and on the day after their rejection an order was adopted, in which it was urged upon the different states to pardon, under certain limitations, such of their misguided citizens as had levied war against the United States. This resolution was transmitted to the British Governor, with a request, by way of retort, that he would circulate it among the Americans in the British army. The proposals of the Britisii government had been made in consequence of a treaty which had just been concluded between France and the United States. Sir William Howe had resigned the command of the British army, and was succeeded by Sir Henry Clinton. This officer received immediate orders to evacuate Philadelphia. Washington was uncertain what course WASHINGTON. 25 he would probably pursue. Dccidinir on a innrcli to New- York, tlic British general crossed tiie Delavviiro aI)out the middle of June. When this was known, a council of war was immediately called in the Ameri- can camp. There was a great difference of opinions. Since the recent alliance with France, independence was considered secure, unless the army should be defeated. Under such circumstances a general eno-age- ment was not to be hazarded, without a fair prospect of success. This was the opinion of a majority of the general officers. Washington, how- ever, was very desirous to risk an action. When Sir Henry Clinton had advanced to Allentown, instead of pur- suing the direct course to Staten Island, he drew towards the sea coast. On learning that he was marching in this direction, towards Monmouth court-house, Washington sent Brigadier Wayne with a thousand men to reinforce his advanced troops. The command of this body was offered to General Lee, who in the exchange of prisoners had been restored to the army. This officer was opposed to any engagement with the enemy at that time, and declined the service. It was accordingly given to the Marquis de La Fayette. The whole army followed at a proper distance for supporting the ad- vanced corps, and reached Cranberry the next morning. Washington increased his advanced corps with two brigades, and sent General Lee, who was now desirous of assuming the command, to take charge of the whole, and followed with the main army to give it support. On the next mo'-ning, orders were sent to Lee to move forward and attack the enemy, unlt>i;s there should be very strong objections to the measure. When Wasiiington had marched about five miles to support the advance corps, he fou.ad it retreating, by Lee's orders, and without having offered any opposit.on. He immediately rode up to Lee and requested an explana- tion ; the reply was unsuitable and insolent. Orders were then given to form on a piece of ground which seemed to offer advantages as a position to check the enemy. Lee was asked if he would command on that ground ; he consented, and replied " your orders shall be obeyed, and I will not be the first to leave the field." Wa.shington returned to the main army, which was soon formed for action. After several unsuccessful movements of the British troops, they retired and took the ground that had been before occupied by Genera! Lee. Washington determined to attack them, and ordered two detach- ments to move round, upon their right and left sides. They did not ar- rive at their ground in season to commence the attack that night. They remained in that position till morning. General Washington reposing on his clouk under a tree in the midst of his troops. Bef( re dawn, the British moved away in great silence. Nothing was known of their march till the next day. They left beliind four (Officers, and forty privates, so severely wounded that it was not safe to remove them. Including prisoners, the whole loss of the British army was about three hundred and fifty. They pursued their march to Sandy Hook without farther interruption and without any loss of baggage. The Americans lost about two hundred and fifty men. Declining pursuit of the royal troops, they retired to the borders of the North river. 2t> WASHINGTOiN. Shortly after the action, Congress resolved on a vote of thanks to Gene- ral Washington, for the activity with wliich he marched from the camp al Valley Forge in pursuit of the enemy ; for his distinguished exertions in forming the line of battle ; and for his great good conduct in leading on the attack, and. gaining the important victory of Monmouth. General Lee followed up his passionate language on the day of the battle, by writ- ing two violent letters to Washington, which occasioned his being arrested and brought to trial. After a protracted hearing before a comt-martial, of which Lord Stirling was president, Lee was found guilty, and sentenced to be suspended from any command in the armies of the United States for the term of one year. Soon after the battle of Monmouth, the American army took post at the White Plains, and remained there and in the vicinity till autumn was far advanced, and then retired to Middlebrook, in New Jersey. During this period, nothing occurred of greater importance than an occasional skirmish. The French fleet arrived too late to attack the British in the Delaware. It was determined, therefore, that a joint expedition, with the sea and land forces, should be made against the British posts in Rhode Island. General Sullivan was appointed to the conduct of the American troops ; Count D'Estaing commanded the French fleet. The preparations for commencing the attack had been nearly completed, when a British fleet appeared in sight. The French commander immediately put out to sea, to come to an engagement. A violent storm arose, and injured both fleets to such an extent, that it was necessary for the one to sail for Boston, and the other to New-York, to refit. General Sullivan had commenced the siege, in the expectation of being shortly seconded by the French fleet. The determination of D'Estaing to return to Boston excited general alarm. It left the harbors of Rhode Island open for reinforcements to the British, from their headquarters in New- York. The very safety of the American army was endangered by it. Every effort was made to induce the French commander to change his intentions, but without effect. This affair produced a great deal of discontent and irritation, among the American officers, and was likely to lead to very serious difficulties. With his usual prudence and good judgment, General Washington exerted his influence to quiet the wounded feelings of both parties. He was powerfully assisted in this attempt, by the Marquis de La Fayette, who was very much beloved by the Americans as well as the French, and gladly rendered his services to bring about a reconciliation. Washington wrote on the subject to the several general officers of his army, and took the first opportunity of recommencing his correspondence with Count D'Estaing. His letter took no notice of the angry dispute that had occurred, and good humor and cordial good-will were speedily restored. With the battle of Monmouth, active operations closed in the middle states. On the approach of winter, the American army went into quarters in the neighborhood of the Highlands. Being better clothed and better fed than in the preceding winter, their situation was greatly ameliorated. At the close of 1778, except the possession of New- York by the British, the local situation of the hostile armies did not much WASHINGTON 27 difTor from tliat of the conimcncpinent of the campaign of 177(). " Ii is not a little pleasing," observed Washington i.l a letter to a friend, " nor less wonderful to contemplate, that after two years' mandjuvring, and undergoing the strangest vicissitudes, both armies are brought back to the very point they set out from, and the olfending party in the beginning is now reduced to the use of the pickaxe and the spade for defence. The hand of Providence has been so conspicuous in all this, that he must be worse than an infidel that lacks faith, and more than wicked that has not gratitude to acknowledge his obligations." In the last months of the year 1778, when the active operations of the campaign were over. Congress decided on a magnificent plan for the concjuest of Canada. Tliis plan was to be carried into effect by the joint operations of distinct detachments of Americans, acting in different points, and co-operating with a French fleet and army on the river St. Lawrence. The scheme was not communicated to Washington, till it had been adopted by Congress. He was then consulted, and requested to write to Dr. Franklin, then minister at Paris, to interest him in securing the proposed co-operation of France. Doubtful of the success of the operation, even with the assistance of the French, Washington was urgent to obtain its rejection. Congress persisted in the measure, and a committee of their body was chosen to confer with the general on this business, and on the state of the army. His objections were then found to be insurmountable, and the expedition was laid aside. The alliance with France had seemed to many to secure our independence. It was supposed that Great Britain would despair of final success, and relinquish farther pr©.9ecution of the war. Washington was very busy in opposing the progress of this dangerous delusion. In his correspondence with members of Congress, and influential men throughout the state, he represented the fallacy of this opinion, and the impolicy of indulging it. He was anxious that early and vigorous measures should be taken for the next campaign. Yet it was not till the twenty-third of January, 1779, that Congress passed resolutions for re-enlisting the army; and not till the ninth of March, that the states were called upon to furnish their proportion of the general forces. This state of affairs greatly alarmed Washington, and his apprehensions at the time may be gathered from the following extract of a letter to one of his confidential friends. " To me it appears no unju.st simile, to compare the affairs of this great continent to the mechanism of a clock, each state representing some one or other of the small parts of it, which they are endeavoring to put in fine order, without considering ^how useless and unavailing their labor is, unless the great wheel, or spring, which is to set the whole in motion, is also well attended to and kept in good order. I al ude to no particular state, nor do I mean to cast reflections upon any one of them, nor ought I, as it may be said, to do so upon their representatives; but as it is a fact too notorious to be concealed, that Congress is rent by party ; that much business of a trifling nature and personal concernment withdraws their attention from matters of great national moment, at this critical period ; when it is also known that idleness and dissipation take place of close attention and application ; no man who wishes well to the liberties of his 5 28 VVA8HINGTON. country, and desires to see its rights established, can avoid crying cut- Where are our men of abilities? Why do they not come forth to save their country ? Let this voice, my dear sir, call upon you, Jefferson, and others. Do not, from a mistaken opinion that we are to sit down under our own vine and our own figtree, let our hitherto noble struggle end in ignominy. Believe me, when I tell you, there is danger of it. I have pretty good reasons for thinking that the administration, a little while ago, had resolved to give the matter up, and negotiate a peace with us upon almost any terms ; but I shall be much mistaken, if they do not now, from the present state of our currency, dissensions, and other circumstances, push matters to the utmost extremity. Nothing, I am sure, will prevent it, but the interruption of Spain, and their disappointed hope from Prussia." The depreciation of the paper currency had, so reduced the pay of the American officers, as to render it inadequate to their support. This led to serious troubles and discontents. Early in May, the Jersey b-rigade was ordered to march by regiments to join the western army. In answer to this order, a letter was received from General Maxwell, stating that the officers of the first regiment had addressed a remonstrance to the legislature of the state, in which they professed a determination to resign their commissions, unless that body immediately attended to their pay and support. General Washington knew the sufferings to which the army had been exposed, and the virtue and firmness with which they had supported them. He knew the truth and justice of the complaints now made by the Jersey regiment ; but saw and felt the evils that would result from the measures they had adopted. Relying on their patriotism and personal attachment to himself, he immediately wrote to General Maxwell a letter to be communicated to the officers. In this address, he adopted the language of a friend as well as of an of- ficer. He acknowledged the inconvenience and distress to which the army were exposed ; and expressed the hope that they had done him the justice to believe, that he had been incessant in endeavors to procure them relief. The limited resources of the government were mentioned, and their embarrassment in procuring money. He then alluded to the pro- gress of the cause, the probability of soon attaining the object of their struggles, and the meanness of a shameful desertion, and forgetfulness of what was due to their country. " Did I suppose it possible," he observed, " this could be the case, even in a single regiment of the army, I should be mortified and chagrined beyond expression. I should feel it as a wound given to my own honor, which I consider as' embarked with that of the army at large. But this I believe to be impossible. Any corps that was about to set an example of the kind, would weigh well the consequences ; and no officer of connnon discernment and sensibility would hazard them. If they should stand alone in it, independent of other consequences, what would be their feelings, on reflecting that they had held themselves out to the world in a point of light inferior to the rest of the army. Or if their example should be followed, and become general, how could they console themselves for having been the foremost in bringing ruin and disgrace upon theit country. They would remember, that the army would share a WASHINGTON. 29 double portion of the general infamy and distress, and that the character of an American officer would become as despicable as it is now glorious." The officers did not expressly recede from their claims, but they were prevailed upon by the representations of the letter to continue in service. In an address to General Washington, they expressed regret that any act of theirs should have given him pain, and proceeded to justify the measures they had taken. They stated that their repeated memorials to the legislature had been neglected, and that they had lost all confidence in that body. " Few of us," they said, "have private fortunes ; many have families who already are suffering every thing that can be received from an ungrateful country. Are we, then, to suffer all the inconveniences, fatigues, and dangers of a military life, while our wives and our children are perishing for want of common necessaries at home ; and that without the most distant prospect of reward, for our pay is now only nominal '? We are sensible that your Excellency cannot wish or desire this from us. " We beg leave to assure your Excellency, that we have the highest sense of your ability and virtues ; that executing your orders has ever given us pleasure ; that we love the service, and we love our country ; but when that country is so lost to virtue and to justice as to forget to support its servants, it then becomes their duty to retire from its service." Washington, with his usual prudence, resolved to take no further notice of this address, than to notify the officers through General Maxwell, that, as long as they continued to do their duty, he should only regret the step they had taken, and hope that they themselves would perceive its impro- priety. The occasion was a favorable one for the commander-in-chief, to urge upon Congress the necessity of making suitable provision in behalf of his officers. " The distresses in some corps," he observed, " are so great, either where they were not until lately attached to any particular state, or where the state has been less provident, that officers have solicited even to be supplied with the clothing destined for the common soldiers, coarse and unsuitable as it was. I had not power to comply with the request. The patience of men, animated by a sense of duty and honor, will support them to a certain point, beyond which it will not go. I doubt not Congress will be sensible of the danger of an extreme in this respect, and will pardon my anxiety to obviate it." The legislature of New-Jersey were alarmed, and at length induced to notice the situation of their soldiers ; the remonstrance was withdrawn, and the officers continued to perform their duty as usual. The American army, in these years, was destitute, not only of food, but of clothing. The seasons of 1779 and 1780, were unfruitful ; the labors of the farmers had been interrupted by the calls of war ; paper money was no equivalent, in its present value, for the produce of the soil, and, consequently, no provisions could be obtained but by measures of compulsion. The soldiers were demanding food, the inhabitants de- manded protection, and, distracted by the wrongs of the one, and the wants of the other, Washington was in a state of the deepest embarrass- ment and anxiety. At length, even force began to fail ; the neighboring country was drained of all its produce, and absolute famine appeared to threaten the army. In this situation, the conduct of the commander-io- '30 WASHINGTON. chief was of the most prudent, wise, and conciliating character ; and i« was indeed a crisis which called for all his address, popularity, and firm- ness, to carry him through it. He succeeded in keeping the army to- gether, and in retaining, not onfy their approbation, but that of his fellow citizens. The effective force of Sir Henry Clinton, in 1779,. strongly fortified in New- York and Rhode Island, amounted to about sixteen thousand five hundred men ; that of the Americans did not exceed thirteen thou- sand. The British were supported by a powerful fl'eet, which enabled them to move with expedition and facility, and when on the Hudson, to concentrate their forces on either side of it. West Point was the chief post of the Americans,, on this river ; and the preservation of this place and its dependencies, was an object of primary importance. For this purpose, Washington concentrated his forces here,, and all the efforts of the British to allure him from this position by attacking and burning the towns on the coast of Connecticut, proved unavailing. The American army limited its operations to securing the passes of the North river, and protecting the country as far as was consistent with this important object. While the British devastations were going on, Washington planned an expedition against Stony Point, a bold hill, projecting into the Hudson, on the top of vvhicb a fort had been erected and garrisoned by six hun- dred men. The enterprise was entrusted to General Wayne, and was completely successful. It was soon followed by the surprise of the British garrison at Paules Hook, concluded on the eighteenth of August, by Major Henry Lee. With three hundred soldiers, he entered the fort about three o'clock in the morning, and, with very inconsiderable loss, carried away one hundred and fifty-nine prisoners. It was thought desirable to avoid all hazardous movements, from the expected arrival of a French fleet, with which the army might success- fully co-operate. This fleet, under Count D'Estaing, reached the vicinity of Georgia, with a body of troops, and, in conjunction with the southern army, under General Lincoln, made an attack on the British post at Savannah. The united forces were led to the lines of the enemy with great valor and firmness, but afl;er standing a very severe fire for about an hour, they were repulsed with loss. The campaign terminated in the northern states without any decisive eflbrts on either side. The British attempts upon the posts in the High- lands had been defeated. The Indians had been reduced to peace by an expedition sent against them, under the command of General Sulli- van. Wu>ter quarters for the American army were chosen at Morris- town. On their march to this place, and after their arrival, they suffered exceedingly. The snow was two feet deep, and the soldiers were desti- tute, both of tents and blankets, some of them barefooted and almost naked. At night, their only defence against the weather, was in piles of brushwood. After reaching the place that had been chosen for winter quarters, they found it very difficult to pitch their tents in the frozen ground. They built up large fires, but could hardly keep from freezing Besides the sufferings from cold, they were without necessary food. For seven or eight days together, they had no other provision than miserable fresh beef, without bread, salt, or vegetables. WASHINGTON. li\ The weafhor in January, 1780, was romarkablj coid and severe. On the third of the month, there was a most violent snow storm. Several of the niarJext morning, about sunrise, his coach was harressed, and he was 66 WASHINGTON. proceeding forward to an inn, near the place of worship, which he pro- posed to attend. A plain man, who was an informing officer, came from a cottage, and inquired of the coachman whether there was any urgent reasons" for his travelling on the Lord's day. The General, instead of resenting this as an impertinent rudeness, ordered the coachman to stop, and with great civility explained the circumstances to the officer, commending him for his fidelity ; and assured him that nothing was farther fronfhis intention, than to treat with disrespect the laws and usages of Connecticut, relative to the Sabbath, which met with his mos, cordial approbation. Washington accomplished the most of his great \york with ap- parent ease, by a rigid observance of punctuality. It is known that whenever he assigned to meet Congress at noon, he never failed to be passing the door of the hall when the clock struck twelve. His dining hour was four, when he always sat down to his table, only allowing five minutes for the variation of timepieces, whether his guests were present or not. It was frequently the case with new members of Congress, that they did not arrive until dinner was nearly half over, and he would re- mark, " Gentlemen, we are punctual here; my cook never asks whether the company has arrived, but whether the hour has." When he visited Boston in 1789, he appointed eight o'clock in the morning as the hour when he should set out for Salem, and while tlie Old South clock was striking eight, he was crossing his saddle. The company of cavalry which vokmteered to escort him, not anticipating this strict punctuality, were parading in Tremont-street, after his departure ; and it was not until the President had reached Charles river bridge, where he stopped a few minutes, that the troop of horse overtook him. On passing the corps, the President with perfect good nature said : — " Major ; — , I thouglit you had been too long in my family, not to know when it was eight o'clock." The following anecdote was related by Captain Pease, the father of the stage estabUshment in the United States. He had purchased a beautiful pair of horses, which he wished to dispose of to the President, who he knew was an excellent judge of horses. The President appointed five o'clock in the morning to examine them at his stable. The captain thinking the hour was too early for so great a man to be stirring, did not arrive with the horses until a quarter after five, when he was told by the groom that the President was there at five, and was then fulfilling other encragements. Pease? was much mortified, and called on Major Jackson^the Secretary, to apologize for his delay, and to request the ■ President to appoint some new time ; and he added that he found the President's time was wholly preoccupied for several dayc, and that he was compelled to stay a Vveek in Pliiladelphia before the examination took place, merely for delaying the first quarter of an hour. Major Ferguson, who commanded a rifle corps a day or two previous to the battle of Brandywine, was the hero of a very singular accident, wliich he thus describes in a letter to a friend. It illustrates, in a most forcible manner, the overruling hand of Providence in directing the operations of a man's mind, in moments when he is least aware of it. WASHINGTON. 67 " We had not Iain long, when a rebel ofTlcer, remarkable by a hussar dress, pressed toward our army, within a hundred yards of my right flank, not perceiving us. He was followed ljy another, dressed in dark green and blue, mounted on a bay horse, with a remarkable high cocked hat. I ordered three good shots to steal near and fire at them ; but the idea disgusting me, I recalled the order. Tlie hussar, in returning, made a circuit, but the other passed within a hundred yards of us ; upon which, I advanced from the woods towards him. Upon my calling, he stopped ; but after looking at me, proceeded. I again drew his attention, and made signs to him to stop, levelling my piece at him ; but he slowly cantered away. By quick firing, I could have lodged half a dozen balls in, or about him, before he was out of my reach. I had only to deter- mine; but it was not pleasant to fire at the back of an unoffending individual, who was very coolly acquitting himself of his duty ; so I let him alone. " The next day the surgeon told me that the wounded rebel officers informed Jiiin that General Washington was all the morning with the ligiit trooi)s, and only attended by a French officer in a hussar dress, he himself dressed and mounted as I have above described. I am not sorry that I did not know who it was at the time." It is now settled as a fact beyond dispute, that General Gates was cofinected with General Lee in a conspiracy, to supersede the illustrious ^Vashington. The commander-in-chief was well aware of the means they used to deprive him of the affections of the army, and the confidence of the peojjle. How he sought revenge, is shown in the following anecdote : " I found General Gates traversing the apartment under the influence of high excitement. His agitation \vas excessive — every feature of his countenance, every gesture, betrayed it. He had been charged with unskilful management at the brittle of Camden, and he had just received official despatches, informing him that the command was transferred to General Greene. His countenance betrayed no resentment, however ; it was sensibility alone that caused his emotion. He held an open letter in his hand, which he often raised to his lips, and kissed with devotion, while he repeatedly exclaimed — 'Great man! Noble, generous proce- dure!' When the tumult of his mind had a little subsided, with strong expressions of feeling, he said, ' I have this day received a communica- tiori from the commander-in-chief, which has conveyed more consolation to my busom, m*re ineffable delight to my heart, than I believed it possilde for it ever to have felt again. With affectionate tenderness, he sympathizes with me in my domestic misfortunes, and condoles with me on the loss I have sustained in the recent death of my only son; and then, with peculiar delicacy, lamenting my misfortune \n battlo. assures me that liis confidence in my zeal and capacity is so little impaired, that the command of the right wing of the army will be bestowed on me, as soon as I can make it convenient to join him.' " Washington entertained a very deep respect and friendship for General Knox, and always kept him near his own person. Affer the deleat of Gates' army, at Camden, General Greene was offered the arduous 10 68 WASHINGTON. command of the southern department. The qiiaker General, with his usual modesty, replied, " Knox is the man for that difficult undertaking; all obstacles vanish before him ; his resources are infinite." " True," answered Washington, " and therefore I cannot part with him." While the American army, under the command of Washington, lay encamped in the environs of Morristown, New-Jersey, it occurred that the service of the communion (there observed semi-annually only,) was to be administered in the Presbyterian Church of the village. In a morning of the previous week, the General, after his accustomed inspec- tion of the camp, visited the house of the Rev. Dr. Jones, then pastor of that church, and after the usual preliminaries, thus accosted him. *' Doctor, I understand that the Lord's supper is to be celebrated with you next Sunday ; I would learn if it accords with the canons of your church to admit communicants of another denomination ?" The Doctor rejoined — " Most certainly : ours is not the Presbyterian table. General, but the Lord's table ; and we hence give the Lord's invitation to all his followers, of whatever name." The General replied, " I am glad of it : that is as it ought to be ; but as I was not quite sure of the fact, I thought I would ascertain it from yourself, as I propose to join with you on that occasion. Though a member of the Church of England, I have no exclusive partialities." The Doctor reassured him of a cordial welcome, and the General was found seated with the communicants the next Sabbath. Shortly after his election to the Presidency of the United States, General Washington, his lady, and secretary. Major Jackson, on their way from the seat of government to Mount Vernon, stopped for the night at Chester. The President had scarcely arrived, and expressed a wish not to be disturbed, when a message was brought that an old gentleman, once honored with his favor and protection, requested permission to pay his respects, adding, that his name was Lydick. " Let him enter, by all means," said the President ; " he is the man. Major Jackson, who, at the hazard of his life, entered New- York, while in possession of the enemy, for the purpose of distributing among the German troops, proclamations, inviting them to our standard ; and who, afterwards, superintended, for many years, our baking establishment with zeal and diligence." As the old man entered, the General, taking him kindly by the hand, said — " My worthy friend, I am rejoiced to see you, and truly happy to express my thanks to a man to whom I feel myself under great obligation. You ever served your country with exemplary fidelity, and her warmest gratitude is richly your due " " Such praise from my beloved commander," replied Lydick, " is high reward. I shall now go to my grave in peace, since it has been my happiness on'ce again to meet and pay my duty to your Excellency." The person of Washington was unusually tall, erect, and well propor- tioned. His muscular strength was very great. His features were of a beautiful symmetry. He commanded respect without any appearance of haughtiness, and was ever serious without being sullen or dull. " It is natural," says Dr. Thacher, " to view with keen attention the countenance of an illustrious man, with a secret hope of discovering in his features some peculiar traces of the excellence which distinguishes him from and WASHINGTON, 69 elevates him above his fellow mortals. These expectations are realized in a peculiar manner, in viewing the person of General Washington. His L^^JS^ tall and noble stature and just proportions, his fine, cheerful, open coun- tenance, simple and modest deportment, are all calculated to interest every beholder in his favor, and to command veneration and respect. He is feared even when silent, and beloved even while we are unconscious of the motive." Of the character of Washington it is impossible to speak but in terms i>f the highest respect and admiration. The more that we see of the operations of our government, and the more deeply we fee) the difficulty of uniting all oi)inions in a common interest, the more highly we must estimate tlie force of the talent and character which have been able to challenge the reverence of all parties, and principles, and nations, and to win a fame as extended as the limit of the globe, and which we cannot but believe will be as lasting as the existence of man. JOHN ADAMS. John Adams was born at Quincy, in Massachusetts, on the nineteenth (lay of Octooor, (Old Style,) 1735, of John and Susannah Boylston Adams. He was the fourth in descent from Henry Adams, who, to quote the inscription upon his tombstone, " took his flight from the dragon perse- cution, in Devonshire, England, and alighted with eight sons near Mount Wollaston." He early gave proof of superior abilities, and he enjoyed the best advantages for their cultivation, which the country afforded. He entered Harvard College in 1751, and was graduated in four years after- wards. His course in the University was creditable to his character and talents, and after completing it, he, like most of the distinguished men in New-England, from the earliest times to the present day, engaged for a time in the employment of teaching. He instructed in the grammar school in Worcester, and at the same time studied law with Mr. Putnam, a lawyer of considerable eminence in that town. In 175S, he was ad- mitted to the bar, and commenced the practice of his profession in Brain- tree, his native town, and his success was soon made certain by the ability with which he argued a criminal cause before a jury in Plymouth. In 1759, he was admitted into the bar of Suffolk, at the request of Jeremy Gridley, the Attorney General of the province, and of the highest emi- nence in his profession. Mr. Gridley was the active friend and patron of Adams, and had also been the instructer in law of the celebrated James Otis ; and, proud of these highly promising young men, he was wont to say, " that he had raised two young eagles, who were, one day or other, to peck out his eyes." In compliance with his advice, Mr. Adams applied himself diligently to the study of the civil law, which was not much known to the lawyers at that time. In 17G1, he was admitted to the de- gree of barrister of law, and succeeded, by the death of his father, to a small landed estate. The same year was made memorable by an event, preg- nant with the most important results to the country, and which awakened the most enthusiastic flame of patriotism in the breast of Mr. Adams. For many years the feelings between the mother country and the colonies, particularly that of Massachusetts, had been any other than those of good-wdl and mutual confidence. The Parliament viewed with a jealous eye their rapidly increasing wealth and population, and began to interfere with their external and internal relations, in a manner that roused the old puritan spirit of resistance. The colonies regarded them- selves as under the iimnediate protection and patronage of the King, and denied the power of the Parliament, a body in which they were not repre- sented, to violate their charters, or to impose any restraints upon the employment of their industry and capital. These feelings of ill-will, "72 ADAMS. though apparent to all sagacious observers, did not lead to any overt act of resistance till 1761. An order of council had been passed in Great Britain, ordering the officers of the customs in Massachusetts Bay, to execute the acts of trade. The custom-house officers, in order that they might fully perform this duty, petitioned the Supreme Court, to grant " writs of assistance,' according to the usage of the Court of Exchequer in England, which authorized those who held them to enter houses, &c. in search of goodi liable to duty. This created a great excitement, and the right to grant them was strenuously denied. Its legality was made the subject of a trial. Mr. Gridley, the King's Attorney General, argued in support of the power of the court, and he was opposed by the celebrated James Otis, a man of splendid abilities and ardent patriotism, at that time, in the prime of life, and the full blaze of his reputation. His speech was a magni- ficent display of 'eloquence, argument, and learning. And Mr. Adams, who heard it, has recorded his impressions of it, in his glowing and peculiar language. "Otis," says he, "was a flame of fire! With a promptitude of classical allusion, a depth of research, a rapid summary of historical events and dates, a profusion of legal authorities, a prophetic glance of his eyes into futurity, a rapid torrent of impetuous eloquence, he hurried away all before him. American Independence was then and there born ; every man of an immensely crowded audience, appeared to me to go away ready to take up arms against writs of assistance." On another occasion, he says of the same speech, " that James Otis, then and there, breathed into this nation the breath of life." The court decided against the legality of the writs, but it is generally supposed that they were issued clandestinely. In 17G4, Mr. Adams married Abigail, daughter of the Rev. William Smith, of Weymouth, and few men have been so fortunate in their choice, or so happy in their domestic relations. Mrs. Adams was a woman of great personal beauty, and strength of character, with a highly cultivated mind, and the most feminine sweetness of disposition. She sympathized with her husband, in his patriotic enthusiasm, was the con- fidant of all his plans and feelings ; cheered and supported him in his hours of trial, and submitted, without repining, to the long separations, which his di.ty to the public rendered necessary. In 17G5, the British ministry, with what now seems a providential infatuation, passed the memorable stamp act, by which stamped paper was required to be used in all legal instruments, and imposing a tax upon it, by whicn a large amount was to be raised in the colonies. A flame of opposition blazed out immediately throughout the whole country. The right of Parliament to lay the tax was denied, pamphlets were written against it, the newspapers contested it, town-meetings were held, and the most spirited resolutions passed. The men who took the lead in the opposition, were Patrick Henry, of Virginia, and James Otis, who was powerfully supported by Mr. Adams. These two last gentlemen, together with Mr. Gridley, appeared before the Governor and Council, and argued that the courts should administer justice without stamped paper. About this time he gave to the world, his first printed performance. ADAMS. 73 his "Dissertation on the Canon and Feudal Law." The object of this work, was to show the absurdity and tyranny of the u:onarchical and aristocratic institutions of the old world, and, in particular, the mischie- vous principles of the canon and feudal law. He contends that tiie New-England settlers had been induced to cross the ocean to escape the tyranny of church and state, and that they had laid the foundntions of their government in reason, justice, and a respect for the rights of humanity. It exhorts his countrymen not to fall short of tfiese noble sentiments of their fathers, and to sacrifice any thing rather tiian liberty and honor. " The whole tone of the essay is so raised and bold," says Mr. Wirt, " that it sounds like a trumpet-call to arms." It was much read and admired in America and Europe, and was pronounced by Mr Hollis, of London, to be the best American work which had crossed the Atlantic. In 1766, he removed his residence to Boston, to reap the more abun- dant harvest of professional honor and emolument which the capital afforded, but still continued his attendance on the neighboring circuits. The stamp act was opposed throughout the colonies, with such spirit and unanimity, that on the tenth of March, 1T66, it was repealed ; but still the British cabinet, notwithstanding the eloquent remonstrances of Burke and Chatham, would not give up the idea of raising a revenue in Ame- rica, and the repeal act was accompanied by a declaratory act, in which it was asserted, "that the Parliament had, and of right ought to have, power to bind the colonies in all cases whatsoever." In the next year, a law was passed, laying duties in the British colonies, on glass, paper, painters' colors, and tea. These proceedings, coupled with the declara- tion above-mentioned, raised a new storm in the colonies, who were determined to resist the tax, and to extort from the British ministry the acknowledgment that they had no right to tax them. The town of Bos- ton had, also, its peculiar sources of irritation and dislike to the mother country. It had always been considered as taking the lead in the opposition, and in order to overawe the inhabitants, some armed vessels were stationed in the harbor, and two regiments of foot were quartered in the town. During these troubled times, Mr. Adams was zealous and unremitting in asserting the rights of his country. The value and importance of his services in behalf of liberty, may be estimated by the fact that the crown officers thought him worthy of being purchased by a high price. They offered to him the place of Advocate General in the Court of Admiralty, a very lucrative office at that time, and a steppingstone to »till higher ones. But as he could not accept it, without abandoning his friends and princi- ples, he declined it, as he himself says, "decidedly and peremptorily, though respectfully." In 1769, he was the chairman of a committee, consisting of himself, Richard Dana and Joseph Warren, chosen by the citizens of Boston, to prepare instructions to their representatives to resist the encroachments of the British government. These were conceived in a bold tone of spirited remonstrance, and particularly urged the removal of the troops from Boston. 74 ADAMS. But the soldiers still continued in town, and this gave rise to an inci- dent, which was highly honorable to the professional firmness and mora, courage of Mr. Adams. The inhabitants looked with an evil eye upon the soldiers. Squabbles were perpetually taking place between them, and on the fifth of March, 1770, a bloody affray occurred in State-street, in which five citizens were killed and many others wounded. This is commonly called the Boston massacre, about which it is almost impossible to learn the exact truth, even at this day, or to settle the amount of blame v'hich ought to be attached to both parties. The town was thrown into a most violent ferment, as may well be supposed, and nothing but the most active exertions of the leading men prevented the populace from rising en masse, and putting to death every man who wore a red coat. The inhabitants assembled in town-meeting and chose a committee, of which Samuel Adams was the chairman, to present a remonstrance to the Governor, with a demand that the regular troops should be removed from the town. The state of popular feeling is well described in the words of John Adams himself " Not only the immense assemblies of the people from day to day, but military arrangements from night to night, were necessary to keep the people and the soldiers from getting together by the ears. The life of a red coat would not have been safe in any street or corner of the town. Nor would the lives of the inhabitants been much more secure. The whole militia of the city was in requisition, and mili- tary watches and guards were every where placed. We were all upon a level, no man was exempted ; our military officers were our only supe- riors. I had the honor to be summoned in my turn, and attended at the State-house with my musket and bayonet, my broadsword and cartridge- box, under the command of the famous Paddock. I know you will laugh at my military figure, but I believe there was not a more obedient soldier in the regiment, nor one more impartial between the people and the regulars. In this character, I was upon duty all night upon my turn." The Governor did not attempt to stem the current of popular feeling, but the soldiers were sent to the castle, and Captain Preston, the com- manding officer, and some of the privates, were arrested and held for trial. Mr. Adams was applied to, to be their counsel. This request placed him in an embarrassing situation. The people were clamorous against the criminals, and demanded their blood with one voice ; and any man who appeared in their defence, was in danger of losing his popularity and influence with them ; and Mr. Adams, who had been so zealous a champion in the popular cause, ran the risk of being accused of deserting his former principles, and becoming the advocate of tyranny. But these considerations had no weight with him. His life was ordered in obedi- ence to duty, and his conduct was never influenced by the hope of gaining, or the fear of losing, the favor of the people. He undertook the defence without any hesitation, and Josiah Quincy, Jr., another eminent patriot, was associated with him. The result of the trial was, in the highest degree, honorable to the con)munity. Captain Preston was ac- quitted by a jury, chosen from the exasperated inhabitants of the town, and his counsel, who defended him with great ability and eloquence, lost nothing in their good opinion by their resolute performance of their ADAMS. 7- piotcssiDiial July. Such iiic'ulents as these show us the exalted motives, and the sublirne sense of iiife of James Otis, chap. XXV ADAMS. 77 1774, in Philadelphia. The proceedincr.s of the first Congress are too well known to be minutely detailed. They form one of the nohlest chapters in the history, not only of our country, hut of the world ; and (hey have left to every American citizen a heritage of irlory, before which all the fil)led sjjlendor which tradition has thrown around the orifjin of older nations, fades into insiiriiificance. The public papers issued by them drew from Lord Chatham the complimt-nt " that he had studied and admired the free states of antiquity, the tnaster-spirits of the world ; but that, for solidity of reasonin<;, force of sagacity, and wisdom of con- clusion, no body of men could stand in preference to this Conrrress." The first session continued eiirht weeks, during which Mr. Adams was in active and constant attendance. He was a member of some of the most important committees, such as that which drew up a statement of the rights of the colonics, and that which prepared the address to the Kinrr. Mr. Adams and his colleagues, being inhabitants of the colony which had I)cen the most oppressed and insulted, and in which the most deter- mined spirit of opposition had been roused, were convinced of the "entire impracticability of any reconciliation, and that it would be necessary to throw off the allegiance of the mother country, and to act as an indepen- dent nation. But these were by no means the sentiments and feelings of the inhai)itants generally, and they were highly unpopidar among t?iem. Mr. Adams, in particular, from his ardent temperament and enthusiastic character, was an object of i)articidar suspicion and dislike. He was charged not to make public the idea of a dissolution of the connexion, as it was as unpopular as the stamp act itself He was even pointed at in the streets as the visionary advocate of the most desperate measures. His own views, and those of some of his most distinguished colleasfues, may be learned from an extract from oneof his own letters. " When Congress had finished their business, as they thought, in the autumn of 1774, I had with Mr. Henry, before we took leave of each other, some familiar conversation, in which I expressed a full conviction that our resolves, declarations of rights, enumeration of wrongs, petitions, remonstrances, and addresses, associations, and nonimportation agreements, however ' they might be expected in America, and however necessary to cement the union of the colonies, would be but waste water in England. Mr. Henry said they might make some impression among the people of England, but agreed with me that they would be totally lost upf)n the government. I had but just received a short and hasty letter, written to me by Major Josej)h Hawley, of Northampton, containing a 'few broken hnits,' as he called them, of what he thought was pr()[)er to be done, and concluding with these words, ' After all, we must fight.' This letter 1 read to Mr. Henry, who listened with great attention ; and as soon as I had pronounced the words, 'After all, we must fight,' he rai.sed his head, and, with an energy and vehemence that I can never forget, broke out with ' By God, I am of that man's mind.' I put the letter Into his hand, and when he had read it he returned it to me, with an equally solemn asseveration, that he agreed entirely in opinion with the writer. "The other delegates from Virginia returned to their state in full 78 ADAMS. confidence that all our grievances would be redressed. The last words that Mr. Richard Henry Lee said to me, when we parted, were, * We shall infallibly carry all our points ; you will be completely relieved ; all the offensive acts will be repealed ; the army and fleet will be recalled ; and Britain will give up her foolish project.' Washington only was in doubt. He never spoke in public. In private he joined with those who advocated a nonexportation, as well as a nonimportation agreement. With both he thought we should prevail ; without either he thought it doubtful. Henry was clear in one opinion, Richard Henry Lee in an opposite opinion, and Washington doubted between the two." The sentiments of Mr. Lee, were those of the great majority of the nation. They were strongly attached to the mother country, and believed that the feeling was mutual. They felt confident both of her justice and generosity. But these fond anticipations were destined not to be realized. The ministers of England, at that time, were deficient in high, magnani- mous, and statesman-like views, and were resolved to use no arguments but those of force. They, as well as the whole people, were ignorant, to a ludicrous degree, of the condition, extent, population, geography, and resources of the colonies. Even the Prime Minister talks of the " island" of Virginia. The Congress adjourned in November, and Mr. Adams returned to his family. At this time, his literary talents were again called into exertion for the service of his country. His friend, Mr. Sevvall, the Attorney General, had been publishing a series of able essays, under the name of Massachusettensis, contending for the supreme authority of the Parliament and against the revolutionary spirit of the country. Mr. Adams wrote a series of papers, under the name of Novanglus, in defence of the doctrines and conduct of the whigs. These are written with strength and ability, and are remarkable, as showing the extent of the author's general read- ing, and, in particular, his acquaintance with colonial history. This last merit, even his adversary was compelled to acknowledge. " Novanglus," he says, " strives to hide the inconsistencies of his hypothesis under a huge pile of learning." In writing tJiese papers, Mr. Adams was em- barrassed with peculiar difficulties. He was obliged to defend the principles of natural liberty and equality, to deny the authority of Parlia ment, but, at the same time, to acknowledge the rightfid power of the King. To the monarch himself the people were so nuich attached, that even after the battle of Lexington, which, one would think, would have severeJ every tie which bound them to Great Britain, the militia tliatha. been engaged in actual battle with the royal forces, were called tlu " King's troops," and the regular soldiers were termed " Bute's men," ih allusion to Lord Bute, who was highly unpopular, and was supposed to exercise a pernicious influence over the young King's mind. Mr. Adams and his colleagues were reelected members of the Conti- nental Congress, John Hancock being chosen in the place of Mr. Bowdoin. It assembled in Philadelphia, on the tenth of May, 1775. In the month of April of that year, the first blood of the revolution had been shed at Lexington and Concord, and Congress were obliged to take measures for active resistance. Still, the minds of men were not ripe for ADAMS. 79 independence, and tlioy clnnir to the hope that their grievances would be redressed. They look np arms in self-defence merely. It was necessary to select some one for the post of commander-in-chief of the forces raised and to be raised. A short history of this transaction will aflbrd proof of Mr. Adams' disinterested patriotism, and sacrifice of sectional prejudice to the common good. Tiie only thing like an army at that time in the country, was a hand- fid of New-England militia, hastily assembled at Boston, in consequence of the skirmislies at Lexington and Concord. These were under the command of General Artemas Ward, whom the New-England delegation were desirous of having made commander-in-chief; but Mr. Adams urged them to lay aside all local partialities, and ap{)oint Colonel George Washington, of Virginia, who had given proof of uncommon military talents in the French war. His colleagues were extremely averse to this plan. They thought it disrespectful to their own friends, to appoint a stranger, who had no higher rank than that of colonel, over the heads of generals, at the head of brigades and divisions. Mr. Adams persisted in his own views, and in the determmation that Washington should be ap- pointed. He was accordingly nominated the next day, by Governor Johnson, of Maryland, at the instigation of Mr. Adams, and seconded by him, to the great surprise of many of the members, and none more so, than of Washington himself, who was present as a member, and who, with characteristic modesty, immediately rose and left the house. It is tieedless to remark how honorable this selection was, not only to Mr. Adams' patriotism, but to his sagacity. It is impossible to say how larse a part of the success of any undertaking is to be ascribed to the agency of any one individual, but it seems to us, that our revolutionary struggle, if it had been successfijl at all, must have been protracted many years longer, and have cost much more i)!ood and treasure, if any other man than Washington had been at the head of our armies. Soon after the appointment of General AVashington, Mr. Jefferson took his seat in Congress from Virginia, having been chosen in the place of Mr. Peyton Randolph, who had retired on account of ill health. Between him and Mr. Adams, a warm intimacy, arising from congeniality of feelinf and agreement on the great points which agitated the minds of men, com- menced, which continued, with some unfortunate interruptions, as lono- as they lived. The Congress assembled again in the spring of 1 770. At this time the feelings of the people had undergone a material rh;inge. The battle of Bunker Hill had been fought, and the British army had evacuated Boston. The Parliament had declared the provinces in a state of rebellion, and it was voted to raise and equip a force of twenty-eiglit thousand seamen and fifty-five thousand land troops. The indignaiion of the people was raised to the highest pitch, by learning that Lord North had engaged sixteen thousand German mercenaries, to assist in subduing them. To cherish the hope of an amicable adjustment of their differences, was little short of madness. The time had come for them to draw the sword and throw away the scabbard ; to assume the erect attitude and bold tone of inde- oendence. "^i/ch had been Mr. Adams' opinions from the first com- 80 ADAMS. mencement of the difficulties; and the time had now cotne, when it was no longer dangerous or inexpedient to express them. Accordingly, on the sixth of May, 1776, he moved in Congress a resolution, wliich was in fact a declaration of independence, recommending to the colonies " to adojjt such a government as would, in the opinion of the representatives of the people, best conduce to the happiness and safety of their constitu- ents and of America." This proposition was adopted on the tenth. On the same day, the Massachusetts House of Representatives voted a resolution, that if the Congress should think proper to declare independence, they were ready to support it with their lives and fortunes. Five days afterwards, Mr. Adams reported and advocated a preamble to the resolutions already passed, which, after reciting the insults and aggressions of the British government, and that they had called in the assistance of foreign mercenaries, proceeded in the following term.s ; " Whereas it appears absolutely irreconcilable to reason and good con- science, for the people of these colonies now to take the oaths and affirmations necessary for the support of any government under the crown of Great Britain, and it is necessary that the exercise of every kind of authority under the said crown should be totally suppressed, and all the powers of government exerted under the authority of the people of the colonies, for the preservation of niternal peace, virtue, and good order, as well as for the defence of their lives, liberties, and properties, against the hostile invasions and cruel depredations of their enemies." This pieamble was adopted, after an animated discussion. It was published for the consideration of the colonies. They all expressed a wish for independence ; North Carolina being the first, and Pennsylvania the last, to make it publicly known. It now remamed to issue a formal Declaration of Independence, in the name of the United Colonies. Virginia being the leading state, it was thought proper that the motion should proceed from oneof her delegation. Richard Henry Lee, being chosen by his colleagues, offered, on the seventh of June, the glorious and immortal resolution, " that these United Colonies are, and of right ought to be, free and independent states ; that they are absolved from all allegiance to the British crown ; and that all political connexion between them and the state of Great Britain is, and of right ought to be, totally dissolved." This motion was seconded by Mr. Adams, and was debated with great warmth till the tenth, when the further discussion of it was postponed till the first of July. At the same time, it was voted, that a committee be appointed to prepare a draft of a declaration, to be submitted to Congress for its consideration. This committee was chosen by ballot, and consisted of Thomas Jefferson, John Adams, Benjamin Franklin, Roger Sherman, and Robert R. Livingston; being arranged in order, according to the number of votes which each had received. Mr. Jefferson and Mr. Adams, being at the head of the committee, were requested by the other members to act as a subcom- mittee, to prepare the draft ; and Mr. Jefferson, at Mr. Adams' ec*rnest request, drew up the paper. 1 ne declaration was reported to Congress by the committee, on the ADAMS. 81 first day of July. Mr. Lee's original resolution was passed on the second and on the fourth, the Declaration of Inde])endence, after haviiKr under gone a few changes, was adopted in the coniinittee of the whole." It was not engrossed and signed, however, till the second of August. We omit to make any remarks on the Declaration itself, as they more properly belong to the life of Jeiferson. During all the discussions that preceded this important measure, and they were long and animated, Mr. Adams took the lead. Mr. Jefferson has said, "that tlie great pillar of support to the Declaration of Indepen- dence, and its ablest advocate and champion on the floor of the house, was John Adams." On another occasion, he said of him, " He was our Colossus on the floor. Not graceful, not elegant, not always fluent in his public addresses, he yet came out with a power, both of thought and expression, which moved us from our seats." The Congress of the Revolution debated with closed doors, and their discussions are preserved only by memory and tradition. The late Go- vernor M'Kean, of Pennsylvania, said, on this point, " I do not recollect any formal speeches, such as are made in the British Parliament, and our late Congress, to have been made in the Revolutionary Congress ; we had no time to hear such speeches, little for deliberation ; action was the order of the day." The eloquence of Mr. Adams was precisely adapted to the state of the times. It was manly and energetic, warmed and animated by his ardent temperament, and bold, independent character. He has indeed, without being conscious of it, drawn the character of his own eloquence: " Oratory, as it consists in expressions of the countenance, graces of attitude and motion, and intonation of voice, although it is altogether superficial and ornamental, will always command admiration; yet it deserves little veneration. Flashes of wit coruscations of imagination, and gay pictures, what are they? Strict'truth, rapid reason, and pure integrity, are the only ingredients in sound oratory. I flatter myself that Demosthenes, by his ' action ! action ! action !' meant to express the same opinion." On the day after the Declaration of Independence was passed, while his soul was yet warm with the glow of excited feeling, he wrote a letter to his wife, which, as we read it now, seems to have been dictated by the spirit of prophecy. " Yesterday," he says, " the greatest question wa& decided that ever was debated in Aitierica ; and greater, perliaps, never was or will be decided among men. A resolution was passed, without one dissenting colony, ' tliat these United States are, and of right ought to be, free and independent states.' The day is passed. The fourtirof July, 1 77(5, will be a memorable epoch in the history of America. I am apt to believe it will be celebrated, by succeeding generations, as the gieat anniversary festival. It ought to be commemorated as the day of deliverance, by solemn acts of devotion to Almighty God. It ought to be soleuuiized with pouqjs, shows, games, sports, guns, bells, bontires, and illuminations, from one end of the continent to the other, from this time forward for ever. You will think me transported with enthusiasm, but I am not. I am well aware of the toil, and blood, and treasure^ that 82 A D A IM S . it Avill cost to maintain this declaration, and support and defend these states ; yet, through all the gloom, I can see the rays of light and glory. I can see that the end is worth more than all the means ; and that poste- rity will triumph, although you and I may rue, which I hope we shall not." On his return to Massachusetts, he was chosen a member of the Coun- cil of jNIassachusetts, which occupied the place formerly held by the Governor's Council. He accepted the appointment, and assisted in their deliberations, but declined the office of Chief Justice, which they urged upon him, since it would interfere with his duties in Congress. In Auo-ust, 177G, the American army on Long Island were attacked and defeated by the forces under Lord Howe, who, supposing this a favorable moment for negotiation, requested an interview with some of the members of Congress. Mr. Adams opposed the plan, as likely to produce no favorable result; but he was overruled, and a committee appointed to treat with the British General, consisting of himself, Dr. Franklin, and Edward Rutledge. They were received with much polite- ness by General Howe, but he was not willing to treat with them as a committee of Congress, and they were not willing to be considered in any other capacity. " You may view me in any light you please," said Mr, Adams, " except in that of a British subject." The only terms on which peace was offered, were, that the colonies should return to the allegiance and government of Great Britain, and these, the commissioners stated to him,'were entirely out of the question ; and thus, as Mr. Adams had predicted, the negotiation was entirely fruitless. During the remainder of the year 177G, and throughout 1777, Mr. Adams was assiduous in his attendance upon Congress, and in attention to public affairs. He was a member of ninety committees, a greater number than any other member, and tw'ce as many as any, except R. H. Lee and Samuel Adams. Of these he was the chairman of twenty-five, and in particular, of the laborious and important board of war. From these arduous duties he was relieved by being appointed, in November, 1777, a commissioner to France, in the place of Silas Deane, who was recalled. The other members were Dr. Franklin and Arthur Lee. The object of the mission was, to obtain as.sistance, in arms and money, from the French government. Mr. Adams accepted the appointment without hesitation, though it separated him from his family, and obliged him to cross the ocean in the depth of winter, and when it was swarming with ships of the enemy, and he knew that he should be treated with the utmost rigor if captured. He embarked on board the frigate Boston, in the month of February, 1778, from the shores of his native town. An incident occurred on the voyage, which proved that Mr. Adams' courage was not exclusively moral. , Captain Tucker, the commander of the Boston, saw a large English ship, showing a tier of guns, and asked Mr. Adams' consent to engage her. This was rcidily granted. Upon hailing her, she answered by a broadside. Mr. Adams had been requested to retire to the cockpit ; but Tucker, looking forward, observed him among the m.arines, with a musket in his hands, having privately applied to the officer of the marines for a gun, and taken his station among them. At this sight Captain Tucker became alarmed; ADAMS. 83 ami, walking up to the ainhnssador, desired to know how he ejime there? U|)on wliich the other smiled, gave up his gun, and went iinnicdialely below. The treaty of alliance and commerce with France had been signed, before Mr. Adams arrived in Eurojje; and on the apjiointment of Dr. Franklin as Minister Ph!nij)otentiary, Mr. Adams asked and received permission to return home, which he accordingly did, in the summer of 1779. On his return to America, he was chosen a member of the Convention wliich was called to prepare a constitution for the state of Massachusetts, He was placed on the subcommittee chosen to draft the plan of the constitution ; and much of its character and spirit is due to his exertions. Soon after this. Congress determined to send a Minister Plenipotentiary to negotiate a peace with Great Britain. Mr. Adams and Mr. Jay, at that time President of Congress, were put in nomination, and received an ecpial number of votes. On the next day, it being j)roposed to send a Minister to Spain, Mr. Jay was almost unanimously elected, and Mr. Ad;uns received the appointment of Minister to England. He received instructions, by which lie was to be guided ; among which were, that the United States should be treated with as a free and independent state, and that the right to the fisheries should be insisted on. His salary was fixed at twenty-five hundred pounds sterling. He embarked in the French frigate La Sensible, November 17, 1779, and was ol>liged to land at Corunna, in Spain, from which place he travelled over the mountains to Paris, where lie arrived in February, 1780. He communicated the objects of his mission immediately, to Dr. Franklin, the American Envoy at Paris, and the Count de Vergennes, the French Prime Minister. The latter was very pressing to learn the nature of Mr. Adams' instructions, but they were not cominunicated to him. Mr. Adams soon became con- vinced, that a peace with Great Britain on the terms required, was quite impracticable, and that it would be needless for him to go to that country. The French government, also, were averse to the negotiation. He accordingly remained in Paris for some time. In August, 1780; he repaired to Holland, and a vote of approbation was passed upon his conduct. Congress, upon hearing of the captivity of Mr. Laurens, who had gone out as Minister to Holland, appointed Mr. Adams in his place, to negotiate a loan ; and in December he was invested with full powers to conclude a treaty of amity and commerce with that country. Mr. Adams had great dilficulties to contend with in Holland. He was thrown among capitalists and money brokers, with the details of whose business he was unacquainted, and with whom he had often no lana;uage in common. He was opposed by the whole strength of the British in- fiuence. The Dutch people were extremely ignorant of the resources and wealth of the United States, and of course, their moneyed men were unwilling to advance their property, without knowing what security they had to depend upon. Mr. A(hims commenced the writing; of a series of pipers, in answer to a set of queries proposed to him by Mr. Kalkcrn, an eminent jurist of Amsterdam, containing an account of the rise and progress of the disputes between the colonies and the mother country • 12 84 ADAMS. and of the resources and prospects of the United States. These papers were circulated by newspapers, all over Holland, and had a good deal of effect upon public opinion. We will leave, for a moment, the order of dates, and state that this portion of Mr. Adaims' labors was concluded by the negotiation of a loan, in September, 1782, of eight millions of gilders, upon reasonably favorable terms. In July, 1781, while residing at Holland, he was summoned to Pans, for the purpose of consulting upon a plan of mediation, proposed by the Courts of Austria and Russia, which was not accepted, as the mediating powers would not acknowledge the independence of America, without the consent of Great Britain. During these negotiations, Mr. Adams was much annoyed, and the interests of his country much injured, by the selfish and intriguing conduct of the Count de Vergennes. He seems to have taken a dislike to the straight forward, manly character of the American minister. It was the policy of France, also, that the Americans should be debarred from some of the advantages which they insisted upon as indispensable preliminaries of a pacification with Great Britain. It was not desirable for France, that the British Parliament should be aware of Mr. Adams' powers, respecting a treaty of commerce, beciuse it was her intention, as the more important country, in settling the coflditions of peace; to secure to herself the lion's share of the com- mercial privileges, which England might be disposed to yield to her colonies. But Mr. Adams had too much skill, and too much indepen- dence to be either the dupe or the tool of the Count de Vergennes. Early in the year 1781, a message was transmitted to Congress, through the French Minister, at Philadelphia, complaining somewhat of the con- duct of the Plenipotentiary, and requesting them, "to be impressed with the necessity of prescribing to their Plenipotentiary, a perfect and open confidence in the French Ministers, and a thorough reliance on the King ; and would direct him to take no step without the approbation of his Majesty ; and after giving him, in his instructions, the principal and most important outlines for his conduct, they would order him, with respect to the manner of carrying them into execution, to receive his directions from the Count de Vergennes, or from the person who might be charged with the negotiations, in the name of tlie King." Congress instructed their Minister to repose the utmost confidence in the Ministers of the King of France, and to undertake nothing in the negotiation for peace or truce without their knowledge and concurrence But, as we have stated, the negotiation was broken off, and Mr. Adams returned to Holland. In 1782, Congress appointed Mr. Adams, Dr. Franklin, Mr. Jay, Mr Henry Laurens, and Mr. Jefferson, commissioners for negotiating a peace ; and, in a spirit of unworthy concession to the French government, added to their instructions that " they should govern themselves by the advice and opinion of the Ministers of the King of France." This placed them almost entirely under the control of the Count de Vergennes. The com- missioners were displeased at finding themselves thus shackled, and strangers appointed to act upon the most vital interests of their country. They determined, therefore, to disobey the rash orders of Congress, and ADAMS. 85 to socurc for their couniry much better terms than fell in with the views of the French Ministry. Tlie treaty of peace was signed November 80, 1TS"2, and ratified January 14, 1784; and its honorable and favorable terms are mainly due to the firmness and ability of the commissioners. A full account of Mr. Adams' labors and services, from his first arrival in Europe to the peace, belongs to the diplomatic history of the country, and not to a sketch of his own life. The works which can be advanta- croously consulted on this subject, are Lyman's Diplomatic History of the United States, and Sparks' Diplomatic Correspondence of the Revolution. In January, 1785, Congress resolved to appoint a Minister Plenipoten- tiary at the Court of Great Britain, and Mr. Adams was chosen for this important and delicate office. A letter was written by him, to Mr. Jay, giving a graphic and interesting account of the circumstances of his public reception, which we will quote. " During my interview with the Marquis of Carmarthen, he told me it was customary for every foreign Minister, at his first presentation to the King, to make his Majesty some compliments conformable to the spirit of his credentials ; and when Sir Clement Cottrel Dormer, the master of the ceremonies, came to inform me that he should accompany me to the Secretary of State and to court, he said that every foreign minister whom he had attended to the Queen, had always made an harangue to her Majesty, and he understood, though he had not been present, that they always harangued the King. On Tuesday evening the Baron de Lynden (Dutch ambassador) called upon me, and said he came from the Baron de Nolkin, (Swedish envoy,) and had been convers- ing upon the singular situation I was in, and they agrued in opinion that it was indispensable that I should make a speech, and that it should be as complimentary as possible. All this was parallel to the advice lately given by the Count de Vergennes to Mr. Jefferson. So that finding it was a custom established at both these great courts, tliat this court and the foreign ministers expected it, I thought I could not avoid it, although my first thought and inclination had been to deliver my credentials silently and retire. At one, on Wednesday, the first of June, the master of ceremonies called at my house, and went with me to the Secretary of State's office, in Cleveland Row. where the Marquis of Carmarthen received me, and introduced me to Mr. Frazier, his under secretary, who had been, as his lordship said, unmterruptedly in that office, through all the changes in administration for thirty years, having first been appointed by the Earl of Holderness. After a short conversation upon tlie subject of importing my effects from Holland and France free of duty, which Mr Frazier himself introduced. Lord Car- marthen invited me to go with him in his coach to court. When we arrived in the antichamber, the CEil de Bceufof St. James, the master of the ceremonies met me and attended me while the Secretary of State went to take the commands of the King. While I stood in this place, where it seems all ministers stand upon such occasions, always attended by the master of ceremonies, the room very full of ministers of state, bisliops, and all otiier sorts of courtiers, as well as the next room, which is the King's bedchamber, you may well suppose that I was the focus of all eyes. 1 S() ADAMS. was relieved, however, from the embarrassment of it, by the Swedish and Dutcli ministers, wlio came to me and entertained me in a ver}- agreeable conversation during the whole time. Some other gentlemen whom 1 had seen before, came to make their compliments too ; until the Marquis of Carmarthen returned and desired me to go with him to his Majesty ! I w.ent with his lordship through ihe levee room into the King's closet. The door was shut, and I was left with his Majesty and the Secretary of State alone. I made the three reverences; one at the door, another about halfway, and the third before the presence, according to the usage established at this and all the northern courts of Europe, and then addressed myself to his Majesty in tlT<3 following words: ' Sir, the United States of America have appointed me their Minister Plenipotentiary to yoiu" Majesty, and have directed me to deliver to your Majesty this letter, which contains the evidence of it. It is in obedience to their express commands, that I have the honor to assure your Majesty of their unani- mous disposition and desire to cultivate the most friendly and liljeral intercourse between your Majesty's subjects and their citizens, and of their best wishes for your Majesty's health and happiness, and for that of your royal family. " ' The appointment of a Minister from the United States to your Majesty's court, will form an epoch in the history of England and America. I think myself more fortunate than all my fellow-citizens, in having the distinguished honor to be the first to stand in your Majesty's royal presence, in a diplomatic character; and 1 shall esteem myself the happiest of men, if I can be instrumental in recommending my country more and more to your Majesty's royal benevolence, and of restoring an entire esteem, confidence, and affection, or in better words, " the old good nature, and the old good harmony," between people, who, though separated by an ocean, and under different goveriiments, have the same language, a similar religion, and kindred blood I beg your Majestv's permission to add, that although I have sometimes before been intrusted by my country, it was never in my v.'hole life, in a manner so agreeable to myself 'rhe King listened to every word I said, with dignity, it is true, but with apparent emotion. Whether it was the nature of the interview, or whether it was my visible agitation, for I felt more than I did or could express, that touched him, I cannot say, but he was nmch affected, and answered me with more tremor than I had spoken with, and said, ' Sir — The circumstances of this audience are so extraordinary, the language you have now held is .so extremely proper, and the feelings you have discovered, so justly adapted to the occasion, that I must say, that I not only receive with pleasin-e tlie assurances of tiie friendly disposi- tion of the people of the United States, but that I am very glad the choice has fallen upon you to be tlieir Minister. I wish you, Sn-, to believe, and that it may be understood in America, that I have done nothing in the late contest, but what I thought myself imlisj)ensably bound to do, by the duty which I owed to my people. I will be frank with you. I was the last to conform to the separation : but the separation having been made, and having become inevitable, I iiave always said, as I sav now, that I would be the first to meet tlic friendship of the United States, as ADAMS. 87 an inclopendeiit power. The moment I see such sentiments and language as voars prevail, and a disposition to give this country the preference, tliat moment I shall say, let the circumstances of language, religion, and blood, have their natural and full effect.' *' I dare not say that tlicsc were the King's precise words, and it is even possil)le tliat I may have, in some particular, mistaken his meaning; for although his pronunciation is as distinct as I ever heard, he hesi- tated sometimes between his per.ods, and between the members of the same period, lie was indeed much affected, and I was not less so, and therefore I cannot be certain that I was so attentive, heard so clearly, and understood so perfectly, as to be confident of all his words or sense ; this I do say, that the foregoing is his Majesty's meaning, as I then understood it, and his own words as nearly as I can recollect them. " The King then asked me, whether I came last from France ? and upon my answering in the affirmative, he put on an air of familiarity, and smiling, or rather laughing, said, ' there is an opinion among some people, that you are not the most attached of all your countrymen to the manners of France.' I was surprised at this, because I thought it an indiscretion, and a descent from his dignity. I was a little embarrassed, but determined not to deny the truth on one hand, nor leave him to infe' from it any attachment to England on the other. I threw off as much gravity as I could, and assumed an air of gaiety and a tone of decision, as far as it was decent, and said ' That opinion. Sir, is not mistaken. I must avow to your ivlajesty I have no attachment but to my own country.' The King replied as quick as lightning, 'An honest man will never have any other.' " The King then said a word or two to the Secretary of State, which, being between them, I did not hear ; and then turned round and bowed to me, as is customary with all kings and princes, when they give the signal to retire. I retreated, stepping backwards, as is the etiquette, and making my last reverence at the door of the chamber. I went my way ; the master of ceremonies joined me at the moment of my coming out of the King's closet, and accompanied me through all the apartments down to my carriage. Several stages of servants, gentlemen porters, and under porters, roared out like thunder as 1 went along, ' Mr. Adams' servants Mr. Adams' carriage,' " &.c. Notwithstanding this courteous reception at the British court, the feelings of the Ministry were soon discovered to be unfriendly towards the United States. The irritations produced by the long strife were not yet allayed, and the parent had not quite magnanimity enough to forgive her rebellious child. They refused to listen to any proposals for entering into a commercial treaty. While Mr. Adams was residing in London, he was enabled to render his country material service by tiie exercise of his literary talents. The new states of America were of course objects of great interest to the philosoi)hers and statesmen of Europe, and a variety of opinions were held uj)on their policy and prospects. Among those who expressed themselves as dissatisfied with their political organization, were Mons. Turgot, th? Abbe de Mably, and Dr. Price. M. Turgot, in a letter to 88 ADAMS. Dr. Price, observes, " The Americans have established three bodies, viz. a Governor, Council, and House of Representatives, merely because there is in England a King, a House of Lords, and a House of Commons ; as if this equilibrium, which, in England, may be a necessary check to the enormous influence of royalty, could be of any use in republics founded upon the equality of all the citizens." M. Turgot recommends the concentration of the whole power upon one representative assembly These opinions derived weight from the high character of their author. This was a dark period in our history — the federal government was not yet formed — our credit was low — and the minds of men desponding and disposed to regard any state of things as better than that which actually existed. To counteract these impressions, Mr. Adams wrote and published in London, his Defence of the American Constitutions, in three volumes. It is a work of learning and ability, though bearing marks of the haste with which it was written. It did much service to his country, not only in correcting the influence of the above-mentioned writings at home, but in rendering the American cause respectable abroad. Mr. Adams moved in the most enlightened circles of English society, and occupied himself in gathering information which might be useful to his own country. In 1787, he asked, and received permission to return home, and had the happiness to join his family and friends, after an absence of between eight and nine years. Congress at the same time, passed a resolution of thanks to be presented to him, for his able and faithful discharge of the various and important commissions with which he had been entrusted while abroad. In 1788, he was elected Vice President of the United States, and re- elected in 1792. In 179G, General Washington retired from public life, and Mr. Adams was elected President of the United States, though not witiiout a good deal of opposition. After serving in this office four years, he was succeeded, as is well known, by Mr. Jefferson. To trace the history of Mr. Adams' administration, and to show the causes of his unpopularity, would fall within the province of general history, ratlier than of biography. But a slight sketch of his motives and principles, is due both to his own character and to the expectations of those who wish to obtain correct views of it. The French Revolution was the point upon which he was at issue with the majority of his countrymen. That tremendous political con- vulsion shook the whole earth to its centre, and created the most frantic excitement throughout the civilized world. The young and the enthu- siastic, hailed it as the dawn of a brighter day ,_^ not only for France, but for Europe, and pardoned its sanguinary excesses, regarding them as the natural results of that wild transport which would take possession of an uneducated population, at the sudden change from the most galling despotism to entire freedom. In this country, in particular, just begin- ning to enjoy the republican institutions which we had so dearly purchas- ed, there was an almost universal expression of admiration and sympathy. But there were not wanting many, even in our own country, who viewed the French Revolution with alarm and disgust. They abhorred its ADAMS. 89 nirocities. regarded ^vitll suspicion and dislike the characters of its' leaders, and dreaded the influence of its principles, as tending to over- throw the whole social fabric, and introduce the most visionary schemes of polity in the place of the governments, wliose -excellence had stood the test of ages. To this latter class, Mr. Adams and his party belong- ed, lie had imbibed a strong, and, in truth, an unreasonable prejudice against the French people, wliile he resided in Europe ; and he viewed them, and their conduct, through its distorting medium. At the very commencement of his administration he found the country involved in a dispute with France, and one of his earliest communications to Con- gress complained, in dignified and elegant language, of an insult offered to the ambassador of the United States, by the government of that coun- try. So strong, however, was the partiality to the French, that many believed that the first provocation had been given by us, and that it was our duty to tender an apology, and not demand satisfaction. Mr. Adams persisted, iiowever, in the course which he deemed required by a regard for the honor of his country. He sent a commission, consisting of three envoys, Messrs. Pinckney, Marshall, and Gerry, to France, who were treated with insolence and contumely by the French Directory. In these transactions, it was Mr. Adams' misfortune to please neither one of the great parties, which then divided the country. The demo- cratic party considered them as too strong, and actuated by too great an hostility towards France, while the federalists thought a more high- spirited conduct and more dignified attitude were required by the cir- cumstances of the case. The bitterness with which this party strife was carried on, is probably fresh in the recollections of many of our readers. It was actively foment- ed by a most licentious press, which violated all the confidences of private life, and indulged in the most unwarrantable personal allusions and reflections. Mr. Adams was accused of favoring monarchical insti- tutions, though his whole life had been spent in resisting them. It is curious to observe how the malice of his enemies warped and perverted the best acts of his life. His Defence of the American Constitution, which favors the plan of having an executive and two houses of legisla- tion, was quoted as a proof of his prepossessions in favor of a king, lords, and commons; and his noble, moral courage, at the beginning of his career, in defending Captain Preston and his soldiers, was brought up at this late day, as giving evidence of his being under British influence. It is but doing justice to Mr. Jefferson, the leader of the opposing and tii- umphant party, to state, that he always retained the highest personal respect for Mr. Adams, tliough, in political opinions, he differed so wide- ly from him. When some young politicians were, in his presence, accus- ing Mr. Adams of designs hostile to republican institutions, he remarked, "Gentlemen, you do not know that man; there is not upon this earth a more perfectly honest man than John Adams. Concealment is no part of his character. It is not in his nature to meditate any thing that he would not publish to the world. The measures of the general govern ment, are a fair subject for differences of opinion, but do not found your opinion on the notion that there is the smallest spice of dishonesty, moral 90 ADAMS. or political, in the character of John Adams, for I know him well, and 1 repeat, that a man more perfectly lionest never issued from the hands of his Creator." Mr. 7\dams was also firm in his conviction of the importance of a naval establishment, and he deserves the title of Father of the American Navy. Time has confirmed the justness of his views on this subject, but they were not popular at the time. His own manners and bearing were not dignified or conciliating, and, in this respect, he was decidedly inferior to Mr. Jefferson. The warmth of his temperament, and the ardor of his feelings, often betrayed him into intemperate expressions and rash actions, which no one would re- gret more than he, in his cool moments. In March, 1801, in the sixty-seventh year of his age, he retired to his quiet home, at Quincy, where he passed the remainder of his days. He amused himself with agricultural pursuits, and still retained a lively interest in the politics and literature of the day. He had an extensive correspondence, to fill up his leisure hours, and a large circle of friends, to whom he devoted much of his time. He was invited to become a candi- date for the office of Governor of Massachusetts, but declined. He de- fended the policy of Mr. Jefferson's administration towards England; and when the dispute terminated in war, he advocated its expediency and ne- cessity, in opposition to the views and sentiments of the majority of the people of Massachusetts. He published a series of letters on this subject, in one of the Boston papers, and when a loan was opened by the General Government, to meet the expenses of the war, he immediately took up a portion of the stock. In 1815, he had the pleasure of seeing his son at the head of the commission which signed the treaty of peace with Great Britain. He also renewed that friendship with Mr. Jefferson, which had been interrupted by party strife, and some beautiful and characteristic letters passed between them, many of which have been printed. In 181G, he was chosen a member of the college of electors, which voted for Mr. Monroe for President. In 1818 he was called upon to sustain the severest affliction that had ever befallen him, by the death of his beloved wife, who had been for so many years his guide, solace, and friend, and who had shared his patriotic enthusiasm, and borne without a murmur, all the sacrifices which duty to their country had required them both to make. On this occa.sion he received the following beautiful letter from Mr. Jefferson. " Monticello, November 13, 1818. " The public papers, my dear friend, announce the fatal event of which your letter, of October twentieth, had given me ominous foreboding. Tried myself in the school of afiliction, by the loss of every form of connexion which can rive the human heart, I know well, and feel, what you have lost — what you have suffered — are suffering — and have yet to endure. The same trials have taught me, that, for ills so immeasurable, time and silence are the only medicines. I will not, therefore, by useless condolences, open afresh the sluices of your grief, nor, although mingling sincerely my tears with yours, will I say a word more vvliere words are ADAMS. 1.1 v;uu, but tliat U. is of some comfort to us botli, that the term is not very distant, at which we are to deposit, in the same cerement, our sorrows and sulfering bodies; and to ascend, in essence, to an ecstatic meeting with the friends we have loved and lost, and whom we shall still love and never lose again. GoJ bless you and support you under your heavy afflictions. Thoimas Jefferson. " In 1820, a Convention of the people of Massachusetts was called, for the purpose of revising their State Constitution, and Mr. Adams was elected a member from Quincy. The Convention testified their sense of his services to his country, and their respect for his character, by electing him unanimously to the office of President, passing at the same time the following highly flattering resolution. " In Convention, November 15, 1820. " Whereas, the Honorable Jolin Adams, a member of this Convention, and elected the President thereof, has, for more than half a century, devoted the great powers of his mind and his profound wisdom and learning to the service of his country and mankind : " In fearlessly vindicating the rights of the North American provinces against the usurpations and encroachments of the superintendant govern- ment : " In diffusing a knowledge of the principles of civil liberty among his fellow subjects, and exciting them to a firm and resolute defence of the privileges of freemen : "In early conceiving, asserting, and maintaining the justice and practi- cability of establishing the independence of the United States of America : "In giving the powerful aid of his political knowledge in the formation of the Constitution of this his native state, which Constitution became, in a great measure, the model of those which were subsequently formed : "In conciliating the favor of foreign powers, and obtaining their coun- tenance and support in the arduous struggle for independence : " In negotiating the treaty of peace, which secured forever the sove- reignty of the United States, and in defeating all attempts to prevent it, and especially in preserving in that treaty the vital interest of the New- England States . " In demonstrating to the world, in his Defence of the Constitutions of the several United States, the contested principle, since admitted as an axiom, that checks and balances, in legislative power, are essential to true liberty : " In devoting his lime and talents to the service of the nation, in the high and important trusts of Vice-President and President of the United States : " And, lastly, in passing an honorable old age in dignified retirement, in the practice of all the domestic virtues ; thus exhibiting to his. country- men and to posterity an example of true greatness of mind and of genuine patriotism : " Therefore, Resolved, That the members of this Conveation, repre- senting the people of the Commonwealth of Massachusetts,, do joyfully avail themselves of tiiis opportunity to testify their respect and gratitude 13 92 ADAMS to this eminent patriot and statesman, for the great services rendered ^y him to his country, and their high gratification that, at this late periou of life, he is permitted, by divine Providence, to ass'ist them with his counsel in revising tlie Constitution, which, forty years ago, his wisdom and pru- dence assisted to form. " Resolved, That a committee of twelve be appointed by the chair, to communicate this proceeding to the Honorable John Adams, to inform him of his election to preside in this body, and to introduce him to the chair of this Convention." This station he declined on account of his advanced age, being then eighty-five years old, but he was able to attend upon the Convention and fulfd his duties as a member. The world has hardly ever seen a spectacle of more moral beauty and grandeur, than was presented by the old age of Mr. Adams. The violence of party feeling had died away, and he had begun to receive that just appreciation which, to most men, is not accorded till after death. He had been always happy in his domestic relations, and he had a large circle of friends and acquaintances, who looked up to him with affectionate admiration. He was also an object of great interest to intelligent strangers from all parts of the world, all of whom were desirous of seeing a man who done so much for the glory and happiness of his country. No one could look upon his venerable form, and think of what he had done and suffered, and how he had given up all the prime and strength of his life to the public good, without the deepest emotions of gratitude and respect. It was his peculiar good fortune, to witness the complete success of the institutions which he had been so active in creating and supporting. He saw, every day, the influences of the revolution widening and extending, and the genial light of freedom continually adding increase to the wealth, intelligence, and happiness of his country- men. He could look around upon the thriving towns, the smiling villages, the busy factories, the crowded warehouses of his country, and exclaim, " Behold the work of my hands, the fruits of my labors, the result of my toils, dangers, and sacrifices." It was his privilege also to preserve his mind unclouded to the last. He always retained his enjoy- ment of books, conversation, and reflection. In 1(324, his cup of happi- ness was filled to the brim, by seeing his son elevated to the highest station in tlie gift of the people. The fourth of July, lts2(), which completed the half century since the signing of the Declaration of Independence, arrived, and there were but three of the signers of that immortal instrument left upon earth, to hail its morning light. And, as it is well known, on that day two of these finished their eartldy pilgrimage, a coincidence so remarkable, as to seem miraculous. For a few days before, Mr. Adams had been rapidly fail- ing, and on the morning of the fourth, he found himself too weak to risQ from his bed. On being requested to name a toast for the customary celebration of the day, he exclaimed, " Independence forever." When the day was ushered in, by the ringing of bells, and the firing of cannon, he was asked by one of his attendants, if he knew what day it ADAMS. 93 was? He replied, " O yes; it is the glorious fourth of July — God hless it — God bless you all." -» In the course of the day he said, " It is a (rrcat and glorious day." The last words he uttered were, " Jefferson survives." But he had, at one o'clock, resigned his spirit into the hands of his God. When the news was spread throughout the country that these two men, who had been associated together in so many important labors, and whose names wore identified with the glory and prosperity of their country, had both died on the same day, and on that which completed the half century since they signed the Declaration of Independence, of which one was the author, and the other the most powerful advocate and defender ; the effect was solemn and thrilling in the highest degree. It seemed a direct and special manifestation of God's power. Tlie general feeling was, (to borrow the beautiful words of one of their eulogists,) " that had the prophet lent his ' chariot of fire,' and his ' horses of fire,' their ascent could hardly have been more glorious." In all parts of the country a day was set apart, by the large towns, for the solemn commemoration of their death, and men of the most distinguished talents were invited to pronounce their eulogies. All political prejudices were forgotten in the general burst of feeling; nothing was recollected but their long lives of devoted patriotism, and the sublime circumstances which attended their close. The character of Mr. Adams has been displayed in his life so fully, that only a few remarks need now be made upon it. He was a man of bold and ardent temperament, and strong passions, and was occasionally led by them into imprudences and indiscretions. But his motives were always high and honorable. No man was less selfish, or less swayed by personal considerations. He was ready to sacrifice every thing to the public good. He thought for himself, and expressed his sentiments and opinions with great, sometimes with too great, boldness. He did not always treat with proper respect the views of those who differed from him, nor show a sufficient toleration to their honest prejudices. But his frank, manly, intrepid character and bearing, which kept nothing in reserve, and permitted his weakness and his strength to be equally seen, secured him the warm attachment of his friends, and the respect of his political enemies. His intellectual powers were of a high order. He had much of that vividness of conception, and glow of feeling, which belong to the temperament of genius. But there was nothing that was visionary and Utopian in his mind ; on the contrary, it was distinguished by a large share of the practical and useful, by good sense, judgment, shrewdness, and knowledge of the world. He had read and studied, both books and men, with great attention ; his writings bear witness to the former, and his life to the latter. He took large and comprehensive views, and saw a great way ahead ; we have already remarked in his life, that, from the first beginning of the disturbances, he clearly foresaw ' that it must end in a rupture between the two countries, and ar appeal to arms ; and in this opinion he was almost alone for some time.' Time has also shown, how correct his views were, with regard to the French Revolution, though they were those, at the miDment, of a very small 94 ADAMS. majority. He was a nervous, eloquent, and impressive speaker ; and, in this respect, had a decided advantage over his grejt rival, Mr. Jefferson. In their written compositions there was a marked difference ; each being characteristic of the temperament, education, and habits of thought of the two. The style of Mr. Adams was vigorous, condensed, and abrupt, sacrificing elegance to strength, going straight to the point proposed, and not stopping to gather ornaments by the way ; that of Mr. Jefferson was more marked by ease, gracefulness, finish, and a happy selection of words, and by a vein of philosophical reflection, which we do not see in the writings of Mr. Adams. The eloquence of Mr. Adams has been delineated in a passage of great power and splendor by Mr. Webster. Though often quoted, it is of such uncommon merit, both in thought and style, that we have no hesitation in transcribing it. " The eloquence of Mr. Adams resembled his general character, and formed indeed a part of it. It was bold, manly, and energetic ; and such the crisis required. When public bodies are to be addressed on momen- tous occasions, when great interests are at stake, and strong passions excited, nothing is valuable in speech, farther than it is connected with high intellectual and moral endowments. Clearness, force, and earnest- ness are the qualities which produce conviction. True eloquence, indeed, does not consist in speech. It cannot be brought from far. Labor and learning may toil for it, but they will toil in vain. Words and phrases may be marshaled in every way, but they cannot compass it. It must exist in the man, in the subject, and in the occasion. Affected passion, intense expression, the pomp of declamation, all may aspire after it, — they cannot reach it. It comes, if it comes at all, like the outbreaking of a fountain from the earth, or the bursting forth of volcanic fires, with spontaneous, original, native force. The graces taught in the schools, the costly ornaments and studied contrivances of speech, shock and disgust men, when their own lives, and the fate of their wives, their children, and their country, hang on the decision of the hour. Then words have lost their power, rhetoric is vain, and all elaborate oratory contemptible. Even genius itself then feels rebuked and subdued, as in the presence of higher qualities. Then patriotism is eloquent : then self devotion is eloquent. The clear conception, outrunning the deductions of logic, the high purpose, the firm resolve, the dauntless spirit, speaking on the tongue, beaming from the eye, informing every feature, and urging the whole man onward, right onward to his object, — this, this is elo- quence ; or rather, it is something greater and higher than eloquence, — it is action, noble, sublime, godlike action." The personal appearance and manners of Mr. Adams were not particularly prepossessing. His face, as his portraits manifest, was intellectual and expressive, but his figure was low and ungraceful, and his manners were frequently abrupt and uncourteous. He had neither the lofty, dignity of Washington, nor the engaging elegance and gracefulness, which marked the manners and address of Jefferson. Mr Adams was the father of four children, of whom none but the ADAMS. 95 flon. JohnQuincy Adams are now living. Mr. Adani.s left to this son hi.s mansion house, and many valuable papers. He gave to the town of Quincy a lot of hand, to erect a church for the society, of which he was for si.xty years a member. This edifice is now completed, and is one of the most beautiful churches in New-England, lie also bequeathed another lot of land to the town for an Academy, and his library, of more than two thousand volumes, for the use of that Academy. :=ii THOMAS JEFFERSON. The early life of any m;in so distinguished as the subject of this memoir, must ever be interesting, not only to the philosopher, who de- lights to follow the gradually expanding mind, from the weakness of infancy, through all the stages of existence, to the full maturity of man- hood, and to mark the effect of even trifling causes in ennoblin^r or debasing the mind, and in forming the character; but also, in a degree, to all, whose interest in mankind is not lost in self When we find a man, to whom have been mtrusted the destinies of nations ; who has con- structed and set in motion great moral machines, whose influence and effects have been felt long after he has passed away; who has been active in promoting either the good or the evil of the human race; we naturally ask, whence he has sprung? With eager curiosity we look back, and in the sports of the child, in the pursuits and occupations of youth, we seek the origin and source of all that is noble and exalted in the man, the germ and the bud from which have burst forth the fair fruit and the beautiful flower; and we carefully treasure up each trifling incident and childish expression, in the hope to trace in them some feature of his after greatness. Feeling that even the childhood of a man like Thomas Jefferson, and the growth oi those feelings and opinions which afterwards embodied themselves in the Declaration of American Independence, would be interesting to every American, we should deem it fortunate, could we give even a short sketch of his early life. But of this, or of his family, we have few accounts; and must, therefore, content ourselves with a general outline of his after life, so full of striking events and useful labors. Thomas Jefferson, the third President of the United States, was born on the second day of April, 1743, (Old Style,) at Shadwell, an estate own- ed by his father, in Albermarle County, Virginia, and near to Monticelio, where he afterwards resided. His family emigrated at a very early period from a part of Wales, near Mount Snowden, as is supposed, and occu- pied a most respectable situation in the colony. His father, Peter Jeff<>r- son, altliough self educated, was a man of talent and science, as v^ould appear from the fict, that he was appointed, together with Joshua Fry, tlien Professor of Matiiematics, in William and Mary College, to com- plete the boundary line between Virginia and North Carolina, which liad been begun some time before; and also to make the first map of the State, since tliat made, or rather conjectured, by Captain Smith, could .scarcely be called one. His father was married in 1739, to Jane, daugh- ter of IsJKun llandolph, by whom h« bar) six daugliters and two sons, of whom Thomas was tiie elder. 98 JEFFERSON. At the uge of five years, Thomas was sent to an English school, and at the age of nine, was placed under the care of Mr. Douglass, with whom he continued till his father's death, in August, 1757 ; by which event he became possessed of the estate of Shad well, his birth-place. The two years after liis father's decease were passed under the instruc- tions of the Rev. Mr. Maury, who is represented to have been a fine classical scholar, at the termination of which period, that is, in 1760, he entered William and Mary College, where he remained two years. While at this institution, he enjoyed the instruction and conversation of Dr. Small, Professor of Mathematics; and we do not know how we can better express the benefit he received from that source, than in Jeffer- son's own words. " It was my great good fortune," says he, in the short memoir he has left us, " and probably fixed the destinies of my life, that Dr. William Small, of Scotland, was then Professor of Mathematics ; a man profound in most of the useful branches of science, with a happy talent of communication, correct and gentlemanly manners, and an enlarged and liberal mind. He, most happily for me, became soon attached to me, and made me his daily companion, when not engaged in the school ; and from his conversation, I got my first views of the expansion of science, and of the system of things in which we are plac- ed. Fortunately, the philosophical chair became vacant soon after my arrival at college, and he was appointed to fill it per interim : and he was the first who ever gave, in that college, regular lectures in Ethics, Rhetoric, and Belles Lettres. He returned to Europe in 17G2, having previously filled up the measure of his goodness to me, by procuring for me, from his most intimate friend, George Wythe, a reception as a student of law, under his direction, and introduced me to tlx; acquain- tance and familiar table of Governor Fauquier, the ablest man who had ever filled that oihce. With him and at his table. Dr. Small and Mr Wythe, his ainici oinnium horarum, and myself, formed a partic quarrec, and to the habitual conversations on these occasions, I owed much instruc- tion. Mr. Wythe continued to be my faithful and beloved Mentor in youth, and my most affectionate friend through life." In 1767, Mr. Jefferson was called to the bar; and for the short time h'e continued in the practice of his profession, rose rapidly, and distin- guished himself by his energy and acuteness as a lawyer, and by his enlarged and liberal views. But the times called for greater action ; and the dull pleadings and circumscribed sphere of a colonial court were ill fitted for such a miiul and for such views as Jefferson's. The policy of England, never kind and affectionate towards her colonies, whom she was disposed to treat as a froward child, had for several years past, manifested itself in more open violations of the rights of her American subjects. Her ministers seemed blinded to consequences, and wholly forgetful that the same spirit of lil)erty, which led the Pilgrims across the Atlantic to seek a refuge from the oi)pressions of a king and an arch- bishop, would compel them, now that the arm of the oppressor had fol- lowed them across the waters, to resist even unto blood the exactions of a Parliament. This spirit of resistance was already roused among the colonists, and was gradu;dly spreading itself from Massachusetts Bay to JEFFERSON 99 the Carolinas ; and every proceeding of l/io mother country was scruti- nized and weighed with the utmost jcnlousy. This, then, was no time for mere professional hibor ; the political arena was open, and tlio courts of law were soon deserted ; the rights of individuals were forgotten for the rights of nations; the contests ibr tilings were neglected, in the con- test for principles. 'J'he enlarged views which Mr. Jeffer.son liad ever entertained, soon led him to take an active part in political life, and he abandoned, in a great measure, the profession of the law. In 17G9, he was elected a member of the General yVssembly of Virginia, for Albemarle County, and it was in this l)ody that he made his first effort in favor of the eman- cipation of slaves, but without success; for, as he himself remarks, under a regal government, and while every thing was to be made subservient to the interests of the mother country, "nothing liberal could expect success." This session was of short duration, the Assenddy being very early dissolved by the Governor, Lord Botetourt, on account of some offensive resolutions which were passed, countenancing the proceedings of Massachusetts. Mr. Jefferson w;is, however, inunediately reelected, and continued a member until the Revolution put an end to the meeting of those bodies. In 177IJ the Legislature of Virginia appointed a committee of corres- pondence, of which Mr. Jefferson was one, to communicate with similar committees, which should be appointed in tlie other parts of the country, fjr the jnirpose of animating the i)eo[)le of the different colonies in their resistance to Britisb aggression ; and the wisdom of this measure soon becauie apparent in the unity of operations which it produced during that eventful period, and in the conununity of sentiment and brotherhood among the inhabitants of the several colonies, whose cause was the same, and who now began to feel themselves one nation. The people of Virginia, though they had already shown themselves determined not to submit to any infringement of their liberties, were yet fir behind Massachusetts in their opposition to the encroachments of the British government. They had not yet felt the full weight of the iron arm of oppression ; the acts of Parliament had pressed most heavily on Ma.ssachusetts; and the cup of her wrongs was nearly full, when the Boston Port Bill com])leted the measure. The passage of this bill sent a shock through the colonies, that roused them to a consideration of their situation; for although it was aimed at and intended to operate in a single place, yet it showed too well the determination of the government to de- stroy, one by one, the liberties of America; it taught them that they must live and die the slaves of absolute power, or promptly and manfully make common cause with Massachusetts. The news of the passage of tliis bill was received while the Assembly of Virginia was in session; and through the agency of Patrick Henry, Jefferson, and a few other members, a resolution was passed, setting apart the first day of June, 1774, on which the act was to go into operation, as a day of fasting, humiliation, and prayer, " devoutly to implore the divine interposition for averting the heavy calamities which threatened destruction to their civil rights, and the evils of a civil war, and to give them one mind to oppose, by all just and proper means, every injury to American rights." 100 JEFFERSON. This resolution was of course highly oft'ensive to the royal Governoi, Lord Dunmore, who immediately had recourse to the usual expedient, and dissolved the assembly. He could not, however, prevent the mem- bers from meeting in convention as private individuals, which they immediately did, and passed resolutions, recommending the people of the colony to elect deputies to a State Convention, for the purpose of con- sidering the affairs of the colony, and also to appoint delegates to a a Genel-al Congress, in case such a measure should be agreed to by the other colonies. Mr. Jefferson was afterwards chosen a member of the State Convention, which met in pursuance of these resolutions, bu was himself unable to attend from sickness. He sent them, however, a draught of some instructions for the delegates to the General Congress, which, though not adopted, were published by the convention, under the title of " A Summary View of the Rights of British America." The terms in which the rights of the colonies were asserted, the authority claimed by the Parliament absolutely and totally denied, and the conduct of the King and the administration commented upon, were esteemed so bold and severe by the majority of the members, that they refused to adopt them ; and, in consequence, more mild and temperate instructions were given. The pamphlet soon found its way to England, where, after undergoing some alterations by Mr. Burke, it was published, and several editions circulated. In consequence of this publication, Mr. Jefferson was threatened with a prosecution for high treason by Lord Dunmore, and in England his name was added to those of Hancock, Henry, the Adamses, and others, in a bill of attainder commenced in Parliament, but suppressed in its early stages. The doctrine advocated by Mr. Jefferson, however universally admitted at the present day, must then have been esteemed singularly bold, as is indeed evident from the fact, that it was disapproved by some of the most ardent patriots of the Revolution. The people, attached as they were to England, were certainly not prepared for it at that period. The substance 01*11 is given by Mr. Jefferson as follows. " I took the ground that, from the beginning, I had thought the only one orthodox or tena- ble, which was, that the relation between Great Britain and these colonies, was exactly the same as that of England and Scotland, after the accession of James and until the Union, and the same as her present relations with Hanover, having the same executive chief, but no other necessary political connexion ; and that our emigration from Eng- land to this country, gave her no more rights over us, than the emigra- tions of the Danes and Saxons, gave to the present authorities of the mother country over England. In this doctrine, however, I had never been able to get any one to agree with me but Mr. Wythe. He con- curred in it from the first dawn of the question. What was the political relation between us and England? Our other patriots, Randolph, the Lees, Nicholas, Pendleton, stopped at the half-way house of John Dickinson, who admitted that England had a right to regulate our com- merce, and to lay duties on it for the purposes of regulation, but not of raising revenue. But for tliis ground there was no foundation in com- pact, in any acknowledged principles of colonization, nor in reason ; JEFFERSON. 101 expatriation being a natural right, and acted on as such by all nations, in all ages." The proceedings of the first Congress which met at Philadelphia on the fifth September, 1774, in pursuance of resolutions passed by the several colonics, simihir to those of Virginia, do not properly belcmg to tlie life of Mr. Jefferson, who was not a member, and are therefore passed over here without remark. Before the meeting of the second Congress, however, Mr. Jefferson was elected in the place of Peyton Randolph, who, as Speaker of tlie House of Burgesses of Virginia, was obliged to attend the meeting of that body, and accordingly took his seat on the twenty-first June, 1775, and was very soon placed on several very important committees. As Mr. Jefferson, with his colleagues, Mr. Lee and Mr. Harrison, were on their way to Philadelphia, an incident is said to have occurred of a most flattering nature, showing the confidence placed in them by their fellow-citizens. They were met by some of the inhabitants of the colony, who, living in the remoter parts of the country, had heard only by report of the tyranny which was preparing for them, and thus ad- dressed : " You assert that there is a fixed design to invade our rights and privileges. We own that we do not see this clearly, but since you assure us that it is so, we believe the fact. We are about to take a very dangerous step, but we confide in you, and are ready to support you in every measure you shall think proper to adopt." In August, 1775, Mr. Jefferson was reelected by the Convention of Virginia, to the third Congress, and, during the winter, took an active part in all its proceedings. To us who now look calmly back on the events of that momentous period, the conduct of the British Ministry seems little short of infatua- tion. When the American colonists first raised their voice against the acts of the Parliament, it was but to obtain a redress of a few particular grievances ; the thought had not occurred to them of a separation from the mother country, and had it been but whispered to them, the proposi- tion would have been universally rejected. They loved their father- land ; they were Englishmen, or the sons of Englishmen, and they look- ed up to the institutions and the customs of England, with the deepest veneration. They would have endured any thing, but slavery, every thing, but the loss of those rights, which, as Englishmen, they believed unalienable, and which they held dearer than existence itself; and had the British Ministry but adopted conciliatory measures, and relaxed somewhat of their pretensions, they might still have retained the brightest jewel of the British crown. But instead of adopting the wise counsels of Chatham and Burke, they imposed greater burdens, and added insult to oppression, till it was too late; till the spirit of opposition had acquired a fearful and resistless energy ; till the cloud, at first no bigger than a man's hand, had spread over the whole heavens, and the storm burst with a violence tliat swept before it the firmest bulwarks of British power. For a year or two before the meeting of the Congress of '7G, the belief that a separation from the mother country was necessary, had prevailed among the leading men of the colonies, and was now fast increasing 102 JEFFERSON. among the great body of the people. They felt that the period foi reconciliation had gone by ; the blood of American citizens had been shed on the plains "of Lexington and Concord, and on the heights of Blinker Hill and nothing was now left but a resort to arms, and an as sumi)tion of their rights as an independent nation. On Friday, June seventh, 1776, in conformity with the instructions siven them by the Convention, the Virginia delegates in Congress moved, " that the Congress should declare that these United Colonies are, and of right ought to be, free and independent States; that they are absolved froni'all alfegiance to the British crown, and that all political connexion between them and the State of Great Britain, is, and ought to be, totally dissolved ; that measures should be immediately taken for procuring the assistance of foreiun powers, and a confederation be formed to bind the colonists more closely together." A proposition like this, fraught as it was with the most momentous consequences, was not to be adopted hastily. It was very fully discussed on the Saturday and Monday fol- lowinir, when the further consideration of it was postponed to the first dav of July, and a committee of five were appointed in the mean time to draft a Declaration of Independence. This committee consisted of Thomas Jefferson, John Adams, Dr. Franklin, Roger Sherman, and Robert R. Livingston. Mr. Jefferson, as chairman of the committee, was desired by his colleagues to prepare the draft. Here let us pause for a moment, and consider the causes, which, operating for a series of years, had at last led, or rather compelled, the colonists, to sever the ties which had so long bound them to England. The measures which Great Britain had adopted towards her American colonies, had ever been most arbitrary and unjust. These colonies had trrown up entirely without her aid or fostering care. Separated by the wide Atlantic from every civilized nation, unassisted by the troops or the money of England, they had struggled successfully against all the dantjers and disadvantages of their situation. With a savage foe con- tinually hovering on their borders, and whose incursions were every where marked by the blood of their wives and children, and the ashes of their dwellings, the settlers had still subdued the forests, cultivated the soil, built up flourishing towns over every part of the Atlantic States, and sent forth their ships to every part of the commercial world. When the parent saw her colonies thus rapidly increasing in wealth and power, and that, so far from being a burden and a drawback, they could be made a source of a great and continually growing revenue, it was then that she thought of protection. From that moment it became the fixed and determined policy of the British government to make America, in every thing, contribute to the wealtli, the importance, and the glory of England; and every measure tended to this end, no matter how injurious in its effects to the colonies. One of the first encroachments upon their rights was, by denying them the exercise of free trade with all parts of the world. In order to make them a source of profit. Great Britain was to he the depot of all their most valuable exports, which were afterwards to be shipped to other countries by the British merchant for his own benefit. All the most necessary articles for home consumption were to be purclmsud JEFFERSON. 103 of llie British manufacturers, at such prices as they, fearing no competi- tion lr(»n abroad, might choose to demand ; and, to enhance this profit, the colonies were not only forbidden to purchase of any other nation than Em^hmd, but even to manufacture themselves. Or if tliis privilege was in any case granted them, they were prohibited from advancing beyond the first stages, and were only allowed to ])repare the material for the hands of the British workman ; and the Governors of the different pro- vinces were directed, under severe penalties, to abate tlie manufactories and mills of certain sorts as common nuiaonccs. But Great Britain did not content herself with barely regulating the commerce of her colonies, she soon interfered with their domestic alTairs, and made manifest her deter- mination to reduce them to a state of absolute dependence and subjection. It is not our intention here to particularize all the various encroachments upon American liberties ; such detail would far exceed the narrow compass of this work. Let the Stamp Act, the Tea Act, the Boston Port Bill, bear witness to those invasions. But the descendants of those men who had dared all the hardships of an inhospitable shore, and an unexplored wilderness, were not to be tamely enslaved ; they were noi the men to sit quietly by, and see their rights and liberties, as Englishmen, as men, one by one taken from them, without raising a voice or an arm in their defence. They believed, that although the Atlantic rolled between, they were still entitled to the same rights and the same privi- leges as British subjects in the old world, and they determined to contend for those rights. When the course of oppression began, they petitioned ; those petitions were but the occasion of new injuries. They remonstrated respectfully, but firmly ; those remonstrances were disregarded, insult was added to oppression, and every opportunity was taken to irritate and ex- asperate them. In vain did Burke raise his voice against this mad policy of the Ministry ; in vain did Chatham warn them of the disastrous conse- quences. Led on by a blind fate, they heeded not, they stopped not, till America, stript of every resource, and driven to desperation, could only appeal to arms. The moment when that appeal was to be made, so fidl of interest, so big with the destinies of a world, had now arrived. The step whicli was now to be taken, could never be retraced ; the declaration now to be made could never be recalled ; once made, there could be no hope of reconciliation but in absolute^submission. The Rubicon was before them. On the one side was slavery ; on the other — clouds and darkness. What must have been the feelings of that man — what the emotions wliich swelled his breast — who was charged with the preparation of that Declaration, which, while it made known the wrongs of America, was also to publisli her to the world, free, sovereign, and independent? tor himself he had not a thought ; a cold, calculating prudence, in vain warned hiiu how great was the risk, how few the chances of success : hi vain told him of his country i)illaged by foreign troops, and deluged in the blood of its own citizens; in vain pointed to the gibbet, the rebel's ditom. What though the loss of all things, and the deatli of a traitor were belore him — it was his country demanded the sacrifice, and it was cheerfidly made. Through all the darkness of the present, he saw the brightness of the 104 JEFFERSON. future ; he saw, in imagination, his country the abode of a free and happy people, and he was content; his hand trembled not, as he wrote, America, Free and Independent. Living as we now do in a free land, far removed from all the troubles and vicissitudes of war, in the full enjoyment of liberties, which seem as necessary to our existence as the air we breathe, we can hardly conceive of the thoughts which must have crowded on the mind of Jefferson, while penning the Declaration of Independence. A man of weaker mind, or ess firmness and decision of character, would have been overwhelmed, and have shrunk in dismay from the task. But Jefferson did not disap- point the high expectations which had been formed of him. He went to his task with the full assurance that his cause was the cause of liberty ; and he rose from it confirmed in the resolution, to die, if necessary, in its defence. The Declaration of Independence is one of the most remarka- ble papers ever written ; and did no other effort of the mind of its author exist, that alone would be sufficient to stamp his name with immortality. The Declaration, as drafted by Mr. Jefferson, was by him submitted to his colleagues, and, after a few unimportant alterations made by them, was reported by the committee, and read on Friday, the twenty-eighth of June. The original motion made by the Virginia delegation, namely, that Congress should declare the colonies free, sovereign,, and indepen- dent, having been disposed of in the aflirmative, on Tuesday, the second of July, by a vote of all the States except New- York, (whose members did not consider themselves authorized by their instructions to vote on this question,) Congress proceeded to a consideration of the Declaration, which, after being debated during the greater parts of the second, third, and fourth of July, and after some passages which were thought objectionable had been stricken out, and some other alterations made, was finally agreed to by the House, and signed on the evening of the fourth by all the members present, except Mr. Dickinson. The Declaration of Independence is so intimately connected with the name of Thomas Jefferson, that any sketch of his life would seem imper- fect without it. We therefore present it as originally reported by him, together with the alterations of Congress. A Declaration by the Representatives of the United States of America, in [GeJieralJ Congress assembled.* When in the course of human events, it becomes neces- sary for one people to dissolve the polil;ical bands which have connected them with another, and to assume among the powers of the earth, the separate and equal station to which the laws of nature and of nature's God entitle them, a decent respect to the opinions of mankind, requires that they should declare the causes which impel them to the separation. * The parts struck out by CongresF are printed in italics, and enclosed iii brackets ; imd the pats added are placed in the margin, or in a concurrent column. JEFFERSON. 105 "We hold these triillis to be self evident: tliut all men are created equal ; that they are endowed by their Crea- tor with [inherent and^ inalienable rights ; that among certain these are life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness ; that to secure these rights, governments are instituted among men, deriving their just powers from the consent of the governed; that whenever any form of government becomes destructive of these ends, it is the right of the people to alter or abolish it ; and to institute new government, lay- ing its foundation on such principles, and organizing its powers in such form, as to them shall seem most likely to effect their safety and happiness. Prudence, indeed, will dictate, that governments long established, should not be changed for light and transient causes ; and accordingly all experience hath shown, that mankind are more disposed to suffer while evils are sufferable, than to right them- selves, by abolishing the forms to which they are accus- tomed. But when a long train of abuses and usurpations {begun at a distinguished period and'\ pursuing invariably the same object, evinces a design to reduce them under absolute despotism, it is their right, it is their duty, to throw off such government, and to provide new guards for their future security. Such has been the patient suffer- ance of these colonies ; and such is now the necessity which constrains them to \ejpunge'\ their former systems alter of government. The history of the present King of Great Britain, is a history of {u,nre>nitting'\ injuries and usurpa- repeated tions, [among lohich appears no solitary faet to contradict all having the uniform tenor of the rest, but all have'\ in direct object the establishment of an absolute tyranny over these states. To prove this, let f^icts be submitted to a candid world, [for the truth of zchich we pledge a faith yet unsullied by falsehood.] He has refused his assent to laws the most wholesome, and necessary for the public good. He has forbidden his governors to pass laws of immedi- ate and pressing importance, unless suspended in their operation, till his assent should be obtained, and when so suspended, he has utterly neglected to attend to them. He has refused to pass other laws, for the accommoda- tion of large districts of people, unless those people would rcruuiuish the right of representation in the legis- lature, a right inestimable to them, and formidable to tyrants only. He has called together legislative bodies at places unu- sual, uncomfortable, and distant from the depository of their public records, for the sole purpose of fatiguing them into compliance with his measures. He has dissolved representatives houses repeatedly [and IOC JEFFERSON. continually] for opposing with manly firmness, his inva- sions on the rights of the people. He has refused for a long time after such dissolutions, to cause others to be elected, whereby the legislative powers, incapable of annihilation, have returned to the people at large for their exercise, the state remaining, in the mean time, exposed to all the dangers of invasion from without, and convulsions within. He has endeavored to prevent the population of these states ; for that purpose obstructing the laws for naturali- zation of foreigners, refusing to pass others to encourage their migrations hither, and raising the conditions of new appropriations of lands. obstructed He has [siifend] the administration of justice, {totalhj ^ to cease in some of these states,] refusing his assent to laws for establishing judiciary powers. He has made [our] judges dependant on his will alone, for the tenure of their offices, and the amount and payment of their salaries. He has erected a multitude of new offices, [bi/ a self- assumed poiver] and sent hither swarms of new officers, to harass our people, and eat out their substance. He has kept among us in times of peace, standing armies [and ships oftvar] without the consent of our legislatures. He has affected to render the military independent of, and superior to, the civil power. He has combined with others, to subject us to a jurisdic- tion foreign to our constitutions, and unacknowledged by our laws, giving his assent to their acts of pretended legislation, for quartering large bodies of armed troops among us ; for protecting them by a mock trial from pun- ishment for any murders which they should commit on the inhabitants of these states; for cutting off our trade with all parts of the world ; for imposing taxes on us with in many cases out our consent ; for depriving us [ ] of the benefits of trial by jury ; for transporting us beyond seas, to be tried for pretended offences; for abolishing the free system of English laws, in a neighboring province; establishing therein an arbitrary government, and enlarging its boun- daries, so as to render it at once an example and fit instru- ment for introducing the same absolute rule into these colonies [states;] for taking away our charters, abolishing our most valuable laws, and altering fundamentally the forms of our governments ; for suspending our own legislatures, and declaring themselves invested with power to legislate for us, in all cases whatsoever. l)y declaring He has abdicated government here, [withdrawing his gov- us out of his ernors, and declaring us out of his allegiance and protection.] protection, aiid waiiinii war against u** JEFFERSON. 107 He has plundered our seas, ravaged our coasts, burnt our towns, and destroyed the lives of our people. He is at this time traiisi)orting large armies of foreign mercenaries, to complete the works of death, desolation, and tyranny, already begun with circumstances of cruelty, and perfidy, [ ] unworlhy the head of a civilized nation. scarcely pa- He has constrained our fellow-citizens taken captive on ralleled in llie the high seas, to Iwar arms against their country, to be- most barbar- conie the executioners of their friends and brethren, or to ous ages, and fall themselves by their hands. totally He has [ ] endeavored to bring on the inhabitants of excited do- our frontiers, the merciless Indian savages, whose known mestic insur- rule of warfare, is an undistinguished destruction of all rections a- ages, sexes, and conditions [of existence.^ mons us and r//e has incited treasonable insurrertiuns of our felloxc- j^^g citizens^ with the allurements of forfeiture, and confiscation of our property. He has tanged cruel war against human nature itself violating its most sacred rights of life and liberti/, in the persons of a distant people, irho never ofendcd him, cap- tivating and carrying them into slavery in another hemis- phere, or to incur miserable death in their transportation thither. This piratical wcnfarc, the opprobium of infidel powers, is the loarfare of the Christian King of Great Britain. Determined to keep open a market, where men should be bought and sold, he has prostituteil his negative for suppressing every h^.-'islative attempt to prohibit or to, restrain this execrable commerce. And that this assemblag^Si of horrors might want no fact of distinguished die, ke i^^ now exciting those very people to rise in arms awQ,t)g us., and to purchase that liberty of ivhich he has d';pr.iv.ed them, by murdering the people on whom he also obtruded' them : thus j^f'ying off former crimes committed against- the liberties of one people, with crimes which /iS urges them, to commit against the lives of an other. "l In every stage of these oppressions, vye have petitioned' for redress, in the most hundjle terms: our repeated peti- tions have been answered o'^I^ oy repeated injuries. A prince whose character is thus marked by every act which may define a tyrant, is unfit to, be the ruler of a [ ] jfee people, [who mean to be free. Future ages will scarcely believe, that the hardiness of otie man tulventured, within, the short compass of twelve years only, to lay a foundation so broad and so undisguised for tyranny, aver a people fostered and fxed in principles of freedom. ^ Nor have we been wanting in attentions to our British bretlnen. We have warned them from time to time of attempts by their legislature, to extend [a] jurisdiction an unwar- over [these our states.] We have reminded them of the ranlable 1^ iia 108 JEFFERSON. have and we have conjured them by would inevi- tably circumstances of our emigration and settlement here, [710 one of which could icarrant so strange a ijrctmsion : that these were effected at the expense of otir own blood and treasure, unassisted by the wealth or the strength of Great Britain : that in constituting indeed our several forms of government , we had adopted one common king, thereby lay- ing a foundation for perpetual league and amity loith them, hut that submission to their Parliament, was 'w vart of our constitution, nor ever in idea, if history may be credit- ed, and] we [ ] appealed to their native justice and mag- nanimity, [as uiell as to] the ties of our common kindred to disavow these usurpations which \_were likely to] inter- rupt our connexion and correspondence. They too have been deaf to the voice of justice and of consanguinity, [and tvhen occasions have been given them, by the regular course of their laics, of removing from their councils the disturbers of our harmony, they hare, by their free election, reestablished them in power. At this very time, too, they are permitting their Chief Magistrate to send over not only soldiers of our common blood, but Scotch and foreign mer- cenaries, to invade and destroy us. These facts have given the last stab to agonizing affection, and manly sjnrit bids us to renounce forever these unfeeling brethren. We must endeavor to forget our former love for them, and hold them as ice hold the rest of mankind, enemies in tear, in peace friends. We might have been a free and a great people together; but a communication of grandeur and of free- dom, it seems, is beloiv their dignity. Be it so, since they will have it. The road to happiness and to glory is open to us too. We will tread it apart from them, and'] acqui- esce in the necessity which denounces our [eternal] sep- aration [ ] ! We must therefore and hold them as we hold the rest of man- kind, enemies in war, in peace friends. We therefore, the representatives of the United States of America, in general Congress assembled, do in the nan)c, and by the authority of the good people of these [states re- ject and renounce all allegiance and auhjection to the Kings of Great Britain, and cdl others, who may hereafter claim by, through, or rai- der them : we utterly dissolve all political ccnnexion which m,ay here- We therefore, the representatives of the United States of America, in general Congress assembled, appeal- ing to the Supreme Judge of the world for the rectitude of our inten- tions, do in the name, and by the authority of the good people of these colonies, solemnly publish and de- clare, that these united colonies are, and of right ought to be, free and independent states ; that they are JEFFERSON, 109 foforc Jinve snhsisfrd hchrrcn us and the people or Parlinmrnt of Great Britain; and fnalhj we do assert and dee /are these eolonies to be free and independent states] and that, as free and independent states, they have full power to levy war, con- clude peace, contract alliances, es- tablish commerce, and to do all other acts and things which inde- pendent states may of right do. And for the support of this declara- tion, we mutually pledge to each other our lives, our fortunes, and our sacred honor. absolved from all allegiance to the British crown, and that all political connexion between them and the state of Great Britain is, and ought to be, totally dissolved ; and that, as free and independent states, they have full power to levy war, con- clude peace, contract alliances, es- tablish commerce, and to do all other acts and things, which inde- pendent states may of right do. And for the support of this decla- ration, with a firm reliance on the protection of Divine Providence, we mutually pledge to each other our lives, our fortunes, and our sacred honor. Mr. Jefferson continued an active member of the second Congress, and was appointed, together with Dr. Franklin and Silas Deane, a Com- missioner to the Court of France, to negotiate treaties of alliance and commerce with that nation, but was compelled, on account of the state of his health, and other causes of a private nature, to decline the appoint- ment. During the year 1776, the people of Virginia had been occupied in forming a constitution and plan of government for that state, and now that the more important measures of Congress had been carried, and the bark of Independence fairly launched, and though still tossing upon a wide and tempestuous sea, was yet under the guidance of bold hearts and strong hands, Mr. Jefferson turned his attention to his native state, and ihinkino- that he could be of more use in her counsels, resigned the seat to which he had been elected in the third Congress, in September, 1776, and having been returned a member of the state legislature, immediate- ly took his seat in that body in the following October. Early in the session, a committee was appointed in pursuance of a mo- tion made by Mr. Jefferson, to make a careful revision of the laws of the state. This committee consisted of Mr. Jefferson, Edmund Pendleton, George Mason, Thomas L. Lee, and George Wythe, the former instructor of Jefferson, and afterwards Chancellor of Virginia. From this commit- tee Mr. Mason and Mr. Lee soon excused themselves, considering them- selves as not qualified for the undertaking, on account of their not being lawyers. The work was therefore divided between the other three mem- bers, who in June, 1779, reported to the legislature a code of laws, comprised in the compass of one hundred and twenty -six bills. A few of these were from time to time passed by the legislature, as occasion or necessity required, but the greater part were deferred until after the peace in 1785, when most of them were enacted with little alteration. The labors of Mr. Jeflferson, while a member of this committee, were so various and so extensive, that it would be impossible to convey an adequate idea of them, without encroaching upon other matters, of equal 110 JEFFERSON. Importance, and, perchance, of more interest. Mr. Jefferson has perhaps been considered by many, as an innovator; as too fond of destroying the old established customs and laws of society, and substituting in their place, the fanciful theories of his own brain. He had, it is true, no veneration for old laws and customs, merely because they were old ; he looked alone to their justice, and their adaptedness to human nature, and the existing state of things ; and if he found not those qualities in them, their antiquity was no protection. He was not willing to live under a bad law, because his fithers had done so, when a better one could be obtain- ed. But whether the charge of love of innovation be just or not, it must be confessed by all, that the alterations introduced by his means, into tlie constitution and laws of Virginia, were changes of the most beneficial nature. Many of these were important, as tending to abolish those cus- toms of the old countries, which, whenever introduced, or suffered to re- main in a newly established nation, must prove serious obstructions to its growth and prosperity — such, for instance, as the laws converting estates tail into fee-simple, abolishing the right of primogeniture, and establish- ing the freedom of religious opinion. To these may be added the laws for the general establishment of schools, and the abolishment of the slave trade — all these were proposed, and eventually carried, though with modi- fications in some cases, almost exclusively by the exertions of Mr. Jeffer- son. " I considered," says Mr. Jefferson, " four of these bills, passed or reported, as forming a system, by which every fibre would be eradi- cated, of ancient or future aristocracy; and a foundation laid for a go- vernment truly republican. The repeal of the laws of entail, would pre- vent the accumulation and perpetuation of wealth, in select families, and preserve the soil of the country from being daily more and m'ore absorbed in mortmain. The abolition of primogeniture, and equal partition of inheritances, removed the feudal and unnatural distinctions which made one member of every family rich, and all the rest poor, substituting equal partition, the best of all Agrarian laws. The restoration of the rights of conscience, relieved the people from taxation, for the support of a religion not theirs; for the establishment" (that is, of the Church of England,) " was truly the religion of the rich, the dissenting sects being entirely composed of the less wealthy people ; and these, by the bill for a general education, would be qualified to understand their rights, to maintain them, and to exercise with intelligence their parts in self government : and all this would be effected, without the violation of a single natural right, of any one individual citizen." In June, 1770, Mr. Jefferson was elected successor to Mr. Henry, as Governor of Virginia, a situation of peculiar difficulty, to one so entirely unused to military matters. Yet even here his genius showed itself equal to every emergency, and every thing was done by him that could be, to protect the state from the attacks made by the traitor Arnold on the seal)oard, and Tarlton and Cornwallis on the southern frontier: but in 1781, the term for which he was elected having expired, believing that the people would be better satisfied with having a military man at the head of affnirs, and the defence of the country Ijetter conducted, he resigned the office and was succeeded by General Nelson. JEFFERSON. Ill But two (lays afier bis resignation, Mr. Jefferson narrowly escaped beinc made a prisoner by Tarkon, wbo, witb bis regiment of borse, had been despatched by Lord Cornwallis, for tbe purpose of surj)rising tbe Governor, and tbe members of tbe Assembly, tben in session at Charlottes- ville. Notice of tbe approach of tbe enemy was, however, brought to Charlottesville so early, that the members bad time to escape. Mr. Jefferson was at breakfast with bis family and some guests, when the intelligence of this movement was received at Monticello. lie im- mediately sent off bis family to a place of safety, while he himself re- mained to make some arrangements in his house, and while so occupicui, a neighbor rode up to inform him that the enemy were then actually ascending tbe bill at full speed, and so near were they, that he had barely time to tiirow himself upon bis horse and plunge into tbe woods, by which means be escaped the search that was made for him. Soon after Mr. Jefferson's retirement from office, however, some mem- bers of the then legislature, believing, or pretending to believe, that he bad been remiss, and culpably negligent, in the measures which he had adopted for tbe defence of tbe seaboard, at the time of Arnold's descent upon Richmond, moved for an investigation of bis conduct. To this neither Mr. Jefferson or bis friends made any opposition, and at tbe ses- sion of the legislature, when the investigation was to have taken place, the movers, convincecl that there was no ground for complaint, wholly de- clined the farther prosecution of the charges. It has been a distinguishing feature in the lives of some of tbe most celebrated characters tbe world has ever produced, that, amidst the con- fusion of war or the cares of state, they have still, with that true econo- my so little understood, the economy o? minvtrs, found time to devote to the cause of literature and science. It was so with Mr. Jefferson at this period. Notwithstanding tbe conspicuous part he had taken in public affairs, and the laborious duties be bad been called upon to perform, amidst all tbe tumult of a civil war, be bad still found time for works of a m.ore peaceful nature. During the year 1781, M. de Marbois, Secretary of the French Legation in tbe United States, having been instructed by his own Court, to obtain all useful statistical information concerning tbe American States, that was in his j)ower, addressed some inquiries to Mr. Jefferson, concerning Virginia. Mr. Jefferson had ever been in the habit of committing to writing, all tbe information be could at any time collect, and the numerous memoranda he bad in this way obtained, now furnished him with materials for his answers to M. de Marbois' questions. These be replied to at great length, giving a most interesting statement of tbe natural history, tbe soil, productions, institutions, and statistics of his native state. This work was afterwards published by him, under the title of " Notes on Virginia." But in tliose times of emergency and danger, talents of so high an order as Mr. Jefferson's, could not long be spared by bis country, and she therefore soon made a new call for his services. In tbe early part of 1781, Mr. Jefferson had been appointed a Minister Plenipotentiary, to- o-ether with Mr. Adams, Mr. Jay, Mr. Laurens, and Dr. Franklin, for the negotiation of peace which was then expected to take place. His ill 112 JEFFERSON. health, and the situation of afliiirs at home, however, compelled him to decline the appointment, and no progress was ever made in regard to the treaty. In 1782, he was again appointed a commissioner for the same purpose, and the hope of promoting the public interests, and at the same time of restoring his own health by a change of climate, induced him to accept the appointment ; but before his embarkation, news was received that the preliminaries of peace had already been signed by the other ministers, and he was therefore excused. In 1783 and 4, we find Mr. Jefferson again in Congress, and active in all important measures, especially as chairman of the committee upon the state of the treasury, and also of the committee to which was referred the definitive treaty of peace between Great Britain and the United States, which was finally ratified by this Congress, on the fourteenth January, 1784. On the seventh May, of the same year, in pursuance of a vote of Congress, Mr. Jefferson was appointed, together with Mr. Adams, and Dr. Franklin, who were then in Europe, a Minister Plenipotentiary for the purpose of forming treaties of commerce with foreign nations, and accordingly embarked, with his eldest daughter, at Boston, on the fifth of July, and, after a pleasant voyage, arrived at Paris on the sixth of August, where he was immediately joined by Dr. Franklin, and soon after by Mr. Adams. The commissioners were by no means as suc- cessful in their attempts to form treaties, as had been anticipated, and at the end of a year, spent in almost fruitless negotiations, the only powers with whom treaties had been effected, were Prussia and Morocco, and their commission expired without any thing of importance having been accomplished. In February, 1786, Mr. Jefferson, who had been previously appointed to succeed Dr. Franklin, as Minister to France, at the solicitation of Mr. Adams, then at the Court of St. James, went over to England, in the hope of effecting a treaty of commerce with that nation : how dis- couraging was his reception, can best be learnt from his own words. " On my presentation," says he, " as usual, to the King and Queen at their levees, it was impossible for any thing to be more ungracious, than their notice of Mr. Adams and myself. I saw at once, that the ulcera- tions of mind in that quarter, left nothing to be expected on the subject of my attendance ; and on the first conference with the Marquis of Caermarthen, the Minister for Foreign Affairs, the distance and disinclina- tion \vhich he betrayed in his conversation, the vagueness and evasions of his answers to us, confirmed me in the belief of their aversion to have any thing to do with us." Mr. Jefferson, therefore, finding his visit fruit- less, returned to Paris on the thirtieth of April, after an absence of seven weeks. It would be useless, in this hasty sketch, to attempt to give any account of the various diplomatic transactions in which Mr. Jefferson was engag- ed, during his residence in France, a period of little more than five years, from August, 1784, to October, 1789, especially, as they would not be cf great interest to the general reader. As the representative of a new country at a foreign court, there was, of course, much to be done by him, yet there was notliing which required the exercise of any great talents or JEFFERSON. 113 powers of mind, at least when compared witli tlie scenes of deep and eventful interest through which we have lately followed him ; and after contemplating such scenes and such transactions, the mere details of business and diplomatic negotiations must necessarily appear dull and even insignificant. But the years passed hy Mr. Jefferson in Europe, althoufli not now so interesting to most readers, as the other periods of his life, was still one of great enjoyment to him. Fond as he had ever been of science, the stirring scenes in which he had been called to take so conspicuous a part, had allowed him little time for study and investiga- tion : that time, it is true, had been carefully employed, but he now found full opportunity for the free indulgence of his literary and scientific tastes. In the most polite court in Europe, surrounded by the most learned m9n of the age, honored and esteemed by them, not only as a statesman, but as a philosopher, he led a life most congenial to a mind like his, so eager in the pursuit of knowledge, and so capable of enjoying all that was elegant and refined. He was, too, the friend of Franklin, and so great was the enthusiasm felt by the French people for that remarkable man, that to be his friend, was of itself, apart fr»m all other circumstances of public character, a sufhcient passport to the society and friendship of Condorcet, Buffon, D'Alembert, and all the wise and learned of the French capital. To the happiness Mr. Jefferson experienced there, and the many pleasant attachments formed there, must be in part attributed the strono- preference he ever afterwards exhibited towards that nation. In his memoirs, when speaking of his departure from France on his re- turn to America, he adds, " And here I cannot leave this great and good country, without expressing my sense of its preeminence of charac- ter among the nations of the earth. A more benevolent people I have never known, nor greater warmth and devotedness in their select friend- ships. Their kindness and accommodation to strangers is unparalleled, and the hospitality of Paris is beyond any thing I had conceived to be practicat)le in a large city. Their eminence too in scence, the commu- nicative dispositions of their scientific men, the politeness of the general manners, the ease and vivacity of their conversation, give a charm to their society, to be found no where else. In a comparison of this with other countries, we have the proof of primacy, which was given to The- mistocles after the battle of Salamis. Every general voted to himself the first reward of valor, and the second to Themistocles. So, ask the trav- elled inhabitant of any nation. In what country on earth would you rather live? Certainly in my own, where are all my friends, my relations, and the earliest and sweetest affections and recollections of my life. Which would be your second choice? France." Yet notwithstanding his love of France and its society, America still held the first place in his heart, and, amidst all the refinement and learn- ino- of Paris, he often sighed for the retirement of Monticello. In a letter to the Baron Geismer, dated at Paris, September sixth, 1785, he says, The character in which I am here, at present, confines me to this place, and will confine me as long as I contiime in Europe. How long this will be, I cannot tell. I am now of an age, which does not easily accommodate itself to new manners and new modes of living, and I am 114 JEFFERSON. savapc enough to piefer the woods, the wiWs, and the independence of Monticello, °o all tlie brilliant pleasures of this gay capital. I shall therefore rejoin myself to my native country, with new attachments, and with exaggerated esteem for its advantages ; for though there is less wealth there, there is more freedom, more ease, and less misery." Mr. Jefferson was naturally led, during his residence in Europe, to com- pare the state of the French people, their advancement in morals, in science, and the arts of life, with his own countrymen. As a citizen of a new republic, where perfect freedom of religious opinions existed, and where the only end of government was to improve the people, and deeply anxious as to the result of the great experiment which was then on trial, Whether the people, could rule themselves?— he was constantly watching the effects of the government, and the long established institutions of France, on the character and happiness of the people, and instituting comparisons between the inhabitants of that and of his own land; and although America was even then suffering all the evils which a long and bloody^war, carried on in the midst of her own territories, had inflicted on her, the result of his observations was uniformly in her favor. In a letter to Mr. Bellini, dated Paris, 1785, he thus expresses himself—" Be- hold me at length on the vaunted scene of Europe ! It is not necessary for your information, that I should enter into details concerning it. But you are, perhaps, curious to know how this new scene has struck a sa- vage of the mountains of America. Not advantageously, I assure you. 1 find the general ftue of humanity here most deplorable. The truth of Voltaire's observation offers itself perpetually, that every man here must be either the hammer or the anvil. While the great mass of the people are thus suffering under physical and moral oppression, I have endeavor- ed to examine more nearly the condition of the great, to appreciate the true value of the circumstances in their situation, which dazzle the bulk of spectators, and, especially, to compare it with that degree of happiness which is enjoyed Hi America by every class of people. Intrigues of love occupy the younger, and those of ambition the elder part of the great. Conjugal love having no existence among them, domestic happiness, of which that is the basis, is utterly unknown. In lieu of this, are substitut- ed pursuits which nourish and invigorate all our bad passions, and which offer only moments of ccstacy, amidst days and months of restlessness and torment. Much, very much inferior, this, to the tranquil, permjr- nent felicity, with which domestic society in America blesses most of its inhabitants ; leaving them to follow steadily those pursuhs which health and reason approve, and rendering truly delicious the intervals of tho.se pursuits. " In science the mass of tlie people is two centuries behind ours ; their literati, half a dozen years before us. With respect to what are termed polite manners, without sacrificing too nnich the sincerity of language, I would wish my coiuitrymen to adopt just so much of European politeness, as to be ready to make all those little sacrifices of self, which really ren- der European manners amiable, and relieve society from the disagreeable scenes to which rudeness often subjects it. Here, it seems that a man jiight pass a life without encountering a single rudeness. In the plea- JEFFERSON. 115 suros of the table tliey are far before us, because with pood taste they unite tetn])erance. Tliey do not terminate the most social)le meals by traiis- forniinir themselves into brutes. I have never yet seen a man druidc in France, even amonir the lowest of the pcojjle. Were I to proceed to tell you liow much 1 enjoy tiieir architecture, sculpture, painting, music, I should want words. It is in.these acts they shine. The last of them, particu- larly, is an enjoyment, the deprivation of which with us cannot be calcu- lated. I am almost ready to say, it is the only thing which from my heart I envy them, and which, in spite of all the authority of the Deca- logue, I do covet." In another letter to Mr. Wythe, dated Paris, August, 178(5, when speaking of the revision of the laws in wliich the Assembly of Virginia had been engaged, he writes — " I think, by far the most important bill incur whole code, is that for the dillusion of knowledge among the peo- ple. No other sure foundation can be devised for the preservation of freedom and happiness. W any body thinks that kings, no!)lcs, or priests, are good cons(!rvators of the public happiness, send him here. It is the best school in the universe, to cure him of that folly. He will see here witli his own eyes, that these descriptions of men are an abandoned confederacy against the happiness of th(! mass of the people. The om- nipotence of their effect cannot be better proved, than in this country particularly, where notwithstanding tlie finest soil upon earth, the finest climate under heaven, and a people of the most benevolent, the most gay and amiable character, of wliich the human form is susceptible; where such a people, I say, surrounded by so many blessings from nature, are loaded with misery by kings, nobles, and priests, and by them alone. Preach, my dear Sir, a crusade against ignorance ; establish and im- prove the law for educating the co-nmon people. Let our countrymen know, that the people alone can protect us against these evils, and that the tax which will be paid for this purpose, is not more than the thou- sandth part of what will be paid to kings, priests, and nobles, who will rise up among us if we leave the people in ignorance." During Mr. Jefferson's residence in Europe, his official duties demand- ed so much of his attention, and confined him so closely to Paris, that he had t'ew opportunities for visiting the other parts of the continent. We have already mentioned, that soon after his appointment, at the request of Mr. Adams, and in the hope of effecting a conuuercial treaty with England, he visited London. He also went to the Hague at a later period, to meet Mr. Adams, for the purpose of negotiating a loan to Con- gress, and returned thence along the banks of the Rhine. In the early part of 1787, having sufiered much from a dislocated wrist, he was in duced to try the warm mineral springs of Aix, in Provence, in the hope that they would prove beneficial, out not finding them of the service he had expected, he took the opportunity to visit the southern provinces of Franco, and the northern parts of Italy ; and the short journal he has left us, is enough to make us regret that he had not possessed more leisure, or that fortune had not made him a traveller. While in Paris, Mr. JeHbrson became acquainted with Ledyard, the celebrated American traveller, who had come there with the intention of 16 116 JEFFERSON. forming a company for the prosecution of the fur trade on the northwest coast, and in which plan he found an active coadjutor in Paul Jones, who was at that time in France. Not succeeding in this, Mr. Jefferson suggested to him the idea of a journey through the Russian dominions to Kamschatka ; thence to cross to Nootka Sound, and return across the continent of America to the United States. This plan was readily adopt- ed by Ledyard, who was eager for any expedition of discovery, whether to the frozen regions of Siberia, or the burning deserts of Africa. Mr. Jefferson accordingly undertook to obtain the permission of the Empress Catharine, for him to journey through her dominions. This, however, was peremptorily refused by the Empress. But Ledyard, once started in an enterprise, was not to be deterred by an obstacle of this nature ; he therefore left Paris for St. Petersburg, thinking that in person he might obtain the necessary permission. Not finding the Empress at St. Peters- burg, and unwilling to suffer any delay, he proceeded without it, and had actually arrived on the banks of the Lena, and within a few days' journey of Kamschatka, when he was overtaken by officers despatched after him, brought back to the frontiers of Russia, and there dismissed. Hitherto we have regarded Mr. Jefferson merely as a statesman, but it is not in this light only that he is to be viewed. During all the time of his residence abroad, the numerous letters to his friends in America, de- tailing all the new discoveries made in science and the arts, prove how deeply he was interested in those subjects ; and the following letter will show how readily he could turn from the cares of state, to familiar inter- course of the lightest and most sportive kind. Of the lady to whom it was addressed we know nothing, but we are confident its playfulness and the goodness of heart which it exhibits, will prove an ample apology for the length of the extract. " To Mrs. Cosway. " Paris, October 12, 178G. " My dear Madam, " Having performed the last sad office of handing you into your car- riage, at the pavilion de St. Denis, and seen the wheels get actually into motion, I turned on my heel and walked, more dead than alive, to the opposite door, where my own was awaiting me. Mr. Danquerville was missing. He was sought for, found, and dragged down stairs. We were crammed into the carriage, like recruits for the Bastile ; and not having soul enough to give orders to the coachman, he presumed Paris our des- tination, and drove off. After a considerable interval, silence was broke, with a. " Je suis vraiment affiige du depart de ccs hons gens." This was a signal for mutual confession of distress. We began immediately to talk of Mr. and Mrs. Cosway, of their goodness, their talents, their amia- bility; and though we spoke of nothing else, we seemed hardly to have entered into the matter, when the coachman announced the Rue St. Denis, and that we were opposite Mr. Danquerville's. He insisted on descending there, and traversing a short passage to his lodgings, I was carried home. Seated by my fireside, solitary and sad, the following dialogue took place between my Head and my Heart. " Head. Well, friend, you seem to be in a pretty trim. JEFFERSON. 117 " Heart. I am indeed the most wretched of all earthly beings. Ovcr- vvhchiicd with trrief, every fibre of my frame distended beyond its natural powers to bear, I would willingly meet whatever catastrophe should leave me no more to feel or to fear. " Head. These are the eternal consequences of your warmth and pre^ cipitation. This is one of the scrapes into which you are ever leading us. You confess your follies, indeed ; but still you hug and cherish them ; and no reformation can be hoped, where there is no repentance. " Heart. Oh ! my friend, this is no moment to upbraid my foibles. I am rent into fragments by the force of my grief ! If you have any balm, pour it into my wounds ; if none, do not harrow them by new torments. Spare me in this awful moment. At any other, I will attend with pa- tience to your admonitions. " Head. On the contrary, I never found that the moment of triumph, with you, was the moment of attention to my admonitions. While suffer- ing under your follies, you may perhaps be made sensible of them ; but the paroxysm over, you fimcy it can never return. Harsh, therefore, as the medicine may be, it is my office to administer it. * * * * * « * * * J \vish to make you sensible how imprudent it is to place your afiections without reserve on objects you must so soon lose, and whose loss, when it comes, must cost you such severe pangs. Remember the last night. You knew your friends were to leave Paris to-day. This was enough to throw you into agonies. All night you tossed us from one side of the bed to the other ; no sleep, no rest. The poor crippled wrist, too, never left one moment in the same position ; now up, now down, now here, now there ; was it to be wondered at if its pains returned ? The surgeon then was to be called, and to be rated as an ignoramus, because he could not divine the cause of this extraordinary change. In fine, my friend, you must mend your manners. This is not a world to live at random in, as you do. To avoid those eternal distresses, to which you are forever exposing us, you must learn to look forward before you take a step, which may interest our peace. Every thing in this world is matter of calculation. Advance, then, with caution , the balance in your hand. Put into one scale the pleasures which any object may offer ; but put fairly into the other the pains which are to follow, and see which prepon- derates. The making an acquaintance is not a matter of indifference. When a new one is proposed to you, view it all round. Consider what advantages it presents, and to what inconveniences it may expose you. Do not bite at the bait of pleasure, till you know there is no hook beneath it. The .art of life is the art of avoiding pain; and he is the best pilot, who steers clearest of the rocks and shoals with which it is beset. Pleasure is always before us, but misfortune is at our side ; while running after that, this arrests us. The most effectual means of being secure against pani, is to retire within ourselves, and to suffice for our own happiness. Those which depend on ourselves, are the only pleasures a wise man will count on ; for nothing is our own, which another may deprive us of Hence the inestimable value of intellectual pleasures. Ever in our own power, always leading us to something new, never cloying, we ride secure and sublime above the concerns of this mortal world, contemplating truth 113 JEFFERSON. and nature, matter and motion, the laws which bind up their cxiytcnce, and that eternal Being, who made and bound them up by those laws. Let this be our employ. Leave the bustle and tumult of society to those who have not talents to occupy themselves without them. Friendship is but another name for an alliance with the follies and the misfortunes of others. Our own share of miseries is sufficient. Why enter, then, as vohmtecrs into those of another? Is there so little gall poured into our cup, that we must need help to drink that of our neighbor ? A friend dies or leaves us : we feel as if a limb was cut off. He is sick : we must watch over him and participate of his pains. His fortune is shipwrecked : ours must be laid under contribution. He loses a child, a parent, or a partner : we must mourn the loss as if it were our own. ILart. And what more sublime delight, thari to mingle tears with one whom the hand of Heaven hath smitten ! to watch over the bed of sickness, and to beguile its tedious and its painful moments! to share our bread with one to whom misfortune has left none ! This world abounds indeed with misery ; to lighten its burden, we must divide it with one another. But let us now try the virtue of your mathematical balance ; and as you have put into one scale the burdens of friendship, let me put its comforts into the other. "When languishing, then, under disease, how grateful is the solace of our friends ! how are we penetrated with their assiduities and attentions ! how much are we supported by their encourage- ments and kind offices! When Heaven has taken from us some object of our love, how sweet is it to have a bosom whereon to recline our heads, and into which we may pour the torrent of our tears ! Grief with such a comfort is almost a luxury. In a life where we are perpetually exposed to want and accident, yours is a wonderful proposition, to insulate our- selves, to retire from all aid, and to wrap ourselves in the mantle of self- sufficiency ! For assuredly, nobody will care for him, who cares for nobody. But friendship is pjecious, not only in the shade, but in the sunshine of life ; and thanks to a benevolent arrangement of things, the greater part of life is sunshine. I will recur for proof to the days we have lately passed. On these, indeed, the sun shone brightly ! How gay did the face of nature appear ! Hills, valleys, chateaux, gardens, rivers, every object wore its liveliest hue! Whence did they borrow it ? From the presence of our charming companion. They were pleasing, because she seemed pleased. Alone, the scene would have been dull and insipid : the participation of it with her gave it relish. Let the gloomy monk, sequestered from the world, seek unsocial pleasures in the bottom of his cell! Let the sublimated philosopher grasp visionary happiness, while pursuing phantoms dressed in the garb of truth ! Their supreme wisdom ^ is supreme folly, and they mistake for happiness the mere absence of pain. Had they ever felt the solid pleasure of one generous spasm of the heart, they would exchange for it all the frigid speculations of their lives, which you have been vaunting in such elevated terms. Believe me, then, my friend, that that is a miserable arithmetic, which could estimate friendship at nothing, or at less than nothing. Respect for you has induced me to enter into this discussion, and to hear principles uttered, which I detest and abjure. Respect for myself now obliges me to recall you into the JEFFERSON. 119 proper limits of your ofTice. When n.iturc assigned us the same ha])ita- tion, she gave us over it a divided empire. To you slie allotted the field of science, to me that of morals. When the circle is to be .sfjuared, or the orbit of a comet is to be traced, when the arch of greatest strength or the solid of least resistance is to be investigated, take up the problem ; it is yours ; nature has given me no cognizance of it. In like manner, in denying to you the feelings of sympathy, of benevolence, of gratitude, of justice, of love, of friendship, she has excluded you from their control. To these she has adapted the mechanism of the heart. Morals were too essential to the happiness of man, to be risked on the uncertain combina- tions of the head. Slie laid their foundation, therefore, in sentiment, not in science. That she gave to all, as necessary to all ; this to a i'ew only, as suihcing with a few. I know, indeed, that you pretend authority to the sovereign control of our conduct in all its parts ; and a respect for your grave saws and maxims, a desire to do what is right, has sometimes induced me to conform to your counsels. A few facts, however, which I can readily recall to your memory, will suffice to prove to you, that nature has not organized you for our moral direction. When the poor wearied soldier, whom we overtook at Chickahominy, with his pack on his back, begged us to let him get up behind our ciiariot, you began to calculate that the road was full of soldiers, and that if all should be taken up, our horses would fail in their journey. We drove on therefore. But soon becoming sensible you had made me do wrong, that though we cannot relieve all the distressed, we should relieve as many as we can, I turned about to take up the soldier, but he had entered a by-path, and was no more to be found ; and from that moment to this, I could never find him out to ask his forgiveness. Again, when the poor woman came to ask charity in Philadelphia, you whispered that she looked like a drunkard, and that half a dollar was enough to give her for the alehouse. Those who want the dispositions to give, easily find reasons why they ought not to give. When I sought her out afterwards, and did what I should have done at first, you know that she employed the money immediately towards placing her child at school. If our country, when pressed with wrongs at the j)oint of the bayonet, had been governed by its heads instead of its hearts, where should we have been now ? Hanging on a gallows as high as Hainan's. You began to calculate, and to compare wealth and numbers ; we threw up a few pulsations of our blood ; we supplied enthusiasm against wealth and numbers ; we put our existence to the hazard, when the hazard seemed against us, and we saved our country : justifying, at the same time, the ways of Providence, whose precept is to do always what is right, and leave the issue to Him. In short, my friend, as far as my recollection serves me, I do not know that I ever did a good thing on your suggestion, or a dirty one without it. I do forever, then, disclaim your interference in my province. Fill paper as you please with triangles and squares; try how many ways you can hang and combine them together : I shall never envy nor control your sublime delights. But leave me to decide when and where friendships are to be contracted. You say I contract them at random. So you said the woman at Philadelphia was a drunkard. I receive none into my esteem, till I know tliey are worthy of it. Wealth, title, office, 120 JEFFERSON. are no recommendations to my friendship. On the contrary, great good qualities are requisite to make amends for their having wealth, title, and office. You confess that, in the present case, I could not have made a worthier choice. You only object that I was so soon to lose them. We are not immortal ourselves, my friend; how can we expect our enjoyments to be so ? We have no rose without its thorn, no pleasure without its alloy. It is the law of our existence, and we must acquiesce. It is the condition annexed to all our pleasure, not by us who receive, but by Him who gives them. True, this condition is pressing cruelly on me at this moment. I feel more fit for death than life ; but when I look back on the pleasures of which it is the consequence, I am conscious they were worth the price I am paying. Notwithstanding your endeavors, too, to damp my hopes, I comfort myself with expectations of their promised return. Hope is sweeter than despair, and they were too good to mean to deceive me. " In the summer," said the gentleman ; but " in the spring," said the lady ; and I should love her forever, were it only for that. Know then, my friend, that I have taken these good people into my bosom ; that I hove lodged them in the warmest cell I could find; that I love them, and will continue to love them through life ; that if fortune should dispose them on one side the globe and me on the other, my affections shall pervade its whole mass to reach them. Knowing, then, my determina- tion, attempt not to disturb it. If you can at any time furnish matter for their amusement, it will be the office of a good neighbor to do it. I will, in like manner, seize any occasion which may offer, to do the like good turn for you with Condorcet, Rittenhouse, Madison, La Cretelle, or any other of those worthy sons of science, whom you so justly prize. " I thought tViis a favorable proposition whereon to rest the issue of the dialogue. So I put an end to it by calling for my nightcap. Methinks, I hear you wish to Heaven T had called a little sooner, and so spared you the ennui of such a sermon." In October, 1789, Mr. Jefferson having obtained from government the permission he had long solicited, to return home for a short time, em- barked at Havre for the United States. It was not his intention, at that time, to resign his station at the Court of Versailles. France, ever a de- sirable residence to him, was at this time an object of the strongest inte- rest. The flame of revolution which had been kindled in America had already touched the shores of Europe, and the spirit of republicanism was rapidly spreadmg through all classes of people in France. To Mr. Jef- ferson, to the citizen of a country, itself just emancipated, just escaped from servitude, the struggle which was now rapidly approaching between the people and the throne, between liberty and long established oppres- sion, was one of peculiar interest, desirous as he must have been to see the rights and principles for which he had so successfully contended in America, transplanted and flourishing in the soil of Europe. It was therefore his intention, after a short visit to his native country, to return and resume his office. Immediately, however, upon his arrival at Nor- folk, in the latter part of November, he was met by a letter from General Washington, containing an appointment to be Secretary of State. To this Mr. Jefferson replied, stating his desire to return to France, but at JEFFERSON. 121 the same time assuring the President of his willlngneae to remain, coiila his services be more beneficial to his country at home. A second Icttei from the President, expressing the same wish as the former, but givincr him tlic clioice of tlie two situations, induced him to forego his own in- clinations, and accept the appointment. During Mr. Jefferson's long absence, great changes had taken place in the United States. Tlie country which he had left five years before, just emerging from a pro- tracted and exhausting war, without a government, and in almost as great danger from the internal dissensions, which were naturally to be expected among a people so peculiarly situated, as she had previously been, from external enemies, he now beheld flourishing, and happy, and rapidly increasing in wealth and population. During that interval, the Federal Constitution had been adopted, a government organized, and at its head the gratitude of a free people had placed that man, who had so successfully conducted her armies, and who, as the first President of the Western Republic, proved himself as wise in counsel, as he had before shown himself victorious in war. Mr. Jefferson immediately entered upon the duties of his station, and_ during his continuance in office, he ever discharged them with the greatest zeal and ability. We can here, of course, speak only in general terms : to enter into a detail of the whole course of his administration A'ould be impossible, without at the same time writing the political histo- ry of the country. The duties assumed by him were of the most arduous and responsible nature, embracing the superintendance^ both of domestic afi}iirs, and of foreign relations : and they were at that time more difhcult from the infancy both of the office and the government. Nevertheless, our intercourse with foreign nations, for the management of which, Mr. Jefferson was eminently qualified by his former diplomatic experience, was so conducted, that the interests and rights of the citizen were pro- tected, and the honor and dignity of the nation supported, without any infringement of the rights of others; and in the home department, the numerous reports and state papers on subjects of the highest impor- tance, which from time to time he laid before Congress, furnish abun- dant proof of his talents and industry. At the close of the year 1793, Mr. Jeflferson, finding himself one of an administration, from a majority of whose members he diflfered in views, which were every day becoming of more and more importance, and that he could not consistently act with them, in the measures which would be adopted, especially in regard to our foreign relations, retired from the office of Secretary of State. Party spirit, never long asleep in any coun- try, and least of all in a republic, had already risen high in America, and the whole body of the people, from the first statesman in the cabinet, down to the merest village alehouse politician, were ranged under the banners of one or the other of the contending parties. To that one of these parties, known by the name of Democratic, Mr. Jefferson found himself strongly drawn by the whole course of his previous habits and opinions. The other members of the cabinet, however, were attached to the opposite party ; and Mr. Jefferson, therefore, thought himself call- ed upon to withdraw. 122 JEFFERSON. For a lime, tlierefore, Mr. Jefferson retired from public life, and de- voted himself to the cultivation of his estate, and to those literary and scientific pursuits of which he was so fond; and at Monticello, in the bosom of his family, and undisturbed by the calls of office, he experienced, for a few years, the domestic happiness and quiet, he was so well fitted to enjoy. He was about this time, too, chosen President of the American Philosophical Society, as successor to Rittenhouse, and, for the long period that he filled the chair, was active in promoting, in every way in his power, the prosperity of the institution. Mr. Jeffer.son, however, was not long permitted to remain a private citizen. In September, 1796, General Washington, the only person who could unite the affections of the whole people, in his Farewell Address to the people of the United States, declined being any longer considered a candidate for the office of Chief Magistrate. The two great parties, into which the nation was divided, therefore, immediately brought forward their candidates. Mr. Adams was nominated by the one, and Mr. Jefferson by the other ; and at the election which took place in the fall of that year, Mr. Adams was chosen President, and Mr. Jefferson Vice-President, for the four years next ensuing. As the principal duty of the Vice-President, unless in case of the death of the President, is merely to preside in the Senate, much of these four years, except during the sessions of Congress, was spent by Mr. Jefferson in the tranquillity of Monticello. Iji ISOl, Mr. Jefferson, who had again been nominated as a candidate, in opposition to Mr. Adams, received a majority of the votes of the peo- ple. But as the number of votes given for Mr. Jefferson and for Mr. Burr, who had been nominated by the democratic party for Vice-Presi- dent, were equal, and the constitution did not require that the votes should specify the office to which each one was respectively elected, neither having such a majority as was necessary to a choice, the election devolved upon the House of Representatives. When the election came on, the opponents of Mr. Jefferson threw their votes for Mr. Burr, and it was not until after thirty-five unsuccessful ballots, that Mr. Jefferson was elected President, and Mr. Burr became, of course, Vice-President. On the fourtli of March, 1801, Mr. Jefferson took the oath of office, and delivered his inaugural address in presence of both houses of Con- gress. After declaring his diffidence and distrust of his own powers, in the conduct of the affairs of so vast a nation, he thus expresses the hope that all parties would unite in the support of the government and the union. " Let us then, fellow-citizens, unite with one heart and one mind ; let us restore to social intercourse that harmony and affection, without which liberty, and even life itself, are but dreary things. And let us reflect that, having banished from our land that religious intolerance under which mankind so long bled and suffered, we have yet gained little, il we countenance a political intolerance, as despotic, as wicked, and capable of as bitter and bloody persecutions. During the throes and convulsions of the ancient world, during the agoniz'ing spasms of infuri- ated man, seeking through blood and slaughter his long lost liberty, it was not wonderful that the agitation of the billows should reach even this distant and peaceful shore ; that this should be more felt and feared by JEFFERSON. 123 5ome, and less by olhers; and should divide opinions as to measures of safety ; but every difference of opinion is not a difference of principle. We liave called by different names brethren of the same principle. We are all republicans; we are all federalists. If there be any among us who would wish to dissolve this union, or to change its republican form, let them stand undisturbed as monuments of the safety with which error of opinion may be tolerated, where reason is left free to combat it. I know, indeed, that some honest men fear that a republican government cannot be strong ; that this government is not strong enough. But would the honest patriot, in the full tide of successful experiment, abandon a govern- ment which has so far kepi us free and firm, on the theoretic and vision- ary fear, that this government, the world's best hope, may, by possibility, want energy to preserve itself? 1 trust not. I believe this, on the corj- tf ary, the strongest government on earth. I believe it the only one, where every man, at the call of the law, would fly to the standard of the taw, and would meet invasionsof the public order as his own personal concern. Sometimes it is said that man cannot be trusted with the government of himself Can he then be trusted with the government of others 1 Or have we found angels, in the form of kings, to govern him f Let history answer this question." lie then proceeds to give, in the following summary manner, a brief statement of the principles which were to be the rule of his administra- tion. " About to enter, fellow-citizens, on the exercise of duties which cdmprehend every thing dear and valuable to you, it is proper you should understand what I deem the essential principles of our government, and, consequently, those which ought to shape its administration. I will com- press them within the narrowest compass they will bear, stating the general principle, but not all its limitations. Equal and exact justice to all men, of whatever state or persuasion, religious or political ; — peace commerce, and honest friendship with all nations, entangling alliances with none ; — the support of the state governments in all their rights ^s the most competent administrations for our domestic concerns and t!?e surest bulwarks against anti-republican tendencies ; — the preservaUon of the general government in its whole constitutional vio-or, as the sheet anchor of our peace at home, and safety abroad ; — a jealous care of tlie rights of election by the people, a mild and safe corrective of abusies. which are lopped by the sword of revolution, where peaceable v^medies a;;e un- provided ; — absolute acquiescence in the decisions of the majority, the vital principle of republics, from which is no appeal but to force, the vital principle and immediate parent of despotism ; — a well disciplined militia, our best reliance in peace, and for the first moments of war, till reo"ulars may relieve them ; — the supremacy of the civil over the military authority ; — economy in the public expense, that labor may be liirhtly burdened ;-- the honest payment of our debts, and sacred preservatioij, of the public faith ; — encouragement of agriculture, and of commerce as its handmaid; —the diffusion of information, and arraignment of all abuses at the bar of the public reason ; — freedom of religion, freedom of the press, and freedom of person, under the protection of the habeas corpus, and trials by juries impartially selected. These principles form the bright constel- 17 124 JEFFERSON. lation which has gone before us, and guided our skips through an age of revolution and reformation. The wisdom of our sages and blood of our heroes have been devoted to their attainment ; they should be the creed of our political faith, the text of civic instruction, the touchstone by which to try the services of those we trust ; — and should we wander from them in moments of error or of alarm, let us hasten to retrace our steps, and to regain the road which alone leads to peace, liberty, and safety." The democratic party having now gained the ascendency in the national councils, the policy of the country underwent considerable changes. Of the merits of the different measures sanctioned and pur- sued by the respective administrations, it is not necessary here to speak ; the distinctions which then prevailed, and led to so much bitterness and hostility, are passed away, and the measures of government are now to be adjudged wise or unwise, beneficial or injurious, without reference to the party from which they emanated. The policy of Mr. Jefferson's ad- ministration, however, at that time, was so far approved, that in 1805, at the expiration of the term for which he had been chosen, he was reelect- ed to the chief magistracy by a large majority, notwithstanding all the exertions of the federal party. There can be no doubt that many of the acts of Mr. Jefferson were beneficial, and probably would be allowed to be so now, by those who, in the excitement of party, believed them to be destructive of the best interests of the country. Of this character is the purchase of Louisiana, and the annexation of all that fertile country to the United States, thereby giving us not only a vast extent of valuable territory, but what was also of the greatest importance, the undisputed navigation of the Mississippi, the great outlet of the west. Of others, as of the embargo of 1807, the expediency, to say the least, may be doubt- ful. Since the adoption of the Federal Constitution, perhaps no act of the government, at any period, has ever been more warmly supported by its friends, or more violently and unsparingly attacked by the opposition. The deep and continued aggressions of the two great belligerent powers of Europe, England and France, upon the neutral commerce of the country, after negotiation and remonstrance had been tried in vain, call- ed for more efficient measures for protection on the part of the govern- ment. These aggressions, by the injuries offered to our trade, especially with the British colonies, by the impressment of seamen and the numerous depredations on our coasts, had become so annoying, that, in December of 1805, Mr. Jefferson thus calls the attention of Congress to the subject. " Our coasts have been infested, and our harbors watched, by private armed vessels, some of them without commissions, some with illegal com- missions, others with those of legal form, but committing piratical acts beyond the authority of tlieir commissions. They have captured in the very entrance of our harbors, as well as on the high seas, not only the vessels of our friends coming to trade with us, but our own also. They have carried them off under pretence of legal adjudication, but, not daring to approach a court of justice, they have plundered and sunk them by the way, or in obscure places, where no evidence could arise against them, maltreated the crews, and abandoned them in boats in the open sea, or JEFFERSON. 125 on desert shores, without food or covering. The same system ol hoverin^ on our coasts and harbors, under color of seeking enemies, has been also carried on by public armed ships, to the great annoyance and oppression of our commerce. New principles, too, liave been interpohited into the law of nations, founded neither in justice nor the usage or acknowledo-- ment of nations. According to these, a belligerent takes to itself a com- merce with its own enemy, which it denies to a neutral, on the ground of its aiding that enemy in the war. But reason revolts at such an incon- sistency ; and tlie neutral having equal rights with the belligerent to decide the question, tlie interests of our constituents, and the duty of maintaining the authority of reason, the only umpire between just nations, impose on us the obligation of providing an effectual and determined opposition to a doctrine so injurious to the rights of peaceable nations. In consequence of these suggestions of the Executive, the first measures taken by Congress were the preparations for the defence of our coast in case of a war, and the non-importation act, passed in the early part of 1806. Commissioners were also ai)pointcd at the several foreign courts, to make some adjustment of the existing difficulties, and prevent a repe- tition of such injuries. While these negotiations were pending, a most flagrant outrage, com- mitted by the British frigate Leopard upon the frigate Chesapeake, in our very waters, and almost in sight of our coast, produced the proclamation of the President of July second, 1807, requiring all British armed vessels, then within the waters of the United States, to depart, and forbiddintr them to enter. Scarcely, however, was this injury disavowed and offers of reparation made, when the British Orders in Council, of November of the same year, appeared. By these the British government prohibited all commerce between the United States and the ports of his enemies in Europe, unless the articles had been first landed in England, and the duties paid for their re-exportation. Under these circumstances, more decided measures were called for on the part of our government. Sub- mission was not for a moment thought of; and the only alternative was between open war, or such measures as should take us completely out of the power of our enemies and the operation of these orders. In the opinion of Mr. Jefferson, the country was not then in a situation to hazard a war ; and, therefore, the only means left to prevent the entire destruction of our commerce, was a prohibition of all intercourse, which it was supposed would have the desired effect, not only by keeping our own shipping in port, out of the way of the enemy, but by depriving them of the benefit of our cou)merce, thereby inducing them to come to some terms. Consequently, an embargo was laid on all our vessels, prohibiting their de- parture from any port of the United States, by an act of Congress, passed December twenty-second, 1S07. The consid(!ration, whether this mea- sure was expedient, or the best one which could be adopted, belongs to the political historian. The early part of Mr. Jefferson's second administration, was disturbed by an event, which threatened the tranquillity and peace of the union ; this was the conspiracy of Aaron Burr. Deieated in the late election to the Vice-Presidency, and led on by an unprincipled ambition, this 126 JEFFERSON. extraordinary man formed the plan of a military expedition into the Spanish territories, on our southwestern frontier, for the purpose of form- ing there a new republic. This, however, as has been generally suppos- ed° was a mere pretext; and although it has never been accurately known what his real plans were, there is no doubt that they were of a far more dangerous character. The opinion generally received, is,, that his object was to bring about a separation of the states west of the Allegha- nies from the general government, and form them into an independent state. The plan, however, whatever it might have been, was never ma- tured, for no sooner were the government apprized that bodies of men were organizing, and arming themselves for the avowed purpose of an attack upon a neighbormg government, then at peace with us, without the authority of Congress, than measures were taken to disperse those who had assembled, to seize their arms and stores, and to arrest the rinn-leaders. Immediately upon the discovery of the plan. Colonel Burr fled, but was soon overtaken, and bronglit back to Richmond, Virginia. Here he was examined before Chief Justice Marshall, upon a charge of high misdemeanor, in preparing, within the limits of the United States, an expedition against the Spanish provinces, and also on a charge of treason, and bound over for trial on the former, there not being sufRcent evidence to justify a commitment on the latter, and upon the trial for the misde- meanor, in August, 1807, he was also acquitted for a like want of evi- dence. In 1809, at the expiration of the second term for which Mr. Jefferson had been elected, he determined to retire forever from political life. For a period of nearly forty years, he had been continually before the public, and all that time had been employed in offices of the greatest trust and responsibility. Having thus devoted tbe best part of his life to the ser- vice of his country, he now felt desirous of that rest which his declining years required, and upon the organization of the new government, in March, 1809, he bid forever farewell to public life, and retired to Monti- cello, there to enjoy all " That which should accompany old age, As honor, love, obedience, troops of friends."' From tliis time, Mr. Jefferson never took any part in politics ,• but to one like him, even old age had its duties, and in tha cultivation of iiis estate, in study, and in tbe exercise of a boundless hospitality, he found full em|)l(jyment for his time. But the object which most interested him during his later years, was the establishment of a system of general education in Virginia, and especially the superintendance of the new university of Virginia, which was founded in 1818, through his instru- mentality. Of this institution, which was located at Charlottesville, a town at the foot of tlie mountain on which the estate of Monticello was situated, Mr. Jefferson was chosen rector at the time of its foundation, and continued in that office during the remainder of Ms life, devoting himself unremittingly to the interests and advancement of this child of his old age. '^riiere was one circumstance, however, which contributed in some JEFFERSON. 127 degree to disturl) flif happiness of the last years of his life. As the greater part of his life had heen spent in the service of hi^ country, and in public stations, to the support of which the small salary, whicli the more than Spartan economy of a rci)iiblic allowed, was hy no means ecjual, tlie estate of Mr. Jeflferson, though originally large, had been con- stantly diminishing, and in 1825, he found himself obliged to apply t(j the Legislature of Virginia, for leave to dispose of his estate of Monticcllo by lottery, to prevent its being sacrificed, and in order to raise money suiTicientto discharge his debts. This indeed was granted, but the days of the patriot were numbered, the time was fast a])i)roaching when his earthly wants were to cease, and the name of Jcflerson must ever remain another instance of tlie tardy gratitude of republics. The fourth of July, 182(5, being the fiftieth anniversary of the Declara- tion of American Independence, great preparations were made, in every part of the Union for its celebration, as the nation's jid)i!ee, and the citizens of Washington, to add to the solemnity of the occasion, invited Mr. Jefferson, as the frainer, and one of the few surviving signers, of the Declaration, to participate in their festivities. But an illness, which had been of several weeks' duration, and had been continually increasino-, compelled him to decline the invitation. In his r('i)ly, on the twenty- fourth of June, he gives evidence, that although his eartliiy frame was fast perishing, his mind was still the same ; still animated with the same ardent love of liberty, still eager for the universia! emancipation of man. " It adds sensibly," he writes, " to the sufferings of sickness, to be de- pri'-ed by it of a personal participation in the rejoicings of that day ; but acquiescence under circumstances, is a duty not placed among those we are permitted to control. I should, indeed, with peculiar delight, have met and exchanged there congratulations, jyersonally, with the small band, the remnant of the host of worthies who joined with us, on that day, in the bold and doubtful election we were to make for our country, between submission and the sword ; and to have enjoyed with them the consola- tory fact, that our fellow-citizens, after half a century of experience and prosperity, continue to approve the choice we made. May it be to the world, what I believe it will be, (to some parts soonijr, to others later, but finally to all,) the signal of arousing men to burst the chains, under which monkish ignorance and superstition had persuaded them to bind themselves, and to assume the blessings and security of self government. I'he form which we have substituted, restores the free right to the un- bounded exercise of reason and freedom of opinion. All eyes are opened, or opening, to the rights of man. The general spread of the lights of science has already laid open, to every view, the palpable truth, that the mass of mankind has not been born with saddles on their backs, nor a favored few, booted and spurred, ready to ride them legitimately, by tlio grace of God. These are grounds of hope for others; for ourselves, let the annual return of th.is day forever refresh our recollections of these rights, and an undiminished devotion to them." Soon after this letter was written, the illness, which before had not been considered at all dangerous, increased rapidly, and on the twe.ity- sixth, he was obliged to confine himself to his bed. On the seconc; of 128 JEFFERSON. July, the disease, under which he was laboring, left him, but in such a reduced state, that his medical attendants entertained no hope of his recovery. From this time he himself was perfectly sensible, that his last hour was at hand, and with the utmost calmness he conversed with the different members of his family, and gave directions concerning his coffin, and his funeral, which he was desirous should be at Monticello, and without any display or parade. On the next day, which was Monday, he asked of those around him, the day of the month, and on being told it was the third of July, he expressed the earnest wish that he might be permitted to breathe the air of the fiftieth anniversary. His prayer was heard — that day, whose dawn was hailed with such rapture through our land, burst upon his eyes, and then they were closed forever. And what a noble consummation of a noble life! To die on that day, — the birthday of a nation, — the day which his own name and his own act had rendered glorious; to die amidst the rejoicings and festivities of a whole nation, who looked up to him, as the author, under God, of their greatest bles- sings, was all that was wanting to fill up the record of his life. Fifty summers had rolled over his head, since the day when the Congress of '76 declared America independent ; fifty years he had watched over her like a parent over his child : and he had been permitted to see that country, whose cause in her hour of darkness he had so nobly maintain- ed, prosperous and happy. lie had prayed that he might see that day ; and on that day, amidst the acclamations of twelve millions of freemen, in the hour within which, fifty years before, he had signed the Magna Charta of American Freedom, his spirit was freed from the bondage of earth. Happy in his life, more happy in his death, of him it may truly be said, that " Nothing in his life, Became him like the leaving it." And almost at the same hour, the kindred spirit of the venerable Adams, as if to bear him company, left the scene of his earthly honors.. Hand in hand they had stood forth, the champions of freedom ; hand in hand, during the dark and desperate struggle of the revolution, they had cheered and animated their desponding countrymen; for half a century they had labored together for tiie good of their country ; and now hand in hand they departed. In their lives they had been united in the same great cause of liberty, and in their deaths they were not divided. At the time of his death^ Mr. Jefferson had attained the age of eighty- three years and a few months. In January, 1772, he was married to Martha, widow of Bathurst Skelton, and daughter of John Wayles, a lawyer of considerable eminence in the then colony of Virginia. Their union, however, was of short duration ; she died in September, 1782, leaving three daughters, one of wliom died young, the other two were married, one toTliomas M. Randolph, afterwards Governor of Virginia, the otlier to Mr. Eppes. In person Mr. Jefferson was tall and thin, rather above six feet in height, but well formed ; his eyes were light, his hair, originally red, in after life became white and silvery ; his complexion was fair, his forehead broad, and his whole countenance intelligent and thoughtfid. He pos- JEFFERSON. 129 scs^cd great fortitude of mind as well as personal courage ; and liis com- mand of temper was such, that his oldest and most intimate friends never recollected to have seen him in a passion. Ilis manners, though dignified, were simple and unaffected, and his hospitality was so unbounded, that all found at his house a ready welcome. In conversation he was fluent, eloquent, and enthusiastic ; and his language was remarkably pure and correct. He was a finished classical scholar, and in his writings is discernible the care with which he formed his style upon the best models of antiquity. His style is pleasing and attractive, seeking rather to per- suade by the beauty and refinement of nianncr, than to convince by the mere force of argument. Of Mr. Jefferson's Notes on Virginia, we have already spoken ; another work published by him, while he was Vice-Presi- dent, and, consequently, presiding officer of the Senate, was a Manual of Parliamentary Practice, which has since been a standard work on that subject, and probably contains the best collection of rules for forensic debate in existence. But for Mr. Jefferson's most numerous and most important productions, we must go to the archives of the government, and there in the state papers, and reports made by him, we shall find the evidence of his talents, industry, and learning. His correspondence was very extensive, embracing not only the great men of his own country, but also the most distinguished philosophers and statesmen of France. Since his death, four volumes of his writings, edited by his grandson, Thomas Jefferson Randolph, have been published, containing a short memoir of his life, to the time of his appointment to be Secretary of State, written by himself, in J 821, and also a large collection of his letters, to various persons, and on various subjects. It is neither our intention or wish, to speak of the religious opinions of Mr. Jefferson. Discarding as we do, all political prejudices, we have heretofore been enabled to speak of him in terms of approbation, and that too, as we trust, without any sacrifice of truth. This could not be the case, however, should we now enter upon the consideration of his religious sentiments. As a mere moralist, he must ever be esteemed for opinions and doctrines, which would have done honor to the purest sages of Greece and Rome, and which certainly far surpassed tlie theories and the practice of his masters in religion, the sceptics of the French school. But little now remains to be said of Mr. Jefferson; his whole life was passed before the public eye, and his actions speak his character better than any words can express them. Whatever may be the judgment of posterity, in regard to Mr. Jefferson's administration, it is as the bold and fearless patriot of the revolution, — as the framer of the Declaration of American Independence, that he will be best known. Posterity may be divided, as the present age has been, concerning the wisdom and the exnediency of his measures, while he occupied the chair of the Chief Magistrate, ibr those measures were of such doubtful tendency, that the best and wisest might differ concerning them ; but as one of the Congress of '76, as one of the firmest opposcrs of British aggressions, as one of the most able statesmen of the revolution, his conduct has been stamped by the approbation of a whole nation, and a judcrment rendered, that no future age will evei'reverse. The latter part of Mr. Jefferson's life also 130 JEFFERSON. presents a most pleasing ])icture. It is delightful to see a man of such vast acquisitions, and such varied powers, after a life spent in the service of his country, and in the fulfilment of the highest duties, calmly retire from public stations, to spend his declining years, not in inactivity and lethargy, but in untiring exertions for the advancement of the human race ; and instead of sinking into a second childliood, by constant exercise maintaining all the faculties of his mind unimpaired to the last. We hardly know which is the more interesting object — Thomas Jefferson, as the young and ardent patriot of '76, or as the silver haired philosopher of Monticello. Or if the, former is the more interesting, surely the latter is the more pleasing. When we look upon the former, while we admire his noble spirit, and his holy daring, we yet tremble for his safety, as we think of the rocks and quicksands by which he is sur- rounded, and of which the least may make shipwreck of him forever. But when we contemplate the latter, in all the serenity of an honored old age, resting from his labors, and seeking in the cultivation of philosophy the highest pleasures of the intellect, and the means still to benefit man- kind — we feel an emotion of thankfulness rising in our hearts, at the thought that all those dangers we so much dreaded have been passed ; that the course so prosperously commenced, has been gloriously pursued, and the long wished for haven at last obtained. The admiration we involuntarily feel for the former, is more than equalled by the veneratiou we willingly offer to the lattf^r. JAMES MADISON. Materials for the biography of a public man are lo be fouinl, for the niost pari, in the history of the great events m which he was an actor. In our own country this is parlicuiariy the case. It is, perhaps, hardly to be regretted that the private lile of our distinguished men is in some mea- sure sacred from tlie otlensive notoriety winch is the lot and tbe penalty of eminence in other countries. The numerous dependants on the peri- odical press of Great Britain deem themselves privileged to annoy men of any reputation, by what they term sketches of their lives. They pick up garbled and inaccurate stories, invent one or two leading incidents, and, to complete the biography, fasten upon its unfortunate subject a few of the most popular anecdotes that have been current for the last century. These accounts circulate for the truth, and a man is obliged to see himself the hero of battles which he never fought, and an actor upon boards which he never trod. Bui thexe is some satisfaction in reading even un incorrect, but well written account of a great man's life, for the same reason that there is pleasure in looking on an inditferent likeness, which is well painted and handsomely framed. ' Taste is pleased, if curiosity is not satished. A void is filled ; we have learned something, and if that something is not accurate, we still have high authority for believing that all history is little better than fable. Of the early life of Mr. Madison we have been able to collect no au- thentic anecdotes. His later years were passed in the most entire seclusion, as he lived in the strictest privacy at his seat in Montpelier, Virginia. He was born in the year 1750, and took an early and efficient interest in the affairs of our infant republic. Sound principles on subjects of public and political interest seem lo have been inslilled into him from his birth. To stale what little we know of his private life, before commencing the narra- tion of that part of his career which is the property of his country, Mr. Madison, in 1794, was married lo Mrs. Todd, in Philadelphia, widow of John Todd, Esq. a practitioner of the Pennsylvania bar. Her maiden name was Paine, and her father, who was of the Society of Friends, emigrated from Virginia to Philadelphia. She was eighteen years of age at the time of her first marriage, and as her husband died in less than three years afterwards, she was still quite young when she became the wife of Mr. Madison. Her manners were agreeable, her deportment mild and dignified, and her conversation fascinating. With the wish to please, and a willingness to be pleased, she was popular in her circle of associates ; and when her second husband was called to his high office, she discharged, with a dignified afiability, those polite attentions which were so constantly required of her. She exerted a woman's tender influ- 18 132 MADISON. ence to soften the j^litical asperities of the time by the amenities of social life ; and strove to hide the thorns of public controversy under the roses of private cheerfulness. It has been said, to her great praise, that in her highest fortune she never neglected her early friends, but extended to all who approached her, those attentions which please the exalted and inspire the humble with confidence. The first knowledge that we have of Mr. Madison finds him, at an early age, a very active member of the Continental Congress. To him, more than to any one living, the people of the United States are indebted for the constitution under which they live. He was a leader in the con- vention that framed the Federal Constitution, and the most influential of its supporters in the Virginia Convention which adopted it. He wrote the greatest part of the Federalist; was the author of the Virginia Resolu- tions of 1798, and the Virginia Report of 1799, and for sixteen years was charged with the administration of the government, as the incumbent suc- cessively of the second and first offices in the Executive. The first subject that pressed upon the attention of Congress, at the close of the revolution, was the debt incurred during the war, and which it was imperative upon them either to fund or pay. The national com- merce had been annihilated. To revive it was the first step towards reviving prosperity. But as a preliminary to any commercial arrange- ments or treaties with foreign powers, a settlement of their own debt was indispensable. In this first step, however, Congress immediately felt its utter inefficiency, its incapability of even moving with its actual powers. To the impost laid on during the war, divers states had refased acquies- cence. How was that or any tax to be now enforced? Nevertheless a committee was appointed. It drew up a report, which was soon issued, as an address to the several states, praying them to make provision for the national creditors. The address was received with the same spirit which had endangered the commonwealth so lately, by holding out against the claims of the veterans of the war ; and as Congress had resolved not to raise money from one state till all had consented to the measure, each waited for its neighbor to commence, and each excused itself by its neighbor's backwardness. At the same time Congress felt its want of authority marring the national interests upon another point. Envoys had been despatched to Europe for the purpose of concluding commercial treaties. England, the first applied to, held off, declaring that Congress had not power.to conclude one. In vain did Mr. Jefferson argue that the American government had in reality suffi- cient authority. If it had, it was certainly not very clear ; and the Bri- tish ministry, well pleased at an opportunity to disappoint tlie United States envoys, and to flout the inexperience of their government, held firm in its denial. The states were in the mean time dispensed from coming to a determi- nation respecting raising a general fund, as the envoys of Congress had found it necessary to meet pressing demands by a loan. Individuals still smarting from the losses of a war were very willing to throw forward, as it were, the burden of taxes to a future and more prosperous time They were disappointed in these selfish calculations. Prosperity came MADISON. 133 not, nor promised to coino. Commerce was not restored. England still kept up lier prohibitions or high duties upon all the great exports of America; nor could France consent to receive them, notwitlistanding her own inclination, and all the efforts of Jefferson. To England, and to souie relaxation in that country's rigid prohibition, they were obliged to look ; and this alone produced the consolidation of the Federal Govern- ment. England had changed her policy. She had laid aside the sword; but she still carried on, what, to America, was as destructive, — a commercial war. She monopolized the fisheries, shut out the American ships from her West Indies, and essayed to take to herself the whole carrying trade of her late colonies. Jefferson and Adams labored in Europe to open markets for their countrymen. They concluded treaties with Portugal, with Sweden, with divers European powers. But shut out from the Medi- terranean by the Barbary corsairs; from France, notwithstanding the amity of the countries, by the monopoly of tobacco and other causes ; the only alternative left to America was to force England to be equitable, riiis, however, could not be done by the state legislatures ; for if one ad- mitted British ships, whilst the other excluded them, the union of the com- monwealth was not only destroyed, but the object of exclusion defeated. Congress, in 1784, therefore, demanded powers to exclude generally the vessels of all countries not having treaties of commerce with America. Most of the states acceded to this request ; but delays and difficulties intervened ; some could not be brought to understand it. Ere it was ac- cepted, the necessity of powers more extended and minute were felt, so that Congress made a fresh demand of being permitted to regulate the entire commerce of the republic. To these commercial difficulties were added political causes of quarrel between England and America. Notwithstanding the express stipulation of the treaty, the British creditors remained still unpaid; and the ministry refused, in consequence, to evacuate the military posts within the north- western frontier of the United States. The fault lay with divers states of the Union, who resisted carrying into effect the honest stipulation of Con- gress. The progress of the United States was thus effectually arrested. It was in vain that Congress or its leading members discussed or passed votes for forminii treaties, raisini^ funds, or regulating commerce. It was vain to devise remedies witliout the power of applying them. Every American of eminence and experience saw the necessity of giving more authority to Congress, of forming a federal head, and giving, in fact, an efficient go- vernment to the country. The foremost in their opinions were the Virginians. Seeing the weak- ness of Congress, this state had early united with Maryland in a prohibi- tory system. Proving the good effect of this, they had besought the other states to send commissioners to agree upon making it general. This proposition, made by Mr. Madison, produced what was called a conven- tion, or a meeting of delegates from five states, at Annapolis, in Septem- ber, I7S0. The assembly soon perceived that unity upon commercial regulations must depend upon the political and fundamental unity of the 134 MADISON state, and that the onl) possibility of agreeing as to a common tariff, \va«. to frame an efficient constitution. For this important task the delegates at Annapolis were not prepared. They declared, however, the necessity of taking such a measure into consideration, and, ere they separated, agreed as to the expediency of calling a more general and solemn meet- ing of delegates from all the states, to meet in the following year at Philadelphia. At tliis period broke forth that political schism, that separation of the Americans into two parties, which had been brooding and preparing since the peace. The war had been a struggle between whig and tory ; the !5upporters of independence on one side, the favorers of monarchy and British connexion on the other. By the destruction of the latter, the independents were left alone to split inio new parties, as the nature of every political society requires. Those which were formed on the present occasion, have ever since endured, and the flags which each then hoisted long continued to float with their ancient principles inscribed. But the jealousy of certain states in the preservation of their own local rights and interests was likely to operate fatally in marring the project of a constitution, and rendering any innovation for the purpose impracticable ; since the dissentient states were resolved not to choose delegates, or accede to the desire of Virginia. At length, however, the majority of the state legislatures was brought to coincide with the views of the federal statesmen. Convinced by late experience of the necessity of an established and general government, even for purposes of domestic security, the hitherto refractory states nam- ed, witliout hesitation, their delegates to the appointed convention for forming a constitution.* Accordingly, in the month of May, 1787, the delegates of twelve states met at Philadelphia. Washington, who had reluctantly consented to attend, was cliosen president. The discussion and arrangement of the several articles were carried on with closed doors, and lasted four months. And at length, on the 17th of September, the proposed consti- tution was made public. It was presented to Congress, and by that body was submitted to the several states for acceptance.! The following interesting sunniiary of Mr. Madison's opinions on the subject of confederation is from a paper in the hand-writing of Gene- ral Washington, and presents the substance of a letter received by him u * The state of Ehode Island alone refused. f A history of this convention has never been written. The causes which led to It may be easily ascertained and traced out, but the opinions and privo.te movements of the great political leaders of the day, the precise share of merit due to each for the part he acted in enlightening the public mind, and preparing it for the issue of events, the previous interchange of thoughts and sentiments, the exposition of mo- tives, the ultimate hopes, and above all, the proceedings of the convention itself, the views, arguments, and designs of individuals, and the general voice of their con- stituents, as expressed by them ; all these topics and numerous others are yet in the dark, and must remain so, till the papers left by the departed actors in the scene, and such as are still held by the few venerable worthies that remain of that dignified assembly, shall come under the eye of the faithful historian, and receive a patient uisjjection and a discriminating award. — N. A. ReMetv. MADISON 135 short time previous to the holding of the Convention at Philadelphia. For tliis valuable document we are indebted to tlie twenty-fifth volume of the North American Review. " Mr. Madison thinks an individual independence of the states utterly ir- reconcilal)le with their aggregate sovereignty, and that a consolidation of the whole into one simple republic would be as inexpedient as it is unat- tainable, lie therefore proposes a middle ground, which may at once support a due supremacy of the national authority, and not e.xclude the lf>- cal authorities whenever they can be subordinately useful. " As the groundwork, he proposes tluit a change be made in the prin- ciple of representation, and thinks there would be no great difficulty in elTecting it. " Ne.\t, that, in addition to the present federal powers, the national go- vernment should be armed with positive and complete authority in all cases which require unilormity; such as the regulation of trade, including the right of taxing both exports and imports, the fixing the terms and forms of naturalization, &c. " Over and above this positive power, a negative ??? oil rases whatever on the legislative acts of the states, as heretofore exercised by the kingly prerogative, appears to him absolutely necessary, and to be the least pos- sible encroachment on the state jurisdictions. Without this defensive power he conceives that every positive [law ?] which can be given on paper, will be evaded. " This control over the laws would prevent the internal vicissitudes of state policy, and the aggressions of interested majorities. " The national supremacy ought also to be extended, he thinks, to the judiciary departments ; the oaths of the judges should at least include a fidelity to the general as well as local constitution ; and that an appeal should be to some national tribunals in all cases, to which foreigners or in- habitants of other states may be parties. The admiralty jurisdictions to fall entirely within the piu-view of the national government. " The national supremacy in the executive departments is liable to some difficulty, unless the officers administering them could be made ap- pointable by the supreme government. The militia ought entirely to be placed in some form or other under the authority which is interested with the general protection ;ind defence. " A government composed of such extensive powers should be well or ganized and balanced. "The legislative department might be divided into two branches, one of them cho.sen every years by the people at large, or by the legisla- tures ; the other to consist of fewer members, to hold their places for a longer term, and to go out in such rotation as always to leave in office a large majority of old members. " Perhaps the negative on the laws might be most conveniently exer cised by this branch. " As a further check, a council of revision, including the great ministe rial officers, might be superadded. " A national executive must also be provided. lie has scarcely ventured as yet to form his own opinion, either of the manner of which it ought to be constituted, or of the authorities with which it ouifht to be clothed. 136 MADISON. " All article should be inserted, expressly guarantying the tranquillity of the states against internal as well as external dangers. " In like manner, the right of coercion should be expressly declared. With the resources of commerce in hand, the national administration might always find means of exerting it cither by sea or land ; but the dif- ficulty and awkwardness of operating by force on the collective will of a state, render it particularly desirable that the necessity of it might be precluded. Perliaps the negative on the laws might create such a mutual dependence between the general and particular authorities as to answer ; or perhaps some defined objects of taxation might be submitted along with commerce to the general authority. " To give a new system its proper validity and energy, a ratification must be obtained from the people, and not merely from the ordinary au- thority of the legislature. This will be the more essential, as inroads on the existing constitutions of the states will be unavoidable." Although the party, designated as democratic, had given up a con- siderable portion of its hostility to a united government, still it was far from wanting representatives in the convention. We are informed, in- deed, that, in the most important questions, votes were so nicely balanced, that it was impossible to foretell any decision. During the discussions the leading men opposed to the democrats published their opinions in a series of letters, signed the Frderaliyf, a name which henceforward seemed to designate the party. Mr. Madison and Mr. Jay were writers ; but the principal one, as well as the most esteemed in his opinions, was Colonel or General Hamilton. This gentleman went the length of propos- ing that the president and each senator should hold his office, as our judges do, during their good behavior. The anti-federalists, on the other hand, of whom the future leader, Jefferson, was, however, as yet in France, supported the principle of rotation, or frequent change in the person wielding the executive of the country. The federalists' side was most powerful in talent, and being supported by the authority of Wash- ington, their opinions mainly prevailed. The constitution no sooner appeared, than it was attacked with a host of objections. One party exclaimed that it had melted the states into one government, without fencing the people by any declarations of rights ; that a standing army was not renounced, and the liberty of the press not secured ; that Congress reserved to itself the power of suspending trial by jury in civil cases ; that rotation in office was abandoned ; that the president might be re-elected from four years to four years, so as to ren- der him a king for life, like a king of Poland ; and that the check or aid of a council had not been given him. Notwithstanding these objections, the constitution obtained the assent of all the states, save two — Rhode Island and North Carolina. New- York was said to have acceded, chiefly, from fear of being excluded from the union ; and, in consenting, she had demanded a new convention to make amendments in the act. Even Vir- ginia thought it necessary to propose alterations. She required a decla- ration of rights, and the limitation that the President should be but once ve-elected. These discussions occupied the year 1788, after which the constitution was generally accepted, and the grand point of a federal union achieved. MADTSON. 137 Tlic month of March, 1789, was the epoch appointed for the com- menconient of the now government. So wanting, however, were many of the states, or their representatives, in zeal, that three weeks ehipsed ere a full meeting of hoth Houses could be procured. Their first neces- sary step was to elect a President ; and George Washington was unani- mously chosen to the office. With unfeigned reluctance, occasioned both by love of retirement and tenderness for his reputation, did that great .man accept the first office of the commonwealth. The sacrifice was de- manded of him, as, in the words of Hamilton, the success of the great experiment, viz. the working and existence of the new government, alto- gether depended upon the moral force which the name and character of Washington would bring to its chief ofllce. Washington's progress from his seat of Mount Vernon to Philadelphia was a triinnphant procession, such as few conquerors have known. The ceremony of his inauguration took place on the 30th of April, and the new President addressed Congress in a noble and touching discourse. He could not have evinced a stronger conviction of the importance of his own duties, as well as of those whom he addressed, than is conveyed in the following words : — " The preservation of the sacred fire of liberty, and the destiny of the republican form of government, are justly consi- dered as deeply, perhaps as finally, staked on the experiment intrusted to the hands of the American people." No sooner was the federal government thus completed by the inaugu- ration of its chief, than Congress proceeded at once to the considera- tion of what most pressed upon its attention — the revenue. But as every thing had hitherto remained unsettled, the discussion on this point involv- ed the question of foreign policy and preference ; and, leading to a warm debate, occasioned a collision between parties at the very outset of their legislative career. Mr. Madison proposed a tax upon imported goods and tonnage. This, m principle, was objected to by none ; but as the tonnage duty, pressing upon foreign vessels exclusively, was intended to act in favor of domestic, and at the expense of foreign shipping, it excited opposition. Some urged that America had few ships of her own, and needed the use of those which this duty might drive away. But Madison pointed out, in answer, the necessity of fostering the infant navy of the country, as the only defensive force that would be required or available in a future war. This argument overcame the objections. But another part of Mr. Madison's plan, — that which favored the commerce of France rather than that of Great Britain, — called forth greater heat and opposition. France had contributed largely by her aid and alliance to the cause of American independence, from selfish reasons, no doubt, rather than from any love either for America or freedom ; but this latter country was not called upon to scrutinize her motives. In addition to the claims of gratitude on this account, the envoys of the United States had been received as foes in Great Britain, as friends in France. The correspondence of Franklin and Jefferson, more especially the latter, exists, to attest how the sullen pride of merely English manner might have the effect of exciting ran- cor in a statesman, and by ctmsequence in his country. 138 MADISON. A provision being made for raising a revenue and answering the just debts of the states, Congress proceeded to the completion of the machine of government by the institution of ministerial offices, according to the usage of the monarchies of Europe. Departments were erected, of the treasury, of war, and of state, — the latter including foreign and domestic relations. This last important office attracted particular attention. The bill for establishing it intrusted the President with the power of removing the minister from office. It was moved, by way of amendment, that tht President should not have the power of dismissing the minister without the assent of Congress. This assent or co-operation, it was argued, hav- ing been considered requisite to the appointment, why should it not be indispensable, to the act of dismissal ? The government party op- posed strenuously this attempt to nullify the presidential office, which, indeed, if shorn of this authority, would have been reduced to a level with that of its secretary. Nay, they were not content with voting this power at present, but contended that the rule should have been a funda- mental part of the constitution. It was now declared to be so by a vote, the derogatory amendment having been previously negatived ; and the wholesome prerogative of the President was effisctually secured. The several ministerial departments were now filled up. Colonel Ham- ilton, the friend of Washington, and he who had chiefly induced him to accept the guidance of the new government, was appointed to the treasury. General Knox, who had been the war minister under Congress, was now re-appointed ; whilst Jefferson, envoy in France, but then on his return to the United States, was named secretary of the state department, including foreign and home affairs. At the head of the law was placed Mr. Jay, as chief justice, one of the most estimable characters of the time. Mr. Randolph was named attorney-general. Mr. Adams had been elected Vice-President : the only name of eminence omitted in the arrangements was that of Madison. A particular view of the successive administrations is given in the life of each of the Presidents. With a short account, therefore, of Mr. Madi- son's celebrated commercial resolutions offered to Congress m January, 1794, we shall pass to the period and to the most striking affairs of his presidency. When Congress assembled in the month of December, 1793, a variety of important and interesting topics were pressing upon the public atten- tion. The British government had declared France to be in a state of blockade, by issuing orders to stop all neutral ships laden with provisions bound to her ports. Corn at that time formed the chief export of the United States, and to prohibit them from shipping it at all, for the new regulation amounted in fact to this, was a grievance to which the most pacific neutral could scarcely submit. Another continually recurring source of complaint on the part of the United States against England was the pressing of their seamen, which circumstances rendered of frequent occurrence and tardy rectification. In reference to this state of affairs, Mr. Madison early in January, 1794, submitted to the House his commercial resolutions. The substance of the first of these resolutions was, that the interest of the United States would MADISON. 139 be protiiolrd hy l\'irt"lipr restrictions and liiglior diilios in ccrtnin c;isvs, on tlio inamiraciilros and naviiration of foreign nalioiis. The additional dn- tio.s uxrc to I)e laid on certain articles n'lannfac'tiired by lliose European nations which had no coniniercinl treaties willi the United States. These lesobitions required reciprocity in navigation, except with respect to the West India trade. The last of the resolutions declared that provision onglit to be made, for ascertaining the losses sustained by American citi- zens, from the operation of pailicular regulations of any country contra- vening the law of nations ; and lliat these losses be reimbursed, in the first instance, out of the additional duties on the manufactures and vessels of nations establishing Kuch regidations. The debates on these resolu- tions were long and animated. On the 3d of February the first was adopted by a majofity of five only.* On the 4\h of March, 1809, Mr. Madison, who had been Secretary of State under the preceding administration, was inducted into the office of President of the United States. At this time the situation of our affairs was in many respects gloomy. France and England were still at war, and were continuing to array against each other the most violent commercial edicts, tlial e.xhibited but little deference to the rights and interests of neutral nations. Previously to the adjournment of the last Congress under Mr. Jefferson, an act had been passed which repealed the then existing'era- bargo, and interdicted commercial intercourse with France and Oreat Britain. Should either of these powers, however, revoke their edicts,' the President was authorized to renew their intercourse. Mr. Madisojifs in- augural address was as follows : " Unwilling to depart from e.xamples of the most revered authority, I avail myself of the occasion now presented, to express the profound im- pression made on me, by the call of my country to the station, to the duties of^ which I am about to pledge myself, by the most solemn of sanc- tions. So distinguished a mark of confidence, proceeding from tli^, deliberate and tranquil suffrage of a free and virtuous nation, wouMi under any circumstances, have commanded my gratitude and devoV<>.iiv as well as filled me with an awful sense of the trust to be j^ss-^imed'! Under the various circumstances which give peculiar solemni.tv to the existing period, I fuel that both the honor and the responsibiUtj;'all,otted tome, are inexpressibly enhanced. The present situation of the world is indeed without a parullel ; and that of our country iu\\ of difficulties. The pressure of these, too, is more severely felt, because they have fallen upon us at a moment when the national prosperity being at a heio-ht rio^ before attained, the contrast resulting from the change has been rendered the more striking. Under the benign influence of our republican inst(. tutions, and the maintenance of peace with all natioi^s, while so manv of them were engaged in bloody and wasteful wars,, the fruits oi a just poli- cy were enjoyed, in an unrivalled growth of onr faculties and resources. Proofs of this were seen in the improvements of agriculture, in the sue cessful enterprises of commerce, in tlie progress of manufactures and 140 MADISON. useful arts ; in the increase of the public revenue, and the use made of it in reducing the public debt, and in the valuable works and establish- mentg, every where multiplying over the face of our land. It is a pre- cious reflection that the transition from this prosperous condition of our country to the scene which has for some time been distressing us, is not chargeable on any unwarrantable views, nor, as I trust, on any involun- tary errors in the public councils. Indulging no passions which trespass on the rights or the repose of other nations, it has been the true glory of the United States to cultivate peace by observing justice; and to entitle themselves to tlie respect of the nations at war, by fulfilling their neutral obligations with the most scrupulous impartiality. If there be candor in the world, the truth of these assertions will not be questioned. Posterity at least will do justice to them. This unexceptionable course could not avail against the injustice and violence of the belligerent powers. In their rage against each other, or impelled by more direct motives, principles of retaliation have been introduced, equally contrary to universal reason and acknowledged law. How long their arbitrary edicts will be continu- ed, in spite of the demonstrations that not even a pretext for them has been given by the United States, and of the fair and liberal attempts to induce a revocation of them, cannot be anticipated. Assuring myself that, under every vicissitude, the determined spirit and united councils of the nation will be safeguards to its honor and its essential interests, I repair to the post assigned me, with no other discouragements than what spring from my own inadequacy to its high duties. If I do not sink un- der the weight of this deep conviction, it is because I find support in a consciousness of the purposes and a confidence in the principles which I bring with me into this arduous service. To cherish peace and friendly intercourse with all nations having correspondent dispositions; to maintain sincere neutrality towards belligerent nations; to prefer, in all cases, amicable discussion and reasonable accommodation of differen- ces to a decision of them by an appeal to arms ; to exclude foreign intrigues and foreign partialities, so degrading to all countries, and so baneful to free ones ; to foster a spirit of independence, too just to invade the rights of others, too proud to surrender our own, too liberal to indulge unworthy prejudices ourselves, and too elevated not to look down upon them in others ; to hold the union of the states as the basis of their peace and happiness ; to support the constitution, which is the cement of the union, as well in its limitations as in its authorities ; to respect the rights and authorities reserved to the states and to the people, as equally incorporated with, and essential to the success of, the general system ; to avoid the slightest interference with the rights of conscience, or the func- tions of religion, so wisely exempted from civil jurisdiction ; to preserve in tlieir full energy the other salutary provisions in behalf of private and ])ersonal rights, and of the freedom of the press ; to observe economy in public expenditures ; to liberate the public resources by an honorable dis- charge of public debts ; to keep within the requisite limits a standing military force, always remembering that an armed and trained militia force is tlie firmest bulwark of republics ; that without standing armies their liberty ca.n never be JB danger, nor, with large ones, safe; to promote by MADISON. 141 aiillioriztul means improvements friendly to agriculture, to manufactures, and to external as well as internal commerce ; to favor in like manner the advancement of science and the diffusion of information, as the best aliment to true liberty ; to carry on benevolent plans, which have been so meritoriously applied to the conversion of our aboriginal neighbors from the degradation and wretchedness of savage life, to a participation of the improvements of which the human mind and manners are susceptible in a civilized state. As far as sentiments and intentions such as these can aid the fulfilment of my duty, tliey will be a resource which cannot fail me. It is my good fortune, moreover, to have the path in which I am to tread, lighted by examples of illustrious services successfully rendered, in the most trying difficulties by those who have marched before me. Of those of my immediate predecessor, it might least become me here to speak. I may, however, be pardoned for not suppressing the sympathy with which my heart is full, in the rich reward he enjoys in the benedictions of a beloved country, gratefully bestowed for exalted talents zealously de- voted, through a long career, to the advancement of its highest interest and happiness. But the source to which I look for the aid which alone can supply my deficiencies, is in the well tried intelligence and virtue of my fellow citizens, and in the councils of those representing them in the other departments associated in the care of the national interest. In these, my confidence will, under every difficulty, be best placed ; next to that which we have all been encouraged to feel in the guardianship and guidance of that Almighty Being, whose power regulates the destiny of nations, whose blessings have been so conspicuously dispensed to this rising republic, and to whom w'e are bound to address our devout gratitude for the past, as well as our fervent supplications and best hopes for the future." A new administration generally commences with fair promises on one side, and hopes on the other, of a change. It is a period of congratula- tion and politeness. Mr. Madison was declared to want the inveterate republicanism and anti-British feeling of his predecessor. He had been the first to propose the federal union, and his political career since had not been marked as that of a partizan. The.se considerations raised the hopes of the English minister in America, that some arrangement mio-ht be made. The repeal of the embargo, and the substitution of a less ob- noxious act, offered a fit and favorable pretext for renewing necrotiations ; more especially as a clause was inserted in the later act, to the purpose, that if either of the belilgerents should recall its hostile edicts, a procla- mation of the executive should suffice to suspend the non-intercourse with respect to that belligerent. Mr. Erskine, accordingly, received from Mr. Canning, the English secretrary of state, powers to treat, together with instructions as to the points to be insisted on. He was to consent to withdraw the orders in council on the essential points, on certain preliminary conditions, such as the prohibition against English ships appearing in American waters being repealed, and the abandonment of the right claimed by the United States to trade with such of the enemy's colonies as she was not permitted to trade with in peace. Overlooking these altogether, Mr. Erskine consi- 142 MADISON. dered the supensioii of the non-intercourse as a fair equivalent for thai of the orders in council, and did not hesitate to stipulate, accordingly, that tiiese should cease to be in force at a certain epoch. The President, accordingly, suspended the non-intercourse. But tidings no sooner reached England of the obsequious haste of Mr. Erskine, than he was disavowed. The orders in council were suspended only so far as not to endanger those vessels which had sailed from America on the faith of Mr. Erskine's declaration. The President, in consequence, declared the non-intercourse act as still in force, and the silent war of prohibitory edicts continued on its old footing. These blunders in diplomacy were singularly unfortunate, since they had the effect of irritating and giving rise to hateful suspicions. The Americans believed that Mr. Erskine had acted in consequence of his instructions, and that the disavowal was an act of capricious hostility on the part of the British minister. The parliamentary opposition in En- gland took the same view ; and a partial production of the correspon- dence accredited the belief, which afterwards, however, was proved to be erroneous. But the effect was tantamount. Erskine was recalled, and Mr. Jackson sent in his place. The latter was as ill-chosen as the former ; since there was some cause which rendered him particularly ob- noxious to the Americans. He was received with studied coldness, and made to wait even for his recognition for a long time. His endeavors to renew the broken negotiation were met by the remark of the inutility of such an attempt, and by an allusion to the duplicity of the British govern- ment in the affair of Erskine. Jackson retorted with warmth. His ob- servations were considered as insults; and, on this plea, further commu- nication with him was declined, and his recall demanded of the minister in London. France having been again applied to by America at this time, the em- peror replied, that his decrees were but retaliation ; and that if England recalled her blockade and her orders in council, he would suffer his de- crees to be considered null. Mr. Madison took advantage of this appa- rent fairness on the part of the French ruler, and obtained from the ma- jority of Congress divers resolutions, approving' of the high and defiant tone of policy observed l>y him towards England. The state of Massa- chusetts alone protested. Preparations tor war continued with activity ; and the people already began to turn their attention and capital to the domestic production of those manufactures with which Great Britain had been in the habitof more cheaply supplying them. England, at the same time, began to seek elsewhere those commodities which the United States had furnished : she sought them in Canada chiefly. The alienations and mutual injury thus worked by commercial prohibitions were, perhaps, greater than could have come of actual war. The conduct of Mr. Madison and the American government to the British envoy showed such signs of a leaning towards France, and, in- deed, such an imitation of Napoleon's own behavior on similar occasions, that the emperor became more obsequious. The non-intercourse act expir- ing in 1810, the Americans again summoned the two powers to remove their restrictions. This was asked with the manifest purpose of declaring :\[AD1S0N. • 143 war; the latter .^chyj; (he only alternative, if the rt-strictions were not ••einoved ; since the Americans could not consent to abandon the sea altogether. To this Bonaparte replied by an amicahle advance, intimat- ing, through his minister, that his decrees should be suspended. It was tindcrstood by him, of course, that America should no longer submit to the orders in council if unrepealed. To the English ministry an appeal was now made to follow the example of France. Unfortunately they hesitated, chicaned as to the supposed insincerity of the French declara- tion, or the informality of its announcement ; and feeling that the demand was accoMipauied by menace, they held out more from pique tlian policy. No conduct could have been more ill-judged ; it served all the purpo- ses of the anti-British in America, and flung the United States completely into the arms of France, whose vessels were now admitted to the ports of the former, whilst the interdict against the English was renewed. The British minister seems to have inferred that the French emperor could •not be sincere in his declarations to consider his decrees no longer in force ; since such would have broken through that continental system, which was known to be his most fixed principle. In vain did the Ameri- can envoy offer proof of his assertion in this respect. Reply was evaded ; and at length, Mr. Pinkney demanded his audience of leave, determined to ptit an end to a mission that was hopeless. In this doubtful state of connexion between America and England, an accidental collision took place between vessels of the respective countries, tending much to inflame and widen the existing differences. An English sloop of war, the Little Belt, commanded by captain Bing- ham, descried a ship off the American coast, and made sail to come up with it ; but finding it a frigate and dubious of its nation, he retired. The other, which proved to be American, the President, under captain Rogers, pursued in turn. Both captains hailed nearly together; and both, instead of replying, hailed again ; and from words, as it were, came to blows, without explanation. Captain Bingham lost upwards of thirty men, and his ship suffered severely. A court of inquiry was ordered on the conduct of captain Rogers, which decided that it had been satisfac- torily proved to the court that captain Rogers hailed the Little Belt first, that his hail was not satisfiictorily answered, thatfthe Little Belt fired the first gun, and that it was without previous provocation or justifiable cause The Americans continued making every preparation for war. Forti- fications were carried on at New- York and New Orleans. This latter position was, indeed, the vulnerable part of the confederacy. It was so felt, and divers plans were proposed ; one for a kind of miliiary colony ; that is, to grant lands to a body of men, on the condition of their being trained, and ready to take: arms, should an enemy appear off the coast But this plan, so little in accordance with the spirit of a free government, was not adopted. West Florida was, however, taken possession of, to cut the Gordian knot of difference on the subject with Spain. The moment was such as allowed the ungenerous advantage to be taken ; Spain herself being occupied by the French, whilst her colonies were torn by civil wars. This formed another item of complaint and remon- strance on the part of the British. 144 MADISON. In the spring of 181 1, Mr. Foster was sent out plenipotentiary from England, to make another attempt at negotiation. But, as he had'nc power for stipulating the repeal of the orders in council, his mission was illusive : it was merely productive of argument and diplomatic pleading between him and Mr. Monroe. The British envoy contended, that it was France, not England, which commenced the blockade, prohibiting neu- trals ; and that the repeal of her decrees was merely nominal. The American replied that the wrongs of France against his nation, afforded no plea for the wrongs of England to be wreaked on it also : he more- over said, that France was sincere. Such arguments were of little avail. Mr. Foster returned wi-thout having effected any thing. In the November following, Congress was called together ; and Presi- dent Madison addressed it fully respecting the points and consequences of the still widening difference. It was hoped, he said, at the close of last session, that the successive confirmation of the extinction of the French decrees would have induced the government of Great Britain to repeal its orders in council : on the contrary, however, they had been put into more rigorous execution, and fresh outrages had been committed on the American coasts. "Notwithstanding the scrupulous justice, the protracted moderation, and the multiplied efforts on the part of the Unit- ed States to substitute for the accumulating dangers to the peace of the two countries, all the mutual advantages of re-established friendship and confidence, we have seen that the British cabinet perseveres, not only in withholding a remedy for other wrongs, so long and so loudly calling for it, but in the execution, brought home to the thi-eshold of our territory, of measures which, under existing circumstances, have the character, as well as the effect, of war on our lawful cfimmerce. With this evidence of hostile inflexibility, in trampling on rights which no independent na- tion can relinquish. Congress will feel the duty of putting the United States into an armor and an attitude demanded by the crisis, and corres- ponding with the national spirit and expectations." This was followed up by demands of increase in tl^e army, the navy, and all military stores and establishments. In this address, the President took occasion to allude to a new spirit of hostility displayed amongst the north-western Indians. Party attributed this to British gold and interference. The cause was evident, however, in the appearance of an Indian prophet, a reformer, who preached to his red brethren, that all their disasters had been owing to their having for- saken the wise and simple habits of their aj;icestors ; and that he had been prompted by the Great Spirit to warn them from mingling with the whites, from eating hogs and bullocks, in lieu of the game that used to give them the warrior's and the hunter's spiril, and, above all, from the use of ardent spirits. This last salutary injunction gave force and truth to all that the savage prophet uttered. This fanatic advice, however salutary in one respect, necessarily produced hatred towards tlie whites, and outrages upon them. General Harrison was despatched against the Indians in the autumn of 1811. The savages, at first, appeared friendly ; but it was only to cover the purpose of a night assault, which proved almost fatal to the American force : it lost considerable numbers, but suc- ceeded in repulsing the enemy. MALISON. 145 The winter of 1811 — 12 passed in preparations for immediate war, as the British government, then for the first time ehited with jnilitary success, showed no signs of yiehling. However, the friends of peace and of America exerted thcms(>lvcs in parliament to deter the ministry from the rasli act of adding the United States to the number of its enemies; and this, for the support of commercial prohibition warranted neither by just pride nor wise policy. The marquis of Lansdowne, in the House of Lords, and Mr. Brougham, in the Commons, moved for a committee to take into consideration the orders in council. " If," said the former statesman, " at the time of the revolution in America, any one could have foreseen that the whole commerce of continental Europe would have fallen under the iron grasp and dominion of France, they would have looked to the establishment of an independent state on the other side of the Atlantic, out of the reach of French power, to become the carrier of our commerce and the purchaser of our manufactures, as the greatest boon that could have been given us. Such an event has occurred, as if provi- dentially : yet this great and inestimable advantage has been destroyed by the orders in council." A majority in both houses voted for going into committee. Petitions from the manufacturing towns of England poured in against the orders ; and when the report of the committee was brought up, the general voice of the country and of parliament compelled the abandonment by the tories of their obnoxious orders. It was too late, however. The elo- quence of Brougham, — and never was greater shown both with tongue and pen, — prevailed, but prevailed in vain. On the arrival of a ship from England, bringing no satisfactory tidings, the President sent a mes- sage to Congress, recapitulating all the causes of complaint against Bri- tain, (amongst which the stirring up of the Indians on the Wabash was not forgotten,) and recommended a formal declaration of war. Congress acceded to the proposal ; and, notwithstanding the energetic protest of the federals in opposition, war was declared against Great Britain on the 18th of June, 1812. The talk of Mr. Madison to the Indians, in 1812, at the commence- ment of the war, contains sentiments so honorable to himself and hia country, and so appropriately and beautifully expressed, that we shall copy a part of this very interesting document. It may be considered as the manifesto of the American government, establishiug tha principles of its intercourse with its aboriginal neighbors, in the critical circumstances, which imposed new duties upon both. And the contrast between this course, and tliat pursued by the British government, must awaken reflec- tions here and elsewhere, which although tardy may yet be useful. " The red people who live on the same great island with the white peo- ple of the eighteen fires, are made by the same Spirit, out of the same earth, from parts of it differing in color only. My regard for all my red children has made me desirous that the bloody tomahawk should be buri- ed between the Osages, the Cherokees, and the Choctaws. I wish also that the hands of the Shawnese and the Osage should be joined in my presence, as a oledge to cherish and observe the peace made at St. Louis. 146 MADISON. This was a good peace for both. It is a chahi that ought to holc3 them fast in friendship. Neither blood nor rust should ever be upon it, " I am concerned that the war has so long been kept up by thfi Sacs and Foxes against the Osages ; and that latterly a bloody war is carried on between the Osages and the Toways. I nov\' tell my red chil- dren here present, that this is bad for both parties. They must put under my feet their evil intentions against each other, and henceforward live in peace and good will ; each hunting on their lands and working their own soil; A father outrht to give good advice to his children, and it is the duty of his children to hearken to it. The people composing the eighteen fires are a o-reat people. You have travelled through their country. You see they cover the land, as the stars fill the sky ; and are as thick as the trees in your forests. Notwithstanding their great power, the British King has attacked them on the great water beyond which he lives. He has robbed them of their ships, and carried away the people belonging to them. Some of them he murdered. He has an old grudge against the eighteen fires, because when he tried to make them dig and plant for his people beyond the great water, not for themselves, they sent out warriors who beat his warriors ; they carried off the bad chiefs he had sent among them, and set up good chiefs of their own. The eighteen fires did this when they had not the strength they now have. Their blows will now be much heavier, and will soon make him do them justice. It happened when the thirteen fires, now increased to eighteen, forced the British King to treat them as an independent nation, one little fire did not join them. This he has held ever since. It is there that his agents and traders plot quarrels and wars between the eighteen fires and their brethren, and between one red tribe and another. Slalden is the place where all the bad birds have their nests. There they are fed with false tales against the eighteen fires, and are sent out with bloody belts in their bills to drop among the red people who would otherwise remain at peace. It is good for all the red people as well as all the people of the eighteen fires, that a stop should be put to this mischief Their warriors can do it. They are gone and are going to Canada for this purpose. They want no help from their red brethren. They are strong enough without it. The British, who are weak, are doing all they can. by their bad birds, to decoy the red people into war on their side. I warn all the red people to avoid the ruin this must bring upon them. And I say to you, my children, your father does not ask you to join his warriors. Sit still on your seats ; and be witnesses that they are able to beat their enemies, and protect their red friends. This is the fatherly advice I give you. " I have a further advice for my red children. You see how the coun- try of the eighteen fires is filled with people. They increase like the corn they put into the ground. They all have good houses to shelter them from all w'eathers ; good clothes suitable to all seasons ; and as for food of all sorts, you see they have enough and to spare. No man, wo- man, or child of the eighteen fires ever perished of hunger. Compare all this with the condition of the red people. They are scattered here and MADl S O N 147 there in haiulfiil.s. Their JocJtres are cold, leaky, and smoky. They liave liard fare, and often not enougli of it. " Wliy this mighty diflereiice ? The reason, iny red chihJren, is j)hiin: the white people breed cattle and ylteep. They plough tlie earth, and njake it give them every thing they want. They Pi)in and weave. Their heads and their hands make all the elements and productions of nature u.seful to them. Above all, the people of the eighteen fires live in con- stant peace and friendship. No tomahawk Jias ever heen raised by one against tiie other. Not a drop of blood has ever touclied the chain that holds them together as one family. All their belts are white belts. It is in your power to be like them. The ground that feeds one lodge by hunting would feed a great band by tiie plough and hoe. The Great Sj)irit has given you, like your white brethren, good heads to contrive, strong arms, and active bodies. Use them like your white brethren, not all at once, which is dilTicult, but by little and little, which is easy. Es- pecially, live in peace witii one another, like 3-our while brethren of the eighteen fires; you will be well fed, well clothed ; dwell in good houses, and enjoy the happiness for which you, like them, were created. The Great Spirit is the friend of men of all colors. He made them to be friends of one another. The more they are so, the more he will be their friend. These are the words of your father to his red children. The Great Spirit, who is father of us all, approves them. Let them pass through the ear into the heart. Carry them home to your people. And as long as you remember this visit to your father of the eighteen fires, remember these are his last and best words to you." Certain states, that of Massachusetts especially, have been represented as most averse to hostilities with England, and to those measures by which the existing government of the Union tended to that end. The federals in tliis region not only protested, but meditated the preservation of a state of neutrality, if that were possible without dissolving the Union. In Hict, Massachusetts did not like to be dragged into war against its consent. To take advantage of this strong dissent and disunion, the governor of Canada had, it seems, sent an agent to New-England. It was, indeed, an unwarrantable step ; and so criminal was the design, that even the federals denounced it. Jefferson owns that he first learned it through the younger Adams, as early as the time of the embargo. In- stead of making any preliminary complaint or communication to the British government, Mr. Madison brought it forward in Congress; and it tended considerably to inflame the American mind against Englaiid, and to screw it up to that pitch requisite to set aside the consideration of the risk and great expenses of the war. This step was undertaken also for the purpose, no doubt, of intimidat- mg the anti-war party of the eastern states. This party was still con- siderable : it count(!d a minority on the decisive vote of forty-nine to seventy-nine ; and even since it continued to protest and petition. At Boston, the capital of Massachusetts,— that town which, one may say, had commenced the war of independence, — the flags of the shipping were hoisted half-mast high, in token of mourning for the war of 1812. The southern states were as violent in support of the contrary opinion ; and 20 148 MADISON. Baltimore was more especially signalized for its anti-English zeal. A federal paper here dared to brave the prevalent opinion. A mob was ex- cited to attack the establishment, which was defended against them ; and force arriving, the defenders, not the offenders, were taken to prison But this did not secure them. The prison doors were broken open next day, and many of the federals massacred ; among whom were two veteran generals, friends of Washington. Except rencontres between single ships, the only theatre of war in the United States was the Canadian position ; and thither, accordingly, their efforts were turned. Attempts to call out the militia in Upper Canada had been productive of disturbances, in whi-ch the troops and the inhabi- tants had mutually fired upon each other. This encouraged the Ameri- cans to an invasion, and an army was collected for that purpose in the north. General Dearborn was created commander-in-chief; Pinkney, Major-General Wilkinson, Hampton, Hull, were the other names on the list of commanding officers. General Hull was Governor of the Michigan Territory. Not much more than a fortnight after the declaration of war, he collected a body of upwards of two thousand troops of the line and militia, and pushed over the frontier, as if he intended to attack Montreal, publishing, at the same time, an arrogant proclamation. His subsequent movements were as dilatory as his previous haste; and upon hearing that the Indians had invaded his province upon another point, and that the English general, Brock, was at the head of a respectable force, Hull retreated. He was pursued by Brock, who besieged him in Fort Detroit, and was about to try the fortune of an assault, when the American commander, panic- struck, hoisted the white flag, and surrendered, with his fort and army, to the surprise and indignation of the Americans. This signal defeat took place in August. As the blame was thrown upon the pusillanimity of the commanders, in little more than a month an American force was again collected upon the same position. On this occasion it was thought advisable not to risk an invasion, the aim being rather to master some neighboring post, which might make amends for the loss of Detroit. Queenstown, on the Niagara, was fixed on as the object of attack. An American division, under Colonel Van Rennselaer, crossed with the view of mastering it. They stormed it gallantly ; but General Brock arrived at the moment of success, and drove the Ameri- cans back. Whilst reinforcements arrived to the British, the American militia refused to cross the river to reinforce their party , and, in short, shrunk from the fight. The English, therefore, remained complete vic- tors, capturing all who had crossed to the assault. It was, however, with the loss of the gallant Brock, who was shot whilst cheering on his men, during the doubtful period of the conflict. Thus, upon land, the advantages of this first campaign rested altoge- ther with the British. It was at sea, on the element where they felt most secure, that their superiority was seriously disputed. About the very time that General Hull surrendered in Detroit, Captain Hull, commanding the Constitution frigate, fell in with the British frigate the Gucrriere. An engagement ensued ; when, in half an hour, the latter was so totally MADISON, 149 disabled, as not only to be obliged to surrender, but to be burned by lier captors. On the ITtli of October, another naval victory was achieved over an enemy decidedly superior in force, and under circumstances the most favorable to him. This was the capture of the brig Frolick, of twenty- two guns, by the sloop of war Wasp. Captain Jones had returned from France two weeks after the declara- tion of war, and on the 18tl) of October, again put to sea. On the 17th, he fell in with six mercliunt ships, under convoy of a brig and two ships, armed with sixteen guns each. The brig, which proved to be the Frolick, Captain Whinyates, drojjped beliind, while the others made sail. At half past eleven, the action began by the enemy's cannon and musketry. In five minutes the main-top-mast was shot away, and falling down with the main-top-sail yard across the larboard fore and fore-top-sail, rendered her head yards unmanageable during the rest of the action. In two minutes more, her gaff and mizen-top-galhmt-mast were shot away. The sea being exceedingly rough, the muzzles of the Wasp's guns were sometimes under water. The English fired as their vessel rose, so that, their shot was either thrown away, or touched only the rigging of the Americans ; the Wasp, on the contrary, fired as she sunk, and every time struck the hull of her antagonist. The fire of the Frolick was soon slackened, and Captain Jones determined to board her. As the crew leaped on board the ene- my's vessel, their surprise can scarcely be imagined, as they found no person on deck except three officers and the seaman at the wheel. The deck was slippery with blood, and presented a scene of havoc and ruin. The officers now tlirew down their swords in submission, and lieutenant Biddle, of the Wasp, leaped into the rigging to haul down the colors, which were still flying. Thus, in forty-three minutes, ended one of the most bloody conflicts recorded in naval history. The loss on board the Frolick, was thirty killed and fifty wounded ; on board the Wasp, five were killed, and five slightly wounded. The Wasp and Frolick were both captured the same day, by a British seventy-four, the Poictiers, Cap- tain Beresford. The above splendid achievement of Captain Jones was followed on the 25th of October by a combat between the frigates, the United States, commanded by Commodore Decatur, and the Macedonian. The latter, after having suffered dreadfully and unaccountably in men and vessel, was obliged to surrender.. These encounters, and the arguments they gave rise to, strongly sharpened the animosities on both sides, and cheer- ed the American war-party for the disappointments which they experi- enced by land. In Novei)\ber, Congress met ; and the President addressed it by mes- sage, in whi'uh he frankly stated the defeats experienced on the Canadian position, and complained much of the employment of the Indians by the British, thus bringing the liorrors of savage warfare upon the land. He also complained of tiie conduct of Massachusetts and Connecticut in re- fusing their contingent of militia. The victories of American ships were cited with just {)ridc ; and Congress was begged to extend some- 150 MADISOIf. what their allowance to the army. So sparing had this been, that neitlwr soldiers could be recruited nor general officers appointed, nor was thcTe such a thing as a military staff. December 29th, a second naval victory was achieved by the Constitu- tion, then commanded by Commodore Bainbridge, over the Java, a British frigate of thirty-eight guns, but carrying forty-nine, witli four hundred men, commanded by Captain Lambert, who was mortally wounded. This action was fought off St. Salvador, and continued nearly two hours, when the Java struck, having lost sixty killed and one hundred and twenty wounded. The Constitution had nine men killed and twenty- five woimded. On the 1st of January, tlie commander, finding his prize incapable of being brought in, was obliged to hurn her. During the winter, an engagement took place between the Hornet, Captain James Lawrence, and the British sloop of war Peacock, Captain William Peake, off South America. Tliis action lasted but fifteen minutes, when the Peacock struck. On her surrendering, a signal of distress was discovered on board the Peacock. She had been so much damaged, that, already, she had six feet of water in her hold, and was sinking fast. Boats were immediately despatched for the wounded, and every measure taken, which was practi- cable, to keep )ier afloat until the crew could be removed. Her guns were thrown overboard, the shot 'holes were plugged, and a part of the Hornet's crew, at the imminent hazard of their lives, labored incessantly to rescue the vanquished. Tlie utmost efforts of these generous men were, however, vain ; the conquered vessel sunk in the midst of them, carrying down nine of her own crew, and three of tlie Americans. With a generosity becoming them, the crew of the Hornet divided their clothing with the prisoners, wlio were left destitute by the sinking ship. In the action the Hornet received but a slight injury. The killed and wounded, on board the Peacock, were supposed to exceed fifty. However considerable was the opposition to IMr. Madison's policy and administration in the eastern states, still the soutliern, increased by the Qumber of the newly created states in the western territory, were enabled .o out-vote their rivals on the grand presidential question. Mr. Madison was, without difficulty, re-elected to his second term of office ; whilst Mr. Gerry became Vice-President in the room of Clinton. The same pre- ponderance he was enabled to exercise in Congress, where a majority passed resolutions approving of the President's refusal to make peace, except upon the removal of the possibility of the English impressing or searching for American seamen. The Biitish government, on its side, placed the principal ports and rivers of America at once in a state of Idockade. In order, however, to favor such states as displayed aversion to the war, a system of licenses wys adopted, in order to enable ships from their ports to enjoy a trade with the West Indies. The President was indignant at this tenderness shown by foreign for domestic foes, and he denounced it with great lieat to the legislature. Winter had, in the mean time, brought no respite to war, even in those inclement countries. In January, 181 ;^, the Americans, under General VVinchester, marched to the recapture of Detroit. They were anticipated MADISON. J51 by Colonel Procter, the British officer coiiiiiianding in the coiKiiiered province ; who, with a body of regular troo])s and Indians, conij)ietely defeated tlie Americans, took their leader and the greater number priso- ners. Of these, a great number fell sacrifices to the cruelty of the sa- vage Indians. Harrison himself was soon after besieged by the British in a fort wliich he had erected. Disaster in this frontier, however, always brought the American side a reinforcement of spirited volunteers ; and tlie Kentucky men marched to take tlieir revenge upon Colonel Procter, and, in tlieir first onset, dispossessed him of position and batteries. But tlie British returned to the charge, and, in their turn, routed the Ameri- cans finally. The events of the war had by tliistinie taught the Americans to rever.se an opinion previously formed. They knew themselves far superior in force to the British in Cannda, where the Indians alone 'restored propor- tion to the respective numliers. On land, therefore, they had reckoned to be victors; whilst at sea their numerical inferiority seemed to promise defeat : events had turned out directly contrary to this ; their soldiers had been beaten shamefully, their sailors were mostly victorious. The advantao-e was, therefore, seen, of converting, as far as it was possible, the military operations on the side of Canada into naval ones. The nature of the position, passing through the great lakes, — seas in depth and extent, — rendered this possible. Their first endeavors were directed to the fitting out of a squadron upon Lake Ontario, which should master its waters, and be able to con- vey to the several points upon it, possessed by the British, such force as would be irresistible. Sackett's Harbor was the name of the chief American port upon the lake. Here a fleet was fitted out with great activity and zeal, and, by the end of April, was ready to transport a small army. Upwards of two thousand men embarked, commanded by the American General, Pike. These were wafted to the vicinity of York, the capital of Upper Canada, where the British had only a garrison of six hundred strong. This small force offered every possible resistance. During the combat. General Pike was slain ; but his troops were too nu- merous for the enemy, and the British were obliged to surrender York Other expeditions were undertaken by the Americans upon different points, always with success, unless when, not content with getting pos- session of the place or fort attacked, they thought fit to pursue the retreating British. On one of these occasions, the Americans had two of their generals captured. Upon another, a detachment of eight hundred men, commanded by Colonel Boerstler, was surrounded and made pri- soners. The British, in the mean time, exerted themselves to rival their enemy upon the lakes. An attack, gallantly made, on Sackett's Harbor was repulsed ; but in a little time. Sir James Yeo was enabled to take the command of a flotilla, equal or superior to the Americans, which turned the advantage upon Lake Ontario against them. On Lake Champlain, also, the British had taken the start of their foes, and destroyed the American establishment of Plattsburg, in revenge for the affair of York, which had been twice captured and plundered. 152 MADISON. It was upon Lake Erie, however, that the fiercest struggle took place ; and it ended completely in favor of the Americans. The vessels equip- ped on both sides were mostly from fifty to sixty guns. The advantage of force was on the side of Perry, the American Commodore, who had nine of these vessels. Barclay, his antagonist, numbered six ; these six, however, bearing more cannon than an equal number of their antagonists. The naval battle fought by these squadrons for the mastery of Lake Erie, was the most important which had yet occurred in the war. Perry, rush- int^ headlono- with his vessel into action, was at first disabled, and obliged to shift his flag ; but when all his force came up, the Canadian squadron was beaten in the fight, most of the ofilcers killed, the ships disabled, and obliged to surrender.* This was a source of great exultation to the Americans, whom it com- pensated for all previous losses. Nor were its consequences less important ; as the British forces were compelled to abandon the advantages and posi- tion which they previously won. Detroit, the first conquest of the war, was now given up ; and the retreat was not conducted with that skill and spirit which had marked previous operations. The Americans, under General Harrison, came up with Sir George Prevost, near the Moravian villages, on the Thames, and defeated him, with signal loss on the part of the British. Amongst the slain was the famous Indian chief, Tecum- seh,t brother of the Wabash prophet ; by which loss, as well as by the reverses of the war, these savage allies were much disheartened. * During the battle of Erie, the Lawrence, which Commodore Perry was on board ol, was so shattered as to be entirely unmanageable, and only nine of her large crew remained. In this dilemma, Perry resolved to hoist the American tlag on board a more fortunate vessel. For this purpose he entered an open boat, to pass over to the ship Niagara ; and though broadsides were levelled at him, and showers of musketry from three of the enemy's ships, he remained standing in the stern of the boat, until absolutely pulled dowm by the crew. The Americans watched him with breathless anxiety, as he passed through this scene of peril, and with a transport of joy they saw his flag hoisted at the mast head of the Niagara. Soon after he enter- ed that ship, a captain of one of the guns, having had all his men shot down, ap- proached him, and laying his hand on his shoulder, exclaimed, " For God's sake, sir, give me some more men." When all sense of personal danger was thus swallowed up in eagerness for victory, it is not surprising that Commodore Perry was able to write his strikingly laconic letter : " Dear Sir, We have met the enemy, and they are ours." f This Indian warrior Avas not only an accomplished military commander, but also a great natural statesman and orator. Among the many strange, and some strongly characteristic events of his life, the council which the American General, Harrison, held with the Indians at Vincennes, in 1811, affords an admirable instance of the sublimity wliich sometimes distinguished his eloquence. The chiefs of some tribes had come to complain of a purchase of lands which had been made from the Kickafoos. The council effected nothing, but broke up in confusion, in consequence of Tecumsch having called General Harrison " a liar." During the long talks wliich took place in the conference, Tecumseh, having finished one of his speeches, looked round, and seeing every one seated, while no seat was prepared for him, a momentary frown passed over his countenance. Instantly General Harrison order- ed that a chair should be given him. Some person presented one, and bowing, said to him, " Warrior, your father, General Harrison, offers you a seat." Tecumseh's dark eye flashed. "My father!" he exclaimed indignantly, extending his arnx5> MADISON. 15.3 The result of the operations of the north-west, and the victory on Lake Eric, prc|)are