S«A \W Columbia Umbetsttp LIBRARY w Cuu*s c t~ Jm.^ i-~ 6 Cu^c r, /rb. HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH TO THE REFORMATION. FROM THE GERMAN OF PROFESSOR KURTZ. WITH EMENDATIONS AND ADDITIONS, BV TIIK REV. ALFRED EDERSHEIM, Pa. D. AUTHOK OF "HISTORY OF THE JEWISU NATION." SECOND EDITION. EDINBURGH : T. & T. CLARK, 38, GEORGE STREET. LONDON : HAMILTON, ADAMS, AND CO. DUBLIN : JOHN ROBERTSON AND CO. MDCCCLXIV. ^ V, I MURRAY AND GIBB, PIUNTERS, EDINBURGH. PEEPACE. to Among the various departments of Theology, one of the most important, yet one of the least cultivated in our Churches, is that of Ecclesiastical History. The History of the Church presents the life of the Church ; its development, growth, and limitations ; the watchful care of its Head, and the insidious attacks of its enemies. Many a pleasant delusion and long-cherished prejudice will indeed ^ be swept away by an impartial examination of the facts recorded ; but all the more clearly will it appear that the promised presence of the Saviour with His Church has never failed, nor His truth been allowed to perish. In many respects, the introduction of the Gospel has been a " sending of the sword upon the earth," and the History of the Church a continual struggle. No sooner had early controversies been settled and the Church attained external and internal peace, than a new and more protracted contest arose. But the Reformatory and anti- Romish movement, which may be said to have commenced with the reign of Charlemagne and the esta- blishment of Christianity among the Germanic tribes, continued both within and without the Church — in the one case, with the admixture of much superstition, in the other, with that of much error — till, widening as it proceeded, it issued in the glorious Refor- mation of the sixteenth century. To make oneself acquainted with all this ; to watch the fulfilment of so many promises ; to trace Dogmatics, if not to its source, yet along its course ; to study the internal life of the Church, and to become familiar with the out- ward events which affected it, is surely one of the most important J. and interesting pursuits. The thoughtful student will learn the History of the Church neither according to transient events, nor according to mere controversies, nor according to artificial divi- sions ; he will observe the internal connection of events and their gradual unfolding, and trace in them the operation of causes long existent, and the gracious interposition of Him who directs the course of His Church. QO 172147 12 PREFACE. Little, it is believed, requires to be said either by way of intro- duction to, or apology for, the appearance of the present volume, which carries the narrative to the Reformation. In another volume it is proposed to continue this history down to our days. But in order to adapt the work to the wants of British readers, it will be necessary for the Editor, while following Professor Kurtz in his accurate researches on the German Reformation, to detail with the same care and fulness the History of the Calvinistic Churches. The want of a manual like the present, at once so comprehensive as to serve for reference, and so condensed as to form a suitable text- book for students, has been long and increasingly felt. On a comparison of various works of this kind, that by Professor Kurtz has appeared to the Editor best adapted for reproduction in English. It has been sought to make the Translation faithful without being slavish. Throughout, the book has been anew and carefully compared with standard works on the subject in English and German. Where necessary, slight modifications have been made, and expressions altered or omitted, when Dr Kurtz's Lutheran predilections have led him beyond the limits of strict historical evidence. Such alterations, however, are not material ; they have been requisite only in few instances, and do not in any case change the character of the book. The Literature of the subject has also undergone careful revision, and been to a considerable extent supplemented. The Editor alone is responsible for the following portions of the volume — viz., the Life of Wycliffe, the Theology of Wycliffe, the Lollards, the Sketch of the System of Hus, the Bohemian Brethren, and Humanism in England and Scotland. Though involving not a little labour and research, it has proved to the Editor indeed a work of love. The volume is now presented to the Public, in the fervent hope that, by the Divine blessing, it may promote the study of Ecclesiastical History, prove useful to those for whom it is primarily designed, and acceptable to the Church generally. ALFRED EDERSHEIM. Oi.n Aberdeen, March 22, J 860. TABLE OF CONTENTS. INTRODUCTION TO THE HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. 1. Object of Church History, . . 2. Arrangement of Church History, .... 3. The Different Directions apparent in Church History, 4. Sources of Church History, ..... 5. Auxiliary Sciences of Church History, 6. History of Church History (up to the Time of the Reformation), 7. Continuation (16th and 17th centuries), 8. Continuation (18th century), .... 9. Continuation (19th century), .... 10. The Principal Periods in the Development of Church History, Page 25 26 27 31 32 33 34 35 36 THE PREPARATORY HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. RELIGIOUS, MORAL, AND INTELLECTUAL STATE OF THE WORLD BEFORE THE COMING OF CHRIST. § 11. Survey of the History of the World, § 12. Primeval Preparation of Salvation, . § 13. Different Purposes which Judaism and Heathenism were intend ev to serve, .... § 14. Religious Life among the Heathen, . § 15. Moral Condition of the Heathen, § 16. The Intellectual Culture of the Heathen, § 17. Greek Philosophy, .... § 18. Social Condition of Heathen Countries, § 19. Judaism under its Special Divine Guidance, § 20. Judaism after the Cessation of Divine Training by ireans of Revela tion, ..... § 21. The Samaritans, .... § 22. Communications between Judaism and Heathenism, § 23. Relation of Heathenism towards Judaism, . , § 24. The Fulness of Time, 43 43 44 46 47 48 49 51 52 53 54 55 56 57 14 CONTENTS. HISTORY OF THE PRIMITIVE CHURCH. FOUNDATION OF THE CHURCH BY CHRIST : ITS CONSTITUTION IN THE APOSTOLIC AGE. (First Century.) I. THE LIFE OF JESUS. § 25. Characteristics of this Primitive History, . . . . § 26. Jesus Christ the Saviour of the World, . II. THE APOSTOLIC AGE. § 27. Feast of Pentecost — Activity of the Apostles before the calling of Paul, ..... § 28. Activity of the Apostle Paul, § 29. Activity of the other Apostles, § 30. James the Just, .... § 31. Activity of the Apostle John in Asia Minor, § 32. Universal Priesthood, Gifts of the Holy Spirit and the Pastoral Office § 33. The various Ecclesiastical Offices in Apostolic Times, § 34. Christian Life and Ecclesiastical Discipline, § 35. Christian Worship, .... § 36. Antagonism and Reconciliation of Jewish and Gentile Christianity, § 37. Apostolic Opposition to Sectarians and Heretics, § 38. Continuation, .... § 39. The Basis of Apostolic Teaching, Page 58 60 62 63 64 65 66 67 68 70 71 72 74 75 76 FIRST SECTION. HISTORY OF THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE CHURCH IN ITS ANTIQUE AND CLASSICAL FORM. § 40. Character and Boundaries of this Phase of Development, . .81 FIRST PERIOD OF ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY UNDER THE ANTIQUE AND CLASSICAL FORM OF CULTURE (100-323). I. RELATIONS BETWEEN THE CHURCH, THE SYNAGOGUE, AND HEATHENISM. § 41. Hostilities and Persecutions of the Jews, .... § 42. Attempts at Restoration and Reaction on the part of the Synagogue and the Samaritans, ...••• 1. Dositheus ; 2. Simon Magus ; 3. Menander. § 43. Persecution of Christians in the Roman Empire, 1. To the Time of Trajan ; 2. To the Time of Marcus Aurelius ; 3. To the Time of Septimius Severus ; 4. To the Time of Decius ; 5. To the Time of Diocletian ; 6. Diocletian ; 7. Constantine. 84 81 86 CONTENTS. 15 Page § 44. Positive Reaction on the part of Heathenism, . . .93 1. Apollonius of Tyana. § 45. Heathen Polemics and Christian Apologetics, . . .94 1. Lucian ; 2. Celsus, Porphyry, Hierocles. §46. Spread of Christianity, ...... 95 II. DANGERS ACCRUING FROM A LEAVEN OF JUDAISM AND HEATHENISM REMAINING IN THE CHURCH. §47. Survey, ........ 96 1. Gnosticism. § 48. Ebionism and Ebionite Gnosis, . 99 1. The Nazarenes ; 2. The Ebionites ; 3. The Elkesaites ; 4. The Pseudo -Clementine System. §49. Gentile Gnosticism, . . • . • .102 1. Cerinth ; 2. The Gnosticism of Basilides ; 3. The Gnosticism of Valentine; 4. The Gnosticism of the Ophites; 5. The Gnosticism of Carpocrates; 6. The Antitactes; 7. Satur- ninus ; 8. Tatian ; 9. Bardisanes ; 10. Marcion ; 11. Her- mogenes. § 50. Manichaeism, ....... 109 III. DEVELOPMENT IN THE GOVERNMENT, WORSHIP, LIFE, AND DISCIPLINE OF THE CHURCH. §51. Internal Organisation of the Church, . . . .111 1. Ordines majores et minores ; 2. Synods. § 52. The Unity and Catholicity of the Church, . . . .114 1. Views of Cyprian ; 2. The Primacy of Rome. § 53. Celebration of Public Worship, . . . . .116 1. Disputes about the Observance of Easter. § 54. The Administration of Baptism, ... . 118 1. Catechumens; 2. Discussion about the Baptism of Heretics ; 3. The Dogma concerning Baptism. § 55. The Administration of the Lord's Supper, . . . .120 1. The Sacramental Liturgy; 2. The " Disciplina Arcani;" 3. The Dogma of the Lord's Supper ; 4. The Sacrificial Theory. § 56. Reading, Sermon, Prayer, and Praise, .... 123 1. The Doctrine of Inspiration ; 2. The New Testament Canon ; » 3. Translations of the Bible ; 4. Hymnology. § 57. Places of Public Worship and Influence of Art, . . . 125 § 58. Life, Manners, and Discipline, ..... 127 1. The Christian Life ; 2. Ecclesiastical Discipline ; 3. Asceti- cism. § 59. The Montanistic Reformation, ..... 130 1. Phyrgian Montanism ; 2. Montanism in the West ; 3. Doc- trine and Practice. 16 CONTENTS. Page § 60. Ecclesiastical Schisms, ...... 132 1. The Schism of Hippolytus at Rome; 2. Of Felicissimus at Carthage ; 3. Of Novatian at Rome ; 4. Of Meletius in Egypt. IV. TEACHING AND LITERATURE OF THE CHURCH. § 61. Theological Schools and their Representatives, . . .134 1. The Apostolic Fathers ; 2. The Apologetical "Writers of the Second Century ; 3. The School of Asia Miuor ; 4. The School of Alexandria ; 5. The School of North Africa ; 6. The School of Antioch ; 7. Apocryphal and Pseudo- Epigraphic Works. § 62. Development of Doctrine and Dogmatic Controversies, . . 140 1. The Trinitarian Questions ; 2. The Dynamistic Monarchians ; 3. Praxeas and Tertullian; 4. Noetus, Callistus, and Hip- polytus ; 5. Beryllus and Origen ; 6. Sabellius and the Two Dyonisii ; 7. Paul of Samosata ; 8. The Millennarian Con- troversy. § 63. Theological Science, ...... 146 1. Apologetics; 2. Polemics; 3. Dogmatics; 4. Criticism and Exegesis ; 5. Historical Literature ; 6. Practical Theology. SECOND PERIOD OF ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY UNDER THE ANTIQUE CLASSICAL FORM (323-692). I. STATE AND CHURCH. § 64. Constantine the Great and his Sons, .... 149 § 65. Julian the Apostate, ...... 150 § 66. Final Destruction of Heathenism, ..... 151 § 67. Attempts of Heathenism towards Renovation and Preservation, . 153 § 68. The Christian State and the State Church, . . . .154 1. The Emperors; 2. General Synods ; 3. Ecclesiastical Law. II. MONASTICISM, THE CLERGY AND HIERARCHY. § 69. Monasticism, ....... 156 1. St Antonius ; 2. Nunneries ; 3. Monasticism in the East ; 4. The Acoimetes and Stylites ; 5. Sectarian and Heretical Monasticism. § 70. The Clergy, 160 1. Training of the Clergy; 2. Canonical Age; 3. Ordination; 4. Injunction of Celibacy ; 5. Ecclesiastical Functionaries. §71. The Patriarchal Office, . . . . . ,164 § 72. Contest for the Primacy in the Church, .... 165 CONTENTS. 17 III. THEOLOGICAL SCIENCE AND ITS REPRESENTATIVES. § 73. General Survey, . . . ... § 74. The School of Antioch, ..... § 75. The Old and the New School of Alexandria, § 76. Theology of the West during the Fourth and Fifth Centuries, § 77. The Theology of the Sixth and Seventh Centuries, . § 78. Theological Literature, ..... 1. Exegetical Theology ; 2. Historical Theology ; 3. Apolo getics ; 4. Polemics ; 5. Dogmatics ; 6. Ethics and Asceti- cism ; 7. Practical Theology ; 8. Christian Poetry. Page 169 170 172 175 178 180 IV. DOCTRINAL CONTROVERSIES AND HERESIES. § 79. General Development of Doctrine, ..... 185 § 80. The Trinitarian Controversy (318-381), . . . .187 1. First Victory of Homoousian Principles (318-325) ; 2. Ascen- dancy of Homoiousianism (328-356) ; 3. Homoiism (357- 361) ; 4. Final Ascendancy of the Nicene Creed (361-381) ; 5. The Pneumatomachoi ; 6. Literature of the Controversy ; 7. Later Development of Nicene Views. § 81. Origenistic Controversies (394-438), . . . . 193 1. The Monks of the Scetian and Nitrian Desert ; 2. Controversy in Palestine and Italy (394-399) ; 3. Controversy in Alex- andria and Constantinople (399-438). § 82. Discussions about the Person of Christ (428-680), . . .196 1. The Apollinaristic Controversy (362-381) ; 2. Antagonism between the Different Theological Schools (381-428) ; 3. The Nestorian Controversy (428-444) ; 4. The Monophy- site Controversy — (A.) Eutychianism (444-451) ; 5. (B.) Imperial Attempts to bring about a Union (451-519) ; 6. (C.) The Decrees of Justinian I. (527-553) ; 7. (D.) The Monophysite Churches ; 8. The Monothelete Controversy (633-680). § 83. Controversies connected with the Doctrine of Eedemption (412-529), 206 1. Preliminary History ; 2. Doctrinal Views of Augustine ; 3. Pelagius and his System ; 4. The Pelagian Controversy (412-431) ; 5. The Semi-Pelagian Controversy (427-529). § 84. Old and New Sects, ....... 213 1. Manichseism : 2. Priscillianism. V. WORSHIP, LIFE, DISCIPLINE, AND MANNERS. § 85. Worship, ........ § 86. Times of Public Worship and Festivals, .... 1. The Weekly Cycle; 2. Horse and Quatember ; 3. The Cal- culation of Easter ; 4. The Easter Cycle of Festivals ; 5. The Christmas Cycle of Festivals ; 6. Festival of the Trans- figuration ; 7. The Ecclesiastical Year. VOL. I. B 215 216 18 CONTENTS. Page § 87. The Worship of Saints, of Relics and of Images, . . .220 1. Saints' Days ; 2. The Worship of Mary ; 3. The Worship of Angels ; 4. The Worship of Images ; 5. The Worship of Eelics; 6. Pilgrimages. § 88. Administration of the Sacraments, . . . . .225 1. Administration of Baptism ; 2. Doctrine of the Lord's Sup- per ; 3. Sacrifice of the Mass ; 4. The Dispensation of the Supper. § 89. Administration of Public Worship, . . • . .229 1. Use of the Scriptures; 2. Hymnology ; 3. Psalmody and Hymnody ; 4. The Liturgy ; 5. Symbolical Rites. § 90. Places of Worship and Works of Art, . • • .235 1. Side Buildings; 2. Ecclesiastical Furniture; 3. The Fine Arts. § 91. Life, Discipline, and Manners, . ■ • • .238 1. Ecclesiastical Discipline ; 2. Christian Marriage ; 3. Sickness, Death and Burial. § 92. Heretical Reformers, . • ■ • • .241 §93. Schisms, ...••••• 242 1. Schisms in consequence of the Arian Controversy ; 2. The Donatist Schism ; 3. The Concilium Quinisextum. VI. THE CHURCH BEYOND THE BOUNDARIES OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. § 94. Christian Missions in the East, . • • 246 1. The Abyssinian Church; 2. The Persian Church; 3. The Armenian Church; 4. The Iberians, Lazians and Abas- gians, the East Indies and Arabia. § 95. The Mohammedan Counter-Missions, .... 249 1. Fundamental Idea of Islamism ; 2. Service performed by Mohammedanism in Providence. THIRD PERIOD OF ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY IN ITS ANTIQUE AND CLASSICAL FORM. (692-1453.) I. MOVEMENTS IN THE EASTERN CHURCH, IN CONJUNCTION WITH SIMILAR DEVELOPMENTS IN THE WESTERN CHURCH. §96. Iconoclastic Controversy in the East (726-842), . . .252 1. Leo the Isaurian ; 2. Constantinus Copronymus ; 3. Irene ; 4. Theodora. CONTENTS. 19 Page § 97. Schism between the Greek and the Roman Church, and Attempts at Union (857-1453), . . . . . .255 1 . Commencement of the Schism (867) ; 2. Leo the Philosopher and Basilius II. ; 3. Completion of the Schism in 1054 ; 4. Attempts at Re -union ; 5. Andronicus III. and Johannes V. Palseologus ; 6. Johannes VII. Palseologus. II. INDEPENDENT DEVELOPMENT IN THE EASTERN CHUECH. § 98. Theological Science and its Representatives, . . . 260 1. Revival of Classical Studies ; 2. Aristotle and Plato ; 3. Scho- lasticism and Mysticism ; 4. Theological Sciences ; 5. Dis- tinguished Theologians. § 99. Dogmatic Controversies (the Hesychastic Controversy), . . 265 § 100. Government, Worship and Manners, .... 266 1. The Axsenian Schism ; 2. Public Worship ; 3. Monasticism ; 4. Reformatory Efforts. § 101. Gnostic and Manichsean Heretics, ..... 269 1. The Paulicians ; 2. The Children of the Sun ; 3. The Euchites and Bogomiles. § 102. The Orthodox Slavonic-Greek Churches, . . . .273 1. Greece ; 2. The Chazars ; 3. The Bulgarians ; 4. The Rus- sians. § 103. The Heretical Churches of the East, . . . .276 1. The Nestorians ; 2. The Monophysites ; 3. The Maronites. SECOND SECTION. HISTORY OF THE CHURCH LN ITS MEDIEVAL AND GERMANIC FORM OF DEVELOPMENT. § 104. Character and Extent of this Phase of Development, . . 282 1. Its Character ; 2. Its Periods. FIRST PERIOD OF ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY IN ITS MEDIEVAL AND GERMANIC FORM OF DEVELOPMENT. (Cent. 4-9.) I. ESTABLISHMENT, SPREAD, AND LIMITATIONS OF THE GERMAN CHURCH. § 105. Christianity and the Germans, ..... 285 1. Predisposition; 2. Profession of Christianity; 3. Mode of Conversion. 20 CONTENTS. Page § 106. Victory of Catholicism over Arianism, .... 288 1. The Goths in the Countries along the Danube ; 2. The Visi- goths ; 3. The Vandals ; 4. The Suevi ; 5. The Burgun- dians ; 6. The Rugians and St Severinus ; 7. The Ostro- goths ; 8. The Langobards ; 9. The Franks. § 107. Victory of the Romish over the British Confession, . . 294 1. British Confession ; 2. Ireland ; 3. The Picts and Scots ; 4. Romish Mission among the Anglo-Saxons ; 5. British Mis- sion among the Anglo-Saxons ; 6. Victory of the Romish over the British Confession. § 108. Conversion of Germany, ...... 300 1. South-Western Germany; 2. South-Eastern Germany; 3. North-Western Germany ; 4. St Boniface ; 5. The Saxons. § 109. The Slavonians within the Boundaries of Germany, . . 308 1. The Moravian Church ; 2. Introduction of Christianity into Bohemia. § 110. The Scandinavian Nations, ..... 310 § 111. Christianity and Islamism, ..... 313 II. INDEPENDENT DEVELOPMENT OF THE GERMANIC CHURCH. §112. The Papacy and the Carohngians, ..... 315 1. Origin of the States of the Church ; 2. The Carolingian Dynasty ; 3. The Papacy till the Time of Nicholas I. ; 4. Nicholas I. and Hadrian II. ; 5. John VIII. and his Suc- cessors. § 113. The Papacy and the Metropolitan Office, . . . .323 § 114. State of the Clergy, . . . . . .327 1. The Higher Clergy ; 2. The Inferior Clergy ; 3. Injunction of Celibacy ; 4. The Canonical Life. § 115. Monasticism, ....... 33C 1. Benedict of Nursia; 2. Benedict of Aniane ; 3. Nunneries; 4. Large Monasteries ; 5. Stylites, Recluses, and Anchorites. § 116. Ecclesiastical Property, ...... 334 1. Benefices and Secularisation. § 117. Ecclesiastical Legislation, . . . . . .336 1. Collections of Ecclesiastical Lavs ; 2. The Forged Decretals of Isidore. § 118. State of Intelligence, Ecclesiastical Usages, and Discipline, . 339 1. Religious Education of the People; 2. Popular Christian Poetry ; 3. Social State ; 4. Administration of Justice ; 5. Ecclesiastical Discipline and Penances. § 119. Public Worship and the Fine Arts, . . . .345 1. Liturgy and Preaching; 2. Church Music; 3. The Sacrifice of the Mass ; 4. The Worship of Saints, Relics, Images, and Angels ; Pilgrimages ; 5. Ecclesiastical Seasons and Places ; 6. The Fine Arts. CONTENTS. 21 Page § 120. State of Science and of Theological Literature, . . .350 1. Monastic and Cathedral Schools ; 2. Celebrated Theologians before the Time of the Carolingians ; 3. During the Reign of Charlemagne ; 4. Under the Reign of Louis the Pious ; 5. During the Reign of Charles the Bald ; 6. Theological Sciences : Exegesis ; 7. Systematic Theology ; 8. Practical Theology ; 9. Church History. § 121. Development of Doctrine and Dogmatic Controversies, . 358 1. The Adoptionist Controversy ; 2. Controversy about the Procession of the Holy Spirit ; 3. Controversies of Pascha- sius Radbertus ; 4. Controversy about Predestination. § 122. Reformatory Movements, . . • • • . oo4 1. Opposition of the Carolingians to Image Worship ; 2. Ago- bard of Lyons and Claudius of Turin. SECOND PERIOD OF ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY IN ITS MEDIEVAL AND GERMANIC FORM OF DEVELOPMENT. (Cent. 10-13.) I. GROWTH OF THE CHURCH. § 123. Missionary Operations during that Period, . • .366 1. Scandinavia; 2. Bohemia, Poland and Hungary; 3. The "Wends and Pomeranians ; 4. The Countries along the Eastern Shore of the Baltic ; 5. Mongols and Mohammedans. § 124. The Crusades, . . . • • • • 371 § 125. Islamism and the Jews in Europe, . 376 II. HIERARCHY, THE CLERGY, AND MONASTICISM. § 126. The Papacy, . . . • • • .377 1. To the Time of Hildebrand ; 2. Hildebrand; 3. The Dispute about Investiture ; 4. To the Time of Innocent III. ; 5. Innocent III. ; 6. To Boniface VIII. § 127. The Clergy, . . . • • • .391 1. Political Influence ; 2. The Pataria. § 128. The Religious Orders, . . . • • .393 1. The Order of Clugny and that of Camaldoli ; 2. The Cister- cians ; 3. New Orders ; 4. The Mendicant Orders ; 5. The Beguins and Beghards ; 6. The Knightly Orders. § 129. Ecclesiastical Jurisprudence, ..... 402 III. THEOLOGICAL SCIENCE AND CONTROVERSIES. § 130. General View of Scholasticism, . . • • .403 1. Nurseries of Scholasticism ; 2. Metaphysical Basis ; 3. Object and Method. § 131. The Seculum Obscurum (10th century), . . • .407 22 CONTENTS. Page § 132. Division among the Dialecticians (11th century), . . . 408 1. Authors ; 2. Eucharistic Controversy ; 3. Controversies of Anselm. § 133. Separation and Re-union of Dialectics and Mysticism, . .411 1. The Conflict ; 2. Reconciliation ; 3. Renewed Controversies. § 134. Highest Stage of Scholasticism (13th century), . . . 417 1. Celebrated Scholastics; 2. Raimundus Lullus; 3. Biblical and Practical Opposition. IV. THE CHURCH AND THE PEOPLE. § 135. Public Worship and the Fine Arts, . . . .420 1. The Sacraments ; 2. New Festivals ; 3. Worship of Images, Relics and Saints; 4. Hymnology; 5. Ecclesiastical Music; 6. Ecclesiastical Architecture ; 7. The Plastic Art and Painting. § 136. Popular Life and National Literature, . . . .426 1. Popular Life; 2. Popular Culture ; 3. National Literature. § 137. Ecclesiastical Discipline and Indulgences, .... 430 V. OPPOSITION TO THE PREVAILING SYSTEM OF ECCLESIASTICISM. § 138. Active Opposition to Prevailing Ecclesiasticism, . . • 432 1. The Cathari; 2. Sect of the Holy Spirit; 3. Revolutionary Reformers ; 4. Prophetic and Apocalyptic Opposition ; 5. The Waldenses. § 139. Reaction of the Church, . . . . . .441 1. Crusade against the Albigenses ; 2. The Inquisition. THIRD PERIOD OF ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY IN ITS MEDIEVAL AND GERMANIC FORM OF DEVELOPMENT. (Cent. 14 and 15.) I. THE HIERARCHY, THE CLERGY, AND MONASTICISM. § 140. The Papacy, . . . . . . .443 1. Boniface VIII. ; 2. The Papacy in its Babylonish Exile ; 3. The Papal Schism and the Reforming Councils ; 4. The Last Popes before the Reformation. § 141. The Clergy, . . . . . . .452 § 142. The Monastic Orders, . . . . . .453 1. The Dominicans, the Franciscans, and the Augustines ; 2. Abolition of the Order of Templars ; 3. New Orders ; 4. Hermits ; 5. The Brethren of the Common Life. IT. THE CHURCH AND THE PEOPLE. § 143. Public Worship and the Fine Arts, .... 458 1. New Festivals in Honour of the Virgin ; 2. Hymnology ; 3. Church Music ; 4. Architecture, the Plastic Art, and Painting. CONTENTS. 23 Page § 144. Popular Life and National Literature, .... 460 1. Religious Associations ; 2. The Friends of God ; 3. The Brothers and Sisters of the Free Spirit ; 4. National Litera- ture. § 145. Ecclesiastical Discipline, ...... 465 1. The Inquisition ; 2. Procedure against Witches. III. THEOLOGICAL SCIENCE. § 146. Scholasticism and its Opponents, . . • • .467 § 147. German Mysticism, ...... 470 IV. REFORMATORY MOVEMENTS. § 148. The Reformation in Head and Members, . . . .473 1. French Reformers ; 2. German Reformers ; 3. An Italian Re- former. § 149. Attempts at Evangelical Reformation, .... 476 1. The Reformers in the Low Countries ; 2. Savonarola. § 150. Wycliffe and Hus, ... ... 479 1. The Theology of Wycliffe ; 2. The Lollards ; 3. The Bohe- mian Reformers before Hus ; 4. Hus and Jerome ; 5. Hus- sites ; 6. The Bohemian Brethren. § 151. The so-called Revival of Learning, .... 500 1. The Italian Humanists ; 2. The German Humanists ; 3. Eras- mus ; 4. Humanism in England, Scotland, France, and Spain ; 5. The Study of the Scriptures. INTRODUCTION TO THE HISTOKY OF THE CHEISTIAN CHUECH. § 1. OBJECT OP CHURCH HISTORY. The Christian Church is that Divine institution for the salva- tion of man, which Jesus Christ has founded on earth. The object and end of the Church is, that the salvation wrought out by Christ should be communicated to, and appropriated by, every nation and every individual. Outwardly, the Church manifests itself in the religious fellowship of those who, having become partakers of this salvation, co-operate in their own places, and according to the measure of their gifts and calling, towards the extension and deve- lopment of the kingdom of God. Christ the God-man, who is exalted to the right hand of power, is the sole Head of the Church ; the Holy. Spirit, who is sent by Christ in order to guide the Church to its goal and perfection, is its Divine Teacher, — the Word and the sacraments are the ordinary means through which the Holy Spirit works in and by it. As the Church has originated in time, and has passed through a certain development, it has also a His- tory. But its course is not one of continual progress. For, side by side with the holy government of its Divine Head, and the sanc- tifying influences of the Paraclete, we also descry in its administra- tion a merely human agency. From the sinfulness of our nature, this agency may prove unholy and perverse, and thus resist, in- stead of co-operating ; obstruct, instead of advancing ; disturb the progress by introducing impure elements, instead of preserving it in, 26 INTRODUCTION. or restoring it to, pristine purity. But even amidst all this error and perverseness attaching to human agency, the guidance and care of Christ and of His Spirit have manifested themselves in this, that Divine truth has not been suffered to perish in human error, Divine power through human weakness and rebelliousness, or the Divine salvation by man's iniquity. Nay, amid all hindrances, the Divine has developed and progressed ; and even these temporary obstruc- tions have been made subservient for preparing, procuring, and manifesting in the Church the complete triumph of Divine power and truth. From these remarks, it will be gathered that it is the task of Church History not only to exhibit the proper developments in the Church, but also all obstructions and aberrations, — at least so long as they have remained in some relation to the Church. § 2. ARRANGEMENT OF CHURCH HISTORY. The many and extensive ramifications of Church History render it necessary to arrange its subject-matter, both as to length, — i.e., into definite periods, during each of which some tendency, hitherto in- fluential in the general development, reached its termination, and in turn gave place to new influences which commenced to affect the development, or to give it a new direction ; — and as to breadth, — i.e., with reference to the various elements of tendency and development, which made their appearance at any one stage. In the latter re- spect two points claim our attention : 1. The arrangement accord- ing to national churches, so far as these have followed an indepen- dent and distinctive direction ; or according to particular churches, which may partly have owed their origin to some division in the Church universal occasioned by marked differences, in doctrine, worship, or constitution. — 2. The arrangement according to the grand object towards which every movement recorded in ecclesias- tical history tends. This common manifestation of ecclesiastical life, which appears in all national and particular churches, has, however, assumed in different churches a peculiar and distinctive shape. The idea of history, and especially that of a universal history of the Church, implies that it must mainly be arranged according to periods. But the question as to which of the other two arrange- ments is to be prominently brought forward, depends partly on the course of history itself, and partly on the plan on which it has been constructed. In general, the arrangement according to national churches must remain subordinate, at least so long as community and interchange of activity and tendency has not been rendered § 3. DIFFERENT DIRECTIONS APPARENT IN CHURCH HISTORY. 27 impossible, either by following entirely different directions, or through a division into particular churches. § 3. TnE DIFFERENT DIRECTIONS APPARENT IN CHURCH HISTORY. The Christian Church is intended to embrace all nations and tongues. Hence, it must always be its aim to enlarge its domain by the conversion of non-Christian nations and individuals. The History of the Extension and Limitation of Christianity, which exhibits either the progress or the various obstructions put in its way, must therefore form an essential part of Church History. Again, though the Church is under the invisible guidance and the unseen care of the Holy Spirit, as a visible and terrestrial institu- tion, it requires, for its continuance and prosperity, a secure out- ward position, and a stable and consistent internal arrangement, constitution, and order. Hence, Church History has also to chro- nicle the history of Ecclesiastical Constitution, both in re- ference to the outward position of the Church towards the State, and to its internal organisation, government, discipline, and legis- lation. The history of those ecclesiastical divisions (schisms) which had their origin only in different views about church government, and especially about the administration of discipline, belongs to this branch of the subject. Of still greater importance for the prospe- rous progress of the Church, is the development and the establish- ment of doctrine. The Holy Scriptures are, indeed, the sole source and rule of faith, and a sufficient directory in all that concerns the knowledge of salvation. But the words of Scripture are spirit and life, living seed-corn of knowledge, which, under the superintend- ence of the Spirit, who had sowed it, must unfold into a glorious harvest ; that so the fulness of truth which they contain may be in- creasingly understood, and become adapted to all stages and forms of culture — to faith, science, and life. It is, therefore, also the task of Church History to follow the Development of Ecclesiastical Doctrine and Science, in all the ways and byeways (heresies) over which it has passed. The Church also requires public worship, as the necessary expression of the feelings and aspirations of the faithful towards their Lord and God, and as a means for edification, instruction, and strength to the congregation. In the Word and the sacraments, the Church had indeed received from its Lord the im- moveable groundwork of all worship ; still, it had to seek out and to adopt the most suitable and effective form, under which these Divine powers and gifts might be presented. ■ Hence the History 28 INTRODUCTION". of Worship must also form an essential element in Church His- tory. Lastly, the Church had to introduce the leaven of that new life, of which it is the depositary, into practical life, and into the manners and customs of the people. This, then, implies another element in Church History, — that of Christian life among the people. It is impossible to determine the historical succession of these varied manifestations of the life of the Church, according to abstract and logical principles, or to arrange them in the same manner at all periods. It will therefore be necessary, in each case, to adopt an arrangement which at every period will prominently bring forward those elements which appeared most prominently, and hence exercised a decisive influence upon all the others. The above branches of Church History are severally of such im- portance, that they have frequently been treated as independent sciences. This method renders it possible to enter into fuller de- tails, and, what is even more important, to treat each science accord- ing to its own peculiar principles, and in the most satisfactory manner. The history of the spread of, or of the obstructions to Chris- tianity, will in that case be viewed as the History of Missions. That of ecclesiastical government (ecclesiastica politia), of worship and of Christian manners, is called Ecclesiastical Archaeology — a name inaptly chosen, since it confines the range of inquiries to ancient times, and groups together heterogeneous elements. Let us hope that writers on this subject will in future separate these different elements, and follow the development of each to the present time, treating of them as of the history of Ecclesiastical Constitution, of Christian Worship, and of Christian Culture. The history of the de- velopment of doctrines may be arranged into — a) the History of Dog- mas, in which the genetic development in the teaching of the Church is traced ; b) Symbolics, in which the established doctrinal views of the Church universal, and of individual churches, as laid down in their co?ifessions (or symbols), are presented in a systematic manner (in " Comparative Symbolics," these confessions are critically examined, and placed side by side with each other) ; c) Patristics, which treats of the subjective development of doctrine, as it appears in the teaching of the most eminent ecclesiastical authorities (the Fathers — limiting that expression chiefly to the first six or eight cen- turies of the Church) ; lastly, d) the History of Tlieology generally, or of individual branches of theological science, which details the scientific treatment of theology, or of its individual branches, in their" historical course of progress. The History of Theological Literature exhibits and criticises the literary activity of the Church generally ; Patrology, that of the Fathers. Lastly, the science of Ecclesiastical Statistics presents a general view of the results of universal Church History during a definite period, and describes the state of the § 3. DIFFERENT DIRECTIONS APPARENT IN CHURCH HISTORY. 29 Church in all its relations, as it appeared at every period of its history, furnishing, " as it were, a cross-section of history." Literature. .1. History of Missions : Blumhardt, allge- meine Missionsgeschichte (Universal History of Missions). 3 vols. Basle 1828. — W. Broicn, Hist, of the Propagation of Christ, among the Heathen since the Reform. 3d Ed. 1854.— For Protest. Mis- sions, comp. also J. Wiggers, Gesch. d. Evang. Mission, 1845 ; for Rom. Cath. Miss, the work of Henrion, translat. into German by Wittmann. Schaffh. 1817. 3 vols. 2. History of the Papacy : Bower, Hist, of the Popes. London, 1749 ; trans!, into German, and contin. by Rambach. 10 vols. Magd. and Leipz. 1751.— Chr. W. Fr. Walch, Entw. einer vollst. Gesch. d. Papstth. (Sketch of a complete history of the Papacy). Gott. 1756 ; Spittler, Gesch. d. Papstth. ; C. J. Weber, Papstth. u. Papste. Stuttg. 1836 ; Artaud de Montor, Hist, des Papes, Augsb. 1848. 3. History of Monastic Orders: H. Helyot, Gesch. aller Kloster u. Ritterorden. Aus d. Franz. (History of all Monastic and Knight Orders). Leipz. 1753. 8 vols. — (Musson), pragm. Gesch. d. vornehmsten Monchsorden, im Ausz. von Crome (pragm. Hist. of the Principal Monastic Orders, condensed by Crome). Leipz. 1774. 10 vols. — ,/. Fuhr, Gesch. d. Monchsorden. Nach d. Franz, des Baron Henrion (Par. 1835), (Hist, of the Monastic Orders, after the French of Baron Henrion). Tubing. 1845. 2 vols. 4. History of Councils : E. Bicherii, hist, concill. gener. LI. IV. Paris 1680. 3 Voll. 4.— C. J. Hefele, Conciliengesch. nach d. Quellen (Hist, of Councils, from the original sources). Vols. I. II. Freib. 1855 (meant to extend over 5 vols.). — Chr. W. F. Walch, Entw. einer vollst. Gesch. d. Kirchenversammll. (Sketch of a Com- plete History of Ecclesiastical Councils). Leipz. 1759. 5. Ecclesiastical Law : J. W. Bickell, Gesch. d. K. R. (Hist, of Eccles. Law, continued by Bostell), fortgesetzt v. J. W. Bostell. 2 vols, (incomplete). Giessen 1843. 49. — Ferd. Walter (Rom, Cath.), Lehrbuch d. K. R. aller christl. Confessionen (Manual of the Ec- cles. Law of all Christ. Churches). 11th ed. Bonn 1854.— G. Phi- lipps, K. R. (Eccl. Law). 5 vols. Regensb. 1845. — Eichhorn, Grunds. d. K. R. (Principles of Eccl. Law). Gottg. 1831. 2 vols.— A. L. Bidder, Lehrb. d. K. R. (Manual of Eccl. Law). 4th ed. Leipz. 1853. 6. Archeology : by Protestant writers : Jos. Bingham, An- tiquities of the Church, 10 vols.; Augusti, Denkwiirdigk. aus d. chr. Arch. (Memorabilia in Christ. Archajol.). 12 vols. Leipz. 181 6 ; Dessen Handb. d. christl. Arch. (Augusti's Manual of Christ. Arch.). 3 vols. Leipz. 1836 ; Bheimcald, die kirchl. Arch. (Eccles. Arch.). Berlin 1830. ; Bdhmer, die chr. kirchl. Alterthumswisssch. (Chr. Eccles. ArchaBol.). 2 vols. Bresl. 1836. 39 ; Guericke, Lehrb. d. chr. kirchl. Arch. (Manual of Chr. eccl. Arch.). Leipz. 1847 ; Siegel, Handbuch d. chr. kirchl. Alterthiimer in alphab. Ordnung 30 INTRODUCTION. (Manual of Christ, and Eccles. Antiq. in their alphab. order). 4 vols. Leipz. 1836 ; C. Schone, Geschichtsforschungen iiber d. kirchl. Gebrauche (Histor. Invest, on Eccles. Usages). 3 vols. Berlin, 1819 ; Planck, Gesch. d. chr. kirchl. Gesellschaftsverf. (Hist, of Chr. Eccles. Constit.). 5 vols. Hann. 1803 ;— by Roman Catholic writers : Mamachii origines et antiq. chr. 5 voll. 4. Rom. 1749; Pellicia, de chr. eccl. politia. 3 voll. Neap. 1777, newly edited by Bitter, Col. 1829 ; Binterim, Denkwiirdigk. d. chr. kath. K. (Memorabilia of the Roman Cath. Ch.). 17 vols". Mavence 1825. 7. History of Dogmas : Betavius (Jesuit), de theologicis dog- matt, c. not. Theoph. Alethini (J. Clerici). 6 Voll. fol. Amst. 1700. — Manuals: by Engelhardt (2 vols. Erlang. 1839); Baumgarten- Crusius (Compendium 2 vols. Leipz. 1840. 46) ; W. Miinscher (3d ed. by Colin and Neudecker. Cassel 1832) ; K. F. Meier (2d ed. by G. Baur, Giessen 1854) ; Fd. Chr. Baur (Stuttgart 1847) ; K. U. Hagenbach (translated by Buch. Edinb. T. and T. Clark) ; J. C. L. Gieseler (Prelections. Bonn 1855) ; Neander (edited by Jacobi. 2 yols.1857, transl. by J. E. Ryland).— Chr. W. F. Watch, vollst. Historie d. Ketzereien, bis zum Bilderstreite inch (Complete Hist, of Heresies, to the Controversy about Images). 11 vols. Leipz. 1762. 8. Symbolics : Marheineke, chr. Symbolik. Vol. I. Heidelb. 1810 ; Kallner, Symb. aller christ. Confess. (Symbolical Books of all Chr. Churches). 2 vols. Leipz. 1846 ; Winer, comparative Dar- stellung d. Lehrbegriffe d. verschied. chr. Kirchenpart. (Comparat. View of the Dogmas of the various parties in the Chr. Ch.). 2d ed. Leipz. 1837 ; Guericke, allg. chr. Symbolik (Universal Chr. Symb.). 2d ed. Leipz. 1846 ; Marheineke 's Vorless. iiber die Symbolik (Prelections on Symb.). Berlin 1848 ; K. Matthes, compar. Sym- bolik. Leipz. 1854; A. H. Baier, Symb. Vol. I. Greifsw. 1854. — By Roman Catholic writers: J. A. Mulder, Symbolik. 6th ed. Mayence 1843; Hilgers, symb. Theol. Bonn 1841; — against Mahler : Baur, der Gegens. d. Kath. u. Protestantismus (the oppo- sition between Roman, and Protest.). 2d ed. Tub. 1836 ; Nitzsch, protest. Beantw. (Reply of Protest.). Hamb. 1835. Comp. also : TJtiersch, Vorless. iiber Protestantism, u. Kath. (Prelections on Pro- test, and Roman.). 2 vols. 2d ed. 1848. 9. Pathology and History of Literature : Ellies du Pin, nouv. biblioth. des auteurs eccl. 47 voll. Paris 1686; R. Ceillier, hist, des auteurs sacres et eccl. des six prem. siecles. Par. 1693. 16 Voll. 4 ; J. A. Mahler, Patrologie, edited by Rheitmayer. Vol. I. Regensb. 1839 ; J. Fessler, Institt. patrol. Oenip. 1850. 2 T.— By Protestant writers : W. Cave, Scriptt. eccles. hist, literaria. 2 Voll. fol. London 1688 ; C. Oudin, Commentarii de scriptoribus ecclesiast. Lips. 1722. 3 Voll. fol. ; J. A. Fabricii Biblioth. Grseca. Hamb. 1705 ss. 14 Voll. 4., nova ed. cur. Harless. Hamb. 1790. 1 2 Voll. 4. ; Ejusd. Bibl. medias et infimse latinitatis aucta a J. D. § 4. SOURCES OF CHURCH HISTORY. 31 Mansi. Pat. 1754. 6 Voll. 4. ; Schonemann, Biblioth. patr. latin, hist, liter. Lips. 1792. 2 vols. ; Oelrichs, Comment, de script, eccles. lat. Lips. 1790; J. C. F. Bdlir, Gesch. d. rom. Liter. (Hist, of Roman Liter.), Suppl. I.-III. Karlsr. 1836-40. — Gesch. d. theol. Wissensch. (Hist, of Theol. Science) : von Flilgge (3 vols. Halle 1796, to the time of the Reform.) ; — Staudlin (from the 15th cent, downwards). 2 vols. Gott. 1810; — J. G. Walch, Biblioth. theol. sel. Jense 1757. 4 Voll. 10. Lives op the Saints: L. Surius, Vitae Ss. Col. 1570. 6 Voll. fol. — Acta Sanctorum, Ant. 1643 etc. 53 Voll. fol. (begun by the Jesuit Bollandus, hence known by the name of Bollandists). — Mabillon, Acta Ss. ordinis s. Benedicti. Par. 1666. 9 Voll. fol. — Butler, Lives of the Saints. New ed. Dublin 1838. § 4. SOURCES OF CHURCH HISTORY. The sources of Church History are partly primary (original), such as monuments and original documents, — partly secondary (derived), among which we reckon traditions, and extracts from, or treatises bearing reference to, original sources which have since been lost. Monuments, such as ecclesiastical buildings, pictures, and inscriptions, are commonly only of very subordinate use in Church History. But documents, preserved and handed down, are of the very greatest importance. To this class belong also the acts and decrees of ecclesiastical councils ; the res gestae and official pub- lications of the Popes (decretals, Breve's) and of Bishops (pastoral letters) ; the laws and res gestae issuing from imperial chancellories, so far as these refer to ecclesiastical affairs ; the rules of monastic orders, liturgies, confessions of faith, letters of personages influential in church or state ; reports of eye-witnesses ; sermons and doctrinal treatises of acknowledged theologians, etc. If the documents in existence are found insufficient, we must have recourse to earlier or later traditions, and to the historical investigations of those who had access to original documents which are now no longer extant. 1. Collections of Councils: J. Harduin, concill. collectio regia maxima. Par. 1715. 12 vols, folio. — J. D. Mansi, concill. nova-et ampliss. coll. 31 vols. fol. Flor. et Venet. 1759 ss. 2. Acts of the Popes : Ph. Jaffe", Regesta pontiff. Rom. (to the year 1198). Berol. 1851. 4. — The decretals of the Popes are collected and treated of in the Corpus jur. canon., ed. Bohmer (Hal. 1747. 2 vols. 4.) and Richter (Lps. 1833 ss. 4). — L. Cherubini, bullarium Rom. Ed. IV. Rom. 1672. 5 vols. fol. — C. Cocquelines, bullarum, privileg. ac diplomatum ampliss. collectio Rom. 1739. 28 vols. fol. — Barberi, bullar. Magn. (1758-1830), cont. by R. Segretus (up to 1846). Rom. 1835-47. 14 vols. fol. 32 INTRODUCTION. 3. Rules of Monastic Orders : Luc. Holstenii codex regula- rum monastic, et canonic. 4 vols. 4. Rom. 1661, auctus a Mar. Brockie. 6 vols. f'ol. Au£. Vinci. 1759. 4. Liturgies: J. A. Assemanni Cod. liturgicus eccl. univ. 13 vols. 4. Rom. 1749. — H. A. Daniel, cod. lit. eccl. univ. 4 vols. Lps. 1847-53. 8. 5. Confessions of Faith: C. W. Fr. Walch, biblioth. sym- bolica vetus. Lemg. 1770; A. Halm, Biblioth. der Symb. u. Glau- bensregeln der apost. kath. K. (Library of the Confessions and Rules of Faith of the Apostolic Catholic Church). Bresl. 1842. 6. Acta Martyrorum : Th. Ruinart, Acta primorum Martyrum. New edition by B. Galium. Aug. Vind. 1802. 3 vols. — Surius and the Bollandists (§ 3, 10) ; St. E. Assemanni, Acta Sanctorum Mart. Orient, et Occid. Rom. 1748. 2 vols. fol. § 5. auxiliary sciences of church history. Those sciences are auxiliaries of Church History which are indis- pensable in order properly to understand, critically to judge of, and to sift, the sources of ecclesiastical history. Among them we reckon, 1) Diplomatics, which teaches us to judge of the genuineness, the completeness, and the trustworthiness of documents ; 2) Philology, which enables us to make use of sources in different languages ; 3) Geography, and 4) Chronology, which respectively inform us about the scene, and the succession in time, of the different facts narrated. In a wider sense, we may also reckon among auxiliary sciences, general history, as well as that of jurisprudence, of civilisa- tion, of art, of literature, of philosophy, and of religion, all which are indispensable on account of their manifold bearing on the development of the Church. 1. Diplomatics : J. Mabillon, de re diplomatica. Ed. II. Par. 1 709. fol. 2. Philology : C. du Fresne {Dominus du Cange), glossarium ad scriptores mediae et infimse latinitatis. 6 vols. Par. 1733; edid. Henschel. Par. 1840 ss. 7 vols. 4. — Du Fresne, gloss, ad scriptores med. et infim. graecitatis. 2 vols. fol. Lugd. 1688; J. C. Suiceri thesaurus ecclesiast., e patribus graecis. Ed. 2. 2 vols. fol. Amst. 1728. 3. Geography: Car. a S. Paulo, Geogr. s., cur. J. Clerici, Amst. 1703. fol. ; — Nic. Sansonis, Atlas ant. sacer, emend. J. Clericus. Amst. 1705. fol. ; — J. E. Th. Wiltsch, Handb. d. kirchl. Geogr. u. Statistik (Manual of Ecclesiastical Geography and Statistics). 2 vols. Berlin 1846; the same author's, Atlas sacer s. ecclesiast. Goth. 1843; C. F. Stdudlin, kirchl. Geogr. u. Statist. (Ecclesiastical Geography and Statistics), 2 vols. Tiib. 1804. — Mich, le Quien, § 6. HISTORY OF CHURCH HISTORY. 33 Oriens christianus in quatuor patriarchatus digestus. Par. 1740. 3 vols. fol. 4. Chronology : Piper, Kirchenrechnung (Ecclesiastical Chro- nology). Berlin 1841. 4. § 6. history of church history (up to the time of the reformation). Comp. C. F. Stdudlin, Gesch. u. Lit. d. K. G. (History and Lite- rature of Church History). Hamburgh 1827. F. Ckr. Baur, die Epochen der kirchl. Geschichtschreibg. (the Periods of the Litera- ture of Church History). Tub. 1852. The Gospels and the book of Acts furnish us with an account of the commencement of ecclesiastical history. Next in order of time comes the work of Hegesippus, a native of Asia Minor, who, about the middle of the second century, collected the various traditions of apostolical times. Only fragments of this work have been pre- served. Eusebius, Bishop of Csesarea, claims to be the Father of Church History in the proper sense of the term. His work extends to the year 324. It was continued in the fifth century by Philo- storgius, an Arian, and by Socrates, Sozomenus, and Theodoret, Catholic writers. The latter were followed in the sixth century by Evagrius. At first the Eastern had, in this branch of study, the advantage of the Western Church, which only furnished transla- tions, or at most re-cast the material furnished by the Greeks, instead of carrying on independent investigations. Rujinus, a presbyter at Aquileja, translated into Latin the Ecclesiastical His- tory of Eusebius, and brought it down to his own days (to 395). About the same time, Sulpicius Severus, a presbyter from Gaul, wrote his " Historia Sacra," in two books, extending from the crea- tion of the world to the year 400. In the sixth century, Cassio- dorus, a Roman official under Theodoric, condensed a translation of the Catholic continuators of Eusebius, which was designed to supplement the work of Rufinus. This compilation, well known as the Historia ecclesiastica tripartita, along with Rufinus, continued the common text-book in use up to the time of the Reformation. Gregorius, Bishop of Tours, furnished a most valuable contribution to the ecclesiastical history of the Franks up to the year 591, and the Venerable Bede, to that of England up to the year 731. During the middle ages the Western Church had only chroniclers, whose writings, however, are of the greatest importance as secondary sources for the history of their own times. The Liber Pontificalis, VOL. I. C 34 INTRODUCTION. by the Roman librarian Anastasius (ob. 891), furnishes biographies of the Popes. The work of Bishop A dam of Bremen (extending to the year 1076) is of great value for the history of the northern churches. Considering the close connection between church and state in the Byzantine empire, we must not omit to notice the so- called Scriptores historian Byzantince, as important for the student of Church History. § 7. CONTINUATION (l6TH AND 17TH CENTURIES). The Reformation first called forth really critical investigation, and opened the way for a scientific treatment of Church History. In carrying on their great work, the Reformers felt the need of reverting to those times when the Church appeared in its purer form. To investigate and to determine such questions, it was necessary to study ecclesiastical history ; while the very attacks of their enemies obliged the Roman Catholic Church to follow them into these investigations. So early as the middle of the sixteenth century, the Magdeburg Centurion (1559-74), a splendid work on ecclesiastical history, were compiled by an association of Lutheran divines, headed by Matthias Flacius Illyricus, a clergyman at Mag- deburg. It consisted of 13 folio vols., of which each described a century. The work may be described as the result of unwearied labour, and as bringing forward a great many documents till then unknown. The peculiar position of the writers, as Lutheran divines, induced them to pay particular attention to the history of the de- velopment of dogmas. The Centuries evoked (in 1588) the Eccle- siastical Annals of Ccesar Baronius (12 vols, folio, extending to 1198) ; a production specially important from the circumstance that it brings to light many documents, which have since then remained unknown. The author was rewarded with a cardinal's hat, and had almost been elevated to the Chair of St Peter. Since that period the study of ecclesiastical history has been continued, in the Roman Catholic Church, especially by the order of the Maurines and by the Oratorians in France, where the more liberal spirit of the Gallican Church tended to encourage such inquiries. Among these writers Ave may specially mention Natalis Alexander — who wrote on general Church History— a learned, but scholastic and stiff Dominican ; Seb. le Nain de Tillemont, a conscientious Jansenist author; Claude Fleury, the mild, able, but somewhat diffuse confessor of Louis XV.; and the eloquent Bishop Bossuet. To the older Reformed Church we are indebted for many excellent works on ecclesiastical history. § 8. CONTINUATION (l8TH CENTURY). 35 J. II. Hottinger combined a history of the Jews, of Heathenism, and of Mohammedanism with that of Christianity. Of still greater im- portance were the productions of Fr. Spanheim, in Ley den. In his Histoire de VEglise, J. Basnage has replied to Bossuet, while the Annales of Sam. Basnage were directed against Baronius. § 8. CONTINUATION (l8TH CENTURY). After the great work of the " Magdeburg Centuriones," the study of ecclesiastical history was for a time neglected by the Lutheran Church. A century elapsed before G. Calixt (ob. 1656) revived the study of this science. Strange to say, it was again controversy which induced theologians to return to the subject. In 1699, Gottfr. Arnold, a learned Pietist and Mystic, composed his "Im- partial History of the Church and of Heretics," — a work which throughout breathes a party spirit, and which descries genuine Christianity only among heretics and fanatics. Still, it gave a fresh impulse to historical investigation. Since that period, men like Weismann of Tubingen, the two Walctis ( George Which, the father, at Jena, and Francis Walch, the son, in Gottingen), J. Lor. v. Mosheim, Chancellor in Gottingen (ob. 1755), and Sigism.. J. Baum- garten of Halle, have furnished able and valuable works on Church History. Among these Mosheim deserves the first place, both on account of his acuteness, of his practical sense, of his style, and of his pure Latinity. J. Sal. Sender of Halle (ob. 1791), the pupil of Baumgarten, attempted to throw doubt upon almost every conclu- sion in historical theology at which the Church had arrived. He was answered by J. Matthew Schrockh, whose work, in 45 vols., bears evidence of almost incredible labour and perseverance, although it is necessarily diffuse. Chevalier Spittler, a Wurtemberg Minister of State, next furnished a clever caricature of Church History. He was followed in the same spirit by Henke of Helmstadt, who, in vigor- ous language, attempted to sketch the history of the Christian Church in the light of a continuous succession of religious aberra- tions. G. J. Planck of Gottingen, a representative of the unhealthy supranaturalism of his time, wrote a number of ecclesiastical and other monographs, which display considerable research, but are tainted with the spirit of his school. Theologians of the Keformed Church also compiled valuable treatises on ecclesiastical history. Among them we mention those of J". Clericus, an Arminian: of Alph. Turretin, of Geneva; otHerm. Venema, of Franeker; and oiJablonsky, at Frankfort-on-the-Qder. The reforms introduced by the Em- 36 INTRODUCTION. peror Joseph II. were not without effect on the study of ecclesias- tical history among the members of the German branch of the Roman Catholic Cliurcli. Accordingly, Casp. Roylw of Prague, and Matthew Dannenmayer of Vienna, wrote in a liberal spirit, — the former in language almost cynical, the latter in a more scientific and calm tone. § 9. CONTINUATION (l9TH CENTURY). A new era in the treatment of Church History opened with Chr. Schmidt of Giessen, in the commencement of the nineteenth cen- tury. Instead of the superficial or diffuse enumeration of facts, formerly current, he insisted on a thorough study of the sources and an enlarged estimate of events. But, unfortunately, in his case, the independent and enlarged treatment merely consisted in want of sympathy on the part of the historian with the subject of his in- vestigations. His writings were, in consequence, cold, unattractive, and almost mechanical. But the fundamental principle to which he called attention was safe, and, if rightly applied, calculated to accomplish the object in view. He was followed by Gieseler of Gottingen {oh. 1854), who elevated and improved this principle; and, in his History of the Church, has left a perfect storehouse of the most varied and comprehensive research. The text itself is terse ; but the notes by which it is accompanied contain an exqui- site selection from the sources from which he had drawn. The Manual of Engelhardt of Erlangen is an unpretending but valuable arrangement of the subject, as derived from the sources ; that of K. Hase of Jena is distinguished by its vivid sketches, its fresh and tasteful style, and its frequent and most telling allusions to the sources whence his material had been drawn. In the prelections of Schleiermacher, we find, indeed, no more than the information ordi- narily conveyed, but the leading outlines in the development of the Church are well traced. The work of Niedner claims special merit from the industry of the author, who furnishes much more than the common staple of text-books. The book affords evidence of most laborious study of the sources, and of discriminating tact ; but its style is heavy, and somewhat scholastic. The Ma'nual oiFricke (unhappily left incomplete), learned but stiff, is a production of the same school. In Gfrorer's work on Ecclesiastical History, Chris- tianity is treated as the natural product of the time in which it originated. Clerical selfishness, political calculations and intrigues, appear the sole principles of ecclesiastical movements which this § 9. CONTINUATION (l9TH CENTURY). 37 author can appreciate or discover. Still, the work is of importance ; and those volumes especially which detail the history of the Middle Ages give evidence of original study, and contain much fresh infor- mation. Occasionally the writer is carried away by his ingenuity, which suggests combinations where, in reality, none had existed. In 1853, Gfrorer joined the Roman Catholic Church. Almost at the same time with Gieseler, A. Neander commenced his great work on Church History, which formed a new phase in that branch of study. Sharing in the religious awakening which took place in Germany at the time of the French Wars, and deeply imbued with Schleiermacher's theology of feeling, he assigned to personal piety an important place in his treatment of Church History. In his view, ecclesiastical history furnished a grand com- mentary on the parable of the leaven which was destined to leaven the whole lump. The developments of the inner life are his favourite theme : he delights in tracing the Christian element even in persons and parties which had formerly been overlooked or dis- owned; while, on the other hand, the Church and churchliness appear to him generally as a mere ossification of Christian life, and a crystallisation of Christian dogma. Similarly, he overlooks the in- fluence exerted by political causes, nor does he pay attention to the aesthetic and artistic bearings of history. If his treatment of the sub- ject is too minute and monotonous, the reader is compensated by fervour and the continuous evidence of familiarity with the sources. Among the pupils whom this great man has left, Jacoli of Halle, and Hagenbach of Basle, have generally followed his direction, but avoided his errors. The Manual of Jacobi (which is not yet com- pleted) breathes the same spirit as that of his teacher. Its tone is elevated ; nor is the author content merely to imitate Neander. The prelections of Hagenbach, origin ally delivered to an educated audience, are somewhat diffuse, but clear and attractive. They breathe through- out a warm Christian spirit, nor is the judgment of the lecturer warped by narrow sectarian prejudices. What in the work of Neander had been awanting, from the subjectiveness of his " pec- toral" piety, Guericke of Halle has attempted to supply, at least so far as the Lutheran Church, to which he is attached, is concerned. But in more respects than one the work is somewhat one-sided. Along with this production we rank the excellent Manual of Bruno Lindner of Leipsic. The author belongs to the same ecclesiastical party as Guericke ; he traces more particularly the development of dogmas ; and also takes notice of the operation of political influences, 38 INTRODUCTION. as from time to time tliey were brought to bear on the history of the Church. [Professor Kurtz (whose manual we now present) belongs to the same ecclesiastical party as the above authors. His History furnishes, however, fuller details, and more copious extracts from the sources, than the works of Guericke or Lindner. Along with these historians we may mention the late lamented Dr Welsh of Edin- burgh, whose untimely death has left to the theological world only the first volume of a Church History, which promised to exhibit the fruits of careful study, couched in the chaste style which characterised that author.] Students of Ecclesiastical History are also under mani- fold obligations to the conductors of the " Zeitschrift fur historische Theologie" (Journal of Historical Theology), edited since 1851 by Illgen, and latterly by Niedner. The Eoman Catholic Church has latterly displayed fresh activity in prosecuting the study of Church History. A succession of able writers have followed the noble convert (to Popery), Leopold, Count of Stolberg. The work of Katercamp breathes a conciliatory spirit, and is at the same time distinguished by elegance of composition. A new era in the historical investigations of the Roman Catholic Church commenced with Ad. Mohler, whose labours were prema- turely arrested by death (in 1838). The school which he inaugurated is decidedly ultramontane, but combines with this tendency the exhaustive diligence which characterises Protestant investigations. Bollinger of Munich, Alzog of Hildesheim, and Bitter of Breslau, have written valuable manuals, composed in the spirit of that party. I. J. E. Chr. Schmidt, Handb. d. chr. K. G. (Manual of Eccl. Hist.) fortgesetzt v. F. W. Rettberg. 7 vols. Giess. 1800-34.— J". C. L. Gieseler, Lehrb. d. K.G. (Manual of Ch. Hist.). Section I.— III. in 6 vols, (the first 2 sections, forming 5 volumes in " Clark's Series," have been translated into English). Bonn 1824-40. Vol. IV. Kirchen Geschichte d. 18ten Jahrhunderts (Eccl. Hist, of the 18th cent.), Vol. V. Kirchen G. d. neuesten Zeit (Eccl. Hist, from 1814), and Vol. VI. Doginen-Gesch. (History of Dogmas), have, after the author's death, been edited by Dr Redepenning (Bonn 1855-57). — J. G. V. Engelhardt, Handb. d. K. G. 4 vofs. Erlangen 1832. — K. Hase, K. G. 8th Ed. Leipz. 1858. — Fr. Schleiermacher, Vorles. ii. d. K. G. (Lectures on Ch. H.) herausg. von Bonell. Berlin 1840.— Chr. W. Niedner, Gesch. d. chr. K. Leipz. 1846.— G. A. Fricke, Lehrb. d. K. G. Vol. I. (to the 8th cent.) Leipz. 1850. — A. F. Gfrorer, Gesch. d. chr. K. Stuttg. 1840 etc. 7 vols, (to the year 1000)- II. A. Neander, allg. Gesch. d. chr. K. (General Hist, of the Chr. Ch.). 6 Sections in 11 vols. Hamb. 1854-58 (to the year § 10. THE PRINCIPAL PERIODS OF CHURCH HISTORY. 39 1416) ; 3d Ed. in 2 large vols. 8vo. Hamb. 1857. (translated and published by Clark, Edinb. — Ph. Schaff, History of the Christian Church (A.D. 1 to 311). Edinb. 1859. vol. I. — J. L. Jacobi, Lehrb. d. K. G. Vol. I. to the year 590. Berlin 1850. — K. R. Hagenbach, die chr. K. d. 3 ersten Jahrh. (the Chr. Ch. of the first 3 cent.) Leipz. 1853 ; die chr. K. vom 4-6. Jahrh. (the Chr. Ch. from the 4th-6th cent.) Leipz. 1856; Gesch. d. Reform. (Hist, of the Reform.) 2d Ed. Leipz. 1851 ; d. evang. Protestantism, in s. gesch. Entwick. (Hist. Develop, of Evang. Protest.) 2 vols. 2d Ed. Leipz. 1854; K. G. d. 18 u. 19 Jahrh. (Eccl. Hist, of the 18th and 19th cent.) 3d Ed. 2 vols. Leipz. 1856 ; Leben u. ausg. Schriften d. Vater d. reform. K. (Lives and Select Writings of the Founders of the Re- form. Ch.), written by various Theol. and ed. by Hagenbach, of which 3 vols, have appeared (Elberfeld 1857 etc.). — H. E. F. Gueriche, Handb. d. K. G. 8 Ed. Leipz. 1854. 3 vols. — Br. Lind- ner, Lehrb. d. chr. K. G. 3 vols. Leipz. 1848 etc. — J. H. Kurtz, Handb. d. allgem. K. G. I. 1. 2. 3. II. 1. (to the time of the Caro- lingians). Mitau 1853 etc. — G. v. Polenz, Gesch. d. franz. Calvin (Hist, of Fr. Calvin). Vol. I. (to 1560). Gotha 1857.— Dr D. Welsh, Hist, of the Ch. Vol. I. Edinb. — Dean Mil-man, History of Christia- nity (3 vols.), and History of Latin Christianity, 6 vols. — Robertson (J. C), History of the Christian Church to 1122. 2 vols. London. 1858. III. Leop. v. Stolberg, Gesch. d. Rel. Jesu Chr. (Hist, of the Rel. of Jesus Christ). Vols. 1-15 (to the year 430), fortges. von (con- tinued by) F. v. Kerz, Vols. 16-32 (to the year 1300). Mayence 1824-51, and by Brischar. Vol. 33 etc. 1851 etc. — Th. Katercamp, Gesch. d. Rel. bis zur Stiftung d. allg. K. (Hist, of Rel. to the found, of a univers. Ch.) Minister 1819, — Kirchengesch. 5 vols, (to the year 1153), Minister 1823-34.— J. Jos. Ign. Ritter, Handb. d. K. (t. 5th Ed. Bonn 1854. 2 vols. — J. Alzog, Universalgesch. d. chr. K. (Universal Hist, of the Chr. Ch.) 6th Ed. Mayence 1854. § 10. THE PRINCIPAL PERIODS IN THE DEVELOPMENT OF CHURCH HISTORY. In the history of the world we distinguish three great leading periods, in which successively the Oriental, the Greco-Roman, and the Germanic element have cast civilisation in their own peculiar mould. In order to attain the fullest and most perfect develop^ ment, the kingdom of God had to adopt each of these forms and to unfold in them. The Jewish theocracy represents the development of the kingdom of God under the Oriental form of culture ; the Old Church, its development under the Greco-Roman ; the New Church, that under the Saxon form of culture. The Middle Ages exhibit the contest between the Old, which had sprung up under the classic 40 INTRODUCTION. form of culture, and the New, which, under the Germanic form of culture, was about to appear. Lastly, the development of Church History since the Eeformation, exhibits that movement which, pro- ceeding from Germanic Christian culture, had attained maturity and independence by the Eeformation. This survey of the kingdom of God upon earth, according to the various forms of culture, appears of such importance to us, that we propose to arrange the various periods of ecclesiastical history on this principle. We shall, therefore, present our history under the following periods : — I. Preparatory History of Christianity : Preparation for the coming salvation, under the Hebrew-Oriental form of culture ; contemporaneously with this : preparation of classical (Greek and Roman) culture, as the outward form under which the coming salva- tion was to become universally applicable. II. History of the Planting of Christianity : Perfect manifestation of the plan of salvation by Christ and His apostles. Conflict between the Jewish and the Grecian forms of culture. Vic- tory of the latter. First century of the Church (Apostolic Age). III. History of the Development of Christianity, on the basis of the original exhibition of salvation. A. Under the antique and classic form. First Period, from the year 100-323, or to the final victory of Christianity over Greco-Roman Heathenism. Second Period, from the year 323-692, or to the close of the doctrinal development of the Old Church (680), and the commence- ment of the estrangement between the Eastern and the Western Church (692). Third Period, from the year 692-1453, or to the taking of Con- stantinople. Decline and decay of the ecclesiastical movement under the antique and classic form. B. Under the Germanic Form ; and 1. under the Mediaeval Germanic form of culture. First Period, comprising the 4th-9th cent., i.e. from the founda- tion of the Germanic Church to the close of the Carolingian Age. Second Period, comprising the 10th-13th cent., to Boniface VIII. Prevalence of those elements which gave to Mediaeval culture its distinguishing character ; Papacy, Monasticism, Scholasticism. Tliird Period, comprising the 14th and 15th cent., to the Refor- mation. Decline of Mediaeval elements. Increase of Reformatory tendencies. §. 10. THE PRINCIPAL PERIOD OF CHURCH HISTORY. 41 2. Under the Modern Germanic form of culture : First Period, from 1517-1648, or to the peace of Westphalia, as closing the struggle of Protestantism for legal recognition. Second Period, from 1648—1750, i.e., to the appearance of Naturalism and Rationalism. Third Period, from 1750-1814, to the end of the French wars. Prevalence of Naturalism and of Rationalism. Age of Enlighten- ment. Fourth Period, from 1814 to the present time. Re-awakening of a Christian and ecclesiastical spirit. Hostile movements of Com- munism and Pantheism. THE PKEPAEATOBY HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. RELIGIOUS, MORAL, AND INTELLECTUAL STATE OF THE WORLD BEFORE THE COMING OF CHRIST. 1. Comp. J. Jac. Hess, Gesch. d. Israel, vor d. Zeiten Jesu (Hist, of the Jews before the Time of Christ). 12 vols. Zurich 1776-88. — J. H. Kurtz, Geschichte d. alten Bundes (Hist, of the Old Covenant— transl. into Engl, by Edersheim, Edinb. T. and T. Clark). Vols. I. II. 2d Ed. Berlin 1853-56;— the same author 's Lehrb. d. heil. Gesch. (Manual of Sacred Hist.) 7th Ed. Konigsb. 1856. — (i^. Eioald, Gesch. d. Volkes Israel bis Christus [Hist, of the Jewish Nation to the Time of Christ]. Gott. 1843 etc. 4 vols.). — Edersheim; 's History of the Jewish Nation. 2d Ed. Edinb. 1857. 2. Herder, Ideen zur Pliilos. d. Gesch. d. Menschh. (Thoughts on the Philos. of the Hist, of Man).— H. Hitter, Gesch. d. Philo- sophic 2d Ed. Hamb. 1836 etc.— Meiners, allgem. Gesch. d. Religg. (Universal Hist, of Religions). 1806. — Creuzer, Symbolik u. Mythologie. 3d Ed. 1837 etc.— Otfr. Mutter, Prolegomena zu einer"wissenschaft. Mythol. (Proleg. to a scientif. Myth.). — Stuhr, allg. Gesch. d. Religionsformen der heidn. Volker (Universal Hist, of the Forms of Relig. among Heathen Nations). Berlin 1836. — A. Wuttke, Gesch. d. Heidenthums (Hist, of Heathen.). Vols. I. II. Breslau 1852 etc.— J. Sepp, das Heidentli. u. dess. Bedeutung fur d. Christenth. (Heathen, and its import, for Christian.). 3 vols. Regensb. 1853. — Tlioluck, das Wesen u. die sittl. Einflusse des Heidenth. (the Character and Moral Inn. of Heathen.); in Neander's Memorials. Vol. I. — Griineisen, d. Sittliche in d. bildenden Kunst bei d. Griechen (the Moral Element in the Fine Arts among the Greeks). Leipz. 1833.. J. G. A. Lutterbeck, die neutest. Lehrbegriffe (Dogmat. of the N. T.). Vol. I. Development previous to the age of Christ. Mayence 1853. §§. 11. 12. PRIMEVAL PREPARATION OF SALVATION. 43 §. 11. SURVEY OF THE HISTORY OF THE WORLD. The incarnation of God in Christ for the salvation of the human race, which had become subject to sin, death, and eternal misery, forms the central point in the history and development of man. With this event commences, and on it rests " the fulness of time " (Gal. iv. 4). All former history served only as preparation for this great fact. But this process of preparation dates from earliest times, and appeared under the twofold form of Heathenism and of Judaism. In the former, the development was left to the unaided powers and capacities of man ; in the latter, it was influenced and directed by a continuous course of Divine co-operation. These two series, which differ not only in the means employed, but also in the aim and goal of their respective developments, continued side by side with each other, until in the fulness of time they merged in Christianity, in which the lasting and legitimate results of these developments were to serve a great purpose; on the other hand, what in these systems and their consequences was godless, issued in opposition to Christianity, and led to a contest for life or death. If, therefore, a way was prepared by which Christianity was to become the religion of the world, the struggle to which we have referred served to show its Divine reality and power, while these contests and victories also prepared it for further achievements. §. 12. PRIMEVAL PREPARATION OF SALVATION. When man came from the creative hand of God, he was upright and holy. He bore the Divine image, and was destined for, and capable of, a free development by which to attain perfect blessed- ness, glory,- and communion with God. But instead of attaining that destiny by an act of free choice, he fell by an abuse of his freedom, and became subject to sin, death, and condemnation. However, man was still capable of salvation ; and immediately after his fall the eternal purpose of grace was announced, and henceforth became the great element in his history. This deliverance was to appear in the midst of the human race itself (by the seed of the woman, Gen. iii. 15), and thus to form the culminating point of a development carried on under the operation of God. But soon this development again took a direction so perverse and godless, that unless it had been broken off by a general judgment (that of the flood), it would have terminated, not in salvation, but in absolute destruction. Only one man (Noah) was preserved amidst the 44 PREPARATORY HISTORY. general ruin, and now formed the commencement of a new develop- ment by which the great goal was again to be sought. Sin a second time marred this work,— not, indeed, so far as to render a second general judgment necessary in order to preserve the Divine purpose of salvation, yet so as to make it impossible that this development should become the medium for exhibiting the counsel of sovereign love. Salvation might indeed still be prepared in and by it, if not positively, at least negatively. But, in order positively to prepare the way of salvation, for the third time a new commencement required to be made. §. 13. DIFFERENT PURPOSES WHICH JUDAISM AND HEATHENISM WERE INTENDED TO SERVE. In Abraham and in his seed God chose and created, called and trained a people, in and by which salvation — in its positive aspect- was to be prepared, until, when fully matured, its benefits might be shared by all the nations of the earth. This new development com- menced on the principle of strictest exclusion, although from the first it offered the prospect of finally embracing all nations. Every- thing connected with the history of this people bears reference to the coming salvation. Each revelation and dispensation, all disci- pline and punishment, every promise and threatening ; their consti- tution, laws, and worship ; every political, civil, and religious insti- tution (so far as they were legitimate and proper),— all tended towards this goal. — Meantime the Lord allowed the other nations to walk in their own ways (Acts xiv. 16). But, while leaving them to them- selves, He did not wholly forsake them, but had a great purpose of His own in view, to which their development also was to be subser- vient. Their history also was preparatory for salvation, and that not only negatively, in so far as they learned to long for, and to be- come susceptible of, the salvation which was destined to be " of the Jews " (John iv. 22), but positively also, in so far as they were rendered capable of finally offering a contribution which should prove of greatest importance for the spread of that salvation. In this respect pre-Christian heathenism is not without its Divine sanction. In its fundamental principles, heathenism denies the existence of a living and personal God, despises the salvation which He has pre- pared, and embodies the idea that man is both able and obliged to deliver himself by his own strength and wisdom. Hence the en- deavour, with the means at man's command, to attain a salvation devised §. 13. PURPOSES OF JUDAISM AND HEATHENISM. 45 by man. From the sinfulness and impotence of human nature, such endeavours could only lead to entire and felt ruin. Despite increas- ing; worldly culture and political power, heathenism increasingly sank from its height of moral and religious strength and dignity, into a state of spiritual decay and moral laxity and helplessness. It became more and more evident that neither nature nor art, neither worldly culture nor wisdom, neither oracles nor mysteries, neither philosophy nor theosophy, neither political institutions nor industry, neither sensual indulgence nor luxury, could satisfy the cravings of the soul, created for the enjoyment of God, or restore to man that inward peace which he had lost. Experience such as this was cal- culated to humble the pride of heathenism, and to awaken in nobler spirits a sense of need — a longing and a susceptibility for the salva- tion to be manifested in Christ. Thus Judaism was to prepare sal- vation for mankind, and heathenism mankind for salvation. But the latter has also yielded not merely negative, but positive results. In its struggles after light, heathenism called every natural power and capa- city of man into requisition, in order to attain the highest possible de- velopment of worldly culture and power. In this respect great results were attained, which in turn became the property of Christianity, and, in its hands, the form and the means by which its world-wide mission was to be realised and executed. In one sentence, Judaism has supplied to the Church the substance, the Divine reality ; heathen- ism, the human form, and the outward means for developing and carry- ing out the great xoork. It must not be imagined, however, that these results of the de- velopment of Judaism and of heathenism were either entirely or generally understood and applied, since human liberty might resist, and shut itself up against these methods which the Lord, in His grace, took for training mankind. A comparatively small portion only of the Jewish and heathen world, elevated above the generality and feeling their need of salvation, from the first accepted the offer of the Gospel. All the rest shut their minds and hearts to its claims, opposed it with more or less pertinacity, and commenced a determined contest against the Church, as soon as it appeared formally constituted. Judaism opposed Christianity, because it attached exclusive value to the husk in which the fruit had ripened to maturity, while it rejected the fruit itself — and, because Jewish pride and exclusiveness could not brook the idea that the Gospel should place the Gentile on the same level with the Jew. Heathenism opposed the Church, because it regarded Divine Wisdom as folly, Divine Power as deceit, and built itself up in the pride of its human wisdom, in the fanaticism of its unbelief or misbelief, and in the self-reliance of its power and wealth. This decisive contest, in which the Church was to display, and on which it brought to bear, the strength and the resources with which the Lord had endowed it, became the more bloody and desperate, as the Church spread and 46 PREPARATORY HISTORY. increased despite all persecutions and oppressions, and as both Judaism and heathenism could not but see the certain approach of their final doom. §. 14. RELIGIOUS LIFE AMONG THE HEATHEN. Full of native vigour, and surrounded by a nature so lavish in her gifts, mankind soon denied the existence of a living, a personal, and a supra-mundane God. Nature, with her inexhaustible fulness of life and of enjoyments, seemed so near, and so much more worthy of devotion and worship than this Personal God, in His supra-mun- dane elevation. Thus originated heathenism— in its general charac ter, a state of absorption in the great life of Nature, a deification, or, in one word, the worship and service of Nature (Rom. i. 21, ff.). Those hidden powers in the life of Nature, and of the soul, were not viewed abstractly, but regarded as revelations of the eternal spirit of Nature. Such ideas were further developed by speculation and mysticism, by natural magic, and by divina- tion, and applied to all the relations of human life. Under the influence of certain prominent individuals, or of geographical and ethnographical peculiarities, the various systems of the worship of Nature arose in this manner. The common characteristic of all these systems, which, indeed, is connected with the very essence of heathenism, consists in a line of demarcation between the esoteric religion of the priests and the exoteric worship of the multitude. The former may be characterised as a speculative and ideal Pan- theism ; the latter, as a Polytheism full of myths and ceremonies. Let it not be supposed that heathenism was entirely devoid of every element of truth. Not to mention those remains of original revelation in heathenism which, with various aberrations from pris- tine purity, lay at the foundation of, or were incorporated in, its systems, these religions of nature have, in their unnaturally early development, anticipated some of those religious truths which, in the arrangement of Divine revelation, only unfolded gradually, and at a comparatively late period. At the same time, however, they have perverted and distorted these truths into falsehoods and caricatures. Among them we reckon, for example, the pantheistic theories con- cerning the Trinity and the Incarnation, the dualistic perversion of the real existence of evil, traced back to an uncreated principle, etc. To the same class also belongs, more especially, the practice of offer- ing human sacrifices, which prevailed under every form of the wor- ship of nature — a dreadful, in some sense a prophetic, cry for help on the part of man, consciously forsaken by God, and which could only on Golgotha be resolved into hymns of praise and of thanksgiving. §. 15. MORAL CONDITION OF THE HEATHEN. 47 The almost incredible deeds of self-devotion and ^renunciation, such as hecatombs, sacrifices of children, emasculation, prostitution, etc., attest the power and energy with which, in its high-day, ine worship of nature had kept hold on the hearts of its adherents, and show the enthusiasm which it had called forth. Another evidence in the same direction is the almost irresistible charm which, during the whole course of the earlier history of Israel, heathenism seems to have had for the chosen race. Even this circumstance proves that heathenism was not merely a lie and a piece of imposition. The worship of nature could not have wielded such power if this lie had not concealed some elements of truth ; the charm which it exercised lay in its anticipations of a future salvation, however Satan might have distorted them ; while the mysterious manifestations of natural magic, and of the power of divination, appeared to confirm its Divine claim. But the fate reserved for every unnatural and premature development also befell the worship of nature. The remains of truth were swallowed up in the gigantic lie ; the powers of life and the capacity of development, which had been forced on beyond their real strength, were soon used and consumed; the blossoms fell off without giving place to fruit. Mysteries and oracles, magic and divination, became either empty forms, or the means of gross imposition and low trickery. Ultimately, a haruspex could not meet his fellow without laughing. Among some, unbe- lief ridiculed everything; among others, misbelief assumed the most dissolute or extravagant shapes ; while an unthinking religious eclec- ticism vainly endeavoured to infuse fresh life into decrepit and dying heathenism. Most miserable impotence and emptiness — such was the final issue of a worship of nature, once so vigorous and lively. • §. 15. MORAL CONDITION OF THE HEATHEN. \£ The morals of a people always keep pace with their religion. It was so with the heathen nations also, whose moral life was earnest, vigorous, and genuine, or weak, defective, and perverse in measure, as religious earnestness increased or decreased. The moral defects of heathenism sprang from its religious deficiencies. It was a religion adapted for time, not for eternity ; and the gods shared all those fail- ings which are connected with our present state of existence. Thus religion lost all that power by which it elevates man above the defile- ments connected with our present state. Myths, which in part were exceedingly immoral in their tendency, sanctified or excused — by the example of the gods — even gross immorality. Voluptuousness, which symbolised the generating power in the divine life of nature, was not unfrequently made the centre and the climax of worship. Heathenism wholly ignored the great truths connected with the general idea of humanity ; it was only conversant with those con- 48 PREPARATORY HISTORY. nected with nationality, and the excellencies it cultivated were merely civic virtues. Eastern despotism, as well as Western conceit and pride of nationality, slighted the common rights and the dignity of man. A foreigner or a slave had neither position nor claims. As the value of an individual entirely depended on his political position, the place belonging to woman was wholly ignored or misunderstood. Generally speaking, she was regarded only as the handmaid of man ; while, in the East, polygamy degraded her to the lowest le^el. Still, notwithstanding these fundamental and great defects, in the high-day of its vigour, heathenism often displayed considerable moral earnestness and energy, at least in those depart- ments of moral life (such as in the state and in civic relations) which the breath of Pantheism or of Polytheism had not laid desolate. But when the ancestral faith had become empty and powerless, when it ceased to animate and to pervade these departments of life, they also lost the moral dignity formerly attaching to them. The general decadence reached its climax during the degenerate times of the Soman Emperors. When the Church entered on its career of spiritual conquest, it found heathenism in a state of incredible moral degradation. §. 16. the intellectual culture of the heathen. The intellectual culture of heathendom exercised a twofold and an opposite influence upon the Church. Partly heathen science and art prepared the way for, and formed a link of connection with, Christianity; partly, it obstructed its progress, and facilitated a relapse into heathenism. To the mental activity of the Greeks and Romans, mankind and the Church are indebted for general culture and for that preparation of the way to which we have already adverted. In this respect we would specially point to the philosophy, the poetry, and the historical productions of these nations. The philosophical investigations carried on in the East were chiefly of a theosophic character, and for the purpose of de- veloping the esoteric worship of nature into the various speculative religious systems. Oriental poetry served the same purpose with reference to the exoteric religion of the people. Historical works — in the proper sense of that term — were not produced in the East. The mental culture of the Greeks and Romans, as expressed in their philosophical, poetic, and historical writings, prepared, in respect both of form and of substance, the way for the Christian Church. It furnished forms, which, from their depth, distinctness and correct- § 17. GREEK PHILOSOPHY. 49 ness, their ready adaptation and general suitableness, proved most fit for presenting and developing the new truths which were to issue from the Holy Land. It also produced certain ideas and views, derived from a profound contemplation and study both of nature and of mind, of history and of life, which, in many respects, even opened the way and prepared a soil for the great realities of salva- tion. On the other hand, the East, not less than classical antiquity, contributed elements of culture which were to prove a hindrance to, and a corruption in, the Church. The hostile and antichristian, the distinctively heathenish substance of their philosophy and theo- sophy, as well as their study of mysteries, were by and by introduced into Christianity, along with the FORMS of culture under which these hostile elements had formerly appeared. Had such attempts against the purity of the Church proved successful, it would have become essentially Pagan. The mysterious depths of Christianity attracted, indeed, heathenism ; but then, to those highly cultivated Gentiles who boasted in the conceit of their sublime wisdom, the Gospel appeared too simple, too void of philosophy and speculation, to meet the demands of the age. They deemed it necessary tc enrich it with the accumulated stores of eastern and western wisdom, that so it might indeed lay claim to be an absolute and perfect religion. Only classical, i. e., Greek and Soman culture, directly prepared the way for the Church. The influences of Eastern forms of culture on the history of the kingdom of God were entirely confined to Judaism. The symbols of the East became the form in which the Divine substance, communicated by Old Testament prophet?, appeared and developed. On the other hand, the dialectics of classical antiquity furnished an appropriate medium by which to present the truths of Christianity when the symbolic covering of Judaism had been laid aside, and the truths of salvation were to appear in their pure and spiritual character. § 17. GREEK PHILOSOPHY. Our remarks about the form and the substance of heathen culture, and their preparatory or disturbing influences on Christianity when it entered on its world-mission, apply more particularly to Greek Philosophy. However, even where these speculations prepared the way for the truth, we must distinguish between their merely negative tendency, which served to destroy heathenism, and the positive, in so far as both in substance and in form (§16) they led the way towards Christianity. VOL. I. D 50 PREPARATORY HISTORY From the first this negative tendency appeared in Grecian philo- sophy. It undermined the popular creed, prepared the downfall of idolatry, and led to the self-despair of heathenism, which pointed to Christianity for deliverance. With Socrates (ob. 399 b. c.) com- menced the positive preparation for the truth, accomplished by Greek philosophy. If, in deep humility, he confessed his ignorance, if he based all wisdom on " Know Thyself," if he traced his deepest thoughts and motives to Divine suggestions (his A.aifjJviov), if he willingly surrendered the enjoyments of this world, and expressed a confident hope in that which was spiritual and eternal, — we may be allowed to regard all such expressions as, in a certain sense, the faint echoes, or rather, as the prophetic anticipations, of Christian doctrine and life. The speculations of Plato even more closely and fully approximated Christian views. That philosopher (ob. 348) collected the scattered germs of his great predecessor's teaching. In his profound, speculative, and poetic mind, they sprung up and unfolded to a new mode of contemplating the world, which came nearer that of Christianity than any other system outside revelation. The philosophy of Plato spake of man as claiming kindred to the Deity, and led him beyond what is seen and sensuous to the eternal prototypes of the beautiful, the true, and the good, from which man had fallen ; thus awakening in him a deep longing for the blessings he had lost. If the system of Aristotle (ob. 322) was farther dis- tant from Christianity than that of Plato, he rendered even greater service by presenting his views in a form of which Christian science afterwards made so large use in its inquiries and dogmatic state- ments. These two thinkers represent the climax of philosophic speculation among the Greeks, and the farthest limits within which inquiries like theirs could prepare the way for the Gospel. As, con- sciously or unconsciously, philosophy had formerly contributed to the decay of popular religion, it now entered on a process of self- destruction, and with increasing clearness disclosed the utter help- lessness of heathenism. This phase appears most distinctly in the three forms of philosophy which, at the time when the Church appeared on the stage of the world, claimed the most numerous adherents : we mean, Epicureanism, Stoicism, and Scepticism. In the philosophy of Epicurus (ob. 271), pleasure was considered the highest good. The world was left at the mercy of chance, the soul was represented as mortal, and the gods as enjoying their pleasures, entirely careless of this world. In opposition to Epicurean Deism, Stoicism (of which Zeno, ob. 260, was the founder) propounded a peculiar kind of Pantheism, in which the affairs of the world were made to depend on the unavoidable necessities of fate. Meantime the world was hastening towards a great catastrophe, from the flames of which a new world was to issue, which, in turn, was destined to describe a similar cycle. To despise pleasure and pain, and, in case of necessity, to put an end to an existence which had § 18. SOCIAL CONDITION OF HEATHEN COUNTRIES. 51 missed its aim — such was the climax of wisdom. The sage, who had reached this elevation, from which he could command him- self and the world, had become his own god, and found all satisfac- tion in himself. Lastly, Scepticism (of which Arcesilaus, ob. 240, and Carneades, ob. 128, were the founders) appeared to controvert the principles of Stoicism. Since it was manifestly impossible to arrive at truth, this system placed the sum and substance of theo- retical wisdom in refraining (hiroyyj) from every conclusion ; and that of practical wisdom in abstaining from all passion, and from every strong emotion. § 18. SOCIAL CONDITION OF HEATHEN COUNTRIES. The leading tendency in heathenism — to procure salvation by the unaided power of man — implied an endeavour to combine every force and capacity into a colossal unity (Gen. xi. 4, 6). When hea- thenism had renounced allegiance to the personal and living God, and rejected His method of salvation and of union, it was impelled, by a kind of inward necessity, to concentrate the mental and physical powers of mankind, and through them all powers of nature, and the products of the various zones and countries, and to subject them to one person, that so this person might be acknowledged as the per- sonal and visible representative of the Deity. This felt necessity gave rise to, even as its perverseness led to the ruin of, one empire after the other, until, in the Roman Empire, the goal was reached ; while, at the same time, this tendency was finally arrested and destroyed by the spiritual power of the kingdom of God (Dan. ii. 44; vii. 13J 14). 1. This aim after a universal empire has, as all the tendencies of heathenism, its twofold aspect ; and yve must distinguish between the ways of man and those of God, between the ungodly purposes of man and the happy results to which, in the Divine government, they were made subservient. Although we only refer to the Roman Empire, it should be borne in mind that all the great monarchies were only a repetition and a more vigorous continuation of one and the same tendency and endeavour. Hence our remarks about Rome equally apply to other empires. The universal domination of one power prepared the way for the Church, in so far as, by the union of nations into one empire, the various stages and elements of civilisa- tion, which otherwise might have remained isolated, were combined into a more universal civilisation, which rendered it comparatively easy to circulate the fresh blood poured by the Church into the veins of nations. This union, which was first brought about by the conquests of Alexander the Great, was completed when Rome became the mistress of the world. Gradually the Greek language, 52 PREPARATORY HISTORY. which, when the Gospel was first preached, was understood and spoken throughout the Eoman Empire, obtained universal domina- tion,— as it were a temporary suspension this of the judgment by which languages were confounded, and which indicated the rise of heathenism (Gen. xi.), — that thus the return to God, and the recep- tion of His Gospel, might be facilitated. 2. Impelled by a principle similar to that which, in the state, led to attempts after concentration of power, Industry and Com- merce sought to grasp all wealth. But while, for very different purposes from those of the Gospel, commerce opened ways through deserts and over seas, and joined the most distant countries and zones, without knowing or willing it, in the arrangement of God it served an important purpose for the diffusion of the glad tidings. § 10. JUDAISM UNDER ITS SPECIAL DIVINE GUIDANCE. Abraham was chosen and called alone (Isa. li. 2). As Creator, God called the seed of promise from the dead body of Sarah ; as Saviour, He delivered the chosen race from the oppressive bondage of Egypt. The patriarchal family was constituted in the Holy Land; while, in order that the family might, unimpeded, develop into a great nation, it had to go down into Egypt. From this strange land Moses brought up the people, and gave them a theocratic constitu- tion, laics, and worship, to serve as the means by which they were to fulfil their mission, and to be types of, and a schoolmaster unto, future perfectness (Gal. iii. 24 ; Heb. x. 1). The Exodus from Egypt con- stituted the birth of the nation ; by the giving of the law on Mount Sinai, Israel was set apart to be a holy nation. When, under the leadership of Joshua, the Israelites took possession of the home of their ancestors — a country adapted for the purposes which the people were to serve — the last condition of their independent existence was fulfilled. Under the fostering care of a devout priesthood, the purely popular institutions of the theocracy should now have borne rich fruit; but, during the administration of the judges, it soon appeared that even these appliances were insufficient, and two other agencies were called into operation. The prophetical office was a special but continuous institution, intended to serve as the mouthpiece of God, and to act as the conscience of the commonwealth ; while the royal office was designed to afford external security and to bestow internal peace upon the theocracy. Then followed the conquests of David, which gave the Jewish commonwealth a becoming political importance, while the temple of Solomon fully developed its typical worship. But, despite prophetism and royalty, the people became increasingly estranged from their peculiar destiny, and hence unable § 20. JUDAISM AFTER THE CESSATION OF DIVINE TRAINING. 53 to maintain their high position. The division of the kingdom, con- tinued internal feuds, improper alliances, growing apostasy, and conformity to idolatry, brought after them Divine judgments, in con- sequence of which the nation became subject to the heathen. These chastisements remained not altogether unimproved. Cyrus allowed the return of the captives, and their reorganisation into a state ; and prophets were again commissioned to direct the formation and the development of the community. Amid these occurrences, prophecy served not only for present instruction, reproof, and admonition, but kept before the public mind the promise of a coming salvation, thus supplying comfort and hope even in the most troublous times. The happy periods, when David had conquered and Solomon exercised his glorious sway of peace, served as basis for depicting the future transcendent glory of Messiah's kingdom ; while the aberrations, the sufferings, and the humiliation of the people, during the period of their decadence, led those who cherished such hopes to look for a Messiah who should suffer for the sins of the people, and take upon Himself all their misery. And, when prophetism had done the work allotted, it ceased — to resume and complete its message when the fulness of time had come. § 20. JUDAISM AFTER THE CESSATION OF DIVINE TRAINING BY MEANS OF REVELATION. The period had now arrived when the immediate guidance of Divine revelation was to be withdrawn. Furnished with the results and experiences of former teaching, followed by the law as schoolmaster, and by prophetic prediction as by a lamp, the chosen race was now to give evidence of its calling. The annihilation with which the fanaticism of Antiochus Epiphanes threatened the Jewish common- wealth was happily averted, and under the Maccabees the nation once more obtained political independence. But, amid the increas- ing corruption of the Maccabean rulers, the intrigues of Rome again deprived the country of this boon. The religious persecutions of the Syrians, and, after them, the oppression of the Romans, trans- formed the national feeling of attachment to their ancestral religion into extreme exclusiveness, fanatical hatred and proud contempt of everything foreign, and changed the former longing for the Messiah to merely political, extravagant, and carnal expectations. True piety decayed into petty legalism and ceremonialism, into work- and self-righteousness. The priests and scribes were zealous in fostering this tendency, by increasing external ordinances and per- 54 PREPARATORY HISTORY. verting the sense of Scripture; thus rendering the mass of the people only more insusceptible to the spirituality of that salvation, which was now so near at hand. 1. The institution of synagogues proved of great importance for the development of Judaism during the period succeeding the return from Babylon. They owed their origin to the consciousness that, after the cessation of prophecy, it was both desirable and duty, not only to continue the symbolical services of the temple, but also to seek edification by a careful study of the truths which God had revealed in the law and by the prophets. But in these synagogues the tendency to enlarge the Mosaic law, and to hedge it about by rabbinical enactments, the aim after an external legalism and work- righteousness, national pride and carnal anticipations of Messianic times were nursed, and from them they spread among the body of the people. On the other hand, the synagogues, especially those out of Palestine (among the Diaspora), proved, from their missionary influence, of great use to the Church. These meetings, in which the Holy Scriptures of the Old Testament were, every Sabbath, read in the Greek version of the LXX. and explained, offered to the heathen, who felt their need of salvation, precious opportunities of becoming acquainted with the revelation and the promises of God under the Old Covenant; while to the first messengers of the Gospel they afforded an opportunity of announcing the Gospel to numerous assemblages, composed of Jews and Gentiles. The strict, tradi- tional, exclusive, and carnal direction of Judaism was more particu- larly represented and developed by the sect of the Pharisees. To them the Sadducees were opposed, who, estranged from the peculiar genius of the people and hostile to traditionalism, sympathised with the Romans and the Herodians — in theory Rationalists, in practice Epicureans. A third sect, that of the Essenes, consisted of a close association of men, who retired from the world in order to carry out the original idea of Moses concerning the priesthood (Ex. xix. 5, 6), and whose direction was that of mysticism and asceticism. As each of these three parties (the orthodox, the rationalistic, and the mystical) represented more or less unhealthy aberrations from genuine Judaism, they could not prepare the way for the Church, but either occupied a position of antagonism, or else sought to introduce dangerous corruptions (§ 48). But with all these perverse and growing tendencies, a holy seed of genuine spirituality re- mained in obscui'ity and retirement (John i. 47 ; Luke i. 6 ; ii. 25, 38) — a soil this, prepared by the Lord for receiving the salvation offered by Christ. § 21. THE SAMARITANS. The Samaritans originated at the time of the Captivity, from a mixture of Jewish and heathen elements. After the return from § 22. COMMUNICATIONS BETWEEN JUDAISM AND HEATHENISM. 55 the Babylonian exile, they wished to amalgamate with the Jews ; but their overtures were rejected on account of the heathen defile- ments which the Samaritans had contracted. The reformatorv labours carried on among them by Manasse, a Jewish refugee, who sought to purify their religion, and to base it on the Pentateuch (of which the text, however, was in some particulars purposely altered), and who gave them a temple and worship on Mount Gerizim, only served to increase the hatred of the Jews. The Samaritans kept by the Judaism which Manasse had brought among them, and remained equally strangers to the developments and the perversions of Rabbin- ism. Their Messianic hopes were consequently more pure and their exclusiveness less violent. These circumstances enabled them more impartially to examine the claims of Christianity ; while the hatred and contempt with which pharisaical Judaism treated them, disposed them more favourably towards the Gospel, which was likewise dis- owned and persecuted by the synagogue (John iv. 41 ; Acts viii. 5 etc.). On the other hand, Christianity also suffered from the attempts at change and reaction made by that party, in the spirit of the heathen principle of eclecticism, which was inherent to Samaritanism from its commencement (§ 42). § 22. COMMUNICATIONS BETWEEN JUDAISM AND HEATHENISM. The conquests of Alexander the Great brought the various ele- ments of civilisation in the ancient world into contact and connec- tion. The Jews (of the Diaspora) who lived beyond the limits of Palestine, especially those who resided in Egypt, which was really the focus of this movement, were necessarily affected by the influences brought to bear upon them. Thus the sect of the Essenes, which had found its way into Egypt, underwent various modifications, and, under the name of Therapeutce, occupied an influential position. The Jewish Hellenism of Alexandria embodied the main principles of this party ; enlarged, however, by elements of Grecian culture, and reared on a broader basis, chiefly of Platonic philosophy. Of this school Aristobulus (k^y^ang rrjg "M-wugzus ypcapyjg, about the year 175), the author of " the Book of Wisdom," and the Alexan- drian Jew Philo, were the principal representatives. While the philosophical direction of this party increasingly alienated it from genuine (Palestinian) Judaism, a method in some respects pecu- liarly suitable for the dogmatic development of Christian doctrine was initiated by it, of which the Church-Fathers afterwards largely 56 PREPARATORY HISTORY. availed themselves. The Jews of Eastern Asia maintained a more close connection with the Rabbinism of Palestine ; and the heathen (Chaldee and Persian) elements which in the course of time found their way into their teaching and practice, were afterwards adopted by the synagogue, and in great part embodied in the Talmud. Phtlo, ob. 39 A.D. His Platonism is peculiarly modified by Old Testament elements, and by Essene and therapeutic views. Hence his speculations have served as the groundwork of heathen Neo- Platonism, of the Jewish Cabbala, of Gnosticism, and even of the philosophy of some of the Fathers. He taught that originally all nations had obtained some knowledge of Divine truth, but that Moses alone had been the founder of true philosophy ; that the legislation and teaching of Mosaism was the source whence Grecian philosophy and Grecian mysteries had drawn their inspiration. The deep things of Scripture could only be understood by means of allegorical interpretation,. God was to ov, and matter rd f/jij ov ; the zoG[bog voqrog was an intermediate world (corresponding to Plato's world of ideas), and consisted of innumerable spirits and potencies (angels and souls of men), which, viewed in their unity, and as proceeding from the Word of God — the "koyog Ivbic&zrog which from all eternity had been in God — had in creation come forth from God— the \oyog trpo(popiz6g (thought and word). The visible world was an imitation of the zofffiog vorjrog, — imperfect, how- ever, on account of the physical incapability of the Hyle, etc. § 23. RELATION OF HEATHENISM TOWARDS JUDAISM. Generally speaking, heathen nations extended toleration to Ju- daism. Alexander the Great, the Ptolemies, and in part the Selu- cidge also, accorded them the free exercise of their religion, and even certain privileges. Rome recognised Judaism as a " religio Hcita" Still the Jews were, for the most part, despised and hated by the heathen (Tac. calls them : " despectissima pars servientium" — teterrima gens") ; and even able writers, such as Manetho, Justin, Tacitus, etc., recited the most absurd fables and odious calumnies against them. Flavius Josephus, the Jewish historian, endeavoured to dispel the prejudices of the Greeks and Romans against his people, by presenting their history and institutions in the most favourable light. On the other hand, the Greek translation of the Old Testament (the Septuagint), and the great number of syna- gogues which, during the time of Roman domination, had sprung up all over the world, offered the heathen, who cared for it, an oppor- tunity of becoming personally acquainted with the peculiar character and spirit of Judaism. Considering the decay of heathenism at the time, it could scarcely happen otherwise than that the high antiquity § 24. THE FULNESS OF TIME. 57 of Judaism, the sublime simplicity of its creed, the solemn import of its rites, and its Messianic anticipations, should — despite the com- mon contempt for the synagogue — have attracted many of the better and expectant heathen, whose cravings their degraded religion no longer could satisfy. Although comparatively few joined the Jewish nation by undergoing circumcision and becoming proselytes of right- eousness, the number of those who, without observing the whole ceremonial law, became proselytes of the gate, abstained from idolatry and served Jehovah, was proportionally great. These adherents consisted of high and low, chiefly of females ; and among them Christianity made its earliest converts. § 24. THE FULNESS OF TIME. When the fulness of time had come, the dawn of a new era ap- peared on the mountains of Judsea. According to the Divine pur- pose, Judaism and heathenism had completed that cycle of positive and negative preparation for the coining salvation of which they were capable. The latter had now become perfectly conscious of its entire impotence and incompetency for satisfying the religious cravings of the soul. Unless, where sunk into dreary unbelief or wild misbelief, it earnestly longed and sought for something better. Thus, negatively, the way was prepared for the Church. Heathenism had produced great and imperishable results in the domains of science, art, and of human culture generally. However impotent it proved to restore to man the peace he had lost, and for which he sought, it could furnish important aid, if brought to own the power of that truth which the Lord had revealed. In this re- spect, heathenism served also as positive preparation for the Church. Among Jews and Gentiles there was a general presentiment that a great era in history was at hand. A deep-felt sense of want had become almost a prophecy of the approaching provision. All who were Israelites indeed, waited for the promised consolation, — some even in the hope or expectation that they might live to see its advent. Among the heathen also the long-cherished hope of a re- turn of the Golden Age was again prominently brought forward, and derived fresh support and a new object from what had been gathered from the Holy Scriptures, or learned in the synagogues of the Jews. Heathen Polity had also contributed its quotum of pre- paration for the Church. One empire and one language combined the whole world — universal peace prevailed, and most extensive commerce and intercourse facilitated the rapid spread of the new truths brought to light by the Gospel. HISTORY OF THE PEIMITIVE CHUBCH. FOUNDATION OF THE CHURCH BY CHRIST ; ITS CONSTITUTION IN THE APOSTOLIC AGE. TO ABOUT THE YEAR 100 A.D. § 25. CHARACTERISTICS OF THIS PRIMITIVE HISTORY, AND ITS RELATION TO THE OTHER PERIODS OF ECCLESIASTICAL HIS- TORY. The distinctive peculiarities of the Apostolic Age (the first century) are our warrant for presenting it as an independent and separate branch of General Church History. The difference between the history of the primitive and that of the ancient Church, is based on the difference between Apostolicity and Catholicity. The former is the root, the latter the stem of the Church. The position and the qualifications of the apostles were, in consequence of their imme- diate Divine enlightenment and assistance, so unique, that the results of their activity became the basis of all future development. What they taught, and what they instituted, required not any Divine law or warrant other than itself. Itself was the Divine law and warrant for every succeeding development or institution. Every later ap- pearance in the Church must be judged by the model of apostolic teaching or practice, not, indeed, as if it had been quite complete and perfected, exhausting every future development ; but as being the sole authentic germs and commencement of the Church. Hence, in all later developments of the Church, every organic development and continuation of the Apostolic Church — not merely what, in the § 26. JESUS CHKIST THE SAVIOUR OF THE WORLD. 59 same form, had existed in the primitive Church — must be regarded as of genuine Christian origin. But this remark does not apply to the Catholic Church. Its organs neither required nor enjoyed immediate Divine enlightenment and assistance. It was their mission to superintend the natural development of the germs which the Lord had already planted, and to remove all spurious plants (sects and heretics). Both the parent stem and the wild branches laid, indeed, equal claim to genuineness on account of real or sup- posed connection with the root. But even where prejudice, arbitra- riness, or error, disabled or prevented from distinguishing between the genuine and the spurious, the Spirit of Christ made a separation in the development of a history which God has never wholly left to its own course. The parent stem remained, while, sooner or later, the wild branches or the spurious plants withered and perished. /. The Life of Jesus. Comp. J. F. Kleuker, menschl. Versuch iib. den Sohn Gottes raid d. Menschen (Essay on the Son of God and of Man). Brem. 1776 ; — The same authors bibl. Sympathien, od. erlauternde Bemerk. lib d. Berichte d. Ev. von Jesu Lehren u. Thaten (Bibl. Sympathies, or Explanatory Remarks on the Account of the Evang. about the Life and Deeds of Christ). Schlesw. 1820; — J. J. Hess, Lebensgesch. Jesu (Biography of Christ). 8th Ed. Zurich 1822. 3 vols. ;— F. V. Reinhard, Vers, uber den Plan, den d. Stifter d. christl. Bel. zran Besten d. Menschen entwarf (Essay on the Plan which the Founder of Christianity devised for the Welfare of Man), 5th Ed. by Heubner. Wittenb. 1830. K. Hase, Leben Jesu (Life of Jesus). Leipz. 1 829. 4th Ed. 1854 ; — D. Fr. Strauss, d. Leben Jesu krit. bearb. Tub. 1835. 2 vols. 4th Ed. 1840;— C. H. Weisse, die ev. Gesch. krit. u. philos. bearb. (Evangel. Hist, treated critically and philosophically). Leipz. 1838. 2 vols.; — A. F. Gfrorer, Gesch. d. Urchristenthmns (Hist, of Origin. Christ.). Stuttg. 1838. 3 vols, in 5 parts ; — C. F. v. Amnion, die Gesch. d. Lebens Jesu. Leipz. 1842-47. 3 vols. ;—Br. Bauer, Kritik d. evang. Gesch. d. Synopt. (Crit. of the Evang. Hist, of the Synopt.). Leipz. 1841. 3 vols. A . Neander, das Leben Jesu (transl. in Bonn's Series. London 1852) ; — 0. Krabbe, Vorlesungen ii. d. Leben Jesu. Hamb. 1849 ; — J. P. Lange, das Leben Jesu. 3 vols. Heidelberg 1847 ; — A. Tholuck, d. Glaubwiirdigkeit d. ev. Gesch. (the Credibility of Gospel Hist.). 2d Ed. Hamb. 1838 ;— J. H. A. Ebrard, wissensch. Kritik d. ev. Gesch. (Scientific Crit. of Ev. Hist.) 2d Ed. Erlang. 1850 ; — K. Wieseler, chronol. Synopse d. 4 Ev. (ChronoL Synopsis of the Four Gospels). Hamb. 1843. 60 HISTORY OF THE PRIMITIVE CHURCH (l— 100 A.D.). § 26. JESUS CHRIST THE SAVIOUR OF THE WORLD. " When the fulness of time was come, God sent forth His Son, made of a woman, made under the law, to redeem them that were under the law, that we might receive the adoption of sons" (Gal. iv. 4, 5). According to promise, the Son of David was bom at Bethlehem. After John the Baptist, the greatest and last of the Old Testament prophets, had, by the preaching and the baptism of repentance, prepared His way, Jesus commenced, when about thirty years old, that glorious work in which He fulfilled the law and the prophets. Accompanied by twelve chosen disciples, He passed through Palestine, everywhere proclaiming the kingdom of God, helping, healing, and confirming by signs and miracles both His Divine mission, and the doctrine about His person, office, and kingdom. The Pharisees gainsayed and persecuted Him ; the Sad- ducees took no notice of Him ; while the people alternated between hailing and rejecting Him. After continuing in this work for three years, He made solemn entrance into the city of His royal ancestors amidst the acclamations of the people. But many days had not elapsed, when the same multitude, disappointed in their hopes of a political and temporal Messiah, cried out, " Crucify Him, crucify Him !" Thus, according to the good pleasure of the Father, He died on the cross, a sacrifice for the sins of the world. By His suffering, the God-man procured a righteousness of infinite and eternal value, in virtue of which, whosoever in faith appropriates it, has all his sins forgiven, and is justified before God. But death could not hold the Prince of life. He burst the gates of Hades and the bonds of the grave, and on the third day rose with glorified body. Thus has He brought life and immortality to light, that we also might in Him share the same. For forty days He still conti- nued on earth, subject to the limitations of humanity. He promised to His disciples the gift of the Holy Ghost, and set them apart to preach the Gospel to all nations. Then He again took unto Him- self His Divine form, which He had put off in His incarnation, ascended into heaven, where, as God-man, He now sitteth at the right hand of power— the Almighty and ever-present Head of the Church, the Lord of all, whether in heaven or on earth, and who, at the completion of all things, shall return to this earth, visibly, and in His own and His Father's glory. 1. Despite many learned and ingenious inquiries into the subject, it has as yet been impossible exactly to fix either the year of Christ's § 26. JESUS CHRIST THE SAVIOUR OF THE WORLD. 61 birth, or that of His death. In the Christian era, which was pro- posed by Dionysius Exiguus in the 6th cent., adopted by Beda Venerabilis, and introduced into common use by Pepin and Charle- magne, the year 754 after the building of Rome is assumed as the starting-point. But this is manifestly erroneous, as Herod the Great died (750 or) 751 p. U. c. Sanclementius (de vulg. seras emendatione. KomsB 1793) on historical grounds, and. Fr. Miinter (der Stern der Weisen— the Star of the Wise Men— Copenh. 1827) on astronomical grounds, fix on the year 7 before our era as that of Christ's birth; Wieseler (id supra) on the year 4, Seyffarih (Chronol. s. Leipz. 1846) on the year 2, Weigl (theol. chronol. Abhandl. iiber d. wahre Geburts- u. Sterbejahr J. Chr. Sulzb. 1849) on the year 5, before the present era. Many of the Fathers, appealing tolsa. lxi. 1, 2 and Lukeiv. 19, supposed that Christ had only taught during one year, and hence that (Luke iii. 23) He was crucified in the 30th year of His life. But although the synoptic Gospels speak of only one (the last) passover during the ministry of Christ, John (ii. 13 ; vi. 4 ; xsrfcr23) refers to three such feasts, and besides (v. 1) to a ioprq ruv 'lovhaioov. 2. Among genuine non-biblical testimonies about Christ, probably the most ancient is a Syriac letter of Mara, addressed to his son Serapion (see Cureton, Spicil. Syriacum. Lond. 1855), written about the year 73. Mara, a man thoroughly versed in Greek philosophy, but not satisfied with the consolations it offered, writes from his place of exile a letter of comfort and instruction to his son, in which he ranks Christ along with Socrates and Pytha- goras ; he honours Him as a wise king ; he charges the Jews with His murder, declares that thereby they had brought upon themselves the destruction of their commonwealth, but that Christ continued to live in the new law which He had given. From the same period dates the testimony of Josephus, the Jewish historian. In that por- tion of the passage of Josephus which is undoubtedly genuine, Christ is extolled as having wrought miracles, and been a wise teacher of truth ; His death on the cross under the administration of Pilate, and the foundation of the Church, are also mentioned. F. H. Schoedel (Vindiciae Flavianaa. Lps. 1840) has contended for the genuineness of the whole passage in Josephus. The following, how- ever, are spurious records : 1) the Syriac correspondence, between Christ and Abgarus, King of Edessa, in which the latter entreats the Lord to come and heal him, while Christ replies by promising, after His ascension, to send one of His disciples (the genuineness of these documents has, however, of late been again maintained by Rinck in Ulgen's Journal for 1843, and by Welte in the Tub. Quar- terly for 1842) ; 2) two letters addressed by Pilate to Tiberius ; 3) the letter of Lentulus (a friend of Pilate) to the Roman Senate, giving a description of the appearance of Christ. Since the fourth century, legends also circulated about a statue of Christ, which the woman 62 HISTOEY OF THE PRIMITIVE CHUECH (l— 100 A.U.). who had been cured of the issue of blood had erected in Paneas, and about certain miraculous portraits of Jesus (such as that in the nap- kin of Veronica, perhaps originally = vera icon, uzw). For other legends and fables, see the apocryphal gospels. 77. The Apostolic Age. Comp. A. Neander, History of the Planting of the Christian Church (translated by J. E. Kyland, Bonn's Series). 2 vols. 1851; — J. B. Trautmann, die ap. K. (the Ap. Ch.) Leipz. 1848; — M. Baumgarten, transl. by Morrison and Meyer, in Clark's For. Theol. Library. 3 vols. ; — J. P. Lange, Gesch. d. K. d. ap. Zeit. (Hist, of the Ch. in Ap. Times). 2 vols. Braunschw. 1852 ; — Ph. Schaf ,Bist. of the Apostolic Church. 2 vols. Edinb. T. and T. Clark, 1854 ;— 77. W. J. Thiersch, d. K. im ap. Zeit. Frkf. 1852 ;— G. W. Lechler, d. ap. u. nachap. Zeitalter (the Apost. and Post-Apost. Age). Haarl. 1852. 4. ; — C. Beuss, Hist, de la theologie au siecle ap. Strassb. 1852 ;— K. Wieseler, Chronol. d. apost. Zeitalt. Gottg. 1848. § 27. THE FEAST OF PENTECOST — ACTIVITY OF THE APOSTLES BEFORE THE CALLING OF PAUL (30-48 A.D.). After the number of apostles had by lot been again made up to twelve, the Holy Ghost was poured out upon the assembled disciples who had waited for His coming. This event, which was accom- panied by miraculous signs, took place on the feast of Pentecost (of the year 30), ten days after the ascension of the Lord. It became the birth-day of the Church, whose first members were now gathered in large numbers, in consequence of a sermon by Peter. Through the exertions of the apostles (chiefly of Peter and of John), which, however, at first were confined to Jerusalem, the Church grew daily. But when a violent persecution, which commenced with the stoning of Stephen, scattered the faithful, the Gospel was carried all over Palestine to Phoenicia and Syria, although the apostles re- mained in the Jewish capital. The preaching of Philip, a deacon, was specially owned in Samaria (about the year 39 or 40). Soon afterwards Peter visited the churches in Judea ; and in consequence of a Divine command, by baptism received the first Gentiles (the family of Cornelius) into the Church. At the same time, and in- dependently of this event, the earnest inquiries of many Gentiles in Antioch led to the formation of a church composed of Jews and Gentiles. Barnabas, a Levite, and a man strong in the faith, was despatched from Jerusalem to Antioch, and undertook the care of § 28. ACTIVITY OF THE APOSTLE PAUL. 63 this community, conjoining in this work with his own the labours of Paul, a converted Pharisee, whom some years before (about 40 a.d.) a revelation of Christ, on the way to Damascus, had transformed from a fanatical persecutor into a most devoted Christian and preacher. In consequence of these events, the missionary efforts of the apostles were henceforth divided into purely Jewish, which centred in and issued from Jerusalem, and into mixed, which had chiefly the Gentiles for their object, and issued from Antioch. A conference of the apostles, held at Jerusalem (Gal. ii. 1-9), formally sanctioned this arrangement. § 28. ACTIVITY OF THE APOSTLE PAUL (45-64 A.D.). Comp. J. T. Hemsen, der Ap. Paul. Gottg. 1830.— C. Schrader, der Ap. P. Leipz. 1830;— Paley, Horse Paulinas, in his collected works, and since often printed separately ; — Conybeare and Howson, The Life and Epistles of St Paul. 2 vols. 2d Ed. 1856 ;—(F. Chr. Baur, Paul. d. Ap. J. Chr. Ein Beitrag zu einer krit. Gesch. d. Urchristth.— Paul the ap. of J. Chr. A Contrib. to a crit. Hist, of orig. Chr. Tubg. 1845.) Having been specially separated by the Holy Ghost for the work, and set apart by the Church by the laying on of hands, Paul and Barnabas left Antioch in the year 45, to make their first missionary tour to Asia Minor. The Lord, by signs and wonders, gave testimony to their preaching; and, notwithstanding the contradiction and per- secution of hostile Jews, they founded at Antioch (in Pisidia), at Iconium, Lystra, and Derbe, mixed churches, consisting chiefly of Gentile Christians ; preaching also in many other places. Not long afterwards, Paul undertook a second missionary journey (50-54). On this occasion Barnabas had separated from Paul, because he would take with him John Mark, his nephew, who on the first mis- sionary tour had left the work. In company with his nephew, Bar- nabas now went to Cyprus, his own country ; but no record of the success of this mission has been left. Accompanied by Silas, by Luke, and afterwards also by Timothy, Paid meantime passed again through Asia Minor, and was about to return to Antioch, when a call from the Lord, in a night-vision, induced him to land on the shores of Europe. Here he founded Christian communities at Philippi, at Thessalonica, Berea, Athens, and Corinth ; and then returned to Syria through Asia Minor, touching at Ephesus by the way. During his stay at Jerusalem the conference with Peter, James, and John, to which Gal. ii. refers, took place (fourteen years 64 HISTORY OF THE PRIMITIVE CHURCH (l— 100 A.D.). after Paul's conversion), and soon afterwards, in Antioch, the con- flict with Peter, alluded to in the same passage. In the year 54, he undertook, in company with Luke, Titus, and Timothy, his third missionary expedition (54-58). This time, Ephesus, where a numerous congregation was gathered, became the centre of his operations. An extraordinary success attended his labours, and the very existence of heathenism in Asia Minor seemed threatened. Driven from Ephesus in consequence of a tumult, Paul travelled through Macedonia, penetrated as far as Illyricum, then visited the churches in Greece, and returned to Jerusalem to fulfil a vow. In the Jewish capital his life was only preserved through the inter- ference of the Roman tribune, who took him prisoner, and sent him to Caesarea. An appeal to the Emperor, to which as Roman citizen he was entitled, led to his departure to Rome (in the year 60), where for some years he continued a prisoner in his own house, being still allowed to preach. The further course of his life and activity is in- volved in some uncertainty. Probably his imprisonment became more severe, either in consequence of increasing enmity on the part of the Emperor or of his favourites towards Christianity, or on account of the importunities of hostile Jews. In the year 64 he was beheaded, under the reign of Nero. 1. The very common opinion, first mooted by Eusebius, that about the year 64 Paul had been set at liberty, and undertaken a fourth missionary tour, in Which he had penetrated as far as Spain, that thence he had a second time been sent prisoner to Rome, and been beheaded in that city about the year 67, owes its origin to manifest chronological mistakes. It has of late been again advocated (by Neander, Guericke, Credner, Gieseler, Huther, Wiesinger etc.), from the erroneous supposition that some events noticed in the letters of Paul could not have occurred during the period preceding the (supposed first) imprisonment of Paul at Rome. What is re- garded as a testimony of Clement to the journey of the apostle into Spain (kit) to rspficc rr t g Ivczoog ilSiajv) is by no means conclusive, even irrespective of the dubious particle \ici. The Muratori Canon refers indeed to a journey into Spain, but only as an unsupported legend (Rom. xv. 24), on which* the book of Acts is silent. Comp. especially Wieseler, ut supra, p. 521 etc. § 29. ACTIVITY OF THE OTHER APOSTLES (AFTER THE YEAR 48). We only possess authentic data about the activity of the most prominent among the apostles. At an early period (about the § 30. JAMES TDE JUST. 65 year 44), James the Elder, the brother of John, suffered martyrdom at Jerusalem. During that persecution Peter was obliged for a time to leave Jerusalem. By inclination and calling he acted as apostle to the circumcision (Gal. ii. 7-9). In the course of his labours, which were shared by Mark, he penetrated, according to 1 Pet. v. 13, as far as Babylon, if indeed that designation does not symbolically apply to Rome, as the centre of antichristian heathenism. The report that he had also laboured in Asia Minor and in Greece is doubtful ; and the legend, that for twenty-five years before his death he had been Bishop of Rome, is manifestly erroneous, although no valid ground can be urged against the statement that he was crucified at Rome, under the reign of Nero, in the year 64. — Philip spent the last years of his life at Hierapolis in Phrygia. John betook himself to Ephesus. Ancient legends declare that Bartho- lomew had preached in India, and that John Mark had founded the church at Alexandria. All later legends about the labours of the apostles, and of their immediate successors, are entirely fabulous. 1. The legend about Peter's bishoprich at Pome (according to Eusebius, from the year 42—67), is derived from the heretical, pseudo- epigraphic Clementines and Recognitions, — an authority entirely untrustworthy (v. § 48, 4). On the other hand, it can be proved that Peter had come to Rome only in the year 63. The silence of the Epistle to the Romans is alone sufficient to prove the worthlessness of the above legend. Comp. Wieseler ut supra, p 552 etc. § 30. JAMES THE JUST (50-G4). Since the time of the apostolic conference, James the Just, the brother of the Lord, seems to have presided over the church at Jerusalem, having been specially commissioned to labour amongst the Jews. In Gal. ii. 9 Paul speaks of him, of Peter and of .John, as being regarded " pillars " of the Church. He does not appear ever to have left Jerusalem. Soon after the imprisonment of Paul he was killed by fanatical Jews. Accoi'ding to Hegesippus, they asked him at the feast of Passover, from the pinnacle of the temple, to bear testimony against Christ. But when James bore solemn witness for the Redeemer, he was thrown down, stoned, and killed by a blow from the club of a tanner, while still praying for his enemies. Clement Alex, corroborates this account. Josephus only reports that after the removal of Festus, and before the arrival of Albinus (in the year 64), the cruel high-priest Ananus had procured a hasty VOL. I. E 66 HISTORY OF THE PRIMITIVE CHURCH ( 1-1 00 A.D.). condemnation of James, and of others to whom he bore enmity, and had caused the apostle — rov o\hz\ov Xpiffrov — to be stoned. 1. The question, whether the New Testament refers to TWO OR to three James' — i. e., whether the apostle James the Less, the son of Alpheus and cousin of Jesns, was the same as James the Just, the brother of the Lord and president of the church of Jerusalem, or not — is one of the most difficult problems in New Test. History. The strongest argument in favour of their identity is derived from Gal. i. 19, where James the brother of the Lord is called an apostle (comp., however, Acts xiv. 14 ; Heb. iii. 1). But, on the whole, the balance of evidence is against this supposition. In John vii. the brethren of Jesus are represented as still unbelieving at a time when James the son of Alpheus was already one of the apostles ; accord- ing to Matt, xxviii. 19, none of the twelve could be permanent Bishop of Jerusalem ; Hegesippus represents James the J ust as [jjira rcov ccTroffroXojv the president of the church at Jerusalem, and he speaks of voKkot 'Icizcofioi (which, at any rate, implies more than two). The older Fathers regarded the "brothers and sisters" of the Lord as the children of Joseph by a former marriage (a view which leaves untouched the delicate question as to the interpretation of Matt. i. 25). Jerome and Chrysostom are the first of the Fathers to identify James the son of Alpheus with James the Just. § 31. ACTIVITY OF THE APOSTLE JOHN IN ASIA MINOR. After the martyrdom of Paul, John, who among the twelve dis- ciples approximated most closely the mental direction of Paul, occupied the former field of labour of that apostle in Asia Minor. He took up his abode at Ephesus, a city which, at that period, was the focus and centre of ecclesiastical movements. Even during the time of Paul, the antagonisms peculiar to the apostolic age — that of Literalism, Phariseism, and Legal Righteousness, on the one hand, and on the other, that of Antinomianism, Idealism, and Gnosticism — had appeared, and rapidly developed almost into antichristian tendencies. Circumstances like_ these rendered the presence of an apostle, who was a pillar of the Church, all the more requisite in a city which otherwise afso was so important. Of all the apostles none was so eminently adapted and qualified for such a post as John, who combined the most ready charity and mildness with the most strict and unbending earnestness, and whose spiritual tendency embodied in their purest and highest aspects the truths lying at the foundation of these antagonisms. Banished by Domitian to Patmos, an island in the .ZEgean Sea, he returned § 32. UNIVERSAL PRIESTHOOD, ETC. 67 again to Ephesus, where he laboured for other thirty years (to his death under Trajan), his ministrations being greatly blessed to the church of Asia Minor. 1. Irenseus, Eusebius, and Jerome speak of the banishment of John as having taken place under the reign of IJomitian ; only ob- scure or later evidence (the superscription in the Syr. Book of Revel, and Theophylact) is in favour of placing it in the time of Nero. Tertullian records a legend, according to which he had, at the time of Nero, been put into a cask of boiling oil ; and Augustin re- lates that he had emptied a poisoned cup without deriving harm from it. These are manifestly apocryphal stories ; but the narrative of Clement Alex, about the tender care with which the aged apostle had watched over a youth who had fearfully gone astray, appears to be authentic. The same remark applies to the account of Jerome, according to whom, when too old to walk, John had caused himself to be carried to the meetings of the Christians, and ever repeated to them only this admonition, " Little children, love one another ; " and to the statement of Irenssus, that when, on one occasion, he happened to meet with Cerinthus, the heretic, in a bath, the apostle immediately left the place so as to avoid even outward communion with him. § 32. UNIVERSAL PRIESTHOOD, GIFTS OF THE HOLY SPIRIT AND THE PASTORAL OFFICE. The institution of a special human priesthood, characteristic of Old Testament times, had now merged in the One only and Eternal Mediatorship of the God-man ; at the same time, the Gospel dis- tinctly laid down the principle, that all Christians formed part of the Universal Priesthood (Heb. iv. 16 ; 1 Pet. ii. 9 ; Rev. i. 6). Con- nected together into an organism under Christ, as its only Head, the Church was to edify itself and to grow by the co-operation of all its members, according to their respective calling, gifts, and position (Eph. i. 22 etc. ; 1 Cor. xii. 12 etc.). The natural talents and the inward calling of Christians were, in apostolic times, specially quickened and enlarged by the extraordinary gifts of the Holy Spirit (the Charismata). With the natural exception of females (1 Cor. xiv. 34; 1 Tim. ii. 12), every Christian was allowed to teach and to exhort in the Church. But from the commencement regularly appointed officials were set apart, in order that this process of con- tributing to the edification of the Church, on the part of all its members, might not degenerate into arbitrariness, presumption, and anarchy, and that, amidst the changes of time, the government and edification of the Church might continue uninterrupted. On them G8 HISTORY OF THE PRIMITIVE CHURCH (l-lOO A.D.). the preservation of order, the prevention of abuses, the direction of public worship, the preaching of the word, the dispensation of the sacraments, the cure of souls, the exercise of discipline, and the outward representation of the Church, devolved as their peculiar and fixed calling. The need of such an order of men must have been all the more felt, when the extraordinary qualifications of charis- mata gradually ceased. It became now more than ever necessary, by means of a regular outward call, to assign proper limits, and to give a settled character to the inward call. So long as the apostles laboured in the churches which they had founded, the duty of teaching and of governing devolved upon them. To assist them in their work, or to supply their places during their absence (Acts xiv. 23), they ordained rulers in every church, who bore the name of Elders (vrpwfivrzpoi) from their dignity, and of Bishops (sTriffzoToi) from their office. According to 1 Cor. xii. 8 etc., 28 etc., the special and extraor- dinary gifts of the Holy Spirit in the Apostolic Church were of twofold character, as they manifested themselves either in word or in deed. The former were momentary, such as the gifts of speaking in tongues and of prophecy ; and again, supplementary to these, the gift of interpreting tongues and trying the spirits. Some charis- mata were lasting, such as the gift of teaching, — i.e., either the specu- lative gift of wisdom and of knowledge (Gnosis), or the practical and didactic gift of faith (Pistis). Among the practical charismata we reckon the supernatural gift of directing and administering the affairs of a church, and the gifts of performing miracles and of healing the sick. § 33. THE VARIOUS ECCLESIASTICAL OFFICES IN APOSTOLIC TIMES. Comp. R. Eothe, die Anfange d. christl. Kirche und ihrer Yerfass. (Commenc. of the Chr. Ch. and of its Constitut.). Wittenb. 1837. Vol. I. ; — J. W. Bickell, Gesch. d. Kirchenrechtes (Hist, of Eccl. Law). Frankf. 1849. I. 2, p. 62 etc. Conjoined with, but subordinate to, the office of presbyter or bishop, of which the apostles themselves for so considerable time discharged the duties at Jerusalem, was the office of Deacon. It was first instituted by the apostles, with consent of the people, for the purpose of caring for the poor and the sick at Jerusalem (Acts vi.). Thence it spread to most other Christian communities ; the number of deacons being always seven, until the original func- tions of the office were enlarged, and the deacons called to assist § 33. THE VAE10US ECCLESIASTICAL OFFICES. G9 in the cure of souls and in preaching the word. Functions cor- responding to those of the deacons — but only so far as the original design of the deaconate was concerned (according to 1 Cor. xiv. 34, and 1 Tim. ii. 12) — devolved on the Deaconesses (Eom. xvi. 1), who took charge of Christian females. From 1 Tim. v. 9 we gather that, commonly, only widows above the age of sixty were admitted to this office. The presbyters and deacons were set apart by the laying on of the hands of the apostles, or of their delegates (Acts vi. 6 ; 1 Tim. iv. 14 etc.). Individual churches were also in the habit of employing special evangelists, whose duty it was to travel about in order to preach to the heathen (Eph. iv. 11; Acts xxi. 8). When, one after another, the apostles, who even when absent, were regarded as concentrating in themselves the supreme guidance of the churches, were called to their rest, gradually and almost necessarily one of the elders obtained pro- minence over the rest, though at first only as the primus inter pares, and with it the distinctive title of Bishop, in contradistinction to the other presbyters. The relation of James to the church at Jerusalem (Acts xv. 13; xxi. 18), and the full powers which Paul claimed for his assistants (Timothy, Titus, and others) in individual churches, may have served as a commencement and a type of the later Episcopate. That originally the Trpetrfivrepoi were the same as the farfoxoroi, we gather with absolute certainty from the statements of the New Testament and of Clement of Eome, a disciple of the apostles (see his First Epistle to the Corinthians, chaps, xlii. xliv. Ivii.). 1) The presbyters are expressly called Itioxotoi — comp. Acts xx. 17 with ver. 28, and Tit. i. 5 with ver. 7.-2) The office of presbyter is described as next to and highest after that of apostle (Acts xv. 6, 22). Similarly, the elders are represented as those to whom alone the rule, the teaching, and the care of the Church is en- trusted (1 Tim. v. 17 ; 1 Pet. v. 1 etc.) : on account of which the apostles designate themselves also as ffvfjjTrpzcfivrzpoi (1 Pet. v. 1, 2, and 3 John 1). — 3) The various offices of the Church are summed up under the expression Iniaxonoi xoti haxovoi (Phil. i. 1. ; Clem. Eom. 1. c. ch. xlii. comp. 1 Tim. hi. 1, 8). — 4. In the above quoted passages of the N. T. and of Clement we read of many bishops in one and the same church. In the face of such indu- bitable evidence, it is difficult to account for the pertinacity with which Eomish and Anglican theologians insist that these two offices had from the first been different in name and functions; while the allegation of some, that although, originally, the two designations had been identical, the offices themselves were dis- 70 HISTORY OF THE PRIMITIVE CHURCH ( 1-100 A.D.;. tinct, seems little better than arbitrary and absurd. Even Jerome, Augustin, Urban II. (a. 1091), and Petrus Lombardus admit that originally the two had been identical. It was reserved for the Council of Trent to convert this truth into a heresy. § 34. CHRISTIAN LIFE AND ECCLESIASTICAL DISCIPLINE. Comp. G. Arnold, erste Liebe, d. i. wahre Abbildung d. ersten Christen. (True Love, i. e. t Faithful Portraiture of the first Chris- tians) Frkft. 1696. In accordance with the command of the Lord (John xiii. 34, 35), brotherly love, in opposition to the selfishness of the natural heart, became the principle of the new Christian life. In the church at Jerusalem, the power of first love, stimulated by the expectation of a speedy return of the Lord, manifested itself in a voluntary community of goods, — an experiment this, which, without denying its internal value, was soon found to be impossible, and hence neither repeated nor even prolonged. But the more wealthy Gen- tile Christian churches continued to show their brotherly affection by making collections for the poor saints at Jerusalem, whom pro- vidential dispensations (such as famine) rendered still more de- pendent. — According to the direction of the apostle in Gal. iii. 38, the threefold evil under which the old world laboured — contempt of foreign nationalities, degradation of woman, and slavery — was removed bv a gradual and internal renovation of the world, carried on without anv violent infringement of existing rights. At the same time, a deep consciousness of the fellowship subsisting be- tween the members of the Church in their subordination to the One Head in heaven, pervaded and sanctified all the relationships of life. However, even in apostolic times pristine Christian purity and simplicity occasionally gave place to other feelings. In the Mother Church, hypocrisy (Acts v.) and dissension (Acts vi.) appeared at a very early period. But the former was visited by a dreadful judgment ; the latter removed by charity and mutual forbearance. Among the more wealthy Gentile Christian churches (such as in Corinth and Thessalonica) the spirit of the world manifested its presence by luxuriousness, selfishness, pride, etc. ; but it was broken or removed, partly in consequence of the admonitions and the discipline of the apostles, and partly in con- sequence of the early persecutions which sifted and purified the churches. Any member who had caused public scandal by a gross violation of pure doctrine or of Christian duty, and w T ho per- sisted in his sin despite the admonitions of pastor and elders, was § 35. CHRISTIAN WORSHIP. 71 expelled from the Church. But if sufficient proof of genuine repentance had been given, the offending brother was gladly wel- comed back. The account about the incestuous person at Corinth affords an example of the apostolic arrangements in this respect (1 Cor. v. 1 etc. ; 2 Cor. ii. 5 etc. ; comp. also 1 Tim. i. 19, 20 ; Gal. i. 8, 9 ; 1 John ii. 19 etc.). § 35. CHRISTIAN WORSHIP. Comp. TJi. Harnack, der chr. Gemeindegottesd. im apost. u. altkath. Zeitalter (Chr. Congregat. Worship in the Apost. and Anc. Cath. Ch.). Erl. 1854. Even in Jerusalem, where Christians continued their attendance on the temple, the religious wants of the Church rendered distinctively Christian and common worship necessary. But as Jewish worship was twofold in its character, consisting of instruction and edification by the word in the synagogues, and of the typical and sacramental service of symbols in the temple, so, in the Church also, Christian worship was, from the first, either homiletic and. didactic, or else eucharistic and sacramental. The former, like the service of the synagogue, was not only intended for the edification of the con- gregation, but for missionary purposes, on which ground non-Chris- tians also were allowed and invited to attend. At first the church at Jerusalem held these {morning) services in the halls of the temple, where the people were wont to assemble for prayer (Acts hi. 11) ; afterwards, in private houses. They consisted of reading- certain passages and sections from the Old Testament — at a later period, also apostolic letters and portions from the Gospels — of addresses for the purposes of instruction and exhortation, of prayer and of singing of psalms. The sacramental portion of public wor- ship took place within the circle of the Church alone. The main part and object of these (evening) services was to celebrate the Lord's Supper, which, after the model of the institution, was accompanied by prayer and the singing of hymns, and taken along with a com- mon meal, called the ayocxrj, to denote that its purpose was the expression of brotherly love. The elements were set apart for sacramental purposes by prayer, in which thanks and praise were offered up {ivyj/^iaria, 1 Cor. xi. 24 ; or zvhoyicc, 1 Cor. x. Ifi). This prayer was probably followed by the " holy kiss " (

. He was desirous of proving that there were contradictions in the Bible, ransacked the dispute between Paul and Peter in Gal. ii., declared that the prophecy of Daniel was a " vaticinium post eventum," and challenged the allegorical interpretations of Christians. He was also the author of a system of heathen (Neo-Platon.) theology (kz ruv XoyUjv (piXocopia). Of both works only fragments have been preserved. — Hierocles (2 books of Xoyoi (piXaX^ng) only repro- duced shameless falsehoods about Christ and Christians, and placed Jesus far below Apollonius of Tyana. § 4G. SPREAD OF CHRISTIANITY. Amid the many persecutions through which the Church had to pass during that period, the Gospel rapidly spread throughout the whole Roman empire, and even beyond its limits. So early as 170, Abgar Bar Manu, a Christian prince, reigned at Edessa, the capital of the kingdom of Osrhoene, in Mesopotamia. At the same period Christianity had found a lodgment in Persia, Media, Bactria, and Parthia. In the third century it had spread to Armenia. The Apostle Tliomas is said to have already carried the Gospel to India. In Arabia, Paul had laboured (Gal. i. 17). In the third century 96 FIRST SECTION. FIRST PERIOD (100-323 A.D.j. Origen was called to that country by a ?}yov(X>zvog rijg ' Apa/3/ac, who wished to be instructed in Christianity. On another occasion he went thither in order to settle an ecclesiastical dispute (§ 62, 5). From Alexandria (§ 29) the Gospel also spread to other countries of Africa — to Cyrene, and among the Copts (the aboriginal Egyp- tians). The Church of Proconsular Africa, especially that of Carthage, its capital, was in a vigorous, thriving state, and kept up close communication with Rome. In the third century Mauritania and Numidia numbered so many Christian communities that Cyprian could collect at Carthage a synod of eighty-seven bishops. Rome remained the central point for the Church in Europe. Colonies and teachers from Asia Minor formed in Gaul a number of flourish- ing churches (such as those of Lugdunum, Vienna, etc.). At a later period seven missionaries from Italy arrived in Gaul. Among them, St Dionysius founded the Church a f Paris. Among the Roman colonies in the countries of the Rhine and of the Danube flourishing churches existed so early as in the third century. The insufficiency and the decay of heathenism were the negative, the Divine power of the Gospel the positive, means by which the Gospel spread with such astonishing rapidity. This Divine power manifested itself in the zeal and self-denial of Christian teachers and missionaries, in the saintly walk and conversation of Christians, in the depth of their brotherly love, in the unshaken stedfastness and confidence of their faith, — above all, in the joyousness with which they met martyrdom under the most exquisite tortures. The blood of martyrs was the seed of the Church; and not unfrequently did it happen that the executioners of Christian martyrs immediately fol- lowed them in similarly suffering for the Gospel. — In special in- stances, miracles and signs— the echoes of the apostolic age — may have led to analogous results. This is borne out by the evidence of men such as Justin Martyr, Tertullian, and Origen, who in confir- mation appeal to heathen eye-witnesses. II. DANGERS ACCRUING FROM A LEAVEN OF JUDAISM AND HEATHENISM REMAINING IN THE CHURCH. § 47. SURVEY. Of almost greater danger to the Church than even the direct hostility and persecution of Jews and pagans, were certain Jewish and heathen elements imported into the Christian community. The unspiritual, unbending, and narrow formalism of the one, and § 47. SURVEY. 97 the ungodly, antichristian tendency of the other, not only reap- peared, but claimed equal standing with what really and distinctively was Christian. The attempt to force Christianity into the narrow- minded particularism of the Synagogue produced Ebionism; the desire to amalgamate with Christianity Grecian and Oriental theo- sophy introduced Gnosticism. These two directions were also combined into a Gnostic Ebionism, — a system for which the doc- trines of the Essenes served as point of transition and connecting link. The Church had to put forth all its energies in order to defend itself against this dangerous admixture of other creeds, and to clear its soil from weeds which spread so rapidly. What of antichristian Judaism had intruded was speedily overcome and cast out. But much more difficult was the contest with Gnosti- cism ; and although the Church ultimately succeeded in uprooting on its own soil these weeds, many of their seeds were for centuries secretly preserved, and sometimes of a sudden sprang up into fresh crops. However, these contests also brought blessings to the Church : from them it issued with views more enlarged and liberal, with the deep conviction that scientific culture was neces- sary for its theology, and prepared by victory for new struggles. Gnosticism must ultimately be traced to a peculiar and power- ful tendency inherent in many minds during the first centuries. A deep conviction that the old world had run its course, and was no longer able to resist the dissolution which threatened it, pervaded the age. It also impelled many, by a syncretism the boldest and grandest that history has recorded — we mean, by the amalgamation of the various elements of culture, which hitherto had been isolated and heterogeneous —to make a last attempt at renovating what had become antiquated. While under one aspect this tendency was intended to oppose Christianity (by Neo-Platonism), under another the Church itself was drawn into the vortex, and by an amalga- mation of Oriental theosophy, of Grecian theosophy, and of Christian ideas, a widely ramified system of most extravagant religious philosophy came forth from the crucible of this peculiar kind of speculation. This system bore the general name of Gnosti- cism. Various sects of Gnostics viewed the Scriptures in a different manner. Some, by means of allegorical interpretations, sought to base their system on the Bible. Others preferred to decry the apostles as having falsified the original Gnostic teaching of Christ, to attempt recasting the apostolic writings in accordance with their own views, or by Gnostic spurious writings to make up a Bible after their own fashion. The teaching of primitive sages, handed down by tradition as secret doctrine, they placed above Sacred Writ. — Gnostic speculation busied itself with such questions as the vol. i. G 98 FIRST SECTION. FIRST PERIOD (l00~323 A.D.). origin of the world and of evil, or the purpose, means, and goal of the development of the world. To solve these problems^ the Gnostics borrowed from heathenism its theory about the origin of the world, and from Christianity the idea of salvation. All Gnostic systems are based on a kind of Dualism of God and of Matter (vXrj). Only that some, with the Platonists, regarded matter as unreal (having no real existence) and without form (= [A7J ov), hence as not directly hostile and opposed to the Deity ; while others, in accordance with the views of the Parsees, supposed it to be animated and ruled by an evil principle, and hence to be directly opposed and hostile to the Good Deity. The theogonic and cos- mogonic process was explained on the principle of an emanation (Kpofiokyj), by which from the hidden God a long series of Divine formations (alomg) had emanated, whose indwelling Divine po- tency diminished in measure as they removed from the original Divine Source. These ^ons are represented as being the media of the creation, development and redemption of the world. The original matter from which the world was created consisted of a mixture of elements, derived partly from the kingdom of light (the 7r7j^co(jjtt), and partly from the Hyle (uorsp^a, yJivoj{jja). This mixture was differently represented as brought about naturally, by the fall or by a contest. The world teas created by one of the lowest and weakest .ZEons, called the h~7](Jbtovpy6g. Creation is the preparation and the commencement of redemption. But as the Demiurgos cannot and will not accomplish the latter, one of the highest JEons appears in the fulness of time as Kedeemer, in order to accomplish the deliverance of the captive elements ot light by the imparting of yvZcig. As matter is in itself evil, the (pneu- matic) Saviour had only an apparent body, or else at baptism descended into the psychical Messiah, Avhom the Demiurgos had sent. The death on the cross was either only an optical delusion, or the heavenly Christ had left the man Jesus and returned to the Pleroma, or else He had given His form to another person (Simon of Cyrene), so that the latter was crucified instead of Jesus (Do- cetism). According as the pleromatic or the hylic element prevails, the souls of men are naturally either pneumatic, and in that case capable of yvZcig; psychic, when they cannot attain beyond Tricng; or hylic, — the latter class comprising the great mass of men who, left in hopeless subjection to the powers of Satan, only follow their own lusts. Salvation consists in overcoming and eliminating matter, and is accomplished through knowledge (yvZaig) and asceticism. As it was believed that matter was the seat of evil, sanctijication was sought physically rather than ethically, and thought to consist in resisting matter and abstaining from material enjoyments. Hence originally the system implied an exceedingly strict code of morals, but, in point of fact, frequently became the very opposite, and degenerated into Antinomianism and Libertinism. This is §• 48. EBIONISM AND EBIONITE GNOSIS. 99 partly explained from the low views entertained by some about the law of the Demiurgos, and partly by the not uncommon occur- rence of a sect passing from one extreme to another ;j 48. EBIONISM AND EBIONITE GNOSIS. Comp. Gieseler, Nazaraer und Ebioniten, in the kirchl. hist Arch. IV. 2 ; Credner, Essaer und Ebioniten, in Winers Zeitschr. I. 2.— A . Schliemann, die Clementinen u. der Ebionitismus. Hamb. 1841 ; A. Hilqenfeld, d. clement. Recognita, u. Homilien. Jen. 1848; G. Uhlhorn, d. Homilien u. Recogn. d. Clemens Rom. Gottg. 1854 ;— also, Hilgenfeld, das Urchristenthum (Orig. Chris- tian.). Jena 1855 ; and the same author's Jiidische Apokalyptik. Jena 1857. Those Jewish Christians who, after the destruction of Jerusalem, continued in ecclesiastical separation from their Gentile brethren, either formed a separate sect or fell into open heresy. The former bore the name of Nazarenes, the latter that of Ebionites. These designations, however, were at first not exclusively applied to each of these parties, and their distinctive use dates from a later period. In the sect of the Elhesaites or Sampseans we perceive that Gnostic elements had found their way among the Ebionites also, pro- bably from their connection with- the Essenes and Therapeutse. In the system embodied in the Pseudo-Clementines, this Ebionite Gnosis was extended and developed. It now assumed an attitude of direct antagonism to Gentile Gnosticism and to Gentile Catho- licism, laying claim to represent genuine ancient Judaism, which was said to be quite the same as genuine Christianity. 1. The Nazarenes — a name by which the Jews had originally designated all Christians (Acts xxiv. 5)— held themselves _ bound still to observe the ceremonial law, without, however, disputing the salvation of Gentile-Christians who abstained from its injunctions. They believed in the Divinity of Christ's nature, acknowledged Paul as being a true apostle, and rejected the ordinances of the Rabbins, but cherished a carnal kind of Chiliasm (i.e., they expected a thousand years' reign of Christ on earth, after a fashion similar to that which formed the main features of Jewish ideas of the Mes- siah). The so-called Gospel of the Hebrews, an interpolated edition of the Gospel of Matthew, served as the basis of their views. 2. The Ebionites deemed observance of the ceremonial law indispensably necessary for salvation. They regarded, indeed, Christ as the Messiah, but held Him to have been only a man (the son of Joseph), whom, at His baptism, God had endowed with super- natural powers. His messianic activity they limited to His teaching, 100 FIRST SECTION. FIRST PERIOD (100-323 A.D.). by which He had enlarged and perfected the law, adding to it new and more strict commandments. The death of Christ was an offence to them, under which they consoled themselves with the promise of His return, when they expected that a terrestrial king- dom should be set up. — The Apostle Paul, in their opinion, was a heretic, and deserved obloquy. They also had a gospel of their own. 3. The Fathers derived the designation Elkesaites from Elxai, the founder of that sect, — a name which, according to their interpretation, meant huvoc[Jbtg zsxocXv[M[MVf] (^03 T'n). But there is probably some misunderstanding about this statement. The sect rather appealed to the Holy Ghost (""DS TTl) as their teacher, and possessed a book for the initiated, which bore the same title. Their doctrines were a mixture of Essene, Jewish, heathen, naturalistic, and Christian elements. The law — especially that of the Sabbath and of circumcision — was held to be binding ; but they rejected sacrifices. They practised frequent ablutions, both for the forgive- ness of sins and for the cure of diseases; in the Lord's Supper bread and salt were used. The use of flesh was forbidden, but marriage was allowed. Christ was regarded as being the Son of God by the Virgin. — Next to Him they placed the Ilvivfbci ayiov, in the form of a female figure. The Elkesaites inhabited the eastern shores of the Dead Sea. According to Epiphanius, they were the same as the Sampseans = 'Hkiazoi. 4. The Pseudo-Clementine System originated in the latter half of the second century. It was derived from a didactic work of fiction, which, however, claims to be regarded as a true story. Clemens Romanus, a noble Roman, philosophically educated, had, from a desire after information, travelled to the East, where he met with Peter, and became the companion of his missionary journeys. The peculiar doctrinal views of the work are gathered from the sermons and the discussions of Peter ; the historical romance is elaborated in the scenes of recognition and conversion of the father, the mother, and the brothers of Clement. Peter is brought forward as the representative of what is alleged to have been genuine and original Christianity ; Simon Magus, his anta- gonist, represents every form of supposed spurious Christianity, from his own teaching and that of his adherents (§ 42, 1) to that of the Apostle Paul, according to whom the law was abolished in Christ, and that of Marcion, according to whom the Creator of the world was not the Supreme God (§ 49, 10). The alleged motive for the composition of the book is this, that Peter, the founder and first bishop of the Church at Rome, had, shortly before his death, appointed Clement his successor, and enjoined him to intimate this to James in Jerusalem, as the head of the Church, so as to obtain his acknowledgment. — The Pseudo-Clementine romance is preserved in various modifications. The two oldest forms of it are — 1) the Homiliw XX. dementis (the first complete ed. by § 48. EBIONISM AND EBIONITE GNOSIS. 101 M. Dressel. Gottg. 1853), in Greek; and 2) the Recognitiones dementis, in a Latin translation by Rufinus, in which the historical and romantic element is further carried out, while the doctrinal part is less full and somewhat expurgated. Schliemann regarded the Recognitiones as a later revisal of the Homilies; Hilgenfeld arrived at an opposite conclusion ; Uhlhom modifies the statement of Schliemann, and supposes that the Homilies themselves were recast after some original work, and that both the latter and the Homilies had been used in the composition of the Recognitiones. — The System of the Clementine Homilies is based on Stoic Pan- theism combined with Jewish Theism, and proceeds on the suppo- sition that genuine Christianity was exactly identical with genuine Judaism. The author discovers some elements of truth and others of error in all the principal modifications of Christian, of Jewish, and of heretical religion. He controverts the popular belief and the philosophy of the heathen, the sacrificial worship of the Jews, the Chiliasm of the Ebionites, the ecstatic prophetism of the Mon- tanists, the hypostatic Trinitarianism of the Catholics, the Demi- urgos, the Docetism, and the Antinomianism of the Gnostics. From the Ebionite system he adopts his idea of the identity of Judaism with Christianity; with the Essenes, he agrees in insisting on abstinence from meats, frequent fasts, ablutions, and voluntary poverty (but he recommends early marriages) ; with the Catholics, as to the necessity of baptism for the forgiveness of sins, etc. According to this writer, God is pure existence (kvuiroLVGiq), originally a unity of body and soul. He reveals Himself as the Living One by expansion and contraction (lx,ra,Gig and avardk^ of which we have a representation in the heart of man). By this pro- cess the world was created, when the Uvzv/JjCc ( Xpivrog descended upon him. Before the crucifixion, which is regarded as merely a human calamity, without any bearing upon salvation, he again left the man Jesus. Caius of Home, who ascribed to Cerinthus the authorship of the book of Eevelation, charges him also with carnally chiliastic views. 2. The Gnosticism of Basilides. Basilides ^ (Bac/Xs/^?) was a teacher at Alexandria about the year 130. It is the charac- teristic and fundamental idea of his system, that every develop- ment of God and of the world was brought about by an influence from beneath upwards — not, as in the theory of emanation, from above downwards. His system commences with pure non-existence. "Hv org 7jv ovUv. Hence, the principle from which everything origi- nates is o ovx av ^tiog, who from out of Himself QZovzovrw) brings Chaos into being. This Chaos though itself ovz ov is yet the 9rawTSp/>o;a rov z6ff(M0v. Thence two sonships (vioryrzg), of which the one was already weaker than the other, ascended to the blessed place of not-being (non-existence— ra vireptcofffiia,) ; while a third, which still required purification, had to remain behind in the tccv- ffftspfjbiu. The latter, then, is the object of redemption. Next, the great Archon ascended from Chaos to the very boundary of the blessed place, of which he knew nothing, and founded there the Ogdoas ; after him came a second Archon, who founded the Heb- domas (the planet-sky). He reigned over the terrestrial world until Moses revealed the name of the great Archon. Only Jesus, the first- born of the third sonship, that had remained behind, obtained and 104 FIEST SECTION. FIRST PERIOD ( 100-323 A.D.). spread the knowledge of the highest God and His kingdom. The suffer- ings of Christ were necessary for His own salvation, i.e., that He might be purified from the elements of the Psyche and of the Hyle. Then He ascended to the highest God, whither, gradually, all other pneumatic natures are to follow Him. Ultimately, God pours out great ignorance over all stages of existence, that their blessedness may not be disturbed by their knowledge of still higher bliss. Such, according to Clemens Alexandrinus and Hippolytus, are the funda- mental ideas of the system of Basilides. Irenceus and Epiphanius attach that name, however, to a totally different system— doubtless describing the later sect of the so-called Pseudo-Basilidians. In their system, the great Archon alone is represented as the highest God, the " pater innatus." But between the great Archon and the Archon of the Hebdomas not less than 365 spiritual spheres (= 'A/3pa|af, ' A|3pa(ra|) intervene. Since the ovk ojv §sog and the TavffTr&pfJjiK had been discarded, it became necessary to adopt certain dualistic, emanatistic, and docetic views, such as that beneath the Pleroma lay an eternal Hyle, which attracted some particles of light and fixed them down in matter, etc. The Pseudo-Basilidians fell into Antinomianism and Libertinism. Basilides himself left twenty-four books g|^y^n^a, and his son Isidore a work entitled #>/*«.— Comp. G. Uhlhorn, das basilid. System. Gottg. 1855. Also, A. Hilgenfeld, Die Jud. Apokalyptik. App. pp. 289, etc. Jena 1857. 3. The Gnosticism of Valentine. — Valentinus, a teacher in Alexandria and at Rome about the middle of the second century, was of all Gnostics the most deep, ingenious and imaginative, and his system is equally remarkable for its speculation and its poetry. Its fundamental idea is, that, according to a law inhe- rent in the Divine Being, the JEons emanated in pairs, and with the difference of sexes. Every such holy marriage of iEons^ he designates a Syzygia. Connected with this is another peculiar view, according to which the three catastrophes of terrestrial history (creation, the fall, and redemption) had already occurred in arche- type in the history of the development of the Pleroma. On this basis he reared a grand and most poetic Epos, consisting of a partly Christian and partly mythological theo^ony and cosmogony. From the Bi£>0£ or Aurovrurvp and his 'Evvoicc (or 2iy^) emanated fifteen pairs of iEons, which, with the Father of all, formed the Pleroma. 2op/a, the last and lowest of these iEons, impelled by a burning desire, forsakes her husband in order to throw herself into the Bythos, for the purpose of embracing the Great Father himself. She is indeed prevented from carrying this into execution — but a rupture has taken place in the Pleroma. Disorder and passion (her Wfovpnois) is eliminated and driven forth from the Pleroma. This, then, is an abortion, an farpapu, which still possesses, however, an ./Eonic nature {xktu 3,or?jp, or heavenly Jesus. Mean- time, the zccrco Hotpfot, which is also called ' A%«|W/fc&, gives birth to the various grades of life in the Cosmos. All hylic natures are under the government of Satan, all psychical under that of the Demiurgos, while she herself directs those that are pneumatic. To his chosen people, the Jews, the Demiurgos sends a Messiah, the Karoo ■fcpuTTog, on whom at baptism the dim ^oorfjp descends. The Demiurgos is astonished, but submits to the will of the higher deities. The Pneumatics are led to perfectness by ymag, the Physical by xiffTtg. Ultimately, Achamoth returns with the Pneumatics to the Pleroma, where she is united to the Soter, and the Pneumatics to the angels of the Soter. The Demiurgos and his pious ones occupy the roTog Trig [MGorrjrog ; but from the depths of Hyle bursts forth a fire which consumes them and itself. — Among the numerous disciples of Valentine we mention Heracleon, the first commentator of the Gospel according to John. 4. In its original form, the Gnosticism of the Ophites con- sisted of a phantastic combination of Grecian mythology and biblical history, both being mystically interpreted, just as the heathen mys- teries had been by philosophers. Under all the modifications of this system, a prominent part was assigned to the Serpent (otptg, C'm), either as being the evil principle, or else as the Agathodssmon. This is explained from the circumstance that, both in Egyptian worship, in the Grecian mysteries, and in biblical history, the ser- pent was prominently brought forward. Hippolytus describes, under the name of Naassenes, one of the earliest forms of Ophite Gnos- ticism, of which the system is comparatively simple. In it the serpent was the Agathodsemon. More fully developed than this was the system of the Gnostic Justinds, who adopted the whole Grecian mythology. Pie regarded the Nachash as an evil demon. The Peratics, a party of which Euphrates and Chelbes were the founders, taught that it was necessary to leave Egypt (which was a represen- tation of the body), to pass (xspau) through the Reel Sea (the things that pass away) into the wilderness, where, indeed, the gods of de- struction (represented by the fiery serpents which destroyed the Jews) awaited us, but where also Christ the Saviour (represented by the serpent which Moses had lifted up) brought salvation and deliverance. The Sethians maintained that originally there had been two races of men — one psychical, at the head of which stood Abel, the other hylic, at the head of which was Cain. But with Seth commenced a third race, that of the Pneumatics or Gnostics. The Hylics had perished in the Flood, but returned in the de- scendants of Ham. At last Seth appeared a second time in Christ. In direct opposition to this sect, the Cainites declared that all 106 FIRST SECTION. FIRST PERIOD (100-323 A.D.). those persons who in the Old Testament had been described as un- godly, were genuine Pneumatics and martyrs of truth. The first who distinguished himself in the contest with the God of the Jews, was Cain ; the last, who brought this contest to a victorious termi- nation, by bringing, in his deeper wisdom, the psychical Messiah to the cross, and thus destroying the kingdom of the God of the Jews, was Judas Iscariot. Their Antinomianism led to the most shame- less excesses. — The Ophites, whom Irengeus and Epiphanius de- scribe, seem to have indulged in abstruse transformations of the biblical history in Gen. i.-iii., and to have derived their views originally from the system of Valentine. According to them, the Sophia-Achamoth precipitated herself into Chaos, where she gave birth to Jaldabaoth, the Creator of the world, who in turn renounced allegiance to his mother. But he also was disowned by the star- spirits which he had created, and by Ophiomorphos, or Satan. From a feeling of jealousy, Jaldabaoth had interdicted man from the tree of knowledge ; but the serpent Achamoth persuaded him to disobey, and thus procured him liberty and knowledge. Jaldabaoth selected the Jews as his favourite people, sent prophets to them, and at last a Messiah, who was to obtain for them dominion over the Gentiles. On him the Ano-Christ descended, but the wicked Jaldabaoth now caused his own Messiah to be crucified. Before that, however, the heavenly Christ had. already forsaken that Messiah, and, invisible to Jaldabaoth, sat down at the right hand of the latter ; thus with- drawing from him any elements of light which he still retained, etc. — The book Pistis Sophia (ed. Schwartze et Petermann, coptice et lat. Berol. 1851) is one of the latest and best productions of Ophite Gnosticism, strongly tinged, however, with the views of Valentine. 5. The Gnosticism of Carpocrates. The opposition ^ to Judaism, which had so distinctly appeared among the Canutes and the Ophites, developed, in the system of Carpocrates and his adherents, into open and pantheistic heathenism. They re- garded Christ in exactly the same light as they did Pythagoras, Plato, and Aristotle. Genuine Christianity they held to be equi- valent with philosophical heathenism; all popular creeds, especially that of the Jews, had originated with demons (the ayy&Kot zocfAO- Toidi). True religion consisted in return to the lost unity with the " one and all,"" attained theoretically by Gnosis, and practically by transgressing the law of the Demiurgos. In this respect Christ had distinguished Himself before all others. In their temples they paid divine homage to pictures of Christ and of heathen philoso- phers, which they placed by the side of each other. The Carpo- cratians built in Cephalonia a temple to Epiphanes, the son of Car- pocrates, a youth of great talent, but wholly steeped in vice, who died in the 17th year of his age. — At the close of their agapes they had " concubitus promiscuos." 6. The Antitactes. Almost all the Alexandrian Gnostics ulti- § 49. GENTILE GNOSTICISM. 107 mately landed in Antinomianism and gross immorality, on the prin- ciple that he who was perfect must be able to bid defiance to the law, {eti>7iTci(r(TS(7'&Gci), and that in order to break the power of Hyle, it was necessary to weaken and to mortify the flesh (Trapay^p^ja^cci rrj (Tccp/Ct) by carnal indulgences. Among them we reckon, be- sides the Nicolaitans (§ 38, 1) and the Simonians (§ 42, 2), the Pseudo-Basilidians, the Carpocratians, the Cainites, and also the Prodicians, who, as the sons of the king, deemed themselves above the law, which had been given to servants. 7. The first in the series of Syrtan Gnostics was Saturninus, who lived at the time of Hadrian. According to him, the spiritual world of the kingdom of light had gradually emanated from the S-goV uyvaxTTog. The lowest stage was occupied by the seven planet- spirits (ayysXoi xoff[/jOKpdropzg), presided over by the God of the Jews. But from all eternity Satan, the ruler of Hyle, had been most violently opposed to the kingdom of light. The seven planet-spirits intended to found an empire independent of the Pleroma, and for that purpose made an incursion into the kingdom of Hyle, and partly gained possession of it. This they fashioned into the sensuous world, and created man, its guardian, after a luminous image sent by the good God, of which they had perceived the reflection. But they were unable to give man an upright posture. On this the supreme God took pity on the wretched creation of their hands. He im- parted to man a spark of light (cT/j^p), by which he was filled with pneumatic life and enabled to stand upright. But bv means of a hylic race, which Satan created, he opposed the pneumatic race, and continually persecuted it by his demons. The God of the Jews therefore resolved to redeem the persecuted by a Messiah, and He raised up prophets to announce His coming. But Satan also sent prophets. At last the good God sent the .zEon No£? to this earth, arrayed not in a real, but in what seemed a body, that as (Tcorfip he might teach the Pneumatics, not only to protect them- selves by means of Gnosis and asceticism (abstinence from marriage and meats) from the attacks of Satan, but thereby also to with- draw themselves from the dominion of the God of the Jews and of His star-spirits, and to purify themselves from all communion with matter, in order to rise to the kingdom of light. 8. Tatian (ob. about 174) came from Assyria, and was a Rhetor at Rome, where, through the influence of Justin Martyr, he became a convert to Christianity. But at a later period he adopted Gnostic views, which he zealously spread both in his writings and his teach- ing. He interdicted marriage as a service of Satan, and also the use of intoxicating liquors. On account of their rigid absti nence his adherents were called 'Ey#p«r/Va/, and also c Topo- Tccp&ffTKTui, Aquarii, because in the Lord's Supper they used water instead of wine. 9. Bardesanes, from Edessa (about the year 170), was a very 108 FIRST SECTION. FIRST PERIOD (100-323 A.D.). learned man, and an able religions poet. In his sermons he did not oppose the teaching of the Church, but by his hymns diffused his Gnostic views. The same remark applies to Harmonius, his son, who also was a poet. 10. Marcion, a native of Sinope and the son of a bishop, was a man of energetic but pugnacious disposition. Being excommuni- cated by his father on account of his pride, he betook himself to Rome, where Cerdo, a Syrian Gnostic, imbued him with his own peculiar views (about 150). The absolute and irreconcilable anta- gonism between justice and mercy, between law and gospel, be- tween Judaism and Christianity, formed the fundamental idea of his system. Hence, besides the two principles of Syrian Gnosticism — the good and the evil God — he introduced a third, the just God, who was the Creator of the world and the Lawgiver. To the latter Judaism was subject, as heathenism to the evil God. At last the good God, who hitherto had been wholly unknown, in free grace re- solved on delivering man from the dominion of both these deities. For this purpose He sent His Logos (who, however, differed from him only modaliter not personaliter) into the world in what appeared to be a body. By way of accommodation, this Logos gave Himself out to be the Messiah promised by the God of the Jews; He an- nounced forgiveness of sins by free grace, and to all who believed imparted the powers of a Divine life. The Demiurgos, indignant at this, put Him to the cross (to apparent death), when He went to preach in Hades to those of the heathen who are susceptible of the Gospel, next cast the Demiurgos into Hades, and called the Apostle Paul to be the teacher of believers. — In a work — the Antitheses — he endeavoured to show that the antagonism between the Old and the New Testament was irreconcilable. Of all the apostles he only recognised the authority of Paul; the rest, he thought, had relapsed into Judaism. But he also rejected the pastoral letters (of Paul) and that to the Hebrews, and acknowledged only ten of the epistles of Paul and a mutilated edition of the Gospel according to Luke. He disapproved of all pomp and ceremonies in public worship, to which he also admitted catechumens and heathen. Strict asceticism, the use of only so much nourishment as was absolutely necessary, and abstinence from marriage, were incumbent on the " Electi." The moral earnestness and the practical tendency of his teaching gathered around him many adherents, and this sect continued much longer than other Gnostics. To his query, "whether he knew him," Polycarp, who met him in Rome, replied: 'Esnyv 'cuffxw 70V Tpcuro- tokov rov Hurctva. 11. Hermogenes, a painter in North Africa (about the end of the second century), equally rejected the Catholic doctrine of creation and the Gnostic theory of emanation, since both made God the author of sin. He therefore assumed an eternal chaos, in the resistance of which against the creative and formative agency of God § 50. MANICH2EISM. 109 all that was evil and deformed had its origin. His views were re- futed by Tertullian. § 50. MANICH^EISM. Comp. Beausobre, hist. crit. de Manicheisme. Amst. 1734; F. Chr. Baur, d. manich. Religionssyst. Tiibg. 1831; J. E. Colditz, cl. Entsteh. (the origin of) d. manich. Religionsystems, Leipz. 1838. Independent of Christian Gnosticism, which developed in the Roman empire during the second century, and more or less under the influence of Grecian forms of culture, Manichceism sprung up in the Persian empire towards the end of the third century. In many respects its principles and tendency coincided with those of Gnos- ticism, especially with that form of it which the Syrian Gnostics had adopted. But Manichseism differed from Gnosticism chiefly in em- ploying Christian ideas and notions merely as a gloss for heathen theosophy, in bearing no reference whatever to Judaism, in pro- minently bringing forward, instead of Platonic views, Persian Dualism, and combining it with Buddhist ideas. From the first, also, it laid claim not merely to the title of an esoteric religion destined for a few choice spirits, but to form a church of its own, with a regular constitution and an organised worship, — an attempt which, as the result proved, was not wholly unsuccessful. 1. According to the most reliable authorities, Mani, the founder of this religion, had sprung from one of the families of the Persian Magi. Although professing Christianity, and invested with the office of presbyter, he continued to cherish his early Parsee views. Amid the religious movements which, after the overthrow of the Parthian Arsacidse and the accession of the Sassanidaa (227), had the revival of the ancient national faith for their aim, he conceived the idea of founding a new and universal religion by combining Christianity with Parseeism. Accordingly, in 270, under the reign of Shapur I. (Sapores), he came forward as reformer and founder of a new party, claiming to be the Paraclete promised by Christ (John xvi. 13, etc.). Excommunicated by the Christians and persecuted by the Magi, he had to flee, and travelled through India as far as China, all the time gathering fresh materials for his religious system. After that he lived for a period in a cave in Turkistan, where he composed a work, full of gorgeous imagery, intended to express in symbols his doctrine (the "Ertenki Mani," the Gospel of his ad- herents). He then returned to Persia. The new king, Hormuz, protected him; but Behram (Varanes), his successor, obliged him to discuss his system with the Magi, declared them victorious, and caused Mani to be flayed alive "(277). Soon after the founder's death the sect spread throughout the Roman empire. On account 110 FIRST SECTION. FIRST PERIOD (l 00-323 A.D.). of its origin among the hostile Persians, Diocletian persecuted the party; while, on the other hand, the opposition of the Catholic state- church of the Roman Empire secured for it, at a later period, pro- tection in Persia. By secret tradition the sect seems to have con- tinued to the middle ages, when it frequently reappeared.^ 2. The ancient Persian Dualism formed the fundamental idea in the system of Mani. The good God and his twelve JEons (Ormuzd and his Amshaspands and Izeds) was from all eternity opposed by Satan and his demons ( Ahriman and the Dews). Attracted by the beauty of the kingdom of light, Satan made an inroad upon it. God appointed an JEon ("the mother of life") to be the guardian of the boundaries of the kingdom of light. This JEon gave birth to the ideal man, who, together with the five pure elements (fire, light, etc.), entered into the contest, but succumbed and became a prisoner. God now sends another 2Eon, "the living Spirit" to assist him; but he arrives too late, as the powers of darkness have already swallowed up a portion of his luminous essence (the soul of the world, or the "Jesus patibilis"). The ideal man, so far as preserved, i.e., Christ (or the " Jesus impatibilis"), is now transported to the Sun. From the mixture above mentioned God had caused the visible world to be formed by the " living Spirit," in order that the captive particles of light might gradually regain strength and freedom. Besides " the soul of light," every man has also an evil soul. The former is to gain victory and dominion over the latter by appropri- ating the elements of fight scattered in nature, and principally in plants. This process of purification is superintended by the ideal man Christ, who resides in the Sun, and by the living Spirit, who resides in ether. On the other hand, the Demons attempt, by means of the false religions of Judaism and heathenism, to bind souls more closely to the kingdom of darkness. At last Christ Him- self descends from the Sun in what appears to be a body, in order, by His teaching, to give liberty to the " souls _ of light." But the apostles misunderstood and falsified His doctrine ; Mani, the pro- mised Paraclete (not the Holy Ghost) is to restore it to purity. As such, he was the head of the Church. Under him were twelve apostles (magistri) and seventy-two bishops, besides presbyters, deacons, and evangelists. The community consisted of catechumens (auditores) and the elect (or perfect). The latter were to practise the strictest asceticism, to abstain from flesh, from eggs, milk, wine, etc., and had to remain unmarried (Signaculum oris, manuum et sinus). Baptism and the Lord's Supper — the former with oil, the latter without wine — formed part of the secret worship of the perfect. Oil and bread were regarded as those pure products of the soul of the world, which, in vegetable life, struggled after freedom (or the "Jesus patibilis"). Their principal festival was the anniversary of the martyrdom of Mani, when they bowed in worship before a splendid pulpit, the symbol of their divine teacher. § 51. INTERNAL ORGANISATION OF THE CHURCH. Ill III. DEVELOPMENT IN THE GOVEENMENT, WOESHIP, LIFE, AND DISCIPLINE OF THE CHUECH. § 51. INTERNAL ORGANISATION OF THE CHURCH. Comp. Ziegler, Vers. e. pragm. Gescli. d. kirchl. Verfassungs- formen in den 6 ersten Jahrhh. (Pragm. Hist, of the Forms of Eccles. Constit. during the First 6 Cent.). Leipz. 1798 ; J. W. Bickell, Gesch. d. Kirchenrechts (Hist, of Ch. Law). I. II. Frkf. 1849; R. Eothe, d. Anfange d. chr. K. u. ihrer Verf. (Early Hist, of the Chr. Ch. and of its Const.). I. Wittb. 1837 ; W. Palmer, Treat, on the Ch. of Christ. Oxf. 1838; J. Kaye, Some Ace. of the Ext. Disc, of the Ch. of Christ. London 1855. During the second century the Episcopate (§ 33) became more and more a settled institution in the Church, till gradually the bishop was regarded as the superior of the presbyter. Among those who prepared the way for this result, Ignatius of Antioch (ob. 115) is the best known. In every bishop he sees Christ, while in his opinion the college of presbyters represents the apostles. But the later idea of an apostolic succession of bishops, which we find in the writings of Cyprian, appears not to have occurred to Ignatius. — The hierarchical tendency, inherent in the system of Episcopacy, was fostered and nourished by the idea of a special priesthood as of Divine institution. Old Testament views were transferred to the New Testament Presidents of churches. The distinction between the "ordo" or xXrjpog, and the "plebs" or "kuog (Xcc't'zoi), once introduced, soon led to priestly claims of pre-eminence. As the congregations became larger, the functions, rights, and duties of the various office-bearers were more accurately determined, and new offices instituted for those on whom the more menial work de- volved. Thus the clergy were arranged into " ordines majores " and " minores" At first the congregations retained a voice in the choice of the clergy, the decision being frequently left to "con- fessors." The love of the brethren towards one another led to a close connection between individual Christian communities, which was maintained by mutual communications. When on a journey, a Christian would everywhere meet with brotherly wel- come and hospitality, if furnished by a letter from his bishop accrediting or recommending him (epistolse formatse, ypdfjjfjjarct TZrvffco(jAvai). The rural congregations which had been founded by the labours of Christians in neighbouring cities were provided 112 FIRST SECTION. FIRST PERIOD (100-323 A.D.). with presbyters from these cities (the Parochi). If they increased in numbers and influence, they chose a bishop of their own (%j- fjjvrrraig). Justin, in his apology, addressed specially to the heathen, even described in detail the rites observed in the Lord's Supper. The view to which we referred originated at the time of Tertullian (170-180), and was specially due to the institution of the catechu- menate, and the division of public worship to which it led, from the second part of which all unbaptized persons were excluded. 3. The dogma of the Lord's Supper. This doctrine was § 56. READING, SERMON, PRAYER AND PRAISE. 123 not clearly developed, although it was generally realised that the Lord's Supper was a most holy mystery, that the body and blood of the Lord were mystically connected with the bread and wine, and that thus those who in faith partook of this meat enjoyed essential communion with Christ. On this supposition alone can we account for the reproach of the heathen, who spoke of the sacrament as feasts of Thyestes. Ignatius calls the Lord's Supper a tpdpfbuzov d^avaaiag, and admits eir/cipiffrtuv edpzct shat rov Gcoryjpog ; Justin says : cccpzu km cupa l&ooi-xfijipw uvoci. According to Irenceus, it is not " communis panis, sed eucharistia ex duabus rebus constans, terrena et coelesti;" and in consequence of partaking it, our bodies are "jam non corruptibilia, spem resurrectionis habentia." Ter- tullian and Cyprian also adopt similar views, while at the same time they represent, in some passages, the Lord's Supper rather as a symbol. Clement and Origen consider that it is the object of the Lord's Supper that the soul should be fed by the Divine Word. 4. The Sacrificial Theory. When once the idea of a priest hood (§ 51) had gained a footing, the cognate notion of sacrifice could not for any time be kept out. The Lord's Supper offered several points of connection for this view. First, the consecrating prayer, which was regarded of such importance as to give its name to the whole service (gy^ap/orr/a), might be regarded as a spiritual sacrifice ; next, names derived from terms applied to sacrificial worship were given to those offerings which the congregation made for behoof of the Lord's Supper (irpo(r(popc6i, oblationes). And as the congregation brought its gifts for the Lord's Supper, so the priest offered them again in the Lord's Supper ; and to this act also the terms npoffipzpziv, dwcpzpziv, were applied. Ultimately, as the prayer, so the Lord's Supper itself, was designated as ^y(Mva. Opinions differed about the Epistle of James, the Second Epistle of Peter, the Second and Third Epistles of John, and that of Jude (ccvriXeyo^iva). A third class of writ- ings, which laid no claim to canonicity, Eusebius designates as vo^a (the Epistle of Barnabas, the Shepherd of Hennas, the " Acta Pauli," etc.). 3. Translations of the Bible. As Hebrew was almost entirely unknown, even the learned perused the Old Testament only in the translation of the LXX. In the second century, several Latin translations circulated, among which the Itala was that most in repute. Since the second century, a Syriac transla- tion also existed. It was called the Peshito, i.e., plana, simplex, as it gave the words of the original literally and without circum- scription. 4. Hymnology. When Pliny (§ 43, 2) referred to the practice " carmen Christo quasi Deo dicere secum invicem," he must have alluded to special hymns, with hypophonic responses on the part of the congregation. Tertullian and Origen bear frequent testimony to the existence of numerous hymns adapted for public and family worship. The Gnostics (Bardesanes and Harmonius) seem for a time to have been more distinguished than the Catholics in the composition of hymns, and thereby to have stimulated the latter to greater zeal. Among Catholic hymn writers, Athenogenes, a mar- tyr, and Nepos, an Egyptian bishop, are mentioned. A hymn rig H&jTTJpa, by Clemens Alex., has been handed down. Socrates ascribes to Ignatius, Bishop of Antioch, the introduction of antiphonies (between different choirs in the congregation). However, the statement of Theodoret, that about the year $50 Flavian and Diodor, two monks of Antioch, had imported this form of worship from the national Syrian into the Grseco-Syrian Church, appears to us more trustworthy. § 57. PLACES OF PUBLIC WORSHIP AND INFLUENCE OF ART. Comp. G. Kinhel, Gesch. d. bild. Kiinste (Hist, of Art). I. Bonn 1845. — Ch. F. Bellermann, die alt. chr. Begrabnissstat. (The Anc. Chr. Places of Sepult.). Hamb. 1839. F^Munter, Sinnbild. 126 FIRST SECTION. FIRST PERIOD (100-323 A.D.). u. Kunstvorstell. d. alt. Christen. (Emblems and Artist. Ideas of the Anc. Christ.). Altona 1825. F. Piper, Mythol. u. Symbol, der chr. Kunst. (Mythol. and Symb. of Chr. Art). Weim. 1847. The first unequivocal mention of buildings specially designed for public worship occurs in the writings of Tertullian (at the close of the second century). At the time of Diocletian, a splendid church stood close by the imperial residence in the city of Nicomedia, and proudly overshadowed it (§ 43, 6). At the commencement of the fourth century, Rome numbered more than forty churches. We are, however, entirely ignorant of the form and arrangement of these churches. But the Apostolic Constitutions already enjoin that they should be oblong, and so placed as to point to the east. Tertullian and Cyprian mention an altar for the preparation of the Lord's Supper, and a desk for reading. During the times of persecution Christian worship required, of course, to be held in secret — in caves, in deserts, in places of sepulture, and in catacombs. But even at other times the Christians liked to celebrate worship in places where believers were buried {cemeteries) and in catacombs, in order to manifest that communion in Christ continued beyond death and the grave. Especially was it customary to observe the anniversa- ries of martyrdom by oblations and the Eucharist at the places where such witnesses were interred. The ancient Church regarded these seasons as birth-days unto eternal life (yzvi^\ia, natalitia mar- tyrum). The Arts. The early Christians inherited from Judaism a dislike to the arts. This feeling was not a little increased by their antagonism to the artistic worship of heathenism, by a spirit of outward separation from the world, which was called forth and fos- tered during the early persecutions, and by a one-sided interpretation of the statement of Christ concerning the worship of God in spirit and in truth. But, considering the artistic taste of the Greeks, this aversion could not last. How strong the reaction had become, even at the time of Tertullian, may be gathered from his violent opposition. The first distinctively Christian works of art consisted of emblems, used, however, only in domestic and private life, on the walls of dwellings, cups, rings, etc. ; next the catacombs were adorned ; and, lastly, in the fourth century, the churches. The emblems most in use were the monogram of the name Christy con- sisting of an intertwining of the letters X. and P. Frequently the letter P terminated in an anchor, and the letter X was surrounded by the letters a and co (Rev. i. 8). A symbol much in use was that of a fish, of which the name, iy^rvg, served as an anagram ('I. Xp. ©soy T/oV 2*yrijp), and which at the same time reminded § 58. LIFE, MANNERS, AND DISCIPLINE. 127 of the water of life and of the water of baptism. Besides, we also meet with the representation of a ship, of a dove, of an anchor (Heb. vi. 19), of a fisherman (Matt. iv. 19), of a crown (Rev. ii. 10), of a vine (John xv.), of & palm-tree (Rev. vii. 9), of a cock (John xviii. 27), of a phoenix (as symbol of the resurrection), of a hart (Ps. xlii. 1), of a lamb (John i. 29), of a shepherd who carries on his shoulder the lost sheep that had been found (Luke xv.), etc. — By and by these symbols gave place to types. Old Testament histories were now depicted : from that it required only another step to delineate New Testament events. — So late as the year 305, the Synod of llliberis (Elvira) interdicted the use of pictures in churches. — During this period, only Gnostics (the Carpocratians) and heathens (as in the Lararium of Alexander Severus, § 43, 4) made use of images of Christ. From Isaiah liii. 2, 3, the Catholics inferred that the outward appearance of the Saviour had been the opposite of attractive. § 58. LIFE, MANNERS, AND DISCIPLINE. Comp. G. Arnold, erste Liebe, d. i. wahre Abbild. d. ersten Christen. (First Love, i.e., Faithful Portrait, of the First Chr.). Frkf. 1696. — C. Schmidt, essai hist, sur la societe dans le monde Rom. et sur sa transform, par le christianisme. Strassb. 1853. — J. A. and Aug. Theiner, die Einfiihrung der erzwungenen Ehelosig- keit bei d. chr. Geistl. (Introd. of the Oblig. to Celibacy among the Chr. Clergy). 2 vols. Altenb. 1828. Where, as in the persecutions of that period, the chaff is so tho- roughly separated from the wheat, the Divine power of the Gospel and the rules laid down by strict ecclesiastical discipline would of neces- sity produce a degree of purity, of moral earnestness, and of self- denial, such as never before had been seen in the world. But what attracted most admiration among the heathen, who were so much accustomed to mere selfishness, was the brotherly love practised, the care taken of the poor and sick, the ready and large-hearted hospi- tality, the sanctity of the marriage relation, and the joy with which martyrdom was borne. Marriages with Jews, heathens, and here- tics were disapproved of; commonly also second marriage after the death of a first husband. Christians avoided taking part in public amusements, dances, and spectacles, as being " pompa diaboli." Ac- cording to Eph. vi. 10, etc., they regarded the Christian life as a militia Christi. But since the middle of the second century, as in outward constitution and worship, so in the ethical views concern- ing the Christian life, the depth, liberty, and simplicity of apostolic times gave place to a spurious, catholic externalism and bondage. 128 FIRST SECTION. FIRST PERIOD (lOO— 323 A.D.). Ecclesiastical teachers still insisted, indeed, on the necessity of a state of mind corresponding to the outward works done. But al- ready this outward conformity was over-estimated, and thus gradu- ally the way was prepared for work-holiness and the opus operatum (i.e., attaching merit to a work in and by itself). This tendency appears very prominently so early as in the case of Cyprian (de opere et eleemosynis). With this the Alexandrian theologians also combined a theoretical distinction between a higher and lower morality, of which the former was to be sought by the Christian sage (o yvcovTixog), while an ordinary Christian might rest satisfied with the latter. This laid the foundation for all the later aberrations of asceticism. 1. The Christian Life. The spirit of Christianity also per- vaded domestic and civil life. It manifested itself in family worship, in the celebration of the Lord's Supper in the family (§ 55), in mak- ing the sign of the cross before undertaking or doing anything, and in adorning the dwellings and furniture with certain symbols (§ 57,note). The rites of marriage were consecrated by the Church, but, as yet, the validity of a union was not considered as depending on this. The wearing of garlands and of veils by brides was disapproved, as being heathen symbols ; but the custom of using a marriage ring was early in use, and was viewed as a Christian symbol. The prac- tice of the heathen to burn the dead bodies reminded of hell-fire ; the Christians, therefore, preferred the Jewish practice of burial, appealing to 1 Cor. xv. 2. Ecclesiastical Discipline. Heretics, apostates, and per- tinacious transgressors, were, according to apostolic injunction, ex- cluded from the communion of the Church (excommunicatio), and only restored after having given sufficient proof of their penitence. From the great number of those who, during the Decian persecu- tion, made recantation, it became necessary to fix a certain rule of procedure in such cases, which remained in force till the fifth cen- tury. Penitents had to pass through four stages of discipline, of which each lasted, according to circumstances, one or more years. In the first (the TrpocxXuvcig), the penitents, arrayed in the garb of mourning, stood by the church-door, entreating the clergy and con- gregation to receive them again ; in the second (the axpoourig), peni- tents were allowed to be present, although in a separate place, during the reading of the Scriptures and the sermon. In the third (vnoTTcoffig), they were also allowed to be present, and to kneel at prayer ; while in the fourth (avrrraaig), they might again join in all the parts of public worship, with the exception of the communion, which, however, they -might witness, standing. After that, they made a public confession of their sins Q^opjokoyncig), and received absolution and the fraternal kiss (pax, reconciliation This admi- § 58. LIFE, MANNERS, AND DISCIPLINE. 129 nistration of discipline was only shortened or rendered milder " in periculo mortis." But this extreme strictness in dealing with peni- tents also led to the opposite extreme of excessive laxity. Confes- sors especially, frequently abused their privilege of procuring the restoration of penitents by means of what were called recommenda- tory letters (libelli pads), a practice which tended seriously to injure the administration of discipline. On the other hand, some went so far as to deny that the Church had the right of absolving and restor- ing those who had been guilty of mortal sin (1 John v. 16), such as theft, murder, adultery, or apostasy. But these extreme views did not mislead the Church. 3= Asceticism. The asceticism (lyxpurBia, continentia) of the heathen and of the Jews (the Pythagoreans, the Essenes, the Thera- peutre) was either the result of dualistic views, or the manifestation of a false spiritualism. In opposition to this tendency, Christianity propounded it as a principle: Yldvra v[mSjv \gtiv (1 Cor. iii.' 21 ; vi. 12). At the same time it also admitted, that from the disposi- tion, the requirements, or circumstances of an individual, a sober asceticism was warrantable, and might even prove relatively useful (Matt. xix. 12 ; 1 Cor. vii. 5, 7). But the Gospel neither insisted on it, nor ascribed to it any merit. Views such as these prevailed so late as the second century (they occur, for example, in Ignatius). But after the middle of that century, a much greater value was attached to asceticism. It was regarded as a higher stage of morality, and as ensuring superior merit. — Along with this change, the ideas connected with asceticism underwent a modification. In general, it meant frequent and protracted fasts and celibacy, or at least abstinence from conjugal intercourse (after 1 Cor. vii. ; Matt. xix. 12). Continued prayer and meditation served to foster the spiritual life of ascetics. Most of them, also, voluntarily relin- quished their worldly possessions, in application of Luke xviii. 24. After the middle of the second century their number rapidly in- creased, till they formed a distinct class in the community. But as yet they were not bound by irrevocable vows to continue this manner of life. — The idea that the call to asceticism devolved more esjyecially on the clergy, resulted from their designation as the z.Xrjpog Qsov. So early as the second century, a second marriage on the part of clergymen was held to be unlawful (on the ground of 1 Tim. iii. 2) ; while in the third, it was considered their duty, after ordination, to abstain from conjugal intercourse. The attempt to make this obligatory was first made in the year 305, at the Council of Elvira, but proved unsuccessful. — The shameful practice, on the part of certain ascetics and clerics, of taking to themselves (perhaps in misinterpretation of 1 Cor. ix. 5) religious females as sorores (aosX(pa/), seems to have originated in the second century. The idea was, that being joined to them in spiritual love, they were unitedly to defy the temptations of the flesh. In the middle VOL. I. I 130 FIRST SECTION. FIRST PERIOD (100-323 A.D.). of the third century this practice was wicbly spread. Cyprian fre- quently inveighs against it. The abuse went so far, that these so- called " sorores " slept in the same bed with the ascetics, and in- dulged in the most tender embraces. To prove the purity of their relationship, they were wont to appeal to the testimony of midwives. So far as we can gather, Paul of Samosata, in Antioch, was the first bishop to encourage this practice by his own example. In the popular parlance of Antioch, this more than doubtful relationship went by the name of yvvcuKig GvvzHTaxroi (subintroductce, agapetas, extranere). At last bishops and councils passed strict injunctions against it. — During the Decian persecution some Egyp- tian Christians had fled into the wilderness, where avoiding, on principle, all intercourse with their fellow-men, they led a life of strict asceticism. These were the first Anchorites. One of them, Paul of Thebes, lived almost ninety years in the wilderness. His exist- ence had been forgotten by his contemporaries, when, in 340, S. Antonius discovered his remains, from which life had but lately departed. His body was found in the attitude of prayer. § 59. THE MONTANISTIC REFORMATION (ABOUT 150 A.D.). Comp. G. Wernsdorf de Montanistis. Gedan. 1751. A.Neander, Antimiosticus (Transl. by J. E. Ryland, Lond. Bohn). K. Tlessel- berg, Tertullian's Lehre (The Doct. of Tert.). Dorp. 1848. [A. Schwegler, d. Montan. u. d. chr. K. d. 2 Jahrh. — Montan. and the Chr. Ch. of the Second Cent.— Tiibg. 1841. F. Chr. Baur, das Wesen d. Montanism., in the Tiibg. Jahrb. for 1851. IV.] However rigorous the moral demands which the Church of the second and third century made upon its members, and however strict the exercise of its discipline, parties were not awanting who deemed the common practice and views insufficient. Among these the Montanists were the most notable. The movement originated in Phrygia, about the middle of the second century. Its leading characteristics were : a new order of ecstatic prophets, with som- nambulistic visions and new revelations ; a grossly literal interpre- tation of scriptural predictions ; a fanatical millenarianism ; a self- confident asceticism ; and an excessive rigour in ecclesiastical disci- pline. Thus, without dissenting from the doctrinal statements of the Church, Montanism sought to reform its practice. In opposition to the false universalism of the Gnostics, the Montanists insisted that Christianity alone, and not heathenism, contained the truth. In opposition to Catholicism, they maintained that their own spiri- tual church was really a step in advance of apostolical Christianity. If Montanism had universally prevailed, Christianity would speedily § 59. THE MONTANISTIC REFORMATION (ABOUT 150 A.D.). 131 have degenerated into mere enthusiasm, and as such run its course. This the Church recognised at an early period, and hence protested against these views as a heretical aberration. It could not but be seen that their much vaunted purity of doctrine was always, more or less, at the mercy of the disordered imagination of some Montanist prophet. Still, their moral earnestness and zeal against worldliness, hierarchism, and false spiritualism, rendered important service to the Church, both in the way of admonition and of warning. 1. Phrygian Montanism. About the middle of the seconp> century Montanus, a native of Ardaban, appeared at Pepuza, in Phrygia, as a prophet and reformer of Christianity, to which he had only lately become a convert. He had visions, and while in a state of unconsciousness and ecstasy, prophesied of the near advent of Christ, and inveighed against the corruption in the Church. Maxi- milla and Priscilla, two females, were infected with his enthusiasm, became likewise somnambulistic, and prophesied. Part of the con- gregation recognised him as a divine prophet, and believed his predictions and teaching (Montanistse, Kuratppwyzg, Pepuziani). Others regarded him and these two females as possessed, and would have called in the aid of exorcism. Meantime opposition only served to feed the delusion. Montanus felt convinced that in him was ful- filled the promise of Christ concerning the Paraclete, w T ho was to guide the Church into all truth. His adherents declared that they alone had received the Holy Ghost. They called themselves kviv- (jjccrizoi, and designated the unbelieving Catholics as -^wfcizoi. The movement spread, growing in error as it proceeded. The principal ecclesiastical teachers of Asia Minor (Claudius Apollinarius, Mil- tiades, Rhodon, etc.) rose against it as one man, and by word and writing contended against Montanism. Several synods also solemnly pronounced against it (about 170). They succeeded in arresting the spread of this delusion. 2. Montanism in the West. The sentence of condemnation pronounced in Asia Minor was approved of at Borne. But the Christians of Gaul, who had always kept up close intercourse with the Mother Church in Asia Minor, and who, under the pressure of the Aurelian persecution, cherished at that time more lively expec- tations of a coming millennium, refused entirely to condemn the Montanistic movement. Accordingly, they addressed conciliatory letters, both to Asia Minor and to Rome. Irenceus, at the time only a presbyter, went to Rome, and persuaded Bishop Eleuthems to adopt mild and conciliatory measures. But soon afterwards, when Praxeas, a confessor from Asia Minor (§ 62, 3), arrived in Rome, he and Cajus, a presbyter and a fanatical enemy of mil- lenarianism, so wrought upon Bishop Victor by a description of the proceedings of the Montanists, that he withdrew the epistles of 132 FIRST SECTION. FIRST PERIOD (100-323 A.D.). peace which he had already written. From that time the Roman Church remained strenuously opposed to Montanism. Stilly the movement met with considerable sympathy in the West, especially in Proconsular Africa. This translocation, however, proved other- wise useful, bv removing much of the fanaticism and sectarianism which had originally attached to the party. Tertullian, a presbyter of Carthage (about the year 201), and the most eminent teacher in the West "of his time, was by far the ablest champion of Montanism. He devoted all his energy and talents to gain adherents to his prin- ciples. But the stigma of sectarianism and the reproach of heresy attached to them. Still the sect of Tertullianists continued in Africa for a long time. 3. Doctrine and Practice. It is the fundamental idea of Montanism that Divine revelation gradually and increasingly deve- loped. This progression had not reached its climax in Christ and His apostles, but was destined to do so during the era of the Para- clete, which had commenced with Montanus. The patriarchial period was the period of infancy in the kingdom of God ; the period of the law and of prophecy, under the Old Covenant, its childhood ; in the Gospel it entered upon the period of youth ; while in the Montanistic effusion of the Spirit, it finally attained the full ma- turity of manhood. Its absolute completion may be expected to take place in the millennium, which was regarded as at hand. The following were the principal reformatory ordinances of the Paraclete : Second marriage was to be considered fornication ;— much greater importance was to be attached to fasting ; on the " dies stationum " it was absolutely unlawful to partake of anything, and two weeks before Easter only water and bread or dry meat (^popay/a/) were allowed; — those who had been excommunicated were tocontinue in the " status poenitentias " during the remainder of their lives ; — mar- tyrdom was to be sought after ; to withdraw in any way from perse- cution was, in measure, to apostatise ;— virgins were to appear only veiled, and, generally, women to renounce all luxury and orna- ments ; — worldly science and art, and all worldly enjoyments, even those which appear to be innocent, were treated as a snare laid by the enemy, etc. § go. ecclesiastical schisms. It so happened that sometimes in one and the same congregation there were those who advocated the administration of lax and of rigorous discipline. Each of these parties, of course, wished to en- force its peculiar views, to the exclusion of all others. From such controversies, accompanied as they frequently were by disputes be- tween presbyters and bishops, and by doctrinal divergences, various schisms arose which continued for a period, even although outward circumstances seemed at the time to render ecclesiastical union more § 60. ECCLESIASTICAL SCHISMS. 133 than ever desirable. We read of four such schisms during the period under review. 1. The Schism of Hippolttus at Rome (about 220-235). Comp. J. Dollinger, Hipp. u. Callistus. Regensb. 1853. — Words- worth, S. Hippol. and his Age. Lond. 1853. W. E. Taylor, Hippol. and the Chr. Cli. of the Third Cent. Lond. 1853 ; Art. "Hippol." in Herzog's Encycl. vi. 131, etc. 1856. After a life full of curious adventures, Callistus (Calixtus), a libe- rated slave, was in 217 raised to the see of Rome, not without strenuous opposition from the more strict party in the Church. They charged him with a connivance at every kind of transgression, equally inconsistent with Christian earnestness and destructive of all discipline. Besides, they also accused him of holding the Noetian heresy (§ 62, 4). The opposition was headed by Hippolytus, a pres- byter, whom his adherents elected counter-bishop. The schism lasted till the time of Pontianus, the second in occupation of the see of Rome after Callistus. The chiefs of both parties having been banished to Sardinia, a reconciliation took place between their ad- herents, who united to choose another bishop (235). 2. The Schism of Felicissimus at Carthage, about the tear 250, was in reality an opposition to the episcopal authority of Cyprian. The (moderate) strictness of that bishop in dealing with the lapsed was only made a pretext. Several presbyters at Carthage were dissatisfied with the appointment of Cyprian as bishop (248), and sought to withdraw from his jurisdiction. At their head was Novatus. They ordained, of their own authority, Felicissimus, who afterwards became the chief of the party, as deacon. When, during the Decian persecution, Cyprian for a short time left Carthage, they accused him of dereliction of duty and cowardice. But Cyprian soon returned, and his opponents turned his strictness towards the lapsi to account for exciting people against him. The bishop had protested against the readiness with which some con- fessors had, without fully examining into the circumstances, given libellos pads to the lapsed, and deferred the consideration of such cases to a synod, to be held after the persecution had ceased. An ec- clesiastical visitation completed the breach. The dissatisfied presby- ters at once received the lapsed ; renounced the authority of Cyprian, although, when the persecution broke out afresh, that bishop him- self introduced a milder discipline; and elected Fortunatus as counter- bishop. Only after considerable trouble Cyprian, by a combination of prudence and firmness, succeeded in arresting the schism. 3. In the Schism of Novatian, a presbyter at Rome (251), the cause of dispute was of an almost opposite character from that just described. Cornelius, Bishop of Rome, exercised a mild disci- pline ; a practice opposed by the more strict party, under the pres- byter Novatian. When Novatus of Carthage arrived at Rome, he 134 FIRST SECTION. FIRST PERIOD (100-323 A.D.). joined the discontented party, although his own views on ecclesias- tical discipline had been the very opposite of theirs, and incited them to separation. The strict party now chose Novation as their bishop. Both parties appealed for recognition to the leading churches. Cyprian pronounced against Novatian, and contested the sectarian principles of his adherents according to which the Church had not the right to assure forgiveness to the lapsed, or to those who, by gross sin, had broken their baptismal vows (though they admitted the possibility that, by the mercy of God, such persons might be pardoned). The Novatians also held that the Church, being a communion of pure persons, could not tolerate in its bosom any who were impure, nor readmit a person who had been excommuni- cated, even though he had undergone ecclesiastical discipline. On this ground the party called itself the Kcc^apoi. Owing to the moral earnestness of their principles, even those bishops who took a different view from theirs were disposed to regard them more favourably ; and almost through the whole Roman empire Novatian communities sprung up, of which remnants existed so late as the sixth century. 4. The Schism of Meletius in Egypt. During the Diocletian persecution, Meletius, Bishop of Lycopolis, in Thebais, had, without being authorised, arrogated to himself the power of ordaining and of otherwise interfering with the rights of his metropolitan, Petrus, Bishop of Alexandria, who for a season had retired from his diocese. Warnings and admonitions were in vain. An Egyptian synod then excommunicated and deposed him. This gave rise to a schism which spread over Egypt. The general Council of Nice (325) offered to all Meletian bishops amnesty, and the succession in their respective sees in case the Catholic counter-bishop should die. Many sub- mitted, but Meletius himself, with some others, continued schismatic, and joined the party of the Arians. y IV. TEACHING AND LITEEATURE OF THE CHUECH. § 61. THEOLOGICAL SCHOOLS AND THEIR REPRESENTATIVES. The earliest Christian writers had enjoyed intercourse with, and instruction from, the apostles. On that account they are commonly called Apostolic Fatliers. In their case, as in that of the apostles themselves, the immediate requirements of practical life formed the burden and the motive of their writings. But the literary contest with heathenism, which immediately succeeded, gave a more scien- tific character to Christian authorship. This contest gave rise to a long series of apologetical ivories, which in great part date from the second century. The scientific tendency of Christian theology § 61. THEOLOGICAL SCHOOLS AND THEIR REPRESENTATIVES. 135 developed even more fully in the third century during the contro- versy with Judaising and paganising heretics. In opposition to those dangerous aberrations, three peculiar types of doctrinal views developed within the Catholic Church after the close of the second century. They are commonly distinguished as the schools of A lex- andria, of Asia Minor, and of North Africa. — Since the close of the first century, another branch of literature, though one of very doubtful value, had also appeared. We allude to the apocryphal and pseudo-epigraphic writings, which arose partly with the view of spreading certain heresies, partly for apologetical purposes, and partly to give sanction to certain ecclesiastical ordinances. This species of literature seems to have attained its highest point during the second and third centuries. 1. The Apostolic Fathers (comp. A. Hilgenfeld, die ap. V. Halle 1853. J. H. B. Liibkert, d. Theologie d. ap. V. in the "Luther. Zeitschr." for 1854. IV. Lechler, d. Apost. u. nachapost. Zeitalter. Stuttg. 1857). Of these seven are mentioned. (1.) Clement, Bishop of Rome (Philippians iv. 3), from whom we have an Epistle to the Corinthians, containing admonitions to concord and humility. (2.) Barnabas, the well-known companion of the Apostle Paul. The letter, preserved under his name, betrays, by its allegoric.il interpretations, the Alexandrian ideas of the author, and breathes contempt for the Old Testament and its ceremonial. It contains, however, some ingenious views, and gives evidence of deep piety. Its authenticity is doubtful. ' (3.) Hermas (Rom. xvi. 14). The Uoi[A'/jv (Pastor) ascribed to him was perhaps written by a later Hermas, the brother of the Roman Bishop Pius, about the year 150. The work derives its name from the circumstance that in it an angel, under the guise of a shepherd, instructs the author. It contains visions, " mandata," and " similitudines." (4.) Ignatius, Bishop of Antioch (§ 43, 2). We possess seven letters of his, which on his journey to martyrdom he addressed to various churches (one of them to Polycarp). Of the two Greek re- censions, the more lengthy is manifestly a paraphrase. They are distinguished above all other writings of this time by energetic oppo- sition to Judaistic and Docetic heresy, by a most decided confession of the Divinity of Christ, and by strenuous assertions of the authority of bishops as the representatives of Christ Bunsen, Lijjsius, and others, maintain that a still shorter recension (in Syriac translation), of only three letters, represents the genuine works of Ignatius ; while Baur, Hilgenfeld, and others, deny the genuineness of all the three recensions. 136 FIRST SECTION. FIRST PERIOD (100-323 A.D.). (5.) Polycarp, Bishop of Smyrna (§ 43, 3), a disciple of the Apostle John, has left a letter addressed to the Philippians. (6.) Papias, Bishop of Hierapolis in Phrygia, likewise a disciple of John, collected the oral traditions of the discourses and deeds of the Lord (Xoyicov xvpta/C&Jv s^'/iyrjo'ig), of which only a few frag- ments have been handed down. Credulity, misunderstanding, and an unbounded attachment to millennarian views, seem to have cha- racterised this work. (7.) A letter addressed to DiOGNETUS by an unknown author, who calls himself (Ma^rirrig rcov cctovtoXcov. It is manifestly erroneous to regard Justin Martyr as its writer. The letter ably refutes the ob- jections of Diognetus to Christianity. Unlike the other Fathers, the author regards the heathen gods not as demons, but as empty phan- toms. The institutions of the Old Testament he considers to have been human, and indeed partly inept, arrangements. The best edi- tion of the Apostolic Fathers is that by Cotelerius, Paris 1078, folio ; the latest edition, that by Ilefele, 4th edition. Tiib. 1855. 2. Among the numerous Apologetical Writers of the second century (complete collections of their works, so far as extant, comp. § 63, 1, were published by Prud. Maranus. Par. 1742. 2 Voll. fol. and by C. T. Otto. Jen. 1842, etc.) the first place must be assigned to Justin Martyr, who was born at Sichem in Samaria, and died as martyr in the year 166. As a heathen, he successively sought after truth in the various philosophical systems, among which he was most attracted by that of Plato. But it was only when an unknown venerable [man, whom he met by the sea-shore, directed him to the prophets and apostles, that he found satisfaction. In the thirtieth year of his life he became a convert to Christianity, which, while continuing to wear his philosopher's cloak (pallium), he enthusiastically defended by writings and discussions. But thereby he also called forth the special hatred of heathen sages. Crescens, a Cynic at Rome, was his most bitter enemy, and left no- thing undone to secure his destruction. In this he succeeded. Under the reign of Marcus Aurelius, and about the year 166, Jus- tin was scourged and beheaded at Rome. Comp. Semisch, Justin Martyr, transl. by J. E. Ryland. Edin. T. and T. Clark. 3. The School of Asia Minor. This school may be traced back to the labours of John, and was distinguished by its firm adherence to the Bible, its strong faith, its scientific liberality, its conciliatory tone, and its trenchant polemics against heretics. The greater part of its numerous and formerly so celebrated teachers are known to us almost only by name. One of its oldest representa- tives was Melito, Bishop of Sardis, who died about 170. Of his numerous writings, which bore on all the important ecclesiastical questions of the time, only a very few fragments have been pre- served. Eusebius and Hieronymus have preserved a list of eighteen different tractates by that Father. After Melito, Iren^eus, a dis- § 61. TIIEOLOGICAL SCHOOLS AND THEIR REPRESENTATIVES. 137 ciple of Poli/carp, was the most celebrated teacher of that school. He went into Gaul, where he became presbyter, and, after the martyrdom of Bishop Pothinus (§ 43, 3), was elevated to the see of Lyons. He died a martyr under Septimius Severus in the year 202. The best editions of his writings are those by JR. Massuet, Paris 1710 ; and by A. Stieren, Leipsic 1847.— The learned Hippo- LYTUS, presbyter, and afterwards schismatic Bishop at Rome (§ 60, 1), ob. 235, was a disciple of Irenceus. Such was the authority in which Hippolytus was held, that, soon after his death, his friends erected a statue of him in Rome, bearing on the back of the chair a list of his numerous writings. It was dug out on an island of the Tiber in the year 1551. The best edition of his writings is that by J. A. Fabricias, Hamb. 1716. 2 vols. 4to, supplemented by S. Hippolyti Episc. et Mart. Refutat. omn. hseres. Libr. X. qure supersunt. ed. Duncker et Schneideivin. Gott. 1856. 4. The School op Alexandria. The principal task to which the representatives of this school set themselves, was to oppose a true churchly Gnosis to the spurious Gnosticism of heretics. In this attempt/ some of them, however, were entangled in dangerous philosophical aberrations. Still, most of them were distinguished by classical culture, by logical acumen, by liberality and originality. The centre of this theological tendency was the Catechetical School of Alexandria, which, from an institution for the instruction of educated catechumens, had become a theological seminary. The first celebrated teacher in this institution was Pant^enus (ob. 202). He was surpassed by Clement op Alexandria, his pupil and successor. Impelled by a desire for knowledge, this writer, when still a heathen, had travelled about ; and having acquired con- siderable learning, arrived at Alexandria, where he was attracted by, and converted under, Panilenus. During the persecution under Septimius Severus (202), he withdrew, according to Matt. x. 23, by flight from the vengeance of the heathen. But to his death in 220 he continued to work and to write for the Church. (Best edi- tion by J. Potter, Oxon. 1715. 2 vols, fol.) However great his fame, it was surpassed by that of Origen, his pupil and successor, whom heathens and Christians equally admired for his learning, and who, from his unwearied diligence, bore the designations of Adamantius and XaXzwrepog. He was distinguished as a philo- sopher, as a philologian, as a critic, as an exegetical, dogmatic, apologetic, and polemic writer. Posterity has, with equal justice, honoured him as the founder of scientific theology, and disowned him as the originator of many heretical views. He was born at Alexandria, of Christian parents, about the year 185, and trained by his father Leonidas, and by Pantcenus and Clement. When still almost a boy, he encouraged his father to undergo martyrdom under Septimius Severus (in 202), provided for his helpless mother and her six orphan children, and was appointed by Bishop Deme- 138 FIRST SECTION. FIRST PERIOD (100-323 A.D.). trius teacher in the catechetical school (in 203). In order to do justice to his new office, he applied himself with all diligence to the study of philosophy, under the tuition of Ammonius Saccas, a Neo-Platonic. In private life he was exceedingly abstemious, and from his youth a strict ascetic. In his zeal for Christian perfec- tion, and misunderstanding the passage in Matt. xix. 12, he made himself a eunuch, — a step which he afterwards felt to have been wrong. Meantime his fame increased daily. In obedience toa highly honourable call, he laboured for some time in the mission in Arabia. The excellent Empress Julia Mammcea summoned him to Antioch (218) ; and in the year 228 he undertook, for ecclesias- tical purposes, a journey to Palestine, where the Bishops o£ Ccesarea and Jerusalem ordained him presbyter, though in opposition to the canons of the Church. His own Bishop, Demetrius, who had at any rate been jealous of the fame of Origen, resented this inva- sion of his rights, recalled him, and in two synods held at Alexan- dria (in 231 "and in 232), caused him to be deposed and excom- municated for heresy, self-mutilation, and contempt of ecclesias- tical canons. Origen now betook himself to Csesarea, where, honoured and assisted by the Emperor Philippus Arabs, he opened a theological school. Here his literary activity attained its climax. During the Decian persecution he was imprisoned, and finally died at Tyre, in 254, in consequence of the fearful tortures which he had borne with calmness.— Comp. E. R. Redepenning, Origenes. Bonn 1841. 2 vols. G. Thomasius, Origenes. Nuremb. 1837. (Best editions of his works by C. de la Rue, Paris 1733. 4 vols, fol., and by Lommatzsch, Berlin 1831. 26 vols.)— Among the successors of Origen at Alexandria, Dionysius Alexandrinus (since 233) was the most celebrated. In the year 248 he was elevated to the see of that city, and died in 265. He was not equal to Origen in point of speculation. But indeed his Charisma was rather" the zvfizpvrjtrig. Even his cotemporaries called him the Great. During the Decian persecution he displayed equal pru- dence, calmness, courage, and constancy. Amid the ecclesiastical disputes of his time, he had ample opportunity of manifesting the generosity and mildness of his character, his faithful adherence to the Church, and his zeal for the purity of its teaching. Every- where the influence of his self-denial and amiability was felt. — Gregorius Thaumaturgus had attended on the teaching of Origen at Csesarea. Converted, as a youth under Origen, from paganism to the Gospel, he clung with the deepest affection to his venerated teacher. He afterwards became bishop of his native city, Neo-Csesarea, and on his death-bed enjoyed the consolation of leaving to his successor no more unbelievers in the city (17) than his" predecessor had left believers. He was designated a second Moses, and it was thought that he possessed the power of workino; miracles. § 61. THEOLOGICAL SCHOOLS AND THEIR REPRESENTATIVES. 139 5. The School of North Africa was distinguished by its realism and its practical tendency, thus representing the opposite extreme to the idealism and the speculations of the Alexandrians. Its peculiarity was that of the western mind generally, and chiefly manifested itself in the controversy with Gnosticism. Its represen- tatives, although themselves classically educated, rejected classical science and philosophy, as apt to lead astray. They laid great stress on purity of apostolical tradition, and insisted on sanctification of the life and strict asceticism. Its first and greatest teacher was Tertulltan, the son of a heathen centurion at Carthage. While a pagan, he distinguished himself as an advocate and rhetorician. He was converted late in life; and, after a considerable stay at Rome, was ordained a presbyter at Carthage (ob. 220). Naturally he was impetuous and energetic ; in his writings, as in his life, he appears a strong man, full of glowing enthusiasm for the foolishness of the Gospel, and equally strict towards himself and others. He originated the Latin ecclesiastical language ; his " Punic style" is terse, rich in imagery and rhetorical figures ; his thoughts are acute and deep. Although himself trained in heathen lore, he was fana- tically opposed to it, and equally so to Gnosticism. His zeal in favour of strict asceticism, and against every kind of worldliness, led him to become a Montanist in 201. There his peculiar mode of thinking and feeling, the energy of his will, the ardour of his affec- tions, his powerful imagination, his tendency towards the strictest asceticism, and his predilection for realism, found full scope for de- velopment. If withal he kept free from many aberrations of Mon- tanism, this must be ascribed to his clear understanding and, how- ever much he may have despised it, to his thorough scientific training. (Best edition of his works by Fr. Oehler, Leipsic 1854.) Comp. § 59. — Thascius C^ecilius Cyprianus was first a heathen rhetorician, afterwards Bishop of Carthage, and died a martyr under Valerian in 258. Although trained by the writings of Tertullian ("da magistrum!"), he kept clear of his extravagances. He was equally distinguished by warm and firm adherence to the idea of one, holy, visible Church, and by zeal, faithfulness, vigour, and prudence in the cure of souls and the administration of his congre- gation. His life and writings give ample evidence of these qualities. (Comp. Rettberg, Cypr. nach sein. Leben unci Wirken. — Cypr., his Life and Works— Gott. 1831 ; G. A. Poole, Life and times of Cyprian, Oxf. 1840.)— X. Coel. Lactantius Firmianus (ob. 330), by birth a heathen, afterwards teacher of elocution at Nicomedia, and then tutor to Crispus, the imperial prince, who was executed in 326 by command of his father (Constantine the Great). His apolo- getic writings show that he was modest, amiable, and learned. They abound with evidences of his culture, affectionateness, and clearness. From the purity of his Latin style and the elegance of his diction, m which he far surpassed all other Fathers, he was called the Chris- 140 FIRST SECTION. FIRST PERIOD (lOO— 323 A.D.). tian Cicero. But his writings are destitute of depth and acumen, and on theological questions he frequently commits blunders and oversights. — To this school belong also Minucius Felix, Commodi- anus, and Arnobius, all of them apologetic writers. 6. During this period the School of Antioch (§ 74), of which the presbyters Dorotheus and Lucian were the founders, first ap- peared. The latter died a martyr in 311. Through his influence, that school from the first gave its main attention to the critical, gram- matical, and historical interpretation of the Scriptures. 7. The greater part of the very numerous Apocryphal and Pseudo-epigraphic Works were composed to promote the spread of heretical, chiefly of Ebionistic and Gnostic views. Many of them, however, must also be traced to Catholic authors. Their chief purpose seems to have been, through a kind of pious fraud, to exalt Christianity by " vaticinia post eventum," or to fill up any gaps in its history by myths and fables already existent, or specially devised for that end. The subjects chosen were either connected with the Old or with the New Testament. Among the latter we reckon Apocryphal Gospels, Acts of Apostles, Apostolic Letters and Revelations. In these gospels reference is not made to the teaching of Christ, probably because it was thought that the canonical gospels had given sufficient details on that subject. On the other hand, they dwell largely on the history of the childhood of the Lord, and furnish fabulous, though pretendedly documentary supplements to the accounts of Christ's sufferings. Besides, a number of spurious ancient heathen and Jewish oracles were circulated and frequently quoted for apologetic purposes (§ 63, 1). § C2. DEVELOPMENT OF DOCTRINE AND DOGMATIC CONTROVERSIES. Comp. F. Chr. Baur, d. chr. Lehre v. d. Dreieinigkeit (The Chr. Doctr. of the Trinity). I. Tiibg. 1841. G. A. Meier, d. Lehre v. d. Trinitat. I. Hamb. 1844. J. A. Dorner, d. Lehre v. d. Person Christi. 2d Ed. I. Stuttg. 1845. K. A. Kahnis, d. Lehre v. h. Geiste (The Doctr. concern, the H. Sp.). I. Halle 1847. Lobeg. Lange, Gesch. u. Lehrb. d. Antitrin. vor d. nicsen. Synode. Leipz. 1851.— (//. Corrodi) krit. Gesch. d. Chiliasm. (Crit. Hist, of Mil- lenar.) 4 vols. Zur. 1794. Art. " Chiliasmus," by Semisch, in Her- zog's Encycl. II. p. 657, etc. In its friendly or hostile contact with heathen culture, Christianity had to appear in a scientific form, in order thus also to prove its claim to recognition as a universal religion. It must therefore soon have been felt necessary to develop the doctrines of the Gospel. During the three first centuries, however, the dogmas of the Catholic Church were not yet fully formed and established. Before this § 62. DEVELOPMENT OF DOCTRINE, ETC. 141 could be accomplished, Christian truth had freely to develop in in- dividuals ; — besides, as yet, no generally recognised medium for the decision of these questions such as the later universal councils ex- isted; — the persecutions left not time or quietness for such pur- poses ; — and all the energies of the Church were engaged in defending Christian truth against the inroads of heathen and Jewish elements, which in Ebionism and Gnosticism presented so threaten- ing a front. But, on the other hand, the internal collisions and dis- cussions which took place at that period prepared the Church for unfolding and ultimately establishing Christian doctrine. Among these we reckon the contest between the Catholics and the Monta- nists (§ 59). — The discussions about Easter and about baptism (§ 53, 1 ; 54, 2) had also a dogmatic bearing, while the various schisms (especially that of Novatian) tended to fix the dogma concerning the Church. Nor must we leave out of consideration the Millena- rian discussions. But of greatest importance by far was the Trini- tarian controversy, which took place in the 3d century. 1. The Trinitarian Questions. These bore on the relation between the Divine [jjovupyja (the unity of God) and the oizovof/jiu (the nature and the relations of the Trinity). Peculiar emphasis was laid on the relation subsisting between the Son (or Xoyog) and the Father. The Church firmly maintained the independent per- sonal subsistence of the Son (Hypostasianism) ; but various errors and difficulties arose when it was attempted to bring this view into harmony with the monotheism of Christianity. Adopting the dis- tinction made by Philo between the Xoyog hhid^zrog and the X. koo- fiopizog (§ 22, 1), it was at first thought that the Hypostasation was somehow connected with or depended on the creation of the world, and had taken place for that purpose, — in short, that it was not necessary and eternal, but a free act in time on the part of God. The real essence of the Deity was rather ascribed to the Father, and all the attributes of divinity were not assigned to the Son in the same manner as to the Father. The statement of Christ (John xiv. 28) : " The Father is greater than I," was also applied to Christ's state of existence before His incarnation. The views entertained about the Holy Ghost were even more vague. His personality and independent existence were not subjects of settled or deep conviction; it was more common to subordinate Him, and also to ascribe to Christ Himself the functions peculiar to the third person of the Trinity (inspiration and sanctification). But this process of sub- ordination appeared to some of the Fathers to endanger not only the fundamental doctrine of the unity of God, but also that of the divinity of Christ. Hence they preferred passing over the personal distinction between the Logos, the Spirit, and the Father. One of 142 FIRST SECTION. FIRST PERIOD (lOO— 323 A.D.). two wa}^s might here be chosen. Following the example of the Ebionites, Christ might be regarded as a mere man, who, like the prophets, had been furnished with Divine wisdom and power, only in infinitely higher measure (dynamistic Monarchianism). Or else, yielding more fully to the felt want of Christians, it might be con- ceived that the whole fulness of the Deity dwelt in Christ ; thus identifying the Logos with the Father, i.e., regarding the former as only a peculiar mode in which the latter operated (modalistic Mon- archianism). Either of these forms of Monarchianism was regarded as heretical, and the hypostasian view as alone orthodox. Still the latter also contained an element of error (that of subordination), while the former (at least in its more elevated, modalistic form) em- bodied a truth which as yet was left out of the orthodox view (the acknowledgment of the equality of being, or of the 6[jj00Vfficc of the Son with the Father). These two opposing views were reconciled and united by the doctrine of homousian Hypostasianism propounded in the third century, but which found general acknowledgment only in the fourth century. 2. The Dynamistic Monarchians. Among them we reckon, 1. The Alogians in Asia Minor (about 170). They violently opposed the millenarianism and prophetism of the Montanists, and rejected not only the Book of Revelation, but also the Gospel of John. Epiphanms gave them their peculiar name, in which he alluded both to their rejection of the Gospel and of the doctrine of the Logos, and also to the groundlessness of their views (aXoyog = un- reasonable). 2. The same writer speaks of the Theodotian sect as an UT0G , 7ra(TjjjCc ryjg ahoyov aip'iczoog. Their founder, Theodotus 6 ffnvrevg, from Byzance, taught -^i'lov ccv^pa'Trov thai rov Xpicrov. — Spiritu quidem sancto natum ex virgine, sed hominem nudum nulla alia praa cseteris nisi sola justitise autoritate. Towards the close of the second century he arrived at Rome, where he gained some adherents, but was excommunicated by Bishop Victor. Another Theodotus (o TpwynZ^ir^g) conceived that the power of God in Christ was less than that in Melchisedec, since Christ was only media- tor between God and men. On this ground his adherents were called Melchisedechites. 3. Of greater influence than either of these heretics, was Artemon, who busied himself with Aristotle rather than with the Bible, and maintained that his doctrine had been regarded at Rome as orthodox up to the time of Bishop Zephyrinus (the successor of Victor), who excommunicated him and his ad- herents. 3. Praxeas and Tertullian. Patripassianism, which repre- sents the Father as Himself becoming incarnate and suffering in Christ, may be regarded as the preparation for, and the first rough form of Modalism. These views were first prominently brought forward by Praxeas, a confessor from Asia Minor (§ 60, 2). He propounded them without let in Rome, about the year 190 ; but was § 62. DEVELOPMENT OF DOCTRINE, ETC. 143 even then vigorously opposed by Tertullian. On his return to Africa that Father wrote, in defence of Montanism and Hypos- tasianism, a treatise against him, in which he showed the weak parts, the contradictions, and the dangerous tendency of the theory of Praxeas. Although Tertullian himself is not quite free from the errors of subordinationism, his views are more satisfactory, since he speaks of a threefold progress in the hypostasation of the Son (hliatio). The first stage consisted of the eternal indwelling (im- manence, immanent subsistence) of the Son in the Father; the second stage took place when the Son came forth by the side of the Father, for the purpose of creating the world ; and the third when, by His incarnation, the Son manifested Himself in the world. 4. Noetus, Callistus, and Hippolttus. The views of Noiitus of Smyrna were not quite free from Patripassian error. He taught that the Son was the son of himself, and not of another. This doctrine was brought to Rome about 215 by Epigonus, his dis- ciple, where it met with considerable support, being chiefly advo- cated by Cleomenes. In opposition to these views, Hippolytus (§61,3) maintained the doctrine of subordinatian Hypostasianism, which up to that time was regarded as orthodox (from all eternity Christ was perfect Logos, but only as the \oyoq ivbia^szTog, being undistin- guished from the Father ; by His incarnation He had become per- fectly the Son).' Callistus, Bishop of Rome, conceived that both views contained some elements of truth and others of error. Although by no means clear in his statements, or wholly free from error, he was the first to propound what, in its fuller development, is known as homousian Hypostasianism. Hippolytus reproached the bishop with being a Noetian, and he retorted by charging the presbyter with Ditheism. Sabellius, who at the time lived in Rome, was at first undecided, but ultimately pronounced in favour of Modalism, and was excommunicated by Callistus. Hippolytus and his adherents renounced the authority of Callistus, and formed a community of their own (§ 60, 1). 5. Beryllus and Origen. Beryllus of Bostra, in Arabia, was also a Patripassian. His system formed a link of connection be- tween Patripassianism and Sabellian Modalism. Pie denied the ihia Siorqg of the divinity of Christ, and designated it as vrurpizrj §&6rqg, but at the same time regarded it as a new form of manifestation (vrpogairov) on the part of God. In the year 244 an Arabian synod, to which Origen also was invited, was convened to discuss his views. Beryllus, convinced of his error, made full recantation. All former teachers had held that the hypostasation of the Logos had taken place in time, for the purposes of creating the world and of the Incarnation. Origen was the first to propound the truth that the Son is begotten by the Father from all eternity, and hence from all eternit}- a hypostasis. Again, the Son is not begotten because this is necessary in order that the Son might become the 144 FIRST SECTION. FIRST PERIOD (l00-323 A.D.). Creator, but because it is necessary in and by itself, as light cannot be without radiance. He also propounded the dogma that the generation of the Son was going on for ever. He held that, as the life of God is not bound to time, the becoming objective of this life in the Son must likewise lie beyond the limitations of time ; it is not an act of God once done, but a continuous manifestation of His life (txzt yzvvoi 6 TlaTtjp tov T/ov). True, even Orifjen is not quite free from the errors of Subordinatianism, but in his case thev are confined within the narrowest limits. He rejects indeed the ex- pression, that the Son was ix, rrjg obfTiag tov iruTp'og, but only in opposition to the Gnostic theories of emanation. Similarly, he speaks of a irsporrjg rrjg ovaiag, but only in opposition to the 6(AOOvo~iog, taken in the sense of the Patripassians. He held that the Son was begotten \tc tov ^tzkrjiJbarog §zov, but only because he regarded Him as the Divine will become objective ; he calls Him a ztio-[JjC&, but only in so far as He is §soToiov[Mi>og, and not avro^eog ; but the Son is avToaotp'ia, uvToaXrfcziu,, hzvrepog Ssog. He held a subordi- nation, not of essence, but of being or of origin. 6. Sabellius and the two Dionysii. Sabellius, from Ptole- mais, in Egypt, had during his stay at Rome devised a peculiar, speculative and monarchian system, which met with considerable support from the bishops of his country. It was favourably distin- guished from other systems of the kind, in that it assigned a distinct and necessary place to the Holy Ghost. According to him, God is a simple unity (fjbovdg), wdio, as ^zog giqokuv, rested in Himself, and when about to create the world came forth out of Himself as §sog XccXcov or Xoyog. During the course of the development of the world, the Monas (or the Logos) presented Himself, for the purpose of salvation, successively under three different forms of existence (ov6(jja,ra, TrpogcoTo), of which each contained the entire Monas. They are not vKOGToursig, but irpoguita (masks), as it were parts which God, when manifesting Himself in the world, successively un- dertook. Having finished His peculiar part by the giving of the law, or in the Old Testament economy, the " Prosopon " of the Father returned again into His absolute state. Next He appears in the in- carnation as the Son, when, at His ascension, He again returns into the Monas ; and lastly manifests Himself as the Holy Ghost, that when the Church shall have been wholly sanctified, He may again, and for all eternity, become a monad, without distinction in itself. Sabellius designated this process as an expansion (iKTuaig) and contraction (ffucroX'/i, KkarvGiAog). To make his ideas more intelligible, he illustrated the above process by a simile of the sun, ovTog {hiv b [Jaci vttogtoIgsi, Tpzig 5g h/jovTog rag Ivspysiag, viz., to Tfjg -TripKpzpetug cyjuhu, to (pojTKTTizov kui to SccXtov. — At the Synod of Alexandria, in 261, Dionysius the Great (§ 61, 4) contended against the Sa- bellianism of the Egyptian bishops, but in his zeal made use of terms which implied subordinatian errors of the grossest kind igivov koct § 62. DEVELOPMENT OF DOCTRINE, ETC. 145 ovffiav uvtov &ivui rov Ylarpog uffTsp hcrnv 6 yzcopyog vrpog ttjv oif/iT&kov zou 6 vccvTrriyog ftpog ro ffzdccpog, — cog vroiq/jju oov obx. r t v nptv y'wriTKi). When Dionysius, Bishop of Rome, obtained tidings of this, he rejected, in a Synod at Rome in 262, the expres- sions used by his colleague at Alexandria, and published a tractate (' AvurpoTTi}), in which, with equal acuteness, clearness, and depth, he defended against Sabellius the doctrine of the hypostatic existence, and against the Alexandrians the opoovGiu and the eternal genera- tion of the Son. Dionysius of Alexandria retracted, with praise- worthy modesty, the ill-chosen illustrations he had employed, and declared himself substantially at one with the views of the Bishop at Rome. 7. Paul of Samosata. For half a century dynamistic Mon- archianism had not been represented by any man of note, when, about the year 260, it was again propounded in a (comparatively) more profound manner by Paul of Samosata, an arrogant, vain, luxurious, and withal covetous and immoral prelate. While, with the former advocates of this theory, he maintained that the Godhead, in the strictest sense of the term, consisted only of one person, he at the same time admitted in the Deity a relationship between the Xoyog ivhio&irog and irpotpopiKog. Again, while in the opinion of his predecessors the humanity of Christ alone constituted His distinc- tive personality, Paul (like the Socinians of modern times) held that, by His unique excellency, the man Jesus had gradually risen to Divine dignity, and to deserve the name of God. The Syrian bishops held three synods to discuss his errors. At the third of these (269), they condemned him, and rejected the expression ofjjoov- ciog, which he had misapplied. But, by the protection of Queen Zenobia, Paul retained his see. When Zenobia was vanquished by Aurelian, in the year 272, the Synod laid accusation against him with the (heathen) emperor, who, after taking the opinion of the bishops " in Italy and Rome," expelled Paul. 8. The Millenarian controversy. Since the time of Papias, the expectation of a thousand years' reign of glory, at the close of the present dispensation, had been fondly cherished by the Chris- tians, who, under their continued persecutions, looked for the speedy return of the Lord. Only the spiritualists of Alexandria (Clement, Origen, etc.) opposed these views, and, by allegorical interpretations, explained away the Biblical arguments in favour of them. Caius, a Roman presbyter (about 210), asserted, in his controversy with Proculus, a Montanist, that both Millenarianism and the Book of Revelation, on which it was founded, were a fabrication of Cerin- thus, the heretic. Fifty years later, the Millenarians of Egypt were headed by Nepos, the learned Bishop of Arsinoe. He wrote a treatise against Clement and Origen, entitled "¥Xty%og rcov uXkrj- yopiffTuv. After the death of Nepos, his adherents, under the leadership of Coracion, a presbyter, seceded from the Church of VOL. i. K 146 FIRST SECTION. FIRST PERIOD (100-323 A.D.). Alexandria. To arrest the mischief, Dionysius immediately hastened to Arsinoe. A discussion ensued, which lasted for three days, and at the close of which, the leaders of the Millenarian party sincerely thanked the Bishop for his instruction. Coracion himself made formal recantation. To confirm his converts, Dionysius wrote a book entitled YLspt l-7rayyiXiav. Aversion to the spiritualism of the school of Origen soon afterwai*ds induced Methodius, Bishop of Olympus, to advocate a moderate Millenarianism, which Lactantius also enthusiastically defended. But as the aspect of outward affairs changed under the reijni of Constantine the Great, these views lost their hold on men's minds. The Church now prepared for a long- continued period of temporal prosperity, and the State-Church of that time forgot the millennial glory of the future. § G3. THEOLOGICAL SCIENCE. 1. Attention was chiefly paid to Apologetics. The apology of Quadratus, Bishop of Athens, has been lost. In this tractate, which he handed to the Emperor Hadrian, he appealed to the circumstance that he had been acquainted with some of the persons whom Jesus healed or raised from the dead. — The same fate overtook the apo- logies of Aristides, a converted philosopher of Athens, — of Ariston of Pella, who wrote a Dialogue between Papiscus, a Jew of Alex- andria, and Jason, a Jewish Christian, — of Melito, Bishop of Sardes, of Claudius Appolinaris from Hierapolis, and of Miltiades, a rheto- rician, who handed their apologies to Marcus Aurelius. (The " Ora- tion of Melito to Antonius Caesar," edited by W. Cureton in his Spicilegium Syriac. Lond. 1855, is probably not the celebrated apology of that Father, but his tractate a, ^v^/i, and Trvsvpu. Without undervaluing the literal meaning of a passage, he deemed it of much greater importance to ascertain its mystical sense. Every history in the Bible was a representation of what had occurred in the higher world. Most events had occurred just as they were related ; but some, which, if literally taken, appeared to him unworthy or un- reasonable, were merely typical, and had not really taken place. The founders of the school of Antioch (§ 61, 6), and probably also Nepos the Millenarian (§ 62, 8), opposed this allegorical treatment of the Bible, and advocated an exclusively historical and gramma- tical interpretation. The exegetical writings of the time of Origen have not been preserved. Of his own works, the ariiJAiutrzig or brief scholia, the to/juoi or detailed commentaries on entire Biblical books, and the o(jJkiai, being explanatory lectures on the Scriptures, have been preserved, partly in the original, and partly in the Latin translations of Hieronymus and of Rufinus. Hippolytus was, next to Origen, probably the ablest exegetical writer ; but only small frag- ments from his exegetical works have been handed down. 5. In Historical Literature connected with Theology we possess Acts of Martyrs, Apocryphal Gospels, and Acts of Apostles (Ev. Jacobi Minoris, Ev. de nativitate Marias, Hist, de Joachim et Anna, Hist. Josephi fabri lignarii, Ev. infantias Salvat., Ev. Nicodemi, Acta Pilati, etc.). Eusebius has preserved some fragments of the v^oyjVTj'jjCcra ruv IzzXrjiriacri/cSJv ypd&aiv of Hege- sippus, a Jewish Christian from Asia Minor. Of greater importance than this work was the Chronography (JLpovoypacpia) of Julius Afri- canus, which showed the connection between Biblical and profane history. But this tractate has also been lost. Among writings of the same class we may also reckon the work of Lactantius, de morte persecutt. 6. Practical Theology. In Homiletics, the first rank must be assigned to Origen. The most interesting writings of an ascetic character are those of Clement of A lexandria, Tig 6 Goo(J){hivog ttXov- ffiog ; of Origen, Uzpi zvy/ig, and E/V fiupTvptov TrporpiKTiKog Xoyog : of Methodius of Olympus, ^vfiTotrsov rav hzza nup^'ivojv Kept rr,g § 64. CONSTANTINE THE GREAT AND HIS SONS. 149 ay"ye\o[Jbi[jbrirov -rap^sviag Among the Latins, we have by Tertullian (before he- became a Montanist), "de oratione," "ad martyres," "de spectaculis," " de idolatria," " de cultu feminarum," " de patientia," "ad nxorem;" (after he became a Montanist:) " de virginibus velandis," " de corona militis," " de fuga in persecutione," " de ex- hortatione castitatis," " de monogamia," " de pudicitia," " de jeju- niis," " de pallio ;" — by Cyprian, " de gratia Dei," " de lapsis," " de opere et eleemosynis," " de bono patientia?," " de zelo et livore," etc. — On the subject of Ecclesiastical Law (constitu- tion, worship, discipline), the pseudo-Clementine Aictrwycci tojv ciKOirroXcov (constitutiones apostolorum) are of very great impor- tance. These originated in the Syrian Church, partly at the close of the third and partly at the commencement of the fourth cen- tury. The first six books also bear the name of hto'ocGxccXicc xo&o- Xizr;. At the end of Book VIII. eighty-five pseudo-epigraphic " Canones apostolorum" are appended. SECOND PEMQD OF ECCLESIASTICAL HISTOKY UNDER THE ANTIQUE CLASSICAL FORM. FROM THE YEAR 323-C92. I. STATE AND CHURCH. Comp. A. Beugnot, hist, de la destruction du Paganisme en Occi- dent. Par. 1835. 2 Voll. E. Chastel, hist, de la. destr. du Pag. dans l'empire de l'Orient, Par. 1850. E. von Lasaulx, der Unter- gang des Hellenismus (The Fall of Hellen.). Mun. 1854. § 64. CONSTANTINE THE GREAT AND HIS SONS. Comp. J. C. F. Man so , Leb. Konstantin's (Life of Const.). Bresl. 1817. J. BurcIJiardt, Konst. u. s. Zeit. (Const, and his Time). Bas. 1853. After the defeat of Licinius (323), Const antine openly pro- fessed himself a Christian, although he still remained Pontifex Maximus, and was only baptized shortly before his death (337). 150 FIEST SECTION. SECOND PERIOD (323-692 A.D.). He showed himself tolerant towards the heathen, only interdicting immoral rites, and assigning to the Christians a few temples which had not been much in use. His dislike of heathenism, which, through the influence of some powerful families, was still prevalent at Rome, formed one of the elements in his resolution to transfer his residence to Byzantium (Constantinople). The profession of Christianity he rewarded by various favours. His own conversion cannot be set down to the account of mere political calculation. However, outbursts of passionate violence (among them the exe- cution of Crispus, his son), and not a few actions which cannot be justified, occurred after his profession of Christianity. He died in 337, soon after having received baptism, without having ever taken part in all the rites of public worship (§ 55, 1). His three sons commenced their reign by assassinating all the relatives of the Emperor (only two nephews, Gallus and Julianus, escaped), and by dividing among themselves the empire. Consiantius (337— 361) ruled first over the East. After the death of Constantine II. {ob. 340), and of Constans (ob. 350), he became sole lord of the empire. All the sons of Constantine endeavoured to suppress heathenism by force. Constantius caused all heathen temples to be shut, and interdicted sacrifices on pain of death. Great num- bers of pagans made profession of Christianity, few of them from real conviction. These measures only deepened the dislike of the more noble-minded heathen against Christianity. In their opinion, patriotism and intellectual culture were identical with attachment to the old faith. § 65. JULIAN THE APOSTATE (361-363). Comp. A. Neander, Kaiser Julian unci sein Zeitalter (The Emp. Jul. and his Age). Leipz. 1812. V. S. Teuffel, de Jul. Chris- tianismi contemt. et osore. Tub. 1844. D. Strauss, d. Roman tiker auf d. Thron d. Caesaren. Mannh. 1847. J. E. Auer, Julian d. Abtr. im Kampfe mit den Kirchenvatern s. Zeit. (Cont. betw. Jul. the Apost. and the Fathers of his Age). Vienna 1855. Julian, the heir to the throne, who was at any rate incensed at the murder of his relatives, long chafed under the monkish and ascetic training to which he was subjected. But he knew to con- ceal under the garb of feigned bigotry his heart-hatred of Chris- tianity. When at last he obtained permission to study at Nicomedia and Athens, the representatives of heathenism in these places filled him with the conviction that he was called by the gods to restore § 66. FINAL DESTRUCTION OF HEATHENISM. 151 the ancient faith. Lulled into security by his hypocrisy, Constan- tius intrusted Julian with the command of an army against the Germans. His courage and talents gained him the heart of the soldiers. He now threw off the mask, and openly raised the stan- dard of rebellion. Constantius died on his expedition against him, and Julian became Emperor (361-363). He immediately ad- dressed himself with zeal and energy to the execution of his long- cherished plans, and sought to renew and restore the glories of ancient Paganism. To weaken and oppress Christianity, he em- ployed ingenious rather than violent measures, although he deprived the clergy of their possessions, reminding them in derision of the duty of evangelical property. He encouraged, so far as he could, schisms in the Church, favoured all heretics and sects, sought by artifices to induce the soldiers to take part in sacrifices, interdicted Christians from having literary schools, removed them from the higher offices of state, and heaped on them all manner of indignity, etc. In order to defeat the prediction of Christ (Matt, xxiii. 38 ; xxiv. 2), he attempted to restore the temple at Jerusalem. But earthquakes and flames bursting from the ground, scattered the workmen. By all means in his power, and in every manner, he sought to restore and to elevate Paganism. From Christianity he borrowed certain charitable institutions, its ecclesiastical disci- pline, preaching, singing at public worship, etc. He also bestowed a number of distinctions on the heathen priesthood ; but, on the other hand, insisted on strict discipline among them. In his capacity of Pontifex Maximus, he himself sacrificed and preached, and led a strictly ascetic and almost cynically simple life. But the want of success attending his endeavours increasingly exasperated him. Already fears were, entertained of new persecutions, when, after a reign of only twenty months, he died in an expedition against the Persians, — as Christians related it, with the words, " Tandem vicisti, Galilsee !" on his lips. — On the throne of the Cresars, Julian had displayed talents and virtues such as had not adorned it since the time of Marcus Aurelius. His reign was an historical anomaly, which proved that heathenism died, not a violent death, but of " marasmus senilis," — its life-power having been wholly exhausted. § 66. FINAL DESTRUCTION OF HEATHENISM. With Julian perished also his futile attempts. His successors, Jovian (ob. 364), and then in the West, Valentinian I. (ob. 375), Gratian (ob. 383), and Valentinian II. (ob. 392),— in the East, 152 FIRST SECTION. SECOND PEEIOD (323-G92 A.D.). Valens (ob. 378) and Theodosius I. (ob. 395), tolerated heathenism for some time, but only to prepare for its more certain destruction. Scarcely had Theodosius in some measure allayed political troubles, when, in 382, he made conversion to heathenism a criminal offence. The populace and the monks destroyed the temples. On this account Libanius addressed to the Emperor his celebrated oration, Trspi tojv tsp&jv ', still, the latter caused the remaining temples to be shut, and interdicted all attendance on them. Bloody contests raged in the streets of Alexandria during the episcopate of Theo- j)liilus, in consequence of which the Christians destroyed the splendid Serapeion (391). In vain the heathen expected that this sin would cause the heavens to fall or the earth to perish ; there was not even a scarcity in consequence of the failure of Nile water. — Gratian followed in the West the example which Theodosius had .set in the East. He was the first to decline the dignity of Ponti- fex Maximus ; he deprived the heathen priests of their immunities, confiscated the landed property belonging to the temples, and ordered the altar of victory, which stood in the Curia of the Senate at Rome, to be removed. It was in vain that Symmachus, the prasfectus urbi, endeavoured to get it restored. By the advice of Ambrosius, Valentinian IF., on four different occasions, refused to see deputations which had come to him on this subject. So soon as Theodosius became sole ruler (392), edicts even more stringent appeared. On his entrance into Rome (394), he addressed the Roman Senate in language of reproof, and admonished them to adopt Christianity. His sons Honorius (ob. 423) in the West, and Arcadius in the East (ob. 408), continued the policy of Theodo- sius. Under Theodosius II. (ob. 450), monks armed with imperial power travelled through the provinces for the purpose of suppressing heathenism. This was not accomplished without violence or blood- shed. Among the misdeeds of that period, the best known is the assassination of the noble heathen philosopher Hypatia (415) at Alexandria. In official language, heathenism was regarded as defunct. For a long time it had been branded as the religion of rustics (Paganismus), and could only be practised secretly and in distant localities. Its last, and indeed its only prop, was the Aca- demy at Athens, which attained its highest celebrity when Proclus (ob. 485) taught in its halls. Justinian I. (527-565) closed this institution. Its teachers fled into Persia. With their departure heathenism in the Roman and Grecian empire may be said to have deceased. Still, in the mountains of the Peloponnesus, the § G7. ATTEMPTS OF HEATHENISM TOWARDS PRESERVATION. 153 Mainots maintained their political independence and ancestral re- ligion so late as the ninth century ; while in Sardinia, Corsica, and Sicily, individual heathens were found even at the time of Gregory the Great (ob. 604). 5 67. ATTEMPTS OF HEATHENISM TOWARDS RENOVATION AND PRESERVATION. Neo-Platonism had, despite the protection of Julian and the fame of its representatives (Jamblichus, ob. 333, Libaiiius, ob. 395, Himerius, ob. 390, Themistius, ob. 390, Proclus, ob. 485), fallen very far short of the goal it had proposed to attain. Even more notable was the failure of the attempts made by the Ilypsistarians, the Ewphemites, and the Coslicoli, who sought to engraft on hea- thenism a rigid Jewish monotheism or an antiquated Sabianism. — The literary contest between Christianity and heathenism had strangely changed. Julian alone could still polemise after the ancient fashion ; the other representatives of heathenism were con- tent to sue for religions liberty and toleration. Again, while among Christian writers Lactantius had still pled for mutual for- bearance, Firmicus Maternus already plied the sons of Constantine the Great with fanatical admonitions to suppress idolatry by force, pressing upon them the command of God to Joshua to exterminate the Canaanites. But when, since the fifth century, the incursions of the barbarians gave indications of the speedy downfall of the Roman empire, heathen writers felt encouraged to ascribe the disasters of the commonwealth to a judgment of the gods, on ac- count of the suppression of the ancient religion, under which the State had so lone; flourished. These statements were made, among CO J CD others, by the heathen historians Zosimus and Eunapius. But history itself refuted them better than Christian apologetical writers (§ 78, 3) could have done; for these very barbarians gradually adopted Christianity, and almost surpassed the Roman emperors in the number and severity of their measures for the suppression of heathenism. 1. Fragments of Julian's work, zocrd ~Kpii7rtavcov, in seven books, have been preserved in the reply made to it by Cyrill of Alexan- dria. The Emperor represented Christianity as a deteriorated form of Judaism ; the worship of Christ and the honour paid to martyrs were treated as later adulterations of the doctrine of Jesus. — Pko- CLUS, the Neo-Platonic, controverted the Christian doctrine of creation. Fragments of his tractate have been preserved in the reply made to it by Johannes Philoponus. 154 FIRST SECTION. SECOND PERIOD (323-692 A.D.). 2. According to Gregory of Nazianzus, whose father had belonged to the sect of the Hypsistarians in Cappadocia, the religious views of that party consisted of a mixture of Grecian heathenism with Jewish monotheism, and the Eastern worship of fire and of the stars, — special opposition being made to the Christian doctrine of the Trinity. A kindred sect were the Euphemites (those that sung praise) in Asia, who also bore the name of Messalians (pray- ing) or Euchetes, and the sect of the Ccelicolce in Africa. § 68. THE CHRISTIAN STATE AND THE STATE CHURCH. Comp. C. Riffel, gesch. Darst. des Verh. zw. K. u. Staat. (His- tor. Repr. of the Relat. betw. Ch. and State). Vol. I. May. 1836. Planch Gesch. d. Kirchl. Gesellschafts. — Verf. Vol. I. As, in. his capacity of Pontifex Maximus, the Roman Emperor had formerly had the supreme direction of all religious affairs, so, when Christianity became the religion of the State, he gradually came to occupy a similar position in reference to the Church. Even Constantine the Great regarded himself as iniaKOKoq run '£%&) rtjg izzhTjGiac, and all his successors exercised the "jus circa sacra," nor were their claims in this respect ever called in question. The Donatists (§ 93, 2) alone held that the State had no control what- ever over the Church. As yet, the limits within which the State might claim certain rights in reference to the Church were not clearly defined. But thus much was asserted, at least in theory, that the Emperor had no power of his own accord to decide on internal ques- tions concerning the Church (worship, discipline, and doctrine). To decide on such questions, General Synods were convened, of which the decrees obtained imperial sanction, and thereby became public enactments. But, in measure as the court of Byzantium degene- rated and became the centre of intrigues, the interference of the court in ecclesiastical matters became increasingly pernicious. More than once, heresy for a time prevailed through personal feeling, unworthy artifices, and even by open force. But in the end, gene- rally, truth again obtained the victory. The usurper Basiliscus was the first, in the year 476, to determine, by imperial edicts, what should be taught and what should be believed throughout the empire (§ 82, 5). Later emperors followed his example; among them, especially Justinian I. (527 to 565) ; and court theologians even attempted to justify such interferences by investing the imperial office with a priestly character, of which, according to them, Mel- chisedec had been a type. The emperors exercised great influence on the election of bishops in the principal cities ; at a later period, they § G8. THE CHRISTIAN STATE AND THE STATE CHURCH. 155 appointed or deposed them as they chose. On the other hand, the pro- tectorate of the emperors conferred on the Church a number of out- ward advantages and privileges. Among them we reckon the fact, that the State undertook the maintenance of the Church, partly by bestowing rich presents and foundations from the public exchequer, partly by making over to the Church the heathen temples and the possessions attaching to them. Even Constantine had authorised the Church to receive legacies of every kind. Besides, churches and ecclesiastical officials were free from all public burdens. The ancient practice of bishops to act as arbiters (1 Cor. vi. 1-6) was formally recognised ; the clergy were exempted from secular jurisdiction, and placed under the authority of their superiors. The right of asylum which had belonged to the heathen temples was transferred to Christian churches. Connected with this was the right of epis- copal intercession in favour of those who had been condemned by the tribunals,— a practice by which the latter became subject to a certain spiritual control, and unjust, arbitrary, or harsh measures were not unfrequently prevented. 1. According to the jus circa sacra, the emperors had power to arrange all things which bore on the relation between Church and State. At the same time, it was also their duty to preserve or re- store peace and unity in the Church, to protect orthodoxy, to take charge of the interests of the Church and of the clergy, and to up- hold the ecclesiastical canons. Constantine the Great already excluded all heretics from the privileges which he had accorded to the Church, and deemed it his duty to oppose the progress of heresy to the best of his power. For that purpose, the State did not hesitate to take away or to close such churches, to interdict their worship, to exile their leaders, and afterwards also to confiscate their property. The usurper Maximus (§ 84, 2) was the first,_ so early as the year 385, to execute sentence of death against heretics. But during this period his example was not followed by his succes- sors. In 654, Constans II. caused a determined opponent of his ecclesiastical schemes (§ 82, 8) to be scourged and barbarously mutilated. — The Fathers of the fourth century disapproved of all constraint in matters of faith (comp. however § 93, 2). 2. The institution of General Synods (avvoloi oixovfisvixoci, concilia universalia s. generalia) originated with Constantine the Great. They were convoked by the Emperor, and presided over either by the monarch in person, or by a prelate chosen by the Council. An imperial commissary opened the Synod by reading the imperial edict convening it ; and also attended the meetings, for the purpose of guarding the rights of the State. The travelling 156 FIRST SECTION. SECOND PERIOD (323-692 A.D.). expenses and maintenance of members of Synod were paid from the treasury. The decrees were designated by the common name of opoi, definitiones ; — if they determined on matters of faith, they were called hoyr/jccra, or if couched in the form of a confession, (jvfjjfio'hct ; — if they bore on the government, worship, or discipline of the Church, they were called x,avovzg. Dogmas and symbols required to be unanimously passed ; for canons a majority of votes was suffi- cient. From the first, only bishops were held entitled to vote in synods. But the prelates might be represented by some of their inferior clergy. — Instead of cecumenic councils, which could not be rapidly convened, avvohoi hvhrifAOvffui, as they were called, were some- times held at Constantinople. These were composed of all the bishops present at the time in the capital. Such endemic synods were also occasionally held at Alexandria. — Twice a year Provincial Synods assembled under the presidency of their respective metropo- litans. By and bye Patriarchal or Diocesan Synods were instituted, to serve as a court of appeal. 3. Among the sources of general ecclesiastical law at that period, we may mention, 1. The canons of the general councils, — 2. The decrees of the principal provincial synods, — 3. The Apostolic Canons (§ 63, 6), — 4. The epistolos canonical of the principal bishops (especially of those in the sedes apostolical, § 51 ; above all, those from Eome and Alexandria), in reply to inquiries about the eccle- siastical practice prevalent in their dioceses (those from Rome were called epistolce decretales), — 5. The imperial laws on the subject, vofJboi (the Codex Theodosianus about 440, the Codex Justinianasus 534, the Novellas Justiniani). So far as we know, the first collec- tion of these was made in the Greek Church, by Johannes Scholas- ticus, Patriarch of Constantinople. It obtained the name of Nomo- canon (about 560), because the ecclesiastical vo[Moi of Justinian were added to it. A later Greek nomo-canon bears the name of Theodo- rus Balsamon. In the West, all former collections gave place to the Codex canonum, compiled by the Roman abbot P/ionysius the Small, to which also all the decretal letters then extant were appended (about 500). II. MONASTICISM, THE CLERGY AND HIERAECHY. § 69. MONASTICISM. Comp. A. Molder, Gesch. d. Monchth. in d. Zeit sein. Entsteh. (Hist, of Mon. at the time of its Orig.) in his coll. Works, II. 165, § 69. MONASTICISM. 157 etc. ; G. T. Mangold, de monacliatus orig. et causis. Marb. 1852. Comp. also the works cited in § 3, 3. Satiated of the ways of the world, and following the inclination for a contemplative life, which is characteristic of Orientals, many persons retired into solitude. Here, amidst prayer and labour, amidst want and self-denial which not unfrequently degenerated into self-torture, these Anachorets sought after that sanctification which they deemed impossible to attain in the midst of a corrupt world. The first example of this mode of life was given by Paul of Thebes, whose end became only accidentally known (§ 58, 3). But Monasticism properly originated with St Antonius, ob. 356. His example was soon followed, and the deserts of Egypt became peopled with swarms of hermits, who gained from the wilderness a scanty subsistence. On the Nitrian mountains Amonius, and in the Sce- tian Desert Macarius the elder, founded celebrated institutions of anachorets. The largest of these communities was that founded by Paclwmius (ob. 348) in Tabennse, an island in the Nile. By the rules which he gave to his followers, the institutions of anachorets were transformed into regular monastic establishments (zoivog (iiog). The monks with their president, called Abbot (abbas = father) or Archimandrite, were to live in a cloister (ccenobium, monasterium, claustrum, mandra, dairo, i.e., dwelling), and to spend their time in prayer and labour (agriculture, making of baskets, carpets, etc.). Several other monasteries were founded in connection with the great cloister at Tabennge, and soon the number of these monks amounted to 50,000. Hilarion founded in Palestine, near Gaza, a monastery on the same principles, the affiliated cloisters of which extended over all Syria. In the East, the number of cloisters and monks increased immensely. The monastic life was vaunted as a fiiog ayyzXtzog and a (pikoaotpiu v-^rihri, and regarded as a substitute for the martyrdom which was not any longer attainable. Already its institution was traced back to Elijah and John the Baptist, and the Therapeutce were represented as having been the first Christian monks. The cloisters became an asylum for those that were oppressed or persecuted, institutions of charity for the poor and sick, and soon afterwards also seminaries for training those who were to fill the clerical or episcopal office. But here also corruption made sad havoc. Not spiritual motives only, but ambition, vanity, idleness, and especially a desire to withdraw from the obligation to serve in the army, etc., or to pay taxes, helped to fill the cloisters. Hence in 365, the Emperor Valens ordered that such persons should 158 FIRST SECTION. SECOND PERIOD (323-692 A.D.). be taken by force out of the monasteries. In order to arrest spiri- tual aberrations (such as self-tortures, work-righteousness, enthu- siasm and fanaticism, spiritual pride, etc.), and to make these insti- tutions available for the real good of the Church, by converting them into seminaries for scientific studies and for education, some eminent bishops, among them Basilius the Great, took the monas- teries under their special superintendence and care. Other prelates, however, frequently employed the monks as a ready soldiery to carry out their ambitious or party views. — At first, the Western Church was opposed to these monastic tendencies. The authority of Atha- nasius, who on several occasions was obliged to seek a refuge in the West, led to a more favourable opinion of them. After that, the most celebrated of the Fathers, headed by such men as Ambrosius, Ilieronpnus, and Augustine, exerted all their influence to spread monastic institutions. Martin of Tours introduced them into Northern Gaul about the year 380. In Southern Gaul, Honoratus founded the celebrated monastery of Lerinum, and Johannes Cas- sianus (ob. 432) the still more celebrated institution at Massilia. But Monasticism in the West almost perished during the migration of nations ; it was reserved for Benedict of Nursia, in the year 529, to reorganise the monasteries, and to introduce unity and order in them (§115). 1. St Antonius sprung from a Coptic family at Coma, in Egypt. Left in his 18th year an orphan, the passage in the Gospel about the rich young man (Matt, xix.) affected him in such a manner, that he gave all his goods to the poor and retired to the desert. Amidst agonising internal conflicts and temptations, his Christian experience ripened. Persons of all ranks went to consult him in search of comfort and peace. Even Constantine the Great intimated in a letter his veneration for this Christian Diogenes. Through his prayers bodily diseases, through his counsel spiritual ailments, were removed. Twice — in the year 311, during the Diocletian persecu- tion, and in the year 351, during the height of the Arian contro- versy — he suddenly appeared in Alexandria. By Christians and Pagans regarded as a sign from God, he succeeded in converting, within a few days, thousands of heathens. Like-minded persons gathered around him in order to enjoy his ministrations. In his last days he retired from them, and died at the age of 105 years (in 356). 2. Nunneries. So early as the second century, some pious virgins renounced marriage in order to devote themselves wholly to God. As their sex prevented them from leading the life of anachorets, they were the more ready to fall in with the idea of a monastic life. St Anto- § 69. MONASTICISM. 159 nius himself had given the first example of a nunnery, when, on retiring to the wilderness, he founded for his sister, at Coma in Egypt, an institution destined to receive such virgins. The first regular nunnery was instituted by Pachomius, and presided over bv his sister. After that time their number rapidly increased. Their president was called Ammas (mother), and the members [kovayjti, Sanctimoniales, Nonnce (in C optic =cast£e). St Paula of Eome, the pupil and friend of St Jerome, became the patroness of female Monasticism in the West. She and her daughter Eusto- chium followed Jerome to Palestine, and founded in his vicinity, near Bethlehem, three nunneries. 3. St Basilius gave to the monks in the East new and improved rules, which soon came into general and almost exclusive use. Since the fifth century the synods gave laws to monasteries and their inmates. In 451 the Council of Chalcedon subjected cloisters to the jurisdiction of bishops. — At first it was held lawful for monks to return into the world, although this step was regarded as blame- worthy, and requiring penance. But from the fifth and sixth centuries, monastic vows were regarded as absolutely binding. Hence entrants required to be of a certain (canonical) age, and to have passed a noviciate, or period of probation and for consideration. Since the sixth century, not only a " propria professio," but even a "paterna devotio" was held to be binding. — According to the rule of St Basilius, every monastery had one or more presbyters attached to it, who conducted worship and administered the sacraments. Up to the tenth century, the monks themselves were regarded as laymen, but were distinguished as " Peligiosi" from the " Seculares." Monasticism was, however, considered a preparation for the clerical office, and the majority of bishops were taken directly from monas- teries. 4. The Acoimetes were a particular class of monks, whose origin dates from the fifth century. Studius, a Roman, founded for them at Constantinople the celebrated monastery of Studion. They de- rived their peculiar name from the circumstance that, in their cloisters, Divine worship was continuously celebrated night and day. — The Stylites were a peculiar class of hermits. The best known among them was Symeon Stylites, who at the commence- ment of the fifth century lived for thirty years, in the neighbour- hood of Antioch, on a pillar thirty-six yards high, and thence preached repentance to the multitudes who from all parts crowded to see and hear him. Vanquished by the power of his addresses, thousands of Saracens who wandered about in that neighbourhood were baptized. 5. Even after Pachomius, Hilarion, and Basilius had given fixed rules to the various monasteries, individual associations of hermits refused to submit to any regulation. Among them we may men- tion the Sarabaites in Egypt, and the Remoboth in Syria. 160 FIRST SECTION. SECOND PERIOD (323-692 A.D.). Irregular associations of monks wandered about through Mesopota- mia, under the name of B o a x o i, pabidatores, from the circumstance that they lived on herbs or roots. Since the fifth century we read of the Gyrovagi (as they were called), in Italy and Africa, who, under the designation or monks, led a dissolute and vagrant life. — The Euchites and Eustathians, who appeared in the second half of the fourth century, were heretical and schismatic monks. The former — who are not to be confounded with the heathen Euchetai (§ 77, 2) — bore also the names of Messalians and Choreutai (from their mystical dances). They claimed to have attained the highest point of spirituality, and on that ground to be above the law. Pretending to be absorbed in silent prayer, and honoured with heavenly visions, they went about begging, since labour was unbecoming perfect saints. They taught that, in virtue of his descent from Adam, every man brought an evil spirit with him into the world, who could only be overcome by prayer. Thus alone would the root of all evil be removed. After that was done, man required no longer either the law, the Scriptures, or the sacraments. He might give reins to his passions, and even do what would be sinful in one who was still under the law. They employed the las- civious imagery of sensual love to describe their mystical communion with God. ' The Gospel history they regarded as only an allegory, and considered fire to be the creative principle of the universe. Flavian, Bishop of Antioch, by artifices and accommodation, obtained knowledge of their secret principles and practices (381). But, despite the persecution to which they were subjected, they continued till the sixth century. — The Eustathians derived their name from Eustathius, Bishop of Sebaste, the founder of Monasticism in the Eastern provinces of the empire. In their fanatical contempt^ of marriage, they went so far as to regard communion with married persons as impure, and to institute religious services of their own. They rejected the feasts of the Church, enjoined fasting on Sun- days and feast-days (§ 53), and entire abstinence from animal food. Their women went about dressed as men. They also insisted that persons of property should give up all their possessions. Servants left their masters, wives their husbands, to join the communion of these saints. But the vigorous measures taken by the Synod of Gangra in Paphlagonia (between a.d. 360 and 370) arrested the spread of the sect. § 70. THE CLERGY. Gradually the separation between the clergy and laity became more and more marked, while the superior ecclesiastical function- aries formed a spiritual corresponding to the secular aristocracy. It was maintained that the priesthood occupied the same relation to the laity as the soul to the body. Withal, the number of aspi- \ § 70. THE CLERGY. 161 rants to the clerical office increased to a degree to render it neces- sary for the State to regulate their admission by certain laws. The clergy were appointed by the bishops, but with the formal con- currence of the people. In the East, bishops were chosen by all the prelates of a province, under the presidency of the metropolitan, on whom also devolved the ordination of the person elected. But in the West the old practice continued, and bishops, clergy, and people combined in making the choice. The Council of Nice in- terdicted the translation of bishops, characterising it as spiritual adultery (Eph. v. 23, etc.); still the practice was by no means uncom- mon. The monarchical power of the bishop over his clergy was ad- mitted by all parties. According to the practice in Rome, one-fourth of the total 'revenues of a congregation went to the bishop, another fourth to the rest of the clergy, a third portion to the poor, and the remainder was employed for ecclesiastical buildings and furniture. In the course of time the episcopal functions and privileges of the chorepiscopoi were more and more limited; they were subordinated to the city bishops, and ultimately (about 360) the office was wholly suppressed. After the reaction against episcopal claims had ceased, the presbyters — especially those who ministered in affiliated or rural congregations — obtained a position of greater independence than be- fore as regarded the administration of worship and of the sacraments. By and by the extension of congregational relationships gave rise to a variety of new ecclesiastical offices. 1. Training of the Clergy. The few theological schools which existed in Alexandria, in Cassarea, in Antioch, in Edessa, and in Nisibis, were manifestly quite insufficient for the requirements of the Church. Besides, most of them went down during the political and ecclesiastical turmoils of the fifth and sixth centuries. In the West there were not any such institutions. So long as the heathen seminaries of learning flourished at Athens, Alexandria, Nicomedia, etc., many Christian youths obtained in them their preparatory literary training, and afterwards supplemented what was awanting in a religious aspect by retiring into solitude or into monasteries, and there devoting themselves to asceticism and theological study. Others, despising classical training, contented themselves with a monastic education. Others, again, commenced their clerical career, when still boys, as lectores or episcopal clerks, and were trained under the superintendence and direction of bishops or experienced clergymen. Augustine constituted his clergy into a kind of mon- astic community (monasterium clericorum), and transformed it into a clerical seminary. This arrangement met with general approbation ; VOL. I. L 162 FIRST SECTION. SECOND PERIOD (323-692 A.D.). and, when the North African bishops were expelled by the Vandals from their country, was imported into Sicily and Sardinia. 2. Ultimately the canonical age of priests was fixed at 30 years, that of deacons at 25. Neophites, those who had been bap- tized when sick (clinici), penitents and energumenoi, bigami, muti- lated persons, eunuchs, slaves, actors, dancers, soldiers, curials, etc., were not to be admitted to the clerical office. At so early a period as the fourth century the African Church insisted that candidates for the ministry should undergo a strict examination as to their attainments and orthodoxy; Justinian I. required that the bishops should at least inquire into the orthodoxy of candidates. 3. Ordination {yjiporovict) was regarded as analogous to the chrisma of baptism, and hence as a sacrament. If the latter admitted into the general priesthood, the former made a person a priest in a special sense ; both imparted a " character indelebilis." Its effect was commonly regarded as magical. To impart ordination was the privilege of bishops only ; but presbyters were wont to assist in the ordination of their colleagues. The principle, " ne quis vage ordinetur," was universally acted upon — the only exception being in the case of missionaxnes. According; to the Canons, a person was not to be ordained to any superior ecclesiastical office till he had passed through all the inferior grades, commencing with the sub-diaconate. At first, ordination consisted only in imposition of the hands ; but at a later period the person set apart was, after the analogy of baptism, also anointed (with chrism, i.e., oil mixed with balsam). This ceremony was preceded by the Lord's Supper, taken fasting. Since the sixth century candidates had also to submit to Tonsure. This practice was first introduced in the case of peni- tents; it was imitated by the monks, as being a symbol of humility, and from them it passed to the regular clergy. According to the Grecian mode of tonsure (tonsura Pauli), the hair of the whole head was clipped quite short ; according to the Roman mode (ton- sura Petri), a narrow rim of hair was left all round the head (either in remembrance of Christ's crown of thorns, or as a symbol of the royal priesthood, corona sacerdotalis). The anniversaries of epis- copal ordinations (natales JEpiscoporwn) were frequently celebrated as feast-days. Gradually, Investiture, or the solemn putting on of the insignia of office, was introduced. It formed the only real mark of distinction in ordination between the different grades of the clerical office. — The practice among the clergy of wearing a pecu- liar dress on all ordinary occasions, and official robes when ad- ministering the ordinances, had its origin in the circumstance that the clergy still retained a style of dress after fashion had abolished its use among the laity. The desire to attach a symbolical meaning to everything, and to imitate the dresses worn by the priests under the Old Testament dispensation, gave rise to various other modifi- cations and additions. § 70. THE CLERGY. 163 4. Injunction of Celibacy. Following the precedent of the Spanish Provincial Synod of Elvira (a.d. 305), the first Coun- cil of Nice (325) felt inclined to enjoin clerical celibacy through- out the whole Church, at least so far as the "ordines majores" were concerned. But this measure was opposed by Paphnutius, a confessor and Egyptian bishop, who from his youth had been an ascetic. He maintained that not only abstinence, but marriage also, was chastity; and his influence decided the question. The former practice was therefore maintained, which ruled that bishops, presbyters, and deacons were not to have been twice married, nor to contract a marriage after their ordination, but were allowed to use their own discretion in reference to marriages contracted before their ordination. These comparatively liberal views con- tinued for a considerable period to be entertained in the East; and in opposition to the Eustathians (§ 69, 5), the Synod of Gan- gra defended the sanctity of wedlock, and the rights of married priests. In the fourth and fifth centuries frequent instances of married bishops occurred (for example, the father of Gregory of Nazianzus, Gregory of Nyssa, Synesius of Ptolemais, and many others). Justinian I. prohibited married persons to be elected bishops. The second Council of Trulla (a.d. 692) confirmed this mandate, prohibited all clergymen from marrying a second time ; but allowed presbyters and deacons, before their ordination, to contract a first marriage, only enjoining a temporary separation during the period of their service at the altar. To this a special protest against the unnatural severity of the Roman Church was added. — In the West the principles promulgated in Spain were generally entertained, and Leo the Great applied them also to sub-deacons. But there also the frequent instances of contravention rendered a degree of indulgence necessary. 5. The number of ecclesiastical functionaeies was largely increased by the employment of clerical attendants on the sick, or parabolanoi (from Kupccfioi'KkeG&at rrjv Z/vqv), and grave- diggers (zoxiarc/j, fossarii), whose number increased to a very great extent in the larger cities. Where a bishop was arrogant, imperious, or prone to violent measures, he had in these officials a kind of standing army and body-guard. In a.d. 418, Theodosius 11. limited the number of parabolanoi in Alexandria to 600, and that of the copiatai in Constantinople to 950. The property of the churches was administered by oinovoyboi ; their causes were carried through the courts of law by special advocates (ezhtxoi, avvoixoi, defensores) ; the proceedings at ecclesiastical assemblies were taken down by notarii, rccyjjypa^oi. Besides these officials, record-keepers (•fcupTotpvXaxzg), librarians, thesaurarii {oKivo^v'kciKzg), etc., were employed. All these were un ordained persons. Among the ordines majores, also, new grades were introduced. In the fourth century an archdeacon was placed over the deacons. He was the right-hand 164 FIRST SECTION. SECOND PERIOD (323-G92 A.D.). man, the substitute and plenipotentiary of the bishop, and frequently- succeeded to that office. The College of Priests also was presided over by an arch-presbyter. The superintendence of several congregations was entrusted to a city presbyter, who was called the periodeutes, or visitator. — The seniores plebis of the African churches were lay elders, and not ordained in the same manner as the clergy. The office of deaconesses gradually lost in importance, and ultimately ceased entirely. § 71. THE PATRIARCHAL OFFICE. Comp. Le Quien, Oriens Christianus. Par. 1740. 3 Voll. fol. — Janus, de origg. Patr. chr. Vit. 1718. — Wiltsch, kirchl. Geogr. u. Statistik. (Eccl. Geogr. and Statist.) I. 56, etc. The institution of Metropolitan Sees (§ 51) had, during the period preceding that which we describe, prepared the way for introduc- ing hierarchical distinctions among bishops. This movement was furthered by the political division of the empire under Constantine the Great. The bishops of capital cities now claimed a spiritual sway analogous to that which the imperial governors exercised in secular matters. But former privileges and later claims prevented anything like a complete correspondence between the secular and the hierarchical arrangements. The first Council of Nice (325) expressly confirmed the preponderance of the Bishops of Rome, Alexandria, and Antioch, which these prelates had long enjoyed. The second general Council of Constantinople (in 381) exempted the Bishop of Constantinople (hia, to uvui avTriv vzav "Pai[Mr]v) from the jurisdiction of the Metropolitan of Heraclea, in Thracia, and assigned to him the first rank after the Bishop of Rome. The bishops thus distinguished bore the title of Patriarchs — a designa- tion which the Roman bishops refused, in order not to be on the same level with other prelates, choosing in preference the title of Papa, Y[a,7Tug. The fourth general Council of Chalcedon (a.d. 451) placed the Patriarch of the metropolis of the East on a footing of perfect equality with his colleague of Rome ; put the three dioceses of Thracia, Pontus, and Asia under his jurisdiction; and invested him with the power of receiving complaints against the metropolitans of any diocese. The same council also raised the Bishop of Jeru- salem, whom the Council of Nice had in 325 already declared as entitled to special honours, to the dignity of Patriarch, and invested him with supremacy over the whole of Palestine, while formerly that prelate had been under the jurisdiction of the Metropolitan of § 72. CONTEST FOR THE PRIMACY IN THE CHURCH. 165 Cfesarea. Still, some metropolitans— and among them especially those of Salamis in Cyprus, of Milan, of Aquileja, and of Ravenna, in Italy — refused to acknowledge that their sees were, in any sense, subject to their respective patriarchs. — The patriarchs were entitled to have at the Imperial Court resident legates, who were called Apocrisiarians. The avyzsXXoi acted as clerical councillors and as- sistants of the patriarchs. — From this period it was considered to be necessary for the validity of a general council, that all the five patriarchs should be represented in them. But when in 637 Jerusa- lem, in 638 Antioch, and in 640 Alexandria, became subject to the Saracens, the Patriarch of Constantinople remained the sole repre- sentative of that dignity in the eastern portion of the Roman Empire. Constantine the Great divided the empire into prefectures, over which a Praefectus prsetorio, into dioceses, over which a Vicarius, and into provinces, over which a Rector, respectively presided. The arrangement was as follows : I. Prcefectura Orientis, with the follow- ing dioceses : viz. — 1) Oriens (Antioch the capital), with 15 pro- vinces ; 2) JEgyptus (Alexandria), with 9 provinces ; 3) Asia (Ephe- sus), with 12 provinces; 4) Pontus (Neo-Ca3sarea),with 13 provinces; 5) Thracia (Heraclea, and afterwards Constantinople), with 6 pro- vinces ; — II. Prcefectura lllyrici Orientalis (Thessalonica the capital), with the following dioceses : viz. — 1) Macedonia, with 7 provinces; 2) Dacia, with 6 provinces ; — III. Prcefectura Italia, with the fol- lowing dioceses : viz. — 1) Roma, with 10 suburbicarian provinces ; 2) Italia (Milan), with 7 provinces ; 3) Blyricum occidentale (Sir- mium), with 7 provinces ; 4) Africa (Carthage), with 6 provinces ; — IV. Prcefectura Galliarum, with the following dioceses : viz. — 1) Gallia (Treves), with 17 provinces ; 2) Hispania, with 7 provinces ; 3) Britannia,' with 5 provinces. — The office of Metropolitan was therefore intended to correspond with that of the Rector of a pro- vince, the office of Eparch with that of the Vicarius, and the office of Patriarch with that of the Prefect. But the office of eparch was never properly introduced ; it remained merely a title, and soon ceased altogether. The district over which a bishop exercised jurisdiction was called parochia, Trapotzicc, that of the metropo- litan 'provincia, srap^/a, and that of the patriarch dicecesis, hioi- zritrig. But the application of these terms was by no means fixed or continuous. § 72. CONTEST FOR THE PRIMACY IN THE CHURCH Comp. besides the works referred to in § 52, also: Archinard, les origines de l'egl. Rom. 2 Voll. Par. 1851 ; H. G. Basse, iiber d. Vereinig. d. geistl. u. weltl. Obergewalt im rom. Kirchenstaate (On 166 FIRST SECTION. SECOND PERIOD (323-692 A.D.). the Combinat. of Spir. and Secul. Supremacy in the States of the Ch.). Haarl. 1852. 4 ; F. Maassen (Rom. Cath.) der Prfanat d. Bisch. zu Rom u. d. altesten Patriarchalkirchen (The Primacy of the Bish. of Rome and of the oldest Patr. Ch.). Bonn 1853. Since the Council of Chalcedou (a.d. 451) the Patriarch of Constantinople claimed equal power and honours with the Bishop of Rome. Justinian I. gave indeed to the Bishop of Constanti- nople the designation of (Ecumenical Patriarch; but this remained an empty title, while the Bishop of Rome took every opportunity to declare, by word and deed, that, according to Divine appoint- ment, he exercised supremacy over the whole Church, and over all prelates, including the Patriarch of Constantinople. Even in so far as the principles were concerned on which each of these two prelates rested his claims, those of Rome were much more full and intelligible. In the East the episcopal sees ranked according to the political importance attaching to the cities in which they were placed. As Constantinople was the residence of the ruler of the whole oizov[Jb'zi>i], its bishop was likewise held to be oecumenical. But, in the opinion of the world, the position of ancient Rome was higher than that of her modern rival. All the proud reminiscences of history clustered around the capital of the West. On the other hand, the visible decline and the threatening decay of the empire were associated with Byzantium. But neither did the West admit the principle on which the pretensions of the see of Constantinople were founded. Not the will of the Emperor, it was argued, nor the growing decrepitude of the empire, could decide the spiritual rank of a bishop ; the history of the Church and the will of its Divine Founder and Lord must determine the question. Measured by this standard, the see of Constanti- nople was not only inferior to those of Alexandria, Antioch, and Jerusalem, but even to those in many cities whose bishops indeed were not metropolitans, but whose churches had been founded by apostles ; while, on the other hand, Rome undoubtedly occupied the first rank. There the two princes of the apostles had lived, taught, witnessed, and suffered ; their graves and bones were there. More than that, Peter, whom the Lord Himself had made pri- mate among the apostles, had been the first occupant of the see of Rome, and the Roman bishops were his successors and the heirs of his privileges. The Patriarch of Constantinople depended for the support of his claims only on the influence of the court. But fre- quently that very court, which had seconded and fostered his § 72. CONTEST FOR THE PRIMACY IN THE CHURCH. 167 claims, deserted him, in order, through the wide influence of the Bishop of Some, to strengthen its tottering power in Italy. Again, he w T as selected and deposed by the court; too often he fell a sacrifice to its intrigues, or became the tool of its policy and the advocate of its heretical views. How favourable, in comparison with this, was the position of the Bishop of Rome ! In his selec- tion the court could but rarely exercise any influence, much more rarely could it bring about his deposition. While the East was torn by a number of ecclesiastical disputes, in which truth and error (if only for a time) alternately prevailed, the West, ranged under the leadership of Rome, presented almost always a close and united phalanx. To Rome disputants appealed for ultimate decision, oppressed parties for advocacy and protection ; and since the Bishops of Rome always lent their authority to truth and right, the party whose case was supported by them always ultimately carried off the victory. Even at that period, " Roma locuta est" was in itself a power. Thus, in the opinion of Christendom, Rome gradually rose in authority, and soon it claimed, as of right, what at first personal confidence or the urgency of circumstances had accorded in special and individual instances. Besides, during the lapse of ages, Rome always learned, but never forgot. The consciousness of common interests, supported by a deep hierarchical spirit, had sprung up and gathered around the chair of Peter, — influences by which even worthless or weak popes were upheld. Thus, despite all opposition and resistance, Rome steadily advanced towards the mark which all along it had kept in view. At last the East was only able to preserve and assert its ecclesiastical independence by an act of complete and final separation. — Since the fifth or sixth century Rome had begun to ratify the election of metropolitans in the West, by transmitting to them the Pallium as the insignia of their arch- episcopal rank. The Council of Nice (325) assigned to the Bishop of Rome spiritual supremacy over the (ten) suburbicarian provinces, i.e., over Middle and Lower Italy, and the islands of Sardinia, Corsica, and Sicily. This arrangement had been made in conformity with the political position of Rome at the time. But long before that, Rome enjoyed a much more extensive authority (§ 52, 2), from the cir- cumstance that it was the only sedes apostolica in the West. In- deed, when any difficulty occurred, it was the practice in all parts of the West to apply to Rome for guidance. So early as the fourth century, the official answers to these appeals assumed a tone of com- mand rather than of advice (epistol^e decretales). But up to 168 FIRST SECTION. SECOND PERIOD (323-G92 A-D.J. the year 343, it was not attempted to assert any claim of authority over the East. But in that year, the pressure of circumstances obliged the Council of Sardica (§ 80, 2) to decree that Julius, Bishop of Rome, had, as the consistent and trustworthy advocate of orthodoxy, the right of hearing appeals from bishops in any part of the empire ; and, if he found the complaints just, of appointing judges and instituting a fresh trial, the verdict in that case to be final. But this decree applied only to Julius as an individual, and must be regarded as only a temporary expedient adopted by a minority which was hardly beset. Hence it scarcely excited attention, and was soon forgotten/ But Rome did not forget it ; and in 402-417, Innocent I. made it the basis of a claim to the effect that all causae majores should be submitted to the Apostolic See for decision. Still, even then the claim to primacy was based only upon human authority. Leo the Great (440-461) was the first, in his instruction to his legates at the Council of Ephesus (449), to rest it on Divine autho- rity, by appealing to Matt. xvi. 18 (§ 52, 1). Formerly, Western authorities, such as Hilarius, Ambrosius, Jerome, and Augustine, and Innocent I. himself, had adopted the interpretation of the passage by Cyprian, who applied it to all the apostles, and hence to all bishops ; while they understood the word ^rsrpa as applying either to the confession of Peter, or to the person of Christ. Leo I., however, applied it to Peter exclusively, and to the Pope as his sole successor. Of course, the Fathers of Ephesus, and afterwards also those of Chalcedon (a.d. 451, comp. § 82, 4), refused to receive this interpre- tation. The claims of Leo received fuller acknowledgments in the West. On the occasion of a resistance to them by Hilarius, Bishop of Aries, the Pope procured from the youthful Emperor Valen- tinian III. a rescript (a.d. 445), which ordained that in future none should venture to resist or to doubt the primacy of the Pope, which the Lord Himself had instituted. The suburbicarian bishops of Italy readily submitted. The Synodus palmaris of Rome (a.d. 503), which Theodoric, King of the East Goths, had summoned to inquire into the charges brought against Pope Symmachus, absolved the latter without an investigation ; and Ennodius of Pavia openly proclaimed the principle that, since the Pope was judge over all, he could not be subject to the jurisdiction of any. Still, the metropo- litans of Northern Italy (of Aquileja, Milan, and Ravenna) steadily opposed these views, and for centuries maintained the inde- pendence of their sees. However great their reverence for the " cathedra Petri," the bishops of North Africa ascribed to the Pope only a " principalis honoris ;" at all periods they firmly re- sisted the aggressions of Rome; and when Apiarius, a presbyter who had been deposed, sought protection in Rome (a.d. 418), they interdicted, on pain of excommunication, every appeal " ad transma- rina judicia." They also refused to acknowledge the validity of the decree of the Council of Sardica, even when Pope Zosimus pretended § 73. GENERAL SURVEY. 169 it had come from the Council of Nice.— In a.d. 590-604, Gre- gory the Great still admitted that the Patriarchs of Alexandria and Antioch occupied the same rank with himself, and that even the other bishops were subject to his jurisdiction only in case of an accusation preferred, but that in other respects their office was the same as his. That prelate also refused the proud title of "episcopus universalis," which Johannes Jejunator, Patriarch of Constantinople, had shortly before assumed (a.d. 587), and in token of humility called himself " servus servorum Dei." But the protest of Rome against the assumption of the see of Constantinople re- mained unheeded, till the usurper and murderer Phocas interdicted the use of this appellation to his patriarch, and acknowledged the see of Peter as the "caput omnium ecclesiarum" (a.d. 606). — The firm and energetic bearing of Rome during the Monothelete con- troversy (§ 82, 8) secured for it another brilliant triumph.' The sixth oecum. Council of Constantinople condescended, in 680, to make to the Pope a humble report of its proceedings, and to request his con- firmation of them. However, the second Council of Trulla, a.d. 692 (§ 93, 3), amply made up for this by a sweeping condem- nation of the decrees of Rome, thereby laying the foundation for the later schism between the East and the West. III. THEOLOGICAL SCIENCE AND ITS REPRESENTATIVES. § 73. GENERAL SURVEY. The ancient Church attained its highest stage of literary eminence during the fourth and fifth centuries. As the number of seminaries of theological learning was very small (§ 70, 1), most of the great theologians of that period were self-taught. But the fewer the outward means, opportunities, and stimuli for calling forth and developing the mental activity, the greater must have been the in- tellectual resources of that period, and the stronger its general im- petus towards such culture. These schools still, however few, served as points whence a more scientific theology issued, and where it found a rallying place. Their extinction marks the general deca- dence of scientific studies and of original investigation. Probably the middle of the fifth century — the Council of Chalcedon, a.d. 451 — formed the turning-point. After that period, science, and in gene- ral every ecclesiastical movement, stagnated or declined. — The theological directions prevalent at the time may be distinguished as those of traditionalism and of free scientific inquiry. The collisions 170 FIRST SECTION. SECOND PERIOD (323-692 A.D.). between them gave rise to the various dogmatic discussions of that period. The former of these parties defended the results of the de- velopment of doctrine already achieved, as being established and sanctioned by tradition, and even sought conclusively to settle, in the same manner, the doctrinal questions which arose in the progress of subjective development. The latter of these schools represented the cause of the freedom of Christian intellect, and resisted every attempt at narrowing the province of free inquiry. The first had its most numerous adherents among the Latins of Italy and North Africa ; the second, among the Grecians of the East and of Egypt. But this division was not by any means complete, nor was the distinction perfectly marked and established. From the lively intercourse sub- sisting between different parts of the empire, the germs of tradi- tionalism were carried to the East (and especially to Egypt), while those of scientific and philosophical inquiry were also brought to the West ; and this interchange and admixture gave rise to various in- termediate views. — But after the middle of the fifth century the spirit of free scientific inquiry gradually disappeared in the Eastern as in the Western Church, and a traditionalism, which became more and more ossified, attained supreme and unlimited sway. Political troubles, hierarchical aggressions, a narrow-minded monasticism, and the spread of barbarism, arrested every liberal or scientific movement. In place of the youthful vigour of independent inquiry, we find the industry of mere compilers, or laborious but vain at- tempts to appropriate the intellectual products of centuries gone by. Such was now the authority of the older Fathers, and so binding, in common esteem, were their dicta, that the discussions in councils were almost entirely carried on by citations from those Fathers whose orthodoxy was acknowledged. § 74. THE SCHOOL OF ANTIOCH. The School of Antioch may be regarded as representing liberal and scientific investigations (§61, 6). At first, following in the wake of the inquiries and general principles of Origen, it became, in the course of its development, independent of, and indeed fre- quently diverged from, that great teacher. More especially did it substitute a method of grammatical and historical exegesis for the allegorical interpretations of the Origenists, and calm, sober reflec- tion in place of their extravagant speculations. It endeavoured to ascertain the plain meaning of the Scriptures, and to derive from them a purely Biblical theology. Thoroughly opposed to all mysti- § 74. THE SCHOOL OF ANTIOCH. 171 cism, these divines vie\Ved Christianity in its intellectual and rational aspect; and, by a process of clear and logical thinking, sought to deduce its dogmas. Hence they attempted carefully to distinguish between the Divine and the human in Christ and in Christianity, to view each of these elements separately, and to secure its right place especially for the human element. But in this they frequently strayed into rationalistic sentiments. Still the school impressed its stamp on the East properly so called. Its most cele- brated representatives were Diodorus of Tarsus, and his pupils, the three great Antiochians (as they are called) : Theodorus, John Chrysostom, and Theodoret. Ephr^em Syrtjs also, though inclined towards traditionalism, belonged to this school. After the middle of the fifth century, it was in a great measure excluded from the pale of the Catholic Church, and stigmatised as tainted with the Nestorian heresy ; still it prolonged its existence in the schools of Edessa and Nisibis, famed for their theological lore and scientific investigations. 1. Ephrjem Syrus, a deacon and the founder of the theological school of Edessa (350), was the most celebrated poet, exegetical scholar, and orator in the National Church of Syria (Propheta Syro- rum). He was zealously attached to Nicene views ; and at a very advanced age undertook, in 372, a journey into Cappadocia for the purpose of becoming personally acquainted with Basilius the Great. — 2. Diodorus was first a monk and presbyter at Antioch, afterwards Bishop of Tarsus in Cilicia — ob. 394. In consequence of a later condemnation of the Church (§ 82, 6), his numerous writings were suppressed. He gave to the school its peculiar dogmatic character. — 3. Theodorus, Bishop of Mopsuestia in Cilicia (ob. 429), was a friend and fellow-student of Chrysostom. The ban of the fifth oecu- menical Council of Constantinople attached also to his writings and teaching. At a later period, the Syrian Church honoured him with the designation of " Interpres." He was considered one of the deepest thinkers of the age. — 4. John of Antioch, whose name was afterwards almost forgotten in the title of Chrysostom, by which he was designated. His pious mother Anthusa, who had early be- come a widow, bestowed great care on his education. He attended the rhetorical school of Libanius, and practised at Antioch with great success as an advocate. But after his baptism he gave up this profes- sion, became the pupil of Diodorus, and a monk and presbyterin his native city. Ultimately, his brilliant eloquence procured for him the patriarchal see of Constantinople (a.d. 397). On his activity there, comp. § 81, 3. He died in exile, a.d. 407. Along with Athanasius and the three Cappadocians (§ 75), he may be ranked as the most eminent of the GreeK Fathers (Ed. of his works by B. Montfaucon. 172 FIRST SECTION. SECOND PERIOD (323-892 A.D.). Par. 1713. 13 Voll. fol.). — 5. Theodoret, Bishop of Cyros in Syria, was a pupil of Theodoras — oh. 457. He was the most learned and fertile writer of his age — a profound thinker, and a diligent pastor, a man of straightforward and noble character, and withal who could avoid the extreme views of his coteinporaries (§ 82, 3, 4). Still, during the imperial attempts at bringing about a union, he was branded as a heretic (§ 82, 6). Best ed. of his works by J. Sir- mond et J. Gamier. Par. 1642 ; and by J. L. Schulze. Halle 1769, § 75. THE OLD AND THE NEW SCHOOL OP ALEXANDRIA. Since the discussion between Dionysius of Alexandria and his name- sake of Rome (§ 62, 6), the theology of Alexandria had assumed a twofold type. The Old School remained faithful to the views of Origen, and generally assumed a position antagonistic to the theo- logy and tradition of the West, asserting the right of free and un- restricted investigation. While revering the memory of Origen, the representatives of that school discarded most of his extravagant speculations. The best known theologian of that party was Euse- hius of Ccesarea, the historian. He and most of his friends were semi-Arians. The school became extinct during the latter half of the fourth century. Since that time, enthusiastic admirers of Origen have not, indeed, been wanting ; but their influence on the develop- ment of the Church has been small, and the suspicion of heterodoxy has always attached to them (comp. § 82, 6). — It was otherwise with the Neav Alexandrian School, whose influence became, after the fourth century, co-extensive with that of Alexandrian culture gene- rally. This party also (at least the earlier representatives) sincerely respected the memory of Origen, and in their speculative treatment of Christian doctrine followed in his wake. But they disowned his unbiblical errors, and consistently carried out what was sound in his teaching. More especially did this school, by firm adherence to the doctrine of the eternal generation of the Son, keep clear of all subordinatianism, and thus draw more closely to the divines of the Western Church (§ 62, 5). A predilection for what in Chris- tianity was mysterious, and a dislike of the intellectual tendency in theology, were the characteristics of the school of Alexandria as contrasted with that ofAntioch. It regarded the union of the Divine and the human in Christ and in Christianity as a glorious mystery, which it was impossible to analyse or explain. But it lost sight of the human aspect of these realities, or rather merged the human in the Divine, While energetically maintaining the intimate connection of these two elements, it lost sight of their diversity, and fell into an § 75. THE OLD AND THE NEW SCHOOL OF ALEXANDEIA. 173 error the opposite from that towards which the school of Antioch verged. Its leading and most orthodox representatives were Atha- nasius, the three great Cappadocians (Basilius and the two Gregorys) and Didymus the Blind. The leaven of error in the New Alexan- drian School appeared for the first time in Cyril of Alexandria, although that Father was still regarded as orthodox. After that period the school rapidly declined. The tendency of the teaching of Synesins was philosophical rather than theological. Almost his counterpart was Epiphanius, whose glowing zeal for traditionary orthodoxy inclined him towards the New Alexandrian School, al- though he had not the least sympathy with. its speculative tendencies. 1. Eusebius Pamphilius, Bishop of Caesarea in Palestine — ob. 338. He was on terms of most intimate friendship with Parnphilus the confessor, whom he called his father, and whose admiration of Origen he shared (§ 63, 2). He also enjoyed the fullest confidence of Constantine the Great, who, for behoof of his history, gave him access to the archives of State. His learning was very extensive, and his assiduity indefatigable ; but he was superficial and wanting in speculative depth and doctrinal consistency. However, all the more credit attaches to his comprehensive and laborious historical researches. —2. Probably the most prominent ecclesiastical person- age in the fourth century was Athanasius, whom his successors, in acknowledgment of his merits, have called " Pater orthodoxies." He was every inch a Church-Father, and his history is at the same time that of the Church of his day (comp. § 80). His was a life of heroism in the midst of contests, of faithfulness, of power and wisdom in construction; nor w T as he less great when defeated than when successful ; rich and varied talents, energy, determination, earnest- ness and gentleness, extensive learning and humble faith, were beautifully blended in him. In 319 he became a deacon in Alex- andria. Alexander, the bishop of that see, perceiving his talents, took him to the Council of Nice (325), where he first engaged in that great contest to which his life was devoted. Soon afterwards, when Alexander died, Athanasius was chosen his successor (328). He held the episcopal office for forty-five years ; during that period he was ten times banished, and passed twenty years in exile, chiefly in the West (ob. 373). His writings are mainly directed against Arianism. (His works edited by Montfaucon. Par. 1698. 3 vols.) — 3. Basilius the Great, Bishop of Caesarea in Cappadocia — his native city — was truly a "royal" personage in history — ob. 379. His mother Emmelia, and his grandmother Macrina, early planted the seeds of piety in his breast. When studying at Athens he en- tered into close friendship with his like-minded countryman, Gregory of Nazianzus. This connection, based upon attachment to the Church and to science — which afterwards also embraced Gregory, Bishop of 174 FIRST SECTION. SECOND PERIOD (323-692 A.D.). Nyssa, the brother of Basil — lasted through life. Having spent a considerable period in ascetic retirement, and distributed his property among the poor, Basil first became presbyter and then bishop. His life was that of a faith which overcomes the world, of self-denying love, of high aims, and of royal dignity. By the power of his spirit he kept together the Catholic Church of the East during the fright- ful persecutions inflicted by Valens, the Arian. Perhaps his best monument was the foundation of a gi^eat hospital at Csesarea, to which he devoted the rich revenues of his see, living himself in poverty. His writings also entitle Basilius to a distinguished place among the Fathers. His 365 letters are a faithful reflex both of his own mind and of those stormy times. Comp. W. Klose, Bas. d. Gr. nach Leben u. Lehre (Basil the Gr., his Life and Teaching). Strals. 1835; Bohringer, Kirchengesch. in Biogr., vol. I. 2 (his writings, edited by J. Gamier and P. Maranus. Par. 1721. 3 Voll. fob). — 4. Gregory of Nazianzus was born at Arianzus about the year 328. Gregory, his father, who had been a Hypsistarian, was con- verted through his pious wife Nonna, and became Bishop of Nazi- anzus. Gregory the Younger became the assistant and, though against his will, the successor of his father. From his see he first retired into the wilderness, then became Bishop of the small com- munity at Constantinople which had remained faithful to the Nicene creed (the church of Anastasia, where he delivered the celebrated orations which procured for him the designation of o ^zokoyog), and was nominated Patriarch by Theodosius the Great in 380. Driven the year following from that post through the envy of his enemies, he returned to Nazianzus, where he died in 391. Comp. C. Ullmarw, Greg, of Naz. the Theol. Darmst. 1825, and Bohringer ut supra I. 2 (best ed. of his writings by D. Clemencet. Par. 1778. 2 Voll. fol.).— 5. Gregory of Nyssa, the younger brother of Basil. He excelled his two friends in philosophic acumen and scientific acquirements. His theological views were more closely connected with those of'Origen than theirs, but he was equally zealous in opposing Arianism. Both among his cotemporaries and with posterity his fame has scarcely been less than that of his friends. J. Rupp, Greg. v. Nyssa, Leben u. Meinungen (Greg, of Nyssa, his Life and Opinions). Leipz. 1834 (best ed. of his writings by Fronton le Due. Par. 1615. 2 Voll. fol.). — 6. Though Didymus the Blind had lost his sight when only four years old, he acquired very extensive learning. He acted as catechist in Alexandria, where he died about the year 395. He wrote many works, of which, however, only few have been preserved. An enthusiastical admirer of Origen, he shared some of the extra- vagant views of that Father ; but in consequence of the discussions of that period his theology gradually came to be more in accordance with that of the Catholic Church. — 7. Synesius, Bishop of Ptole- mais in Egypt, was a pupil of the celebrated Hypatia (comp. § 66), and an enthusiastic disciple of Plato — ob. about 430. Happy as § 76. THEOLOGY OF THE WEST. 175 husband and father, wealthy, and devoted to the study of philosophy, he felt considerable difficulty in accepting a see. He openly con- fessed his heterodoxy in respect of the doctrine of the resurrection, and stated his determination to continue in the married relation even after his consecration. In the discharge of his office he was equally distinguished by zeal and by undaunted courage. He composed seve- ral hymns and philosophical tractates. (His works edited by Petavius. Par. 1612. fol.)— 8. Epiphanius, Bishop of Salamis in Cyprus, was born in Palestine of Jewish parents, and trained by S. Hilarion and his monks (pb. 403). As bishop he was a pattern of faithfulness and devotedness, being specially distinguished for his self-denying care of the poor. But the main characteristic, both of his inner and outer life, was zeal for ecclesiastical orthodoxy. He was honest, truthful, and kindly, but somewhat narrow-minded, without much breadth of culture or knowledge of the world, incapable of taking a comprehensive view of matters, stubborn and very credulous, though at the same time learned, diligent, and not without talent or acute- ness. His monkish teachers had filled his mind with a perfect horror of heretics, and he firmly believed that Origenism was the source of the Arian, and indeed of all other heresies. Comp. § 81. (His works edited by D. Petavius. Par. 1622. 2 Voll. fol.)— 9. Cyrillus, Patriarch of Alexandria, the nephew, pupil, and suc- cessor of Theophilus. The bigoted and violent measures adopted by Theophilus were not without their influence in forming the character of this Father. As to his life and labours comp. § 82, 3. (His works edited by J. Aubertus. Par. 1638. 6 Voll. fol.) § 76. THEOLOGY OF THE WEST DURING THE FOURTH AND FIFTH CENTURIES. The Western Church insisted on the necessity of carrying Chris- tianity into every relationship of life, of fully developing its dogmas, and of distinctly expressing and guarding them against all innovations. Hence it became the great focus of traditionalism. But as yet the connection between the East and the West was so close, that many of the views broached in the East found at least partial reception in the West also, and led to many discussions. We have, therefore, to dis- tinguish two directions, which, however, frequently coalesced. The genuine I^atin School, following in the wake of Tertullian and Cyprian, embodied the theology of the West in its most distinctive features. Among the representatives of that party we reckon Am- brose, Augustine, and Leo I. At first it joined the New Alexand- rian School in its opposition to the semi-Arian followers of Origen, and the Nestorian leanings of the theologians of Antioch. But when, by their one-sided views, the Alexandrians themselves verged 176 FIRST SECTION. SECOND PERIOD (32:)-692 A.D.). towards heresy, the Western School declared, with equal decision, in favour of that aspect of the truth which the School of Antioch represented. Another party in the West owned to a certain extent the influence of Origen, without, however, giving up the distinctive theological characteristics of the West. Among these divines we name Hilarius, Hieronymus, and Rufinus. The practical and merely intellectual tendency of the West, which was wanting in spiritual depth, gave rise to Pelagianism, a heresy first broached by Pelagius, a British monk (comp. § 83, 3). Lastly, a fourth party, the Massilian (or semi-Pelagian) theologians, sought to leaven the theology of the West with ideas derived from the School of Antioch. This school was founded by John Cassianus (comp. § 83, 5). 1. Ambrosius, Bishop of Milan (ob. 397), was Governor of the province of Milan, and had not been baptized when the voice of a child designated him as bishop. In vain he resisted the offer. He was baptized, 'distributed his property among the poor, and eight days afterwards occupied the episcopal see. The duties of his new office he discharged with a zeal truly apostolic. He proved a father of the poor, the protector of those who were oppressed, an unwearied pastor, and a powerful opponent both of heresy and of heathenism. The eloquence which formerly he had displayed in the forum, became more brilliant when employed in the service of Christ. To redeem captives he would even part with the sacred vessels of his church. To affability and gentleness he joined a firmness which neither the fear of men nor "threats and dangers could shake. Theodosius the Great venerated him as a father, and openly declared that he was the only bishop who deserved that title. His claim to such an acknowledgment he proved in a conflict with this emperor, in which it were difficult to say whether bishop or emperor deserved greater admiration. When, in a sudden fit of passion, Theodosius had committed great cruelties among the rebellious Thessalonians, the bishop publicly refused to admit him to the altar till he had done public penance. Ambrosius was a zealous advocate of Monasticism, and in his sermons extolled the merits of virginity so much that many mothers prohibited their daughters from attending his church. Comp. Bohringer, I. 3 ; Rudelbach, chr. Biogr. I. 2 (best ed. of his works by N. le Nourry and J. du Frische. Par. 1686. # 2 vols, fol.) — 2. Aurelius Augustinus was born at Tagaste in Numidia. His pious mother, Monica, had early led him to Christ, but during the time he studied at Carthage he lapsed into sensuality and world- liness. The Hortensius of Cicero again awakened in him a longing for something higher and better than pleasures. We next find him professing rhetoric at Carthage, at Kome, and at Milan, when ambi- tion, worldliness, doubts, and higher aspirations led him in turn to § 7G. THEOLOGY OF THE WEST. 177 oscillate between the world and religion. During the next nine years he held Manichean views. Finding himself grievously de- ceived in that sect, he would have wholly given himself up to the world, if he had not for a time been kept back through the influence of Platonism. But philosophy could not give peace to his soul. At last, the sermons of Ambrosius (who had comforted Monica with the assurance that a son of so many prayers and tears could not be lost) became the means of directing him to the truth, which the Spirit of God applied to his heart and conscience. Ambrosius administered baptism to him in 387. Immediately afterwards Augustine gave up his employment as rhetorician, returned to Africa, became first a presbyter, and in 396 Bishop of Hippo Regius in Numidia, where he died in 430. Augustine was the greatest and most influential among the Fathers. He combined in a rare degree acuteness with breadth of mind, clearness and depth with dialectic versatility, Christian experience with simplicity of faith, and strength of mind with energy of will. His writings bear upon almost all the de- partments of theology, and may be characterised as forming an era in theological literature. This remark applies especially to his elucidation of the doctrines of the Trinity (comp. § 80, 6), and of those of sin and grace (comp. § 83). In his " Confessiones" he lays before the Lord the whole of his past life, indicating in a spirit of deepest humility, and of holy, prayerful solemnity, both its errors and His gracious leadings; in his " Retractationes" he displayed the same conscientiousness in regard to his writings. Comp. Bokringer I. 3 ; C. Bindemann, S. Augustine, 2 vols. Berl. 1844. 5(5; K. Braune, Monica and Augustine. Grim. 1846 (his works ed. by Th. Blampin et P. Constant. Par. 1679. 11 Voll. fol., and frequently since). — 3. Leo I., the Great, Bishop of Rome, 440-461. Even when a deacon he was the most prominent person in Rome. Ele- vated to the see of the capital, he found a fitting sphere for the exercise of talents of a peculiarly high order. From the energy and consistency with which he advocated the idea of the primacy of Rome, he may be regarded as really the founder of its spiritual supremacy (comp. § 72, 1). With vigorous hand he guided the Church; he introduced reforms or a better organisation, restored discipline and order, advocated orthodox views, refuted heretics, and even conciliated the barbarians (Attila 452, Genseric 455). His sermons and letters have been preserved (best ed. by the brothers Ballerinii. Venet. 1753. 3 Voll. fob). Comp. Bohringer I. 4 ; E. Perthel, Leo's I. Leben u. Lehre. Vol. I. Jen. 1843. 4. Hilarius, Bishop of Poitiers (ob. 368), was the Athanasius of the West. His zealous opposition to Arianism was punished with four years of exile. After his return he undertook a journey to Italy, in order, if possible, to convert Auxentius, Bishop of Milan, the leader of the Arians in Italy. But this prelate avoided the encounter through means of an imperial ordinance, which enjoined VOL. I. M 178 FIRST SECTION. SECOND PERIOD (323-G92 A.D.). Auxentius to leave Italy. He was specially distinguished for the philosophical acumen with which he defended this doctrine. (Best ed. of his writings by P. Constant. Paris. 1693. fol. ; and by Sc. Maffei. Veron. 1730. 2 Voll. fol.) — 5. Hieronymus, a native of Stridon in Dalmatia — ob. 420. His life and labours were devoted partly to the East and partly to the West. He was the most learned among the Fathers of his time, a zealous advocate of monas- ticism, of asceticism, and work-righteousness. His character was not without its blemishes, among which we reckon vanity, ambition, jealousy, passionateness, bigotry, and a peculiarly acrimonious mode of polemics. He resided successively in Gaul, Italy, Syria, Egypt, Constantinople, Rome, and Palestine. Damasus, Bishop of Pome, honoured him with his implicit confidence, and commissioned him to revise the "Itala" (comp. § 56, 3). His many and successful efforts to recruit the number of monks and virgins from among the youthful nobility of Pome raised so many enemies that he was at last obliged to leave the city. He returned to the East in 385, and settled at Bethlehem, where he founded a monastery, over which he presided till his death, with only an interruption of two years, during which he had to withdraw from the persecution of his enemies. At one time he had been an enthusiastic admirer of Orif f en : but fear of beino; stigmatised as a heretic afterwards led him to take up a position directly antagonistic to that school (comp. § 81, 2). His contributions to exegesis, especially his translation of the Bible — the Vulgate, as it is called — proved of greatest ser- vice to the Church. (Best edition of his works by D. Vallarsi. Veron. 1734. 11 Voll. 4.) Comp. F. Lauchert and A. Knoll, Hist, of S. Jerome. Rottw. 1846. — 6. Rufinus of Aquileja, ob. 410, had from his youth been the intimate friend of Jerome, in whose vicinity he settled (on the Mount of Olives, by Jerusalem). But the controversy about Origen and his writings changed this friend- ship into the bitterest hostility (comp. § 81,2). Rufinus considered it the mission of his life to translate the writings of Origen, and of others of the Greek Fathers, in order to make them accessible to readers in the West. § 77. THE THEOLOGY OF THE SIXTH AND SEVENTH CENTURIES. The brightest period of theological literature had gone by. Study was indeed still carried on, and the writings of the Fathers were assiduously perused and adapted to the wants of the times ; but we miss every trace of genius or life, of creative power or originality. About the year 550 Johannes Philoponus, a Monophysite at Alex- andria, wrote a commentary on Aristotle, and applied to theology the categories of that philosophy. After that Platonism, which, from its idealism, had hitherto been chiefly in vogue with those § 77. THEOLOGY OF THE SIXTH AND SEVENTH CENTURIES. 179 Fathers who cultivated philosophical studies, gradually gave place to the fuller and more developed forms of the Aristotelian philo- sophy. Already the theology of the Greeks assumed the type of scholasticism. But along with this tendency a theosophic mysticism also appeared, founded chiefly on spurious writings of Dionysius, which embodied the neo-Platonic ideas that had lately been broached. The writings of Maximus, the Confessor, exhibit a com- bination of this mysticism with the dialectics of Aristotle. In the West, the troubles connected with the breaking up of the Roman Empire contributed to and hastened on the decay of theological literature. Still, at the commencement of the sixth century, flou- rished some theologians who recalled better times ; among them, in Africa, Fulgentius of Ruspe ; in Gaul, Ccesarius of Aries. In Italy, Boethius and Cassiodorus gained immortal fame by culti- vating and preserving classical and patristic lore at a time when it seemed threatened with complete extinction. Gregory the Great closed the series of Latin Fathers in the strict sense of that term. 1. The spurious writings of Dionysius the Areopagite (Acts xvii. 34) first made their appearance about the year 532, and among the monophysite sect of the Severians. Most probably the real author of these compositions belonged to that party, and lived about that time (comp. § 78 ? 5). They met with little opposition, and soon passed as genuine. (Best ed.. by B. Corderius.. Antv. 1634. 2 Voll. fol. ; transl. into German, and with dissertations, by Engelhardt.. Sulzb. 1823. 2 vols.) — 2. Maximus Confessor was the most acute and profound thinker of his time, and favourably distinguished by firmness, adherence to his convictions,- and courage, at a time when such qualities were rare. At first private secretary to the Emperor Heraclius, he afterwards became monk and abbot of a monastery near Constantinople, where he contended and suffered for duothelete orthodoxy (comp. § 82, 8). He died in exile in 662. (Best ed. of his writings by Fr. Combefisius. Par. 1675. 2 Voll. fol.) — 3. Fulgentius, Bishop of Ruspe, was exiled by Thrasi- mand, King of the Vandals, on account of his zeal for Catholic doctrine — oh. 533. He was one of the ablest defenders of the views of Augustine. (Opp. ed. J. Sirmond. Par. 1612.) His life was written by Fulgentius Ferrandus, his excellent pupil, who took a prominent part in the controversy about " the Three Chapters " (comp. § 82, 6). — 4. C^esarius, Bishop of Aries (ob. 542), was one of the most prominent and deserving men of his time, and specially distinguished for practical usefulness in the Church, and for able advocacy of Augustinian views. — 5. Boethius occupied high offices under Theoderic, King of the Ostrogoths. His enemies charged 180 FIRST SECTION. SECOND PER1QD (323-632 A.D.). him with treason, in consequence of which he was thrown into pri- son and executed in 524. While in confinement, he wrote his work, " de consolatione philosophise," — a book very popular in the middle ages, but which of late has given rise to doubts whether the writer had been a Christian, although legend has even transformed him into a Christian martyr. The theological writings attributed to him are spurious. In point of form, his philosophy agrees with that of Aristotle; in point of substance, with that of Plato. — 6. Aurelius Cassiodorus retired, after fifty years' public service under Odoacer and Theoderic, into the monastery of Vivarium in Lower Italy, which he had founded, and where he died in 565, at the advanced age of nearly one hundred years. To his conduct in office, Italy was indebted for the blessings of an excellent administra- tion ; to his learned researches and retirement from the world the literary history of Europe owes the preservation of what of classical and patristic lore still remained at the time. — 7. Gregory I., the Great, Bishop of Rome, 590-614. The Roman Catholic Church numbers him (with Ambrosius, Hieronymus, and Augustine) among the four great Fathers (" doctores ecclesire"). Although his theo- logical writings were not distinguished by great depth or originality, he deserves the appellation of Great on account of his successful labours. With a remarkable strength of purpose he combined mildness and gentleness, and with humility and unfeigned piety a full consciousness of what became his position as the supposed suc- cessor of Peter. But with all his knowledge, circumspectness, and liberality, he was full of monkish prejudices, and clung tenaciously to the traditionalism of the Roman Church in respect of forms and dogmas. Pie lived in the most retired and simple manner, as a strict ascetic, spending all his property and income in deeds of cha- rity. His lot was cast in troubled times, when the throes of a new historical period were felt over Europe. All the more precious, therefore, was it that Providence had called such a man to act as spiritual father and guide of the Western Church. He was a strenuous advocate of monasticism and of all similar institutions ; nor can posterity feel otherwise than grateful for it, since, at that troubled period of transition, monasticism was almost the sole depo- sitary and centre of intellectual culture and of spiritual aspirations. Comp. Th. Lau, Gregor d. Gr., nach s. Leben u. s. Lehre. Leipz. 1845; G. Pfahler, Greg. d. Gr. u. s. Zeit. Vol. I. Frkf. 1852. (Opp. ed. Sammarthanus. Par. 1705. 4 Voll. fol.) § 78. THEOLOGICAL LITERATURE. 1. Exegetical Theology. As yet the critical study of the text of Scripture had not been commenced. Jerome himself was only a translator. In regard to the Old Testament, the LXX. was considered a satisfactory version, and its divergences from the Hebrew text were set down to Jewish interpolations. With the § 78. THEOLOGICAL LITERATURE. 181 exception of Jerome, the Fathers were entirely ignorant of Hebrew., The allegorical mode of interpretation was that most in favour. The school of Antioch, however, adopted, both in theory and prac- tice, the historical and grammatical mode of interpretation. Diodorus of Tarsus disputed the propriety of the method of Origen in a tractate (Ttg haQopa Sscopi'c&g xai aXkqyoptug), which has not been handed down. In the same strain wrote his pupil, Theodorus of Mops, (de allegoria et historia) ; while Gregory of Nyssa defended the oppo- site view in his Prooem. in Cant. Cant. The first attempt at a work on Hermeneutics was made by Tychonius, a Donatist (liegulae VII. ad investigandam intelligentiam ss. Scr.), which, however, is far inferior to the tractate of Augustine on the same subject, entitled, " de doctrina christiana." In Book I. Augustine gives a summary of the " analogia fidei," as the ultimate standard for the interpretation of special points ; the two following books detail the canons of interpretation ; while Book IV. explains how the truth thus ascertained was to be communicated to the people. The "liber formularum spiritualis intelligentise," by Eucherius, a Gaul (ob. 450), is a practical manual for allegorical interpretation. The Y,lgaycoyn rrjg ^ziocg ypatpyjg, by Adrianus, a Greek, is a kind of hermeneutical manual. — For the study of the Introduction to the Scriptures, the Procemia of Jerome were of some service. Theo- dorus of Mops, denied the genuineness of the superscriptions to the Psalms, and the canonicity of Chronicles, Esther, and the General Epistles. Junilius, an African, was the first (about 560) to attempt a scientific Introduction to the study of the Bible, in a work entitled, Libri II. de partibus div. legis ; the " Institutio div. literarum," by Cassiodorus, was mainly designed for popular use. — The ToT^a, or Bibl. Geography, of Eusebius, preserved in Latin, as recast by Jerome (de situ et nominibus loc. Hebr.), and the tractate of Epi- phanius, nip) p'irpcov xou gto&[JjO)V (on measures and weights), may be regarded as contributions towards the study of Biblical Anti- quities. — The most celebrated and fertile among the allegorical Commentators of the East was Cyrillus of Alexandria. The school of Antioch, on the other hand, furnished a succession of able interpreters of the historical meaning of the Scriptures. Among them we mention Eustathius of Antioch, ob. 3(50 (whose writings have been lost), Eusebius of Emisa, ob. 360 (writ, lost), Diodorus (writ, lost), Theodorus of Mops, (considerable fragm. preserved), Chrysostomus (Homilies and Comment.), and Theodoret. Theodorus referred most of the Messianic predictions to cotempora- ries of the prophets— to Hezekiah, Zerubabel, etc. — and pronounced the Song of Songs " libidinose pro sua mente et lingua meretricia." The exegesis of Theodoret was much more trustworthy ; the Song of Songs he regarded as an allegory. Chrysostomus combined with grammatical commentation a deep practical tendency. The same remark applies to the commentaries of Ephrasm, written in Syriac. 182 FIRST SECTION. SECOND PERIOD (323-692 A.D.). All the "Western divines — Hilarius, Ambrosius, the Ambrosiaster (a commentary on the Epistles of Paul by Hilarius, an unknown writer, which is found among the works of Ambrosius), Jerome, and Augustine — more or less adopted the allegorical mode of inter- pretation ; although Jerome, on principle, applied himself also to grammatical commentation. Pelagius was the only writer who busied himself exclusively with the literal meaning (of the Epistles of Paul). After the sixth century, independent exegetical investi- gations were almost entirely given up, and theologians contented themselves with making compilations from the commentaries and homilies of the Fathers (Catence). This species of composition originated in the East with Procopius of Gaza (in the sixth cent.), and with Anastasius Sinaita (in the seventh cent.) ; in the West, with Primasius of Adrumetum, about 560. Only Gregory the Great possessed sufficient originality and confidence in> himself to write an original commentary (Expositio in 1. Jobum s. Moralium libri 24). 2. Historical Theology. The study of General Church His- tory was especially cultivated during the fourth and fifth centuries (comp. § 6). The history of the rise and of the various forms of heresy was traced by Epiphanius (Havapiov or Kifiariov — i.e., medi- cine-chest — zara aips/rscov 80), by Theodoret (Aipsrizrjg kuzo[JjV- Siccg i7Tiro[jjYi, s. hseretic. fabulae), by Leontius of Byzance (about the year 600: L. de sectis) ; — among Latin writers, by Augustine (de haeresibus), by Philastrius, ob. 397 (de hasresibus), and by the author of the u Praedestinatus" (comp. § 83, 5). — Many biographies of eminent Fathers, dating from that period, have also been pre- served. Jerome was the first to compose something like a theolo- gical literary history in the form of biographies (Catalogus, s. de viris illustr.). This work was continued by Gennadius of Massilia. Palladius (Hist. Lausiaca, i. e., dedicated to Lausus), Theodoret (tpiXo^sog hropict, s. hist, religiosa), and Rufinus (Hist, eremitica s. Vitae Pp.), collected the accounts circulating about the great monastic saints. But even the writings of Gregory the Great (Dialogorum Libri IV. de vita et miraculis Pp. Italicorum), and of Gregory of Tours (Libri VII. de miraculis), are couched in the tone of later legends, and exhibit immense credulity and love of the miraculous. The correspondence of the Fathers, which in many instances has been preserved and handed down, is of great impor- tance as an authority on all subjects connected with the history of their times. The Cychis paschalis of Dionysius Exiguus (comp. § 69, 3), which gave rise to the ^Era Dionysiaca, still in use, forms an important contribution to the science of Ecclesiastical Chrono- logy. In Ecclesiastical Statistics the TWoypa

6[jjOios), from which the party received the name of A nomoites or Exucontians. The Homoiousians, who were now designated as Semi-Arians, prepared to contest this point. They were led by Basilius, Bishop of Ancyra, and countenanced by the Emperor Constantius. Ultimately, how- ever, the intrigues of Ursacius and Valens, the two court bishops, who at heart were Arians, proved successful. With consent of the Emperor, they held a second council at Sirmium (357), where it was resolved wholly to discard the unbiblical term ovaia, which had been the cause of all these dissensions, not to enter upon any definitions about the nature of God, which was incomprehensible, and to unite in simply asserting that the Son was similar to the Father (ofjboiog — hence their name Homoiites). Two of the exiled bishops — Hosius of § 80. THE TEINITARIAN CONTROVERSY (318-381). 191 Cordova and Liberius of Rome — purchased permission to return to their sees by subscription to this formula. But the other Latin bishops, in a synod at Agennum, again declared their adherence to the Nicene Creed ; while the Semi-Arians met at Ancyra under the presidency of Basilius, and re-affirmed the Confession of Antioch. At last the Semi-Arians joined the court party, at a third synod held at Sirmium (358), in this formula : rov X/ov o[aoiov tu Ylccrpt sheet Kara Tavra cog a I ay i at y pa

. ayiov, the words ro zvpiov, ro Lponoiov, ro zz rov iiarpog iZTopsvofAZvov, TO GVV Tlurpi ZOU T/5 GVV7TpogzWOV{MVOV ZOU GVV0'0%GiZ > 0[AlV0V. 6. Literature of the Controversy. — Anus himself explained his views in a semi-poetical tractate Qcckzta, (of which Athanasius has preserved fragments). His principles were zealously defended by Asterius, a sophist (whose writings have been lost). Philostorgius, the historian, attempted to show from history that they were conform- able to the views of the apostles and of the early Church. Eusebius of Ccvs. wrote two tractates in defence of Semi-Arianism, against Marcellus (zccroi M.ctpzsKKov and Kip) rr,g izzXqGic>izTJg ^zohoyiag). § 81. ORIGENISTIC CONTROVERSIES (391-438). 193 The avokoytrrmog by Eunomius has been lost. Foremost among the opponents of Arianism stands Athanasius — Oratt. IV. c. Arianos; hist. Arianorum ad monachos; Epist. de decretis Nicsenis; Epist. de Synodis Arimini et Seleucise habitis; ' AToXoyqrizog^ srpoV rows 'Apsidvovg, etc. Basilius the Great wrote four books against Euno- mius ; the risp; rou ayiov Ilv&vparog ; and the Ad Amphilochium (against the Pneumatomachoi) ; — Gregory of Naz., five Koyot SzoXo- yixoi '(§ 75, 4); Gregory of Nyssa, twelve koyot ampfanxol xara EvvofAiov -—Didymus the Blind, three books de Trinitate -—Epiplia- nius the 'Ayzvparog (§ 78, 5) -—Cyril of Alex., a^caupoff Tnplrrjg ay tag zai o^oovaiag Tpidhog ;—Chrysostom delivered twelve orations against the Anomoites ; Theodoret wrote Dlalogi VII. de s. Trinit. Ephrann Syrus, also, frequently controverted in his sermons the views of the Arians. Among Latin writers the most distinguished controversialists were : Lucifer of Calaris (" Ad Constantium Imp. LI. II. pro Athan.," in which he denounces the Emperor as an apos- tate, as Antichrist and Satan; the "moriendum pro filio Dei;" the " De non conveniendis cum haereticis) ; Hilarius of Pictavium (" De Trinitate, LI. XII.;" "de Synodis s. de fide Orientalium;" " Con- tra Constantium Aug.;" " Contra Auxentium," § 76, 4); Phaebadius, Bishop of Agennum about 359 (" c. Arianos"); Ambrosius (" de fide ad Gratianum Aug. LI. V."); Augustinus ("c. sermonem Arianorum;" " Collatiocum Maximino Arianorum Episc.;" "c. Maximinum"); Fulgentius of Ruspe (" c. Arianos," and three books addressed to Trasimund, the Arian King of the Vandals). 7. Later Development of Nicene Views— Even the for- mula adopted by the second Council of Constantinople was not entirely free from all traces of Subordinatianism. At least the ex- pression, tig 3-soV, as applied to the Father exclusively, might give rise to misunderstanding. Augustine completely removed any uncer- tainty still hanging over this doctrine (." de trinitate LI. XV."). But as yet the personality of the Holy Ghost, and His relation to the Son, had not been defined with sufficient accuracy. This after- wards gave rise to the schism between the Eastern and the Western Church. In this respect also Augustine correctly taught that the Holy Spirit proceeded both from the Father and the Son. Among those who advocated these truths, Fulgentius of Ruspe (" de s. trinit.") deserves special mention. The so-called (pseudo-) Athanasian Creed, or Symbolum Quicunque (from the word with which it commences), dates probably from the beginning of the sixth century. It origi- nated in Spam, and simply inserted the words, "qui procedit a Patre Filioque." § 81. ORIGENISTIC CONTROVERSIES (394-438). The controversies about the Trinity were, in due course, followed by discussions about the person of Christ (§ 82). Before these " VOL. I. N 194 FIRST SECTION. SECOND PERIOD (323-692 A.D.). took place, another question, however, engaged the attention of the Church. Although the Origenistic controversy was a personal dis- pute rather than a discussion of importance to the Church generally, it served to confirm the impression that Origen had really been a heresiarch. 1. The Monks of the Scetian and of the Nitrian Desert. — The most strenuous advocates of Nicene views (Athanasius, the three great Cappadocians, Didymus, Hilarius, etc.) had held Origen in great repute. But as the Arians continually appealed to his autho- rity, the more narrow-minded opponents of Arianism, especially those in the West, and the monks of the Scetian Desert in Egypt, headed by Pachomius, gradually began to suspect the orthodoxy of Origen. By and by they denounced the speculations of that Father as the source of every heresy, and came to entertain grossly anthropomorphic views of God and of Divine things. Epipha- nius^ Bishop of Salamis (§ 75, 8), was trained in their school. In direct opposition to these monks, others, who inhabited the moun- tains of Nitria, were enthusiastic admirers of Origen, and adopted a lofty spiritualism, coupled with a devout and contemplative mysticism. 2. Controversy in Palestine and Italy (394-399). — In Pales- tine, Johannes, Bishop of Jerusalem, and the two Latins, IIiero- nymus and Rufinus, were ardent admirers of Origen (§ 76, 5. 6). But when, in the year 394, two strangers from the West expressed their astonishment about this, Jerome, anxious to retain his reputa- tion for orthodoxy, immediately prepared to denounce the errors of Origen. Meantime, the Scetian monks had also called the atten- tion of the aged and over-zealous Epiphanius to the existence of a nursery of heresy in Palestine. He immediately took ship, and employed the pulpit which Johannes had kindly opened to him for delivering a vehement denunciation of Origenistic views. Upon this, Johannes preached against anthropomorphism. Epiphanius anathematised these views, but insisted that John should pronounce similar sentence against Origenistic principles. On the refusal of the latter, Epiphanius left Jerusalem in dudgeon, renounced, with Hieronymus and the monks at Bethlehem, church- communion with Johannes and Rufinus, and even interfered with the episco- pal functions of John, by ordaining a presbyter for the monks at Bethlehem. All this gave rise to an angry controversy, which was with difficulty settled'through the interference of Theophihis of Alexandria, who for that purpose deputed Isidorus, one of his pres- byters. Hieronymus and Rufinus made their peace at the steps of the altar (396). The latter soon afterwards returned to the West. He translated the work of Origen crsp; «p%^v, leaving out a few of the most objectionable passages ; but was so indiscreet as to hint in the preface that even the orthodox Jerome was an admirer of Origen. When informed of this by friends at Rome, Jerome wrote § 81. ORIGENISTIC CONTROVERSIES (394-438). 195 in unmeasured terms against Origenistic views and against the fi'iend of his yonth. — At the same time he made a literal transla- tion of the Tgp/ apyaiv. Rufinus rejoined, and the dispute became the more bitter the longer it continued. Siricius, Bishop of Rome, extended his protection to Rufinus ; but his successor, Anastasius, summoned him to answer for his errors. Instead of appearing in person, Rufinus sent a written defence ; but was formally con- demned for Origenistic heresy (399). He retired to Aquileja, where he continued to translate the writings of Origen and of other Greek Fathers. 3. Controversy in Alexandria and Constantinople (399-438). — Theophilus, Patriarch of Alexandria, a luxurious, imperious, and violent prelate, had till the year 399 favoured the cause of the Nitrian monks, and even, during the Easter of that year, spoken in a harsh and contemptuous manner of the heresy of the Anthropomor- phists. Indignant at this, a number of monks armed themselves with sticks and thongs, attacked the Bishop, and obliged him to pro- nounce an anathema against Origen. Soon afterwards he lost the support of others, formerly his friends. Isidorws, an aged and vener- able presbyter, and the so-called "four long brethren" of whom two acted as treasurers to his church, refused to entrust him with the moneys of orphans and other trust funds, and escaped from his vengeance to their colleagues in the mountains of Nitria. Accord- ingly, so early as the year 399, Theophilus anathematised Origen at an endemic synod held in Alexandria ; and in 401 published a furious manifesto against Origenistic views. The honest but narrow- minded Epiphanius hastened to express his approbation, and Hiero- nymus translated the document into Latin. Military force was employed to break up the establishments in Nitria, and to expel the monks. Followed by the accusing letters of their bishop, the latter sought protection with Joh n Chrysostom at Constantinople; but Theo- philus rejected with disdain the intercession of that prelate. For the sake of peace, Chrysostom was now anxious to withdraw from the contest. But the monks had meantime found access to the Empress Eudoxia, at whose intercession Arcadins, the Emperor, summoned Theophilus to appear before a synod to be held at Constantinople, over which Chrysostom was to preside. Theophilus was almost beside himself with rage. By a misrepresentation of the facts of the case, he succeeded in enlisting the aid of Epiphanius. Filled with zeal and prejudices, the honest old man hastened to Constantinople, when, on learning the real state of matters, he immediately withdrew with the remark : " I leave to you the court, and dissimulation." But Theo- philus knew how to get on with the court and with dissimulation. During the interval Chrysostom had, by his faithfulness, incurred the displeasure of the Empress. Calculating upon this, Theophilus arrived at Constantinople, accompanied by a large suite ; and at the imperial country-seat of Drys (Oak), near Chalcedon, organised a 196 FIRST SECTION. SECOND PERIOD (323-692 A.D.). council (Synodus ad Quercum) — in 403 — which declared Chrysos- tom guilty of immorality, of heterodox views, and of treason. The Emperor banished the obnoxious preacher, who, after appeasing the popular fury excited by this measure, quietly allowed himself to be carried away. But an earthquake, which took place the following night, and the increasing popular excitement, induced the Empress to send messengers and recall the exile. After an absence of only three days, he was brought back to the capital in triumph. Theo- philus fled to Alexandria. Soon afterwards, however, when Chry sostom had again incurred the anger of the Empress for denouncing in a sermon the noisy inauguration of her statue, he expressed him- self, on the anniversary of St John, in the following unguarded lan- guage : Ylakiv 'Upcohiccg [jbainrui, Trakiv rupdcvsrcyj, ttoKiv vtc\ Tivazi rrjv zitpvSkrjv rov'looavvov Zflrzi \ufis7v. Theophilus was now certain of success ; his party knew how to fan the flame at court. During Easter 404, armed men burst into the church of Chrysos- torn, and dragged him to Cucusus in Armenia, into exile. He bore undauntedly the fatigues of the journey, the rigour of the climate, and the vicinity of robbers. He kept up continuous pas- toral intercourse with his flock, and addressed to them a consolatory tractate. Nor did his zeal for the mission among the Goths flag. In vain Innocent /., Bishop of Rome, and Ilonorins, the Emperor of the West, interceded for him. In 407 he was sent to a still more dreary place of exile — at Pityus, on the shores of the Black Sea. But he succumbed to the fatigues of that journey, and died by the way, uttering his favourite motto : A^a toj Ssco tuvtcov hzzzv. A large portion of his flock at Constantinople refused to acknow- ledge the authority of Arsacius, his successor ; and, despite persecu- tions, continued as a separate body (by the name of Johnites) until Theodosius II., in 438, caused the bones of their loved pastor to be brought to the capital, and solemnly deposited in the imperial burying vaults. Among these personal disputes, the Origenistic controversy had for a time been lost sight of, but was soon after- wards renewed (§ 82, 6). § 82. DISCUSSIONS ABOUT THE PERSON OF CHRIST. Comp. Walch, Ketzerhist. (Hist, of Heres.). Vols. V.-IX. Dorner, Person Christi. Vol. I. Baur, Dreieinigk. (on the Trinity). I. II. If, in the discussions about the Trinity, the question of the eternal existence and of the Divine nature of Christ had been agitated, His historical manifestation as the incarnate Son of God, the con- nection between the Divine nature of the Logos and the human nature of the Son of Mary, and the mutual relation of these two § 82. DISCUSSIONS ABOUT THE PERSON OF CHRIST. 197 became now subjects of inquiry. These questions bad in part been raised during the Arian controversy. For while the Church had, against Arms, defended the absolute Divinity of Christ, it also main- tained, in opposition to Apollinaris, His perfect humanity. The discussion now assumed three new phases. In the Nestorian con- troversy, the Church defended the unity of the person of Christ against the views of the Antiochians, whose distinction between the two natures of the Saviour almost amounted to separation into two persons. In the Monophysite controversy, the opposite or neo- Alexandrian error, which, in view of the unity of Christ's person, lost sio-ht of the distinctness of His natures, was set aside. Lastly, in the Monothelete controversy, an erroneous mode of viewing the union of the two natures — when their distinctness was admitted in words, but denied in fact, by assuming the existence of only one w j]l — W as disavowed. Thus the controversies about the Trinity and the person of Christ — both of which sprung up in the East — were closely connected. 1. The Apollinaristic Controversy (362-381). — Beryllus and Sabellius had already taught that, at the incarnation, the Logos had assumed only a human sosl. Marcellus held the same tenet (§ 80, 2) ; Arius also, though opposed to him in other respects, had maintained this view, in order to avoid the inference, that in Christ two creatures were combined. Athanashis, on the other hand, held, with Origen, that the human soul of Christ had been the necessary bond of connection between the Logos and the body, and the medium through which the Logos acted upon the body. Hence, at the Synod of Alexandria, in 362, the perfect humanity of the Lord was declared the orthodox dogma on the subject. Apollinaris, Bishop of Laodicsea, a very talented and highly educated man, who had sent a deputy to this Council, although disapproving of the idea of a GM[Aa (L-^vypv, denied the perfect humanity of Christ. Starting from the view that man was composed of three parts, he maintained that Christ had only assumed a trapcc and a -^vyj, oiXoyog, and that the Divine Logos Himself occupied the place of the ■yuyjj "koyiKrj (o vovg). He imagined that a contrary opinion would render it necessary to assume two personalities in Christ, and that Christ would thus be represented as merely an a&pcoftog h^szog ; he also believed that only on his principles would it be possible to main- tain the perfect sinlessness of Jesus. But Athanashis and the two Gregories regarded these views as incompatible with the full idea of the incarnation and of the atonement. The second CEcum. Council (381) rejected the views of Apollinaris, who some time before had, along with some adherents, left the communion of the Church. 2. Antagonism between the different Theological 198 FIRST SECTION. SECOND PERIOD (323-692 A.D.). Schools (381-428). — The Arian controversy had issued in the general recognition of the perfect Divinity, the Apollinaristic in that of the perfect humanity, of the Saviour. But the relation between these two natures, implied in their union, had not yet been accu- rately defined. According to Apollinaris, the Divinity was so closely united with the (partial) humanity of the Saviour, that in reality there ceased to be two natures. By a " communieatio idiomatum," what was predicated of one nature was transferred to the other, so that the body of Christ was deified, and hence adored; but the pre- dicates of being born, suffering, and dying, were also applied to His Divinity. Although the Alexandrian School rejected the pecu- liar tenets of Apollinaris about the imperfect humanity of Christ, predilection for what was mystical, inconceivable, and transcendental, led it into kindred views. In opposition to Arianism, these divines laid special emphasis on the Divinity of Christ, and maintained an hcoGic OvtTix.'/] of the two natures. According to them, it was only lawful to speak of two natures, before the union of these two natures, and in abstracto, — after the incarnation, and in concrete, we could only speak of one nature, that of the God-man. Hence Mary was generally designated as " the Mother of God," Szorozog. Athanasius expressly states : ov Zvo (pOasig, [jJav Tpogzwrir^v zai yAav avpogzvvri- Tov, ccXXa, (jJav $vgiv rov §eov Aoyov ffs (or Directions for the Celebration of the Mass). These were, at a later period, combined together in the Missale Romanian. — In the Greek Liturgy, vespers, matins, and the principal worship of the day, were intended to form three parts of a great religious drama, representing the entire course of the history of redemption, from the creation to the ascension of the 234 FIRST SECTION. SECOND PERIOD (323-692 A.D.). Lord. The principal events of this history were also symbolised by the lighting and extinguishing of tapers, by locking and opening the doors of the sanctuary, by burning incense and by other oblations, by the successive putting on of the various priestly robes, by proces- sions and gestures of the clergy, by certain rites in connection with the sacramental elements, etc. The text of the liturgy (the intona- tions, responses, prayers, reading, singing), which accompanied these ceremonies, was considered of secondary importance, and only formed a running commentary to the great drama enacted. — The liturgy of the Latin Church, on the other hand, was more dogmatic than dra- matic in its character. It was intended rather to exhibit how the sinner shared in the benefits of salvation, than objectively to present the story of grace. Conscious of his guilt and need, the sinner approached the altar of the Lord, where he sought and found con- solation and instruction, pardon and grace. Hence, in the Latin Liturgy, the text constituted the main part of the service ; the sym- bolical part being entirely subordinate, and only designed to afford an outward representation of the truths conveyed. The liturgy consisted of certain fixed portions which recurred whenever mass was celebrated, and of others which were adapted to the calendar and to the peculiar character of each festival. The most important, indeed the central part in the liturgy, was the Canon of the Mass, which consisted of the formulas employed in the consecration of the Eucha- rist, and of the sacrificial prayers connected with it. — Among litur- gical monuments, considerable interest attaches to the so-called Diptycha (from h'g and irrvaaoo, bis plicare), or writing tablets covered with wax. They were a kind of official registers containing the names of those persons who were to be objects of special liturgical inter- cession. They were divided into hiffTvyjz iicigko'Xuv, which contained the names of the foreign bishops with whom church fellowship was maintained ; ViKTvyjx, tpjvraiv, or registers of the members of a par- ticular church, and of those who made offerings ; and lastly, h^r. 5. Symbolical Kites. During the whole of this period it was still the custom to give the brotherly kiss. When entering the church, it was the practice to kiss the door or the threshold ; before reading the liturgy, the priest kissed the altar, similarly the lector the gospel. Relics and images were also kissed. When making confession of sin, it was customary to strike one's breast. Every ecclesiastical rite was accompanied by the sign of the cross, which was also frequently made at home on any solemn occasion. The practice of washing one's hands, when entering church, dates from a very early period ; but sprinkling with holy water was not introduced till the ninth cent. The custom of lighting candles in churches is of very ancient date ; that of burning incense originated in the fourth cent. Before that period, it was supposed to attract evil spirits who fed upon the incense, although afterwards it was represented as the § 90. PLACES OF WORSHIP AND WORKS OF ART. 235 most potent means of exorcising them. The practice of consecrating churches, and of holding an annual festival in commemoration of it, is mentioned in the writings of Eusebius. At the time of Ambrosius, the possession of some relic was a necessary condition for this cere- mony. Comp. also (Mussard and Middleton) conformitez d. cerem. mod. avec 1. anc. Amst. 1744 ; G. C. Hamberger, enarr. rit. etc. Gott. 1751 ; and J. J. Blunt, Vestiges of Anc. Manners and Cus- toms, London 1823. § 90. PLACES OF WORSHIP AND WORKS OF ART. Comp. C. Schnaase, Gesch. d. bildenden Kiinste (Hist, of Art). Diisseld. 1844. 3 vols. Fr Kugler, Handb. d. Kunst-Gesch. 3d ed. Stuttg. 1855. Bellermann, Munter, and Kinkel (§ 57). L. Stieg- litz, Gesch. d. Baukunst (Efist. of Archit.). 2d ed. Niirnb. 1837. Fr. Kugler, Gesch. d. Baukunst. Stuttg. 1855. J. Kreuser, d. chr. Kirchenbau. Bonn 1851. 2 vols. A. H. Springer, die Baukunst d. chr. M. A. (Arch, of the Middle Ages). Bonn'l854. C. Schiller, Ueberblick d. Entwickelungsganges d. Kirchenarchit. (Survey of the Progress of Develop, in Eccl. Arch.). Braunsch. 1856. — Fr. Kugler, Handb. d. Gesch. d. Malerei (Mem. of the Hist, of Paint.). 2d ed. Berl. 1847. N. Sorg, Gesch. d. chr. Malerei. Regensb. 1853. — (Bunsen) d. Basiliken d. chr. Rom. Munich 1843 ; A. F. Zester- mann, d. ant. u. chr. Basiliken. Leipz. 1847. The form in which heathen temples— destined only to hold the statues of the gods — were constructed, was in every respect unsuited to the purposes of Christian churches. But the forensic basilica or public market, and judgment hall of the Romans, afforded an excel- lent model for Christian churches. Not only might their form (with some modifications) be adopted, but even their name, provided it were understood as applying to Christ, the eternal King. The basi- lica presented the general appearance of an elongated quadrangle, running from east to west, longitudinally divided by colonnades into three spaces or naves, but so that the middle nave was at least twice as broad as either of the side naves. The central nave terminated in a semicircular niche {xoyy/j, cc-^ig, concha, absida), which bulged out from the eastern or narrow back wall. This niche was sepa- rated from the central naA^e by a kind of railing {x,iykhihzg, cancelli) and a curtain (?ca,TCC7rzTa,(r(JjCC, velum), and was also called firjfAM (from ficcivco), because it was a few steps elevated above the central nave. Since the fifth century the pillars of the nave were not con- tinued to the eastern wall. Thus a vertical nave was formed, which was also raised and connected with the jS^/xa. This vertical nave, the central nave, and the niche at the eastern end, gave to the 236 FIRST SECTION. SECOND PERIOD (323-692 A.D.). ground-plan of the church the significant appearance of a cross. At the entrance, to the west, there was a vestibule which ran along the entire breadth of the naves. The church consisted, there- fore, of three divisions. The Bema was allotted to the clergy. Close by the wall, and in the deepest recess of the niche, stood the elevated seat of the bishop (Spovog, cathedra). On either side of it were the lower seats (avv^povoi) of the presbyters, while the altar itself occupied the centre of the niche or stood immediately in front of it. The bema was also called ayiov, ahvrov, kparzlov, sacrarium, sanctuarium, from its being occupied by the clergy and by the altar ; — the name of Choir appears only in the middle ages. The bones of martyrs were commonly kept in a subterranean crypt underneath the apsis or bema (the so-called memoria, confessio). — The baptized laity assembled in the threefold — in rare cases, fivefold — nave, of which the name was partly derived from its oblong shape, but chiefly from the symbolical connection between a ship and the church. The worshippers were arranged according to sex, age, and rank. In the East a separate and elevated space along the naves (the vTspojoc) was allocated to females. In the central nave and near the chancel stood the reading-desk or ambon. — The Vestibule (ftpovocog, vestibulum) — called also the fap^^l or ferula, from its elongated form — was allotted to catechumens or penitents. In the space before the vestibule (a'/^p/ov, atrium, area, which was not roofed till a later period of history) a basin was placed for washing the hands. The vestibule and side-naves rose only to the height of the columns ; they were shut in by ceiled woodwork and covered with a simple, sloping roof. But the central and the cross naves were carried up by walls which rested upon the columns, and rose far above the side-roofs. They were covered with a bilateral obtuse-angled roof, sloping clown towards the side-naves. The columns were joined together by arches, to render them sufficiently strong to support the wall resting on them. The walls of the cen- tral and of the vertical nave, which rose above the side-roofs, were pierced by windows. — At a later period the Byzantine cupola was frequently substituted for the former flat roof of churches. The ground-plan of the basilica still remained the same as before ; but above the central nave of the church, upon immense pillars connected together by arches, the principal cupola rose like a firmament, often to a stupendous height, — a number of smaller or semi-cupolas being generally connected with it. The great Church of St. Sophia at Constantinople presented the chef oVceuvre of this style of architec- § 90. PLACES OF WORSHIP AND WORKS OF ART. 237 ture. It was so magnificent that, when it was completed (537), Justinian I. exclaimed: Nwtxrizu ffi ^cckofiuv. 1. Several side-buildings (l^zhpai) stood within the wall that enclosed the principal ecclesiastical edifice, and were connected with it. Of these the baptistries {fiwxrurrripia,, QcoriGTripicc, K6kv(AJ5?$pct, piscina, John v. 2; ix. 7) were the most important. After the model of the Roman baths, they were built in the shape of a ro- tunda ; the baptismal basin stood in the middle, and was surrounded by a colonnade. Frequently a large antechamber was provided, in which the catechumens were wont to receive religious instruction. When infant-baptism became general, separate baptistries were no longer necessary, and instead of them fonts were placed in the churches (toward the north, at the principal entrance). In large churches, the treasures, vessels, robes, books, archives, etc., were kept in separate buildings. The Trruy/irpotpiia, op&iv. 2. Christian Marriage. The excessive value attached to virginity led to low views of marriage. These were in some mea- sure counterbalanced by the notion that, by priestly consecration, marriage became a sacrament (§ 88) — an idea which was fully developed and obtained ecclesiastical sanction during the middle ages. The State regarded marriage between a free person and a slave as merely concubinage; but the Church acknowledged the validity of such unions. Not only consanguinity and affinity (through marriage), but adoption into a family, and even the spiri- tual relationship with god-parents through baptism or confirmation (§ 88, 1), were considered valid impediments to marriage. Augustine sanctioned the marriage of cousins ; Gregory the Great interdicted it on physiological grounds, and only allowed marriage in the third or fourth degree of consanguinity. Gradually this prohibition was extended even to the seventh degree, till, in 1216, Innocent III. again limited it to relationship in the fourth degree. Mixed mar- riages (with heathens, Jews, heretics) were held sufficient ground for penance ; the second Trullan Council (692) entirely prohibited them. Second marriages were not prohibited, though they were visited with penance for one or two years ; but many canonists re- garded a third or a fourth marriage as entirely invalid. Adultery was universally admitted as forming a sufficient ground for divorce ; many divines ranked unnatural lusts, murder, and apostasy in the same category. In 416 the Council of Mileve (in Africa) inter- dicted persons who had been divorced — even the innocent party — from again marrying ; and Pope Innocent I. gave to this prohibition the character of a general law. Former scruples about heathenish customs at marriages (§ 58, 1) — such as the use of a marriage-ring, the veiling of brides, the wearing of garlands, carrying of torches, having bridesmen or irapawfjjipoi — were no longer entertained. 3. Sickness, Death, and Burial. The practice of anointing § 92. HERETICAL REFORMERS. 24l the sick (Mark vi. 13; James v. 14), as a means of miraculous bodily cure, prevailed so late as the fifth cent. In a decretal dating from the year 416, Innocent 1. first represented this custom as a sacrament in- tended for the spiritual benefit of the sick. But centuries intervened before it was generally introduced as the sacrament of extreme unction (unctio infirmorum, unctio extrema, ivy^kaiov). Indeed, historical evidence in favour of it ascends not higher than the eighth century : but, on the other hand, it must be admitted that the Areopagite numbers the anointing of the dead among the sacraments (§ 88). The practice of closing the eyes of the dead, was intended to convey the idea of sleep in the hope of a blessed awaking. The fraternal hiss betokened that Christian communion lasted beyond the grave ; but the practice of decorating the head with a garland, in token of victory, was not in general use. Synods had repeatedly to prohibit the custom of pouring the consecrated elements into the mouth of dead persons, or of laying them in the coffin ; violent outbursts of grief, the rending of garments, putting on of sackcloth and ashes, the employment of mourning women, the carrying of cypress branches, etc., were considered as heathen customs, implying that those left behind had not learned to cherish the hope of immortality. Similarly, burial feasts celebrated at night were disapproved, although it was customary, by daylight, to carry torches, lamps, and palm or olive branches in the funeral procession. Julian and the Vandals inter- dicted this practice. During the fourth and fifth centuries the cata- combs were the favourite place of burial ; where these were awanting, special cemeteries were set apart, generally in the vicinity of churches (§ 90, 1). Emperors and bishops alone enjoyed the privilege of being buried in churches. In the fourth cent, agapes and the Eucharist were still celebrated at the grave. Afterwards mourning feasts were substituted for these solemnities, which were gradually discontinued on account of the abuses to which they led. The rites of burial closed with the Lord's Prayer and the priestly bene- diction. § 92. HERETICAL REFORMERS! Comp. Walch, Ketzerhist. Vol. III. ; Dr Gilly, Vigilantius and his Times. London 1844. In the fourth century a spirit of opposition to prevailing ecclesiastical views and tendencies sprung up. At first it was neither general, sustained, lasting in its consequences, nor even healthy. While contending against the worldly spirit that had intruded into the Chui'ch, some fell into the opposite extreme of fanatical severity ; while others, in their protest against real or supposed superstition and work-righteousness, occasionally ended in cold rationalism. The former remark applies more especially VOL. I. Q 242 FIRST SECTION. SECOND PERIOD (323-692 A.D.). to the Donatists (§ 93), and to the sect of the Audians, founded in 340 by Udo or Audius, a layman from Syria, who, on the ground that the Church and its ministers should return to apos- tolic poverty and humility, abstained from all fellowship with the members of the degenerate Church. Audius entertained also grossly anthropomorphistic views, and shared the opinions of the Quartode- cimani. Another sect of the same class, the Apostolici, in Asia Minor, declared marriage and property to be sinful. In the oppo- site class of more rationalistic opponents to ecclesiastical notions, we reckon the Antidicomarianites in Arabia, Helvidius of Rome (380), and Bonosus, Bishop of Sardica (390), who all opposed the "perpetua virginitas" of Mary (§ 87, 2). Aerius, a presbyter of Sebaste in Armenia, was the first, in 360, to protest against the pre- vailing type of religion. He disapproved of prayers and oblations for the dead, controverted the obligation and the meritoriousness of fasts, and denied that bishops were of superior rank to presbyters. For these opinions he incurred the displeasure of Eustatliius, his bishop (§ 69, 5). Persecuted from place to place, his adherents sought refuge in caves and woods. Substantially similar were the views of Jovinian, a monk of Rome, who in 389 opposed, in a sys- tematic manner and on dogmatic grounds, the ecclesiastical system of his time, especially monasticism, asceticism, celibacy, and fasts. Sarmatio and Barbatianus, two monks of Milan (about 396) — per- haps pupils of Jovinian — shared his views. The opposition of Vigilantius (400) to the worship of relics, the invocation of saints, miracle-mongering, vigils, the celibacy of priests, and the prevailing externalism in religion generally, was so violent as to pass all bounds of prudence and moderation. But the spirit in which the Church defended its views and practices was scarcely less bitter than that dis- played by its opponents. Epiphanius wrote against the Auclians, the Apostolici, the Antidicomarianites, and the Aerians ; Ambrosius re- futed Bonosus and the followers of Jovinian ; Hieronymus poured a torrent of the bitterest language upon Helvidius, Jovinian, and Vigi- lantius ; Augustine alone showed a more becoming spirit in opposing the tendencies of Jovinian, which in their ultimate conclusions pointed in the same direction as his own views about the doctrine of grace. § 93. schisms. The Novatian and the Meletian (Egyptian) schisms (§ 60, 3. 4) continued even at this period. In connection with the Arian contro- versy three other schisms occurred in the orthodox Church, among § 93. SCHISMS. 243 which the Meletian schism in Antioch was the most important. But by far the most extensive and dangerous was the Donatist schism in Northern Africa. On the Johnite schism in Constantinople, comp. § 81, 3. During this period the frequent divergences in doc- trine (§ 80, 6), government (§ 72), worship (§ 85), and discipline between the Eastern and the Western Church, prepared the way for their final separation (§ 97). Thus the imperial device for bringing about a union between those who took different sides in the Mono- physite controversy led to a schism between the East and the West, which lasted for thirty-five years (§ 82, 5); while want of firmness on the part of Pope Vigilius divided the West for fifty years into two parties (§ 82, 6). The schism between the East and the West, occasioned by the Monothelete union (§ 82, 8), was not of long continuance. But soon afterwards the great schism between the Eastern and Western Churches commenced. The fifth and the sixth (Ecumenical Councils had not entered on questions con- nected with church government, worship, or discipline. This omission was supplied by the Second Trullan Council, held at Con- stantinople in 692, which on that account was called the Concilium quinisextum. Some of the canons of this Synod laid the foundation of the later disruption in the Catholic Church. 1. Schisms in consequence of the Akian Controversy. — I. The Meletian Schism at Antioch, 361-413. In 360 the Arians of Antioch chose Meletius of Sebaste, formerly an Eusebian, but afterwards an adherent of the Nicene Confession, their bishop. But his inaugural discourse convinced them of their mistake about his views, and they deposed him after the lapse of only a few days. Meletius was next chosen bishop of the homoousian congregation at Antioch. The appointment of one who had been an Arian was, however, resisted by a part of the people, headed by Paulinus, a presbyter. Aihanasius and the Synod of Alexandria, a.d. 362 (§ 80, 4), used every influence to heal this schism. But Lucifer of Calaris, whom the Synod for this purpose deputed to Antioch, took the part of the opposition, and ordained Paulinus counter^, bishop. The schism was only healed when, in 413, Alexander, the Meletian bishop, an excellent man, resigned of his own accord, in order to restore harmony. — II. On his return to Alexandria, Lucifer protested against any recognition of those Arians and semi- Arians who had renounced their errors. He founded a sect called the Luciferites, which entertained the views about ecclesiastical purity formerly advocated by Novatian. The party continued till the fifth century. Comp. Hieronym. dial. adv. Luciferit. — III. The schism of Dam as us and Ursinus at Home was occasioned 244 FIRST SECTION. SECOND PERIOD (323-G92 A.D.). by the unfaithfulness of Liberius, Bishop of Borne (§ 80, 2. 3), in consequence of whose conduct a small number of steady adherents of the Nicene Creed at Eome separated from the Church. At the death of Liberius (36(3), they chose Ursinus as his successor; while the other party elected Damasus. The latter laid siege to the church of Ursinus, and 137 dead bodies covered its precincts before it could be taken. Valentinian I. banished Ursinus ; and Gratian even published an edict which constituted Damasus both a party and a judge, in adjudicating upon all the bishops implicated in this schism. 2. The Donatist Schism, 311-415 (comp. A. Rouse, de Aug. adversario Donat. 1838 ; F. BibbecJc, Donatus u. Aug. Elberf. 1857). — Montanist views were still widely entertained in North Africa. Accordingly, when the Diocletian persecution broke out, many came forward, needlessly and of their own accord, to seek the honour of martyrdom. Mensurius, Bishop of Carthage, and Ccecili- anus, his archdeacon, were opposed to this species of fanaticism. When asked to deliver up the sacred writings, they had in their stead handed to the magistrates some heretical tractates. This sufficed for their opponents to denounce them as traditores. When Mensurius died in 311, his party chose Cascilian his successor, and, to foil the intrigues of their opponents, had him hurriedly consecrated by Felix, Bishop of Aptunga. Nothing daunted, the other party, which was headed by Lucilla, a wealthy and bigoted widow, denounced Felix as a tradi- tor, and on that ground declared the consecration invalid, and elected Majorinus, a lector, counter-bishop. Soon afterwards (in 313) this office devolved on Donatus, whom his adherents have called the Great, — a man of undoubted energy. From Carthage the schism gradually spread over North Africa. The peasants, who were burdened with excessive taxation and heavy soccage, took the part of the Donatists. From the first, Constantine the Great de- clared against the Donatists. To their complaints the Emperor replied by committing the investigation of this controversy both to a clerical commission at Rome (313), under the presidency of Mel- chiades, Bishop of that see, and to the Synod of Aries (314). The decision of these two bodies was equally unfavourable to the Dona- tists, who appealed from them to the Emperor personally. The case was heard at Milan, after which Constantine confirmed the finding of the Synod (316). These decisions were followed by se- vere measures (such as depriving them of churches), which, however, only served to increase their fanaticism. Milder means proved equally ineffectual. Under the reign of Constans affairs took a more serious turn. Fanatical ascetics, belonging to the dregs of the population, took the name of " milites Christi," " Agonistici," and went begging about the country (circumcelliones), exciting the peasants to revolt, preaching liberty and fraternity, and committing pillage, murder, and incendiarism. The religious movement had now assumed the § 93. SCHISMS. 245 appearance of a political rising. While an imperial army sup- pressed this rebellion, pecuniary relief from the imperial trea- sury was offered to those Donatists who were suffering from extreme want. But Donatus rejected the money with scorn, and the rebellion broke out anew. Very severe measures were then adopted against the rebels, and every Donatist church was closed or taken away. Under the reign of Julian, these churches were restored to their former owners, and the bishops who had been banished were recalled. The Donatists were now allowed to reta- liate, as opportunity offered, upon the Catholics. But the successors of Julian again enacted severe laws against the sectaries, who had meantime split into several parties. Optatus, Bishop of Mileve, wrote against them, towards the close of the fourth centurv, a trac- tate : De schismate Donatistarum. Since the year 400, Augustine was indefatigable in his endeavours to heal this schism, and the Donatists were invited to return into the Church on very gentle terms. The circumstance that many of the more moderate closed with these overtures, only increased the fanaticism of the others. They refused the repeated offer of Augustine to meet them in public discussion. At first Augustine had maintained that any constraint in matters of belief was improper. But their unyielding stubbornness, and the dangerous tendency of their fanaticism, at last induced him so far to modify his opinion about the unlawfulness of constraint in mat- ters of belief, as to declare that even force might be employed to restore these wanderers to the Church and to salvation (" cogite intrare." Luke xiv. 23). A synod, held at Carthage in 405, applied to the Emperor Honorius to take measures against those who continued their obstinate resistance. Accordingly, fines were imposed, churches taken away, and clergymen exiled. As Augustine still insisted on a public discussion, the Donatists were obliged by the Emperor to accede. The Collatio cum Donatistis, held at Carthage in 411, lasted for three days, and was attended by 279 Donatist and 286 Catholic bishops. It was chiefly conducted by Petilian and Primian, who were opposed by Augustine and by Aurelian of Carthage. The imperial commissioners assigned the palm to the Catholic party. The Donatists appealed in vain. In 414 the Emperor deprived them of their civil rights, and in 415 forbade their religious meet- ings under pain of death. The Vandals, who conquered Africa in 429, equally persecuted Catholics and Donatists. Their common sufferings tended to bring the two parties again together.- — The Donatists laid it down as a fundamental principle, that a sacramental action (such as baptism or ordination) was invalid if performed by a person who either was, or deserved to be, excommunicated. Like the Novatians, they insisted on absolute purity in the Church, although they allowed that penitents might be re-admitted to the communion of the Church. Their own churches they regarded as pure, while they denounced the Catholics as schismatics, who had 246 FIRST SECTION. SECOND PERIOD (323-692 A.D.). no fellowship with Christ, and whose sacraments were therefore invalid and null. On this ground, they rebaptized their proselytes. The part which the State took against them, and the prevailing confusion between the visible and the invisible Church, led them to broach the view that State and Church — the kingdom of God and that of the world — had nothing in common, and that the State should not in any way take notice of religious questions. 3. As the Concilium Quinisextum in 692 was intended to be oecumenical, the Pope sent legates to it, who signed its decrees. But the Greeks had not forgotten or forgiven the success achieved at the last oecumenical council by the see of Rome (§ 82, 8). On this ground six decrees, diametrically opposed to the practice of Rome, were introduced, along with a number of others against which no objection could be raised. Thus, 1) In enumerating the authentic sources of church law, almost all the Latin councils and the decretals of the popes were omitted. The validity of all the eighty-five can- ones apost. was also acknowledged, while the see of Rome only admitted that of the first fifty ; — 2) The Romish practice of in- sisting on the celibacy of presbyters and deacons was denounced as unwarrantable and inhuman. Comp. § 70, 3 ; — 3) Fasting on Saturdays during Quadragesima was prohibited. Comp. § 86, 3. — 4) The 28th canon of the Council of Chalcedon, which settled that the Patriarch of Constantinople held the same rank with his col- league of Rome, was re-enacted (§71) ; — 5) The prohibition of eat- ing blood and things strangled was declared to apply to Christians also (contrary to the views of the Church of Rome) ; — 6) All repre- sentations of Christ under the figure of a lamb (which were quite common in the West) were strictly prohibited. — When Pope Sergius forbade the promulgation of these decrees in the churches of the West, the Emperor Justinian IT. commanded to seize this prelate, and send him prisoner to Constantinople. But the army rebelled in favour of the Pope, and soon afterwards Justinian himself was dethroned (695). VI. THE CHUECH BEYOND THE BOUNDARIES OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. § 94. CHRISTIAN MISSIONS IN THE EAST. During this period missionary work was almost exclusively carried on by the Western Church. Its practical spirit and aims specially fitted it for such labours, while the contiguity of the barbarous nations which invaded the empire (§ 106) afforded ample scope and opportunity for them. On the other hand, instances of regular and organised missionary activity were of rare occurrence in the East. § 94. CHRISTIAN MISSIONS IN THE EAST. 247 But other and indirect means also offered of spreading the Gospel beyond the limits of the Roman Empire, especially by means of fugi- tive Christians, of prisoners of war, of political embassies, and par- ticularly of commercial intercourse with the far East and South. The anchorites, monks, and Stylites who had settled on the borders of the empire, or in the deserts beyond them, frequently produced a deep impression on the barbarians around, who nocked to see them, and listened to the sermons or witnessed the deeds of these fantastic saints. 1 . The Abyssinian Church. In 316 one Meropius of Tyre, and all his ship's crew, were murdered while engaged in exploring the countries south of Egypt. His two nephews, Frumentius and Aede- sins, alone escaped the slaughter. Having gained the favour of the Abyssinian king, they were entrusted with the education of Aizanas, the heir to the crown. Frumentius was afterwards consecrated by Athanasins, Bishop of those countries. Aizanas was baptized, and the church rapidly extended from Abyssinia to Ethiopia and Nubia. The Bible was translated (it is said by Frumentius) into the verna- cular (the Geez). This community, like its mother-church in Egypt, adopted Monophysite views (§ 82, 7). Many Jewish and former customs of the country were retained, such as the observance of the Sabbath along with that of the Lord's day, the prohibition of certain kinds of meat, and circumcision — even in the case of females. Comp. also Letronne, Christian, en Egypte, en Nubie, et en Abys- sinie. Paris 1832. 2. The Persian Church. In Persia the Gospel had struck root since the third century. During the fourth cent, and after it, the Church was exposed to protracted and terrible persecutions, which continued partly through the intrigues of the fanatical Magi, and partly in consequence of the wars between Persia and the Roman Empire, which, as being waged against a Christian power, entailed on the native Christians suspicions of secret sympathy with the enemy. The first great persecution took place under the reign of Shapur (Sapores) II. in 343. It lasted for thirty-five years, during which it is said no less than 16,000 priests, monks,and nuns were executed, while the number of martyrs among the laity exceeded all computation. This persecution ceased only a short time before the death of Shapur, when that monarch proclaimed general toleration. During a period of forty years rest, the Persian Church began to flourish anew, when the fanatical zeal of A Idas, Bishop of Susa, who ordered a heathen temple to be pulled down (in 418) occasioned a fresh persecution, which attained its highest pitch under the reign of Behrccm V. (Varanes), (since 420.) For thirty years the most cruel modes of death were devised against Christians. At last the generous conduct of Acacius, Bishop of Amida in Mesopotamia, who 248 FIEST SECTION. SECOND PEEIOD (323-692 A.D.). disposed of the property of his church, and with the money redeemed a large number of Persian prisoners of war, whom he sent back to their own country, induced the king to put a stop to this persecu- tion. When the Nestorians were expelled from the Roman Empire they found protection and toleration in Persia ; but in 465, under the reign of King Firuz (Pherozes), they instigated another perse- cution against the Catholics. In 498 the whole Persian Church declared in favour of Nestorianism (§ 82, 3). From that period it enjoyed rest, and for centuries flourished, giving proof of its vigour both by learned labours (the School of Nisibis) and by suc- cessful missionary exertions among the tribes of Asia. Meantime the wars with the Byzantines continued; and in 616 Cosru II. (Chosroes) penetrated as far as Chalcedon, committing fresh cruelties against the (Cath.) Christians who inhabited the conquered pro- vinces. At last the Emperor Heraclius took courage and met his foe. In 628 the Persians were totally routed (§ 87, 5), and in 651 the Khalifs took possession of Persia. Comp. also Nettle's Hist, of the Eastern Church; Elisams 1 Hist, of Vartan, transl. by Neumann. 3. The Armenian Church. So early as the time of Tertullian, flourishing communities of Christians existed in Armenia. But Tiridates III. (since 286) violently persecuted these Christians. Under his reign the Apostle of Armenia, Gregorius Illuminator, the son of a Parthian prince, carried on his labours with much suc- cess. When only two years of age, his nurse had rescued him from the destruction inflicted upon all his kindred. Subsequently he had been carried to Cappadocia, where he was educated a Christian. Gregorius even gained the king himself, and made the whole coun- try professedly Christian. At his death, the Church which he had founded enjoyed a state of great prosperity. He was successively followed in the patriarchal office by his grandson Husig, his great- grandson Nerses, and by Isaac the Great, a still further descendant, whose administration fell in troublous times, when the Byzantine, the Persian, and other princes contended for the possession of the country. S. Mesrop, the colleague and (since 440) the successor of Isaac, constructed an Armenian alphabet, and translated the Bible into the vernacular. Under the patriarchate of his successor Joseph, the famous religious war with Persia broke out, for the purpose of obliging the Armenians to return to the religion of Zoroaster. The bloody battle fought by the river Dechmud, in 451, terminated in favour of the Persians. The Armenians, however, maintained their profession of Christianity, despite the persecutions to which they were exposed. In 651 this country also became subject to the rule of the Khalifs. — The Armenian Church remained free from Nesto- rian errors ; but it adopted Monophysite tenets, which were imported from that portion of Armenia which was under Byzantine sway. At a synod held at Feyin in 527, the Confession of Chalcedon was rejected. — Gregorius Illuminator had awakened in Armenia a § 95. THE MOHAMMEDAN COUNTER-MISSIONS. 249 desire for literary and scientific pursuits, and when Mesrop fur- nished an alphabet, the golden age of Armenian literature com- menced (in the fifth cent.). Almost all the classics and the Greek and Syrian Fathers were translated into Armenian, and numerous original authors inaugurated a native literature. Thus Agathangelos wrote the history of the conversion of Armenia ; Moses of Chorene, a history of his country; Esnig, an able controversial tractate (" the Destruction of the Heretics") directed against the heathen, the Per- sians, the Marcionites, the Manicheans, etc. 4. The Iberians (who inhabited what is now called Georgia and Grusia) received the Gospel through the instrumentality of Nunia, an Armenian female slave, by whose prayers some miraculous cures had been performed. From Iberia the truth spread among the Lazians (a tribe inhabiting the modern Colchis), and to their neigh- bours the Abasgians. Even in the East Indies, Theoplrilus of Diu (an island at the entrance of the Arabian Gulf) found isolated Christian churches so early as the middle of the fourth cent. Sent by his fellow-citizens as a hostage to Constantinople, he was there educated an Arian priest. When afterwards he returned to his own country, he successfully laboured as a missionary in the East Indies. From Persia, Nestorianism spread in the Indian Church (§ 82, 3). In the sixth cent., Cosmas Indicopleustes still found three Christian congregations in the East Indies. The labours of Theophilus ex- tended also to Arabia, where, through his preaching, the King of the Homerites, in Yemen, became a convert. But when, in the sixth cent., Dhu-Nowas (Dunaan), a Jew, mounted the throne of Yemen, a fearful persecution of Christians immediately commenced. At last Eieesban, King of Abyssinia, interposed to put a stop to these cruel- ties ; the Jewish ruler was killed, and Christians reigned over Yemen, until in 616 Cosru II. made it a province of Persia. Ancho- rites, monks, and Stylites laboured successfully among the nomadic tribes of Arabia. § 95. THE MOHAMMEDAN COUNTER-MISSIONS. Comp. G. Weil, Mohammed d. Prophet, Leben u. Lehre (Life and Teach, of Moh. the Proph.). Stuttg. 1843 ;— J. Bollinger, Mo- ham. Religion nach ihr. innern Entw. u. ihr. Einfl. auf d. Leben d. Volker (The Relig. of Moh. in its Intern. Develop, and External Infl. on the Nations). Regensb. 1838 ; A. Mohler, d. Verh. d. Islam zura Christth. (Rel. between Isl. and Christ.) Regensb. 1839 ; — W. Irving, Mahomed ; Prideaux, Life of Mahomet ; Sale, Koran ; Forster, Mahometanism Unveiled ; J. v. Ilammer-Purgstall, Mah. d. Prophet. In 611, Abul Kasem Mohammed of Mecca laid claim to the office of a prophet, and instituted a new religion, composed of Jewish, of Chris- tian, and of Arab heathen elements, in which sensual happiness and 250 FIRST SECTION. SECOND PERIOD (323-692 A.D.) strict Monotheism were sought to be combined. His labours, however, only acquired importance after he had been obliged to flee from Mecca to Yatjreb (Medina)— the Hejrali, 15th July 622. In 630 he took Mecca, consecrated the old heathen Caaba as the great temple for the new religion (Islam, hence Moslemim), and composed the Koran, consisting of 114 Suras, which Abu-Bekr, his father-in-law, collected. Before he died, all Arabia had adopted his creed, and was subject to his sway. As he persuaded his adherents that the spread of their new religion by force of arms was the most sacred duty, and in- spired them with wild enthusiasm, his successors were able to take one province after another from the empire, and at the same time to introduce Mohammedanism in room of Christianity. Within a short period (633-651) Syria, Palestine, Egypt, and Persia were con- quered; North Africa in 707 ; and, lastly, Spain in 711. But the farther progress of the Infidels was in the mean time arrested. Twice they laid siege to Constantinople (669-676 and 717-718) without success; while the victory which Charles Martell gained over them at Tours (in 732) effectually arrested their march west- wards. Their influence had, however, operated most detrimentally upon the Church in Asia, and the three patriarchal sees of Alexan- dria, Antioch, and Jerusalem were completely subject to their will. Although Christians were allowed to reside in the conquered pro- vinces on payment of a capitation-tax, fear and the desire after the worldly advantages held out by a change of faith, gained for Islamism a large number of proselytes. 1. Bigid Monotheism constitutes the fundamental idea of Islamism. Abraham, Moses, and Jesus were considered divinely-commissioned prophets ; Mohammed, the last and greatest of prophets, whom both Moses and Christ had predicted, was commissioned to restore to pristine purity their doctrine, which both the Jews and the Chris- tians had corrupted. At the end of time, Christ would return, de- stroy Antichrist, and establish Islamism as the universal religion. The doctrines of the Trinity and of the Incarnation were included among the alleged perversions of the teaching of Jesus. Special stress was laid on the'cloctrine of Divine Providence, which was prominently brought forward, and distorted into the most extreme fatalism. The Moslem required not an atonement ; belief in one God, and ^ in Mohammed as His prophet, was sufficient to ensure the Divine favour, while good works would procure an inexhaustible fulness of everlasting "happiness, consisting in the highest sensual enjoy- ments. In its constitution Mohammedanism contemplated a kind of theocracy, in which the Prophet, and the Khalifs, his successors, were to act as the vicegerents of the Deity upon earth. Hence § 95. THE MOHAMMEDAN COUNTER-MISSIONS. 251 State and Church were regarded as absolutely identical. The rites of religion consisted of prayers, fasting, and ablutions. Along with the Koran, the Sunna, or "traditionary sayings of the Prophet, are regarded as of Divine authority. The sect of the Shiites differs from that of the Sunnites, in that the former recognise not the authority of the first three Khalifs and of the traditional sayings of the Prophet handed down by them. The Ssufis are a mystical sect which ori- ginated at a later period. The Wechabites (a sect dating from the twelfth century) form, so to speak, the Puritans of Islamism. 2. Service performed by Mohammedanism in the Provi- dence of God. Obviously Islamism was the instrument of judg- ment upon the degenerate polity and Church of the East. But it also served some positive purpose, which appears from its relation to hea- thenism. It was the special mission of Mohammedanism to put an end to idolatry (Polytheism). Neither the Prophet nor his successors tolerated heathenism. Accordingly, a great number of wild tribes in Asia and Africa were converted from the most degrading and de- moralising idolatry to the worship of one God, and raised to a certain stage of civilisation and morality, which they would have been unable to attain if left to themselves. As they were thereby brought nearer to Christianity, Mohammedanism proved, in its own way, " a schoolmaster to Christ." Perhaps its rigid Monotheism may also have been intended to form a kind of breakwater against both African Fetish-worship and Asiatic Pantheism. But Islamism con- tains the germs of its own destruction. Its confusion of religion and politics, of State and Church, tends to fetter both, and thus to render them incapable of development, renovation, or transfor- mation. Herein lay the strength, herein lies also the weakness of Islamism. 252 FIRST SECTION. THIRD PERIOD (692-1453 A.D.). THIRD PERIOD OF ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY IN ITS ANTIQUE AND CLASSICAL FORM. FROM A.D. 692-1453. I. MOVEMENTS IN THE EASTERN CHURCH IN CONJUNCTION WITH SIMILAR DEVELOPMENTS IN THE WESTERN CHURCH. § 90. ICONOCLASTIC CONTROVERSY IN THE EAST (726-842). Comp. J. Maimbourg (a Jesuit), liistoire de l'heresie cles Icono- clastes. Par. 1679. 2 Voll. 12 ; Fr. Schlosser, Gesch. der bilcler- stiirmenden Kaiser (Hist, of the Iconocl. Emper.). Frkf. 1812 ; J. Marx (Rom. Cath.), der Bilderstreit der byzant. Kaiser (The Ico- nocl. Contr. of the Byz. Emp.). Trier 1839. At the commencement of the eighth century, image-worship (§ 87, 4) had attained its highest pitch in the East. But even its most zealous advocates were obliged to admit that certain abuses were connected with it. Thus, for example, images were selected to be god- parents ; part of the colouring with which they had been painted was scratched off and mixed with the sacramental wine ; the consecrated bread was first laid upon images, that so the faithful might receive from the hands of these saints the body of the Lord, etc. Under these circumstances, a vigorous emperor, whom both personal feel- ings and political considerations disposed against this kind of worship, resolved to employ all the resources which a strong will placed at his disposal to put a stop to this widely-spread idolatry. The con- test between the two opposing parties (the rizovozkuGTui and the iizovokuTpui) lasted for more than a century, and was chiefly car- ried on by the emperors and the army on the one side, and by the monks and the people on the other. On two occasions the worship of images was almost entirely and for ever abolished ; but both times was it restored by an empress. — The Church of Rome had in this respect not gone so far as that of the East, at least in practice ; § 9G. ICONOCLASTIC CONTROVERSY IN THE EAST (726-842). 253 but in theory it entertained the same opinions, and in the contest between the two parties Rome leant the whole weight of its autho- rity to those who upheld image- worship. On the views of the Frankish Church on this question, comp. § 122. 1. Leo III., the Isaurian (717-741), one of the most vigorous of Byzantine emperors, having in 718 repelled the attack of the Saracens upon Constantinople, deemed it necessary to adopt further measures to arrest the spread of Mohammedanism. The worship of images, which Jews and Moslems equally abhorred, and to which himself was opposed, appeared to him one of the principal obstacles to the conversion of the infidels. Accordingly he issued in 726 an edict, which, in the first place, only ordained that the images should be placed higher up on the walls of churches, in order to prevent the people from kissing them. But all peaceable measures against this favourite mode of worship were frustrated by the determined resist- ance which the aged Germanibs, Patriarch of Constantinople, the populace, and the monks offered. In Palestine, where, under the protection of the Saracens, he could defy the vengeance of the Emperor, Johannes Damascenus, the ablest theologian of that age, published three tractates, in which he defended in enthusiastic terms the worship of images. Amidst the popular excitement caused by this controversy, one Cosmas got himself proclaimed Em- peror, and advanced with .a fleet against Constantinople. But Leo defeated and executed his rival ; and in a second edict (of date 730) ordered the entire removal of images from every church. The mili- tary who were charged with the execution of this ordinance were guilty of many fanatical excesses, and the popular tumults excited by these measures were not quelled without much bloodshed. At Rome, however, the Emperor was powerless. In his letters, Pope Gregory II. spoke of him as if he had been a silly, naughty boy ; while, in a synod held at Rome in 732, Gregory III. pronounced an anathema against all opponents of image-worship. The fleet which the Emperor had collected, with a view of chastising the bold prelate, was destroyed by a storm. Leo avenged himself by de- priving the Pope of the revenues which he derived from Lower Italy, and by taking Illyria from the see of Rome and assigning it to that of Constantinople. 2. Constantinus V. (741-775), the son and successor of Leo, whom the monks in their hatred nicknamed Copronymus and Cabal- linns, a ruler and general as distinguished as his father, was, if pos- sible, even more firmly resolved to put clown the worship of images. He defeated Artabasdus, his brother-in-law, who, with the assistance of the party of image-worshippers, had raised the standard of revolt, severely chastised and deprived him of his eyes. As the popular tumults still continued, an oecumenical Synod was summoned to give ecclesiastical sanction to the principles of the Emperor. Accord- 254 FIRST SECTION. THIRD PERIOD (692-1453 A.D.). ingly, about 350 bishops assembled at Constantinople (754). But this Synod was not attended by a single patriarch, since the see of Constantinople happened to be vacant at the time, and Rome, which had anathematised all opponents of images, refused to send legates ; while Alexandria, Antioch, and Jerusalem were under the domination of the Saracens. The Council excommunicated those who made any image of Christ, declaring that the Eucharist was the only true image of Christ, and pronounced the most sweeping con- demnation against every kind of reverence paid to images. These decrees were mercilessly enforced, and deeds of the most cruel violence enacted. Thousands of monks were scourged, incarcerated, trans- ported, driven round the circus for the amusement of the populace with nuns in their arms, or obliged to marry ; many had their eyes put out, their ears or noses cut off, and monasteries were converted into barracks or stables. Images of saints were not even tolerated in private houses. Stephen II. of Rome protested against the decrees of the Council, and Stephen III. issued a dreadful anathema against all opponents of images (in a Lateran synod, a.d. 769). But in the Byzantine Empire both monasticism and image-worship were almost extirpated. o. Leo IV. Chazarus (775-780), the son of Constantine, shared the views of his father, but wanted his energy. His consort Irene was, however, a zealous image-worshipper. When Leo dis- covered this, he would have taken energetic measures, but a sudden death arrested his interference. Irene now made full use of the opportunity afforded by the minority of Constantine VI, her son, to restore image-worship. She convoked another council at Con- stantinople (786), which was attended by deputies from Pope Hadrian I. (the other patriarchs, who were under Saracen dominion, ventured not to take part in its deliberations). But the Imperial Guard broke into their place of meeting, and dispersed the Council. The following year (787), Irene convoked at Nice another, the Seventh (Ecumenical Council. Its eighth and last meeting was held in the Imperial Palace at Constantinople, — the Imperial Guard having, in the meantime, been removed from the capital. The Council "annulled the decrees of 754, sanctioned homage to images, and approved of prostration or inclination before pictures as a" token of love and respect paid to the subject represented, which must not be confounded with that adoration (Xarps/a) which was due to God alone. 4. The emperors who now succeeded shared these views. But as victory attended not their arms, the army, which still held opposite sen- timents, proclaimed their general Leo V., the Armenian (813-820), Emperor. This ruler, though a decided enemy of image-worship, would still have adopted moderate and cautious measures, but was baffled by the soldiers, who gave full reins to their fanaticism. The party which advocated image-worship was led by Theodorus Studita, § 97. SCHISM BETWEEN THE GREEK AND THE ROMAN CHURCH. 255 Abbot of the Monastery of Studion, a man of unfeigned piety and invincible firmness, the ablest and most ingenious defender of these sentiments, who even in exile was indefatigable in promoting the cause he had at heart (ob. 826). Leo was killed by conspirators. Michael IT. Balbus (820-829), his successor, at least allowed the worship of images in private. But Theophilus, his son (829-842), made it the aim°of his life wholly to extirpate all such practices. Once more a woman, Theodora, the Dowager Empress, who, after the death of Theophilus, and during the minority of his son, administered the government, convoked a synod at Constantinople (842), which again introduced the worship of images into churches. Since that period, opposition to this practice gradually ceased in the Eastern Church, and the day on which the Synod of 842 had enacted the decree in its favour (the 19th Feb.) has since been celebrated as the " Feast of Orthodoxy." § 97. SCHISM BETWEEN THE GREEK AND THE ROMAN CHURCH, AND ATTEMPTS AT UNION (857-1453). Comp. Leo Allatius, de eccl. occid. et orient, perpetua consen- sione. Colon. 1699. 4. (The author, who was a Greek convert to the Eomish Church, died 1669) ; L. Maimbourg (a Jesuit), Hist, du schisme des Grecs. Par. 1677. 4; J. G. Pitzipios, l'egl. Orientale, expose hist, de sa separation et de sa reunion avec celle de Kome. 4 Voll. Par. 1855; Neale, Eastern Church. At the second Tndlan Council in 692 the first steps had been taken towards the Great Schism, which divided the Christian world into two parties (§ 93, 3); in 867 Photius gave it a dogmatic basis by condemning certain doctrines promulgated at Rome, while in 1053 Michael Ceridarius completed the separation between the two churches. The difficulties and clangers which increasingly beset the Byzantine rulers induced them to make frequent attempts to bring about a union. But the negotiations which ensued either were un- successful, or the proposd union, though agreed upon in words, was not carried into execution. These fruitless endeavours only ceased when the Byzantine Empire fell not to rise again (a.d. 1453). The ob- stacles in the way of healing this schism consisted not in any impor- tance attaching to diversity of ceremonial observances, which might, as at previous periods, have continued without interrupting ecclesias- tical fellowship, nor even in differences of doctrine (with regard to the expression "filioque," § 80, 6), which might easily have been removed. The real difficulty lay in the claim to primacy in the Church, set up by the see of Rome, and which the Greeks could only resist by separating from all fellowship with the Papacy. 256 FIRST SECTION. THIRD PERIOD (692-1453 A.D.). 1. Commencement of the Schism (867). — During the minority of Michael III., surnamed the Drunkard, the son of Theodora (§ 96, 4), the government was administered by Bardas, the uncle of that prince (and brother of the Empress). Ignatius, who at the time was- Patriarch of Constantinople, and himself a descendant of the imperial family, had sharply censured the dissoluteness of the court, and in 857 even refused to admit to the communion the all-powerful Bardas, who lived in incestuous union with his daughter-in-law. For this offence the prelate was deposed and exiled. Photius, the most learned man of his age, and hitherto Prefect of the Imperial Guard, was named his successor, to the intense disgust of the friends of Ignatius, who rejected with scorn all advances and proposals of peace. Photius now convened (in 859) a synod, which confirmed the deposition of Ignatius, and even excommunicated him. But no consideration could induce this prelate to forego his claims. Anxious to procure in his own favour the influential verdict of Rome, Photius gave to Pope NicJiolas I. a false representation of the circumstances of the case, at the same time intimating his accession, and request- ing fraternal acknowledgment and intercession. The pontiff replied that he must first investigate the case; and for this purpose deputed two legates, Rlwdoald of Porto, and Zacharias of Anagni. Gained by bribes, the representatives of Rome gave, at a council at Constan- tinople (861), their consent to the deposition of Ignatius. But when more impartial witnesses informed Nicholas of the real state of matters he excommunicated his own legates, and declared Ignatius rightful Patriarch of Constantinople. The opposition thus excited against Rome in Constantinople became intense, when shortly after- wards Bulaaria renounced allegiance to the Bvzantine Church and owned that of the Pope (§ 102, 3). Photius sent an encyclical letter (in 867) inviting the patriarchs of the East to a council, and accus- ing the Church of Rome of various heresies : such as its ordinance of fasting on Saturdays; its permission of the use of milk, of butter, and of cheese during the first week of Quadragesima ; its injunction of clerical celibacy ; its refusal to acknowledge the validity of the chrisma if administered by presbyters; and its introduction of the ex- pression "filioque" (§80, 6), which implied the existence of two supreme principles, and hence a dualism. These heresies, it was as- serted, the Pope now intended to introduce into Bulgaria. The Council convened in 867. Three monks, who were prompted by Photius, figured as the representatives of the patriarchs whose sees were in Saracen countries. The Pope was excommunicated and de- posed, and this sentence intimated to the Western churches. Such measures were far from indifferent to the Pope, who vindicated him- self before the Frankish clergy, and called upon them to rebut the charges of the Greeks. They readily complied. Among the trac- tates written on that side of the question, that of Ratramnus, a monk at Corbey, was by far the ablest. But the aspect of affairs soon § 97. SCHISM BETWEEN THE GREEK AND THE ROMAN CHURCH. 257 changed. The same year in which the synod had met (867) the Emperor Michael was assassinated, and Basilius the Macedonian, his murderer and successor, joined the party of Ignatius, and requested Pope Hadrian II. to institute a new inquiry. A synod held at Constantinople in 8(59 (called by the Latins the eighth (Ecumenical Council) condemned Photius, and restored Ignatius. The council itself pronounced no decision about Bulgaria, but submitted the claims of the rival sees to the pretended representatives of the Saracen Patriarchs as impartial arbiters. They of course decided in favour of the Byzantine Patriarch, and all remonstrances on the part of the Popes proved fruitless. In his adversity Photius comported himself in a manner which commanded general respect. For several years he was imprisoned in a monastery, deprived of all intercourse with others, and even of his books. Still he made his peace with Ignatius. Basilius entrusted him with the education of his children, and after the death of Ignatius in 877 again elevated him to the see of Constantinople. But the anathema of an oecumenical council, which still rested upon him, could only be removed by another oecumenical council, to which Pope John VIII. acceded on obtaining promise of having Bulgaria restored to his see. But at the Council of Constantinople in 879 (called by the Greeks the eighth (Ecumenical) the legates of the Pope were completely deceived. The question about Bulgaria was not even mooted, the council of 869 was anathematised, and a ban pro- nounced against those who should venture to make any addition to the creed. *" The Pope revenged himself by anathematising the Patri- arch, his council, and all his adherents. Although Leo the Philosopher, the successor of Basilius, in 886 deposed Photius, it was only in order to give the see to an imperial prince. Photius was confined to a monastery, where he died in 891. 2. The Emperor, Leo the Philosopher, had been thrice married, without having any issue. His fourth wife he only wedded after he had convinced himself that the same objection attached not to her. The Patriarch, Nicholas Mysticus, who refused to consecrate this marriage (§ 90, 2), was deposed. A synod held at Constantinople in 906, conducted under the direction of the legates of Pope Sergius III, approved both of the Emperor's marriage and of the deposition of the Patriarch. But, on his deathbed, Leo repented this arbitrary measure ; Alexander, his brother and successor, restored the Pa- triarch Nicholas ; and Pope John X. consented to be represented at a synod held in Constant, in 920, when the resolutions of the Coun- cil of 906 were condemned, and a fourth marriage declared to be unlawful. But, in return for this compliance, the synod did not make any concessions to the Pope. Emperor Basilius II. entered upon fresh negotiations. For an immense sum of money, Pope John XIX. agreed, in 1024, to acknowledge the Bishop of Constantinople as oecumenical Patriarch of the East, and to yield every claim of the Cathedra Petri upon supremacy over the Eastern Church. But VOL. I. B XI) 258 FIRST SECTION. THIED PERIOD (692-1453 A.D.). the transaction became known before it was completed ; the West resounded with denunciations of this second Judas of Rome, and the Pope was obliged to break off the treaty. 3. Completion op the Schism in 1054. However frequent the anathemas which Rome and Byzantium had fulminated against each other, they had only been directed against patriarchs, popes, bishops, or their adherents as individuals, not against the churches which they represented. But matters now assumed a different appearance. At that time, the Emperor Constantius Monomachus, bent on certain warlike undertakings, anxiously sought the friendship of the Pope. His endeavours were frustrated by the interference of Michael Cerularius, Patriarch of Constantinople, and Leo of Achrida, the metropolitan of Bulgaria who, in 1053, addressed a letter to Johannes, Bishop of Trani in Apulia, in which they charged the Latins with the most grievous heresies, and conjured the Western bishops to renounce their errors. To the accusations for- merly brought by Photius, others were now added, such as that the Western Church allowed the use of blood, and of things strangled ; that it prohibited singing the Hallelujah in Lent ; above all, that it used unleavened bread in the Eucharist (§ 88, 4) — a heresy to which the name of Azymite was given. This letter fell into the hands of Cardinal Humbert, who translated and laid it before Pope Leo IX. A bitter epistolary altercation ensued. The Em- peror made every effort to restore peace. At his request, the Pope sent three legates (among them the disputatious Humbert) to Con- stantinople. These envoys only fanned instead of extinguishing the flame. The Emperor obliged, indeed, the abbot of Studium, Nicholas Pectoratus, to burn, in presence of the legates, a controversial trac- tate which he had written, but neither threats nor force could induce the patriarch to yield, supported as he was both by the people and the clergy. At iast, the legates placed on the altar of the Church of Sophia a formal writ of excommunication, to which Michael and the other Eastern Patriarchs in 1054 replied in a similar strain. 4. Attempts at Re-Union. The Crusades, instead of remov- ing, only increased the estrangement between the two churches. Repeated negotiations proved unavailing. At a synod held at Bari (in the Neapolitan territory) in 1098, Anselm of Canterbury, who at the time lived an exile in Italy, convinced the Greeks who were present, that the Latin view about the procession of the Holy Ghost was correct. For the same purpose, Petrus Chrysolanus, Archbishop of Milan, delivered, in 1113, a long oration before the Emperor at Constantinople; while, in 1135, Anselm of Havelberg held a dispu- tation on this subject with Nicetas of Nicomedia. The aversion and C dislike of the Greeks was greatly deepened by the founding of a ' ; ^ Latin Empire at Constantinople (iQ24-HW*H>). Michael Pal^eo- LOGUS, who drove the Latins from Constantinople, sought, from political motives, to put an end to the schism. But in these efforts § 97. SCHISM BETWEEN THE GREEK AND THE ROMAN CHURCH. 259 he was opposed by Joseph, the Patriarch of Constantinople, and by his librarian, the'learned Johannes Beccus. While languishing in prison, Beccus became however convinced that the differences be- tween the two churches were unimportant, and that a reconciliation would be possible. This change of views procured his elevation to the patriarchate. Meantime, the negotiations had so far advanced, that a General Council (called by the Latins the fourteenth) was summoned to meet at Lyons in 1274. The imperial legates acknowledged the primacy of the Pope, and subscribed the Romish Confession of Faith. In return, the Eastern Church was allowed to continue its use of the Nicene Creed without any addition thereto, and the peculiar ecclesiastical forms which it had hitherto observed. Beccus wrote several tractates in defence of this union. But the accession of another Emperor led to his removal ; Joseph was restored, and the union of Lyons entirely forgotten. 5. The continual advances of the Turks naturally impressed the Eastern Emperors with the necessity of securing the sympathy and assistance of the West, through reconciliation and union with the papacy. But these efforts were frustrated by the powerful op- position of the monks, supported as it was by the popular clamour. The Patriarchs of Alexandria, Jerusalem, and Antioch, were also hostile to such measures, not only from ancient jealousy of the pre- tensions of the see of Rome, but because the political schemes of their Saracen masters obliged them to oppose the wishes of the Greek Emperors. At last the Emperor Andronicus III. Pal^o- logus gained over the Abbot Barlaam, who had hitherto been the leader of the Anti-Romish party. At the head of an Imperial Embassy, Barlaam went to Avignon, where at that time Pope Bene- dict XII resided (1339). But the negotiations led to no result, as the Pope insisted on absolute submission, both in respect of doctrine and government, and would not even consent to order a new inquiry, though it were only for the sake of appearances. Bar- laam joined the Latin Church (comp. § 99, 1), and died as bishop of Giersece in 1348. — But as the difficulties of the Byzantine Emperors continually increased, Johannes V. Pal^eologus made fresh advances. He joined the Latin Church in 1369, but neither did he prevail on his subjects to follow his example, nor the Pope on the Western rulers to send assistance against the Turks. 6. Apparently greater success attended the attempt to bring about a union made by the Emperor Johannes VII. Paljeologus. He had gained for his views Metrophanes, Patriarch of Constanti- nople, and Bessarion, Archbishop of Nice, a man of great adroit- ness and learning, but a thorough infidel. Accompanied by this prelate and by many other bishops, the Emperor appeared in person at the papal Council of Ferrara in 1438. Pope Eugen IV., afraid lest the Greeks might join the reformatory Council at Basle, seemed willing to make concessions. When the pestilence broke out 260 FIRST SECTION. THIRD PERIOD (692-1453 A.D.). at Ferrara, the Council was transferred to Florence, where in 1439 the union of the two churches was really accomplished. The supre- macy of the Pope was acknowledged ; existing differences in the rites of the two churches were to be mutually tolerated ; dogmatic divergences were accounted for on the ground of misunderstanding ; and both churches solemnly declared to be orthodox. But another doctrinal difficulty, besides that about the procession of the Holy Ghost, had meantime sprung up. While the Greeks admitted that there was a •purgatory in which venial sins were expiated, and from which souls might be delivered by masses, intercessions, alms, and good works (§ 88, 3), they objected to the idea of material flames in purgatory. Besides, while the Latins held that those who died un- baptised, or under mortal sin, were immediately consigned to eternal perdition, and that the, pious (after the expiation of venial sins) immediately entered paradise, the Greeks maintained that both eternal punishment and eternal bliss only commenced after the final judgment. On this point the Greeks now yielded, and the re- union was concluded amid embraces and hymns of joy. In reality, matters, however, continued as they had been. A powerful party, headed by Eugenicus, Archbishop of Ephesus, had been merely out- voted at Florence ; it now commenced an agitation throughout the East against a union which existed only on paper. Metrophanes was nicknamed M'/irpotpovoc ; and in 1443 the other three patriarchs of the East held a Synod at Jerusalem, in which they anathematised all who adhered to this union. Bessarion joined the Church of Rome, became Cardinal and Bishop of Tuscoli, and was twice on the point of being made Pope. He died in 1472.— But the period had arrived when the Christian Empire of the East should fall. On the 29th May 1453, Constantinople was taken by the Turks. The last Emperor, Constantine XL, fell while vainly defending his throne against tremendous odds. II.— INDEPENDENT DEVELOPMENT IN THE EASTERN CHURCH. § 98. THEOLOGICAL SCIENCE AND ITS REPRESENTATIVES. Comp. Heeren, Gesch. d. class. Liter, im M. A. 2 vols. Gott. 1822 ; W. Gass, Beitrage zur kirchl. Literatur u. Dogmengesch. d. griech. M. A. (Contrib. to the Eccles. Liter, and to the Hist, of Degm. in the Gr. Ch. during the Middle Ages). 2 vols.Bresl. 1844, 1849. Comp. also History of the Byzantine and Greek Empires, by G. Finlay, LL.D., Edinb. and London ; Smith's Biographical Diet., and Wharton's Append, to Cave. § 98. THEOLOGICAL SCIENCE AND ITS REPRESENTATIVES. 261 Antagonism to image-worship (726-842) had at first been com- bined with hostility to science and art generally. Hence, during that part of the middle ages, the Greek Church numbered fewer learned men and writers than at any other period. But, about the middle of the ninth century, the Byzantine Church seemed suddenly to rouse itself to new activity, and attained a stage which at one time it had appeared incapable of again reaching. It is even more remarkable that it not 03ily maintained this high position uninter- ruptedly during six centuries, but that the ardour for theological study seemed to increase in proportion as political prospects became more dark and threatening. All at once those Greeks, who were at the eve of intellectual as well as of political decay, seem to have re- membered the rich heirloom which their heathen ancestors had left them. These treasures were now brought forth from musty libraries where they had lain concealed, and studied with a diligence, enthu- siasm, and consciousness of their value, which commands admiration. The Greeks had, however, long before, lost the capacity of producing original works ; their energy was therefore expended on reproducing, annotating, or explaining. But even thus the revival of classical lore exercised comparatively little influence on a theology, which had become ossified amid traditionalism and Aristotelian formulas. Where these bonds were broken, classical studies only re-introduced the ancient heathen views of men and matters. 1. It appears that the patronage which the Khalifs, since the close of the eighth century, bestowed on the study of the ancient literature of Greece, fired the zeal of the Eastern literati, and led to the revival or classical studies. Of course, if a trace of national feeling were left in the Byzantine rulers, they could not lag behind their Moslem rivals. This circumstance, however, does not entirely account for the altered state of matters. No doubt Pro- vidence itself designed it, that these, the noblest fruits of ancient hea- thenism, which had already served such good purpose in training and preparing the Christian Fathers for their task, should now become the basis of modern literature and science. — To Bar das, the guardian and colleague of Michael III. (§ 97, 1), however infamous his conduct had been in other respects, belongs the merit of founding schools, and employing teachers for the prosecution of classical studies. Basilius the Macedonian, although himself destitute of learning, respected and promoted scientific culture. Photius was chosen tutor to the chil- dren of that Emperor, and imbued them with a zeal for study, which in turn was transmitted to their descendants. Leo the Philosopher, the son, and Constantinus Porphyrogenneta, the grandson of Basilius, were both distinguished for their attainments. When the dynasty of 262 FIRST SECTION. THIRD PERIOD (692-1453 A.D.). the Macedonians was succeeded by that of the Comnenes (since 1057), scientific pursuits were prosecuted with even greater ardour. Some of the princesses of that race (such asEudociaand Anna Coranena) distinguished themselves in literature. Psellus proved to this family what Photius had been to that of the Macedonians. Thessalonica became a second Athens, and rivalled Constantinople in the pursuit of classical study. During the sixty years when Byzantium was the seat of a Latin Empire, the barbarism and ignorance of the Cru- saders threatened to destroy the civilisation fostered by the Com- nenes; but when, in 1261, the Palceologi again ascended the throne of the East, the former pursuits were resumed with renewed ardour. In 1453, Constantinople was taken by the Turks, when a large number of Greek literati sought refuge in Italy, transferring to the West the treasures they had guarded with such care. 2. Aristotle and Plato. With the revival of classical studies, the treatises of Plato, which were regarded as more classical, or at least as more purely Grecian than those of Aristotle, came again into high repute. But as Aristotle was still considered the great authority in the church (§ 77) — a position assigned to him chiefly through the efforts of Johannes Damascenus — Platonism continued an object of some distrust to theologians, a feeling increased by the cir- cumstance that so many admirers of classical literature had lapsed into practical heathenism. The controversy which now ensued attained its highest pitch during the fifteenth century, when Gemistus Pletho used every effort to dethrone Aristotle from the place which till then he had occupied in the esteem of the learned. He insisted that all should acknowledge the supremacy of " the divine Plato," and confidently predicted that speedily the time would come when both Christianity and Mahommedanism would give place to the universal sway of a "religion of pure humanity." These views were shared by his numerous pupils, among whom Bessarion (§ 97, 6) was the most distinguished. On the other hand, George of Tre- bizo?id and his pupils were equally enthusiastic in their admiration of Aristotle. Numerous representatives of these two schools settled in Italy, where they continued their controversies with increased bitterness. Comp. Gass ut supra, vol. i. 3. Scholasticism and Mysticism. The application of the Aristotelian method to the study of dogmatics, which Johannes Philoponus first introduced, and Johannes Damascenus brought into general vogue, gave rise to a peculiar mode of treating this science, which, though wanting in the depth, variety, and acuteness that characterised the scholasticism of the middle ages, resembled it in many respects. But at the same time another and very different tendency made its appearance. Mysticism, of which the traces are already found in the writings of the pseudo-Areo- pagite (§ 78, 5), was peculiarly adapted to the discipline and retirement of the monasteries. Among its numerous represen- § 98. THEOLOGICAL SCIENCE AND ITS REPRESENTATIVES. 263 tatives, Nicholas Cabasilas was the most distinguished. Those mystics opposed neither the teaching nor the rites of the Church. On the contrary, they delighted in dwelling on all that had a sym- bolical bearing, and connecting it with the idea of a sacrament. No ground, therefore, existed for collision between the Dialecticians and the Mystics. 4. Theological Sciences. Johannes Damascenus had, at the commencement of this period, grouped into a system according to the dialectic forms of Aristotle, the conclusions of former doc- trinal disquisitions. His " Ecdosis" is the first and only complete work on Dogmatics that emanated from the ancient Greek Church. Despite the failure of attempts at union with the Latin Church, which indeed only issued in wider estrangement on controverted points, the frequent contact with the Latin was not without its beneficial influence on the Greek Church. The Eastern divines profited by the scholasticism of their brethren in the West so far as to apply this more full and scientific method to the treatment of doctrines on which the two churches were agreed. Controversial Tractates were still directed against the Nestorians, the Monophy- sites, and the Monothelites, while the pen of polemics found fresh employment against the Gnostic and Manichean sects, which at this period again made their appearance, as also against the schismatics of the West, and those who advocated a re-union with them. The altered circumstances of the times also led to a revival of the study of Apologetics. Not only was Islamism making rapid strides, but the protection accorded by the Saracens to the synagogue rendered it necessary to defend Christianity against the attacks of the Jews. But the prevailing scholastic and traditional theology proved incapable of coping with the storms which the judicial pro- vidence of God had allowed to rise. Lastly, the revival of classical study, and the reappearance in its train of heathen ideas, obliged theologians to be again on their guard against ancient superstitions {Nicholas of Methone). Independent exegetical researches were now.no longer prosecuted; but the "Catenas" of GEcumenius, of Theophylact, and Euthymius Zygadenus, are valuable. The study of Ecclesiastical History was entirely neglected. Nicephorus Cal- listi was the only writer who devoted his attention to this study (in the fourteenth cent.). But his Eccl. Hist., written without taste or ability, adds nothing to our knowledge of the subject. Of much greater value, even in regard of Eccl. Hist., are the numerous " Scriptores historic Byzantinse." To this list we add the name of Simeon Metraphrastes, celebrated in his day as a writer of legends. 5. Johannes Damascenus was by far the ablest theologian of the eighth century. For a considerable time he was employed in the service of the' Saracens, and died in 760 as Abbot of the Monas- tery of S. Sabas at Jerusalem. His admirers gave him the title of Chrysorrhoas ; the Iconoclasts, who at the Council of Constantinople 2 64 FIRST SECTION. THIRD PERIOD (692-453 A.D.). in 754 pronounced a threefold anathema upon him, the Saracen bye-name of Mansur. His principal work, the U^yr, yvacrzcog, pro- cured him an imperishable fame, and has been regarded as an autho- rity in the Greek Church. Section I. forms a dialectic, and Section II. a historical introduction to Part III., in which the various dogmas as propounded by the Councils and the Fathers — especially the three great Cappadocians — are systematically arranged and presented. The /spa TrapuKK^Xot, by the same author, consist of a collection of "loci classici," taken from the writings of the Fathers on doctrinal and ethical subjects, and arranged in alphabetical order. He also wrote controversial tractates against various heretics, and composed a number of hymns (best ed. by le Quien. Par. 1712. 2 vols. fol.). — Among the numerous works of Photius (§ 97, 1), the " Biblio- theca" is the most valuable. It contains notices of and extracts from 279 Christian and heathen works, of which the greater part have not otherwise been preserved (best ed. by Im. Becker. Berol. 1824. 2 vols. 4). Besides his controversial tractates against the Latins and the Paulicians, the Amphilochia (or replies to above 300 theological questions submitted to him by Bishop Amphilochius) also deserve notice, and his Nomocanon (§ 68, 3), which has ever since formed the basis of the canon law of the Greek Church. The series of distinguished writers who flourished under the Comnene dynasty commenced with Michael Constantinus Psellus, teacher of philosophy at Constantinople (ob. 1020), a man whose acquire- ments were equally varied and deep. Some of his numerous trac- tates were devoted to theological subjects, though he acquired not fame in that department. His cotemporary, Theophylact, Archbishop of Achrida, in Bulgaria, has left us very able com- mentaries, or rather " Catenae." "Euthymius Zygadenus, a monk of Constantinople, at the commencement of the twelfth cent., composed, by request of the Emperor Alexius Comnenus, a work in- tended to refute all heresies (" Dogmatic Panoply of the Orthodox Faith," in twenty-four books). Although highly praised at the time, it is a mere compilation, whose sole merit lies in its refutation of the heretics of that particular period. The exegetical compilations by the same author are more valuable. Eustathius, Archbishop of Thessalonica, was the most prominent divine of the twelfth cent. He has long been famed as the commentator of Homer and Pindar ; but the recent edition of his theological Opuscula (ed. Tafel. Frcf. 1839, 4), proves that he deserves even higher acknowledgment as a Christian, a divine, a prelate, and a reformer of the ecclesiastical and monkish abuses of his time (§ 100,$). At the same period flourished Nicholas, Bishop of Methone in Messenia, who replied to the attacks of Proclus the Neoplatonist, in a tractate which forms one of the ablest theological works of that age. His views on the doctrine of redemption deserve special mention as resembling those of Anselm of Canterbury. Nicetas Acominatus or Choniates, a statesman § 99. DOGMATIC CONTROVERSIES, 12TH AND 14TH CENTURIES. 265 (ob. 1204), was another distinguished writer of that period. His " Treasury of Orthodoxy," in twenty-seven books, contains a vindi- cation of orthodox doctrine, and a refutation of heretics, much more able and original than the work of Euthymius on the same subject. Comp. Ullmann, " Nic. of Methone, Euthym. Zygabenus and Nicetas Choniates," in the " Studien u. Krit." for 1833, P. III.— During the reign of the Palceologi (1250-1450), theologians were chiefly engaged in advocating or opposing the attempts made at re- union with the Latin Church. Nicholas Cabasilas, Archbishop of Thessalonica, in the fourteenth cent., one of the most eminent mystics in the Church, deserves special mention. His principal work, " About the Life in Christ," has only lately been rescued from oblivion by W. Gass ut supra, vol. II. His mysticism, which is remarkable for its depth and fervour, breathes a spirit of antagonism to the prevailing tendency towards work-righteousness. Still, his u Expositio Missse" proves that he shared the predilection of Greek Mystics for the Liturgy. At a somewhat later period (about 1400) flourished Simeon, Archbishop of Thessalonica, a prelate equally famed for classical and patristic lore, and for the manner in which he administered the affairs of the Church. His great work, " De fide, ritibus et mysteriis ecclesiasticis," is of great importance for the study of Greek Medievalism. Lastly, we may mention Gregorius ScJwlarius, who as monk bore the name of Gennadius, the first Patriarch of Constantinople after the capture of that city by the Turks. At the Council of Florence he objected to the proposed union ; in the philosophical controversy then raging, he advocated the traditional claims of Aristotle against Plato. At the request of Sultan Mohammed II, he composed and handed to that monarch a " Professio Fidei." Comp. Gass ut supra, vol. I. § 99. dogmatic controversies during the twelfth and fourteenth centuries. With the taste for intellectual pursuits, that for theological specu- lations and discussions also revived. During the reign of Manuel Comnenus, 1143-1180, the question was raised, whether Christ had offered Himself a sacrifice for the sins of the world to the Father and to the Holy Ghost only, or also to the Logos, i.e., to Himself. At a synod held at Constantinople in 1156, the latter view was de- clared to be the orthodox. Ten years later, a controversy arose as to whether the saying of Christ* " My Father is greater than I," referred to His Divine nature, to His human, or to the union of these two natures. The question was discussed by persons of all classes, and that with an earnestness and ardour which recalls the kindred controversies in the fourth cent. (§ 80, 2). At last 266 FIRST SECTION. THIRD PERIOD (692-1153 A.D.). the view of the Emperor, that the expression referred to the God-man, carried at the Synod of Constantinople in 1166. Those who refused to submit, had their property confiscated or were exiled. A third controversy sprung up when the Emperor Manuel objected to the formula of solemn abjuration, " of the God of Mohammed" which was exacted from Moslem converts. In vain the bishops proved that the God of Mohammed was not the true God ; the formula had to be altered. — Two centuries later, the Hesychastic controversy broke out, which bore on the existence and reality of an uncreated Divine Light. The Hesychastic Controversy (1341-1351). The monks who inhabited the cloisters on Mount Athos in Thessalia were deeply imbued with the mysticism of the Pseudo-Areopagite. Following the directions given three centuries before by Simeon, Abbot of the Mamas monastery at Constantinople, these monks used artificial means to bring themselves into a state of ecstatic vision, which the Areopagite had recommended as the highest stage of genuine mystic cism. For this purpose, each cowered alone in a corner of his cell, his chin pressed against his chest, his eyes immovably fixed on the pit of his stomach, and restraining his breath as much as possible. By and by they fell into a state of melancholy, and their sight became dim ; but by persisting, these sensations gave place to ineffable delight, till at last each saw himself wrapt in a bright halo of glory. They called themselves " Quietists" (^cy^a^om?), and maintained that the halo which shone around them was the same uncreated Divine Light that on Mount Tabor had surrounded the person of the Saviour. Barlaam (§ 97, 5), who had just returned from his unsuccessful attempt at bringing about a union with the Latin Church, designated these monks as "navel-souls" (o/Jjtpcc- Xo-^wfcoi), and charged them and their defender Gregorius Palamas, afterwards Archbishop of Thessalonica, with Ditheism. But at a Council held at Constantinople (in 1341), the members of which were hostile to the efforts made by Barlaam for a union with the West, the doctrine of an uncreated Divine Light was approved, and a distinction made between this Divine znpyziu, and the Divine obaia. To escape being anathematised, Barlaam made recanta- tion ; soon afterwards he fled to Italy and joined the Latin Church. But Gregorius Acindynos, a pupil of Barlaam, and Nicephorus Gregoras, the historian, continued the controversy with the Hesy- chasts. Three other synods (up to a.d. 1351) pronounced in favour of these monks. § 100. GOVERNMENT, WORSHIP, AND MANNERS. The Byzantine emperors had always insisted on imposing their own views or desires as the law according to which even the internal affairs of the Church were to be settled. Being anointed with the § 100. GOVERNMENT, WORSHIP, AND MANNERS. 207 noly Myron, they bore the character of priests and the title of uyiog. Besides, since the time of Leo the Philosopher (§ 98, 1), most of the emperors had been more or less versed in theology. Still, the office of Patriarch, when held by a man of character, was, despite frequent and arbitrary depositions of those who occupied the See of Constan- tinople, a power which even the despots of the East were obliged to respect. The numerous monks— and through them the people — formed a mighty bulwark around the Episcopal Chair. In conse- quence of the iconoclastic controversies, Theodorus Studita (§ 96, 4) had organised the strict churchmen into a party, which strenuously resisted, on principle, every interference of the State in ecclesiastical affairs, and, among others, the filling up of ecclesiastical offices by the secular power. But these efforts were only attended with par- tial success. The monastic institutions had been almost entirely annihilated under the reign of the Isaurian dynasty. When again restored, they developed, indeed, and spread in proportion to their former decline, but rapidly degenerated in every sense of the word. The Eastern monks, who had not the great mission, devolving on their brethren in the West, of Christianising and civilising barba- rous nations, wanted the opportunities of revival, of strength, and of purification, which this great work afforded to the monks of the Latin Church. Still, if in those degenerate times we were to look for instances of stedfkst conviction, of firmness, of boldness, and of moral earnestness, we should in all likelihood find them, if any- where, among these recluses. The modifications which, during that period, took place in public worship were unimportant, although both in theory and practice slight alterations, or rather amplifica- tions, were introduced. 1. The Arsenian Schism (1262-1312). After the death of the Emperor Theodore Lascaris in 1259, Michael Palaologus usurped the guardianship of Johannes, the imperial Prince, a child only six years old, had himself crowned co-Emperor, and, to render the Prince incapable of reigning, caused his eyes to be put out. For these crimes, the Patriarch Arsenius excommunicated the Regent ; but was in turn deposed and banished (1262). The numerous ad- herents of Arsenius refused to acknowledge Joseph (§ 97, 4) as his successor in the See of Constantinople. They separated from the State Church, and gradually their admiration of the exiled patriarch changed into violent hatred of the prelate who occupied his place. When Joseph died (in 1283), it was agreed to submit the question in dispute to the test of a solemn ordeal. Each of the two parties threw a document, which embodied a defence of their views, into the 268 FIRST SECTION. THIRD PERIOD (692-1453 A.D.). fire. Of course, both documents were consumed by the flames. At the sight of this, the Arsenians, who had expected a miracle, seemed taken aback, and proposed to fall in with the opposite party. But on the day following, they revoked their concessions; and the schism continued until in 1312, when the Patriarch Niphon solemnly buried the bones of Arsenius in the Church of St Sophia, and sus- pended for forty days all those clerics who formerly had declared themselves opposed to him. 2. Public Worship. In the Greek Church the sermon still formed the principal part in the public services ; but the homiletic productions of that period are not of a character to deserve special notice. In the service of song, a revulsion of feeling took place ; and gradually uninspired hymns, especially those in honour of the Virgin and of the saints, were introduced into the Church services. The best specimens of this kind of composition date from the eighth cent. Johannes Damascenus, Cosmas of Jerusalem, and Theophanes of Nice, were regarded as the three great ayioi (jjiXoohai. The num- ber of the sacraments and their import had not yet been accurately defined. An enumeration of seven sacraments — the same as that adopted by the Latin Church during the middle ages — occurs first in the anti-protestant " Confessio Orthodoxa" of Petrus Mogilas, dating from a.d. 1643. In contradistinction to the Western Church, the Greeks insisted on the necessity of submersion in bap- tism, of the chrisma in baptism, of the use of leavened bread in the Eucharist, and of giving both elements to the laity. Johannes Damascenus still defended the doctrine of consubstantiation in the Eucharist, but later divines adopted that of transubstantiation. Extreme unction was, indeed, administered in the Greek Church ; but, unlike the practice in the Church of Rome, not merely to those who were in articulo mortis, but even to persons who were not dan- gerously ill, while, in case of a relapse, the rite was repeated. 3. Monasticism. The most renowned monasteries were those on Mount Athos in Thessalia, which was literally covered with cloisters and cells of hermits, and which to this day is venerated by the Greek Church as a holy mountain and place of pilgrimage. The monastery of Studion was also (§ 69, 4) still in high repute. — But the Eastern monks were not free from extravagances. There were innumerable Stylites who spent their lives on the top of trees, in close cages built upon high scaffoldings, or in subterranean caves. Some took a vow of perpetual silence, while many wore constantly a coat of iron, etc. A curious species of religious exercises was that in which the Ecetes (Izsrai) of the twelfth cent, indulged. These monks engaged, along with nuns who held similar views, in solemn dances, and singing of hymns to the praise of God, in imitation of Ex. xv. 20, 21. They were sound in doctrine, nor do they appear to have been charged with immorality ; still, Nicetas Acominatus represents them as a heretical sect. § 101. GNOSTIC AND MANICELEAN HEEETICS. 269 4. Reformatory Efforts. At the commencement of the twelfth cent., Constantinus Chrysomalus, a pious monk of Constanti- nople, and ten years afterwards another monk called Niphon, com- bated the prevailing tendency towards externalism and work- righteousness. Both became the leaders of wide-spread associations of clerics and laymen, who, under their spiritual direction, cultivated, as mystics, the inner religious life, but set lightly by outward ecclesi- astical forms. The two monks were excommunicated. The Patri- arch Cosmos, who would not admit that Niphon was a heretic, and indeed asked him to share his palace and table, was likewise deposed (in 1150). The reformatory efforts made by JEustathius, the distinguished Archbishop of Thessalonica, were entirely free from direct opposition to the prevailing ecclesiastical system, and hence offered no ground of attack to his enemies. He inveighed unspar- ingly against the moral and religious decay prevalent among the people, and especially against the hypocrisy, the vulgarity, coarseness, spiritual pride, and ascetic extravagances of the monks, and that although himself was enthusiastically devoted to Monasticism. Two centuries after him, Nicholas Cabasilas (§ 98, 5), a man of like spirit, insisted even more energetically that the state of the heart and mind was the test, and love the root, of all virtue. § 101. GNOSTIC AND MANICILEAN HERETICS. Comp. F. Schmid, Hist. Paulician. Oriental. Hafn. 1826. Gie- seler, Unters. ii. d. Gesch. d. Paulicianer (Inquiry into the Hist, of the Paulic), in the " Stud. u. Krit." for 1829, P. I. Engelhardt, d. Bogomilen, in that author's " Kirchengesch. Abhandl." Erlang. 1832. J. C. Wolf, Hist. Bogomil. Vit. 1712. Also Bowling's Letter to Maitland on the Paulic. London 1835. So late as the seventh century traces of the Gnostic and Mani- chasan heresies seem to have lingered in Armenia and Syria, where such views were fostered by contiguity to the Parsees. These embers were in 657 fanned afresh by Constantinus of Mananalis near Samo- sata, whose doctrinal views were almost identical with those of Marcion (§ 49, 10). The Catholics, whom this sect called " Romans," gave them the name of Paulicians, because they only acknow- ledged the apostolic authority of Paul. But they designated them- selves " Christians," and gave their leaders and congregations the titles of the companions of Paul, and of the places where he had laboured. Their system was a mixture of Mysticism, which aimed after the cultivation of the " inner life," with Dualism, Demiurgism, and Docetism. They insisted on strict, though not on excessive asceticism, opposed fasts, and allowed marriage. Their form of wor- 270 FIRST SECTION. THIRD PERIOD (692-1453 A.D.). ship was very simple, and their church government modelled after that of apostolic times. They specially protested against the many ceremonies of the Catholic Church, and against the religious honour paid to images, relics, and saints. They also enjoined diligent study of the Scriptures, but rejected what they called the Judseo-Christian Gospels and Epistles of the N. T. — Even before the Paulicians, another sect, called the " Children of the Sun," had appeared in Armenia, which sought to combine the worship of Ormuzd with certain Christian elements. Reorganised during the ninth and tenth cents., this sect acquired fresh influence. Like the Paulicians, they protested against the abuses in the Catholic Church. The same remarks apply also to the Euchites, a sect in Thracia (dur- ing the eleventh cent.), which, like their older namesakes (§ 69, 5), derived their name from engaging continuously in prayer, a prac- tice which they extolled as the indication of highest perfection. Their Dualistic and Gnostic views were adopted and further deve- loped by the Bogomiles (lovers of God, friends of God), a sect in Bulgaria (in the twelfth cent.). The latter maintained that two principles — Satanael, the elder, and Christ, the younger Son of God — had emanated from the Supreme God. Originally, Satanael had also been a good JEon ; but having revolted, he had created the terrestrial world and man. In mercy the Supreme God had breathed into man the breath of His own Divine life, and sent Christ, the younger ./Eon, for the purpose of completely redeeming him. The sect prohibited marriage, rejected the use of images and the sign of the cross, but attached great importance to fasting. The only portions of the Old Test, which they received, were the writ- ings of the Prophets and the Book of Psalms. The Gospel of John they regarded as the highest revelation. In room of the baptism with water they substituted that of the Spirit, and also rejected the celebration of Eucharist ; and in place of these rites, laid great stress on prayer, especially on the Lord's Prayer. — All these sects were charged by their Catholic opponents with holding Antinomian principles, and with indulging in orgies and unnatural vices. 1. The Paulicians (657-1115). — The Catholic controversial writers of the ninth cent, traced the sect of the Paulicians, and even their name, to a Manichgean family of the fourth cent., — Callinice, a widow, and her two sons, Paulus and Johannes. But later investi- gations have failed to discover any traces of Manichgean tenets in their system ; and the only historical fact established, is that the sect § 101. GNOSTIC AND MANICHJ3AN HERETICS. 271 was founded by Constantinus of Mananalis, who took the name of Sylvanus (the companion of Paul). Their first community, which was designated as that " of Macedonia," was established at Cibossa in Armenia. From that place Constantinus undertook missionary journeys in all directions. The Emperor Constantinus Pogonnatus (668-685) commenced a bloody persecution of the Paulicians. But the enthusiasm with which Sylvanus met death by stoning made so deep an impression on Symeon, the imperial representative, that he also joined the sect, and taking the name of Titus, became its leader. In 690 he mounted the stake with the same enthusiasm as Sylvanus. Gegnesius, his successor (who bore the byname of Timotheus), was summoned to Constantinople under the reign of Leo the Isaurian. Subjected to an examination by the Patriarch, he succeeded in obtain- ing from him a certificate of orthodoxy, and was also furnished by the Emperor (who sympathised in his hostility to images) with a letter of protection. The sect, however, became divided. Baanes, one of their leaders, was, on account of his Antinomian practices, styled " the filthy." But about 801 a new reformer arose in the person of Sergius Tychicus, who late in life was converted through the in- strumentality of a pious Paulician female, who directed his atten- tion to the Bible. Leo the Armenian (813-820) organised an expe- dition for their so-called conversion. Those who recanted were again received into the Church, those who resisted were executed. A number of Paulicians now combined against their persecutors, killed them, and sought refuge on Saracen territory, where they founded a military colony at Argaun (Colosse). Thence they made continual in- cursions into the Byzantine territory, for the double purpose of pillage and of avenging their wrongs. The sect was most numerous in Asia Minor. Under the reign of the Empress Theodora (§ 97, 4), another fearful persecution broke out. Thousands of Paulicians were exe- cuted; among others, an officer high in command. His son Carbeas, who had also been an officer, now collected about 5000 Paulicians, by whose aid he hoped to avenge the death of his parent, retired with them to Argaun, and acted as the military chief of the party. Their number daily increased by the accession of other fugitives, and the Khalifs assigned to them some fortified towns on the frontier. At the head of a well-organised army, Carbeas carried fire and sword into the Byzantine territory, and repeatedly put imperial armies to flight. At last, after two campaigns, Basilius the Mace- donian annihilated the Paulician army in a narrow defile (871). The political power of the sect was indeed broken, but it continued to spread both in Syria and Asia Minor. A century later (in 970), the Emperor John Tzimisces transported a large number of them to Thracia to guard its boundaries, where Philippopolis be- came their Zion. Their tenets rapidly spread through that country. Alexius Comnenus again addressed himself to the task of convert- ing them to Catholic views. He went in person to Philippopolis, 272 FIRST SECTION. THIRD PERIOD (G92-1453 A.D.). disputed for days with their leaders, and by promises, threats, re- wards, or punishments, as each case required, carried his purpose. After that, the sect seems to have become extinct. Those who con- tinued to entertain their views probably joined the Euchites or the Bogomiles. — The principal authority for the history of the Pauli- cians is the " Hist. Manichsorum" of Petrus Siculus, who, as impe- rial ambassador, had lived for some time among the Paulicians of Armenia. 2. The so-called " Children of the Sun," or Arevurdi's, an Armenian sect, originated in the ninth century with Sembat, a Pauli- cian. They also bore the name of Tliontrakians, from the village of Thontrake, where their church was formed. In 1002 no less a per- sonage than the Metropolitan, Jacob of Harhh, joined them. He gave a more distinctively Christian cast to their tenets, journeyed through the country preaching repentance and inveighing against work-righteousness, and made numerous converts both among the clergy and laity. The Catholicos of the Armenian Church had him branded and imprisoned. He escaped, but was ultimately killed by his opponents. 3. At the commencement of the eleventh cent, the Euchites (Messalians, Enthusiasts) attracted the attention of the Government, their opinions having widely spread in Thracia. Their tenets about two Sons of God, Satanael and Christ, are in some respects akin to that form of Parsee Dualism which represents the two antagonistic principles, Ormuzd and Ahriman, as proceeding from Zeruane Akerene, the one Supreme and Eternal Source. The seeds of this heresy may have been brought to Thracia when the Emperor Tzimisces transported the Paulicians to that province. The Byzan- tine Government sent a deputy to arrest the progress of this heresy (perhaps Michael Psellus, whose huXoyog Trepi hzpyziocg o~ai[Aovuv — Ed. Nuremberg 1838 — is our only authority about this sect). But a century afterwards, the same tenets were again broached in Bul- garia by the Bogomiles (Szotpi'koi), only more fully developed, and assuming the form of more direct opposition to the Catholic Church. The Emperor Alexius Comnenus had Basilius, the chief of the party, brought to Constantinople, and, under pretext of intending to join the sect, induced him to communicate its tenets. But while Basilius unreservedly opened his mind to the monarch, as he thought in strict confidence, a conclave of inquisitors sat concealed behind a curtain, and noted down his every statement. This first scene of the comedy was followed by another. All the adherents of Basilius, on whom the Government could lay hands, were condemned to death. Two stakes were lighted, to one of which a cross was affixed. The Emperor now entreated them at least to die as Chris- tians, and in sign of it to choose the stake at which the cross had been erected. Those who complied were pardoned, the others con- demned to imprisonment for life. Basilius alone was burnt (1119). § 102. THE ORTHODOX SLAVONIC-GREEK CHURCHES. 273 Still the sect was not annihilated. Many of the Bogomiles sought refuge in monasteries, where they propagated their views in secret. — Indeed, long after that, adherents of Manichsean views were found in Bulgaria, whence they spread their views in the West. Our principal source of information about the Bogomiles is the Panoplia of Euthymius. § 102. THE ORTHODOX SLAVONIC-GREEK CHURCHES. Comp. J. Ph. Fallmerai/er, Gesch. d. Halbinsel Morea im M. A. (Hist, of the Penins. of Morea during the M. A.). Stuttg. 1830. Vol. I.—Hanusch, d. Wiss. d. slav. My thus (Slav. Myths). Lunb. 1842. —P. J. Schafarik, slav. Alterthumer (Slav. Antiq.). Vol. II. Leipz. 1844; that author's kurze Uebers. d. altest. kirchenslav. Liter. (Brief Survey of the Old Slav. Eccl. Liter.). Leipz. 1848.— Frdhn in the Memoires de l'Acad. de St. Petersb. Vol. VIII. (1822).— Nestor s Annalen, transl. by Schlozer. Gott. 1802, 5 vols.— Karam- sm's russ. Gesch., transl. by Hauenschild. Kiga 1820. 11 vols. — Ph. Sirahl, Gesch. d. russ. K. Halle 1830. Vol. I. (incompl.).— H. J. Schmitt (Rom. Cath.)., krit. Gesch. d. neugriech. u. russ. K. Mayence 1840.— Hefele, cl. russ. K., in the Tubing. Quarterly, 1853. P. III.— Mouraviev, Hist, of the Ch. of Russia, transl. by Black- more. Oxford 1842.— J. Dobroicsky, Cyrill u. Methodius. Prague 1823.— Philaret, Cyrill u. Methodius. Mitau 1847.— J. A Ginzel, Gesch. d. Slavenap. Cyrill. u. Meth. u. d. slav. Liturgie. Leitm. 1857. Among the various races set in motion when the Western Empire was broken up, the Germans and Slavonians were destined to be- come the principal actors in the history of the world. The Ger- manic tribes joined the Roman Catholic Church ; and at first it seemed as if the Slavonic race generally would equally connect itself with the orthodox Byzantine Church. Ultimately, however, only the Eastern Slavonic countries continued in their adherence to this communion. Most of them were, about the same period as the Byzantine Church, brought under the yoke of Turkish dominion. This remark applies especially to the Church of Bulgaria, which at one time enjoyed so bright prospects. In proportion to these losses, was the accession made to the Greek Church by the conver- sion of the Russian nation. The political importance attaching to that empire, which, after having for two centuries (1223-1481) groaned under the yoke of the Mongols, rapidly grew both in extent and power, proved of great advantage to the Greek Church. It is due to the Russians that at this moment the orthodox Greek almost equals in numbers and influence the Romish Church. VOL. i. s 274 FIRST SECTION. THIRD PERIOD (602-1453 A.D.). 1. Not long after the time of Justinian, Slavonic tribes made irruptions into Macedonia, Thessalia, Hellas, and the Peloponnesus. The ancient Hellenic population of those countries was almost en- tirely exterminated ; and Greek nationality and the profession of Christianity continued to exist only in the fortified towns, especially in those along the sea-coast and on the islands. The Empress Irene was the first successfully to attempt making those new inhabitants of Greece subject both to Christianity and to the Byzantine Empire. Basilius the Macedonian (867-886) completed this effort, and that so effectually, that even the ancient heathen Mainots (§ 6Q) in the Peloponnesus submitted. Mount Athos, with its hermits and monas- teries (§ 1.00, 3), became the Zion of the new Church. 2. About 850 the Chazars in the Crimea sent to Constantinople for Christian missionaries. The Court readily complied ; and de- spatched on this errand Constantinus, surnamed the philosopher, but better known by the name of Cyrillus, which he bore as a monk. He was a native of Thessalonica, and perhaps himself of Slavonic descent ; at any rate, be knew the Slavonic language. In the course of a few years he succeeded in converting the great majority of the people. In 1016 the empire of the Chazars was swept away by the Russians. 3. The Bulgarians of Thracia and Moesia had obtained their first knowledge of Christianity through some Greek captives ; but the first germs of a Christian Church were suppressed in a bloody persecution. Not long afterwards, however, a sister of Bogoris, King of Bulgaria, was baptized at Constantinople during her capti- vity in that city. After her liberation, she sought, with the assist- ance of the Byzantine monk Methodius, a brother of Cyrill, to convert her brother to the Christian faith. The providential occur- rence of a famine, and a representation of the Last Judgment painted by Methodius, made a deep impression on the mind of Bogoris. "He was baptized, and obliged his subjects to follow his example (861). Soon after this, both Methodius and Cyrill were called to another field of labour (to Moravia, § 109), and in 866 the Czar of Bulgaria joined from political motives the Western Church. At his request, Pope Nicholas I. sent bishops and priests to Bulgaria, to organise the Church of that country in conformity with Romish usages. However, Byzantine diplomacy recalled the Bulgarians to their first allegiance ; and at the Council of Constan- tinople (869) their representatives were readily convinced that, both according to the law of God and of man, the Church of Bulgaria was subject to the ecclesiastical jurisdiction of the Patriarch of Constan- tinople (§ 97, 1). Since that time the Bulgarians remained at- tached to the Greek Church. Meantime Cyrillus and Methodius, the two apostles of the Slavonians, had invented a Slavonian alpha- bet, and translated both the Bible and the Liturgy into the verna- cular ; thus laying the foundation for an ecclesiastical literature in § 102. THE ORTHODOX SLAVONIC-GREEK CHURCHES. 275 that tongue, which rapidly sprung up, especially in Bulgaria, under the fostering care of the noble Czar Symeon (888-927). The tenth cent, formed the golden age of the Bulgarian Church ; though at that period the Bogomile heresy (§ 101, 3) made sad havoc. In 1018 Basilius II. conquered Bulgaria. 4. The conversion of the Russians to Christianity is mentioned even by Photius. Under the reign of the Grand Duke Igor, Kiev seems to have had a cathedral. Olga, the widow of Igor, undertook a journey to Constantinople, where she was baptized in 955, and took the name of Helena. But Svcetoslav, her son, refused to follow her example. According to the statement of German chroniclers, the aged princess ultimately requested the Emperor Otto I. to send German missionaries to Russia. Adalbert of Treves, afterwards Archbishop of Magdeburg, followed this call ; but returned without having achieved any result, his companions having been murdered by the way. It was reserved for Vladimir the Apostolic, the grandson of Olga, to eradicate the heathenism still rampant among his people. According to a somewhat romantic legend, that monarch had _ de- spatched "ten Bojars in order to examine the rites of the various churches. The envoys seem to have been captivated with the splendid rites which they witnessed in the Church of St Sophia at Constanti- nople. In 988 "Vladimir was baptized in the ancient Christian com- mercial city of Cherson, which the Russians had lately taken. He took in baptism the name of Basilius, and was at the same time mar- ried to the imperial Princess Anna. In every place the idols were now broken in pieces and burnt; the great image of Peroon was tied to the tail of a horse, dragged through the streets, broken with clubs, and thrown into the Dnieper. Soon afterwards the inhabitants of Kiev were ordered to assemble on the bank of the Dnieper in order to be baptized. Vladimir was on his knees by the river-side praying and thanking God, while the clergy, standing on floats, administered the sacred rite to the people. Anna proved very useful in encou- raging and directing the organisation of the Russian Church. Vladimir died in 1015. His son Jaroslav proved in Russia another Justinian. He erected many churches, monasteries, and schools^ throughout the country ; introduced improvements in the mode of celebrating public worship, especially in church music ; awakened a taste for art, and zealously promoted scientific pursuits. Russian national literature was first cultivated in the monastery of Kiev, where a native clergy was also trained. There, at the close of the eleventh cent., Nestor composed his "Annals" in the Russian lan- guage. The spiritual superintendence of the Church was committed to the Metropolitan of Kiev, who in turn was under the jurisdiction of the Patriarch of Constantinople. In 1328 both the metropolitan see and the seat of government were transferred to Moscow. But when Kiev became subject to Lithuanian princes, and the latter joined the Latin Church (Jagello 1386), Kiev was elevated to the 276 FIRST SECTION. THIRD PERIOD (692-1453 A.D.). rank of a metropolitan see for the provinces of Southern Russia, independent of the See of Moscow (1415). By dint of Polish and Jesuit intrigues, a union was brought about between that Church and the Papal See at the Synod of Brzesc in 1594. — Isidore, the Metropolitan of Moscow, also attended the Synod held at Florence in 1439, where a union with Rome was agreed upon (comp. § 97, 6), and acceded to the resolutions of that assembly. He returned as Cardinal and Papal Legate. But at a council held in Moscow the union was disavowed ; Isidore was imprisoned, but escaped and died at Rome in 1463. After that, the Metropolitan of Moscow con- tinued subject to the jurisdiction of the See of Constantinople till 1589, when, during a visit to Moscow, the Patriarch Jeremiah II. was induced to declare the Russian Church independent, and to set apart Job, at that time Metropolitan of Moscow, to be its first Patriarch. § 103. THE HERETICAL CHURCHES OF THE EAST. The Nestorian and Monophysite churches of the East maintained their independence chiefly through the protection and favour ac- corded them by the Moslem rulers. At the period of which we write, the Persian and Syrian Nestorians, but especially the Arme- nian Monophysites, displayed considerable literary activity and zeal in the prosecution of theological and other studies. They initiated the Saracens in classical, philosophical, and medical lore, and made many contributions to theological literature. For a long time the Nestorians continued also their missionary efforts. The decay of these churches, however, commenced when the rule of the Khalifs, who had encouraged intellectual pursuits, gave place to Mongol and Turkish barbarism. The period of learning and brilliancy was followed by that dulness and deadness which has ever since pre- vailed. To complete the re-union with the East, inaugurated at the Synod of Florence, Rome soon afterwards proclaimed that all the heterodox churches of the East had likewise returned to their allegi- ance to the Chair of St Peter. But this union proved in the end either a delusion or a deception. Pretended delegates from these churches solemnly applied for re-admission into the bosom of the Church, a request which was accorded with due pomp and formality. 1. The Persian Nestorians (§ 94, 2) always continued on ex- cellent terms with their Khalif rulers — a circumstance chiefly due to their opposition to the notion of a " mother of God," and to their rejection of the worship of saints, images and relics, and of priestly celibacy. Accordingly, the Khalifs regarded theirs as a kind of rational Christianity which approximated the Moslem ideal. The § 103. THE HERETICAL CHURCHES OF THE EAST. 277 Nestorian schools of Edessa, Nisibis, Seleucia, etc., were in a very flourishing state. But the extensive literature which issued from these seats of learning has not been handed down, and only frag- ments of it have been preserved in the work of Assemanus (Bibl. Orientalis). Of later Nestorian authors the best known is Ebed- Jesu, the Metropolitan of Nisibis (ob. 1318). His writings treat of every department in theology. The missionary labours of the Nestori'ans continued unabated till the thirteenth cent. China and India were the fields to which their energies were principally directed. In the eleventh cent, they induced the Chief of the Kerait, a Tartar tribe, and most of his subjects to embrace Christianity. As vassal of the great Chinese Empire, that prince bore the title of Ovang- Khan. Tidings of this conversion, adorned with the most romantic details, reached the West, where wonderful stories about the power and glory of the supposed " Priest-King John" were circulated. The mistake may have arisen from confounding the title Khan with the Chaldee Kahanah (a priest), and the name Ovang with Johannes. — When Chvnghis-Khan, the Mongol, put an end to the rule of the Khalifs (rSfTX), the Nestorian Church also declined. For a time, indeed, the Nestorians were allowed to carry on missionary labours among the Mongols, and not without success. But Tamerlane, that scourge of Asia (1369-1405), confined them within the inaccessible mountains and glens of the province of Kurdistan. 2. The most influential and important among the Monophysite churches was that of Armenia (§ 94, 3). This country enjoyed,_at least for a period, political independence, under the rule of native monarchs. Since the twelfth cent., the Armenian Patriarch resided in the monastery of Edgemiadzin, at the foot of Mount Ararat. That church attained its highest stages of literary eminence — both in the way of furnishing translations of the classics and the Fathers, and of producing original works — during the eighth, and again during the twelfth centuries. The former of these periods was adorned by writers such as the Patriarch Johannes Ozniensis and the Metropo- litan Stephen of Sunk. In the twelfth cent, flourished men of even greater distinction, such as the Patriarch Nerses Clajensis (whose epos, " Jesus the Son," was celebrated as the finest specimen of Armenian poetry), and his nephew the Metropolitan Nerses ^ of Lampron. The two latter would have readily acceded to a union with the Byzantine Church ; but the proposal could not be carried out on account of the political troubles of the time. Advances towards a union with the Latin Church were frequently made since the thirteenth cent., but failed, from the aversion towards the Komish ritual entertained by the Armenians. — At one time the Jacobite- Syrian Church (§ 82, 7) also was zealously engaged in prosecuting theological studies. The most distinguished ornament of that Church was Gregorius Abulfaragus, the son of a Jewish convert — hence commonly called Barhebrams — who first occupied the See of 278 FIRST SECTION. THIRD PERIOD (692-1453 A.D.). Guba, and afterwards became Maphrian of Mosul (ob. 1286). His generous philanthropy, his high mental endowments, his extraordi- nary learning, and his medical skill, made him equally respected by Christians, Mohammedans, and Jews. The most important and the best known of his writings is the " Chronicon Syriacum." — The Jacobite Church of Egypt stood probably lowest among Christian communities. The treason of the Copts, by which the Saracens were put in possession of that flourishing country, met with a terrible retribution. Even the Fatimide Khalifs (since 1254) oppressed them, and their position was considerably aggravated under Mame- luke domination. The Copts wholly disappeared from the towns, and even in villages the sect dragged on a miserable existence. Ecclesiastically, they sunk into a state of entire deadness. — Though Abyssinia Proper continued to be ruled by native princes, the Church in that country gradually declined to a very low level (§ 94, 1). 3. During the Crusades, the Maronites (§ 82, 8) joined, in 1182, the Church of Rome. They abjured their monothelete errors, acknowledged the supremacy of the Pope, but were allowed to re- tain their ancient rites. This union was confirmed in 1445 (in con- sequence of the movement in connection with the Council of Florence). At a later period, they also adopted the decrees of the Council of Trent. SECOND SECTION. HISTORY OF THE CHURCH IN ITS MEDIEVAL AND GEKMANIC FOEM OF DEVELOPMENT. Sources (comp. § 4) : Maxima Biblioth. Patrum. Lugd. 1G77. 27 Voll. fol. J. P. Migne, Patrologise cursus completus. Par. 1844. Series II. Eccl. Lat. 220 Voll. Labbe, Nova Biblioth. manuscr. Par. 1657. 2 Voll. fol. ; II. Ca- nisii Lectiones ant., ed. J. Basnage. Ant. 1725. 5 Voll. fol. ; L. d'Achery Spicilegium. Par. 1655. 13 Voll. fol. ; St Baluzii Miscel- lanea. Par. 167877 Voll. fol. ; E. Martene et Durandi, Vett. Scriptt. ampliss. collect™. Frcf. 1720. 12 Voll. J. Pistorii Scr. rer. German., ed. B. G. Struve. Ratisb. 1726. 3 Voll. fol. M. Freheri, Scr. rer. German., ed. B. G. Struve. Argent. 1717. 3 Voll. f. ; Melch. Goldast, Rer. Alemann. scriptt., ed. //. C. Senckenberg. Frcf. 1730. 3 Voll. f. H. J. G. Eccard, Corpus His- toric, medii sevi. Lps. 1723. 2 Voll. f . ; J. B. Mencken, Scr. rer. German. Lips. 1728. 3 Voll. fol. ; G. H. Pertz, Monumenta Ger- manise hist. Hann. 1826 sq. 13 Voll. fol. ; J. Fr. Bohmer, Regesta chronol. Diplom. Frcf. 1831 sq. ; M. G. Haimingsfeld, Coll. Const. Imperialium. Frcf. 1713 f. — A. du Chesne, Hist. Franc. Scr. Par. 1633. 5 Voll. fol. ; M. Bouquet, Rer. Gallic. Script. Par. 1736. 17 Voll. fol. — Gregor. Turonensis, Hist. eccl. Franc, ed. Ruinart. Par. 1699.— L. A. Muraiori, Rer. Italic. Script. Mediol. 1723. 28 Voll. fol._ Florez, Espagna sagrada. Madr. 1743. 46 Voll. 4.— if. Parker, Rer. Brit. Scr. vetust. Lugd. 1587 fol. ; Th. Gale, Hist. Brit. Saxon. Anglodan. Scr. Oxon. 1691. 2 Voll. fol.; H. Wharton, Anglia sacra. Loiid. 1691. 2 Voll. f . ; Beda Venerabilis, Hist. eccl. gentis An- glorum. 1. v. ed. Smith, 1722. Stevenson, 1838. J. Hartzheim, Concilia Germanise. Colon. 1759. 11 Voll. f. ; A. J. Binterim, pragm. Gesch. d. deutsch. National-, Prov.- u. Dioc- Concilien. May.l835. 6 Vols. J. Sirmond, Concilia ant. Gallic, Par. 1629. 5 Voll. f. D. Wilkins, cone. Britanise et Hibernise. Lond. 1737. 4 Voll. J. Saenz de Aguirre, Coll. max. Concill. Hisp. Rom. 1693. 4 Voll. fol. Auxiliaries : Fr. Rehm, Gesch. d. M. A. (Hist, of the Middle Ag.). Marb. 1821. 3 Vols, in 7 Parts; H. Leo, Gesch. d. M. A. Halle 1830 ; Heeren u. Ukert, europ. Staatengesch. Hamb. 1828 ; H. Luden, Gesch. d. deutsch. Volkes (Hist, of the Germ. Nat.). Gotha 1825. 12 Vols.; J. Chr. v. P/ister, Gesch. d. Deutsch. Hamb. 1829. 5 Vols. ; W. Giesebrecht, Gesch. d. deutsch. Kaiserzeit. Vols. I. and II. Braunschw. 1855, etc. ; Hallam, Middle Ages. 11 ed. London 1855; Damberger,Synd\xon. Gesch. d. K. u.Welt. Regensb. 282 SECOND SECTION. 1850, 2 Vols. ; Wachsmuth, europ. Sittengesch. (Hist, of Manners in Europe). Leipsic 1831. 5 Vols. F. C. v. Savigny, Gesch. d. rom. Reehts im M. A. (Hist, of Rom. Law in the M. A.). 2d ed. Heidelb. 1834. 6 Vols. ; K. F. Eichhorn, deutsclie Staats- u. Rechtso-esch. 5th ed. Gotta;. 1844. 4 Vols. ; F. Walter, deutsclie Rechtsgesch. Bonn 1853 ; J. Grimm, deutsche Rechtsalterthiimer (Jurid. Antiq. of Germ.). 3d ed. Gott. 1854. 2 Vols. ; K. Simrock, Handb. d. deutsch. Mythol. mit Ein- schluss d. nord. (Handb. of Germ. Mythol., including that of the North). Bonn 1855. § 104. CHARACTER AND EXTENT OF THIS PHASE OF DEVELOPMENT. A new stage in the development both of the Church and the world commenced with the appearance of the Germanic nations on the scene of history. In its influence on the character and direction of general history, and on the agencies brought to bear upon its course, the migration of nations is a unique event. Without ignor- ing the special influence exerted by the various Slavonic races, which made their appearance at a somewhat later period, it cannot be denied that they were soon drawn in the same or in an analogous direction with that of the Germanic tribes. This event must therefore be regarded as forming the boundary line between the ancient and the modem world. But the separation between the past and the com- ing development was not at once complete ; tendencies at work in the old world continued for centuries to make themselves felt along with, and by the side of, those which characterised the commence- ment of a new era. Hence, though properly beyond the sphere of the history which now commenced, they cannot be left unnoticed, since — for good or for evil — they exercised an important influence. As the general history of the Church and world, so that of the Germanic nations, may be divided into ancient and modern, bounded and separated by the great Reformation of the sixteenth cent. The former of these periods may not inaptly be likened to the figure of Janus — one face beins; directed towards the ancient, the other to- wards the modern world. We account for this from the circum- stance, that the mental development of Germanic and Slavonic nations was not the slow and painful result of personal and unaided labour. They inherited what had been acquired by the ancient world, and were thus enabled more rapidly and surely to attain their own peculiar and independent position and culture^ As the ancient Roman Church (and, so far as one important branch of the Slavonic tribes was concerned, the ancient Byzantine also) was the § 101. CHARACTER, ETC., OF THIS PHASE OF DEVELOPMENT. 283 medium through which this inheritance was conveyed, it became the teacher and schoolmaster of the world. But this tutelage could not be permanent. Having attained and being conscious of his maturity, the pupil broke these leading-strings. At the Eeformation the Saxon spirit attained its majority and became emancipated. — Thus, taking a general and broad view of it, this first stage in German ecclesiastical and secular history occupies a sort of intermediate posi- tion, and is therefore rightly designated as that of the Middle Ages. 1. The ecclesiastical history of the Middle Ages forms, as even its name indicates, a period of transition from the old to the new. Christianity had fully passed through the stages of culture peculiar to the ancient Greek and Roman world, and made them its own. It was now destined to pervade the forms of life and culture charac- teristic of those modern nations whom the migration of nations had brought to the foreground of history. But in order to attain the stage of culture for which they were fitted and designed, these peoples had first to be brought under the influence of the ancient culture. Thus a period intervened which, while forming a link of connection between the ancient and modern world, brought the stages of culture characteristic of each into conflict. Throughout the Middle Ages this conflict led to continual action and reaction, or rather to incessant formation, deformation, and reformation, which, however, in every instance appeared not separately and distinctly, but mixed together and confused. Some of the most important events and movements (such as the Papacy, Monasticism, Scholasticism, Mysticism, etc.) took their rise in the Middle Ages. But as in each and all these movements the three phases to which we have alluded continued to struggle for the mastery, neither of them attained full maturity, and each in turn degenerated. It was only in the six- teenth cent, that the reformatory element attained sufficient maturity and force to appear pure and unmixed with other tendencies. Its victory marks the close of the Middle Ages and the commencement of modern history. 2. The ecclesiastical history of Germany previous to the Eeforma- tion embraces twelve centuries, and details very varied movements. The first period closes with the extinction of the German Carolingian dynasty (911). Up to that time the general movement in ecclesi- astical matters progressed uninterruptedly, rising before the time of Charlemagne, attaining its climax during his reign, and then de- clining. This may be designated the distinctively Germanic period of history. All the princes of the Carolingian dynasty, even to its weakest representatives, were inspired by the great idea of uniting the various Germanic and kindred (Romanic or Slavonic) tribes into one Germanic Empire. This idea only died with the last of the Carolingians. After that the tendency towards separation 284 SECOND SECTION. into independent and distinct German. Romanic, and Slavonic States, which had already appeared in the ninth cent., gradually gained ground. The Carolingian period, to which we have referred, had a civilisation of its own, which decayed with it. Even the Papacy, to whose intrigues that dynasty succumbed, felt the conse- quences of its treachery, and sank into impotence and ruin. To whatever point we direct our attention, we descry at the commence- ment of the tenth cent, a fearful decay, both in Church and State, in science, in culture, and in art. The glorious achievements of Charlemagne gave place to a seculum obscurum. Still, even in the confusion and the troubles of that century we can discern the con- ditions and the germs of a new and better age. — The time of Pope Boniface VIII., or the commencement of the fourteenth cent., marks another and not less important period. Before that time Germany led and gave the tone both in secular and ecclesiastical matters. But the unsuccessful contest between Boniface and Philip the Fair of France gave an immense preponderance to France, which hence- forth led the way in all ecclesiastical movements. During this period the internal development of the Church progressed very rapidly. The Papacy, Monasticism^and Scholasticism — the most important elements in the history of the mediaeval Church — attained their high- est point before, and declined after, the time of Boniface. Again, the desire for reforms, which manifested itself throughout the Middle Ages, was quite different in these two periods. Before the time of Boniface, the representatives of the Church (Popes, Monastic Orders, and Schoolmen) seemed generally desirous for a certain measure of reform, though perhaps not of a comprehensive or entirely spiritual character. On the other hand, the instances in which a genuine and evangelical desire after reform was associated with opposition to the prevailing ecclesiasticism, were few and isolated, while frequently it appeared in combination with errors and heresies almost unparal- leled in history. Towards the close of this period, however, this state of matters was completely reversed. Not only had the Papacy, the Monastic Orders, and the Schoolmen degenerated themselves — they had become the main abettors of ecclesiastical degeneracy. Opposition to the Church, as then constituted, no longer appeared in the wake of heretical tendencies. The reformatory movement, though not entirely free from admixture of errors, became evange- lical in its spirit, and rapidly grew in strength and influence. This phase of development, then, embraces three periods : that between the fourth and the ninth cent., that between the tenth and the thirteenth cent., and that which comprised the fourteenth and fifteenth cent. § 105. CHRISTIANITY AND THE GERMANS. 285 FIRST PERIOD OF ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY IN ITS MEDIEVAL AND GERMANIC FORM OF DEVELOPMENT. FROM THE FOURTH TO THE NINTH CENT. Comp. F. W. Rettberg, K.-G. Deutschlands (bis zum Tode Karls d. Gi\). Leipz. 1853. 2 Vols. — W. Kraft, die K.-G. der german. Volker. Berlin 1854. Vol. I. — H. Riickert, Culturgesch, d. deutsch. Volkes in d. Zeit d. Ueberganges aus d. Heidenth. in das Christenth. (Hist, of Germ. Civilis. daring the time of Trans, from Heathen. to Christian.). Leipz. 1853. 2 Vols. — W. C. Perry, The Franks. London 1857. — Also generally : Hardivick, Hist, of the Chr. Ch., Middle Age. Cambridge 1853 ; Robertson, Hist, of the Chr. Ch. (590-1122). London 1856. I. ESTABLISHMENT, SPREAD, AND LIMITATIONS OF THE GERMAN CHURCH. § 105. CHRISTIANITY AND THE GERMANS Before the Germans appeared on the stage of history, Europe was chiefly peopled by Celtic races. In Britain, Spain, and Gaul, these tribes were conquered by the Romans, and became amalgamated with them ; while in the north, the east, and the centre of Europe they were expelled, exterminated, or absorbed by the Germans. When Christianity extended over the face of Europe, the Celtic race existed as a distinct nationality only in Ireland and Scotland, as even among the neighbouring Britons it had already become mixed with Romanic elements. Hence but a very narrow territory was left on which Christianity might assume the peculiar Celtic form of development. Our knowledge of this phase of ecclesiastical life is derived from the few notices left us of Irish monasteries, and of the resistance offered to the introduction of the Romish Confession (§ 107). But even before the time of Christ, the Germanic races had fol- 286 SECOND SECTION. FIRST PERIOD (CENT. 4-9 A.D.). lowed the Celts, and migrated from the East into Europe. They were in turn succeeded by the Huns, by the Slavonic and Magyar tribes. So early as the commencement of the fourth cen- tury, the Germans were brought into contact with Christianity. Only one century elapsed when a number of powerful peoples of Germanic descent professed the Gospel. Since that period each century, till late in the Middle Ages, witnessed fresh national addi- tions to the Church from among that race. These great results have sometimes, though erroneously, been traced to a peculiar natural and national predisposition for Christianity. But while we gladly admit its existence — at least in some measure, we deny that the Germans were in consequence of it attracted to Christianity, as at that time it was preached. In our opinion, it manifested itself chiefly after Christianity had by other instrumentality gained an entrance, and only appeared fully at the time of the Reformation. For this predisposition bore reference to the profoundest bearings of Christianity, which were neglected and ignored in the ecclesiasti- cal externalism of earlier days. It was the task of the Germanic Church to develop and to bring prominently forward these aspects of the Gospel. 1. Much of what has been vaunted about the special predispo- sition of the Germans towards Christianity, is either exaggerated or based upon misapprehension. Admitting that in German Mytho- logy many deep thoughts, concealed under the garb of poetic legends, bear evidence of the high religious aspirations, the intellectual endowments, and the remarkable spiritual anticipations of the Germanic race, and as such may have formed a preparation for Christian truth, it will scarcely be maintained that these charac- teristics apply to it in greater measure than to the myths, specula- tions, or mysteries of ancient Greece. To our mind, the predisposition should rather be traced to the peculiar character of German national life. There we notice the devotedness and attachment of vassals to- wards their lord, which formed so marked a peculiarity of the German mind, and which, when applied to Christ as the Heavenly King, con- stitutes the very essence of Christianity — even personal surrender to the Saviour, a close and affectionate relationship towards Him, and dependence on Him for justification by faith alone, which even an Augustine, that Paul among the Fathers, was unable to compre- hend in all its breadth and fulness. In connection with this senti- ment, we also note the native readiness to combat and to persevere in their struggles for their rightful lord, which, when directed towards the Gospel, constitutes the main characteristic of practical Christianity — the pressing forward through contests to victory. Again, the Ger- man love of freedom offered, when sanctified by Christianity, a fitting § 105. CHRISTIANITY AND THE GERMANS. 287 form and expression for the glorious liberty of the children of God ; while even Tacitus speaks of the spirituality of those religious rites which predisposed them to the worship of God " in spirit and in truth (nee cohibere parietibus Deos, neque in ullam humani oris speciem adsimulare, ex magnitudine ccelestium arbitrantur)\" 2. The circumstance, that so many Germanic tribes abopted Christianity without offering almost any resistance, is most readily explained by the untenable character of the Pagan supersti- tions prevailing at the time. In general, heathenism can only thrive on its own native soil. Transplanted to Europe, the superstitions of those tribes did not strike root during the turmoil and the movements of the period which followed their importation. But if centuries were allowed to elapse before the Gospel was introduced — as in the case of the Frisians, the Saxons, the Danes, etc. — the opposition to its doctrines was much stronger. Another element which either materially aided or else impeded the spread of Christianity, was the presence or the want of Christian institutions dating from the times of Roman domination. In districts where heathenism had reigned wholly undisturbed, the superstitions imported by the Germans soon found a firm lodgment. But where Christianity had once gained admittance, the elevated culture, and superior intellectual power associated with it, rendered the full and free development of heathenism impossible, even though the Gospel was for a time suppressed in the district. Besides, in many instances, the alliances of heathen rulers with Christian princesses led to the conversion of the former, and with them of all their subjects. No doubt the same causes must also frequently have operated in the more narrow circle of the family or the clan. Such influences were peculiarly charac- teristic of the Saxon tribes, who alone assigned so high a place to woman : Inesse quin etiam (says Tacitus) sanctum aliquid et pro- vidum putant, nee aut consilia earum adspernantur, aut responsa neffliffunt. 3. Judging from the ordinary practice of the Church (and not to speak of the wholesale conversions accomplished by Christian princes through fire and sword), both baptism and conversion must have been generally regarded as an opus operatum; and whole heathen tribes were baptized without having previously obtained a proper knowledge of salvation, or undergone a change of heart or mind. This can, of course, be neither approved nor commended. At the same time, it must be admitted that only in this manner considerable and rapid results could have been obtained ; nay, that in the infant state of the German races, something may be said in favour of this practice. A survey of the past would direct the Church, in its con- test with German Paganism, to use other weapons than those which had been employed in the conflict with the heathenism of Greece and of Rome. In the latter case, Christianity w r as brought to bear on society in its highest state of cultivation,— on a world which, so to 288 SECOND SECTION. FIRST PERIOD (CENT. 4-9 A.D.). speak, had grown old, and come to despair of its powers and capa- bilities, and where the experience and history of the preceding ten centuries served as " a schoolmaster to Christ." It was far other- wise with the Germanic races. If, therefore, Roman society might be compared to a proselyte who in riper years, and after having passed through many experiences, is admitted into the Church, the conversion of the Germans may be likened to a baptism administered during infancy. § 106. VICTORY OF CATHOLICISM OVER ARIANISM. Comp. W. Kraft, K. G. d. germ. Volker. Vol. l.—Ch. Waitz, ti. d. Leben u. d.Lehre d. Ulfila (The Life and Teaching of Ulf.). Hann. 1840. 4.— J. Aschbach, Gesch. d. Westgothen. Frcf. 1827.— Helfferich, Entst. u. Gesch. d. Westgothen R. Berlin 1859. — F. W. Lembke, Gesch. v. Spanien (Hist, of Spain) Vol. I. Hamb. 1831. — -P. Papencordt, Gesch. d. vand. Herrsch. in Afr. (Hist, of Vandal Domin. in Afr.). Berl. 1837.— J. C. F. Manso, Gesch. d. ostgoth. Reiches in Ital. Bresl. 1824.— J. E. v. Koch- Sternf eld, d. Reich d. Langob. in Ital. Mun. 1830.— H. Leo, Gesch. d, italien. Staaten. Vol. I. Hamb. 1829.— J. W. Loebell, Gregor v. Tours u. seine Zeit. Leipz. 1839. — A. Thierry, Recit des temps Merovin- giens. Par. 1842. 2 Vols. ; Revillont, de l'Arian. des peuples Germaniques. Gren. 1850. When Christianity made its first great conquests in Germany, Arianism was the dominant creed in the Roman Empire. Internal dissensions and external dangers obliged a portion of the Goths, during the latter half of the fourth century, to seek alliances with the Eastern Empire, and to purchase its protection by making a profession of Arianism. Within a short time, the missionary la- bours of a number of native priests, directed by Bishop Ulfila, led to the spread of Arianism among numerous other Germanic races, though we are unable to trace its exact progress. About the end of the fifth century, more than half of the German race — the Ostro- goths and Visigoths, the Vandals, Sueves, Burgundians, Longo- bards, Herulians, Rugians, Gepidre, and others— professed that creed. But as the friendly relations subsisting between these tribes and the Roman Empire had prepared the way for the spread of Arianism, so the hostilities which ensued after Rome had again adopted the Catholic faith, were partly the cause of their tenacious and even fanatical adherence to that heresy. Arianism had, indeed, become wellnigh the national creed of Germany; and it almost seemed destined to obtain possession of all Germany, and with it of future history. But these prospects were speedily annihilated by § 106. VICTORY OF CATHOLICISM OVER ARIANISM. 289 the conversion of one of the most powerful Germanic tribes to Catholicism. From the first the policy of the Franks had been directed against their strong kindred around them, rather than against the Eoman domination, which was rapidly nearing its end. The same policy also dictated their adoption of Catholicism. Rely- ing on the protection of Him whom Catholic Christendomworshipped, and on the sympathies of the Western Catholics, the Prankish rulers undertook the double mission of suppressing heresy and of conquer- ing heretical countries. It was, therefore, their policy to renounce the former, in order to find occasion for the attainment of the latter object. 1. The Goths in the Countries along the Danube. Christianity had been introduced among the Goths about the middle of the third century by Roman captives. Theophilus, a Gothic bishop, is mentioned as one of the members of the Council of Nice in 325. The zeal and success of Bishop Ulfilas, a descendant of a captive Christian family from Cappadocia, who since 348 preached to the Visigoths, among whom Arianism had struck root even at that period, excited the enmity of the heathen, which broke out in a bloody persecution (355). Accompanied by a large number of his Gothic converts, Ulfilas fled across the Danube, where the Emperor Constantius, who regarded the Bishop as a second Moses, assigned to his flock a district of country. Ulfilas continued his successful labours for thirty-three years. To give his people access to the sacred oracles, he translated the Bible into the Gothic language, for which he had constructed an alphabet (ob. 388). Full details of his life and teaching are given by Auxentius, Bishop of Dorosto- rus (Silistria), a pupil of Ulfilas, in a short biography of the Apostle of the Goths, which Waits has lately discovered (see above). — But all the Gothic converts had not left their country with Ulfilas. Those who remained behind proved a leaven to the heathen around. Accordingly, about 370,Athanarich, King of the Thervingians, raised another persecution. Soon afterwards, a rebellion broke out among the Thervingians. Frithigern, the leader of the discontented, was indeed worsted, but obtained assistance from the Emperor Valens, and, in gratitude for this aid, along with his adherents, adopted Arianism. This was the first instance in which the Goths embraced Christianity in considerable numbers. Soon afterwards (in 375), the victories of the Huns swept away the empire of the Ostrogoths. A portion of that people was obliged to join their conquerors, while another part on their flight invaded the country of the Thervingians (or Visigoths). The latter retreated ; and, under the leadership of Frithigern and Alaviv, crossed the Danube, where Valens assigned them a territory on condition of their conversion to Arianism (in 376). But this good understanding was of short duration, and VOL. I. T 290 SECOND SECTION. FIRST PERIOD (CENT. 4-9 A.D.). in 378 Valens fell in a war against them. Theodosius, who restored the Catholic faith in the Empire, concluded peace with them. The Thervingians continued in their adherence to the Arian creed, which — by means not yet ascertained — spread to the Ostrogoths, and to other cognate tribes. St Chrysostom despatched Catholic evange- lists among them ; but the mission was discontinued after his death. 2. The Visigoths in Gaul and Spain. The death of Theo- dosius (in 395), and the partition of his empire, was the signal for the Visigoths to enlarge their borders. Alaric laid waste Greece, penetrated into Italy in quest of booty, and plundered Rome. Ataxdf, his successor, settled in Southern Gaul ; and Wallia founded the empire of which Toulouse was the capital, and which attained its highest prosperity under the reign of Euric (ob. 483). Euric enlarged his territory in Gaul, and in 475 conquered the greater part of Spain. It was his desire to strengthen his government by introducing political and religious uniformity in his dominions. But his zeal for the spread of Arianism met with unexpected and stub- born resistance, which violent persecutions failed to remove. The Romanic part of the population and the Catholic bishops longed for a Catholic ruler. Nor were their hopes to be disappointed. Clovis, King of the Franks, who had recently been converted (496), became the avenger and deliverer of the Catholics in Southern Gaul. The battle of Vougle, near Poitiers (in 507), put an end to the rule of the Visigoths on this side the Pyrenees. But they main- tained themselves in Spain, where their hostility to the Catholics led to fresh troubles. A. fearful persecution raged, in 585, under the reign of Leovigild. Recared, his son and successor, at last per- ceived the folly and danger of this policy. At the third Synod of Toledo in 589, he adopted the Catholic faith; and, aided by Leander, the excellent metropolitan of Seville, he speedily rendered it the dominant creed all over Spain. But under the succeeding monarchs the power of the Visigoths gradually declined, through treason, murders, and the rebellions excited by hostile factions. In 711, Roderic, their last king, succumbed in the battle of Xeres de la Frontera to the Saracens, who from Africa invaded Spain. — Principal Sources : Procopius (about 540) de bello Goth. ; Jornan- des (about 550) de rebus Geticis ; Idatii Chronicon ; Isidori Hispal. hist. Goth. 3. The Vandals in Spain and Africa. At the commence- ment of the fifth cent, the Vandals, who at that period already pro- fessed Arianism, passed, in company with the Alani and Suevi, from Pannonia into Gaul (in 406), and thence into Spain (in 409), laying waste that flourishing country. In 428 Bonif actus, the Roman Governor of Africa, unjustly outlawed as a traitor, in self-defence called in the aid of the Vandals. Genseric, their king, marched to his succour at the head of 50,000 men (in 429). In vain Boniface, who in the interval had made his peace with the Court, now § 106. VICTORY OF CATHOLICISM OVER ARIANISM. 291 used every effort to induce the barbarians to withdraw. Genseric conquered Northern Africa, where he founded a strong empire; in 455 he appeared even in Rome, when, for fourteen days, the city was plundered by his wild hordes. To put an end to all intercourse between Africa and the Roman Empire, he resolved on forcing the Arian creed upon his subjects, — a plan which, during the fifty years of his reign, he prosecuted with most consistent and unparalleled cruelty (ob. 477). But the Catholics of Africa endured these per- secutions with a stedfastness which recalls the martyrs of the second and third cent. Huneric, his son and successor, gave the Catholics only a short period of reprieve. In 483 the persecution recom- menced (ob. 484). Under the reign of Gunthamund (ob. 496) the Catholics enjoyed peace ; but Thrasamund (ob. 523) again resorted to the former bloody measures. Hilderic (ob. 530), a mild ruler, and the son of a Catholic mother, openly favoured the persecuted. This excited the dissatisfaction of the Arians, who rose in rebellion under the leadership of Gelimer, a great-grandson of Genseric. Hilderic was taken prisoner and executed. But before the new ruler had time to carry into execution his bloody purposes, Belisarius, the general of Justinian, appeared in Africa, and in the battle of Tricameron (533) destroyed both the Vandal army and empire.— Sources: Victoris, Ep. Vitensis (about 487) hist, persecut. Vandal. ; Procopius de bello Vandal. ; Isidori Hispal. hist. VandaL et Sue- vorum. 4. The Suevi were still Pagans when in 409 they entered Spain in company with the Vandals. Under the reign of Rechiar they now adopted the Catholic faith. But in 465 Remismund and his whole people adopted Arianism to please the Visigoths. Charraric,^ whose son was miraculously healed by the relics of St Martin of Tours, again returned to the Catholic Church (in 550). With the aid of St Martin, Bishop of Duma, he succeeded in inducing his people to follow his example — a work which was completed at a national Synod held at Braga (in 563), under the reign of Theo- demir I. In 585 the Visigoths under Leovigild put an end to the rule of the Suevi. 5. The Burgundians, whom in 406 the Vandals, Suevi, and Alani had in their march drawn away from their former settlements by the banks of the Maine and the Neckar (where they had professed the Catholic faith), founded an independent state in the district of the Jura. Brought into contact with the Visigoths, most of them adopted the Arian creed. Of the four princes who parted among them the kingdom of Gundric, their father, only one, Chilperic II., the father of Clotilda, continued a Catholic. Gimdobakl, his brother, having murdered his kindred, possessed himself of their dominions. But the zeal and labours of Avitus, Bishop of Vienne, prevented the spread of Arianism, and both Sigismond, the son of Gundobald, and his subjects returned into the Catholic Church at the Diet of Epaon 292 SECOND SECTION. FIRST PERIOD (CENT. 4-9 A.D.). in 517. But in the eyes of Clotilda, the wife of Clovis, King of the Franks, even this conversion could not atone for the guilt of Sigis- mond's father. Her sons avenged their maternal grandfather, and put an end to the Burgundian monarchy in 534. Principal Source: Gregorii Turon. hist. Francorum. 6. In conjunction with the Heruli, the Schyri, and the Turce- lingi, the Rugians had founded an independent state (in what presently constitutes Lower Austria), and called it Rugiland. Their religion consisted of a mixture of heathen practices with Arianism, which had spread among them from their Gothic neighbours. The Catholic Eomans whom they found in the country were much oppressed by them. But since 454 St Severinus (ob. 482) laboured in that district, a messenger truly sent from on high to cheer and uphold these persecuted people. Even the barbarians were con- strained to pay him reverence; and his influence over both heathen and Arians was almost unlimited. He is said to have announced the future greatness of Odoacer. That prince put an end to the Western Empire, and for seventeen years ruled over Italy with equal firmness and wisdom. Odoacer abolished (in 487) Rugian rule, and with it Arian persecution, in Rugiland. But soon after- wards Theoderic, the Ostrogoth, invaded Italy, took Ravenna after a siege of three years, made Odoacer prisoner, and treacherously killed him at a banquet (493). 7. The Ostrogoths had become converts to Arianism long be- fore they conquered Italy, but they were free from the fanaticism which characterised that religious party in almost every part of Germany. Theoderic afforded protection to the Catholic Church ; he valued and fostered Roman culture — acts of which the credit is certainly due in part to Cassiodorus, the excellent counsellor of the Ostrogoth monarch (§ 77, 6). This large-spirited toleration was the more readily accorded, since, from the protracted schism (lasting for 35 years, § 82, 5), no dangerous political combination between the Catholics of the East and the West was to be apprehended. Accord- ingly, when this schism ceased in 519, Theoderic began to take a more lively interest in the progress of the Arian Church, and to view the Catholics with some measure of suspicion. He died in 526. The Emperor Justinian availed himself of the confusion consequent on the death of Theoderic to regain Italy. At the close of a war which lasted for twenty years, Narses, the Byzantine general, had swept away the last traces of Ostrogoth domination. On its ruins the Byzantine rule was again raised, under the name of an Exarchate, and with Ravenna as its capital. During that period the rule of Arianism in Italy was of course at an end. Principal Sources:^ Procopius, de bello Goth. ; Jornandes, de reb. Geticis ; Cassiodori Varia et Chronic. 8. The Lombards in Italy. In 568 the Langobards left their homes by the banks of the Danube, under the leadership of Alboin § 106. VICTORY OF CATHOLICISM OVER ARIANISM. 293 invaded Italy, and conquered that portion called, after them, Lom- bardy, with Ticinum (Pavia) its capital. The successors of Alboin extended their conquests till only the southern extremity of Italy, the districts along the sea-shore, and a number of fortified towns in the interior, remained under Byzantine rule. Incited by love of plunder and suspiciousness, the Lombards, who professed Arianism, for twenty years waged equal warfare against Roman civilisation and Roman Catholicism. But after the first storm of persecution had passed, religious indifferentism again prevailed, and the spiritual impotence of the Arian clergy proved unequal in the contest with Catholicism. Pope Gregory the Great (590-604) — a prelate equally wise and energetic — gave himself with untiring zeal to missionary labours. He found a powerful auxiliary in Queen Theodelinda, a Bavarian princess, and a devoted Catholic. So enthusiastic were the Langobards in their admiration of their beautiful and amiable queen, that when Authari, her husband, was killed the first year after her marriage, they allowed her to select among the Lombard dukes one to whom she would give her hand, and whom they would acknowledge their king. Her choice fell on Agilulf, who indeed continued an Arian, but did not oppose the spread of Catholicism among the people. Under the reign of Grimoald (ob. 671) the work of converting the Langobards to the Catholic Church was completed, and soon afterwards they adopted the language and manners of Rome. (Comp. § 112, 1.) — Principal Source: Pauli Diac, de gestis Langb. Lb. VI. 9. The Franks in Gaul. Roman domination continued for a time in Gaul, even after Odoacer had in 476 put an end to the Western Empire. But the victory of Soissons, which in 486 Cldl- deric, the Meroyingian, gained over Syagrius, the Roman Governor, terminated that rule. In 493 Clovis (481-511) espoused Clotilda, a Burgundian princess (see above, note 5). The young queen, who was devotedly attached to the Catholic faith, used every effort to convert her heathen husband. For a long time the national pride of the Frankish ruler resisted her endeavours, though he consented to have their first-born son baptized. The death of this infant ap- peared to Clovis an indication of the displeasure of his gods. Still he could not resist the entreaties of his wife, and their second son was likewise admitted into the Church. This infant also was taken dan- gerously ill ; but the earnest prayers of his mother were followed by his unexpected recovery, and Clovis learned that the God of the Christians was able to disarm the vengeance of Wuotan. The cir- cumstance recurred to the mind of the king when, in the battle of Tolbiac (in 496) against the Alemanni, he was threatened with de- feat, with the loss of his empire and of his life. The prayers offered to his gods had remained unanswered: he now addressed himself to the God of the Christians, vowing to adopt that faith if he were delivered from his imminent danger. Immediately the aspect of the battle 294 SECOND SECTION. FIRST PERIOD (CENT. 4-9 A.D.). changed. The army and the empire of the Alemanni were destroyed. True to his promise, Clovis was baptized in Rheims, at Christmas 496, by Remigius, the Archbishop, who addressed him in the words: " Bend thy neck, proud Sicamber ; adore what thou hadst set on fire; set on fire what thou hadst adored." (Legend afterwards adorned the event with miraculous details. It seems, that when the attendant who carried the phial with the oil destined for anointing Clovis was unable to make his way through the crowd, in answer to the prayer of Remigius a white dove brought from heaven another phial, ever since used in the coronation of the French kings.) According to the measure of his knowledge, Clovis was sincere and earnest in his pro- fession of Christianity. Most of the nobles and of the people soon followed his example. Not that he had undergone any change of heart : he had made a compact with the God of the Christians, and he was prepared faithfully to observe its terms. It affords sad proof of the low state of religion at the time, that the grossest faith- lessness, treason, and assassination stained the life of Clovis after his baptism. And yet the Catholic clergy of the West extolled him as another Constantine, and as divinely appointed to root up heathenism and Arianism. Regarding this as the mission entrusted to him, they neither asked nor expected more at his hands. However, the conversion of Clovis proved an event of the greatest importance, since it sealed the doom of the barbarous and fanatical Arianism of the German tribes. Along with its creed, the Catholic Church in- troduced the civilisation and literature of the ancient world. Thus trained, the Germans founded an empire destined for many centuries to continue the centre around which the history of the world was to revolve. — Principal Source : Gregorii Turon. hist. Francorum eccles. (Comp. also for the hist, of the Franks, Dr Perry, The Franks. London, Longman, 1857.) § 107. VICTORY OF THE ROMISH OVER THE BRITISH CONFESSION. Comp. Jac. Usserii, Britann. ecclesiae antiquitt. Lond. 1687 fol. Fr. Murder, die altbrit. Kirche (in the theol. Stud. u. Krit. for 1833). C. Fr. Stdudlin, K. G. v. Grossbrit. Gottg. 1819. 2 Vols. — Th. Moore, History of Ireland; J. Lanigan, Eccl. Hist, of Ire- land. 2d ed. 4 Vols. — J. M. Lappenberg, Gesch. von England. Vol. I. Hamb. 1834 ; J. Lingard (R. Cath.), Antiquities of the Anglo-Saxon Ch. ; K. Schrodl (R. Cath.), d. 1 Jahrh. d. engl. Kirche (the First Cent, of the Engl. Ch.) ; C. G. Schoell, de Ecc. Britt. Scotorumque hist, fontibus. Ber. 1851. — Wilkins, Concilia Brit, et Hibernica. London 1737. 4 Vols, fob; Spelmanni Cone. Deer. Const, in re Eccl. orbis Brit, (to the year 1531 — more com- plete than Wilkins). 2 Vols. fol. 1639-64 ; Bedce Venerabilis Hist. Eccl. gentis Anglor. ; Wharton's Anglia Sacra ; and the authorities quoted in Robertson, Hist, of the M. Ages, pp. 1 5 et seq. § 107. VICTORY OF ROMISH OVER BRITISH CONFESSION. 295 An old legend has it, that a British king, Lucius by name, had so early as the middle of the second century requested Eleutherus, Bishop of Koine, to send him Christian missionaries, and that both he and his people had been converted by their preaching. Without attaching importance to this tradition, it is certain that since the close of the second cent. Christianity had struck root in that part of Britain which was under Roman domination. Up to the time of the Anglo-Saxon invasion (in 449) the British Church entertained close and continual communication with the sister-churches on the Continent, especially with those of Gaul and Rome. But after that, Christianity ceased to be professed except along the west coast, and the relations between the British and foreign churches were in- terrupted. When, after an interval of 150 years, a Romish mission arrived (in 597) to renew the former intercourse, it appeared that the British ecclesiastical system differed from that of Rome (which during that period had developed) on many points connected with worship, government, and discipline. Rome insisted on conformity — ■ a demand which the Britons strenuously resisted. The chief objection of the British Church lay against the claims of the Romish hierarchy. These divergences have sometimes been traced to the supposed cir- cumstance that the British Church had originally been founded by missionaries from Asia Minor— a statement which rests on no historical grounds. Nor is it necessary to refute the assertions of some, who vaunt that apostolical Christianity had been preserved in its purity among the ancient Britons, and speak of their evangelical opposition to the erroneous teaching and ordinances of the Church of Rome. In point of fact, the religion of Britain and of Rome was essentially the same: in both, the same tendency to superstition appears ; in both churches we have the worship of saints and of relics, the sacrifice of the mass, asceticism, and work-righteousness. Only, that the clergy of Britain had not the same hierarchical pre- tensions as that of Rome; and that, in consequence of the struggle which now ensued, more broad and liberal views were broached than had at first been entertained. At first, indeed, victory seemed to in- cline towards the National Church; but ultimately the contest ended in the complete suppression of the British Confession. In Germany, where the conflict was renewed, it terminated in the same manner, not- withstanding the exertions made by the British missionaries (§ 108). A very deep interest attaches to this contest. If the British Confes- sion had prevailed, as at one time seemed probable, not England only, but also Germany, would from the first have stood in direct 296 SECOND SECTION. FIRST PERIOD (CENT. 4-9 A.D.). antagonism to the Papacy, — a circumstance which would have given an entirely different turn both to the Ecclesiastical and the Political History of the Middle Ages. 1. Chief Peculiarities of the British Confession. The Easter cycle of nineteen years, which Dionysius Exiguus had introduced (§ 86, 3), was not adopted in Britain. Consequently, although the British were not Quartodecimani, they reckoned Easter-time diffe- rently from Rome. Further, instead of the Romish " tonsura Petri" (§ 70, 3), our native clergy had a peculiar form of tonsure, the whole forepart of the head being shaved. They also refused to submit to the injunction of clerical celibacy, and to acknowledge the -primacy of Rome ; they rejected auricular confession, the doctrine of purga- tory, the tenet which made marriage a sacrament, the stringent ordi- nances of Rome in regard to degrees of fictitious affinity, etc. But all these differences arose not from any doctrinal divergence ; at least, if such existed, it was never mentioned. Indications, however, are not awanting that Pelagianism found more favour among the Britons (perhaps from the nationality of its author) than in the Western Church generally. The ancient British clergy bore the name of Culdees (Kele-De, colidei = servi Dei). Comp. Smith, Life of S. Col. Edinb. 1798; J. Jamieson, Hist. Account of the Ancient Culdees of Iona. Edinb. 1811 ; J. G. J. Braun, de Culdeis. Bonn. 1840, 4 ; Russell, Hist, of the Ch. in Scotland. 2. So early as the commencement of the fifth century, Christianity had been introduced among the Celtic inhabitants of Ireland. The missionary labours of Palladius, a deacon from Rome (in 431), were indeed unsuccessful ; but in 432 St Patrick, the Apostle of Ireland, accompanied by twenty-four fellow-labourers, arrived on its shores. Tradition fixes on Kilpatrick as his native place ; himself mentions Bonave (in Gaul) as the residence of his father. His proper name is said to have been Succat. In his sixteenth year, pirates had carried him to Ireland, and sold him to an Irish chief, whose flocks he tended for six years. After his liberation, the con- straining power of the love of Christ made him choose active Chris- tian service ; his thoughts and feelings took the form of night-visions ; and he resolved to proclaim the glorious liberty of the children of God to those who had so long held him in abject slavery. Well acquainted with the language and customs of the country, he assembled the people by beat of drum in the open air, and related to them the sufferings of Christ for the salvation of men. Although the Druids opposed all their influence to his efforts, his amiable and commanding character disarmed hostility. Not one martyr fell ; and after a few years, all Ireland was converted to Christ, and the country covered with churches and monasteries. Patrick himself resided in the district of Macha. Around his dwelling the town of Armagh (afterwards the metropolitan see of Ireland) sprung up. He § 107. VICTORY OF ROMISH OVER BRITISH CONFESSION. 297 died in 465, leaving the Church of Ireland in the most flourishing state. The numerous monasteries, whose inmates combined deep piety with ardent study of the Scriptures, and of whom so many went forth to teach and to preach in all countries, gained for Ireland the title of Insula Sanctorum. The Irish monasteries only declined after the incursions of the Danes in the ninth century. Under the title of " Confessiones," St Patrick himself has left us an autobio- graphy, which is still extant. 3. Ninian or Nynias, a Briton, who had been educated at Rome, commenced, about the year 430, his labours among the Celtic Picts and Scots of Caledonia. But after his death, those whom he had converted again relapsed into heathenism. The work thus begun was more effectually resumed by CrimtJian, an Irishman, whose name was changed by his friends to Columba, to designate his dove-like character. Accompanied by twelve of his pupils, he embarked in 563 for the island of Hy, the present lona {i.e., Insula Sanctorum) or Icolumbhill, where he founded a monastery and a church, and whence he converted all Caledonia. Although to his death he continued a simple presbyter, and abbot of the monastery of lona, he exercised, in virtue of his apostolic authority, superin- tendence over the whole Caledonian Church, and ordained its bishops — a privilege which his successors in the abbacy of lona re- tained. He died in 597. The numerous monasteries which he founded, emulated those of Ireland in the learning, piety, and mis- sionary zeal of their inmates. This remark applies especially to the monastery of lona. 4. Romish Mission among the Anglo-Saxons. Vortigem, King of Britain, called in the aid of the Germans who inhabited the opposite coast, for the purpose of warding off the predatory in- vasions of the Picts and Scots. Hengist and Horsa, two exile chiefs from Jutland, obeyed the summons, at the head of a large number of Angles and Saxons (in 449). These arrivals were followed by others, till, at the end of a century, only the west coast of their country was left to the Britons. The Angles and Saxons formed seven monarchies, over whose rulers the Bretwalda — or leader of their armies — exercised supreme sway. The Anglo-Saxons were heathens ; and the hostility between them and the ancient Britons rendered missionary activity on the part of the latter impossible. But Rome supplied what they had omitted to do. The sight of some Anglo-Saxon youths, exposed for sale in the slave-market at Rome, inspired a pious monk— afterwards Pope Gregory I. — with the desire of seeing a people of such commanding appearance adorned with the beauty of the Gospel. His elevation to the Papal See prevented his commencing the work himself, as at first he had purposed. But he purchased some of these Anglo-Saxon youths, and had them educated for missionary work among their countrymen. Soon after- wards, when the Bretwalda, Etlielbert of Kent, espoused Bertha, a 298 SECOND SECTION. FIRST PERIOD (CENT. 4-9 A.D.). Frankish princess, Gregory sent Augustine, a Roman abbot, to England, accompanied by forty monks (596). Ethelbert provided them with a residence and support atDorovernum (Canterbury), his own capital. At Pentecost of the year succeeding that of their ar- rival, the king was baptized, and 10,000 of his subjects followed his example. Augustine wrote to Gregory for further instructions, for relics, books, etc. The Pope complied with his request, and at the same time sent him the Pallium, assigning to him the dignity of Archbishop of the Saxon and British Church. Augustine now called upon the Britons to submit to his authority, and to join him in labouring for the conversion of the Saxons. But the Britons re- jected these overtures. A personal interview with their leaders, held under the oak of Augustine, led to no better result. A second conference terminated in the same manner, chiefly owing to the prelatical arrogance of Augustine, who would not rise when the Britons made their appearance. The latter were at that time dis- posed to yield ; but, at the suggestion of a hermit, they had fixed on this mark of respect as an omen. Its absence now decided them. On the death of Augustine, in 605, the Pope appointed Laurentius, the assistant of the British prelate, his successor. But Eadbald, the heathen son and successor of Ethelbert, persecuted the missionaries so much, that they even resolved to quit the field (616). Lauren- tius alone delayed his departure, to make a last attempt to convert Eadbald himself. He was successful : the king was baptized, and the fugitive priests retiuned to their former duties. — Augustine had introduced Christianity in Essex ; but a change of government was followed by a restoration of heathenism. Soon afterwards, Christianity was established in Northumbria, the most powerful state in the Heptarchy. King Edwin (or Eadwine), the founder of Edinburgh, espoused Ethelberga, the daughter of Bertha, Queen of Kent. According to agreement, the young princess was accompa- nied to her new residence by Pcmlinus, a monk (625). By their combined influence the king, and through him the nobility and priesthood, were induced to adopt Christianity. At a popular assembly, Paulinus demonstrated the truth of Christianity ; while Coifi, their high priest, defied the national gods by hurling a spear into the nearest temple. The people regarded his daring as madness, and momentarily expected to see a manifestation of Wodan's ven- geance. But when the heavens remained mute, the people, in obe- dience to the order of Coifi, set fire to their principal temple (627). Paulinus became Bishop of Eboraceum (York), and the Pope sent him the Pallium. But in 633 Edwin fell in battle against Penda, the heathen King of Mercia ; Paulinus had to flee, and the Church of Northumbria was almost annihilated. 5. British Mission among the Anglo-Saxons. Osivald, the son of a former king of Northumbria whom Edwin had expelled, restored to that country its independence. This youth had, when § 107. VICTORY 03? ROMISH OVER BRITISH CONFESSION. 290 a fugitive, found an asylum in Iona, where he was educated a Chris- tian. In order again to raise the Church of his country, the monks of Iona sent one of their own number, the excellent and amiable Aidan, to the court of Northumbria. Oswald himself acted as his interpreter, till he had acquired the Saxon tongue. The success of his labours was truly unparalleled. Oswald founded an episcopal see in the island ofLindisfarne; and, aided by other missionaries from Iona, Bishop Aidan converted, in a few years, the whole north of England to Christianity. Oswald fell in battle against Penda (642). He was succeeded in his own government, and as Bret- walda, by Oswy, his brother. Irish missionaries now joined the la- bourers from Iona, emulating their services ; and in 660 all parts of the Heptarchy had adopted Christianity, and — with the exception of Kent, which remained faithful to Rome — adhered to the ancient British Confession. 6. Victory or the Romish over the British Confession. Oswy perceived the danger accruing to the State from religious division and ecclesiastical estrangements among the people. He succeeded in convincing the other kings of the necessity of an eccle- siastical union. The only question now was, which of the confes- sions should give way. At last the decision fell in favour of Eomish supremacy — a result to which, no doubt, Oswy himself mainly con- tributed. Eanfleda, his wife, a daughter of Edwin, was a zealous partisan of Rome. She was seconded in her efforts by Wilfrid, a man of great energy, prudence, and perseverance. By birth a Northumbrian, and educated in the monastery of Lindisfarne, he had visited Rome ; on his return he employed the whole force of his eloquence, and every artifice which intrigue could suggest, to subject all England to the Papacy. These two influenced the Bretwalda, and the latter again the other kings. _ Added to this were other and more general reasons for the decision of the monarch — such as a preference for what was foreign, the splendour and the power of the Romish Church, and, above all, the old national dislike of the Saxons towards everything British. When the secret negotiations had issued in the result desired, Oswy convened a General Synod in the nunnery of Streaneshalch or Whitby (Synodus Pharensis) in 664. There all the civil and ecclesiastical leaders of the Heptarchy assembled. The Romish party was represented by Wilfrid; the British, by Colrnan, Bishop of Lindisfarne. The paschal question was the first topic of discussion. Wilfrid appealed to the authority of Peter, to whom the Lord had said : " Thou art Peter," etc. Upon this, Oswy turned to Colrnan with the inquiry, whether the Lord had really addressed these words to Peter. Col- man, of course, admitted it ; when Oswy declared that he would own the authority of him who had the power of opening and shut- ting the gates of heaven. This finished the discussion. In his capacity of Bretwalda, Oswy carried out the decrees of the Synod 300 SECOND SECTION. FIRST PERIOD (CENT. 4-9 A.D.). with energy and resolution. Within a few weeks the razor com- pleted the conversion of the whole Heptarchy to the Romish Confes- sion. — Matters having proceeded thus far, the British Confession had soon to be abandoned, even in the districts whence it had ori- ginally spread. Political reasons obliged the Irish and Scotch kings to adopt the confession of their dangerous neighbours, in order both to deprive them of a specious pretext for making invasions, and to procure the assistance of the Pope and the sympathies of conti- nental Christendom. Ireland submitted in 701, and Scotland fol- lowed nine years afterwards. The monks of Iona alone held out till 716, when this their last stronghold also fell. — The Principal Sources for the British and Anglo-Saxon Eccles. Hist, 'of that period are : Gildas, liber querulus de excidio Britannia?. JVennius, hist. Britonum, and especially Beda venerab. hist, eccles. Angl. § 108. CONVERSION OF GERMANY. Comp. F. W. Rettberg, K.-G. Deutschlan,d's. Vols. I. and II. — C. J. Ilefele, Gesch. d. Einfuhr. d. Christ, im sudwestl. Deutschl. (Hist, of the Introd. of Christian, in South-West. Germ.). Tub. 1837 ; G. T. Rudhart, altest. Gesch. Baierns (Old Hist, of Bavar.). Hamb. 1841; A. F. Ozanam, Begrimd. d. Christ, in Deutsch. (Introd. of Christ, into Germ.). From the French, Munic. 1845 : A. Seiters, Bonifacius, d. Ap. der Deutschen. Mayence 1845 ; Giese- brecht, Gesch. d. deutschen Kaiserzeit. Vol. i. Brunsw. 1855. — Boni- facii Epistolse (op. ed. J. A. Giles, Oxford 1846), Vita in Pertz (T. II.) and in the Acta SS. ; Serrarins, Moguntiac. rerum 1. v. ; Sagittarius, Antiq. Gen til. et Christ. Thuring. During the domination of the Romans, the countries along the Rhine and Danube had been fully evangelised ; but of this scarcely a trace was left in the succeeding period. The barbarians who in- vaded these districts, destroyed the monasteries and churches, and in- stead of Christian rites, introduced their own forms of heathenism. By the end of the sixth century the greater part of Germany was subject to the rule of the Franks, and bore the name of Western Franconia (Neustria), in contradistinction to Austrasia or Eastern Franconia. South- Western and South-E astern Germany (Ale- mannia, Bavaria, Thuringia) were governed by native princes under Prankish souzerainty ; while North- Western Germany (the Frisians and Saxons) still maintained its national independence. The first successful endeavours to restore Christianity in Austrasia were made about the middle of the sixth century. The missionaries engaged in this work were partly of Frankish, partly of Scotch (either Irish or British), and partly of Anglo-Saxon descent. At that time the monasteries of Scotland and Ireland were crowded with men § 108. CONVERSION OF GERMANY. 301 whose natural liking for travel was sanctified by an ardent desire to preach the Gospel, and to extend the kingdom of Christ. These feelings derived an additional stimulus from the circumstance, that the distinctive confession to which they clung with so deep attach- ment had just been suppressed (§107, 6). Their own country seemed now dreary, while on the Continent they saw a prospect of re- gaining what had been lost at home. Under such impulses, a large number of the inmates of the Irish and Scotch monasteries went forth as missionaries to pagan Germany. But thither also the Anglo-Saxons, who had the same liking for travel, the same mis- sionary zeal, and the same attachment to their own distinctive con- fession (the Romish), followed them. Thus the former contest was renewed on German soil : there also to end in the suppression of the British Confession. Almost everywhere do we discover traces of these Scotch missionaries ; but, unfortunately, the particulars left us, as to the mode in which they carried on their labours, as to their contests with the representatives of the Romish Church, are exceed- ingly scanty. The practical turn, so characteristic of the Anglo- Saxon race, and the connection of these missionaries with the im- posing spiritual power wielded by the See of Rome, no doubt con- tributed not a little towards securing them the victory over their Scotch brethren. It is remarkable that the Frankish missionaries also laboured quite independently of Rome, so that the connection between Germany and the Church of Rome was mainly due to the exertions of the Anglo-Saxon preachers. — These missions succeeded most rapidly in the districts where the Gospel had been preached at a former period, chiefly along the banks of the Rhine and of the Danube. Much more formidable were the difficulties encountered in districts where heathenism resembled an unexplored primitive forest — as in Frisia, Saxony, Hesse, and Thuringia. The protec- tion which the Frankish monarchs extended to missionary labours in Germany, sprung chiefly from interested motives — an interference which operated rather against than in favour of the work. It ap- peared as if, on the one hand, heathenism and national independ- ence, and on the other, Christianity and Frankish domination, were inseparably connected. If the sword of the Franks opened the way for the Gospel, the labours of the missionaries were, in return, to be made subservient for the political subjugation of these countries. However unwilling the missionaries were to become parties to this mixing up of religious and political objects, it was frequently beyond their power to resist it. 302 SECOND SECTION. FIRST PERIOD (CENT. 4-9 A.D.). 1. The Alemanni were a powerful race, inhabiting the south- western part OF Germany. Only scanty traces of former Chris- tian institutions remained in those districts. The victory of Tolpiac (496), which decided Clovis in favour of Christianity, at the same time opened the country of the vanquished Alemanni to the Gospel. But as the Franks adopted no violent measures for its propagation, its progress was very slow. The legislature of the Alemanni, as settled by Dagobert I. in 680, proceeds, indeed, on the supposition that the country had become entirely christianised ; but at the time this must have only been by way of anticipation. St Fridolin, who founded the monastery of Seckingen upon an island on the Rhine above Basle, is commonly represented as the Apostle of Alemannia (about 510). He was a native of Ireland; but the accounts of his activity are quite legendary and unreliable. More accurate and satisfactory are the details given about St Columbanus, who arrived in the year 589, accompanied by twelve zealous missionaries, from the celebrated monastery of Bangor in Ireland. He founded the well-known Luxovium (Luxeuil). The missionaries reclaimed the wastes all around, and endeavoured to restore Christian discipline and order among a population which had been fearfully neglected. But their rigid adherence to the British practice of calculating Easter raised prejudices against them ; the clergy of Burgundy felt their strict discipline a most unpleasant innovation; while BruneMlda, incensed that their influence over the youthful Theodoric II., her grandchild, endangered her ambitious schemes, vowed their destruc- tion. All these causes led to their expulsion, after they had laboured for twenty years in the country. The exiles betook themselves to Switzerland, and settled at Tuggen, on the Lake of Zurich. But the fanatical zeal with which they attacked heathenism excited the hostility of the natives, who ill-used and drove them away. Their next field was Bregenz. Here they laboured for three years very successfully — a result principally achieved through the preaching of St Gallus, who had acquired the language of the country. But fresh persecutions induced Columbanus to pass into Italy, where, under the protection of Agilulf (§ 106, 8), he founded the celebrated monastery of Bobbio, and took an active part in the Arian controversy. Gallus, who at the time his colleagues left was ill, remained in Switzerland, resolved to continue the work despite the unfavourable circumstances which had arisen. In a sequestered and wild valley, and on a spot where a bush had caught hold of his garment while engaged in prayer, he built a cell which afterwards became the abbacy of St Gall. His labours were richly blessed. He died in 646, at the advanced age of 95. Gallus does not appear to have been so tenacious as Columbanus in contending for the British Confession. Magnoald, the pupil of St Gallus, carried on his work, and founded the monastery of Filssen in Suabia. About the same time Trudpert, an hermite (said to have been of Irish de- § 108. CONVERSION OP GERMANY. 303 scent), laboured in the Breisgau. He laid the foundation of what afterwards became the abbacy of St Trudpert, at the foot of the Black Forest, but was ultimately murdered by a servant of his own (943). Half a century later, Pirminius, a Frankish ecclesiastic, carried the Gospel along the shores of the Lake of Constance. Pro- tected in his labours by Charles Martel, he founded the monastery of Eeichenau; but only three years afterwards he was expelled in consequence of a national rising of the Alemanni against the Frankish rule. He now descended the Rhine, and founded a number of monasteries, — among them Hornbach, in the diocese of Metz, where he died in 753. When about that time St Bonifacius visited Alemannia, he found the whole country nominally Christian and the Church regularly organised. 2. South-Eastern Germany. No notices have been left of the religious history of the countries along the Danube during the period succeeding the labours of St Severinus (§ 106, 6). A century later these districts were peopled by the Bavarians (the Boji), whose native rulers were subject to the souzerainty of the Frankish monarchs. At that time only scanty traces of the former profes- sion of Christianity remained in the country. In 615 the Frankish abbot, Eustasius of Luxeuil, the successor of Columbanus, went as missionary among the Bavarians. He had to contend with Bono- sian and Photinian errors — probably in consequence of the Arianism which the Goths had spread in that neighbourhood. St Emmeran, Bishop of Poitiers, laboured about the middle of the seventh century in Regensburg, at the court of Theodo I, Duke of Bavaria. He continued only three years, when he suddenly left for Italy. By the way he was killed (652) by the brother of the Princess Ota, on a charge of having seduced her ; that princess having, at his own suggestion, named him as her seducer, in order to shield the guilty person from vengeance. After that the Church declined, owing to the weakness of the Merovingian monarchs. But when, in conse- quence of the victory of Testry in 687, Pepin of Heristal became the hereditary administrator of the realm, both the Frankish power and the Church were restored. For the latter purpose, Duke Theodo II. invited in 696 Bishop Ruodpert (Rupert), who proved indeed the Apostle of Bavaria. He baptized the duke and his court, founded numerous churches and monasteries, and made Christianity the reli- gion of almost the whole country. The see of Salzburg, which he had founded, served as centre for his operations. In 716 he returned to his former see of Worms, where he died. He was succeeded by Corbinian, a Frankish bishop (without a fixed see — or " regionary bishop"), who in 717 founded the episcopal see of Freisingen. This prelate is described as proud, unyielding, and severe in the exercise of discipline. He swept away every remaining trace of heathen super- stition, founded churches and monasteries, and, according to legend, performed many miracles. Ob. 730.— Among the Thuringians, 304 SECOND SECTION. FIRST PERIOD (CENT. 4-9 A.D.). heathenism continued unopposed till the middle of the seventh cent., when Kyllena or Kilian, an Irish missionary, commenced his evangelistic labours in the neighbourhood of Wiirzburg. His zeal was rewarded with the martyr's crown, and his work brought to a successful issue under the ministry of St Boniface. 3. North-Western Germany. In the country around the Middle Rhine the ancient Christian sees had survived, although, from the prevalence of heathenism in their immediate vicinity, the character and influence of the clergy had greatly declined. Despite their opposition, the labours of Goar, a hermit, about the middle of the sixth century, proved to a large extent successful. The pretty little town of St Goar rose where his cell had stood. About the same time a Langobard Stylite, VV r ULFLAiCH, braved the seve- rity of the climate, and preached to the heathen from the top of his column ; but the neighbouring bishops disapproved of his mad as- ceticism, and had the column demolished. — Frankish missionaries — especially St AMxVNDUS (the Apostle of Belgium) — laboured among the Frisians, south of the Scheie!, since the commencement of the seventh cent. In 647 Amandus became Bishop of Malines, and died in 679 in the monastery of Elnon near Tournay (afterwards called St Amand). Simultaneously, St Eligius, formerly a goldsmith, and from 641 Bishop of Noyon, engaged in the same work. — An Anglo- Saxon, Wilfrid (§ 107, 6), was the first to carry the Gospel to the Frisians north of the Scheld. He had been elected Archbishop of York, but was expelled from his see (§ 113, 1), and started for Rome to seek protection. Happily a storm drove him to the coast of Frisia, instead of allowing him to land in France, where hired assassins lay in wait for him. He spent the winter in Frisia (677-678), preached daily, and baptized A Iclgild, the reigning duke, and thousands of his subjects. But Radbod (ob. 719), the successor of Aldgild, who was continually engaged in contests with Pepin and Charles Martel, hated and persecuted Christianity, as being the re- ligion of the Franks. The seed sown by Wilfrid seemed in danger of being destroyed, when the victory of Pepin at Dorsteclt (in 689) obliged the persecutor to relent, at least for a time. Wulfram of Sens immediately recommenced missionary operations among the people. Legend has it, that Radbod himself had expressed his readiness to be baptized ; but that when entering the water he drew back, declaring that he preferred being consigned to hell in company with his glorious ancestors, than going to heaven along with a crowd of wretched people. The story, however, does not bear the test of historical criticism. — But the evangelisation of all Frisia was to be accomplished by another Anglo-Saxon. Willibrord, assisted by twelve other missionaries, devoted himself in 690 to this enterprise. Twice he journeyed to Rome to submit his work to the direction of the Pope, who changed his name to that of Clement, and ordained him Bishop of the Frisians. Pepin assigned to him the castle of Utrecht § 108. CONVERSION OF GERMANY. 305 as his episcopal see. Thence his labours extended not only over the domains of Radbod, but even beyond the Danish frontier. When on a visit in the island of Heligoland, he ventured to baptize three persons in a well which was regarded as sacred. Kadbod was about to immolate the bishop and his converts to the gods.^ Thrice he consulted the sacred lot, but each time the decision was in favour of the Christians. Willibrord continued his labours among the Frisians with varying success for fifty years, and died in 739, in the 81st year of his life. He was succeeded in the administration of the See of Utrecht by Gregory, a noble Frank of Merovingian descent, who was the favourite pupil of St Boniface. But Gregory was not consecrated a bishop, as the See of Cologne laid claim to jurisdiction over the Frisian Church. When in 734 Charles Martel completely subjugated the Frisians, the work of evangelisation proceeded more rapidly. Among the missionaries who laboured; in Frisia, Wille- had, an Anglo-Saxon, whom Charlemagne afterwards invested with the bishopric of Bremen, seems to have been the most successful. St Liudger, a native of Frisia, and afterwards Bishop of Munster, completed what his predecessors had so worthily begun. 4. Labours of St Boniface, the Apostle of Germany. Win- frid, a native of Kirton in Wessex (about 680), had, by piety, devoted- ness, and ability, risen to distinction in his own church and country. But his sympathies were wider than his sphere. Impelled by a sense of the love of Christ, he resolved to devote himsejf to missionary work among the heathen of Germany. He arrived in Frisia (in 716) at a moment most unfavourable for his enterprise. Radbod was just engaged in war with Charles Martel, and had wreaked his enmity on Christian churches and monasteries. Winfrid was obliged to return without having accomplished anything. But such discou- ragements could not cool his missionary ardour. In the spring of 718 he again crossed the Channel. He went first to Rome, where Gregory II. formally set him apart for missionary work in Germany. In Thuringia and Franconia, the field for which he had been desig- nated, he found little encouragement. Accordingly, on hearing of the death of Kadbod, he returned to Frisia, where for three years he shared the labours of Willibrord. This prelate, anxious to se- cure so efficient a missionary, offered him the succession to the See of Utrecht. But such prospects only served to remind Winfrid of the work for which he had been set apart. Accordingly, in 722 he went to Upper Hesse, where he founded the monastery of Amonaberg, and within a short period baptized thousands of heathens. Sum- moned by the Pope to Rome (in 723), he was consecrated " Re- gionally" Bishop of Germany by the name of Bonifacins (episcopus regionarius, i.e., without a definite diocese), and, after having taken an oath of allegiance to the See of Rome, returned to his post armed with a letter of recommendation to Charles Martel. Thus furnished with spiritual armoury from Rome, and enjoying the more doubtful VOL. I. U 306 SECOND SECTION. FIRST PERIOD (CENT. 4-9 A.D.j. advantage of Frankisli protection, he resumed his labours in Hesse. The fall of the ancient sacred oak at Geismar, near Fritzlar, also marked that of heathenism in Central Germany. Surrounded by a vast concourse of heathens, who gazed in breathless expectation, Boniface himself had laid the axe to that sacred tree ; its wood now furnished material for a Christian chapel. After that event his preaching was attended with unparalleled success ; and within the space of a year, Christianity had become the religion of almost all Hesse. He sent for additional labourers to England, and then founded the monastery of Ordorp, near Arnstadt on the Ohra, for the education of a native ministry. Gregory II. died in 731 ; but Gre- gory III., whom Boniface kept informed of the progress of the work, sent him the Pallium, and entrusted him with the task of founding episcopal sees in Germany and ordaining bishops. Having erected the abbacy of Fritzlar, he proceeded to Bavaria, where he was en- gaged in hot controversy with some representatives of the ancient British Confession. Boniface returned to Hesse, accompanied by Sturm, a zealous Bavarian youth, whom he educated at Fritzlar for the clerical profession. In 738 he went a third time to Rome, pro- bably to consult the Pope about the final organisation of the German Church. In the Eternal City, where he remained a full year, he met with the most respectful reception. On his return, he again visited Bavaria, expelled his former British opponents, deposed some refrac- tory Frankisli bishops, and divided the Church of Bavaria into four dioceses. He next proceeded to Thuringia, whence also he drove the British missionaries, and where he instituted four dioceses. During the lifetime of Charles Martel, Bonifacius had been prevented from exercising any authority over the churches on the other side of the Rhine. But after the death of that monarch (in 741), his sons, Carloman in Austrasia, and Pepin the Short in Neustria, re- quested his aid in reorganising the Church in their dominions, which had sadly declined. The work of reform commenced in Austrasia. In 742 Boniface presided over the first Austrasian Synod (Conci- lium Germanicum) which passed stringent measures for the restora- tion of discipline, and the removal of the heretical, the married and the foreign (British) clergy. At another synod held at Liptince (Lestines, near Cambray) in 743, the bishops present promised un- conditional obedience to the See of Rome. Carloman, who was present at both these synods, gave legal sanction to their decrees. In 742 Boniface founded the celebrated monastery of Fulda, of which Sturm was the first abbot — an institution destined to become the watchtower and training-school of German monasticism. About the same period he engaged in keen controversy with two noted heretics — Adalbert, a Frank, and Clement, a Scot ; as also with Virgilius, an Irishman. In 744, in his capacity of Papal Vicar, he entered into negotiations for reorganising the Church of Neustria. The authority of the metropolitans, and the exercise of discipline, § 108. CONVERSION OF GERMANY. 307 were restored at the Synod of Soissons (in 744). At another synod, held the following year (at Mayence ?), Gewilib, the un- worthy occupant of the See of Mayence, who was convicted of having hired assassins, was deposed, and his see assigned to Boniface as Metropolitan of Germany (though that prelate would rather have chosen that of Cologne). Carloman, tormented by a guilty con- science, retired in 747 into a monastery, leaving his brother Pepin sole ruler. Only a few years later, Pepin, with the express sanc- tion of the Pope (§ 112, 1), put an end to the figment of Merovin- gian rule (in 751). The supposition that Bonifacius acted as nego- tiator between the Pontiff and the Major-Domus in this transaction, is entirely unfounded. On the contrary, we have reason to believe that the prelate had to the utmost of his power opposed the scheme, under the influence of certain notions about the Divine right of the Merovingians. Amidst many cares and troubles, the Apostle of Germany untiringly prosecuted the great mission of his life. But as he grew in years, he longed to devolve some of his onerous duties on younger shoulders. Gregory III. had, indeed, promised to allow him to name his own successor ; but Pope Zacharias contemplated with apprehension the appointment of a German primate who might prove less submissive than Boniface. At last, however, he yielded to the urgent entreaties of the aged Apostle. In the spring of 754 Boniface conferred the archiepiscopal office on Lullus, his favourite pupil, and then sailed down the Rhine to spend his last days in evangelising' those heathen Frisians to whom his youth- ful energies had been devoted. In anticipation of his approach- ing martyrdom, he took his graveclothes with him (755). His tent was pitched in the neighbourhood of the modern Doccum, whence he itinerated through Frisia, baptizing thousands of hea- thens. On the 5th June 755, he had appointed a number of his converts to meet him in order to receive confirmation. But early on the morning of that day he was attacked by a band of heathen. Holding over his head a copy of the Gospels, Boniface received the mortal blow. Along with him his fifty-two companions in preach- ing were killed. The bones of the martyr-bishop were deposited in Fulda. 5. Conversion of the Saxons. Two Anglo-Saxon monks, both of the name of Ewald (Black and White Ewald), were the first missionaries among the Saxons, who, from the north-western coasts of Germany, had migrated to the neighbourhood of the Rhine. These preachers were hospitably received by a Saxon peasant ; but no sooner had he learned their object, than he and his servants fell upon them and cruelly murdered them (about 691). Boniface had never lost sight of the Saxons ; and the choice of Fulda, close by the Saxon boundary, as the site of a monastery, was no doubt determined partly with the view of making it the basis of spiritual operations among the neighbouring heathen. Still, for thirty years this mission 308 SECOND SECTION. FIRST PERIOD (CENT. 4-9 A.D.). remained only an object of hope, till the work was done by the sword of the greatest of Frankish monarchs. Charlemagne considered the subjugation of the hostile and powerful Saxon nation as a political necessity. But their permanent political subjection could not be secured without their conversion to Christianity, nor the latter be accomplished- without the former, as the Saxons hated the religion of the Franks not less than the Franks themselves. Alcuin, indeed, pled nobly and boldly with his royal friend against recourse to violent measures for the purpose of securing the conversion of the Saxons ; but political considerations proved more powerful than the arguments of one whose counsels otherwise frequently prevailed. The wars against the Saxons lasted for thirty-three years (772-805). Even in the first campaign Eresburg, the great stronghold of the Saxons, was taken, and their most sacred idol, the Irmin-column (on which the universe was supposed to rest), destroyed. Frankish priests followed in the train of the Frankish army, and immediately Chris- tianised the conquered districts. But scarcely had the armies of Charles withdrawn, when the Saxons again swept away every trace of the hated religion. At last, however, they were obliged, at the Diet of Paderbom in 777, to take an oath of fealty to the Frankish monarch, on pain of losing life and property. But Widukind (Wittekind), the most powerful of their leaders, had not attended this diet, and again raised the standard of revolt. The Frankish army was com- pletely defeated, every Christian minister killed, and every church destroyed. Charles took fearful vengeance. At Verden he ordered 4500 Saxons to be beheaded in one day. Still, another rebellion broke out ; and at a second diet, held at Paderbom in 785, most stringent laws were enacted, which punished with death the slightest opposition to the ordinances of the Church. Widukind and Albion, the two principal Saxon chiefs, saw the uselessness of further resistance. They were baptized in 785, after which they con- tinued faithful both to the king and to the Church. But the people in general were far from quiet. In 804 Charles expelled 10,000 Saxon families from their homes, and gave their lands to his allies, the Obotrites. This measiu'e at last secured peace. Charles had founded eight sees in Saxony. Under their fostering care, Christianity now spread among the Saxons, who by and by learned to hold its truths with the same warmth and devoutness as the other German races. Of this the popular Epos, entitled " The Saviour" (§ 118, 2), affords sufficient evidence. § 109. THE SLAVONIANS WITHIN THE BOUNDARIES OF GERMANY. Comp. Scliafariky Dobrowsky and Philaret u. s. § 102. J. Palacky, Gesch. v. Bohmen. Vol. I. Prague 1836. In their progress, the Huns had driven the Slavonians southwards as far as the banks of the Danube, and westwards to those of the § 109. THE SLAVONIANS IN GERMANY. 309 Vistula. When, in the sixth cent., the Avari, a Mongol race, took possession of Dacia, Pannonia, and Dalmatia, the Slavonians were obliged to retreat still farther westwards. During this period no attempts seem to have been made to carry the Gospel to the Slavonians in the north-eastern parts of Germany, although the See of Salzburg made great efforts to convert both the Slavonians in the south and the Avari. But these labours were not attended with great success till the middle of the eighth century. In 748 Boruth, the prince of the Carantani (in our modern Carinthia), invoked the assistance of Thassilo II., Duke of Bavaria, against the oppres- sion of the Avari. His nephew Ceitumar was educated in Bavaria in the Christian religion. When in 753 he assumed the reins of government, he introduced Christianity into his dominions. After the fall of Thassilo, Carinthia became also subject to Frankish rule (in 788), and Charlemagne extended his conquests likewise to the countries of the Avari and the Moravians. Commissioned by that monarch, Arno was zealously engaged in Christianising these tribes ; and with this object in view, his diocese of Salzburg was elevated to the rank of a metropolitan see. Under Louis the Pious a dispute arose between the Bishops of Passau and Salzburg about the exer- cise of metropolitan superintendence over those countries, which was settled by a division of these provinces between the contending pre- lates (829). In 885 the Grand Duke Rastislav freed Moravia from Frankish domination, wdien the jurisdiction of the German bishops entirely ceased. The new ruler of Moravia applied to the Byzantine Emperor for Slavonic missionaries. The brothers Cypjllus and Methodius, who had already distinguished themselves in a kindred department of missionary labour (§ 102, 2, 3), were despatched on this errand (863). They immediately introduced Slavonian worship and liturgy; and by preaching in the vernacular, readily gained access to the hearts of the people. But political considerations obliged the missionaries to join the Komish Church. The only remnant of former independence left, was the permission to continue the use of the Slavonic liturgy. From the friendly intercourse sub- sisting between the Moravians and the Czechs in Bohemia, the way was also opened for the evangelisation of that country. 1. The Moravian Church. Although great success attended the preaching of Cyrillus and Methodius in Moravia, the political complications of that period rendered their position one of great difficulty. Indeed, only under the protection of the Papacy could they hope to maintain their ground. Accordingly, they gladly ac- 310 SECOND SECTION. FIRST PERIOD (CENT. 4-9 A.D.). cepted an invitation from Pope Nicholas I. (867) to visit Rome. On their arrival, they found the Chair of Peter occupied by Hadrian II. Cyrillus remained at Rome, where he soon afterwards died. Metho- dius made formal submission to the Papacy, and was consecrated Archbishop of Moravia. But the German bishops, in their envy of the honours bestowed on a hated rival, impugned the fealty of Methodius, charged him with heresy, and inveighed against the Slavonic liturgy which he had introduced. It was not difficult to arouse the suspicion of Pope John VIII, and Methodius was sum- moned to Rome in no gentle terms (879). The evangelist obeyed ; he completely refuted these calumnies, and returned to his diocese not only with his former title, but also with the express permission to continue the Slavonic liturgy — only that, by way of special dis- tinction, the Gospel was to be read first in Latin and then in Sla- vonic. Nothing daunted, the German bishops continued by their intrigues to embitter the last days of the devoted missionary. Ob. 885. After his death the Moravian priests were the objects of a general persecution, and the archiepiscopal See of Moravia remained vacant for fourteen years, till John IX. restored it in 899. But in 908 the independence of Moravia ceased, and the country was divided between the Bohemians and the Magyars. 2. Introduction of Christianity into Bohemia. On New Year's day 845 fourteen Czech nobles appeared at the court of Louis the Germanic in Regensburg, and along with their suite re- quested baptism. The motives and consequences of this step have not been recorded. When Rastislav elevated Moravia to the rank and power of an independent realm, the Bohemians entered into close alliance with the Moravians. Svatapluk, the successor of Rastislav, married a daughter of Borzivoi, the ruler of Bohemia (871). After that, the labours of Methodius were extended to Bohemia also, and their success was marked. Borzivoi himself, and his wife St Ludmilla, were baptized by him so early as in 871. The sons of Borzivoi, Spitihnev (ob. 912) and Vratislav (ob. 926), equally promoted the spread and establishment of the Church in Bohemia, a work in which they were zealously aided by their pious mother. (Comp. § 123, 2.) § 110. THE SCANDINAVIAN NATIONS. COMP. F. E. Dahlmann, Gesch. v. Danem. Vol. I. Hamb. 1840 ; E. G. Geijer, Gesch. v. Schweden. Vol. I. Hamb. 1833 ; Ft. Munter, K. G. v. Danem. u. Norw. (Ch. Hist, of Denm. and Norway). Vol. I. Leipz. 1823 ; K. Maaer, d. Bekehr. d. norw. Stammes zum Christth. (Conv. of the Norw. Race to Christian.) Vol. I. Munich 1856 ;— The biographies of St Ansgar by Kruse (Altona 1813), by F. A. Krummacher (Brem. 1828), by Reuterdahl (Berlin 1837), by Krofft (in Latin, Hamb. 1840), by Daniel (Halle 1842), and by Klippel (Bremen 1845). § 110. THE SCANDINAVIAN NATIONS. 311 At an early period the attention of the missionaries who laboured among the Frisians and Saxons was directed to the neighbouring provinces of Jutland and Denmark. Already in 696 Willibrord (§ 108, 3) carried the Gospel beyond the Eider; and Charlemagne perceived the necessity of extending his own and the Church's con- quests over the peninsula of Jutland, and to the sea-shore, in order firmly to secure his rule over the Saxons and Frisians. But cir- cumstances prevented this monarch from carrying this plan into execution. More favourable prospects opened under the reign of Louis the Pious. King Harold, who had been expelled from Den- mark, repaired for protection to the Frankish court. By the aid of Louis, he again obtained a footing in Jutland. Ebbo, Archbishop of Mayence, followed in his train as missionary to Denmark (823). Under the protection of Harold, Ebbo baptized many Danes ; but he was obliged to retire after a stay of only one year. Harold him- self was also hardly beset. Accordingly, he resolved to throw off the heathenism of his country, and to ally himself completely with Germany. For this purpose he embarked in 826, accompanied by his consort, child, and a large suite, and was received with great pomp into the Church at Mayence, where Louis at the time held his court. On his return he was accompanied by Ansgar, a young monk from the convent of Corvey on the Weser, to whom Louis entrusted the difficult and dangerous task of gaining Scandinavia for the Church. Ansgar may be styled the Apostle of the North. He devoted his whole life to the great work, and succeeded, — at least so far as indomitable perseverance, devotedness, and self-denial among innumerable difficulties and trials could secure such an object. 1. Ansgar, the son of Frankish parents, w T as educated in the monastery of Corvey in Picardy, whence he was removed to the con- vent of New Corvey, when the latter was founded. Even while a child he had visions and dreams, in which missionary activity and the martyr's crown were held out to him. His first missionary journey (826) promised little success. Harold settled on the borders of Jutland, without venturing to advance into the interior. This circumstance necessarily restrained the zeal of Ansgar. Still he founded a school, and bought a number of young Danish serfs in order to educate them for the ministry among their countrymen. But in the following year Harold was again expelled, and Ansgar also had to retire (827). Two years afterwards Louis obtained tid- ings that in Sweden there were a number of Christians, and that the king himself and all his people were desirous of obtaining Christian 312 SECOND SECTION. FIRST PERIOD (CENT. 4-9 A.D.). instruction. In company with several other priests, Ansgar now undertook a mission to that country in 830. On their journey the missionaries were plundered by pirates ; his associates advised to return home, but the courage of Ansgar was not shaken. After untold difficulties they at last landed at Birka, and were well re- ceived by Bjorn, king of Sweden. A small number of Christian captives received them with joy, and gathered around them for wor- ship ; young serfs were bought, a school was erected, and the Gospel preached to the people. Several Swedes were baptized, — among them Herigar, the Governor of Birka, on whose property the first Chris- tian church was built. After the lapse of a year and a half Ansgar returned to the Frankish court, in order to have the mission placed in a position which would promise greater stability. Louis the Pious yielded to his representations, and founded at Hamburg, on the borders of Denmark, an archiepiscopal see for Scandinavia. He designated Ansgar as its first occupant, and assigned the revenues of the rich abbey of Turholt for his support and for that of the mission (833). Ansgar repaired to Rome, and obtained from Gregory IV. a bull confirming his appointment, and nominating himVicar Apostolic for the North. He next built a cathedral and a convent at Hamburg, purchased additional Danish youths to educate them for the ministry, and sent fresh labourers to Sweden. But adversities of every kind now overtook the Archbishop. In 837 the Normans invaded Hamburg, and destroyed both the town, the church, the monastery, and the library. With difficulty Ansgar and his monks escaped with their lives. Soon afterwards the Swedish missionaries were expelled by the pagans of that country, and for fifteen years evangelistic labours had in great measure to be suspended. But even this was not the limit of his trials. When Charles the Bald obtained Flanders (in 843) in virtue of the treaty of Verdun, that callous monarch immediately claimed the abbey of Turholt — to bestow it on one of his worthless favourites. Ansgar was now entirely destitute of all means of subsistence ; his clergy, whom he could no longer support, left him, and his educational establishment was closed. His neighbour Leuteric, Bishop of Bremen, with whom he sought a refuge, and who had long envied his position, turned him from his door. At last he found an asylum with a noble widow, who assigned a farmhouse on her property at Ramslo, near Hamburg, for his residence. In 847 Leuteric of Bremen died ; and Louis the Germanic resolved to conjoin the See of Bremen with that of Ham- burg, in order again to secure the means of subsistence to the tried Apostle of the North. Against this arrangement the Bishops of Ver- den and Cologne, from interested motives, raised objections; but their opposition was stopped by Pope Nicholas I. (858). Meantime Ansgar had laboured indefatigably in connection with the Scandi- navian mission, notwithstanding the straits to which himself was reduced. Denmark was at that time under the rule of Eric (Horic), § 111. CHRISTIANITY AND ISLAMISM. 313 to whose court Ansgar frequently repaired as ambassador of the German king. He succeeded in gaining his favour, and was allowed to build a church at Schleswig, and to organise a mission which extended over the whole of the country. Although Eric himself ventured not openly to profess Christianity, the fanaticism of the pagans broke out in open revolt. Eric was dethroned, and fell in battle (854). The victorious rebels appointed a boy, Eric II, his successor ; but the government was in reality administered by a chief named Jovi, a furious enemy of the Gospel, who expelled the Christian priests, and declared the profession of Christianity a capital offence. In 855 Eric shook off the tutelage of Jovi, and extended toleration to Christians. Missionary labours were now resumed with fresh ardour and great success. — All attempts to re-establish v the mission in Sweden had failed, when Ansgar in 8j52 resolved^" J himself to undertake this work. By rich presents anoa splendid entertainment he secured the favour of Olof, king of Sweden. The question of tolerating Christianity was submitted in popular assembly to the decision of the heathen lots, which fell in favour of the Gospel. After that, the labours of the missionaries continued undisturbed in Sweden till the death of Ansgar in 865. The most ardent hope of his life — to obtain the martyr's crown — was indeed disappointed; but a life so full of labours, sufferings, trials, devotedness, perseverance, and self-denial, is surely greater than even a martyr's crown. — He was succeeded in the See of Hamburg-Bremen by Rimbert, his fa- vourite pupil, the companion of almost all his missionary journeys, and his biographer. It was Rimbert' s ambition to follow in the wake of his great predecessor, and the Scandinavian mission formed the object of his deep solicitude. But the irruptions of the Danish and Norman pirates sadly interfered with the peaceful work of the Gospel. These troubles increased after the death of Rimbert to such an extent, that the Archbishop of Cologne could again bring forward his claims on the See of Bremen, — this time with the plea, that the purpose for which the See of Hamburg had been founded was wholly frustrated. Still, the seed which Ansgar had sown had struck deep root, and neither the storms nor the cold of that period could wholly destroy it. — Principal Source: Adam Bremeiisis, Gesta Hamburgensis eccl. Episcoporum (to the year 1076). § 111. CHRISTIANITY AND ISLAMISM. Comp. J. Aschbach, Gesch. d. Ommaijaden in Sp. (Hist, of the Ommiades in Spain). Frkf. 1829. 2 Vols.; F. W. Lemke, Gesch. v. Sp., continued by H. Schdfer. Vols. I. II. Hamb. 1831. 44; Conde's History of the Arabs in Spain, transl. by Mrs Foster. 3 Vols. London 1854 (Bonn's Libr.). — M. Amari, Storia dei Musul- manni di Sicilia. Firenze. 1854. Since the year 665 the Saracens, and their allies the Moors (or 314 SECOND SECTION. FIRST PERIOD (CENT. 4-9 A.D.). inhabitants of Barbary), who had become converts to Mohammed- anism, gradually extended their conquests in Northern Africa, till the rule of Byzantium (§ 106, 3) had finally to give way before theirs. From Africa they passed, at the suggestion of a traitor, in 711 to Spain, where they swept away the Gothic domination. In less than five years the entire peninsula, with the exception of the mountainous districts in the north, was in their possession. The fruitful plains north of the Pyrenees next excited their cupidity ; but the bloody defeat which Charles Martel inflicted on the invaders at Poitiers in 732, effectually checked such attempts. In this battle the Franks at the same time saved Europe and preserved its Chris- tianity. In 752 the dynasty of the Ommiades at Damascus, whose sway extended also over Moorish Spain, was supplanted by that of the Abassides. But Abderrhaman I., a scion of the dethroned family, escaped to Spain, where he founded the independent caliphate of Cordova, which soon became distinguished for the brilliant culture which it encouraged. The dominion of the Arabs in Spain was, however, threatened from two sides. When Roderic succumbed before the Saracens (711), Pelayo, a relative of the Gothic monarch, retired with a small but heroic band to the inaccessible mountain fastnesses of Asturia. There, and in the mountains by the Bay of Biscay, where Alfonso, his son-in-law, held command, national in- dependence and Christianity were still preserved. At a later period Alfonso reigned over these two districts, conquered Galicia and Castile, and restored in his dominions the supremacy of Christi- anity. The people honoured his memory by giving him the title of Catholic. By continued expeditions against the infidels, his suc- cessors enlarged their possessions as far as the banks of the Duero. Among them Alfonso II, the Chaste (ob. 850), who fixed his re- sidence at Oviedo, was specially distinguished both for his bravery and his love of literature. — In the eastern part of Spain also the arms of the Christians drove the Moslems from their strong places. In 778 Charlemagne conquered the country to the banks of the Ebro. The revolt of the Saxons prevented him from penetrating farther, and his most distinguished warriors were murdered in the Pyrenees by the lawless Basques. But in two other campaigns (in 800 and 801) he again subjected the country, as far as the Ebro, to the Frankish sceptre.— In Sicily also the Moslems gained a footing. In 827 a Byzantine colonel fled to Africa, from the punishment he had incurred, whence he returned at the head of 10,000 Saracens, who ravaged Sicily. Other succours followed, and in a few years all § 112. THE PAPACY AND THE CAKOLINGIANS. 315 Sicily was subject to the Arabs, who every year made predatory in- cursions on the coast of Italy, and on one occasion penetrated even to the gates of Home. This state of matters continued for three and a half centuries, till in 1091 the Normans finally expelled the Saracens from Sicily. 1. The Spanish Christians, who were subject to the rule of the Ommiades, were called Mozarabs (Arabi Mustaraba, i.e., arabised Arabs, in contradistinction to the Arabi Araba, or Arabs properly so called). In some respects, they enjoyed greater liberty than the Eastern Christians under Saracen rule. Many Christian youths of the best families attended the flourishing schools planted by the Moors, were enthusiastic in their admiration of the Arab language and literature, and anxious to be employed at court, or as public servants. In opposition to this antichristian and anti-national movement, others, in an excess of fanatical bigotry, rushed for- ward to martyrdom, and indulged in gratuitous and unprovoked insults on the Mohammedan rule and religion. This species of Christian fanaticism awakened kindred feelings in the Moslems, and led to bloody persecutions (850-859). Perfectus, a monk, was the first of these martyrs. When asked what he thought of Mohammed, he denounced him as a false prophet, for which he was executed. Abderrhaman II, who at the time was Caliph, was not a fanatic. In his anxiety to put an end to such scenes, he prevailed on Recafrid, the Metropolitan of Seville, to issue an ordinance, which interdicted all insults against the Moslem Prophet. But this measure only served to increase the fanaticism of the extreme party, which was headed by Eulogius (a presbyter, afterwards Archbishop) of Cordova, and by Paulus Alvarus. Eulogius himself kept concealed a con- verted Moorish girl, and on that account was executed along with her (in 859). He was the last victim of this persecution. II. INDEPENDENT DEVELOPMENT OF THE GERMANIC CHURCH. § 112. THE PAPACY AND THE CAROLINGIANS. Comp. the works cited at § 72. J. Ellendorf, d. Karolinger u. d. Hierarchie ihrer Zeit. Essen 1838. 2 Vols. S. Sugenheim, Gesch. d. Entsteh. u. Ausb. d. Kirchenstaates (Hist, of the Rise and Growth of the States of the Church). Leipz. 1851. C. Hoffler, d. deutschen Papste. Regensb. 1839. Scuddamore, Rome and Eng- land. London 1855. 316 SECOND SECTION. FIRST PERIOD (CENT. 4-9 A.D.). The conversion of the Germanic races had been in great measure accomplished without direct aid from Rome. Hence even the Catholic Germanic churches paid at first little homage to the See of Peter. This remark applies especially to the Gothic Church in Spain. Estranged from Rome even in peaceful times, the Saracen invasion of 711 necessarily cut it off from all intercourse with the Papacy. But the independent Christian provinces of Spain also remained, up to the eleventh century, unconnected with Rome. The growth or decay of the Frankish churches, both in Gaul and in Austrasia, under the reign of the Merovingians, depended likewise solely on internal causes. It was otherwise in Britain, where the intercourse with the mother-church in Rome was close and continuous. From the first, the principle of papal supremacy had been admitted, nor was it contravened except in rare instances. Innumerable pilgrim- ages of Anglo-Saxons, of all ranks, to the graves of the Princes of the Apostles, both indicated and fostered the national attachment to the See of Peter. In the eighth century, the concourse of so many English pilgrims in the Eternal City led to the establishment of a great home or inn for them at Rome, called the Schola Saxonica. The " Peters pence" which afterwards became a regular tribute paid by the English nation to the Papal See, was first levied for the main- tenance of this institution. The Anglo-Saxons — especially St Boni- facius — not only handed to Rome the fruits of their missionary labours gathered in heathen lands, but reorganised after the Romish fashion the national churches already existing in the various Frank- ish provinces, and reduced them to submission to the Papal See. At a somewhat later period the intercourse between the popes and the Carolingian rulers became so close, as to constitute almost the entire diplomatic correspondence of the Curia. 1. Origin of the States of the Church. By legacies and donations the Roman See had gradually acquired very extensive landed property (Patrimonium S. Petri), which supplied the means of relieving the inhabitants of Italy during the troubles connected with the irruption of the barbarians. This, however, did not imply any exercise of sovereign rights, which, indeed, were never claimed. After the restoration of Byzantine rule, which was represented in Italy by an exarch (§ 106, 7), the political power of the popes rapidly jincreased. Indeed, the continuance of the Exarchate often depended on the good-will of the pontiffs, to whom the prospect of becoming /the court-patriarchs of a new Longobard-Roman dynasty would, of ( course, appear far from attractive. Still, they were not able to pre- vent the Longobards from conquering district after district, belong- § 112. THE PAPACY AND THE CAROLINGIANS. 317 ing to the Exarchate. At last Gregory III. applied to Charles Martel for help against Luitprand (in 738). The Frankish ruler despatched two clerics to Italy for the purpose of negotiating a peace. Pope Zacharias, in virtue of his apostolic authority, sanc- tioned the removal of Childeric III. (the Merovingian puppet-king), when Pepin the Short added the royal title to the royal power which he had long possessed (752). Meantime, the Lombards, under Aistulf, had taken Ravenna, and demanded the submission of Rome. Pope Stephen II. now earnestly appealed to the Franks for help. At the invitation of Pepin he even went to France, and anointed that monarch and his sons ; in return for which Pepin made formal pro- mise of taking the Exarchate from the Lombards, and handing it to the Pope (754). The Frankish ruler redeemed his pledge ; and in two campaigns cleared the Exarchate from its occupants, and formally gave it to St Peter. The grateful Pontiff bestowed upon Pepin, as patron of the Romish Church, the insignia of Patrician of Rome. When ambassadors from Byzantium claimed for their Emperor these provinces, Pepin only replied that the Franks had shed their blood for St Peter, and not for the Greeks (755). But the Lombards continued to molest the Papal See, till, at the request of Pope Hadrian I, Charlemagne again interfered (768-814), took Pavia, put King JJesiderius into the convent of Corvey, and annexed Lom- bardy to the Frankish Empire. On this occasion Charles confirmed and increased what his father had given to the Papal See, and depo- sited a formal document to that effect at the grave of the Prince of the Apostles (774). Unfortunately, this and the other documents in this transaction have gone amissing — probably intentionally ; but there is sufficient evidence that the donation of Charlemagne did not by any means imply that the popes were to exercise absolute and inde- pendent sway. The Frankish monarch himself retained the rights of supreme lordship, and the Pope with all the citizens had to take an oath of fealty to him. In fact, the Pope was a Frankish vassal, and the States of the Church only formed the largest " immunity" of that period. The Pope had all inferior jurisdiction, and nominated the Government officials ; but the latter were superintended and controlled by Frankish Deputies (missi dominici), who were charged to hear appeals, to receive complaints, and to adjudicate on them. These rights of souzerainty were claimed even by the successors of Charlemagne, however well the popes knew to avail themselves of the weakness of these sovereigns. The popes, indeed, resisted as opportunity offered ; and the fable about a Donatio Constantini, according to which the Franks had only restored to St Peter what he had possessed since the reign of Constantine, dates even from the time of Charlemagne. (The story bore that Constantine had re- moved his residence to Byzantium for the express purpose of secur- ing to the Pope the undisturbed sovereignty over Italy.) In the forged Decretals of Isidore (§ 117, 2), a copy of the pretended 318 SECOND SECTION. FIRST PERIOD (CENT. 4-9 A.D.). authentic document, in which the donation had been conveyed, was inserted. Laur. Valla (de falso credita et ementita Constantini donatione, — edited by Ulric von Hutten in 1518, after the author's forced retractation) was the first, on critical grounds, to prove the spuriousness of this document, although it had previously been ques- tioned by individuals. Comp. E. Munch, iib. d. Schenk. Konst. (on the Donation of Const.), in his " Miscell. Works," Ludw. 1828. Vol. II. J. A. Theiner, de P. Isid. cann. Col. Vrat. 1827. F. A. Kunst, de font, et cons, pseudois. Col. Goelt. 1832. For the genuineness : Marchetti, Saggio crit. sopra la storia di Fleuri. Rom. 1781 ; comp. also Wassersc/deben, Beitr. z. Gesch. d. fal. Deer. (Contrib. to the Hist, of the False Deer.). Breslau 1844. 2. The Carolingian Dynasty. Pope Hadrian I. was suc- ceeded by Leo III. (795-815), whose election gave great offence to a powerful party. A tumult was raised (799), but the Pope escaped to the court of Charlemagne, whom he assured that his enemies had deprived him of his eyes and tongue, which, however, St Peter had restored the following night. His opponents, on the other hand, charged him before the king with perjury and adultery/ The in- quiry instituted must have brought ugly matters to light ; at any rate, Alcuin immediately burned the report which had been handed to him. The Pope was sent back with all honours to Rome, and supported by a Frankish guard. The following year Charles him- self crossed the Alps with his army. He convoked a synod at Rome ; but the assembled bishops declined to act as judges, on the plea that the successor of St Peter, who was the head of all, could not be tried by his inferiors. The Pope proved his innocence by an oath, and afterwards interceded for his accusers. At Christmas Charles attended service in the church of St Peter. Mass being ended, the Pope unexpectedly placed, amidst the shouts of the people, a splendid gold crown upon his head (800). The coronation was represented as the result of a sudden Divine inspiration ; in reality it had been the subject of protracted negotiations, and the price at which the Pope purchased the protection of the king. The empire which Charle- magne founded was meant to be a vast theocratic monarchy, whose sway should extend over all the globe. The Greek monarchs had proved unworthy of this distinction, and God had now transferred it to the Frankish ruler. In his capacity as Emperor, Charles was placed over all Christendom, and subject only to God and to His law. He was indeed the most obedient son, the most devoted ser- vant of the Church, in so far as it was the medium and the channel of salvation ; but its supreme lord and ruler, in so far as its organ- isation was earthly and it required earthly direction. The provinces of State and Church, though distinct and separate, were closely connected, and, so to speak, combined in the person of the Emperor as their highest representative. Hence many of the legislative 1 Deau Milman thinks the latter charge refers to spiritual adultery or Simony. § 112. THE PAPACY AND THE CAROLINGIANS. 319 ordinances of Charles bore directly upon ecclesiastical affairs. When making statutes about the government, worship, and teaching of the Church, the Emperor was indeed wont to consult bishops and synods; but he ratified, supplemented, or modified their decrees according to his own views of duty, as he thought that the responsibility ultimately devolved on himself. The Pope he regarded as the successor of St Peter and the visible head of the Church, but as subject to the Emperor, who was placed above both State and Church. In setting him apart to this exalted station, the Pope had acted by immediate Divine direction and commission, and not in the exercise of his own power or of that inherent in the Papacy. Hence coronation by the Pope was a ceremony only once enacted, and not to be repeated ; the office was hereditary in the family of Charles, and the Emperor alone could beget or nominate another emperor. Contrary to the Prankish law of succession, the empire was to continue unbroken and undivided, and younger sons were only to occupy the subordinate posts of viceroys. Charles died in 814. His son, Louis the Pious (814-840), was far too weak to complete what his father had begun. Foolish affection for Charles the Bald, his son by a second marriage, induced him to revoke the order of succession which himself had formerly proclaimed. With the approval and aid of some of the most influential Frankish bishops, and of Pope Gregory IV., the other sons of the Emperor now rose in rebellion. Louis was obliged to do public penance at Compiegne in 833, and kept in humiliating captivity by Lothair, his eldest son. But this circumstance aroused public sympathy, and Louis (the Germanic), the Emperor's younger son, restored his parent to liberty. Against the prelates who had taken part in the conspiracy, severe sentences were now pronounced at the Synod of Thionville in 835. Still the sons of Louis were continually in arms against each other. Louis lived not to see the end of these hostilities (ob. 840). The treaty of Verdun in 843 par- titioned the Western Empire into three separate and independent realms. Lothair, who with the imperial title obtained Italy and a nar- row territory between Neustria and Austrasia, died in 855. Of his three sons, Louis II. inherited Italy and the imperial title ; Lothair, the district called after him, Lotharingia ; and Charles, Burgundy and the Provence. When soon afterwards the two latter died with- out leaving issue (869), their uncles seized their possessions before Louis II. had time to interpose. By the treaty of Mersen in 870 Charles the Said obtained the Romanic, and Louis the Germanic the German portions of their father's empire. Thus was the great Carolingian monarchy divided into three states, each of distinct language and nationality, viz., Germany, France, and Italy. 3. The Papacy till the time of Nicholas I. However weak and devout, Louis the Pious was not prepared, any more than his immediate successors, to surrender the supremacy which as Em- peror he claimed over the See and city of St Peter. What the 320 SECOND SECTION. FIRST PERIOD (CENT. 4-9 A.D.). popes felt most galling was, that before being consecrated their appointment required to be ratified by the Emperor. As this had been eluded on more than one occasion, Louis sent Lothair, his son, to Italy, in order to arrange the matter once for all with Pope Eagen II. The so-called Constitutio Romana now agreed upon enacted that in future the Romans should have no voice in the election of the Pope, and that before the Pontiff was consecrated his appoint- ment should be ratified by the Emperor, to whom the successor of St Peter was to take an oath of fealty (824). But although the emperors jealously watched over the rights thus accorded them, pretexts were never awanting to evade the terms of this agreement. — Between the pontificate of Leo IV. (ob. 855) and that of Benedict III., the predecessor of Nicholas I., the Papal See was, according to an old legend, occupied by a female called Joan. The story runs, that a girl from Mayence had in male disguise accompanied her paramour to Athens, where she acquired great learning ; that she had next appeared under the name of Johannes Anglicus at Rome, and been elected Pope. During a solemn procession she had given birth to a child, and soon afterwards died, having officiated for two years, five months, and four days, under the name of John VIII. The oldest testimony in favour of this legend is that of Anastasius, the Roman librarian, whose " Liber pontificalis" dates almost from that period ; but according to the statements of Roman Catholic editors, what passes as his biography of Joan is awanting in most MSS. of this work, and must therefore be regarded as a spurious interpola- tion. Marianus Scotus, ob. 1086, is the next witness in favour of the story. It is further related, with all its details, in the Chronicles of Martinus Polonus (Grand Penitentiary of Rome, and afterwards Archbishop of Gnesen, ob. 1278), and after him unhesitatingly reiterated by all subsequent chroniclers of the Middle Ages. Pope John XX. (ob. 1277) acknowledged Joan as one of his predecessors, and accordingly styled himself John XXI. In popular opinion,. the seat of the marble chair used in the Lateran Church at the conse- cration of the popes (the so-called sella stercoraria), was supposed to be arranged with a view to render in future the mistake of elect- ing a female pontiff impossible ; and a statue which, in the sixteenth century, was destroyed by order of the Pope, was regarded as having been a monument of Joan. But the silence of Photius, who would undoubtedly have made his own use of such a piece of scandal, and contemporary evidence (such as the Annals of Prudentius of Troves, a letter by Hincmar of Rheims, a diploma of Benedict, and a coin of Lothair), which proves that Benedict III. immediately succeeded Leo IV., render it impossible to regard this story as other than a legend. No clue, however, has yet been found to its origin, unless, indeed, it was meant as a satire on the dissoluteness of such infam- ous pontiffs as John X., XL, and XII. — only that in that case we should have expected a female Pope to have been introduced in the § 112. THE PAPACY AND THE CAROLINGIANS. 321 tenth and not in the ninth century. — A Calvinistic divine, David Blondel, was the first to show that the story could not stand the test of sound criticism, and was utterly unworthy of credence (Amst. 1649). Since then, however, its authenticity has again been de- fended by Spanheim (Opp. II. 577), and latterly bv N. Chr. Kist ("Hist, theol. Zeitschr." for 1844. II.). Hase (Ch." Hist., 8th ed., p. 204) regards it as at least conceivable that a church which has represented as matter of history what has never taken place, may similarly have blotted out what really took place, at least so long as the knowledge of it seemed dangerous to the interests of the Papacy. 4. Nicholas I. and Hadrian II. (858-67-72). Of the pontiffs who occupied the papal chair between the time of Gregory I. and that of Gregory VII., Nicholas I. was by far the ablest. A man of unbending will, of keen penetration, and of a bold spirit, he knew how to avail himself of the political troubles of his time, of public opinion, which proclaimed him another Elijah, and ultimately also of the pseudo-Isidorian Decretals, which emerged at that very time (see § 117, 2), to invest his claims for absolute papal supremacy with the appearance of a contest on behalf of truth, right, and purity. Among the various disputes in which he was involved (§ 97, 1 ; § 113, 1), that with Lothair II of Lotharingia proved the most im- portant. That prince, desirous of marrying Waldrada, w T ith whom he had formed an improper connection, accused Thietberga, his spouse, of incest with her brother. Two of his prelates, Gunther of Cologne and Thietgundoi Treves, proved sufficiently venal to gratify the adulterous monarch by dissolving his legitimate marriage at a synod held in Aix (859). Lothair now formally espoused Waldrada ; but Thietberga escaped from the nunnery to which she had been con- fined, to do penance for the crime with which she was charged, and appealed to the Pope. The two uncles of Lothair, Louis the Ger- manic and Charles the Bald, desirous of possessing themselves of their nephew's country, took her part. By appointment of Charles, Hincmar of Rheims undertook the public defence of the queen. Nicholas sent Rodoald of Porto (? comp. § 97, 1) and another Italian bishop to Lotharingia to investigate the matter. These legates, however, were bribed, and a synod held at Metz (863) decided in favour of the king. But the Pontiff excommunicated his own legates, and deposed the two metropolitans who had travelled to Rome in order there to try w T hat Lotharingian gold could effect for their master. To avenge their wrongs, these prelates now incited the Emperor Louis II, the brother of Lothair, against the Pope. Imperial troops occupied Rome ; but Louis soon came to an under- standing with the Pontiff. Deserted by his own subjects, and threatened in his possessions by his uncles, Lothair was glad to make submission, and humbly implored the protection of the Pope against the covetousness of his relatives. Arsenius, the legate whom Nicholas sent across the Alps to arrange matters, acted as if he had VOL. I. X 322 SECOND SECTION. FIRST PERIOD (CENT. 4-9 A.D.). been absolute lord of the three Frankish empires. Lothair was obliged to take back Thietberga ; her rival was to have accompanied the legate to Rome, but escaped by the way. In the arms of Wald- rada, Lothair soon forgot his former promises and oaths. At the same time he succeeded in making his peace with his relatives, whom the overbearing conduct of the legate had offended. Thietberga herself now applied to the Pope for a divorce — a request which the Pontiff absolutely refused. Nicholas I. died in 867. His successor, Hadrian II., a man seventy-five years of age, was elected through the influence of the imperial party. Accordingly, he proved at first more tractable. He accepted the submission of the two metropoli- tans, although without restoring them to their offices, and absolved Waldrada from church censure, but refused the petition which Thietberga again addressed for a divorce. Lothair himself now went to see the Pope ; he took a solemn oath that he had not cohabited with Waldrada since the return of his wife, and received the sacra- ment from the hands of the Pontiff. In the full hope of at last at- taining his object, he returned homewards, but on his journey was cut off at Piacenza by a fever (869). After his death the uncles of Lothair seized his dominions. Hadrian in vain interposed his authority on behalf of the Emperor as the rightful heir, and even threatened to excommunicate those who refused to obey. In the name of Charles the Bald, Hincmar of Rheims addressed a remark- able epistle to Hadrian, in which he expressed it as the conviction of the Prankish nobility, that the Pope had no right to interfere with political questions. Hadrian was obliged to allow this act of defiance to pass unpunished. In another affair also (§ 113, 1) Hincmar had the better of the Pope. 5. John "VTII. and his Successors. The measures adopted by John VIII. (872-882) for subjecting the Carolingian princes to papal supremacy were more successful than those of his predecessor. But then he was also a greater adept in the art of intriguing, a more accomplished hypocrite, and less troubled with conscientious scruples. By his efforts the Papacy was made entirely independent of the Emperor, although, on the other hand, it became an object of furi- ous contention to rival parties in Rome. Hence the almost in- credible debasement of the Papal See during the tenth century must be mainly imputed to this Pontiff. On the decease of the Emperor Louis II, in the year 875, this dignity should have devolved on Louis the Germanic, as being both the elder and the full brother of Louis' father. But John was anxious to show the world that the im- perial crown was in the gift of the successor of the apostles. Ac- cordingly, he invited Charles the Bald to Rome, and crowned him at Christmas 875. In return for this act of grace, the Emperor for- mally renonnced his claims as superior of the States of the Church, all control in future elections to the Papacy, and consented to re- ceive a papal vicar and primate for all Germany. But even this § 113. THE PAPACY AND THE METROPOLITAN OFFICE. 323 was not all. At Pavia, Charles had to submit to become the elective monarch of Lombardy, and then to concede to his own nobles the same right of election^ as also that of hereditary succession to their fiefs, in" order to obtain their consent to these transactions. But Hincmar and the clergy of Neustria offered strenuous resistance, and stormy discussions ensued at the Synod of Pontion in 876. — From this shameful compromise neither the Pope nor the Emperor derived advantage. The reign of faction increased at Rome be- yond the control of John, and the Saracens ravaged Italy. The JEmperor, unable to keep his own against the Northmen, could afford no help. At last, having purchased a disgraceful peace, he crossed the Alps. But fresh domestic troubles speedily obliged him to re- trace his steps. Charles died in a miserable hut at the foot of Mount Cenis, in consequence of poison administered to him by his physician (877). Meantime the troubles of the Pope increased, and his in- trigues only served to make his situation more dangerous. John VIII. died 'by the hand of an assassin in 882. The year before his death he had been obliged to crown Charles the Fat, the youngest son of Louis the Germanic. This prince was also elected monarch of Neustria by the nobles of that realm ; so that the weakest of Charle- magne's successors once more combined all the dominions of his great ancestor under his sway. But in 887 the Estates of Germany deposed him, and elected in his stead Arnulph of Carinthia, a natural son of his brother Carloman. Pope Formosus (894) called in the aid of that monarch, and crowned him Emperor. But Arnulph was not able to maintain himself in Italy against his Langobard rival Lambert. Formosus died soon after the departure of Arnulph (896). His successor, Stephen VI., in the true spirit of Italian revenge, ordered the body of Formosus to be exhumed, maltreated, and thrown into the Tiber, because he had favoured the Germans. The three following popes reigned only a few weeks or months, and were either killed or expelled. In order to appease the German party, John IX. (898-900) rescinded the sentence passed by Stephen against Formosus. Although the reign of Arnulph in Ger- many had fallen in troubled times, it proved vigorous and honour- able. He died in 899, when the German Estates chose his infant son, Louis the Child, his successor, — Archbishop Hatto of Mayence acting as regent during the minority. But Louis died in 911. With him the German branch of the Carolingians became extinct ; in France the dynasty continued to exist till the death of Louis the Indolent in 987. § 113. THE PAPACY AND THE METROPOLITAN OFFICE. Comp. Gass, Merkwiirdigkk. aus dem Leben u. d. Schriften Hinkmar's {Memorabilia in the Life and from the Writ, of Hincm.). Gottingen 1806. The office of Metropolitan was one of great importance and influence 324 SECOND SECTION. FIRST PERIOD (CENT. 4-9 A.D.). in Germany. Among the many various races and tribes which in- habited the Frankish Empire, the metropolitans represented the unity of the National, just as the Pope that of the Universal Church ; while, as influential members of the Estates, they took an important part both in the internal administration of the country, and in the direction of its foreign policy. The concentration of spiritual power in one in- dividual afforded to the secular rulers a fresh guarantee for the political integrity of their country. On that account they were opposed to the multiplication of metropolitan sees ; and where the extent of the country rendered it necessary to have more than one archepiscopal see, they were anxious to see the most influential of these prelates invested with the authority and jurisdiction of Primate. On the other hand, it was the policy of the popes to appoint iiv every country at least two or three metropolitans, and to resist the appointment of primates, since it was quite possible, that if the supreme direction of a national church were confided to one person, that prelate might, some time or other, conceive the wish of eman- cipating his see from the authority of Home, and constituting him- self an independent patriarch. — Since the time of Charlemagne, the Frankish monarchs were also wont to establish episcopal and arch- episcopal sees along the borders of their dominions, for the twofold purpose of sending the Gospel into the neighbouring heathen coun- tries, and of preparing for their conquest, or, where this had already been accomplished, strengthening their government. The former of these objects could only command the approbation of the pontiffs ; the latter they resisted to the utmost of their power. It is but jus- tice to say, that the occupants of the See of St Peter, remembering that they represented the Church universal, always recognised, re- spected, and watched over the rights of nationality. It was in- tended that every country in which Christianity was established, should preserve its nationality and political independence, and thus become a member of that great family of which the Pontiff was the spiritual father. In this grand organism, every people was to stand in the same relation, since all were equally to be subject to the Apostolic See. While this policy was in accordance with the rules of humanity and of the Gospel, it promoted at the same time the selfish objects of the Papacy. Hence, whenever a national church had been founded, it was the aim of Rome to set it free from the superintendence of the German clergy, and to render it independent, by giving it a hierarchy of its own. — Lastly, the in- terests of the metropolitan, as the representative and supreme ruler § 113. THE PAPACY AND THE METROPOLITAN OFFICE. 325 of a national church, were in great measure identical with those of the sovereign of a country. Hence these prelates were the strongest supporters of the throne ; while, on the other hand, their authority also was most carefully guarded by the secular princes. But this coalition between the metropolitans and secular princes was fraught Avith manifest danger to the liberties of the inferior clergy, who ac- cordingly sought the protection of the See of Rome, by espousing its separate interests. Towards the close of the reign of Louis the Pious, under the pressure of circumstances, a wide-spread conspiracy of bishops and abbots was formed for the twofold purpose of eman- cipating the clergy, especially the bishops, from the control of the State and of their metropolitans, and of placing them under the im- mediate jurisdiction of the Papacy. The forged Decretals which bear the name of Isidore (§ 117, 2) represent these principles as in force and acted upon since oldest times. Although these tendencies met with the most strenuous opposition, the principles of the forged Decretals ultimately became the established law of the Church. 1. For a long time the English monarchs resisted the papal attempts to establish another metropolitan see besides that of Can- terbury, as such a measure endangered the political unity of the Heptarchy. The contest raged most fiercely at the time of Wilfrid (§ 107, 6; 108, 3), whom the Romish party had appointed Arch- bishop of York. Wilfrid was obliged to retire ; and, after a troubled career, died without having obtained actual possession of the see to which he had been nominated (709). But the Pope ulti- mately succeeded in his object. In 735 a Northumbrian prince received the pall, and the archbishopric of York has continued ever since. — In the north of Italy there were three metropolitan sees — those of Ravenna, Milan, and Aquileja — each claiming to be inde- pendent of Rome (§ 71). Indeed, Sergius, Archbishop of Ravenna (about 760), would fain have followed the example of the See of Rome, and transformed the Exarchate of Ravenna into an indepen- dent state in connection with his own see. Of course, instances of opposition to papal supremacy were of frequent occurrence. But Pope Nicholas I. succeeded in finally checking these pretensions (in 861), at a time when the See of Ravenna was occupied by John, a prelate guilty of sacrilege and violence of every kind. The force of public opinion obliged the Emperor to withdraw his protection from a bishop justly excommunicated for his crimes. But during the pontificate of John VIJL, Ansbert, Archbishop of Milan and a par- tisan of Germany, was strong enough to set both papal bans and sentences of deposition at defiance (ob. 882). His successor, how- ever, again acknowledged the primacy of Rome. — The Metropolitan of Rheims occupied the first place in the hierarchy of France. 326 SECOND SECTION. FIRST PERIOD (CENT. 4-9 A.D.). From 845 to 882 that see was occupied by Hincmar, the most emi- nent, vigorous, and influential prelate whom France has ever had. His life presents a series of different contests. The first controversy in which he engaged was on the subject of Predestination (§ 121, 4). But ecclesiastical law and politics, not dogmatic intricacies, were his chosen field. In opposition to the claims of the Papacy, and the attempts of the bishops to emancipate themselves, he firmly and suc- cessfully contended for the independence of secular princes from papal control, for the liberties of his national Church, and for the rights of metropolitans. His controversy with Bothad, Bishop of Soissons, deserves special notice. This prelate had been deposed by Hincmar on account of insubordination (861), from which sentence he appealed to Pope Nicholas I, on the ground of the Sardican Canon (§ 72, 1), which hitherto had not been acknowledged in the Frankish Empire ; while at the same time he supplied the Pope with the pretended Decretals of Isidore, On this forged collection Nicholas took his stand, and, after considerable resistance, carried the restoration of Rothad (865). Another collision arose out of the contumacious conduct of his own nephew, Hincmar, Bishop of Laon. In this instance also, both parties appealed to the forged Decretals. Although Hadrian II. took the part of young Hincmar (869), the Metropolitan carried the day ; and the Bishop of Laon, who, be- sides defying his king and his ecclesiastical superior, had entered into treacherous communications with the German Court, was punished with the loss of his eyes. Till the year 875, Hincmar stood by his monarch, and formed the strongest prop both of his policy and of his throne. But when Charles the Bald, in exchange for the imperial dignity, bartered away the supremacy of the crown, the liberties of the French Church, and the rights of its hierarchy, the prelate firmly opposed his monarch. Hincmar died during his flight from the Northmen (882). With him the glory of the French hierarchy departed. The authors of the forged Decretals prevailed. But if bishops were emancipated from the rule of their own metropoli- tans, they were, on the other hand, left unprotected, and hence fre- quently exposed to the lawless violence of secular grandees. — In Germany, metropolitan sees had been founded at Salzburg, Cologne, Passau, Treves, and Hamburg. Over these, and all other sees in the country, the Archbishop oiMayence continued to exercise supremacy. Strange to say, in Germany the pretended Decretals of Isidore, al- though originating in that country under peculiar circumstances, gave not rise to an organised opposition against the metropolitan office, as was the case in France. Indeed, they recognised the primacy of the See of Mayence. Happily for the Empire, the power of the Metropolitan of Germany continued undiminished for several centuries. § 114. STATE OF THE CLERGY. 327 § 114. STATE OF THE CLERGY. Comp. S. Sugenheim, Staatsleben d. Klerus im M. A. (Polit. State of the Clergy in the Middle Ages). Berl. 1839 ; K. D. Hull- mann, Gesch. d. IJrspr. d. Stande in Deutschl. (Hist, of the Orig. of the Diff. Est. in Germ.). 2d Ed. Berl. 1830. Vol. I. Those prelates who bore a rank subordinate to the Metropolitan were called Diocesans, or also Suffragan bishops, from their right to vote in provincial synods. In Germany, instead of the former or canonical mode of episcopal election by the people and clergy, the kings now claimed the right of appointing to vacant sees. At the Synod of Aix-la-Chapelle (817), Louis the Pious restored, indeed, to the people and clergy their former privilege, reserving for the Crown only the right of confirming the election ; but his successors on the throne paid no regard to this enactment. — Sentence of deposi- tion was commonly pronounced by a provincial or national synod. The Investiture of bishops with ring and staff (the shepherd's crook and the marriage-ring) appears to have been practised — at least in isolated cases — during the time of the Merovingians, and came in general use in the ninth century. The so-called Chorepiscopi of the eighth and ninth centuries — who, however, had nothing but the designation in common with their namesakes of a preceding period (§ 51. 70) — seem to have been intended as successors of the former " bishops without diocese" or episcopi region arii, who were originally set apart for missionary service. They acted as subordinate assist- ants of diocesan bishops, in cases where love of ease, want of zeal, or frequent absence on public business rendered such aid necessary. But their arbitrary and high-handed proceedings occasioned serious inconvenience to those bishops who devolved not their work on dele- gates. The office was virtually abrogated by the Synod of Paris in 849, after which it seems gradually to have ceased. The lower clergy were in part drawn from the serfs ; generally speaking, they were held in absolute subjection by their bishops. Very frequently these clerks were deficient in the first elements of education. Pa- rochial appointments rested with the bishop ; but in many cases the founders of churches reserved to themselves and their successors the right of patronage. Towards the close of the Merovingian and at the commencementof theCarolingian period, both the higher andthelower clergy had sunk into a fearful state of moral degeneracy. Boniface succeeded in restoring discipline, at least to some extent (§ 108, 4) ; 328 SECOND SECTION. FIRST PERIOD (CENT. 4-9 A.D.). while the vigorous measures taken by Charlemagne greatly tended to improve and elevate the state of the clergy. But all this did not suffice to stem the almost general corruption. Accordingly, in 816 Louis the Pious introduced throughout his dominions the rule which Chrodegang of Met z had half a century before instituted, with a view to the reformation of the clergy of his own diocese. The remedy proved efficacious — at least for a short period ; but during the weak and disturbed reigns of the last Carolingians, ordinances like these were easily set aside. — During this period the clergy obtained the privilege of exemption from secular tribunals; but only thus far, that the civil magistrate could not proceed against a clergyman without the concurrence of the bishop, and that a bishop was amenable only to the king or to a provincial synod. 1. In Germany the higher clergy were from the first re- garded as a kind of spiritual aristocracy, whose superior education ensured them an influence in the State greater even than that of the secular nobility. In all affairs of importance the bishops acted as advisers of the monarch ; in almost every instance they were selected as ambassadors; clerical members sat on every commission; and one half of the " Missi dominici" were always selected from the same privileged order. From their proximity to the person of the king, and their influence in public affairs, the bishops became one of the estates of the realm. Another element which contributed to the power of the hierarchy was, that, according to Frankish law, the immunity which accompanied grants of land made by the king, con- ferred on the proprietor the power of taxation and of jurisdiction. Thus the bishops wielded not only spiritual, but also temporal sioay, over a great part of the country. — As the residence of the Frankish king was not stationary, a special court chapel, to which a numerous body of clergy was attached, was requisite. Commonly the most prominent and influential prelate of the realm acted as arch-chap- lain of the court, and from the clergy attached to this chapel the future bishops of the country were generally chosen. 2. The gradual extension of episcopal dioceses rendered it necessary to make some new arrangements in regard to the inferior clergy. Formerly the affiliated or country churches had been served by the clergy attached to the cathedrals ; but now priests were appointed specially to these charges. Such churches were called tituli, from the circumstance that they were always dedicated to some saint, and their priests intitulati, incardinati, cardinales. Such was the origin of the institution of the Parochia ( i 7rupoiKtcc) and of the Parochus or parson, who was also designated Curate because the cura animarum devolved on him. An archipresbyter ruralis was entrusted with the superintendence of about ten parishes, from which circumstance § 114. STATE OF THE CLERGY. 329 lie was called Decanus (Dean). As at first he retained the exclusive right of administering baptism, his church bore the name of Ecclesia baptismalis, his district of Christianitas or Plebs, and he himself the title Plebanus. In the eighth century, Heddo, Bishop of Strasburg, formed his diocese into seven archdeaconries for the purpose of effi- ciently superintending the labours of the deans. Besides parochial churches, a number of chapels or oratories existed, in which the nearest parish priest at stated seasons celebrated divine service. In the same category we also include the private chapels in episcopal palaces and on the properties of the nobility, which were supplied by domestic chaplains. Occasionally the latter were degraded to do menial work, such as taking charge of the dogs, waiting at table, or leading the horse of the lady of the manor. Although the ancient canon, " ne quis vage ordinetur," was frequently re-enacted, there were a large number of so-called Clerici vagi, commonly lazy vaga- bonds, who wandered about the country in quest of some livelihood, ordained by careless bishops for money. 3. The German clenxv were very reluctant to submit to the in- junction of celibacy. Many instances of married bishops, pres- byters, and deacons occur. By far the greater part of the inferior clergy were married. At their ordination they pledged themselves indeed to separate from their wives, and to abstain from intercourse with them ; but this promise was rarely observed. The unmarried clergy were frequently chargeable with uncleanness, adultery, and even with unnatural vices. Accordingly Ulric, Bishop of Augsburg, scrupled not to expostulate with Pope Nicholas I. on the subject of clerical celibacy, and in the spirit of Paphnutius of old (§ 70, 4), unsparingly exposed the evils connected with it. — In general, the moral state of the clergy was very low. Attempts to get hold of the property of devotees, forgery of documents, simony, and other abuses, were openly and shamelessly carried on. The bishops imitated in their hunting and drinking bouts the vices of the nobility, and were more expert with dogs and falcons than in their own peculiar duties. In the seventh cent, it was the liking for the profession of arms which induced Prankish bishops to take part in tears; at a later period, the obligation of furnishing a military contingent from the lands belonging to the Church, furnished an additional pretext. Pepin, Charlemagne, and Louis the Pious, issued strict edicts against this practice ; but the later Carolingians not only tolerated, but even encouraged the abuse. 4. Though Augustine's institution of a monasterium Clericorum (§ 70, 1) had been adopted by several pious bishops of later times, it was Chrodegang, Bishop of Metz, who first introduced it gene- rally, and laid down certain fixed rules for it. His scheme (canon) consisted of an adaptation of the monastic Rule of St Benedict (§ 115), from which it only differed in dispensing with the vow of poverty. He erected a spacious dwelling (called domus or monas- 330 SECOND SECTION. FIRST PERIOD (CENT. 4-9 A.D.). terium, whence the term Milnster), where, under the strict and con- tinuous supervision of the bishop or archdeacon, all the clergy of his cathedral lived, prayed, and wrought together, ate at a common table, and slept in a common dormitory (vita canonica, hence canons). After morning service all the members assembled in the common hall, when the bishop or archdeacon read a chapter of the Bible (fre- quently in the book of Levit.) or a portion of the " Rule," taking occasion at the same time to administer any admonition or reproof that might be called for. Hence this hall was called the chapter- house, and the designation of Chapter was also given to the com- munity as a whole. In towns which were not the seats of bishoprics, the clergy were formed into colleges OF canons under an abbot or dean, in imitation of the cathedral chapters. Louis the Pious com- missioned Amalarius, a deacon of Metz, to revise the Rule of Chro- degang, so as to make it generally applicable; and at a national assembly held in Aix-la-Chapelle in 816, it was sanctioned for general use throughout the realm (Regula Aquisgranensis). But the canons soon showed a desire to get rid of this troublesome supervision of their bishops. When Gunther of Cologne (§ 112, 4) was deposed by the Pope, he sought to retain his office, among other things, by ingrati- ating himself with his cathedral chapter. Accordingly he agreed to leave a great part of the property of the Church to their uncontrolled disposal (proebenda, prebends). What this chapter had extorted, others also gradually obtained. § 115. MONASTICISM. Comp. L. oVAchery, Acta Ss. Ord. s. Benedicti. Sec. I.-VI. (500-1100). ed. J. Mahillon. Par. 1688. 9 Voll. fol. J. Mabillon, Annales Ord. S. Benedicti ed. Martene. Par. 1703. 6 Voll. fol.— Gesch. d. Bened. Ord. aus Spittlers Vorles. v. Gurlitt (Hist, of the Bened. Ord. from the Lect. of Spittler, by Gurlitt). Hamb. 1823 ; C. Brandes, d. Ben. O. in the Tubingen Quarterly for 1851 ; Helyot, Histoire des Ordres Relig. The disasters which accompanied the irruption of barbarous nations in the fifth century, extended also to the monastic institution. Indeed, it could scarcely have survived that period, at least it could not have proved a source of so great and manifold blessing to Western Christendom, if at the right moment unity, order, and law had not been introduced among the various monasteries by the adop- tion of a fixed rule, suited to the times and circumstances. For this the Church was indebted to Benedict of Nursia (ob. 543), who may be styled the Patriarch of Western Monasticism. The rule which he prescribed to the inmates of the monastery of Monte-Cassino in Campania, which he founded, was free from all ascetic extravagance. § 115. MONASTICISM. 331 It secured strict discipline and order, but breathed a mild and even indulgent spirit, while at the same time it took account of the re- quirements of human nature and of the times ; withal, it was simple, plastic, and eminently practical. Besides, the disciples of Benedict derived from the Rule of Cassiodorus (§ 77, 6). their engagement in literary employments, and from Gregory the Great their ardour in missionary enterprises. Thus the Benedictine order became thoroughly prepared for the grand mission which it accomplished throughout the West (St Maurus transplanted it to France in 543), in reclaiming both soil and rnind, in clearing forests and cul- tivating waste land, in zealous and faithful preaching, in extermi- nating superstition and heathenism, and in cultivating and preserving literature, science, and art. But during the troublous period at the close of the Merovingian rule, the Benedictine monasteries also suffered severely. The court appointed its favourites to the office of abbot ; rich abbacies were given to the higher secular clergy in commendam, i.e., simply to enjoy its revenues, or else to counts and military chiefs (lay-abbots, Abbacomites) in reward for their services. These lay-abbots occupied the monasteries with their families, or with their friends and retainers, sometimes for months, converting them into banqueting halls, or using them for hunting expeditions or for military exercises. The wealthiest abbacies the kinss either retained for themselves, or bestowed on their sons and daughters, their wives and mistresses. Charlemagne corrected this abuse also ; he insisted on strict discipline, and made it a rule that schools should be planted in connection with the various monasteries, and that literary labours were to be prosecuted within their walls. At the Diet of AiX'la-Chapelle in 817, Louis the Pious appointed Benedict of Aniane (ob. 821) to reorganise, and to introduce the needed reforms in, the various monasteries throughout the empire. Along with commissioners specially appointed for the purpose, he visited every monastery in the country, and obliged their inmates to adopt an improved rule. — As yet the monks were not regarded as neces- sarily belonging to the clerical order ; but gradually the two profes- sions became more identified. Clerical celibacy and the introduction of the canonical rule (§ 114, 4) assimilated the regular priests to the inmates of cloisters ; while the latter frequently took ordination either with a view to missionary service, or to enable them to con- duct worship in their monasteries. Withal, the monks would some- times interfere with the rights and duties of curates, giving rise to mutual jealousies and distrust. — All monasteries were subject to the 332 SECOND SECTION. EIRST PERIOD (CENT. 4-0 A.D.). jurisdiction of the bishop in whose diocese they lay. The exemp- tions granted at this period only secured permission of freely choos- ing their own abbots, or the power of administering without control their own property, or else the right of receiving ordination without payment of fees. 1 . Our knowledge of the life of Benedict of Nursia is solely de- rived from the account given by credulous Pope Gregory the Great in the second book of his Dialogues, which, unfortunately, is full of legendary stories. The Rule of Benedict comprised seventy-three chapters. It was laid down as the first duty of the inmates of a monastery, to pay implicit obedience to the abbot as the vicar of Christ. The brethren had the right of choosing their own abbot, and the " Rule" did not recognise any order of " serving brothers." Agriculture was to form the principal employment ; all idleness was most strictly prohibited. The monks were by turns (each for a week) to take charge of the kitchen, and to read aloud in the refectory. Divine service was to commence at two o'clock in the morning, and the seven " horse" to the completorium were to be regularly cele- brated. The monks had two meals a clay, and each a pint of wine ; only the sick or delicate were allowed animal food. At table, and after the completorium, unbroken silence was to be observed. The brothers slept in a common dormitory — each, however, in a bed of his own — with their dress and girdle on, to be ready for prayers at the first signal. The discipline was careful and strict. Offenders were to be first privately, then publicly reproved ; and if this was insufficient, punished with fasts, with bodily chastisement, and finally with excommunication. Every monastery was bound to entertain strangers, and to provide for the poor in the district. The novitiate of candidates extended over one year; the voivs prescribed were those of stabilitas loci, of conversio morum (implying also poverty and chastity), and of obedientia. The so-called oblati, or children whom, during their minority, the parents had offered to a monastery, were regarded as a kind of novices. They were educated in the cloister, and not allowed to return to the world. 2. Benedict op Aniane was the son of a Visigoth count, and his real name was Witiza. In early life he served in the army of Charlemagne. But during a moment of imminent danger, while attempting to rescue his brother from drowning, his mind received a new turn, and distinction in ascetic exercises became now the object of his ambition. He founded the monastery of Aniane, by the river Anianus in Languedoc, and became the trusted and all- powerful adviser of Louis the Pious, who built the monastery of Incla near Aix-la-Chapelle in order to have his friend always beside him. Benedict composed, for the reform of monasteries, a Codex regularum, which consisted of a collection of the various monastic rules then known (best ed. by L. Holstein ; and next to it that by Brockie. § 115. MONASTICISM. 333 Augsb. 1759. 6 Vols.), and a Concordia regularum (ed. H. Menard. Par. 1638. 4). 3. The Rule of the first Benedict made no arrangements about Nunneries. Sckolastiea, the sister of that saint, is, however, generally regarded as having originated the female order of Bene- dictines. The institution of Canonesses, in imitation of the " canonical life" of the secular clergy, was another form of female asceticism. The Rule drawn up for them in 816, by order of Louis the Pious, was much less stringent than that which applied to ordinary nuns. By and by these institutions became a provision for the unmarried daughters of the nobility. — The canonical age for entrants before taking the vow was twenty-five years ; their novi- tiate lasted three years. Besides the " propria professio," the " paterna devotio" was also regarded as binding. The taking of the veil formed the main part of the ceremony of admission : the garland worn was intended to be the symbol of virginity ; the ring, that of their spiritual marriage. At this period the practice of cutting off the hair was only resorted to as punishment of nuns who had broken their vow of chastity. From the respect which the Germans were wont to pay to woman, the lady-abbess occupied a place of special distinction ; and in later times the principal nun- neries enjoyed even such privileges as exemption, a vote among the estates of the realm, and the exercise of sovereign rights. It was a peculiarity of German monasteries, that frequently they were constructed both for monks and nuns, who — of course in separate houses — lived under the common rule of an abbess (as often in Eng- land) or of an abbot. 4. To the larger monasteries a number of buildings were attached, in which every conceivable spiritual or temporal occupation was carried on. Some of these buildings were designed for agricul- tural purposes, others for trades and arts of every description, or for public instruction, for private studies, for showing hospitality or taking charge of the sick. They often formed of themselves a small town, around which, in many instances, considerable cities sprung up. The monastery of Vivarium in Calabria, founded by Cassio- dorus, claims the merit of having awakened in the monks of Ger- many the desire of devoting themselves to literary avocations ; the arrangements of Monte Cassino were adopted all over Western Europe. Through the exertions of the inmates of Bobbio, founded by Columbanus, both heathenism and Arianism were uprooted in Northern Italy ; the monks of Iona and Bangor, in Scotland and Ireland, sustained the important conflict with Rome on behalf of the British Confession ; while the monastery of Wearmouth, in England, was famed as a seminary of learning. St Denys near Paris, and Corbey in Picardy, were the most celebrated abbacies in France. The most famous institutions of this kind in Southern Germany were these of St Gall, Beichenau, Lorsch, and Hirschau; in Central 334 SECOND SECTION. FIRST PERIOD (CENT. 4-9 A.D.). Germany, those of Fulda, Hersfeld, and Fritzlar ; and in Northern Germany, that of New Corbey (an offshoot of Corbey in France). 5. The severity of the climate prevented Western ascetics from imitating the example of former Stylites (§ 108, 3). Instead of this, however, the so-called Reclusi or Reclusce adopted the practice of shutting themselves up in their cells, without ever quitting them. A peculiar class of anchorites, who lived in the woods, were found in many parts of Germany. This kind of asceticism was peculiarly in accordance with some national characteristics, such as the tendency to dreamy melancholy, the passionate love of nature, and the delight in roaming over mountain and forest. The practice of thus retiring into solitude seems to have been chiefly in vogue during the sixth cent. ; and the lonely valleys, glens, and mountains of Auvergne were peopled with these saints. But the concourse of admiring fol- lowers soon converted the cell of the saint into a monastery, and the practice gradually ceased. § 116. ECCLESIASTICAL PROPERTY. Comp. Paul Roth, Gesch. d. Beneficialwesens bis zum lOten Jahrh. (Hist, of Eccles. Benefices to the Tenth Cent.). Erlg. 1850. By donations and legacies both churches and monasteries gradually acquired immense wealth. If princes knew no bounds in making pious grants, private individuals not unfrequently even surpassed them in this species of liberality. Nor could occasions for its dis- play be ever awanting. Restoration from dangerous illness, deliver- ance from danger, the birth of a child, or any extraordinary occur- rence, swelled the treasury of the church whose patron saint had been of use to the donor. This kind of piety was of course greatly encouraged by the clergy, who, besides, hesitated not to impose on the ignorance of the age by unscrupulous forgeries. Gifts or grants of land, of which the donor retained the use during his lifetime, were called Precarice. Commonly, the private property of priests at their death, and that of monks at their " conversio," went to the in- stitutions with which they were connected. Besides this revenue from property, every church claimed tithes from all its parishioners. According to the precedent of the Mosaic law, tithes were regarded as "juris divini," and Charlemagne gave to this arrangement the sanction of public law. On the other hand, the clergy were pro- hibited from demanding payment for the discharge of their spiritual functions. — It was the first fundamental principle in the administra- tion of ecclesiastical property, that no part of it might be sold or alienated. Hence it increased every year. Thus, in the seventh century, fully one-third of all the landed property in Gaul belonged § 116. ECCLESIASTICAL PROPERTY. 335 to the Church, while the fiscal and crown lands had all been alien- ated. Under these circumstances, Charles Martel had no choice left but to reward his adherents and servants by bestowing on them lay- abbacies. His sons, Carloman and Pepin, went even further ; they claimed the right of absolutely disposing of all ecclesiastical pro- perty, and at once proceeded to secularise and divide the coveted possessions. Charlemagne and Louis the Pious were anxious to atone for these acts of injustice by making such restitution as was possible, considering the reduced state of the fisc. By these restitu- tions, and by new donations from wealthy individuals, the property of the Church again accumulated as before. Thus, at the com- mencement of the ninth cent., the monastery of Luxeuil possessed not less than 15,000 manors (Mansi). — The management of Church property was entrusted to the bishops, that of monasteries to their abbots. Special advocates or defensors (advocati ecclesiae) were appointed to watch over the temporal rights of churches, and to exercise their secular jurisdiction. But after a time these officials came greatly to abuse their position ; they committed every kind of extortion, oppression, and dishonesty ; claimed a great part of the ecclesiastical revenues as their dues ; and generally disposed both of the property and income of churches as if it were their own. 1. When Charles Martel undertook the government of the coun- try, he found that, by excessive liberality towards the Church, and towards their own immediate attendants, the Merovingians had completely exhausted all available resources, so far as crown lands were concerned. But in the peculiar circumstances of the country, threatened by the Saracens on the one hand, and surrounded on the other by a number of petty tyrants, who would have broken up and so destroyed the realm, Charles Martel was in more urgent want of pecuniary means than any of his predecessors. These difficulties gave rise to the bestowal of what were called benefices. The war- riors, whose services gave them claims upon the State or the monarch, were still rewarded by grants of land, which conferred on the pos- sessor the obligation of furnishing a military contingent ; but these grants of land were no longer hereditary, but valid only during the lifetime of the possessor (for his usufruct, heneficium). As the crown lands were almost entirely disposed of, Charles Martel confiscated for this purpose the property of the Church. Thus, without abso- lutely appropriating these lands, he filled the vacant sees with crea- tures of his own, and induced them to grant benefices to such of his followers as deserved rewards, while he himself similarly bestowed abbacies in commendam (§ 115). But while this half measure did not suffice for the wants of the case, it proved also the occasion of more serious inconvenience to the Church than complete confiscation 336 SECOND SECTION. FIEST PERIOD (CENT. 4-9 A.D.). would have been. Accordingly, the successors of Martel secularised a large portion of the property of the Church. These measures were initiated at the Synod of Lestines in 743 (§ 108, 4). StBoni- facius, and the clergy generally, felt that submission was absolutely requisite, and that any hope of seeing ecclesiastical discipline re- stored, depended on their willingness to yield. Accordingly, they gave their consent, in the hope of obtaining in better times a resti- tution. The rights of the ecclesiastical foundation were preserved, at least in point of form ; the lay impropriators granted letters precarice, and agreed to pay for every manor a yearly duty of one solidus. Under the reign of Charlemagne this tribute was con- verted into second tithes called Nonce. But when Charlemagne and Louis made partial restitution of the Church property formerly secularised, the obligations formerly imposed on beneficiary posses- sors (especially that of furnishing contingents) were not remitted, and, indeed, were gradually extended to all ecclesiastical property. — This system of beneficiary grants, though originating under the pressure of circumstances, gradually spread, and became the basis of social arrangements, and " one of the most important points in the policy of the Middle Ages." (Comp. also Hallam, Middle Ages, Vol. I., pp. 159, etc.) § 117. ECCLESIASTICAL LEGISLATION. The duty of enacting ecclesiastical ordinances for the German Empire devolved in the first place on the various synods. The Papacy exercised scarcely any influence in this respect. It was otherwise with the secular rulers. They convoked synods, submitted to them questions for deliberation, and confirmed their decrees as they saw fit. But when the Frankish sees were filled exclusively with natives, synods gradually ceased to be held, and ecclesiastical affairs, if discussed at all, were settled at the Imperial Diets, in which the bishops took part, as belonging to the estates of the realm. Even those great national synods which St Bonifacius held for the purpose of remodelling and restoring ecclesiastical arrangements, which had fallen into sad confusion, were Concilia mixta ; and this continued to be the constitution of such assemblies under the reign of Charlemagne and of Louis the Pious. The former monarch, however, introduced better order into these deliberations, by sepa- rating the assembled estates into three distinct curia? — viz., that of bishops, of abbots, and of counts. Under the rule of the Carolin- gians, royal ordinances or Capitularies settled those ecclesiastical questions on which formerly synods had published their decrees. But at that period, purely ecclesiastical synods also were again held, H> § 317. ECCLESIASTICAL LEGISLATION. 337 -a practice which came chiefly in* vogue during the time of incmar. 1. Collections of Ecclesiastical Laws. Gregory II. fur- nished St Bonifacius, among other things, with a codex canonum (no doubt that of Dionysius, § 68, 3) ; and Hadrian I. sent one to Charlemagne, which, at the Diet of Aix-la-Chapelle in 802, received public sanction.— Another collection of canons was that made in Spain, of which the authorship was erroneously ascribed to Isidore, Bishop of Seville, and which accordingly is designated as the Hispana, or as the genuine Decretals of Isidore, in opposition to the forged or Frankish collection which bears that title. In point of ^ form, it re- sembles the collection of Dionysius. In the ninth cent, it was intro- duced into the Frankish Empire, and there gave its name to and became the occasion of the forged Decretals of Isidore. Closely con- nected with this piece of imposture was the collection made by Bene- dictus, " a Levite " of Mayence (about 840). Although professing to be a collection of capitularies, it is chiefly composed of ecclesiastical canons; some genuine, others forged. The earliest collection of capitularies was that made by Ansegis, Abbot of Fontenelles, in 827, to which the work of Benedict formed a kind of supplement (best ed. in Pertz, Monumenta Germ. III. IV.). Besides these large and general collections, some bishops published abstracts of ecclesiastical canons for the use of their own dioceses, several of which have been preserved under the name of Capitida Episcoporum. Of these, the Capitula Angilramni, which were spuriously attributed to Angilram- nus, Bishop of Metz (ob. 701), are evidently composed in the same spirit and for the same purpose as the Pseudo-Isidorian Decretals. It is matter of dispute whether the author of the Decretals had bor- rowed from these Capitula, or vice versa. Eettberg has argued — with considerable probability — that both collections were made by the same author, and that the Capitula were composed before and upon a different plan from the Decretals. In the above class of works we also include the Penitential books and the Instructions for clerical visitations (§ 118, 5). 2. The Forged Decretals of Isidore. About the middle of the ninth cent, a collection of canons and decretals appeared in the Frankish Empire, which bore the venerable name of Isidore, and embodied the so-called Isidoriana, but contained, besides, also a number of spurious decretals. This work was composed of the fifty Canones Apostt., which were followed by fifty-nine forged decre- tal letters, professedly written by the first thirty popes from Clemens Romanus to Melchiades (ob. 314). Part Second contained genuine canons of synods, and Part Third another series of papal decretals, dating from the time of Sylvester, the successor of Melchiades, and extending to that of Gregory II. (ob. 731), of which thirty- five are spurious. From their "Frankish Latinity, from the num- VOL. I. T 338 SECOND SECTION. FIRST PERIOD (CENT. 4-9 A.D.). berless anachronisms of the grossest kind which occur in them, and from the evident purpose throughout the work, we cannot but conclude that all the spurious portions were the production of the same person, probably of the editor of this collection. The fol- lowing are the leading characteristics of the system of Pseudo-Isidore : — The Sacerdotium which the Lord has instituted to govern and judge the world, is infinitely superior to the secular Imperium. The See of St Peter represents the unity and the climax of this Sacerdotium. The bishops stand in the same relation towards the Pope as the other apostles occupied towards Peter ; metropolitans are only primi inter pares. As papal vicars in extensive coun- tries which had adopted the Gospel at a later period, the primates occupy a sort of intermediate place between the Pope and bishops (the See of Mayence for Germany). Provincial Synods cannot be held without leave of the Pope, and their decrees only become valid by his confirmation. All causce majores, among them especially, all charges against bishops, can only be decided by the Pope himself. Priests are the "familiares Dei" and " spirituales ;" while the laity are " carnales." Even a clerk may not be summoned before a secular tribunal, far less a bishop; nay, a layman cannot even accuse a priest, while synods are enjoined to render it as difficult as possible to bring any charge against a bishop. A bishop who ^ had already been deprived of his see must be completely rein- 7^ stated before an accusation can be received against him. If the «jj! party accused thinks that the judges are inimici or suspecti, he may ft appeal to the Pope, even before any investigation had actually com- menced. At least seventy-two trustworthy witnesses are required to substantiate a charge, etc. — It was evidently the object of this forgery to render charges against a bishop a matter of great diffi- culty, to prevent the condemnation of a prelate, or, at any rate, to secure their immunity from punishment, by enabling them in the last instance to appeal to the Pope. Everything else — even the high claims made in name of the Papal See— is merely subservient to this object, or intended to divert attention. The forged Decre- tals originated undoubtedly in the Frankish Empire, where they seem to" have been in existence for years before they were known in other countries, as may be gathered from the procedures in the case of Rothad of Soissons (comp. § 113, 1). It was that prelate who, in 864, first brought the Decretals to Rome. The evidence of Hincmar, and the evident connection between them and the Capi- tularies of Benedict, are in favour of the supposition that they were compiled at Mayence,— at a time, we infer, when a number of Frankish bishops were to be accused and punished, or probably immediately before or after the Synod of Didenhofen in 835 (§ 112, 2). Knusi (de fontibus et consilio Ps. Igidorl, Gottg. 1832) has suggested that Benedictus Levita, who was the first in his Capitula- ries to make practical use of these Decretals, was the author of the § 118. STATE OF INTELLIGENCE, ETC. 339 forgery. Philippa (K. Eecht III. 61) lays the blame on Rotliad of Soissons ; while Wasserschleben charges Otgar, Archbishop of Mayence, with the imposture (Beitr. zur Gesch. d. falsch. Decret. Bresl. 1844). Many circumstances combine to confirm the last- mentioned supposition. In the controversial tractate against his nephew, Hincmar states that Riculf (who occupied the See of Mayence some time before Otgar) had brought this collection from Spain, and given it currency (H. evidently mistook the spurious for the genuine Isidoriana) ; while Benedictus Levita mentions that, in his compilation of the Capitularies, he had made use of certain docu- ments which Riculf had deposited in the archives of Mayence, and which Otgar had discovered, and lent him for the composition of his work. (Probably these were rough drafts made by Otgar, and which Benedict regarded as genuine documents.) Besides, at that very time, Otgar, who had taken a principal part in the conspiracy against Louis the Pious, was in clanger of being called to account ; and the circumstance that the primacy of Mayence alone is recog- nised, thus fully compensating in the case of his own see for what was taken from other primates, tends to confirm our suspicions. — At the time, the genuineness of the Decretals was not called in question, even by Hincmar, who only denied their validity so far as the Frankish Church was concerned, and who, besides, was so inconsis- tent as to appeal to their authority, in his controversy with Charles the Bald, at the Council of Kiersy in 857, though at a later period he designated them an " opus a quoquam compilatum et confictum." — The Magdeburg Centuriones were the first to show that these documents were a forgery. Notwithstanding their exposure, Tur- rianus, a Jesuit (Flor. 1572), again entered the lists in defence of their authenticity ; but was so completely silenced by Dav. Blondel (Ps. Isidorus et Turrianus vapulantes. Genev. 1628) as to deter any subsequent writer from taking up so forlorn a cause. § 118. STATE OP INTELLIGENCE, ECCLESIASTICAL USAGES AND DISCIPLINE. To convince ourselves how thoroughly the Saxon mind could enter into the spirit of genuine Christianity, we only require to peruse the scanty specimens of religious poetry preserved from that period. At first, indeed, the mass of the people had only made outward profession of the new faith. Considerable time elapsed before it reached the heart and leavened the life of the nation. Accordingly, a number of tenets and superstitions foreign to Chris- tianity — the remnants of former heathen views — were mixed up and almost formed part of the religious life. This tendency was fostered by some adventitious circumstances. Gregory the Great had re- 340 SECOND SECTION. FIRST PERIOD (CENT. 4-9 A.D.). commended his missionaries not so much to wage a war of extermi- nation against heathenism, and to sweep away its every trace, as rather to Christianise pagan rites, and to assign a deeper Christian meaning to heathen tenets formerly cherished. In practice the Church continued to follow this suggestion, thereby keeping alive not only the memory, but also the forms, of ancient misbelief. Be- sides, the representatives of the Church taught that the heathen deities formerly worshipped were real demons, and, as such, had ac- tual existence. Hence, in popular belief, they were regarded as a kind of dethroned powers who still exercised an uncontrolled sway in certain domains of nature, and whom it would therefore be dan- gerous to offend. Withal, the highly imaginative and poetic turn so peculiarly characteristic of Germans, their liking for the mysterious and supernatural, their delight in speculation, exercised its own influence in the same direction. The honours paid by the Church to saints, and even its statements about the devil, opened to a highly imaginative race, as it were, a new range, and popular belief soon peopled it with fantastic shapes and strange occurrences. The faith- ful were always exposed to the vexatious enmity of demons, yet never so as to place them beyond the miraculous protection of angels and saints. The agency of the Prince of Darkness himself was fre- quently brought into requisition. At this period, however, the re- lation which the devil and his angels occupied towards man, was regarded as far too serious and solemn to favour the introduction of those stories about apparitions of devils which circulated during the latter part of the Middle Ages, in wdiich Satan was uniformly duped, and represented as an object of ridicule and contempt, whose impo- tent rage, as he disappeared, could only find vent in leaving a horrid sulphureous smell. — It must be admitted that the moral state of the Germanic races, after their adoption of Christianity, was very low. Indeed, a more glaring contrast can scarcely be conceived than, for example, between the picture which Tacitus draws of ancient Ger- man manners and morality, and the dreadful degeneracy and brutal barbarism which Gregory of Tours describes during the Merovin- gian period. But in no instance, also, were it more fallacious than in this to reason : " Post hoc ergo propter hoc." The moral decay of the German races which took place at the time when they made their outward profession of Christianity, depended on circumstances wholly distinct from their change of faith. It was, in fact, the con- sequence of that entire transformation of views and manners caused by the migration of nations. Having left home — that mightiest § 118. STATE OF INTELLIGENCE, ETC. 341 bulwark of ancestral manners— occupying the fertile and opulent countries which they had recently conquered, and there exposed to most demoralising influences around, the Germans threw themselves into enjoyments new to them with all the avidity characteristic of a people which had hitherto been unacquainted with luxury and its attendant vices ; their passions, once let loose, soon swept away all the landmarks of decency and propriety. In proof of the correctness of this explanation, we appeal to the fact that this moral decay took place chiefly among those races which settled in countries where the degenerate Eomans had held sway (as was the case with the Franks in Gaul, and the Langobards in Italy) ; while, on the other hand, the moral development of other tribes, such as the Anglo- Saxons and the inhabitants of Germany Proper, was entirely diffe- rent and much more regular. 1. Keligious Education of the People. Charlemagne was the first to conceive the idea of popular education, and of the eleva- tion of the masses. It will readily be understood that only a small beginning of this could be made during his time. Great merit attaches in this respect to Theodulf, Bishop of Orleans, who planted schools in every village throughout his diocese. The religious in- struction of youth commonly consisted of learning by heart the Lord's Prayer and the Apostles' Creed. Charlemagne directed that adults— male or female— who were deficient in this modicum of popular theology, should be induced by fasts or blows to acquire it. A number of formulas still extant, dating from the eighth and ninth centuries, employed in making abjuration, confession of faith or of sins, or in orisons, indicate the kind of religious knowledge common among the people. As further means of popular religious instruction, we may mention the frequent attempts to render patristic or Biblical books generally accessible by translating them into the vernacular. Among German monasteries, the inmates of St Gall distinguished themselves by their zeal in promoting the growth of a national literature. Alfred the Great prosecuted the same object among the Anglo-Saxons, especially by his own contributions. The latest mention of Ulfilas' translation of the Bible occurs in the ninth cent., after which it seems for many centuries to have remained unknown. 2. Popular Christian Poetry. This species of composition first appeared at the close of the seventh, and continued to be culti- vated till late in the ninth cent., especially in England and Germany. A considerable number of Biblical poems of great merit, on subjects connected with the Old and New Testaments, have been preserved, which are ascribed to the pen of Cadmon, a Northumbrian (ob. 680). Even more interesting is the Anglo-Saxon epos, entitled the Ileliand, dating from the time of Louis the Pious, — the first and only Christian poein on the Messiah, worthy its glorious subject, popular yet per- 342 SECOND SECTION. FIRST PERIOD (CENT. 4-9 A.D.). feet in construction, simple and elevated in its conception — in short, deep and genuine Christianity presented in a Teutonic form. The " Krist" of Otfried (a monk at Weissenburg, about 860) is a com- paratively inferior production. It was, indeed, the great aim of this author, as it had been that of the Saxon poet — to use Otfried's expression — " thaz wir Kriste sungun in unsere Zungun" (to raise Christ's song in our own tongue) ; but the poetry of the monk bears the same relation to that of the Saxon, " as the hymn of the lark under the broad sunlit canopy of heaven to the artificial melody of the bird confined to its cage." To the same class of compositions belong two other pieces, the so-called Wessobrunn Prayer, of which the first and poetic portion is probably a fragment of a larger poem intended to celebrate creation, and what is known by the name of Muspilli, a poem in high German, treating of the end of the world and the last judgment, of which, unfortunately, only a fragment, unrivalled in depth and pathos, has been preserved. 3. Social State. The high position which woman had always occupied among the ancient Germans (§ 105, 2) prevented the spread of those degrading views, both of her sex and of the married relationship, which in great measure were the necessary consequence of the spurious asceticism of churchmen. The Church attached special merit to complete abstinence from conjugal intercourse, which, indeed, was entirely prohibited during the three seasons of Quadragesima, on feast-days, and on the " dies stationis" (Wednes- day, Friday, Saturday, and Sunday). Second marriages were stig- , matised as incontinence, and had to be expiated by temporary iT penance. The laws regulating divorce were, however, still some- what lax, and only in exceptional cases were persons divorced pre- vented from again marrving. But the stringent regulations about impediments to marriage arising from affinity (§ 91) were more dis- tasteful to the Germans than probably any other ordinance of the Church. Such unions, especially that with a brother's widow, had for- merly been regarded in popular estimation as a kind of duty. — The national customs and laws connected with property rendered it im- possible for the Church to interfere with the institution of serfdom ; indeed, monasteries and churches, in virtue of their large territorial possessions, owned a considerable number of serfs. But the Church always insisted on the fact, that masters and servants occupied i exactly the same place in a moral and religious point of view ; it ' extolled the manumission of slaves as occupying the first rank in l( the scale of good works, and ever threw the shield of its protection l around those who were oppressed by harsh masters. — The care of the I 'poor was considered one of the great concerns of the Church, from which even avaricious and unfeeling bishops could not withdraw themselves. If circumstances at all allowed it, every church had its own special buildings, in which the poor, the sick, widows and orphans, were supported or entertained. te § 118. STATE OF INTELLIGENCE, ETC 343 4. Administration of Justice. The practice of taking private vengeance was common among the German races. Some bounds, however, were set to this abuse, by fixing by law the composition or atonement to be paid for every injury (the Weregild). From aversion to inflicting capital punishment, the Church readily fell in with this custom. A solemn oath, and the so-called judgment of God, were the means adopted for leading judicial proof. Only a freeman who had not previously been convicted of crime was allowed to take the oath of purgation; a husband might take it for his wife, a father for his children, or a master for his slave. Along with the person accused, his relatives, friends, and neighbours appeared as compurgators (con- juratores) to take the oath. Although they repeated the same for- mula as the party impeached, their oath was only intended as a personal guarantee for the truthfulness and honour of the accused. 3t~ If> from any circumstance, this oath of purgation could not be taken, if there were no compurgators, or if other means of probation were awanting, resort was had to the judgment of God (Ordale). This was ^f ascertained — 1. By judicial combat, which owed its origin to the old popular belief: " Deum adesse bellantibus." Only a freeman could demand this mode of trial. Old persons, women, children, and clerks ff might be represented by a proper substitute. 2. By various experi- ments withjire, such as holding the hand for some time in the fire, walking over a burning pile with no other dress on than a shirt, car- rying a red-hot iron with the naked hand for nine paces, or walking barefoot over nine or twelve burning ploughshares. 3. By one of two experiments with water. The accused person had to fetch, with his naked arm, a ring or a stone out of a cauldron filled with boiling water ; or he was thrown into the water with a rope round his body. If he sank, he was declared to have proved his innocence. 4. By the experiment of the cross. Each party stood before the cross with arms expanded ; and the person who first became weary, and allowed his hands to droop, lost the cause. 5. By the experiment xoith the Eucharist, specially in disputes among ecclesiastics. It was thought that the guilty party would soon afterwards be struck by some mani- festation of the Divine displeasure. The laity underwent the experi- ment with the consecrated morsel (judicium offas), which the party impeached had to swallow at mass. 6. By the so-called " judicium feretri? The accused touched the w r ounds of the person murdered ; if blood flowed from them, or foam from his mouth, it was held to establish guilt. — The implicit credence which the Church attached to so many legendary miracles, sprung from the same tendency which gave rise to these ordeals. It was, therefore, manifestly impossible for churchmen to combat such superstitions ; at most, they could object to the pagan rites so frequently connected with them. But by sanctioning and regulating these trials, the Church no doubt contributed not a little to diminish the evils attendant upon them. Agobard of Lyons {ob. 840) was the first to denounce these practices 344 SECOND SECTION. FIRST PERIOD (CENT. 4-9 A.D.). as damnable superstitions. After that, the See of Kome also (since the pontificate of Nicholas I.) uniformly condemned every kind of appeal to the "judgment of God." — Among the different kinds of 'peace (i.e., immunity of person, property, office, and duty), next to the peace of the King, that of the Church was most respected. For injuries L/^to ecclesiastical personages and property, or offences committed in s/yv consecrated places, a threefold compensation was exacted. A bishop /*> was regarded as equal to a duke, and a common priest to a count. — Comp. also Robertson, Charles V., First Section, and Notes 21, 22. 5. Ecclesiastical Discipline and Penances. In Germany, the State fully recognised the jurisdiction of the Church and its right to inflict punishment, so that an offence was considered ex- .,piated only when, besides the requirements of the secular, those of vHhe ecclesiastical tribunal also had been satisfied. This gave rise to If a system of regular episcopal visitations, called Sends (Synodus from send ?), which came into use during the reign of Charlemagne. The bishop was every year to visit the whole of his diocese, accom- panied by a royal Missus, and, with the aid of bailiffs specially se- lected (from every congregation) and sworn, to institute a searching inquiry into the moral and religious state of every parish, and to punish the sins or misdemeanours brought to light. Both Regino of i, Prilm and Hincmar of Rheims composed instructions for conducting // these visitations. — The State also lent its sanction and force to the sentences of ecclesiastical excommunication. Pepin enjoined that those who had been excommunicated should not enter a church, and pro- hibited Christians from eating and drinking with, or even saluting such persons. The public exercise of discipline was repugnant to German notions of propriety, and the Church, generally, yielded in this matter to popular feeling. The numerous Penitential books which date from this period, gave ample direction about the admi- nistration OF discipline, and, adopting the custom of judicial compensations, prescribed certain fines for every conceivable kind of offence. Wasserschleben has collected and edited all the documents of this character still extant (" The Penitential Books of the Western Church, with Hist. Introd." Halle 1851). They appear to have been generally constructed after the penitential order of Theodore, Arch- bishop of Canterbury. Manifestly, the fundamental idea of these arrangements implied an entire misunderstanding of Christian dis- cipline ; and their frequent contradictions, their confusedness and arbitrary regulations, led to very sad consequences. Even the render- ing of the term pcenitentia by " penance," i.e., compensation, shows how superficial were the views entertained by the Church on this im- portant subject. Thus, in the Penitential books, " poenitere" is re- presented as entirely identical with "jejunare." But if the idea of pcenitentia once resolved itself into merely external acts, the penance of fasting might readily give place to other spiritual exercises. Again, if it was only requisite by some penance to make compensa- I § 119. PUBLIC WORSHIP AND THE FINE ARTS. 345 tion for sins committed, the services of another might fairly be employed as a substitute for those of the guilty person. Accord- ingly, a system of redemption was gradually introduced, which involved utter disregard of all moral earnestness on the part of peni- tents. Thus, for example, the penitential books indicate how a rich man might, by hiring a sufficient number of persons to fast in his stead, in three days go through a course of seven years' penance, without incurring any personal trouble. This moral decay led in the eighth and ninth centuries to determined opposition against penitential books, and the dangerous principles involved in their arrangement. The reaction commenced in Britain at the Council of Cloveshoo in 747, and soon spread to the Continent, where it found vent at the Synods of Chalons in 813, of Paris in 829, and of Mayence in 847. The Council of Paris ordered all penitential books to be delivered up and burnt. Still such practices continued. — At this period, confession was not yet regarded as incumbent on the faithful generally. In theory at least, it was still held that it sufficed to confess to God alone. But already the custom of con- fessing once a year— during Easter Quadragesima— seems to have been so general, that its omission was severely reprimanded at epis- copal visitations. The formula of absolution adopted was only of a deprecatory, not of a judicial character. § 119. PUBLIC WORSHIP AND THE FINE ARTS. So long as Arianism remained the creed of Germany, the services of the Church were no doubt conducted in the vernacular. But when these races joined the Catholic Church, Latin became the eccle- siastical lane;uao;e. Among the tribes which were converted to Chris- tianity by Catholic missionaries, the use of Latin in the public ser- vices had from the first been introduced. The Slavonians alone were allowed to worship in their own language (§ 109, 1). — As the lan- guage, so also the liturgy of Rome was everywhere enforced, except within the diocese of Milan and in the Spanish Church. When Pepin entered into negotiations with the Papacy, he consented to have the forms of worship common among the Franks altered to suit the Romish model (745). For the same purpose Hadrian I. furnished Charlemagne with a Romish Sacramentarium, and that monarch in- sisted on having the desired uniformity carried out. At first sight, it may appear strange that the peculiar characteristics of the German mind should not have expressed themselves in corresponding modi- fications in the services of the Church. But it must be remembered that the Romish ritual, when imported into Germany, was not only in itself complete, but so constituted as scarcely to admit improve- ments of a fundamental character ; and that, besides, the vernacular 346 SECOND SECTION. FIRST PERIOD (CENT. 4-9 A.D.). was excluded from the Liturgy, and the people really took no active part in the services. Where, as in this case, so much depends on the choice of expressions, the national mind could not find full or free utterance so long as the use of a foreign idiom was enforced. 1. Liturgy and Preaching. Besides the Roman or Gregorian, other liturgies were in use ; differing from it in some respects. Such was the attachment both of the people and clergy of Milan to their old Ambrosian Liturgy, that even Charlemagne was not strong enough to displace it; and to this day has Milan preserved its possession of this relic. Not less tenacious were the Spaniards in their adher- ence to their national or so-called Mozarabic Liturgy (§ 111, 1). In several points it resembled the Eastern liturgies ; after having been recast and enlarged by Leander and Isidore of Seville, it was adopted throughout the Spanish Church by the national Synod of Toledo in 633. This similarity to Eastern liturgies is also noticeable in some of the older Galilean liturgies, before the time of the Carolingians. — - Throughout the West, the Sermon always occupied a comparatively subordinate place in public worship. The intel ectual decay subse- quent on the migration of nations, almost banished it entirely from the services of the Church. But when, in the seventh cent., the Latin Church addressed itself to missionary work, the great impor- tance of this means of diffusing the truth was deeply felt. Few, however, of the clergy were capable of composing sermons. Charle- magne therefore commissioned Paulus Diaconus (§ 120, 3), in 782, to collect from the writings of the Fathers a (Latin) Homiliarium for Sundays and feast-days, to serve as a model for similar composi- tions, or, where this could not be expected, to be read to the people either in the original or in translation. Of course the missionaries preached in the vernacular ; in established congregations the sermon was mostly delivered in Latin. But Charlemagne and the synods of his time enjoined preaching, either in German or in the Romanic. (Comp. also Johnson, English Canons ; Maskell, Ancient Liturgy.) 2. According to the rule laid down by Gregory, the chanting in churches was performed by the clergy. The ordinance of Charle- magne, that the people should at least take part in singing the " Gloria" and the " Sanctus," was not obeyed. Between the seventh and the ninth centuries flourished a number of Latin hymn-writers, among whom we specially mention Beda Venerabilis, Paid Warne- fried, Theodulf of Orleans, A leuin, and Pabanus Maurns. The beau- tiful hymn for Pentecost, " Veni creator Spiritus," is commonly ascribed to Charlemagne himself. Instead of following, as formerly, the tone and style of the classics, the religious compositions of that age became gradually more German and Christian in their spirit, being characterised by deep simplicity and genuine feeling. To- wards the close of this period a considerable impulse was given to his species of compositions by the adoption of what were called § 119. PUBLIC WORSHIP AND THE FINE ARTS 347 sequences (sequentite) into the service of the Mass. Instead of the long series of notes without words — intended to indicate that the feelings were too strong for expression (hence the term Jubili) — which formerly had followed upon the Hallelujah of the Mass, suit- able rhythmical language in Latin prose was adopted, which by and by was cast into metre, rhyme, and stanzas. Notker Balbulus, a monk of St Gall (ob. 912), was the first distinguished writer of sequences. — The only part which the people were allowed to take in the services of the Church was to sing, or rather to shout, the " Kyrie Eleison" in the Litany, and that only at extraordinary seasons, such as processions, pilgrimages, the transportation of relics, funerals, the consecration of churches, and other similar occasions. In Germany, during the second half of the ninth century, short verses in the vernacular were introduced at such times — the Kyrie Eleison forming the refrain of every stanza. This was the humble commencement of German hymnology. The only monument of this kind of poetry still extant from that period is a hymn in honour of St Peter, composed in the old high German dialect. — The Am- brosian chant (§ 89, 3) had entirely given place to the Gregorian (the so-called Cantus firmus or choralis). When Stephen II. visited France in 754, Pepin ordered that the Romish chant should be uni- versally adopted. To this injunction Charlemagne gave general effect throughout the West, by entirely abolishing the Gregorian chant, by instituting excellent singing-schools at Metz, Soissons, Orleans, Paris, Lyons, and in other places, over which he placed musicians sent from Rome for the special purpose, and by intro- ducing music as a branch of education in all the higher schools throughout the Empire. The first organ brought to France was that which the Byzantine Emperor Copronymus presented to Pepin in 757. A second organ was given to Charlemagne by the Em- peror Michael I. and placed in the church at Aix-la-Chapelle. After that it was gradually introduced throughout the Church. But these instruments were still very imperfect ; they had only from nine to twelve notes, and the keys were so ill constructed that they required to be struck with the fist. 3. The Sacrifice of the Mass. The idea of a sacrifice attach- ing to the Eucharist, which led to the celebration of masses for the benefit of the dead (§ 88, 3), i.e., for alleviating and shortening the torments of purgatory, was gradually developed and applied to other purposes. Thus private masses were celebrated for the success of any undertaking, as for the restoration of a sick person, for favour- able weather, etc. This increase of masses was somewhat limited by the enactment, that only one mass might be celebrated at the same altar and by the same priest in one day. The desire to secure as many masses as possible after death, gave rise to associations of churches and monasteries on the principle that a certain number of masses should be said in all these churches and monasteries for 348 SECOND SECTION. FIRST PERIOD (CENT. 4-9 A.D.). every member of the association that died. The idea of such fra- ternities — into which, by special favour, kings, princes, and lords were sometimes received — seems to have originated with St Bonifacius. 4. Among the Germans the worship of saints was in great repute, especially as they served as substitutes for the displaced deities of former days. Far above the other saints towered in popular esteem the Mother of God, the fair and gracious Queen of Heaven — the full ideal of woman, that object of ancient veneration among the Germans. Partly from the want of ariistic accomplishments, and partly from national dislike, the worship paid to images was little in vogue in the German Church. Indeed, during the time , of the Carolingians, the Frankish Church formally protested against such services (§ 122, 1). But all the greater was the zeal displayed in the worship of relics, in which the saint reappeared, as it were, in concrete and bodily form. Innumerable relics existed in the West, supplied partly from the inexhaustible treasury at Rome, and partly from the band of zealous missionary martyrs, from the solitudes of hermits, or even from monasteries and episcopal sees. The bones of these saints were the objects of enthusiastic venera- tion. When a church or a monastery acquired a new relic, the whole country rejoiced in the accession ; the concourse of multi- tudes, and an abundant harvest in the shape of donations by the pious, attended the deposition of the prized memorial in the crypt of the sanctuary. In the ninth century the Frankish monastery of Centula boasted of a large quantity of such relics : among them, memorials from the grave of the Innocents at Bethlehem, part of the milk of the Virgin, of the beard of St Peter, of his casula, of the Orarium of St "Paul, nay, even of the wood with which Peter was about to construct the three tabernacles on Mount Tabor. — Among the Germans, and especially the Anglo-Saxons, who were so fond of travelling, the practice 'of making pilgrimages was very general. The favourite places for such devotions were the tombs of the princes of the apostles at Rome, the grave of St Mar- tin at Tours, and, towards the close of this period, that of St Jago de Compostella (Jacobus Apostolus the Elder, the supposed founder of the Spanish Church, whose bones were discovered by Alphonse the Chaste). But the demoralising influences attendant on these pilgrimages, which formed subject of complaint even in older times, were painfully felt. Accordingly, St Boniface insisted that his countrywomen should be prohibited joining them, since they only served to provide loose women for the towns of Gaul and Italy. — The idea of patron angels proved specially attractive to theGermans. More particularly did they accord their sympathies to Michael, the warrior Archangel, who had defeated the great dragon. 5. Ecclesiastical Seasons and Places. Besides the Easter Quadragesima, another was introduced after Pentecost, and a third before Christmas. The ecclesiastical year now commenced at Christ- § 110. PUBLIC WORSHIP AND THE FINE ARTS. 349 mas, instead of Easter. In the ninth century, the Feast of All-Saints (§ 87, 1), which at first had been only celebrated at Rome, was observed throughout the Church.— In consequence of the number of relics and the increase of masses, additional altars were erected in the churches. Charlemagne enjoined them to be limited to the number actually required. The high altar stood unsupported in the centre of the niche in the choir. The other altars were either placed in juxtaposition or supported by pillars. Pulpits and. confessionals had not yet been introduced into churches. Special baptistries adjoined those churches in which the sacred rite was administered (§114, 2). But when this privilege was extended to all churches, a baptismal font was placed at the Teft side of the principal entrance, or at the point where the nave was crossed by the transept. This change contributed to the general introduction of the practice of sprinkling instead of immersion in baptism. Bells and towers were common ; the latter stood at first by themselves, but since the time of Charlemagne they were connected with the main building. Charlemagne prohibited the christening of bells, but the practice still continued. 6. During the domination of the Ostrogoths, the fine arts were chiefly cultivated on the other side, during that of the Carolingians on this side, the Alps. In our own country also, considerable atten- tion was paid to their cultivation. The German monasteries of St Gall and Fulda bore, in the ninth cent., the palm in artistic taste. Thus Tutilo, a monk of St Gall (ob. 912), was greatly distin- guished as an architect, painter, sculptor, poet, and general savant. The old Roman Basilica still formed the model for ecclesiastical architecture. At Ravenna — the Byzantium of Italy — some splendid churches were built in the Byzantine style during the domination of the Goths. Einhard was the favourite architect of Charle- magne. Among the various churches built by that monarch, the Minister of Aix-la-Chapelle, constructed after the model of these Ravenna churches, is the most beautiful. Being intended to serve as royal chapel, it was connected with the palace by a colonnade. For the same reason, it was originally of moderate size; but being also used for coronations, it was enlarged in 1355 by the addition of the grand principal choir, in the Gothic style. The ceremonies of the Church tended to the promotion of the plastic arts, as costly shrines were required for relics ; and the crucifixes, candlesticks, ciboria, censers, and other vessels, called forth the skill of artists. The liturgical books were covered with boards elaborately carved, and the doors or churches, the stalls of bishops, reading-desks, and baptismal fonts adorned with decorations in relief. Among the various kinds of pictorial representations, miniature painting was employed in adorn- ing copies of ecclesiastical books. — Comp. G. Kinkel, Gesch. d. bil- denden Kiinste. I. Bonn 1845 ; E. Forster, Gesch. d. deutsch. Kunst. Leips. 1851-55. 3 Vols. 350 SECOND SECTION. FIRST PERIOD (CENT. 4-9 A.D.). § 120. STATE OF SCIENCE AND OF THEOLOGICAL LITERATURE. Comp. J. C. F. Bdhr, Gesch. d. rom. Liter, im karoling. Zeit- alter. Karlsr. 1840. So long as Arianism continued the creed of the German races in- dependent scientific pursuits seem not to have been followed, with the exception of those of Ulfilas. But Theodoric, the generous monarch of the Ostrogoths, patronised and distinguished the repre- sentatives of ancient Roman literature. Among them Boethius and Cassiodorus have the merit of preserving the remnants of classical and patristic learning in Italy. A similar service Isidore of Seville (ob. 636) performed for Spain, and his works were for centuries used also on the other side of the Pyrenees as text-books and guides for students. The numerous monasteries of Scotland and Ireland were, till late in the ninth cent., equally famed for the extensive learning and the deep piety of their inmates. The learned Greek monk, Theodore of Tarsus, whom the Pope elevated to the archiepiscopal See of Canterbury (ob. 690), and his companion Hadrian, awakened among the Anglo-Saxons an ardent zeal for the prosecution of learned investigations, while Beda Venerabilis, though he never left his mon- astery, was regarded, throughout the Western Church, as a leading authority. For a time the Northmen pirates swept away the traces of this high civilisation, till Alfred the Great (871 to 901) again re- stored it. This monarch, equally great in peace and in war, dis- tinguished as a general, a statesman, and a legislator, and renowned both as a poet and prose writer, raised the literature of his country to a height never before attained — though, unfortunately, only for a time. In Gaul, Gregory of Tours (ob. 595) was the last represen- tative of Roman ecclesiastical lore. After him came that chaos which only under the reign of Charlemagne (768 to 814) gave place to a new day, of which the light shone throughout the West. The encouragement which that monarch gave to literature dates from the period of his first visit to Italy, in 774. There he made the acquaintance of such men as Petrus of Pisa, Paul Warnefried, Paul- inas of Aquileja, and Theodulf of Orleans, whom he attached to his court. From the year 782, Alcuin, an Anglo-Saxon "Levite," was the leading spirit at the Frankish court. Charlemagne had made his acquaintance the year before in Italy. Study now became one of the main pursuits, which even the royal family, the court, and all connected with it, encouraged or followed ; but among these noble scholars, Charlemagne himself was the most zealous and docile pupil § 120. STATE OF SCIENCE AND THEOLOGICAL LITERATUEE. 351 of Alcuin. At the court school (schola palatina), which, like the court itself, was migratory, the sons and daughters of the king re- ceived, alono- with the children of the noblest families in the em- pire, a liberal education. From England, Ireland, and Italy, con- tinual additions were made to the staff of teachers employed in it. At last Charlemagne issued, in 787, a circular letter addressed to all the bishops and abbots of his empire, in which, under pain of his royal displeasure, he commanded that schools should be attached to all monasteries and cathedral churches. And, in truth, the result of these measures was most encouraging, although as yet the course of study was limited to the acquisition of classical or patristic lore, to the neglect of anything like national literature. The great, the liberal, and patriotic mind of Charlemagne perceived, indeed, the importance of encouraging the growth of a national literature ; but, with the exception of Paul Warnefried, his other learned advisers had lost every sympathy with the spirit, the language, and the nation- ality of Germany. They even regarded such studies as endanger- ing Christianity and encouraging the spread of former heathen notions ; hence their influence was rather in the way of discourag- ing these views of their monarch. — The weak administration of Louis the Pious (814 to 840), disturbed as it was by party fights and civil wars, was far from favourable to the promotion of science ; but as yet the fruits of his father's labours had not disappeared. Lothair, his son, issued an edict by which the scholastic arrange- ments of Italy were entirely reorganised, and indeed completely re- modelled. But that country, with its factions and tumults, was not the place where such institutions could for any length of time prosper. It was otherwise in France, where, under the reign of Charles the Bald (840-877), a new period was inaugurated. At his court, as at that of his grandfather, the choice spirits \)f the West gathered ; under the guidance of Johannes Emgena, a Scotchman, the high-school rose rapidly; the cathedral and monastic schools of France emulated the most celebrated institutions of Germany (such as St Gall, Fulda, Reichenau); and the French sees were occupied by men of the most extensive learning. Exit after the death of Charles this high state of cultivation rapidly disappeared, and, amidst the troubles of that period, gave place to deep ignorance, confusion, and bar- barism. 1. It was the primary object of these monastic and cathedral schools, to train persons for the Church. The writings of Cassio- dorus, of Isidore, Beda, and Alcuin, were the manuals and text-books 352 SECOND SECTION. FIRST TEEIOD (CENT. 4-9 A.D.). chiefly in use. The inmates of monasteries were in the habit of making careful copies of books, for the twofold purpose of founding libraries and of diffusing celebrated works. Alcuin arranged all knowledge under three branches, viz., Ethics, Physics, and Theo- logy. His Ethics included what was afterwards designated as Trivium (Grammar, Rhetoric, and Dialectics) ; Physics corre- sponded to the later Quadrivium (Arithmetic, Geometry, Music, and Astronomy) ; both together constituting what were called the Liberal Arts. Conversation and instruction were to be carried on in Latin. In the higher schools Greek, of which Theodore of Tarsus and his pupils had promoted the study, was also taught. Acquaintance with Hebrew was a more rare accomplishment ; some scholars obtained a knowledge of it by intercourse with learned Jews. The writings of Boethius were the principal source for the study of philosophy ; Plato and Aristotle were known, however, to some extent, and in the ninth cent, the Byzantine Emperor Michael presented Louis the Pious (§ 122, 1) with a copy of the so-called writings of Diony- sius the Areopagite. He was regarded as the same Dionysius who had founded the Church of Paris, and on this ground his writings, even when not understood, were vaunted. Hilduin, Abbot of St Denis, and afterwards Johannes Erigena, translated them into Latin. — Isidore of Seville and Rabanus Maurus composed encyclopaedias which embodied a summary of the lore of their times. The work of Isidore, which bears the title of Originum s. Etymologiarum LI. XX., is a remarkable monument of industry and comprehensive learning. Almost the same meed of praise is due to the LI. XXII. de Universo, by Rabanus. Both writers group theology along with the other sciences. 2. The following were the most celebrated Theologians be- FOKE THE TIME OF THE CAKOLINGIANS : 1. GREGORY OF TOURS, the scion of a noble Roman family. While on a pilgrimage to the grave of St Martin, to implore the removal of a disease (in 573), he was elevated to the See of Tours, which he occupied to his death {ob. 595). His family connections, his office, his character, learning, and piety, contributed to make him one of the most celebrated men of his time. Posterity is indebted to his writings for its knowledge of public and private affairs at the time of the Merovingians. (Best edition by Th. Ruinart. Par 1699 f. Comp. also J. W. Loebell, Gregor von Tours u. s. Zeit. Leips. 1839.) — 2. Isidore of Seville (Hispalensis), the scion of a distinguished Gothic family, who succeeded Leander, his brother, in the archiepiscopal See of Hispalis (ob. 636). He composed excellent and careful compila- tions, in which information and fragments not otherwise known are preserved. For his cotemporaries he did a more important service, by making the German Church acquainted with classical and patristic lore. (Best ed. by F. Arevalo. Rom. 1797. 7 Voll. 4.) — 3. Beda Venekabilis, an Anglo-Saxon, educated in the monastery of Wear- § 120. STATE OF SCIENCE AND THEOLOGICAL LITERATURE. 353 mouth, which he afterwards left for that of Jarrow, where he died in 735. His fame for learning, in all branches of science known at the time, was very great. These acquirements were combined with great modesty, piety, and amiability. While his numerous disciples attained the highest posts in the Church, Bede himself continued in quiet retirement, a simple monk, satisfied with this his chosen lot. Even on his death-bed he was engaged in teaching and writing ; and immediately before he expired, he dictated the last chapter of an Anglo-Saxon version of the Gospel according to John. (Best ed. of his writings by J. A. Giles. London 1843.) 3. The most eminent theologian during the reign of Charle- magne (768-814) was an Anglo-Saxon, Alcuin (Albinus), sur- named Flaccus. He was trained in the celebrated academy of York, under Egbert and Elbert. When the latter was elevated to the archiepiscopal see, Alcuin became president of this academy .^ On a journey to Rome (781), he was introduced to the notice of Charlemagne, who invited him to his court, where he became the teacher, friend, and most intimate adviser of the monarch. To the period of his death (in 804), he continued the great authority on all religious, ecclesiastical, and scholastic questions. In 790 he went as ambassador to his own country, whence he returned in 792, no more to leave France. In 796 Charlemagne bestowed on him the Abbacy of Tours ; and the school connected with it became henceforth the most celebrated in the empire. (Best ed. of his writings by Fro- benius. 2 Voll. f. 1777. Comp. Fr. Lorentz, Life of Alcuin, transl. by J. M. She, London 1839 ; F. Mounier, Alcuin. Par. 1853.) — After Alcuin, the most learned man of that age was Paulus Diaconus (son of) Warnefrid, a Langobard of noble family, and chancellor of King Desiderius. From grief over the decay of his own country, he retired to the monastery of Monte Cassino, whence Charlemagne drew him to his court in 774. His attainments were vaunted as those of a Homer in Greek, of a Virgil, Horace, and Tibullus in Latin, and of a Philo in Hebrew. But love to his country induced him to return to his monastery (in 787), where he died at a very advanced age. The story of his having conspired against Charlemagne, and being sent into exile, is devoid of historical foundation. It deserves special notice that this learned and amiable man was also distinguished for qualities rare in his time, such as openness, enthusiastic admiration of the language, the national legends, the poetry, and the ancient laws and customs of his own people. Besides these two divines, the names of Paulinus, Patriarch of Aquileja, a native of Friaul (ob. 804), of Leidrad of Lyons (ob. 813), and of Theodulf of Orleans, deserve particular notice. The latter acquired fame, not only as a poet and a man of learning, but from his zeal in establishing elementary schools. Under the reign of Louis the Pious, he was accused of traitorous commu- nications with Bernard of Italy, deposed and exiled (in 817), but VOL. I. Z 354 SECOND SECTION. FIRST PERIOD (CENT. 4-9 A.D.). afterwards pardoned. He died before again reaching his own diocese (in 821). 4. The following were the most celebrated theologians under the reign of Louis the Pious (814-840) : — 1. Agobaed op Lyons, by birth a Spaniard, ob. as Bishop of Lyons in 840. His anxiety for preserving the integrity of the empire, and his position as chief of the national party among the Frankish clergy, implicated him in the conspiracy against Louis the Pious, in consequence of which he was deposed and exiled (835). Two years afterwards he obtained the royal pardon. Agobard was a man of rare mental endowments and learning ; withal a keen opponent of ecclesiastical and other superstitions (§ 122, 2). — 2. Claudius, Bishop of Turin (ob. 840), also a Spaniard, and a pupil of Felix of TJrgellis (§ 121, 1) ; whose heretical views, however, he did not share ; well known as a bold reformer. Comp. § 122, 2. — 3. Jonas of Orleans, the successor of Theodulf (ob. 844), one of the most renowned prelates of his age, who completely succeeded in restoring discipline and order in his own diocese. — 4. Amalarius, a priest of Metz (comp. § 114, 4). — 5. Christian Druthmar, a monk of Corbey, and celebrated as at the time the only advocate of a grammatical and historical exegesis. — 6. Walafrid Strabo, teacher and Abbot of Eeichenau (ob. 849). — 7. Fredegis, an Anglo-Saxon, who came with Alcuin from England, and succeeded him both in the school and Abbacy of Tours, — a man whose philosophical investigations con- stitute him in a certain sense the precursor of mediaeval scholasticism. 5. The following were the most celebrated theologians during the reign of Charles the Bald (840-877) : — 1. Rabanus Mag- nentius Maurus, the descendant of an ancient Roman family which had early settled in Germany, and a pupil of Alcuin, who designated him St Maurus (§ 115). He was first a teacher, then became Abbot of Fulda, and finally Archbishop of Mayence (ob. 856). Maurus was the most learned man of his age, and under his tuition the academy of Fulda rose to highest distinction. Comp. A T . Bach, Hrab. Maur., der Schopfer d. deutsch. Schul-wesens (Rab. Maur., the Originator of the Schol. System in Germ.). Fulda 1835 ; Fr. Kunstmann, Hrab. Magn. Maur. Mayence 1841. — 2. Hincmar of Riieims, comp. § 113, 1. (Best ed. of his writings by J. Sirmond. Par. 1645. 2 Voll. f). — 3. Paschasius Radbertus, from 844 Abbot of Corbey, an office which he resigned in 851, when he dedi- cated himself exclusively to studies and writing (ob. 865). Despite occasional ultraisms, he was deservedly celebrated (§ 121, 3). — 4. Ratramnus, a monk of Corbey, the opponent of Radbertus ; a clear and acute thinker, but somewhat rationalistic in his views. — 5. Florus Magister, a clerk at Lyons, celebrated both for his learning and for the share he took along with Agobard in certain controversies. — 6. Haymo, Bishop of Halberstadt, a friend and class-fellow of Rabanus. — 7. Servatus Lupus, Abbot of Ferrieres, § 120. STATE OF SCIENCE AND THEOLOGICAL LITERATURE. 355 a deep and independent thinker, distinguished alike for his interest in science and in public instruction. — 8. Peudentius of Troves.— 9. Anastasius, papal librarian at Rome. — 10. Regino, Abbot of Priim (pb. 915) ; — and lastly, that enigma and wonder of his time Johannes Scotus Erigena. By birth a Scotchman (more pro- bably an Irishman), he unexpectedly appears at the court of diaries the Bald, and as suddenly disappears ; and we are left in ignorance whence he came and whither he went. He was undoubtedly the most learned man, and the deepest, boldest, and most independent thinker of his time. His speculations have not been surpassed for centuries before or after him. Had he lived three centuries later, he might have occasioned a complete revolution in the learned world ; but in his own time he was neither understood nor appreciated, and scarcely deemed even worthy of being declared a heretic. The latter omis- sion, however, was rectified by the Church after the lapse of three and a half centuries (§ 138, 2). For further details see^ below, Note 7. (Comp. F. A. Staudenmaier, J. Sc. Erig. u. d. Wiss. sr. Zeit. Frankf. 1834 ; M. Taillandier, Sc. Erigene et la philos. scholast. Strassb. 1843; N. Moller, J. Sc. Erig. u. s. Irrthiimer. Mayence 1844; A. Torstrick, Phil. Erigense. Gott. 1844 ; and Bitter, Gesch. d. chr. Phil. Vol. III.) 6. The theological investigations of the German Church at that time were specially directed to the immediate wants of the Church, and hence chiefly of a practical character. Withal, such was the reverence paid to the Fathers, that, whenever practicable, their words and thoughts were employed in teaching, writing, preaching, demonstrating, and refuting. But the reformatory movement initiated under Charlemagne led, in the domain of theological science, also to greater freedom ; while the controversies of the ninth century neces- sitated independent thinking, and gradually inspired theological writers with greater confidence. — Among the various branches of theology, most attention was paid to exegesis, although commenta- tors still confined themselves to making notes on the Vulgate. Charle- magne commissioned Alcuin to make a critical revision of its text, which had been greatly corrupted. The first to oppose the theory of a mechanical inspiration was Agobard of Lyons. He started from the principle, that the prophets had not been merely passive instru- ments like Balaam's ass, and that only the sensus pradicationis and the modi vel argumenta dictionum, but not the corporalia verba, had been inspired by the Holy Ghost. One only among the numerous exegetical writers of that age, Christian Druthmar, perceived that it was the first and most important work of an interpreter to ascertain the grammatical and historical meaning of the text. All other inter- preters set lightly by the literal meaning of the text, while they sought to discover the treasures of Divine wisdom by an allegorical, tropical, and anagogic interpretation. After Druthmar, it was probably Pas- chasius Radbertus who devoted greatest attention to a calm investi- 356 SECOND SECTION. FIRST PERIOD (CENT. 4-9 A.D.). gation of the literal meaning of Scripture. Besides these, the most celebrated exegetieal authors at that time were Beda Venerabilis, Alcuin, Rabanus Maurus, and Walafrid Strabo, whose "Glossseordin- arias" formed, on account of their convenient size (next to the more full commentaries of Rabanus), the exegetical manual in common use during the Middle Ages. The work, however, contains little that is original, by far the greater part being derived from the Latin Fathers. 7. In the study of Systematic Theology, proportionally least attention was bestowed upon apologetics. Though the illiterate character of the heathen around called not for any elaborate refuta- tion of their superstitions, this remark applies not either to Moham- medanism or to Judaism. In Spain, a large number of Jews were obliged to submit to baptism, or else expelled ; but in the Frankish Empire, especially under the reign of Louis the Pious, wealth and briberies ensured them ample protection. Thus encouraged, they not only prohibited their Jewish and heathen slaves from being baptized, but obliged their Christian servants to observe the Sab- bath, to work on the Lord's day, and to eat meat during Lent. Occasionally they even openly blasphemed the name of Christ, derided the Church, and sold Christian slaves to the Saracens. Agobard of Lyons was very active in opposing them, by his preach- ing, writings, and measures ; but they enjoyed the protection of the court. Isidore of Seville and Rabanus Maurus also refuted their distinctive tenets. — The department of polemical theology was more fully cultivated than that of apologetics, especially since the time of Charlemagne (comp. §§ 121, 122). — In his LI. III. Sententiarum, Isidore of Seville collected from the writings of the Fathers a system of dogmatics and ethics, which for several centuries continued the text-book in use. Another manual of dogmatics, chiefly derived from the writings of Augustine, was Alcuiris LI. III. de fide sanctse et individuae trinitatis. — Philosophical mysticism, which was first introduced by the writings of the so-called Areopagite, was repre- sented by Johannes Scotus Erigena, a mind far in advance of his age. Following up the gnosticism of the school of Origen, the theosophic mysticism of the Areopagite, and the dialectics of Maxi- mus Confessor, his work " De Divisione Naturae" embodied a system of speculative theology of vast dimensions. Though Erigena felt anxiously desirous to retain the fundamental doctrines of the Church, his system, from first to last, was one great heterodoxy. He started from the principle, that true theology and true philosophy were essentially the same, and differed only in point of form. Faith had to do with the truth as " theologia affirmativa" (zc&rcicpciTiTCTi), revealed in the Bible, and handed down by the Church in a meta- phorical and figurative garb, and in a manner adapted to the limited capacity of the multitude. It was the task of reason to strip off this envelope (theologia negativa, aTotpuriK'/j), and, by means of specu- lation, to convert faith into knowledge. The peculiar title of the § 120. STATE OF SCIENCE AND THEOLOGICAL LITERATURE. 357 work was intended to express its fundamental idea, viz., that nature — i.e., the sum of everything existent and non-existent (as the necessary opposite of what existed) — manifested itself in a fourfold manner, as natura creatrix non creata (i.e., God as the potential sum of all existence and non-existence), natura creata et creatrix (i.e., the eter- nal thoughts of God as the grand eternal types of everything created, the source and medium of which is the Logos), natura creata non creans (the eternal, invisible, and ideal world), and natura nee creata nee creans (i.e., God as the final end of everything created, to which, after all antagonisms have been overcome, everything created returns in the uTOzcirucrrctffig tojv kuvtoov). It is evident that this system must speedily have merged into Pantheism ; but in the case of Erigena himself genuine Christian feeling seems to have prevented these consequences, and he was anxiously desirous of preserving at least the fundamental truths of Christian Theism. 8. The Homiletic literature of that period was comparatively very scanty. Besides the Homiliarius of Paul Warnefrid (§ 119, 1), only Bede, Walafrid, Rabanus, and Haymo appear to have been known as writers of original sermons. But the Theory of Worship (its description and mystical interpretation) attracted considerable attention. The first work of this kind was that of Isidore, l de officiis ecclesiasticis." Charlemagne invited his theologians to dis- cuss the import of the rites connected with baptism. During the reicm of Louis the Pious, Agobard of Lyons proposed to reform the Liturgy, and defended himself with considerable vehemence in several tractates against the attacks of Amalarius of Metz, whose liturgical work (de officiis ecclesiasticis) he sharply criticised. Floras Magister (de actione Missarum) also entered the lists against Ama- larius. Of other important works on this subject, we mention those of Rabanus (de institutione Clericornm), of Walafrid (de exordiis et incrementis rerum ecclesiasticarum), and of Remigius of Auxerre (expositio Missae). The great authority on questions connected with ecclesiastical law and church-politics was Hincmar of Rheims, and next to him Agobard and Regino of Priim (§ 118, 5). 9. The scanty knowledge of ancient Church History which theologians possessed, was solely derived from the works of Rufinus and Cassiodorus. The ecclesiastical history of Haymo consists only of a compilation from Rufinus. All the more diligent were writers throughout the Middle Ages in chronicling the current political and ecclesiastical events, and in recording those which had taken place within the memory of man. To these labours we owe a threefold kind of literature : — 1. That of national historians. Thus the Visigoths had an Isidore (Hist. Gothorum, Hist. Vandal, et Suevorum) ; the Ostrogoths a Cassiodorus (LI. XII. de reb. gestis Gothorum— a work which unfortunately has been lost ; or at least only preserved in extracts, in the tractate of Jornandes, in 550, de Getarum orig. et reb. gestis) ; the Langobards a Paul Warnefrid (LI. VI. de ges- 358 SECOND SECTION. FIRST PERIOD (CENT. 4-9 A.D.). tis Langobardorum) ; the Franks a Gregory of Tours (Hist, eccles. Francorum) ; the Britons a Gildas (about 560 : Liber querulus de excidio Britannia?) and a Nennius (Eulogium Britannia? s. hist. Britonum, about 850) ; and the Anglo-Saxons a Bede (Hist, eccles. gentis Anglorum). 2. Annals or Chronicles, chiefly composed in monasteries, and continued from year to year. 3. Biographies of prominent political or ecclesiastical personages. Among the former, the most important are the Vita Caroli M., by Einhard, and the Vita? Ludovici Pii, by Theganus, by Nithard, and by an anony- mous writer commonly designated as Astronomus. The number of Vitce Sanctorum, compiled in a most credulous spirit, chiefly in honour of local saints, was very great. In the same class we also reckon the numerous martyrologies, generally arranged according to the calendar. The best known of these compositions were compiled by Bede, Ado of Vienne, Usuardus, Rabanus, Nother Balbidus, and Wandelbert. The Miraculorum hist., by Gregory of Tours, deserves special mention. Books III. to VI. give an account of the miracles of St Martin ; while Book VII. (de vitis patrum) describes the lives of other twenty-three Frankish saints. — The Biographies of the Popes in the Liber pontificalis of Anastasius the Librarian, the Historia Mettensium Episcoporum by Paulus Warnefrid, and the continuation of Jerome's Catalogus s. de ecclesiast. scriptoribus by Isidore, deserve to be ranked among more solid historical con- tributions. § 121. DEVELOPMENT OF DOCTRINE AND DOGMATIC CONTRO- VERSIES. Comp. C G. Fr. Which, hist. Adoptianorum. Gottg. 1755, and his " Ketzerhist." (Hist, of Heret.) ; against him : Frobenius, Diss. in his ed. of Alcuin. — J. G. Walch, Hist, controversia? Grsecorum et Latin, de process. Spir. s. Jena? 1751. — G. Mauguin (a Jansenist), Vett. auctorum, qui in Sec. IX. de pra?dest. scripserunt opera et fragmenta. Par. 1650. 2 Vol!. 4 ; with hist, dissert. Against him : L. Cellot (a Jesuit), Hist. Gotteschalci. Par 1655. Jac. Usserii, Gotteschalci et controversia? ab eo mota? hist. Dubl. 1631. 4. The first important heresy of Germanic origin (at the time of Charlemagne) was that to which the name of Adoptionism has been given, and which originated in Spain. Following up the doctrine about the person of Christ, as it had been defined by the 6th CEcu- menical Council of Constantinople in 680 (§ 82, 8), it was argued that the idea of a twofold nature and of a twofold will implied also that of a twofold Sonship. But the Frankish divines regarded this innovation not as a further development of the doctrine in question, but as connected with Nestorianism, and accordingly carried its con- demnation. — About the same time the doctrine of the procession of § 121. DEVELOPMENT OF DOCTRINE, ETC. 359 the Holy Spirit became the subject of discussion, when the Frankish Church defended orthodox truth against the objections of Eastern theologians. — Several controversies took place during the reign of Charles the Bald. In the Eucharistic Controversy,, the principal Frankish divines opposed the views of Radbertus about transub- stantiation. Connected with this was another discussion about the parturition of the Virgin. On neither of these questions did the Church give any formal or synodical deliverance. It was otherwise in reference to the controversy about predestination, which soon after- wards broke out. Although discussed in councils, the question was not finally settled. Of less importance was the controversy about the appropriateness of the expression " trina Deitas." 1. The Adoptionist Controversy (785-818). Of all the doc- trines of Christianity, none was so repugnant to Moslem feelings, or excited their ridicule more than that of the Divine Sonship of Christ. It was probably with the view of meeting these Moslem objections that a number of Spanish bishops, headed by Elipandus, Archbishop of Toledo, and Felix, Bishop of Urgellis, addressed themselves anew to the elucidation of the doctrine concerning the person of Christ. These divines held that Christ was properly the Son of God (filius Dei natura or genere) only in reference to His divinity ; in reference to His humanity He was properly a servant of God, as all of us, and only adopted as Son (filius Dei adoptivus) by the determination of God, just as all of us are by Him, and after His similitude to be transformed from servants to children of God. Hence, according to His Divine nature, He was the o^^ly -begotten, according to His human nature the YmsT-begotten Son of God. This adoption of His human nature into Sonship had commenced at His conception by the Holy Ghost, appeared more fully at His bap- tism, and had been completed at the resurrection. The controversy occasioned by these views first broke out in Spain. Two represen- tatives of the Esturian clergy (§ 111), Beatus, a presbyter of Libana, and Etherius, Bishop of Osma, attacked the views of Elipandus both by word and writing (785). The doctrinal divergence between these divines probably received a keener edge by the desire of emancipat- ing the Esturian Church from the See of Toledo, which was still sub- ject to Saracen rule. The Esturians appealed to Pope Hadrian I., who, in an encyclical addressed to the bishops of Spain, condemned Adoptionism as essentially akin to the Nestorian heresy (786). An- other stage of this controversy commenced with the interference of Charlemagne, occasioned by the circumstance that Adoptionism was rapidly spreading in the portion of Spain subject to his sceptre. Most probably he gladly seized this opportunity of coming before the West in the character of Protector of Orthodoxy, and hence as Emperor in spe. At the Synod of Ratisbon in 792, Felix was obliged 360 SECOND SECTION. FIRST PERIOD (CENT. 4-9 A.D.). to abjure his heresy, and was sent to Pope Hadrian I. In Rome he was made to repeat his recantation ; but escaped from captivity and gained Saracen territory. Meantime A leuin had returned from his journey to England, and immediately took part in the contro- versy by addressing to Felix a kind, monitory letter. To this the Spaniards replied in strong language, when Charlemagne convoked the celebrated Synod of Frankfort (794), at which Adoptionism was again fully discussed and condemned. The judgment of the Synod was accompanied by four detailed memorials (to represent the different national churches and authorities — in order to give it an oecumenical character). Although despatched with such formalities to Spain, it produced little impression. No greater was the success of a learned controversial work by Alcuin, to which Felix replied in a clever tractate. Meantime Charlemagne had sent a commission, with Leidrad of Lyons and Benedict of Aniane at its head, into Spain, in order to put an end to the spread of this heresy. The commissioners persuaded Felix to submit to a second investigation. At the great council held at Aix-la-Chapelle in 799 he disputed for six days with Alcuin, and at the close declared himself perfectly convinced. Alcuin and Paidinus of Aquileja now published controversial tractates on the subject ; and Leidrad went a second time into Spain, where he succeeded in almost extirpating the heresy from the Frankish provinces. But the bishops who were subject to Saracen rule con- tinued to defend these opinions ; and when Alcuin addressed a flat- tering and conciliatory letter to Elipandus, the latter replied in the most violent and coarse language. Felix was, till his death in 818, committed to the charge of the Bishop of Lyons. Agobard, the successor of Leidrad, found among his papers clear evidence that Felix had to the end continued in heart an adoptionist. Agobard now published another controversial tractate, which happily proved the last written on the subject. In Spain Proper, also, Adoptionism became extinct, with the death of its leading representatives. 2. Controversy about the Procession of the Holy Spirit. At the Synod of Gentilly in 767, held for the purpose of meeting a Byzantine embassy in connection with the iconoclastic controversy, "the question of the enlargement of the Creed by the addition of the expression u fxlioque'" f§ 80, 6 ; 97, 1) was also dis- cussed. The result of this conference is not known. At the time of Charlemagne, Alcuin and Theodulf wrote special tractates in defence of the Latin view. At the Synod held in Friaid in 791, Paidinus of Aquileja vindicated the insertion of the expression in the Creed — a view also defended by the Caroline books (§ 122). The question was discussed anew, when the Latin monks on Mount Olivet appealed to the practice of the Frankish Church in reply to the attacks of the Greeks. Pope I^eo III. communicated on the subject with Charlemagne, and a Council held at Aix-la-Chapelle, in 809. gave its solemn sanction to the addition. But although the § 121. DEVELOPMENT OF DOCTRINE, ETC. 361 Pope did not question the correctness of this tenet, he disapproved of the alteration of the Creed. Accordingly, he erected in the Church of St Peter two silver tablets, on which the Creed was en- graved without the addition — manifestly as a kind of protest against the ecclesiastical interferences of the Emperor. 3. Controversies of Paschasius Radbertus. — I. Eucha- ristic Controversy (844). So late as the ninth century the views of theologians concerning the Eucharist were expressed in ambiguous terms (§ 88, 2). But in 831, Paschasius Radbertus, a monk of Corbey, wrote a tractate, " De sanguine et corpore Do- mini," for the purpose of proving that the elements were completely changed — an opinion which, even before his time, had been current in ecclesiastical practice and in popular belief. The work of Rad- bertus breathes a spirit of genuine piety ; manifestly, it was his chief aim to present the deep import of this sacrament in all its fulness, power, and depth. Withal, the tractate was popularly written. Already the author could, in the course of his argumentation, appeal to a number of supposed facts in the " Vitis Sanctorum," in which this internal Veritas had also become outwardly manifest. For the circumstance that such was not always the case, he accounted on the ground that the Eucharist was "intended to be a mysterium for faith, and not a miraculum for unbelief; as also, on that of the Divine condescension, which had regard to the infirmity of man and his shrinking from flesh and blood, and which, besides, would cut off all occasion for the heathen to blaspheme. The tractate at first remained unnoticed. But when Radbertus became Abbot of Corbey, he recast and handed it to Charles the Bald in 844. This monarch commissioned Ratramnus, a learned monk of Corbey, to express his opinion on the question ; and the latter gladly seized the opportunity of controverting the statements of his abbot. In his tractate " De corp. et sang. Domini ad Carolum Calvum," Ratram- nus submitted the views of his abbot (without naming him) to a searching criticism, and then explained his own opinions, according to which the body and blood of Christ was present in the Eucharist only " spiritualiter et secundum potentiam." In the same sense, Rabanus Maurus, Scotus Erigena, and Florus of Lyons wrote against Radbertus' view of a magic transformation. Hincmar and Haymo took the side of Radbertus; while Walafrid Strabo, and that able interpreter of Scripture Christian Druthmar, sought to avoid either extreme, and propounded the doctrine of consubstantia- tion, as adequately expressing the import of this mystery. But Rad- bertus had only given publicity to what really were the tendencies of the Church generally ; and the opposition of so many great divines could only retard, but not prevent, the spread and prevalence of these views.— II. Controversy about the Parturition of the Virgin (845). In entire accordance with his fundamental views about the marvellous influences of the Divine power and presence, 362 SECOND SECTION. FIRST PERIOD (CENT. 4-9 A.D.j. Radhertus soon afterwards composed a tractate, u De partu virginali," for the purpose of defending the view that the Virgin had given birth " utero clauso," and without pain — an opinion which Ambrosius and Jerome had already broached. Ratramnus opposed this tenet as savouring of Docetism (De eo, quod Christus ex Virgine natus est). — In the controversy about predestination, Katramnus took the side of Gottschalk, and Radbertus that of his opponents. 4. Controversy about Predestination (847-868). The former discussions on this subject (§ 83, 5) had not issued in the final settlment of the question. Indeed, the views of theologians varied from the extreme of semi-Pelagianism to that of a predestina- tion to condemnation, which went even beyond the statements of Augustine. In the ninth century the controversy broke out afresh. Gottschalk, the son of Berno, a Saxon count, had as a child been devoted by his parents to the monastic profession, and trained at Fulda. At a synod held in Mayence (829), he obtained permission to leave that monastery ; but Rahanus Maurus, at the time Abbot of Fulda, prevailed on Louis the Pious to annul this dispensation. Translated to the monastery of Orbais in the diocese of Soissons, Gottschalk sought consolation in ardent study of the writings of Augustine, from which he rose an enthusiastic advocate of the doc- trine of absolute predestination. In one point he went even beyond his great teacher 1 , since he held a twofold predestination (gemina prsedestinatio) — one to salvation, and the other to condemnation ; whlie Augustine generally spoke of the latter only as God leaving sinners to deserved condemnation. While travelling in Italy in 847, he sought to gain adherents to his views. Among others, he addressed himself to Noting, Bishop of Verona. This prelate gave information to Rabanus, who in the meantime had been elevated to the See of Mayence. Rabanus immediately issued two thundering epistles, in which the views of Gottschalk were in some particulars misrepresented, and certain unjust inferences drawn from them, more especially in the way of transforming the " prsedestinatio ad damnationem" into a " prsedestinatio ad peccatum." Rabanus himself distinguished between foreknowledge and predestination, ranging under the former head the condemnation of the reprobate. But other weapons than those of discussion were employed. A synod was convoked at Mayence (848), before which Gottschalk appeared, strong in the conviction of the orthodoxy of his statements. But the council took a different view. Gottschalk was excommu- nicated, and handed over to his metropolitan, Hincmar of Rheims, for punishment. This prelate, not content with the spiritual sen- tence which the Synod of Chiersy pronounced against him (849), condemned him to the most severe bodily chastisement, since he refused to recant, and consigned him to a prison in the monastery of Haut Villiers. In vain Gottschalk proposed to submit the jus- tice of his cause to a solemn ordeal. Hincmar, though otherwise § 121. DEVELOPMENT OP DOCTRINE, ETC. 363 favourable to these trials, retorted by characterising this offer as the boast of a Simon Mamis. — The inhuman treatment of which the poor monk had been the victim, and the rejection of the doctrine of Augustine by two influential prelates, excited an angry controversy in the Frankish Church, of which the weight was chiefly directed against Hincmar. Prudentius, Bishop of Troyes, was the first to publish a tractate in favour of Gottschalk. Upon this Charles the Bald requested Ratramnus of Corbey, and Ser- vatus Lupus, Abbot of Ferrieres, to express their judgment on the question, which in both cases was in favour of Gottschalk. The position of Hincmar was becoming very difficult, when at last he succeeded in enlisting the advocacy of Florus, a deacon of Lyons, of Amalarius, a priest of Metz, and of Johannes Scotus Erigena. But the aid of Erigena was fraught with almost greater danger to Hincmar than the attacks of his opponents. The Scotch meta- physician founded his opposition to the doctrine of predestination on the principle, hitherto unheard of in the West, that evil was only a fjjT] bv. Accordingly, he argued that condemnation was not a positive punishment on the part of God, and only consisted in the torment- ing consciousness of having missed one's destiny. The cause of Hincmar was fast getting into disrepute, as his opponents made him responsible for the heresies of his Scottish friend. Not Prudentius of Troyes only, who had long been his literary antagonist, but even Wenilo, Archbishop of Sens, and Florus of Lyons, who hitherto had espoused his cause, now turned their weapons against him. But Charles the Bald came to the aid of his metropolitan. A national synod was convoked at Chiersy in 853, when four articles (Capitula Carisiacd), embodying a moderate fonu of Augustinianism, were adopted, and the doctrine of a twofold predestination formally re- jected. Thus the opponents of Hincmar in Neustria were silenced. But Remigius, Archbishop of Lyons, convoked a Lotharingian Synod at Valence in 855, in which both the decrees of Chiersy and the " Scottish mess" (pultes Scotorum) were stigmatised, and six articles of a very different tone adopted, as the test of orthodoxy. At last the secular rulers interposed, and convoked a general synod at Savonnieres, a suburb of Toul, in 859. But here also the dis- putants could not arrive at an agreement. Already the members were about to separate in mutual estrangement, when Remigius pro- posed to leave the settlement of the controversy to a future council in less troubled times, and till then to continue in accord. The Synod unanimously adopted this suggestion ; and as the proposed council never took place, the controversy completely terminated. Abandoned by his former friends, Gottschalk now appealed to Pope Nicholas I., who ordered Hincmar to defend himself for his con- duct towards the monk before Papal legates at the Synod of Metz in 863 (§ 112, 4). Hincmar deemed it prudent not to obey the cita- tion. Happily for him, the Pope himself afterwards annulled the 364 SECOND SECTION. FIRST PERIOD (CENT. 4-9 A.D.). decrees of this synod on account of the venality of his legates, and the metropolitan soon afterwards succeeded in appeasing the Pope by intercessions and letters. Thus Gottschalk was deprived of his last hope. Twenty years had he lingered in prison, but to his latest breath he rejected with indignation every proposal of recantation. He died in 868, and by order of Hincmar was interred in unconse- crated earth. — From his prison he had charged his metropolitan with another heresy. In the hymn, " Te Trina Deitas Unaque," Hincmar had substituted the expression " Sancta Deitas " for " Trina Deitas." On this ground his opponents accused him of Sabellianism, a charge which Ratramnus embodied in a controversial tractate. But the reply of Hincmar put an end to this agitation (857). § 122. REFORMATORY MOVEMENTS The independence which Charlemagne restored to the German Church seems to have awakened in the divines of Germany a feel- ing that they were destined to become the reformers of prevailing abuses. This tendency, though limited, one-sided, and frequently liable to aberrations, manifested itself more or less throughout the Middle Ages until the sixteenth century, when it issued in the glori- ous Reformation. The series of reformers commenced with Charle- magne himself, who vigorously opposed the image-worship of that time. Louis the Pious continued in the wake of his father, and allowed Agobard of Lyons and Claudius of Turin to combat kindred forms of ecclesiastical superstition — in the case of the latter divine, perhaps, even beyond the bounds of evangelical prudence. 1. Opposition of the Carolingians to Image-worship (790-825). On occasion of an embassy from the Emperor Con- stantinus Copronymus (§ 96, 2), Pepin the Short had convoked in 767 a synod at Gentilly (§ 121, 2), where the question of image- worship was also discussed. But we are left in ignorance of all be- yond this fact, as the acts of the synod have been lost. Twenty years later Pope Hadrian I. sent to Charlemagne the acts of the Seventh Oecumenical Council of Nice (§ 96, 3). In his character of emperor-expectant, Charlemagne felt deeply aggrieved at the presumption of the Greeks, who, without consulting the German Church, had ventured to enact laws which were in direct opposition to the practice of the Frankish Church. He replied by issuing in his own name the so-called Libri Carolini (best ed. by Heumann, Han. 1731). In this work the attempts of the Eastern prelates are sharply met, and the acts of the Synod refuted seriatim. Although Charlemagne disavowed the views of the iconoclasts, and admitted the utility of religious images for exciting devotional feelings, for in- § 122. REFORMATORY MOVEMENTS. 3C5 structing the people, or as suitable decorations in churches — with special reference to the views of Gregory the Great (§89, 3) — he reprobated every species of image- worship as a kind of idolatry. On the other hand, the Libri Carolini expressed approbation of the reverence paid to saints, to relics, and to the crucifix. Charlemagne sent this significant tractate, which in all probability was composed by Alcuin, to the Pope, who rejoined, although in the most guarded language. But this reply made not the slightest impression on the Frankish monarch. Nay, the authority of a great general council of all the Germanic churches was to be opposed to that of the Council of the Byzantine Court. During his sojourn in England (790-792), Alcuin secured for this purpose the co-operation of the Anglo-Saxon Church. The Synod met at Frankfort in 794, and solemnly confirmed the principles of the " Libri Carolini." The Pope deemed it prudent to leave this controversy to the operation of time and popular feeling. — Under the reign of Louis the Pious the question was again discussed, on occasion of an embassy from the iconoclastic emperor, Michael Balbus. At a national synod held at Paris (825), the conduct of Hadrian I. was reprehended, the prac- tice of image-worship reprobated, and the principles of the " Libri Carolini" once more confirmed. Pope Eugen II. made no reply. This rejection of the Second Nicene Council and opposition to image- worship continued in the Frankish Empire till the tenth century. 2. Soon after the Council of Paris, Agobard of Lyons (§ 120, 4) published a tractate : Contra superstitionem eorum, qui picturis et imaginibus Sanctorum adorationis obsequium deferendum putant. But the prelate went much further than the Libri Carolini. He proposed entirely to remove all images from churches, as the prac- tice would inevitably lead to abuses. Besides, he also rejected the idea of paying homage to saints, relics, or angels. Our confidence was to be placed only in Almighty God, whom alone we were to worship through Jesus Christ, the sole Mediator. At the same time, he wished to introduce certain reforms in the Liturgy (§ 120, 8). He also opposed those portions of the public services which were merely designed to affect the senses, and would have banished the use of all non-inspired hymns. On the other hand, he insisted on the necessity of diligent study of the Bible, and condemned all appeals to ordeals (§ 118, 4), and all the popular superstitions about witchcraft, and supernatural means for securing favourable weather (Contra insulsam vulgi opinionem de grandine et tonitruis) ; as also the belief, that diseases and other plagues might be averted by donations to churches. On the subject of inspiration his views were somewhat loose (§ 120, 6). Still nobody thought of charg- ing him with heresy. — Claudius, Bishop of Turin (§ 120, 4), went even beyond Agobard. From the writings of Augustine that prelate had derived views more deep and full than any of his cotem- poraries of the blessed truth, that man is justified without any works 366 SECOND SECTION. SECOND PERIOD (CENT. 10-13 A.D.). of his own, only through the mercy of God in Christ. Louis the Pious had elevated him to the See of Turin for the express purpose of opposing image-worship in Italy, the great stronghold of this superstition. In his diocese the veneration paid to images, relics, and crucifixes had been carried to fearful excess. These abuses seemed to call for stringent measures. Accordingly, Claudius ordered all images and crucifixes to be flung out of the churches. Popular tumults ensued in consequence, and only fear of the Frankish arms could have preserved the life or protected the office of the bold pre- late. When Pope Paschal expostulated with him on the subject, he replied, that he would only recognise his apostolic dignity so long as he did the works of .an apostle ; if otherwise, Matt, xxiii. 2, 3 applied to him. Claudius expounded his views in some exegetical tractates. In answer to Theodimir, Abbot of Psalmody, the Bishop of Turin wrote, in 825, a work entitled " Apologeticus," which is only known from the rejoinder of Theodimir. A Scotchman, Dungal, teacher at Pavia, also wrote against him, and accused him before the Emperor. Upon this Jonas, Bishop of Orleans, was com- missioned to refute the Apologeticus. The work (de Cultu Imagi- num LI. III.), w r hich appeared only after the death of Claudius, embodies the principles of the Frankish Church on the subject of image-worship. SECOND PERIOD OF ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY IN ITS MEDIEVAL AND GERMANIC FORM OF DEVELOPMENT. FROM THE TENTH TO THE THIRTEENTH CENT. I. GROWTH OF THE CHURCH. § 123. MISSIONARY OPERATIONS DURING THAT PERIOD. Comp. the Literature at §§ 109, 110. J. v. Mailath, Gesch. d. Magyaren. Vienna 1828. Vol. I. C. G. v. Frie.se, K. G. v. Polen. Bresl. 1786. Vol. I. R. JRopell, Gesch. von Polen. Hamb. 1840.— L. Giesebrecht, wendische Geschichten. Berl. 1843; F. C. Kruse, § 123. MISSIONAEY OPERATIONS DURING THAT PERIOD. 367 St. Vicelln. Altona 1828. C. W. Spieker, K. u. Reform. G. d. Mark Brandenburg. Berl. 1839. F. W. Barthold, Gesch. von Pommern. Hamb. 1839. P. F. Kannegiesser, Bekehrungs Gesch. d. Pommern. Greifsw. 1824. K. L. Tetsch, kurland. Kirchengescli. 3 Vols. Riga 1767 ; Fr. Kruse, Urgesch. (Origines) d. esthn. Volks- stammes. Mosc. 1846. K. v. Schlozer, d. Anfange d. deutsch. Lebens im bait. Norclen (Commenc. of Germ. Infl. in the North along the Baltic). Berl. 1850. E. Pabst, Meinhart, Livland's Apos- tel. Reval 1847. — J. L. Mosheim, hist. eccl. Tartarorum. Helmst. 1714. Abel, memoires sur les relatt. politiques des princes chretiens avec les empereurs Mongoles, in the Mem. de l'Acad. des inscr. T. VI. VII. 1822.— J". W. Watterich, d. Griindung d. deutschen Or- densstaates in Preussen (Origin of the Rule of the Teuton. Knights in Pr.). Leips. 1857. The conversion of the continent of Europe was almost completed during this period, that of Lithuania alone being reserved for the following. Both the manner of carrying on, and the results, of mis- sionary operations continued as before. The labours of the. heralds of the Cross were supported by armed force ; monasteries and fort- resses became the bases for the spread of Christianity ; political motives and marriages with Christian princesses generally effected the conversion of heathen rulers ; and the peoples were either obliged to follow the example of their sovereigns, or submitted in silent resignation ; while, under the cover of Christianity, many heathen superstitions continued to exist. It was the policy of the German emperors to place the newly-converted races under the spiritual supremacy of the Metropolitan of Germany. Thus Plamburg was made the see for Scandinavia and the Baltic Provinces, Magdeburg that for Poland and the adjoining countries, Mayence for Bohemia, Passau for Hungary. But the Papacy uniformly opposed such attempts of the German clergy and rulers. Each of these countries was to have its independent metropolitan, and thus to occupy a place of equality in the great family of Christian states, of which the See of Rome was to be the spiritual head (§ 113). — The Western Church repeatedly commenced missionary operations among the Mongols of Asia and the Saracens of Africa, but without leading to any lasting results. 1. The emperors of Germany succeeded in obtaining political in- fluence in Denmark, which they employed in favour of Christianity. King Gorm the Old (ob. 940) was a violent persecutor, till Henry I., in 934, obliged him to extend toleration. His son, Harold Blaatand Cor Black-tooth), was baptized after having concluded a 368 SECOND SECTION. SECOND PERIOD (CENT. 10-13 A.D.;. peace with Otho I. in 972, and from that period he zealously seconded the labours of the archbishops of Hamburg-Bremen. But Harold was dethroned by his heathen subjects under the leadership of Sven, his own son, in 991. Sven (ob. 1014) agained razed the Christian churches and monasteries in the country. Canute the Great, his son (1014-1035), who had been educated a Christian, and espoused the pious English princess Emma, re-established the Church of his country ; and, when on a pilgrimage to Rome, which, however, was partly prompted by political motives, established a close connection between the Danish Church and the great centre of Western Chris- tendom. — Next to the labours of Anskar, the conversion of Sweden must be traced to Unni, Archbishop of Hamburg, who left his see to devote his last years to the evangelisation of that country (ob. 940). Faithful missionaries continued the work he had begun. Olave Skauikonung (or Lap-King), in 1008, was the first Christian monarch of Sweden ; and in 1075 Inge swept away the last traces of heathenism.— On their predatory expeditions, the Norwegians were brought into contact with the Gospel. Haco the Good, who was educated in England, was the first Christian king of Norway. But his subjects refused to adopt the new faith (945), and even con- strained Haco to take part in a heathen sacrifice. He died deeply penitent for this act of sinful compliance (960). Still, despite the opposition of the heathen party, the conversion of the country gra- dually progressed under the reign of Olave Trygveson (ob. 1000), and especially under that of Olave Haroldson, the Fat (ob. 1033). These monarchs lost, indeed, their lives in contest with the Danes, whose aid their heathen opponents had called in. But national dis- like to the foreign rule thus imposed, caused Olave the Fat to be invested with the glory of patron-saint of Norway, and promoted the diffusion of Christianity of which he had been a martyr. — Under Olave Trygveson Christianity was also introduced in Iceland and Greenland, and in the Orkney and Faroe islands. 2. The Gospel had been introduced into Bohemia during the preceding period (§ 109, 2). After the death of Vratislav, Draho- mira, his widow, a heathen, seized the reins of government in name of Boleslav, her younger son. The attempt of Ludmilla, with the aid of certain priests and Germans, to elevate to the throne St Wenceslav, the elder son, whom she had educated, was frustrated. Ludmilla was killed by order of Drahomira (927), and Wenceslav fell by the hand of his brother. Boleslav at first attempted to ex- terminate Christianity from his dominions, but was obliged to relax his former severity after his defeat by Otho I. in 950. His son, Boleslav II., established Christianity in the country, and founded the archiepiscopal see of Prague. The Pope gave his consent to the erection of this see, on condition that the Romish Liturgy should be introduced (973). — From Bohemia the Gospel spread to Poland. Duke Miecislav was induced by Dambrovka, his wife, a Bohemian § 123. MISSIONARY OPERATIONS DURING THAT PERIOD £(>9 princess, to adopt the Christian religion (966). His subjects fol- lowed his example, and the See of Posen was founded for the Church of Poland.— During the succeeding period, Christianity was intro- duced in Lithuania. Jagello, Grand-Duke of that country, was baptized, in order to acquire, with the hand of Queen Hedwige, the crown of Poland (1386). He founded the See of Wilna. _ His sub- jects, who at baptism received each a woollen coat, came in crowds to make profession of Christianity.— The Gospel was first carried to Hungary from Constantinople, where Gylas, a Hungarian prince, was baptized in 950. Byzantine missionaries accompanied the monarch ; but this connection with the Greek Church was only temporary. By the combined exertions of a number of German prisoners 1 of war, and of Piligrin, Bishop of Passau, the Hungarian Church was detached from the East. Duke Geysa (ob. 997) was at least favourably disposed towards Christianity, chiefly through the influence of Sarolta, his wife, a daughter of Gylas. But the conversion of the country was only accomplished under the reign of his son, St Stephen (ob. 1038), who also introduced Christianity into Transylvania and Wallachia. According to some authorities, he received the dignity of king from Pope Sylvester II., 1 and the Hungarian Church became subject to the Romish hierarchy. 3. The Wends, who inhabited the districts bordering the Elbe, the Saale, the Havel, and the Oder, cherished a deep repugnance to Christianity, the introduction of which was associated in their minds with the loss of national independence. Otho I. founded many sees and the archbishopric of Magdeburg among the Wends. But these institutions were swept away during a revolt of the Wends under Mistevoi (983). Gottschalk, the grandson of Mistevoi, fell a martyr to his Christian zeal (1066). This murder was followed by a general persecution of Christians. Christianity was only established in these regions under the reign of Albert the Bear, who founded the Margravate of Brandenburg (1133), and under that of Henry the Lion, who vanquished the Obotrites, and colonised the districts formerly inhabited by them with Germans (1162). Amidst many difficulties the labours of the devoted Bishop Benno of Meissen (ob. 1106), and those of St Vicelin, the apostle of the Wends (ob. 1154), were carried on with a zeal truly apostolical. — For a considerable period the efforts of the Dukes of Poland to subject Pomerania to their rule, and to Christianise the country, remained unsuccessful. At last Boleslav III. conquered the country in 1121. He enlisted the services of Otho of Bamberg as missionary to that country. The devoted prelate proved the apostle of Pomerania. His ardent zeal, his self-denying love and patience, which neither threats nor perse- cutions could overcome or exhaust, were fully rewarded. The Pomeranian Church, which was founded during his two missionary 1 But this point is controverted. See Robertson, Hist, of the Chr. Ch. II. Per., p. 443, Note U. VOL. I. 2 A 370 SECOND SECTION. SECOND PERIOD (CENT. 10-13 A.D.;, expeditions, continued under his superintendence till his death in 1139. The island of Riigen, however, remained heathen, till con- quered in 1168 by Waldemar, king of Denmark. 4. The duty of carrying the Gospel to the countries along the eastern shore of the Baltic was first undertaken by the Danish Church. Sven III. founded the See of Lund in 1050, with the express object of making provision for the spiritual necessities of these countries. Monks were repeatedly sent to evangelise, and armies to conquer them, but in both respects without success. What the Danes failed to accomplish was achieved by the missionaries and the sword of Germany. About the middle of the twelfth century, merchants from Bremen and Lubeck entered into commercial rela- tions with these districts. In their company Meinhard, a pious priest from the monastery of Segeberg in Holstein, was sent in 1186 on a missionary expedition by Hartwig, the Archbishop of Bremen. Meinhard founded a church at Yxkiill, and was nominated bishop, but died in 1196. His successor, Berthold of Loccum, a Cistercian abbot, was expelled the country, but returned at the head of an army of crusaders, and fell in battle in 1198. He was succeeded by Albert of Apeldern, a canon of Bremen, who transferred his epis- copal see to Riga (1200), and for the protection of the mission established the knightly Order of the Sword. By such means Christianity spread from Livonia to Esthonia, where the See of Dorpat was founded in 1223, and in 1230 to Semgallen and to Courland. The Danes also effected a landing at Revel, where they founded a see, which was placed under the superintendence of the Metropolitan of Lund. In Prussia, A dalbert, Archbishop of Prague, commenced missionary operations in 996 with great success, but fell a martyr the following year. Bruno, a zealous monk, and eighteen of his missionary companions, met with the same fate on the borders of Lithuania, after having laboured for only one year in the district (1008). Two centuries elapsed ere their work was resumed, when the labours of the evangelists once more encountered fanatical opposition. The order of the Teutonic Knights alone proved strong enough — after its amalgamation with that of the Sword — to sweep away heathenism from that district. — Christianity was introduced in Finland by St Eric in 1157, who built the fortress of Abo to pro- tect the missionaries. He was accompanied by Henry, Bishop of Upsala, the apostle of that country, whose ardent zeal was rewarded with the martyr's crown. In 1279 the Lapps became subject to Sweden, and in 1335 Hemming, Primate of Upsala, consecrated a church at Tornea. 5. During the pontificate of Alexander III., pretended ambas- sadors of the Tartar priest-king John (§ 103, 1) arrived at Rome, and fabulous accounts of the power and glory of that monarch spread throughout the West. The Pope entered into negotiations with them, which, however, led to no results. Perhaps they may hnv« § 124. THE CRUSADES. 371 been mere adventurers. — In consequence of the threatening attitude of the Mongols towards the Western churches, Pope Innocent IV. sent an embassy, consisting of Franciscans and Dominicans, to Khan Oktai (1245), for the twofold purpose of inducing him to adopt peaceable measures, and of inviting him to become a Christian. But the application was unsuccessful. Gajuk, the successor of Oktai, was more favourable to the Christians. In 1253 Louis IX. of France despatched an embassy to Khan Mangu, at the head of which the celebrated Franciscan William de Rubruquis (Ruis- broek) was placed. The report which he brought to Europe damped the hopes, formerly cherished, of the conversion of Mangu After the death of Mangu in 1259 the Mongol Empire was divided into the Persian and the Chinese dynasty. In Persia, Christianity gave place to Mohammedanism in the fourteenth century. But in China missionary labours were repeatedly resumed, not without suc- cess. Pope Gregory X. despatched, in 1274, two Dominicans to Khan Kublai. They were joined by Marco Polo, a young Vene- tian, at the time only sixteen years old, whose account of the journey afterwards excited such sensation. Other missionaries fol- lowed these heralds of Christianity ; among them we mention espe- cially that venerable Franciscan, Johannes de Monte-Corvino, who translated the New Testament and the Book of Psalms into the Mongol language, baptized about 6000 natives, and died in 1330 as Archbishop of Cambalu (Pekin). But in 1369 the Mongols were driven from China, and the fruits of these labours gradually dis- appeared. — While Louis IX. was carrying on the siege of Damiette, St Francis (§ 128, 4) arrived in Egypt in 1219 for the purpose of attempting the conversion of the Mohammedans. He proposed to the Sultan to prove the truth of his religion by undergoing the ordeal of walking through fire ; but the offer was declined, and the saint dismissed with rich presents, which St Francis, however, re- fused. Much more successful in this field of labour was Raimundus Lidlus. After his conversion from a course of worldliness and frivolity, he prepared himself for the work by laborious and careful study of the languages, and then went to preach the Gospel to the Saracens in Northern Africa. Having encountered every species of opposition, he died a martyr in 1315. Comp. § 134, 2. § 124. THE CRUSADES. Sources: J. Bongars, Gesta Dei per Francos. Hann. 1611. 2 Voll. F. J. Michaud, Biblioth. des Croisades. Par. 1830. 4 T.— Comp. William of Tyre, Hist, of the Cms. and of the Kingd. of Jerus. ; Chronicles of the Crusaders (in Bonn's Antiquar. Libr.) ; J. Michaud, Hist, des Croisades, transl. by W. Poison. London 1852, 3 Vols. ; F. Wilken, Gesch. d. Kreuzziige (Hist, of the Crus.). Leips. 1807. 7 Vols.; IP v. Sylel, Gesch/ d. ersten Kreuzzugs. Diisseld. 1841 ; A. H. L. Heeren, Versuch u. Entw. d. Folgen d. 372 SECOND SECTION. SECOND PEEIOD (CENT. 10-13 A.D.). Kreuzziio;e fur Europa (Essay on the results of the Crus. for Europe). Gottg. 1808. During the rule of the Arabs, Christian pilgrims to the Holy Sepulchre had enjoyed ample protection. But under the reign of the Fatimites, at the commencement of the tenth century, persecutions commenced, especially during the Caliphate of Hakim, who equally oppressed native Christians and pilgrims, and interdicted their worship under severe penalty, probably in order by such severities to wipe out the disgrace of having sprung from a Christian mother. Under the domination of the Seljoolian Turks, from 1078, these measures of oppression greatly increased. The feelings evoked throughout the West by these persecutions was all the more deep, since the expectation of the approaching end of the world, which was general in the tenth cent. (§ 136, 1), induced many to under- take pilgrimages to the Holy Land. So early as the year 999 Syl- vester II. had — ex persona devastate Hierosolymse — made an appeal to Christendom to rescue the Holy Land from the infidel. Gregory VII. entered warmly into, this project, and had indeed resolved to head a crusade in person ; but his dissensions with Henry IV. pre- vented the execution of the plan. Twenty years later Peter of Amiens, a hermit, returned from his pilgrimage. In burning lan- guage he portrayed to the Sovereign Pontiff ( Urban II.) the suffer- ings of the Christians : he recounted a vision in which Christ Him- self had charged him with the commission to rouse Christendom for the delivery of the Holy Sepulchre. By direction of Urban, Peter travelled through Italy and France, everywhere exciting the feelings of the people. A council was summoned at Piacenza in 1095, where this cause was pled. Still greater success attended the address of Urban at the Council of Claremont in the same year. In response to his enthusiastic appeal for a holy war under the standard of the Cross, the universal exclamation was heard : " It is the will of God !" and on the same day thousands enlisted in the cause, and had the red cross affixed to their right shoulder — among them A dhe mar, Bishop of Le Puy, who was named Papal legate for the war. On their return to their dioceses, the bishops everywhere preached the Crusade, and before many weeks had elapsed Western Christendom was stirred to its inmost depths. Thus^ commenced a movement which lasted for two centuries, and which in its character can only be compared with the migration of nations. By these expeditions Europe lost nearly 6,000,000 of men in bootless attempts. In the end every hope and purpose cherished by the crusaders was frus- § 124. THE CRUSADES. 373 trated. Still the consequences of these expeditions proved of deepest importance, and their influence extended to all departments of life, both ecclesiastical and political, spiritual and intellectual, civil and industrial. New views, requirements, tendencies, and forces were introduced, by the operation of which mediaeval history entered on the last stage of its development, and which prepared the way for the modern phases of society. 1. The First Crusade (1096). In May 1096 a motley host of 40,000 men, impatient of the preparations made by the military leaders, took the road, headed by Peter himself, and by his nephew Walter the Penniless. But the excesses committed by them, and the utter absence of all discipline, aroused the hostility of the popu- lations : half the army was destroyed in Bulgaria, the rest perished by the sword of the Saracens. At length, in the month of August,^ the regular army of the crusaders set out under the command of Godfrey of Bouillon. Originally it consisted of 80,000 men, but by the way it increased to not less than 600,000. The recep- tion which the Byzantine Government accorded the crusaders was by no means favourable. In 1097 they crossed to Asia. Nicsea, Antioch, and Edessa were taken, not without considerable resist- ance and great losses. But their efforts ultimately proved successful, and on the 15th July 1099 the crusaders scaled the walls of Jeru- salem with the shout, "It is the will of God!" By the light of burning houses, and wading in blood, they marched in solemn pro- cession" to the Church of the Eesurrection, repeating psalms. Godfrey was chosen King of Jerusalem, but refused to wear a royal diadem where his Master had been crowned with thorns. The pious leader of the crusaders died after the lapse of only one year, and was succeeded by Baldwin, his brother, who was crowned at Bethlehem. The bestowal of numerous fiefs soon gathered a number of vassals around the new monarch. Jerusalem was made the seat of a patriarchate, to which four archiepiscopal sees and a corresponding number of bishoprics were subjected. Tidings of these events awakened fresh enthusiasm throughout the West. So early as the year 1101 three other large armies of crusaders set out. They marched against Bagdad, with the view of breaking the Moslem power in its great stronghold ; but these undisciplined masses never reached their destination. 2. Second Crusade (1147). The fall of Edessa — the great bul- wark of the kingdom of Jerusalem — seemed a loud call for renewed exertions. Pope Eugen III summoned the nations to arms. Ber- nard of Clairvaiur, the great teacher of that period, preached the Crusade, and predicted victory. Louis VII. of France took the cross, thereby to expiate the sacrilege of having burned down a church filled with people. Under the impression of the sermons of 374 SECOND SECTION. SECOND PERIOD (CENT. 10-13 A.D.). St Bernard, Conrad I^Jpf Germany followed his example, not without considerable reluctance. But their noble armies fell under the sword of the Saracens, or perished through the perfidy of the Greeks and the utter dissolution of all discipline, amidst want, pes- tilence, and fatigue. Damascus was not taken; humbled, and with the scanty remnants of their armies, the Christian princes returned to their own countries. 3. Third Crusade (1189). A century had not elapsed before the kingdom of Jerusalem had fallen into complete decay. The incessant animosities between Greeks and Latins, the intrigues of vassals, the licentiousness, luxury, and lawlessness of the people, the clergy, and the nobles, and, after the extinction of the dynasty of Baldwin, the disputes of pretenders to the crown, rendered order, security, or stability impossible. Under these circumstances, it was comparatively easy for Sultan Saladin — that Moslem knight without fear or stain, who had already dethroned the Fatimite dynasty in Egypt — after the bloody victory of Tiberias, to put an end to the domination of Christians in Syria. Jerusalem was taken in October 1187. Tidings of this calamity once more roused Western Chris- tendom. Philip Augustus of France, and Henry IT. of England, for a season laid aside their disputes, and took the cross at the hand of William of Tyre, the historian of the Crusades. They were joined by the Emperor Frederic I., in personal courage a youth, but old in years and experience, whose energy, prudence, and ability seemed to insure success. The intrigues of the Byzantine court, and the indescribable difficulties of a march through a desert, could not arrest his progress. He met and defeated the well-appointed army of the Sultan of Iconium, and took his capital, but soon afterwards was drowned in a small river of Pisidia (1190). The greater part of the army now dispersed ; the rest were led against Ptolemais by Frederic of Swabia, the Emperor's son. Soon afterwards appeared under the walls of that city Philip Augustus and Kichard Cgeur-de-Lion, who, after the death of his father, had undertaken his vow, and on his passage to Syria conquered Cyprus. Ptole- mais (St Jean d'Acre) fell in 1191 ; but disputes among the leaders prevented any lasting success from that enterprise. Frederic of Swabia had fallen, and Philip Augustus returned to France under pretence of illness. Richard gained, indeed, a splendid victory over Saladin, took Joppa and Askelon, and was about to march upon Jerusalem, when tidings arrived that Philip Augustus was arming against England. Saladin, who respected the knightly qualities of his opponent, agreed to an armistice for three years, on conditions favourable to Christian pilgrims (1192). The district along the shore, from Joppa to Askelon, was ceded to Henry of Champagne. On his return to England, Richard was seized by Leopold of Austria, whose flag he had insulted before Ptolemais, and kept a prisoner for two vears. The Crusade was not resumed even after his liberation- § 124. THE CRUSADES. 375 4. Fourth Crusade (1217). Foipdflnnocent III. summoned Christendom a fourth time to the Holy War. The monarchs of Europe were too much engaged with their own affairs to give heed to this call ; but Fidk of Neuilly, the great penitential preacher of his age, induced the nobility of France to fit out a considerable armament. Instead, however, of marching against the Saracens, they were induced by Dandolo, the Doge of Venice, to assist him in subduing Dalmatia, by way of payment for the transport of the troops, and then to advance against Constantinople, where Baldwin of Flanders founded a Latin Empire (1204-1261). The Pope excommunicated the Doge, highly censured the violent dethrone- ment of a Christian monarch, and appointed an ecclesiastic to the Patriarchate of Constantinople. At the urgent persuasion of Pope Honorius III., Andrew II. of Hungary led another army of crusaders to Palestine in 1217. He gained some advantages ; but, being betrayed or forsaken by the barons of Palestine, he returned the following year. 5. Fifth Crusade (1228). The Emperor Frederic II. had also promised the Pope to undertake a crusade, but delayed on various pretexts, till Pope Gregory at length excommunicated him. Frederic now set out at the head of a comparatively small army (1228). Kamel, the Sultan of Egypt, was at the time engaged in war with a rival. Under the apprehension that Frederic might co-operate with him, he hastily concluded peace, ceding Jerusalem and several other towns. On the Holy Sepulchre the Emperor crowned himself with his own hands (Jerusalem being the heredi- tary portion of his spouse Jolanthe), and then returned to make his peace with the See of Pome (1229). 6. Sixth Crusade (1248). The ardour in this cause had for a considerable time been declining. But when in 1247 Jerusalem was again taken by the infidels, St Louis of France once more set out at the head of a considerable army, and, having wintered in Cyprus, passed in 1248 into Egypt. He defeated the Egyptians both by sea and by land, and took Damiette. His army, however, was decimated by battles, pestilence, and famine, and himself made prisoner by the Mamelukes, who had lately dethroned the dynasty of Saladin. After payment of a heavy ransom, he was allowed to return to his own country in 1250. The pious monarch still felt as if his vow had not been fulfilled. Accordingly, he embarked a second time in 1270 for Tunis, in the hope of making that city the basis of further operations. But half of his army, and the king himself, were swept away by a pestilence that same year. Ptolemais, the last stronghold of the Christians in the Holy Land, fell in 1291. 376 SECOND SECTION. SECOND PERIOD (CENT. 10-13 A.D.). § 125. ISLAMISM AND THE JEWS IN EUROPE. In the eleventh century the dominion of the Saracens in Sicily gave place to that of the Normans (§ 111). In Spain also the sway of Mohammedanism was drawing to a close. Frequent changes of rulers and dynasties, and the division of the country into small caliphates, had weakened the power of the Moors ; while increasing degeneracy of manners, in a rich and luxurious country, gradually diminished the military prowess and ardour of the people. Although the Christian forces of the country were also drawn from a number of small kingdoms, patriotism and religious enthusiasm, which grew as the contest continued, rendered them invincible. Rodrigo Diaz, the Castilian hero (called by the Moors the Cid, or Lord, by Christians the Campeador or Commander) — ob. 1099 — appeared to these war- riors the embodiment of Spanish and Christian chivalry, though it must be confessed that the conduct of these heroes towards vanquished infidels was at times neither Christian nor knightly. The Moors called in the aid of the Almoravides ; but neither could they nor the Almohades from Barbary, who afterwards took their place, restore the former glory of the Moorish arms. Under Alphonse III. of Cas- tile the combined Christian princes gained a great victory at Tolosa in 1212, after which only the provinces of Cordova and Granada were left to the Moors. Cordova fell in 1236. In 1469 the two most powerful Christian kingdoms of Spain were united by the marriage of Ferdinand of Arrao;on with Isabella of Castile. Soon afterwards Granada also was conquered. On the 2d January 1492, Abu-Abdilehi (Boabdil), the last caliph, concluded a disgraceful treaty, in consequence of which he evacuated his splendid capital, and a few moments later the Castilian banner waved over the highest turret of the proud Alhambra. The Pope bestowed on the royal pair the title of Catholic. Those Moors who refused baptism were expelled ; but even the Moriscoes, or baptized Moors, proved an element so dangerous to the common-weal, that Philip III., in 1609, decreed their final expulsion. Most of them sought refuge in Africa, where they again openly professed the religion which in their hearts they had all along cherished. 1. By trade and usury the Jews had obtained almost exclusive possession of the coined money. The influence thus acquired was more than counterbalanced by the cruelty and oppression to which, from their wealth, they were exposed on the part of needy princes and nobles. Every public calamity was popularly ascribed to them; § 126. THE PAPACY. 377 they poisoned the wells, and thus occasioned epidemics ; they stole consecrated wafers in order to pierce them through with needles ; they abducted Christian children to sacrifice them at their Passover. Popular superstition and enmity, thus excited, frequently found vent in tumults, in which thousands of innocent persons fell victims, and whole quarters, with their defenceless inhabitants, were consumed by the flames. Occasionally the crusaders also commenced their heroic exploits at home with a massacre of Jews. In Spain the synagogue suffered persecutions similar to those of the Moors and Moriscoes. Several of the popes — especially Gregory VII., A lexander III., and Innocent III. — published ordinances for the protection of the Jews, interdicted the practice of forced conversions, and called attention to the circumstance that they were destined by Providence to be living evidences to the truth of Christianity. II. HIERARCHY, THE CLERGY, AND MONASTICISM. § 126. THE PAPACY. Comp. V. E. Loscher, Hist. d. rom. Hurenregimentes (Hist, of the Eule of Harlots at Rome). 2d Ed. Leipz. 1725. 4.— Vehse, Otto d. Gr. u. s. Zeit. Zittau 1835.— jFV. Hock, Gerbert u. s. Jahrh. Wien 1837.— Stenzel, Gesch. Deutsch. unter d. frank. Kais. (Hist, of Germ, under the Fr. Emp.). Leipz. 1827. C. Hofler, die deutschen Papste (The German Popes). Regensb. 1839.— J. Voigt, Hildebr. als Gregor VII. u. s. Zeitalt. 2d Ed. Weimar 1846. J. M. Soltl, Gregor VII. Leipz. 1847. G. Cassander, d. Zeitalt. Plildebr. fiir u. wider ihn (The Age of Hildebr. for and ag. him). Darmst. 1842. A. de Vidaillon, Vie d. Greg. VII. Par. 1837. 2 T. J. W. Bowden, Life of Greg. VII. Lond. 1840. 2 Vols. H. Floto, Heinr. IV. u. s. Zeitalt. Stuttgart 1855-56. 2 Vols.— Fr. v. Raumer, Gesch. d. Hohenstaufen (History of the Hohenst.). 6 Vols. Leipz. 1823, etc. W. Zimmermann, d. Hohenst. od. d. Kampf d. Monar. gegen d. Papst u. d. republ. Freih. (The Hohenst. or the Contest between Royalty, the Pap. and Republic). Stuttg. 1838. 2 Vols.— J. Helfenstein, Gr. Bestreb. u. d. Streitsch. s. Zeit. (The Obj. of Gr. and the Controv. Writ, of his time). Fr. 1856. H. Renter, Alex. III. u. d. K. sr. Zeit. Berl. 1845. I. Ring, Friedr. I. im Kampfe gegen Alex. III. (Fred. I. and his Contest with Alex. III.). Stuttg. 1835. C. de Cherrier, Hist, de la lutte d. Papes et des Emp. de la maison de Souabe. Par. 1841-51. 4 T. II. Franke, Am. v. Brescia u. s. Zeit. Zurich 1825. Buss, d. h. Thomas v. Canterb, Mayence 1856. Bataille, Vie pol. et civ. de Th. Beck. Par. 1846. Giles, Life and Letters of Th. a Beck. Lond. 1846. 2 Vols.— Fr. Hurter, P. Innocenz III. u. s. Zeitgenossen (P. Innocent III. and 378 SECOND SECTION. SECOND PERIOD (CENT. 10-13 A.D.). his cotemporaries). 4 Vols. 3d Ed. 1845. 0. Abel, Konig Philipp d. Hohenst. Berl. 1852. C. Hofler (Eom. Cath.), Kais. Friedrich II. Ein Beitr. zur Berichtigung iiber d. Sturz d. Hohenstaufen (The Emp. Fred. II., an Ess. on the causes of the fall of the Hohenst. Dynasty). Mun. 1844. — Canon Robertson, Life of St Thomas. London 1859. The history of the Papacy during this period opens amid its deepest degradation. It was Germany which put an end to these infamous abuses ; the Papacy once more recovered from its low state, and remembering its high aims, rapidly rose to the highest point of its influence and power. With the alternative before it of being subject to the secular power of the emperors or of rendering them subject to its spiritual sway, it entered into mortal conflict with that very monarchy to which it owed its recovery. In this contest, which raged most fiercely during the disputes with the Hohenstaufen dynasty, the Papacy carried indeed the victory, but only again to experience that it could neither coexist nor dispense with a strong imperial government. As the overturn of the empire of Charle- magne had reduced the Papacy to utter degradation under the vile rule of Italian nobles, so its victory over the German monarchs issued in rendering it subject to French policy, to an extent scarcely less humiliating. — At the time when the Papacy rose from its decay, the orders of Clugny and Camaldoli (§ 128) proved its strongest supporters and best advisers ; afterwards, the begging friars formed a sort of Papal standing army ; while the Crusades, besides contributing a good deal of enthusiasm in favour of the Church, found employment and a grave for troublesome princes and their armies. — When the Papacy reached its climax, the Holy Father was regarded as absolute head of the Church. Already theologians argued that the position of the Supreme Pontiff in the theocracy must insure the infallibility of his official decrees. Gregory VII. claimed for the chair of Peter the right of confirming all appoint- ments to vacant sees. From the time of Innocent III., what for- merly had been merely papal recommendations to vacant posts (preces, whence the parties recommended were called precistce) were issued as mandata ; while Clement IV. (ob. 1268) insisted that the Pontiff possessed the power of " plenaria dispositio" over all eccle- siastical benefices. According to these vicars of Christ, Universal Councils had only a deliberative voice. From every tribunal an appeal might be taken to the successors of the apostles ; they might grant dispensation from any law of the Church, and they alone § 126. THE PAPACY. 379 possessed the right of canonising. The practice of kissing the foot originated in an Italian custom ; and even emperors stooped to hold the stirrup to the Pope. In all countries, legates, with absolute power, acted as representatives of the Pope. Theirs it was to con- voke and to preside over provincial councils. From the time of Nicholas I. it was customary to crown the Sovereign Pontiff, al- though at first only a simple crown called tiara was used for the purpose. The College of Cardinals, which consisted of the clergy of the cathedral at Home, and of the seven bishops in the metropo- litan diocese, formed the ecclesiastical and secular council of the Pope. The Romish curia discharged all the ordinary business ; the ministry of finance bore the name of Rota Romana. Besides the regular revenues derived from the States of the Church and the annual tribute from foreign countries, the bestowal of the pall upon newly-elected metropolitans brought considerable sums into the papal treasury. Under special circumstances, the popes also claimed the right of levying a contribution from all churches. 1. The Papacy to the time of Hildebrand (904-1048). In the contests of the Italian nobles which ensued after the de- parture of the Emperor Arnulf (§ 112, 5), the party of Adalbert, Margrave of Tuscany, proved ultimately victorious. For half a century Theodora, the concubine of that prince — a beautiful and noble Roman, but steeped in lowest vice — and her equally infamous daughters, Marozia (Maria) and Theodora, filled the See of Peter with their paramours, their sons, and grandsons, who surpassed each other in vileness and wickedness of every kind (the so-called Porno- cracy). The first of these pontiffs was Sergius III. (904-911), the paramour of Marozia. He was succeeded by John X. (914-928), whom the elder Theodora summoned from his see at Ravenna, as the distance of that city from Rome put some restraint on her in- famous connection with him. John successfully resisted the inroads of the Saracens in Italy, and after the death of Theodora would have put an end to the infamous rule of these women ; but Marozia had him cast into prison and smothered. The next occupant of the papal chair was John XL (931), the son of Pope Sergius and Marozia. But Alberic, his brother, deprived this pontiff and his successors of all" secular power (ob. 954). Oetavianus, the son of Alberic, and the most dissolute of that race, at the age of eighteen once more combined the spiritual and secular power. He was the first pontiff who on his elevation to the Papal See changed his name, adopting that of John XII. (955-963). Against his enemy Berengar II. he invoked the aid of Otho>I. of Germany (936-973), and again bestowed on the German monarch the dignity of Roman Emperor, which had been extinct for thirty-eight years (962) ; but 380 SECOND SECTION. SECOND PERIOD (CENT. 10-13 A.D.). immediately afterwards he changed sides, and entered into alliance with Berengar for the purpose of expelling the Germans. Otho hastened to Rome, and at a synod held in that city (963) deposed the Pontiff, as guilty of incest, perjury, blasphemy, murder, and other crimes. After" the death of Otho, the Tuscan party, under Crescentius, a son of the younger Theodora, again obtained the ascendancy, and was only temporarily kept in check by Otho II. (973-983). While in Rome itself the Papacy was thus in the hands of an unprincipled political party, its spiritual supremacy was seriously threatened in France. In 987 Hugo Capet had assumed the French crown ; he now appealed to Pope John XV. to re- move Arnulf, Archbishop of Rheims, who had opened the gates of that city to the enemies of the new monarch. The Pope hesi- tated ; but the French king summoned a synod which deposed the rebellious prelate, whose place was filled by Gerbert (991), the most learned man and the ablest politician of his age. In vain the Pope remonstrated ; Gerbert remained resolute. The king and the archbishop had even conceived the plan of wholly separating the French Church from the See of Rome, which only failed from popular opposition to it. Robert, the successor of Hugo, was weak enough to abandon Gerbert and to restore Arnulf (996). John XV. called in the aid of Otho III. (983-1002) against the oppres- sions of Crescentius, but died before the arrival of the Emperor (996). Otho directed the choice upon Bruno, his cousin, who assumed the name of Gregory V., the first German pontiff. This excellent prelate only survived to 999. Gerbert, who after his deposition had acted as tutor to Otho, and had lately been appointed Archbishop of Ravenna, was now elected through the influence of the Emperor. He ascended the chair of Peter by the name of Sylvester II. (999-1003). Ignoring all former donations, the youthful Emperor bestowed upon the Pontiff eight lordships in the States of the Church as a mark of his personal favour. But Sylvester succeeded in depriving the Emperors of Germany of the advantages they had gained. He encouraged the youthful monarch in the foolish plan (instilled by his mother Theophano, a Byzantine princess) of dis- carding the political constitution and ideas which were distinctively German in favour of a grand Occidental Empire, after the model of that of Byzantium, of which Rome was to be the capital. By such measures the German bishops were alienated from their sovereign. At the same time the Pope bestowed the royal dignity on Boleslav Chrobry of Poland, the hereditary enemy of Germany, whose great aim it was to found a vast Sclavonic Empire, and on St Stephen of Hungary. He also freed the churches in those countries from the supremacy of the Metropolitan of Germany, and, in return for a yearly tribute, nominated the two kings papal vicars, giving them full power in all ecclesiastical affairs. The Emperor and the Pope died about the same time ; neither of them had attained his object. § 126. THE PAPACY. -- 381 According to popular belief, the Pope had practised the black art, and both his learning and success had been due to his connection with the prince of darkness. — The Tuscan party again obtained the rule in Rome, and the old scandals were re-enacted. Thus in 1033 Benedict IX. was elevated to the Papacy — a boy of only twelve years of age, but an adept in the most infamous vices. He sold the Papacy to Gregory VI, who incurred the charge of simony in order to rid the Papal See from its worthless incumbent. Benedict, how- ever, refused to give place; and as another party among the nobles had elected Sylvester III., there were no less than three claimants to the papal title in Rome. At length Henry III. (1039-1056) put an end to this scandal. He summoned a synod at Sutri (1046) ; Gregory abdicated, the other two popes were deposed, and a pious German bishop nominated successor of St Peter, by the name of Clement II. Henry received the imperial crown from the hands of the new Pontiff, and the Romans took a solemn oath to ask the consent of the Emperor before appointing a pope. Thus imperial power had for the time come triumphant out of the long contest be- tween secular and spiritual authority, and the Church was absolutely subject to the State. This could not long continue ; a reaction was both natural and necessary. 2. The Papacy under Hildebrand (1048-1085). Clement II. died of poison. His successor, Damasus II, after a pontificate of only twenty-three days, was removed by the same means. Such prospects made the German bishops more chary in their ambition. At length Bruno of Toid, a rigid churchman, consented to accept the papal dignity. He ascended the See of Peter by the name of Leo IX. (1048-1054), and with him the Papacy rose from its former depression and impotence. This result must, however, be chiefly ascribed to a monk of the name of Hildebrand, the son of a blacksmith at Saona. An intimate friend of Gregory VI., he had supported his rule at Rome ; and after his abdication again retired to Clugny, where he had formerly resided. Bruno wished to secure the assistance of this influential monk, and for that purpose visited Clugny on his way to Rome. 1 Hildebrand consented to accompany him only on condition that Bruno, who had been elected simply by order of the Emperor, should lay aside the pontifical vestments, and enter Rome in the garb of a pilgrim, to be there elected anew and in a rightful manner. Hildebrand was appointed a deacon at Rome, and from that time to his elevation to the See of Peter continued to direct the affairs of the Church, and succeeded in elevating it to a degree of power and authority hitherto unattained. From the com- mencement of his activity it was his great object to bring about a complete reformation in the Church. Simony was to be entirely abolished, the liberties of the Church to be secured against any inter- 1 Opinions differ as to the place where Bruno and Hildebrand met. See Robertson, u. s., pp. 512, 513. 382 SECOND SECTION. SECOND PERIOD' (CENT. 10-13 A.D.). ference of the secular power, dissoluteness in the clergy to be punished with the utmost severity, priestly celibacy enjoined as the most powerful means of emancipating the priesthood both from the world and the State ; while all spiritual offices were in future to be filled with the ablest and most deservino; men. After the death of Leo, the Romans wished to appoint Hildebrand his successor. But he declined the honour, and himself headed a deputation to Germany to request from the Emperor another pope. By his influence the imperial choice fell on Gebhard of Eichstddt, a well-known prelate, a near relative of the Emperor, and till that time the chief adviser in all his anti-papal measures. The appointment was a masterstroke of policy ; by it the anti-papal party in Germany was deprived of its leader, while the high church party gained in Gebhard, who assumed the name of Victor II. (1055-1057), an able pontiff. Henry died the year following, and the Papacy was emancipated. Still Hildebrand persisted in declining the pontificate, content to direct the choice as he listed. After the death of Stephen IX. the Tusculan party succeeded, indeed, in nominating Benedict X., a man to their own mind. But he was soon obliged to give place to Nicholas II. (1058-1061), the anti-Pope of Hildebrand' s nomina- tion. This pontiff, at a synod held at Rome in 1059, passed an ordinance by which in future the election to the See of Peter should rest with the Roman College of Cardinals, to the exclusion of the nobles and the people ; but " salvo honore debito et reverentia erga Regem Henricum" — a concession which, however, was regarded as temporary, and only applying to the reigning Emperor. Pope Alexander II. (1061-1073) was elected in this manner. The German court appointed Honorius II, a simonist and concubinarius, who was unable to maintain his position; and. Henry IV. (1056-1106), who in the meantime had attained his majority, confirmed the elec- tion of Hildebrand's nominee. Despite this compliance, the Pontiff refused to sanction the divorce of Henry; and when the Saxons complained of his intolerable oppressions and sacrilege, he even sum- moned the Emperor to Rome. Henry meditated vengeance, but the death of Alexander put an end to his plans. The Papacy was now sufficiently strong, and Hildebrand no longer hesitated to complete, in his own name, the work which he had so auspiciously begun. He ascended the chair of Peter by the name of Gregory VII. (1073-1085), and intimated his appoint- ment to Henry IV. in a letter so humble and conciliatory as to pro- cure the Emperor's confirmation. At a synod held in Rome in 1074 he re-enacted the old stringent laws of celibacy ; declared all priests who lived in wedlock, or had obtained their offices by simony, to be deposed, and their priestly functions invalid. The lower clergy, who were generally married, violently opposed this measure ; but Gregory carried the point (comp. § 127, 2). Papal legates visited every country, and, supported by the popular voice, § 126. THE PAPACY. 383 carried the order of the Pope into execution. At another synod held in Rome (1075), the real contest against simony and the prac- tice of receiving investiture from secular lords was commenced. Any ecclesiastic who in future should accept office from the hands of a layman was to be deposed, and the secular lord who bestowed inves- titure to be excommunicated. This threat was first put in execution in the case of Henry's personal advisers, who had been guilty of the most shameless simony. The Emperor, at the time fully eugaged with suppressing a revolt of the Saxons, concealed his anger, and dismissed his advisers. They were, however, restored at the close of the war, and the former simony, spoliation of churches, and oppres- sion recommenced. Meantime Gregory himself met with opposition in Italy. Cencius, the leader of that party among the nobles which was opposed to reform, attacked the Pope in church during the cele- bration of the Christmas festivities (1075) ; but the Romans set him free, and Cencius had to fly. A papal embassy was now despatched to the court at Goslar, to cite the Emperor to appear personally at Rome under pain of excommunication. Henry no longer restrained his indignation ; he insulted the legates, and at a synod held at Worms in 1076 had the Pope deposed, on the charges of tyranny, magic, and adultery. Gregory replied by excommunicating all the bishops who had taken part in the synod, and by solemnly deposing and excom- municating the Emperor, at the same time freeing his subjects from their oath of allegiance. The papal ban made a deep impression on the people and princes of Germany, and the prelates submitted one after the other. At a diet held at Tribur the election of a new Emperor was even discussed, when the weak monarch, as much dis- mayed as formerly he had been obstinate and imperious, resolved upon humbling himself to the utmost. Indeed, such a step had now become necessary, and took not the Pope by surprise, although it disconcerted his plans. — In the cold winter of 1077, from the 25th to the 27th January, the Emperor stood barefoot in the garb of a penitent, and fasting the whole day, in the court of the castle of Canossa, belonging to the Countess Matilda, whom Gregory was at the time visiting. At length the Pope consented to give him abso- lution, but only on condition of his not assuming the royal dignity till his cause had been investigated and decided. But Henry imme- diately broke his promise, and accepted the proffered aid of the Lombards. Gregory again hurled his anathema, Pope and Emperor deposed each other, and both parties set up antagonists. The armies of Henry were successful. jRudolf of Swabia, his opponent in the empire, died soon after the battle of Merseburg (1080), and Henry escorted the anti-Pope Clement III. to Italy. Rome was taken ; but still Gregory refused all overtures of peace, and shut himself up in the castle of St Angelo, till the Norman duke, Robert Guiscard, restored him to liberty in 1084. Gregory died the following year at Salerno. 384 SECOND SECTION. SECOND PERIOD (CENT. 10-13 A.D.). It was the great object of Hildebranol's life to form a universal theocracy, of which the Pope, as vicar of Christ upon earth, and hence as possessing supreme power, should be the visible head. Not that the royal power was to be abrogated, or its independence limited ; it was an institution of God, but its province extended only to secular matters, and any invasion of spiritual rights was to be cor- rected and punished by the Pope. In this grand papal theocracy, which, itself was subject only to God and His law, all Christian states were to be joined together as members of one body. It was the spiritual power which consecrated and bestowed divine sanction upon secular rulers ; they reigned by the grace of God, but medi- ately, not immediately — the Church being the medium between them and God. The Pope was supreme arbiter and lord over them, to whose decisions they were implicitly to submit. The relation be- tween royalty and the Papacy was similar to that between the sun and the moon, which imparted to the latter its lustre. As the Church gave its divine authority to secular rule, it might again withdraw it where power was abused, and in such cases subjects were absolved from their allegiance. — Admitting that this system was not consonant with the Gospel, it cannot be denied that during this period of transition it formed a necessary counterpoise to the arbi- trary and despotic interferences on the part of the secular power. Gregory, and with him the ablest men of his age, considered that in this system alone lay the salvation of society, the sole and true pre- servation both of Church and State, of princes and peoples. And in a certain sense they were right. If the Church was to accomplish its great mission in the training of those nations on whom the future devolved, if it was not to perish amidst the barbarism of that period, it must have been concentrated and secured in a power such as, according to Gregory, the Papacy was intended to establish. — It was not to place his own individuality on the summit of human authority, but to preserve the Church from imminent destruction, that Gregory undertook his gigantic work. Not vulgar love of power nor vain ambition animated him, but the idea of the high destiny of the Church, to which he devoted his life with enthusiastic ardour. In such a service only would he have spent his high intellectual and moral powers. True, a strong individuality supported him in his struggles, but at the same time he always preserved the conscious- ness of being a poor sinner, who could find mercy only through the merits of the Saviour. Occasionally, indeed, his energy degenerated into passionate obstinacy, and his enthusiastic devotedneSs to the interests of the Church led him to forget what by Divine appoint- ment was the province and authority of the State ; but these ex- aggerations were provoked by the determined perversity with which he was met. Even his bitterest enemies could not impugn the strict morality of his conduct. However strict and unbending in matters which he deemed true or necessary, he displayed at the same time, § 126. THE PAPACY. 385 not unfrequently, a kindliness and liberality far in advance of his age, as, for example, in the dispute of Berengar (§ 132, 2), and in his decided opposition to the belief in witchcraft and magic, common at that period. 3. To the Settlement of the Dispute about Investiture (1085-1123). — The immediate successors of Hildebrand had been trained in his views, and adopted his policy. The contest between the imperial and papal parties still continued. Urban II. (1088-1099), the second in the See of Peter after Gregory, was indeed obliged to vacate Rome in favour of Clement III., the im- o 7 perial anti-Pope ; but the enthusiasm for the deliverance of the Holy Sepulchre excited by Peter of Amiens, and with which at the Council of Claremont (1095) the Pope inspired Western Christendom, gave him the greatest influence among his cotemporaries. An army of crusaders chased the anti-Pope from Rome ; and Urban was able to resist successfully the opposition of Philip I. of France, whom he had excommunicated at Clermont on account of his adulterous con- nection with Bertrada. Tidings of the conquest of Jerusalem (1099) reached the Pope on his death-bed. He was succeeded by Pas- chalis II. (1099-1118), who also had been trained at Clugny. This pontiff completely humbled Henry IV. by supporting the cause of his rebellious son. But no sooner had Henry V. (1106-1125) attained the object of his ambition, than the dispute about investiture commenced anew. The Pope, choosing to see the Church poor rather than in bondage, was obliged to conclude a treaty by which the right of investiture was conceded to the Church, on condition that all ecclesiastical fiefs obtained since the time of Charlemagne should be restored to the State (1110). The bishops and abbots, however, resisted this agreement, and rendered its fulfilment im- possible. Henry took the Pope prisoner, and obliged him to make a new treaty, by which the investiture of bishops with ring and staff (the symbols of priestly authority) before consecration was for- mally acknowledged as a right belonging to the Emperor. But at a synod held at Borne (1112) the party of Hildebrand called the Pope to account. His concessions were declared invalid, and the Emperor excommunicated. The dispute now broke out afresh. Henry took Rome, and the Pope died in exile. At last the controversy termi- nated, so far as Germany was concerned, by mutual concessions under the pontificate of Calixtus II. (1119-1124). The Concordat of Worms (1122) settled that all elections of bishops were to be freely conducted according to the laws of the Church, but under the supervision of the Emperor ; and that the right of spiritual investi- ture by ring and staff belonged to the Pope, while that of secular infiefment with the sceptre was conceded to the Emperor. This agreement was confirmed by the First General Council of Lateran in 1123 (called in the West the Ninth (Ecumenical Council). — In England the same controversy had been earlier vol. i. 2 b 386 SECOND SECTION. SECOND PERIOD (CENT. 10-13 A.D.). brought to a close. Even William the Conqueror (1066-1087) had been guilty of gross simony. The abuse reached its highest point under the reign of his son William Rufus. Ralph Fhmbard, Arch- bishop of Canterbury, acted as the trusty adviser of the king in this nefarious traffic. During a severe illness William promised amend- ment, deposed Ralph (1093), and in his place appointed a well-known ecclesiastic, Anselm, Abbot of Bee (§ 132, 1, 3). But the good re- solutions of the king vanished with his illness ; he even ventured to insist upon payment of a large sum from Anselm in consideration of his promotion. As this was resisted by the new archbishop, the king confiscated the estates of the archiepiscopal see, and con- tinued to oppress Anselm till he fled to Rome (1097)._ Henry Beauclerc, the son of William, who usurped the throne in viola- tion of the claims of Robert, his elder brother, required the support of the clergy to maintain his position, and hence recalled the primate (1099), promising to abstain from every form of simony. Dur- ing his stay in Rome, Anselm had attended and voted at a synod against lay investiture. Accordingly, he now refused to take even the oath of fealty ; and as the king insisted upon this, left England a second time (1103), and lived for several years in exile at Lyons. Pope Paschalis II took up his cause, and threatened to launch an interdict. Ultimately, however, the king and archbishop, with con- sent of the Pope, agreed, at a meeting held in the monastery of Bee, wholly to dispense with the ceremony of investiture by ring and staff, and to go through the formality of taking the oath of fealty (1106). 4. To the time of Innocent III. (1123-1198).— A division among the cardinals led to a double election to the Papacy in 1130. Innocent II. (1130-1143) was for eight years kept out of Rome by his antagonist Anaclete II ; but the two oracles of that period, Peter of Clugny and Bernard of Clairvaux, declared in his favour, nor did they rest satisfied till the authority of Innocent had been recognised in the Eternal City. Meantime a dangerous opponent to the system of Hildebrand had unexpectedly arisen in the person of Arnold of Brescia, a young and enthusiastic priest. To him a complete surrender of all worldly possessions and authority appeared necessary for the regeneration of the Church ; at the same time the )Uf ancient republic of Rome was to be restored, and to take the place ^ of the Papal Government. Arnold was formally condemned by the Second Lateran Council (1139). But his appeals to the people had tf=j found an echo in many breasts. In 1143 the Romans renounced s the secular rule of the Pope. This feeling continued till the time T,l of Eugene III. (1145-1153), the third Pope after Innocent, who ' again entered Rome, supported both by the influence of Bernard of Clairvaux, his teacher and friend, and by the newly awakened zeal Zj , for a Second Crusade (§ 124, 2). With Hadrian IV. (1154-1159) :I ^ commenced the contest between the Papacy and the Hohenstaufen § 12B. THE PAPACY. 387 family, which lasted during a whole century, and ended in the ex- termination of that dynasty, when the Papacy reached the summit of its power and authority. Frederic I. Barbarossa (1152-1190) ascended the throne with the full determination of carrying into execution the ecclesiastical scheme of Charlemagne (whom he after- wards had canonised by his Pope, Paschal III.). In 1154 Arnold of Brescia fell into his hands. Frederic surrendered him to the Pope ; the reformer was hanged, his body burned, and his ashes cast into the Tiber (1155). Still the Pope sought an occasion of dispute. At last Frederic consented even to hold the stirrup to the Pontiff, while he rejected with merited scorn the offer of the Romans, to receive from their hand the crown, and with it the government of the world. He was crowned by the Pope in 1155. Fresh dissensions with the Pope and the hostile attitude of the Lom- bards obliged the Emperor to pass a second time into Italy. There he held in 1158 a diet, at which the rights of the Emperor were ex- pounded for the benefit of the Lombards and of the Pope. The indignation of the Pontiff was about to find vent in an anathema, when death overtook him. He was succeeded by Alexander III. / (1159-1181). Three imperial anti-popes died within a short period ; / ' t - and when the Emperor himself was defeated by the Lombard con- Cl~ federates at Legnano (1176), he was obliged to recognise Alexander \) as pontiff. — Shortly before, the Papacy had achieved in England a ' ' c victory even more complete than this. Henry II. (1154-1189) was (r I bent on recovering the former supremacy over the clergy, who now refused to acknowledge any other authority than that of the Curia. U- i*\ Among his councillors none seemed better fitted to aid him in carry- ing out this plan than Thomas a Becket, his chancellor, who accord- ingly was appointed Archbishop of Canterbury. The king con- voked an assembly of the estates of the realm at Clarendon (11G4) ; and Becket was prevailed upon to take an oath to the anti-papal statutes there promulgated. But the Primate of the English Church soon altered his conduct ; he did public penance for his thoughtless oath, from which Alexander III. solemnly absolved him. Becket had to flee, and in his exile in France continued to oppose his monarch. In 1170 a reconciliation took place. Thomas a Becket returned, to pronounce the ban upon all bishops who should submit to the statutes of Clarendon. Four knights took up an un- guarded expression of the king, extorted from him in a moment of anger, and murdered the archbishop at the altar of his chapel. The Pope canonised the martyr of the Romish system, and the king was compelled to expiate his offence by submitting on the grave of his sainted enemy to a humiliating penance (1174). At the Third Lateran Council (the Eleventh (Ecumenical) in 1179, it was de- creed that in future a majority of two-thirds of the votes of cardinals should be required to render a papal election valid. Frederic I. died far from his country (§ 124, 3). His son, Henry VI. 388 SECOND SECTION. SECOND PERIOD (CENT. 10-] 3 A.D.). (1190-1197), obtained the crown of Sicily by marrying Constance, the heiress to that country. He continued the measures which his father had taken to secure the supremacy of the Emperor. His opponent, Pope Ccelestine III. (1191-1198), a man ninety years of age, was too weak to resist the monarch. Soon afterwards Henry died, leaving an infant son, Frederic, only three years of age (1197). 5. Innocent III. (1198-1216). — For a time, during the ponti- ficate of Coelestine, it seemed doubtful whether the results achieved by the policy of Hildebrand would prove lasting. But in 1198 Innocent III., the greatest Pope whom Rome has ever seen, as- cended the chair of Peter. With him the Papacy rose to the highest conceivable stage of influence and authority. In strength of mind and purpose Innocent was nowise inferior to Gregory ; in learning, acuteness, and general ability, he was his superior ; while his piety, moral purity, enthusiasm, and devotedness to the interests of the Church were at least as great, and perhaps more deep and ardent than in the case of his great predecessor. He came forward as the avenger of every species of wrong ; towards widows and orphans he acted like a father ; he proved a peacemaker both to peoples and princes ; and although himself living in poverty and simplicity, he succeeded in accumulating such immense treasures as enabled him to adopt measures for protecting the interests of the Papacy. Indeed his history was that of the period, inasmuch as his influence extended to all countries and courts, not excepting that of Constantinople. Even where his theocratic authority as vicar of Christ was not at first recognised, he ultimately succeeded by his power and energy, by his prudence and wisdom, in extorting the homage claimed. It was the great aim of his life to achieve the political independence of the Papal See by strengthening the States of the Church, ridding Italy from foreign domination, and emancipating Sicily and Naples from the rule of Germany. But even this was only means to an end, — to secure the power of exercising unlimited spiritual supremacy over all Christian states, princes, and peoples. — The most important of his conflicts were those with Germany and England. On her death-bed, Constance, the widow of Henry VI., had committed to him the tutelage of her son Frederic, who had been recognised as Emperor even before his baptism. The Pope justified her con- fidence by giving to his pupil the most ample and liberal educa- tion. But the circumstances of Germany required without delay a strong ruler. The choice of the German nobles was divided ; the Guelph party elected Otho IV., the Ghibellines Philip of Swabia. In virtue of his theocratic authority, Innocent gave his sanction to the choice of the Guelphs. Scarcely, however, had Otho, after the murder of his rival, obtained the imperial crown, than he renewed the old claims upon Italy. The Pope anathematised him (1210), and elevated Frederic II. (1215-1250) to the imperial throne, after that prince had ceded Sicily in favour of Henry, his son. In § 126. THE PAPACY. 389 England, Innocent displayed his authority in a manner even more decisive. In consequence of a divided election there were two claimants to the See of Canterbury (1207). Innocent rejected both, and appointed Stephen Langton to the office. The resistance of King John was punished with excommunication and an inter- dict (1209). John, equally tyrannical and weak, hated by the nobles, despised by the people, and deposed by the Pope (1212), did penance, and received back his kingdom as a papal fief (1213). But soon afterwards the estates obliged the king to grant the Magna Charta (1215) ; the protest of the Pope, his threats of excommunication, and promise that their grievances should be otherwise redressed, were equally vain.— In France, Innocent obliged Philip Augustus to take back Ingeburgis, his wife, whom he had repudiated (1201). Arragon and Portugal submitted to a yearly tribute ; he frequently interposed in the affairs of Poland, Hungary, Dalmatia, and Nor- way ; lastly, he gave a king to Bulgaria and Wallachia. At the close of his life, and looking back upon the work he had achieved, he assembled in 1215 the "" representatives of the Church at the Fourth Lateran Synod (the Twelfth (Ecumenical), where the Eastern patriarchs were also represented. The chief topics dis- cussed in that assembly were a new crusade, the condemnation of the Albigenses, the doctrine of transubstantiation (which was formally approved), and the coronation of Frederic II. 6. To Boniface VIII. (1216-1294).— After the death of Inno- cent, Frederic II. entirely changed his conduct. Pope Honorius III. (1216-1227) absolved him from the obligation of separating Sicily from Germany. In return, the Emperor guaranteed to the Church the property left to it by the Countess Matilda, and promised to undertake a new crusade. The latter he delayed under various pretexts, till Gregory IX. (1227-1241) carried into execution the threat of anathematising him. Upon this Frederic commenced the Fifth Crusade (1228), without, however, even requesting the re- moval of the papal ban. On his return, an apparent reconciliation took place (1230). But the energetic measures which the Emperor took to establish his supreme rule in Italy, soon brought upon him another anathema (1239) — this time on the charge of infidelity and blasphemy. It was said the Emperor had declared the miraculous birth of the Saviour a fable, and pronounced Moses, Jesus, and Mohammed the three greatest impostors, etc. These charges do not seem to have been wholly ungrounded, although the tractate "De tribus impostoribus" was certainly not written by the Em- peror, being a later production, erroneously imputed to Frederic on the ground of those very charges made by the Pope. Frederic conquered the States of the Church, penetrated to the gates of Rome, and prevented the meeting of the General Council which had been summoned against him. Gregory died in 1241, and his suc- cessor Ccelestine V., after a pontificate of only seventeen days. Two 390 SECOND SECTION. SECOND PERIOD (CENT. 10-13 A.D.). years the Papal See remained vacant ; at length, Innocent IV. (1243-1254), formerly the friend of Frederic, but as pope his mortal enemy, was elected. Innocent fled to Lyons ; and at the First Council of Lyons in 1245 (the Thirteenth (Ecumenical) excommu- nicated and deposed the Emperor, as guilty of blasphemy and sacri- lege. Neither Emperor nor Pope would yield. Each insisted on absolute submission, and the contest with pen and sword continued. Frederic died in 1250 ; Innocent four years later. Urban IV. called in the aid of Charles of Anjou, the brother of Louis IX. of France, for the purpose of conquering Sicily. Treason had prepared the way. Manfred, the son of Frederic, fell in the battle of Bene- vento (1266), and Conradin, the grandson of Frederic, and the last of the Hohenstaufen dynasty, died on the scaffold, after the battle of Tagliacozzo (1268).— The Papacy had, indeed, obtained the vic- tory; but its triumph was only apparent. The divisions in Germany and the partition of Italy only increased the power of France, and enabled that country effectually to subjugate the Papacy. The former enthusiasm for crusades was extinct, and with it a powerful bulwark of the Papacy had fallen. By a pragmatic sanction (1269) Louis secured, indeed, the French Church against simony, but at the same time, also, against the interferences and extortions of the popes, — thereby laying the foundation of the liberties afterwards claimed'by the Gallican Church. — Some ultramontane writers have unsuccessfully attempted to prove that this document is a forgery, dating from the fifteenth century. Compare, for example, Rosen, die pragm. Sanct. Miinst. 1855 ; and against this ultramontane pro- duction, Soldan in the " hist, theol. Zeitschr." for 1856, III.— The successors of Innocent IV. could no longer control the supremacy of the French in Sicily ; they hated their arrogant liberators, and countenanced the conspiracy which issued in the bloody Sicilian Vespers (1282). French influence was even exerted in elections to the Papacy. After the Papal See had remained vacant for three years, Gregory X. (1271-1276) decreed in 1274, at the Second 'Council of Lyons (the Fourteenth (Ecumenical), that in future the election of the cardinals should be conducted in conclave ; and that, in order to accelerate a harmonious vote, their allowance of food should be daily decreased. Still the evil continued. After another vacancy of the Papal See which lasted two years, the antagonistic parties agreed in the choice of a pious but simple-minded hermit — Cgelestine V. (1294), who the same year consented to abdicate at the suggestion of the cunning and ambitious Cardinal Cajetan (§ 142, 6). Cajetan himself now ascended the papal throne, by the name of Boniface VIII. § 127. THE CLERGY. 391 § 127. THE CLERGY, After the tentli century, the institution of the canonical life gra- dually degenerated and decayed. The attempts made to reform these abuses, led to a distinction between " Canonici seculares" and " regulares." The latter contended for the ancient discipline and order; but in course of time also shared in the general corruption. The most distinguished among the advocates of a stricter discipline were, Geroch, Provost of Reichersberg in Bavaria (ob. 1169) ; and Norbert, a canon, the founder of the Order of Prsemonstrants (§ 128, 3). The cathedral chapters were in the habit of themselves filling up vacancies in their number; since the restoration of the old canonical mode of election, they also chose their bishops gene- rally from among themselves, and without consulting the people. From the large incomes attaching to cathedral stalls, these posts were commonly filled by members of the aristocracy — an abuse against which the popes in vain protested. In the course of time the canons became more and more independent of episcopal control ; they generally lived outside their chapters, and employed vicars to discharge their duties. The bishops exercised jurisdiction over all the clergy in their dioceses, and punished offenders by deposition or by imprisonment in a monastery. All causes connected with marriage, testamentary dispositions, oaths, etc., were also pled before their tribu- nals. The peculiarly German institution of Sends gave place to the Roman form of judicial administration. The archdeacons threw off the authority of their bishops, and used their power in so arbitrary a manner that, in the cwelfth century, the office had to be abrogated. Their duties were henceforth discharged by episcopal officials and vicars. The office of chorepiscopi had ceased in the tenth century. During the Crusades a number of Catholic sees had, however, been founded in the East, the occupants of which retained their titles even after their expulsion, and found employment as assistants of Western prelates. This gave rise to the institution of Episcopi in partibus (sc. infidelium), which has continued ever since, in testi- mony of the inalienable rights of the Church. — The wealth of churches was greatly augmented, partly by tithes, legacies, dona- tions (especially during the Crusades), and royal fiefs, partly from the increasing value of landed property. Of course the poor shared in the benefits of this growing prosperity. Ecclesiastical property was subjected to taxation only in times of public calamity. The 392 SECOND SECTION. SECOND PERIOD (CENT. 10-13 A.D.). celibacy of the clergy preserved the Church from inevitable im- poverishment, if its property had been allowed to descend to the children of the clergy, as at one time seemed likely to be the case. — Strict moralists, such as Ralherius (Bishop of Verona, ob. 974), and especially Petrus Damiani, Bishop of Ostia (ob. 1072) — the friend and admirer of Gregory VII., whose " liber gomorrhianus" contains a fearful picture of the dissoluteness of the clergy — and such monitors as St Hildegard and the Abbot Joachim (§ 138, 4), made fruitless attempts to arrest the moral degeneracy of the clergy. Gregory had, indeed, succeeded by his decrees in enforcing clerical celibacy, but not in putting an end to concubinage, and even to worse offences. The labours of St Dunstan, Archbishop of Canterbury (ob. 988), were greatly blessed to the moral elevation of the English clergy. — It must not, however, be forgotten, that, despite this corruption, a large number of the clergy were excellent and con- scientious men ; and that, even with a degenerate clergy, the clerical office, which the people knew to distinguish from its occupants, proved the salt of the age. Like other professions, the ecclesiastical re- flected the features of a period, big not only with gross abuses, but with exalted virtues, deep thoughts, and great forces. The ignorance of the clergy, especially in respect of religious knowledge, proved even a greater hindrance than their immorality to the progress and prosperity of the Church. The Word of God was locked up from the people in a dead language, and only a very small proportion of the clergy were sufficiently educated or fitted to declare and expound its blessed truths. 1. The POLITICAL influence acquired by the HIGHER CLERGY during this period was very great, especially in Germany. On more than one occasion did the sagacious, firm, and consistent measures advocated by the German clergy — forming as they did, under the leadership of the primates of Mayence, a united and com- pact body — preserve the empire from imminent ruin, or from division, through the folly of ambitious princes and lords. The influence of these prelates was not only derived from their sway over the con- sciences, but also from their having a standing in the Diet, and from the circumstance that they were territorial lords. The possibility of a war frequently depended on the consent or refusal of the spiritual princes to furnish contingents to the imperial army. The clergy desired to see Germany united and strong; the neighbouring countries were to be connected with the German Church, and to form part of the empire, but not, as the emperors wished, in the shape of personal domains, but as incorporated with the State. The § 128. THE RELIGIOUS ORDERS. 393 German clergy always opposed those expeditions of the emperors to Rome, which alienated the rulers from the distinctive interests of Germany and ruined the country. They desired to see the chair of Peter free and independent — a European, not a German institu- tion — and the Emperor its protector, not its oppressor ; but they also resisted every assumption and interference on the part of the popes. Such a type of the good old German prelates was Willigis of Alayence, to whom Germany owed one of its wisest and happiest administrations under the sway of Henry II, whose elevation to the throne he had procured. Under Henry IV. the German clergy were divided into three parties. The Papalists were headed by Gebhard of Salzburg, and numbered almost all the Saxon bishops ; the Imperialists were led by Adalbert of Bremen, who intended found- ing a northern Patriarchate independent of the Pope : while the purely German party was guided by Anno of Cologne, the last genuine representative of the ancient episcopal policy of the country. (Comp. C. Grilnhagen, Adalb. v. Hamb. u. d. Idee eines nord. Patriarchates. Leips. 1854.) Henry V. and the first Hohenstaufens were vigorously supported by the German clergy. But want of proper respect on the part of Frederic II, and his oppression of the bishops, entirely alienated the clergy from the crown. — During the time of Otho I. those high imperial offices originated, to whom, under the reign of Otho IV., the exclusive right of nominating sue- cessors to the empire was entrusted. Thus the Archbishops of Mayence, Treves, and Cologne w T ere elevated to the rank of Spiri- tual Princes Electors, as holding the office of arch-chaplains or arch-chancellors. These privileges and offices were confirmed and settled by the Golden Bull of Charles IV. (1356). 2. The Pataria of Milan. Among the Lombard clergy more than any other, simony, concubinage, and the marriage of priests were common. Accordingly, the changes introduced by Hildebrand met with most strenuous resistance in that country. The opposition was headed by Wido (Guido), Archbishop of Milan, whom Henry III. had in 1046 appointed to that diocese. Indeed, this prelate renewed the former claims of his see to spiritual independence, and even renounced his allegiance to Rome. Wido was supported by the nobility and clergy. But two deacons, Ariald and Landulf Cotta, organised a conspiracy among the common people, which their opponents, by way of derision, designated Pataria, Paterini (i.e., blackguards). The papal party adopted this name, and began a warfare against married priests, which for thirty years led to con- tinual scenes of violence and bloodshed. § 128. THE RELIGIOUS ORDERS. Comp. E. Vogt, d. h. Franz v. Assisi. Tub. 1840. K. Hase, Franc, v. Ass. Ein Heiligenbild. Leips. 1856. — Lacordaire, vie de 394 SECOND SECTION. SECOND PERIOD (CENT. 10-13 A.D.). St Dominique. Par. 1841. E. Caro, d. h. Dominicus n. d. Domi- nikaner, libers, von C. W. Regensb. 1854. — M. P. Lorain, l'abbaye de Cluny. Par. 1838. C. A. Wilkens, Petrus d. Ehrw. ein Monchs- Leben. Leips. 1857. — W. F. Wilcke, Gesch. d. Templerord. Leips. 1826. 2 vols. Falkenstein, Gesch. d. T. O. Dresd. 1833. 2 vols. Addison, Hist, of the Knights Templars. Lond. 1841. Vertol, Hist. des Chevaliers Hospitaliers de S. Jean. 1761. 7 vols. Falkenstein, Gesch. d. Job. O. Dresd. 1833. 2 vols. Whitworth Porter, Hist, of the Knights of St John. Lond. 1859. Despite growing corruptions, Monasticism reached at this period its highest stage, and more than ever, before or after it, earned the title of " Knighthood of Asceticism." A number of new monastic orders were founded as an offset to the degeneracy of older orders, partly in the form of branches (or so-called congregations) from the Benedictines, partly as independent institutions under a separate and distinct rule. Almost every day new monasteries rose — frequently also in cities. The Order of Clugny, which gave birth to so many of the ablest representatives of the High Church party (such as Dunstan and Hildebrand), proved one of the main instruments in elevating the Church and the Papacy from its decay during the tenth century. A smaller order, that of the Camaldolites, was also helpful, in that direction. The monastery of Clairvaux disputed with that of Clugny the veneration of Christendom. To prevent too great a subdivision of the monastic orders, Innocent III., at the Fourth Lateran Council in 1215, prohibited the formation of any new society. But the Pope himself assisted in founding two new orders which, in importance and influence, soon surpassed all others — we mean the two celebrated mendicant fraternities. The monks acted as the standing army of the Papacy, and to them Gregory was chiefly indebted for the success of his policy. The popes readily exempted monasteries from the supervision of their diocesans ; princes conferred dignities and offices on abbots ; while the people which looked upon monasteries as representing the popular element in the Church, regarded these institutions with the greatest vene- ration. Legacies, donations, fiefs, and purchases swelled the wealth and increased the landed property attaching to monasteries. — From the tenth century monks were regarded as constituting a special ecclesiastical order (ordo religiosorum) ; the secular business of monasteries was entrusted to lay brethren (conversi). The monastic orders were distinguished from each other by different garbs. Frequently, however, disputes arose between these ecclesiastics and the secular clergy, as the monks too often and improperly § 128. THE RELIGIOUS ORDERS. 395 interfered with the duties and emoluments of the regular priests. — ■ Besides these monastic orders, who were bound by a perpetual vow and a fixed rule, voluntary associations of men and women — the Begliards and Beguins — were formed. The members of these com- munities were not under any monastic constraint, but voluntarily agreed to retire from the world, and to devote themselves to their own spiritual advancement and to labours of Christian love. — In consequence of the enthusiasm evoked by the Crusades, the pro- fession of rnonasticism was combined with knighthood. Thus the knightly orders originated, of which the members, under their grand- masters and commanders, were arranged into knights, priests, and serving brothers. 1. Soon after the reformation introduced by Benedict of Aniane (§ 115, 2), the Benedictine monasteries again degenerated in dis- cipline and morality. Accordingly, William, Duke of Aquitaine, entrusted to Berno, a Burgundian count (ob. 927), who had already restored order in two Burgundian cloisters of which he was the abbot, the duty of founding a new monastery. Thus arose the cele- brated Abbacy of Clugny (Cluniacum) in Burgundy, which its founder placed under the immediate supervision of the Pope (910). Under Odo, the successor of Berno, (ob. 942), a courtier, who had renounced the world during a dangerous illness, this monastery be- came the centre of a separate " congregation" — that of Clugny — which formed an offshoot from the Benedictine Order. The strict asceticism of these monks, the great splendour displayed in their celebration of all the rites of religion, their zeal for science and lite- rature, their efforts for the education of youth, and lastly a succes- sion of distinguished abbots— among them, especially Odilo (ob. 1048), the friend of Hildebrand, and Peter the Venerable (ob. 1156) — procured for the " congregation" an influence almost unex- ampled upon their cotemporaries. In the twelfth century it num- bered no fewer than 2000 monasteries in France. At the head of this powerful order was the Abbot of Clugny ; he appointed the priors of the subordinate monasteries. Under the rule of Pontius, a dissolute man who was deposed in 1122, the order decayed, but again rose when Peter the Venerable became its head. In Italy, the Camaldolite Order occupied a position analogous to that of Clugny in France. It was founded in 1018 by Romuald, a scion of the ducal family of Bavenna, who built a monastery in Camaldoli (campus Maldoli), a desolate part in the Apennines. Nunneries were also erected in connection with these monasteries. Like the Order of Clugny, that of Camaldoli espoused the High Church ' cause, and acquired considerable influence upon their cotemporaries, although not to the same extent as their French brethren. — Twenty years later, Johannes Giialbertus, a Florentine, founded the Val- 396 SECOND SECTION. SECOND PERIOD (CENT. 10-13 A.D.). LAMBROSIAN Order, after the model of that of Camaldoli, in a shady vale (Vallis Umbrosa) of the Apennines. It was the first to receive lay brethren for the purpose of attending to temporal matters, that so the monks might observe their vows of silence and of strict con- finement to the walls of their cloister. 2. From the year 1098, the Congregation of Cistercians, founded at Citeaux (Cistercium) near Dijon by Robert, proved a rival to the popularity of the Order of Clugny, from which it differed by voluntarily submitting to episcopal supervision, and by avoiding all splendour in their churches and monasteries. Instead of the black garb of the Benedictines, the Cistercians wore a white habit ; otherwise, their constitution was similar to the rule of the Order of Clugny. The order enjoyed comparatively small influence, till the fame of Bernard, Abbot of Clairvaux — a monastery dependent on the institution at Citeaux — elevated it to the highest place in public esteem. In honour of him, the order assumed the name of Bernardines. On St Bernard, comp. below, § 133, 1. In the thir- teenth century the order numbered no fewer than 2000 monaste- ries and 6000 nunneries. The jealousy subsisting at one time between the monks of Clugny and those of Citeaux gave place to more proper feelings, chiefly through the intimacy of St Bernard with Peter the Venerable. 3. The following were the most important among the numerous other monastic orders at the time of Innocent III. : — 1. The Order of GRAMMONT in France, founded by Stephen of Tigerno (1073). It professed no other rule than the Gospel ; its members led a quiet, humble, and unpretending life. But the arrogance of their lay brethren led to its decay in the twelfth cent. 2. The Order of Fontevraux, founded in 1096 by Robert of Arbrissel at Fontevraux (Fons Ebraldi), in Poitou. The founder travelled through the country summoning all to repentance, and reared nun- neries for maidens, widows, and fallen females. The lady-abbess, who was regarded as the representative of the Blessed Virgin, the patroness of the order, had the supervision even of the priests em- ployed by these nuns. 3. The Carthusians, founded by Bruno of Cologne, Principal of the Cathedral School at Rheims (1084). From disgust at the dissolute life of Manasse, his archbishop, he retired with some like-minded friends into a solitary valley near Grenoble, called Chartreuse. He imposed on his monks the obligations of most rigid asceticism, of strict silence, study, prayer, and contem- plation." 4. The Order of PRiEMONSTRANTS. Its founder Nor- bert (1121) had been a rich and worldly canon at Xanthen, in the diocese of Cologne. His conversion was completed during a furious tempest, when the lightning struck close by him. He now changed not only his own conduct, but attempted to introduce a reformation among his colleagues. Baffled in this, he retired with a few friends into the desolate'valley of Premontre (Prsemonstratum), near Laon. § 128. THE RELIGIOUS ORDERS. 397 His rule imposed on his followers the ordinary duties of the cure of souls, while at the same time it bound them to a life of rigid monasticism. When on a visit to Spires, where at the time the Emperor, papal legates, and deputies from the clergy of Magdeburg were met, he was chosen Archbishop of Magdeburg, and was received with great pomp in his diocese, still wearing the habit of his com- munity. The order numbered many monasteries and nunneries. 5. The Order op the Carmelites was founded (1156) by Bertlwld of Calabria, a crusader, who along with some companions settled in the cave of Elijah on Mount Carmel. The Patriarch of Jerusalem drew up a very rigid rule for them. When expelled by the Saracens, the order settled in Europe (1238), and became a mendicant fraternity. The Carmelites traced their origin to no less a personage than Elijah himself, and stoutly denied that their order had beenfonnded by Berthold. They also maintained that the Blessed Virgin in person had handed to Simon Stock, the general of the order, the holy Scapulary as its distinctive badge, with the promise, that whoever died wearing it, was sure of eternal bliss. Every Saturday the Virgin descended into purgatory to fetch thence the souls of those who had worn the Scapulary. 6. The Order of Trinitarians (called also " ordo sancta? Trinitatis de redemptione captivorum") was founded by Innocent III. for the re- demption of Christian captives. 7. The Humiliati in the eleventh cent. — an association of pious trades-people at Milan, of which the members wrought at their crafts — had their possessions in common, and engaged in spiritual exercises. The fraternity declined in the sixteenth cent. 4. The Mendicant Orders originated in the desire of literally carrying out the vow of poverty. The idea was first conceived by St Francis, the son of a rich merchant at Assisi (born 1182). He seems to have been greatly struck by the injunction of the Saviour (Matt. x. 8-10) to His disciples, to go forth carrying neither gold nor silver, staff nor scrip. Accordingly, he gave away all his property, and henceforth depended on charity for the neces- saries of life. Cursed by his father, sometimes derided by the populace as mad, at others worshipped as a saint, he travelled through the East and West, everywhere calling to repentance (from 1208). His complete renunciation of the world and of self, the simplicity of his faith, the ardour of his love towards God and man, and the deep treasures of his poverty, made St Francis appear like a heavenly stranger in the midst of a selfish world. His sympathy with nature was truly marvellous. In childlike simplicity, he would hold converse with the birds of the air and the beasts of the field as with brothers and sisters, calling upon them to praise their Maker ; in fact, the saint seemed again to restore the original position of man towards the lower creation. When attempting to address the Pope and his cardinals in a set oration, he utterly broke down ; 398 SECOND SECTION. SECOND PERIOD (CENT. 10-13 A.D.). but when lie addressed them in language unprepared, and coming directly from the fulness of his heart, his speech was like a mighty stream sweeping away all resistance. Innocent III., " overcome by his simplicity and humility, allowed the strange saint to go on." (According to an old legend, he had first ordered him to take up his abode with swine, — an injunction which the saint literally obeyed.) Honorius III., the successor of Innocent, gave in 1223 his formal sanction to the association which had gathered around Francis, and bestowed on the order of the Fratres minores (Minors or Franciscans) the right of preaching and exercising the cure of souls in any district or country. But according to the idea of the founder, the order was to preach by deeds of complete self-abnega- tion rather than by words. Its peculiar garb consisted of a brown habit with a hood ; a rope round the waist served as girdle. This contempt of the world, combined with unfeigned humility, and ardent, self-denying love, made a deep impression on their cotem- poraries, and procured for the order the designation of seraphic. A female branch of the order (the Sisterhood of St Clare) was founded in 1212 by Clara, a noble virgin of Assisi. St Francis drew up a rule for this sisterhood. The fraternity of Tertiaries (Tertius ordo de poenitentia) consisted of persons who were allowed to continue in the world, but were bound by a semi-monastic rule, drawn up by St Francis. The church of Portiuncula, at Assisi, became the great centre of the Franciscan Order, and successive popes enriched this sanctuary with the most plenary indulgences. St Francis died in 1226, stretched on the pavement of this church, and literally naked as he had entered the world. A legend bears that during the last two years of his life the saint had borne the marks of the crucifixion of the Saviour (stigmata), which, during a trance, a seraph had impressed on his body. The story, though strenuously attested by many witnesses, does not bear the test of impartial criticism (comp. Hase, u. s.). Gregory IX. canonised him in 1228. In the fourteenth century the General Chapter of the Franciscans at Assisi gave its sanction to a book, entitled " Liber Conformitatum," by one Bartholomew of Pisa, which enumerated forty points of similarity between Christ and St Francis. At the time of the Reformation a new edition of it appeared, with a preface by Luther, bearing the title, "Der Barfussermonche Eulenspiegel und Alkoran" (the Joe Miller and Koran of the Barefooted Monks). Even while St Francis was alive, Elijah of Cortoita, who during the absence of the saint in the East had been entrusted with the superintendence of the order, had attempted to soften its rigid dis- cipline. St Francis resisted the innovation ; but when, after his death, Elijah was nominated general of the order, he carried out his project. The more rigid party joined St Anthony of Padua, who lived and acted in the spirit of St Francis, and even preached to fishes when men refused to give audience. Violent discussions § 128. THE RELIGIOUS ORDERS. 399 arose within the order, and Elijah was twice deposed. He after- wards supported the cause of Frederic II., and was excommunicated alons with him, but ac;ain reconciled to the Church before his death (1253). The fanaticism of the rigid party increased in pro- portion as their more lax opponents grew in number. The popes supported the majority. At length the disputants separated. The milder party (fratres de communitate) strove to reconcile the prin- ciples of their founder respecting poverty with their actual tenure of property by distinguishing between absolute possession and usufruct, and by the formality of making over their possessions to the Romish Church. The stricter party (spirituales, zelatores, Fratricelli) gradually became avowed opponents of the Church and of its rulers, who had disowned them, and even denounced the Pope as Antichrist. Comp. § 138, 4. The Order of the Dominicans was founded by Dominicus Guzman (born in 1170), the scion of a noble Castilian family. Dominic was a priest at Osma, and a man of considerable prudence and learning. From zeal for the salvation of souls, he, along with some associates, went to the south of France (1208), there to labour for the conversion of the Albigenses. In 1215 he made a pilgrim- age to Rome. Innocent III. gave to this order a rule, which was afterwards enlarged by Honorius III. The Dominicans, or Order OF Preachers (ordo fratrum praedicatorum), were empowered everywhere to preach and to hear confession, for the special object of restoring heretics to the bosom of the Church by their sermons and teaching. At a later period (1220) Dominic and his order adopted the rule of St Francis, and became a mendicant fraternity. He died in 1221, pronouncing an anathema on any one who should contaminate his order by bestowing upon it worldly possessions. Dominic was canonised by Gregory IX. A female branch of the order was formed by some of his Albigensian converts. Like the Franciscans, the Dominicans had male and female Tertiaries (fratres et sorores de militia Christi). Various circumstances combined to give these two orders an extraordinary popularity. Not only did they specially meet the wants of the time, but the fact that they required no endowment, and obtained considerable privileges from the popes, enabled them to spread rapidly throughout Western Europe. Each of these orders was under the supreme rule of a general, who resided at Rome ; provincials superintended the monasteries of particular countries ; while every monastery had its own guardian (among the Franciscans) or prior (among the Dominicans). From the first the Dominicans gave themselves to literary pursuits ; their primary object — the conversion of heretics — rendering such studies neces- sary. Afterwards, they also displayed considerable zeal in mission- ary labours ; but their influence proved greatest in the academic chair. Thus incited, the Franciscans also began to cultivate these 400 SECOND SECTION. SECOND PERIOD (CENT. 10-13 A.D.J. departments of labour, and sought to obtain a standing in the universities. The veneration shown them by the common people, who preferred confessing their secrets to such migratory mendi- cants, excited the envy of the secular clergy, as their increasing influence in the universities, that of the learned. The opposition to their growing interference was chiefly carried on by the Univer- sity of Paris. William of St Amour, a doctor of that college in 1256, characterised them, in his controversial tractate, "Deperi- culis novissimorum temporum," as the forerunners of Antichrist. To this attack learned members of the order (such as Thomas Aquinas and Bonaventura) replied, and they were supported both by papal authority and royal power. But no sooner was this con- test ended, than the former jealousy and rivalry subsisting between the two orders reappeared. The feeling of hostility increased as on scholastic questions they took opposite sides. Comp. § 134, 1. Only two other mendicant orders of later origin attained great influence, viz. : the Augustines, whom Pope Alexander IV. drew from the members of monastic orders which had been scattered (1256) ; and the Servites (Servi b. Marise Virg.), instituted by seven pious Florentines for the service of the Virgin Mary, in 1233 — an order very popular both in Italy and Germany. 5. The Beguins and Beghards. — Comp. Mosheim, de Beg- hardis et Beguinabus. Lps. 1790. E. Hallmann, Gesch. d. Urspr. d. belgischen Beghinen (Hist, of theOrig. of the Beg. in Belg.). Berl. 1843. — Female associations of Beguins existed undoubtedly prior to those of the Beghards. But the exact period when they arose, and even the origin of the name, are matter of controversy. Older his- torians were wont to trace the Beguins to St Begga, a daughter of Pepin of Landen, in the seventh century ; but on no other ground than the similarity of name. Mosheim derived the name from the word beggen, to pray ; latterly, however, Hallmann has shown, on grounds which to us seem convincing, that both the name and the association were derived from Lambert le Beghe, a celebrated preacher at Lieges during the twelfth century. The Beguins took the three monastic vows, but only for the period during which they remained members of the society. They were free to leave the society at any time, to marry, or to undertake other duties. They placed themselves under the superintendence of a lady-supe- rior and of a priest, and lived in what was called a Beginagium, or curtis Beguinarum, which generally consisted of a number of small houses within a common enclosure. Each of the Beguins kept house for herself; on entering the society, they entrusted their property to the communitv, and received it back on leaving. The Beguins employed themselves in manual labour — such as sewing, washing, or taking charge of the sick ; they were also engaged in teaching young females, or attending to the spiritual wants of their own sex. Any profit derived from these employments was applied in works of § 128. THE RELIGIOUS ORDEES. 401 charity. Each association wore a distinctive habit. They soon spread over Belgium, Germany, and France. By and by male associations of the same kind, and for the same purposes (the Beg- hards), were founded. These supported themselves also by manual labour, especially by weaving. But in the course of the thirteenth century such associations became greatly demoralised. Brothers and sisters of the Free Spirit (§ 144, 3), Fratricelli, and other heretics, sought refuge among them from the persecutions of the Church, and infected them with their errors. Accordingly, the Inquisition directed its inquiries to their doings, and many of their members were executed, especially in the south of France. At the Fifteenth General Council of Vienne in 1311, eight heretical tenets, supposed to be held by them, were condemned. A number of their houses were closed ; others only allowed to continue on condition of their in- mates joining the Franciscan or Dominican Tertiaries. Pope John XXltl. (1410-1415) again extended protection to them, when the communities of Beguins once more increased. But their growing dissoluteness, and concubinage with Beghards and secular priests, obliged the secular and spiritual authorities to interfere. At the time of the Reformation these houses were secularised ; in Belgium alone, some of their communities still exist. 6. The members of the Knightly Orders took, besides the three monastic vows (of poverty, chastity, and obedience), that of continual contest with the infidels. "Among these orders we reckon : 1. The Order of the Templars, founded by Hugh de Payens (1118), for the protection of pilgrims in the Holy Land. They wore a white cloak, with a red cross on the breast. St Bernard warmly interested himself in favour of this order, and accordingly procured a large accession to its membership. When St Jean d'Acre fell (in 1291), the Templars retired to Cyprus; but soon afterwards returned to the West, when Paris became the head- quarters of the order. The name of the order was derived from the circumstance, that the palace which King Baldwin of Jerusalem assigned for their use, was built on the site of the temple of Solomon. 2. Originally the Knights of St John, or Hospitallers, were ordinary inmates of a monastery, whose special duty it was to take charge of sick pilgrims, to relieve their wants, and to extend hospitality to them (founded in 1099). With these duties Ray- mond du Buy, the second general of the order, combined in 1118 the obligation of fighting against the infidel. They wore a black dress, with a white cross on the breast, and had a red cross on their banners. When expelled by the Saracens, they settled first in Rhodes (1310), and lastly in Malta in 1530. 3. The Order of the Teutonic Knights consisted also, at first, of the inmates of an hos- pital, or inn, founded during the siege of St Jean d'Acre, in 1190, by some citizens of Bremen and Lubeck. The knights wore a white cloak, with a black cross on the breast. At a later period the order vol. i. 2 c 402 SECOND SECTION. SECOND PERIOD (CENT. 10-13 A.D.) settled in Prussia, where in 1237 it amalgamated with that of the Brethren of The Sword. — During the contest with the Moors several knightly orders were founded in Spain. The most important of these was the Order of Calatrava, founded by Velasquez, a Cister- cian monk, for the purpose of defending the town of Calatrava. In 1164 it obtained the formal sanction of Pope Alexander III. At present, like the Order of Malta, it is only an honorary distinction. § 129. ECCLESIASTICAL JURISPRUDENCE. The forged Decretals of Isidore (§ 117, 2) were not the only collection of ecclesiastical laws made. But with the increase of such works, contradictions only multiplied, and no attempt was made to remove them. Among these compilations, that by Burchard, Bishop of Worms, about 1020, that by Anselrn, Bishop of Lucca (ob. 1086), and that by Ivo, Bishop of Chartres (ob. 1025), were the best known. In the twelfth century, Gratian, a Camaldolite monk at Bologna, undertook the difficult task of making a complete col- lection of these laws, and of solving the contradictions with which they abounded, by means of certain scholastic deductions. The work, which appeared about the year 1150 under the title " Con- cordantia discordantium canonum," commonly bears the name of Decretum Gratiani. This work gave a fresh impulse to the study of ecclesiastical law, especially in the universities of Paris and Bologna. While the so-called Legists lectured on Roman law, the Decretists taught canonical law, wrote commentaries on the work of Gratian, and made compilations similar to his. To put a stop to the confusion which threatened to ensue, Gregory IX. commissioned, in 1234, Raymundus de Pennaforti, a Dominican, to make a new compilation (Decretum Gregorii, consisting of five books), which, besides the older decretals, contained his own and those of his im- mediate predecessors. This work served as text-book for the lec- tures delivered at Paris and Bologna. To this collection Boniface VIII. added a sixth book, containing his own decretals ; and lastly, Clement V., those issued under his pontificate, with the special title of Clementina. To this compilation the most important decretals of later popes were added, in the year 1500, under the title of Lxtra- vagantes, which completed the Corpus juris canonici. § 130. GENERAL VIEW OF SCHOLASTICISM. 403 III. THEOLOGICAL SCIENCE AND CONTROVERSIES. Comp. H. Ritter, Gesch. d. christl. Philos. Vols. III. IV.— H. Sclunid, d. Mystic, d. M. A. in s. Entstehungsper. (Mystic, of the M. A. dur. the Per. of its Orig.). Jena 1824. A. Helfferich, d. christl. Mystik in ihrer Entw. u. ihr. Denkm. (Chr. Myst., its De- velop, and Monum.). Gotha 1842. 2 Vols. J. Gorres, d. chr. Myst. Regensb. 1836. 3 Vols. Vaughan, Hours with the Mystics. § 130. GENERAL VIEW OF SCHOLASTICISM. Notwithstanding the intellectual decay of the Middle Ages, that period witnessed the growth of one of the most remarkable produc- tions of the human mind, which can only be likened to those cathe- drals reared in the Gothic style. Scholasticism, which derived its name from the cathedral and monastic schools where it originated, has aptly been designated as "the knighthood of theology." In liberality and enthusiasm, loyalty and perseverance, courage and ardour, the schoolmen emulated the knights properly so-called ; only that their weapons were not the sword and lance, but speculation and dialectics ; and their ideal not knightly honour, but ecclesias- tical orthodoxy. It was the great object of scholasticism to analyse Christian dogmas by means of dialectics, to develop them by spe- culation, and to show their inherent truth and necessity. Generally speaking, scholasticism adopted, expounded, and defended the eccle- siastical views already in vogue (dogmatism) ; sometimes, however, a sceptical tendency also appeared — at least for a time. In the latter case, certain philosophical principles were laid down, and it was attempted by means of these to harmonise reason with ecclesias- tical dogmas. Along with scholasticism, sometimes in combination, at others in antagonism with it, another tendency appeared. If scholasticism sought rationally to elucidate and develop theology, it was the object of mysticism to apprehend the salvation offered by the Church not by means of the intellect, but by the feelings, and to develop it not by dialectics, but by inward contemplation. These intellectual strivings, which continued throughout the Middle Ages, may historically be arranged into four periods, each of which almost comprised a century. 1. The first traces of the new science occur during the tenth century — a period in other respects intel- lectually barren, and aptly called the " Seculum obscurum." The distinctive features of scholasticism, however, did not yet appear. 404 SECOND SECTION. SECOND PERIOD (CENT. 10-13 A.D.). 2. These tendencies became more manifest during the eleventh cen- turv, at first in the form of dialectics, which ao;ain took either a sceptical or dogmatical turn, and led to a contest betwixt these two directions. 3. During the twelfth century, mysticism appeared as a distinct tendency by the side of the dialectics of the schoolmen. The conflict which now ensued between mysticism and sceptical dialectics ultimately ended in an alliance with dogmatic dialectics, which proved mutually useful. 4. During the thirteenth century, dialectic scholasticism, or dogmatism, attained its highest stage. Gene- rally speaking, the former alliance with mysticism was continued, although some of the schoolmen again tended towards scepticism. 1. Nurseries of Scholasticism. — At the close of the eleventh century, Universities were planted for the same purposes as the cathedral and monastic schools, only with a wider range of subjects in view. These seminaries originated independently both of State and Church, of Emperor and Pope. Celebrated teachers appeared in the larger cities ; pupils from all countries gathered around them ; by and by other lecturers joined those who had first taught in these cities ; and then teachers and scholars constituted them- selves by mutual agreement into an independent corporation, and thus the University was founded. But this designation did not imply anything like a " universitas literarum," in which all the sciences should be cultivated. — Separate faculties for different sciences did not as yet exist ; and where the number of teachers and students rendered some division necessary, it was made according to nations, not sciences. The name University was only intended to designate the " universitas magistrorum et scholarium" as an orga- nised society. The studies carried on in these seminaries were called " studium generale" or u universale," because every person had free access to the lectures. At first one special science was particularly — sometimes even exclusively — cultivated in different universities. Thus theology was studied at Paris, at Oxford, and at a later period at Cologne ; jurisprudence at Bologna ; and medicine at Salerno. The first university expressly founded for the cultivation of all sciences was that which Frederic II. instituted at Naples in 1224. Our present arrangement into faculties originated from the circumstance, that the mendicant orders in Paris, being proscribed by the other teachers in the University (§ 128, 4), constituted them- selves into a separate theological faculty (1259). The number of students in the universities — among them many persons advanced in life — was very large, amounting in the most celebrated seats of learning occasionally to from 10,000 to 20,000. All the members of the congregation of Clugny had to pass through a curriculum of ten years (two years being devoted to Logicalia, three years to Literse Naturales et Philosophies, and five years to Theology). The § 130. GENEEAL VIEW OF SCHOLASTICISM. 405 Council of Tours enjoined, in 1236, that every priest should go through a preparatory course of five years' study. (Comp. C. E. Bulceus, Hist. univ. Paris, et aliarum univers. Par. 1665. 6 Voll. f. A. Wood, Hist, et ant. univ. Oxon. Oxon. 1674. 2 Voll. f. Du- barle, H. de l'Univ. Par. 1829. Crevier, Hist, de l'Univ. de Paris. Par. 1761. 7 Tom. 12. Chr. Meiners, Gesch. d. hohen Schulen. [Hist, of Univ.]. Gottg. 1802. V. A. Huber, d. engl. Univ. Cassel 1839. Vol. I.). 2. The writings of Aristotle were introduced among the learned of the West by the Moors of Spain, who since the eleventh cen- tury had successfully prosecuted these studies. The Philosophy of Scholasticism was derived from the dialectics of Aristotle, whose works were translated into Latin, either from the Arabic (with the Commentaries of Avicenna, ob. 1036, of Ghazali, ob. 1111, and of Averrhoes, ob. 1217), or else directly from the Greek. Hitherto the philosophy of Aristotle had only been known at second hand, chiefly from the writings of Boethius. But now, when scholars had the opportunity of perusing the works of the " master" himself, their study was prosecuted with great enthusiasm. At the com- mencement of the thirteenth century this philosophy was for a short time in disrepute, and the study of Aristotle prohibited by ecclesias- tical ordinance — the origin of the pantheistic sect of the Holy Spirit being traced to the teaching of the Stagyrite. But when by the extinction of the sect this danger was at an end, Gregory IX. again authorised the favourite study (1231); and such was the esteem in which Aristotle was held, that he was ranked with John the Bap- tist as the precursor of Christ, and that on all scientific questions his writings enjoyed the same authority in the Church as that of the Bible "and tradition in matters of faith. At the same time, there was also in the Middle Ages a school attached to the philosophy of Plato. The study of the writings of Augustine and of the Areo- pagite pointed towards Platonism, while the school of speculative mystics was always opposed to the exclusive claims set up on behalf of Aristotle. — Scholasticism started with a speculative inquiry about the relation subsisting between thinking and being, or between the idea of a thing and its essence. In answer to this question, the Nomi- nalists, following up the views of the Stoics, maintained that those general conceptions or generic ideas (universalia) which constitute the common essence of a genus, were merely intellectual abstractions (nomina) derived from the common properties of individual objects, and possessing no real existence beyond the human intellect (uni- versalia POST~m). The Realists, on the other hand, insisted^ on the reality of these general conceptions, and believed in their objec- tive existence prior to and beyond the mere thinking of man. The Realists were divided into two sections : the one, adopting the Pla- tonic view of ideas, held that these general conceptions existed prior to the actual origin of individual objects, being their archetypes in the 40G SECOND SECTION. SECOND PERIOD (CENT. 10-13 A.D.;. Divine reason : and that hence thev also existed in the intellect of man, even before he came to the contemplation of things as out- wardly presented to him (universalia ante res). The other school of Realists, following in the wake of Aristotle, held that these general conceptions were inherent in the objects themselves, and thence passed by experience into the intellect of man (universalia in rebus). Hence the former school of Realists expected to reach the essence of things (or truth) by pure thinking, through the ideas innate in the intellect of man, while the second school expected to attain that result by a contemplation of things through experience and thinking. 3. Object and Method of Scholastic Theology. — The theological studies carried on during the rule of the Carolingians had been directed exclusively to practical objects, and fostered or prosecuted by practical men (such as princes, bishops, and abbots) with the view of meeting present ecclesiastical wants. But from the eleventh century this was no longer the case. Gradually prac- tical objects, and the immediate requirements of the Church, gave place to purely scientific pursuits. Theological studies and writings now breathe a spirit of speculation; the ancient dogmas of the Church are explained and defended in a philosophical manner ; and the great aim is to convert what had been object of faith into logical truths, and to arrange Christian doctrines into a compact system. For this purpose the schoolmen employed dialectics, in order by means of it to resolve and analyse the dogmas of the Church into their consti- tuent ideas, to explain and to demonstrate them, to marshal and to combat all possible objections raised by scepticism, with the view of thus establishing and proving the rationality of the dogmas of the Church. Withal, no attempt was, however, made to place these doctrines on an exegetical basis, or to prove their truth from Scrip- ture ; philosophic proof was the only object sought, and dogmatics and ethics the only departments of scholastic theology. If exegesis was at all cultivated, writers either adopted the old allegorical method or composed catena?, while historical theology was entirely neglected. The mystics among the schoolmen, on the other hand, sought more than merely to understand, to vindicate, and to compose a system of dogmatics. They recommended the practice of con- templation, by which thinking and feeling would descend directly into the depths of Divine truth, there to behold, to experience, and to enjoy what was Divine. The necessary condition for this was purity of heart, deep love to God, and complete abnegation of self. What had thus been perceived in contemplation, discovered by means of speculation, or experienced in immediate contact with the Divine, was afterwards to be presented in a scientific and systematic form. § 131. THE SECULUM OBSCURUM (lOTH CENTURY). 407 § 131. THE SECULUM OBSCURUM (TENTH CENTURY). Comp. A. Vogel, Ratherius von Verona u. d. 10 Jahrh. Jen. 1854. 2 Vols. M. Biidinger, iiber Gerbert's wissenschaftl. u. pol. Stellung. (On the Scientif. and Pol. Place of Gerbert). 1 Sect. Kass. 1851. Fr. Hock, Gerbert u. s. Jahrh. Vienna 1837. Engel- hardt, Kirchengesch. Abh. Erl. 1832. No. 5. The darkness and ignorance of the tenth century, which also wit- nessed the deepest decay of the Papacy, contrasts most unfavourably not only with the culture and the science which at the time flour- ished in the portion of Spain subject to the Moors, more especially at the celebrated school of Cordova, but with the learning and acti- vity of the Church during the preceding (ninth) century. The efforts of A If red the Great, and their results, ceased with the life of that monarch {ob. 901). But in 959 the reformatory labours of Dunstan (§ 127) were crowned with success, and with them both the interest and the zeal for theological and national culture again re- vived ; while the connection between the family of the Emperor Otho and Byzance proved the means of awakening, to some extent at least, a desire for the revival of classical lore. Towards the close of the century, the literary activity of the Moors attracted the atten- tion of Western Christendom, and incited to imitation. Thus the seeds of learning were once more scattered over Europe. 1 . The writings of Roswitha, a learned nun in the convent of Gandersheim (Helen of Rossow, ob. 984), who made religious sub- jects the text of comedies composed after the model of Terence, may serve as index of the classical learning of that period. — Dunstan was ably supported in his labours by Ethelwold, Bishop of Winches- ter, a prelate who with his followers zealously prosecuted the study of the Anglo-Saxon tongue. The most celebrated of his pupils was Aelfric of Malmesbury, a monk, who preached in the Anglo- Saxon, and commenced a translation of the Bible into that language. — Notker Labeo, Abbot of St Gall, ob. 1022, translated the Book of Psalms, the Organon of Aristotle, the Moralia of Gregory the Great, and a number of the tractates of Boethius into the old Ger- man. Ratherius, Bishop of Verona, and afterwards of Lieges (from both which seats he was repeatedly expelled, ob. 974), a rigid reformer and reprover of clerical dissoluteness, equally insisted on the duty of studying the Bible, and remonstrated against all mere externalism in religion, against superstition and ecclesiastical abuses of every kind. On this account, and from his attachment to the interests of Germany, he frequently suffered persecution. Ratherius was certainly the ablest divine of the tenth century. Along with him we mention Atto, Bishop of Vercelli, distinguished as an exe- 408 SECOND SECTION. SECOND FERIOD (CENT. 10-13 A.D.). getical writer, a preacher, and a strenuous advocate of the Church against the oppression of the secular power (de pressuris ecclesige) ; 06. 960. Odo of Clugny composed hymns and homilies ; — his Col- lationum LI. III. contains a philippic against the corrupt morals of his time. Lastly, at the close of the century, we have Gerbert — ob. 1003 — a man versed in classical and Arabic lore, highly cele- brated as a theologian, mathematician, astronomer, and natural philosopher, but regarded by the people as a magician. His pre- sence shed for the last time a passing lustre on the school of Rheims. — Among historians of the tenth century, Luitprand, secretary to Otho I., and afterwards Bishop of Cremona, ob. 972 (Antapodosis, Hist, of Otho I.) ; Flodoard of Rheims, ob. 966 (Hist, eccl. Rhemensis) ; Richer, a monk and pupil of Gerbert (author of a history of his own time, 883-896) ; and Widukind, from 940, a monk at New Corbey (author of a Saxon hist, in 3 vols.) — deserve special notice.' § 132. DIVISION AMONG THE DIALECTICIANS (ELEVENTH CENT.). When in the eleventh century the Church rose from its late decay, the ardour for scientific and literary pursuits also revived. The anxiety so generally felt to put an end to former abuses and stagnation mani- fested itself also in every department of theological study. At first this new zeal appeared chiefly among the Cistercian monks and their brethren of Clugny; but towards the close of the century it ex- tended to the various universities. The dialectic method was now almost exclusively employed in the discussion of theological ques- tions ; and dogmatism gained its first triumphs over scepticism in the Eucharistic controversy between Lanfranc and Berengar, in that concerning the existence of God between Anselm of Canterbury and Gaunilo, and in the discussion between that prelate and Roscellinus about the Trinity. 1. The series of schoolmen opens with Fulbert, a pupil of Gerbert, and from 1007 Bishop of Chartres. Even before his elevation to the episcopate he founded at Chartres a theological school. His fame spread throughout Western Christendom, and students from all countries attended his seminary. — One of his pupils was Berengar of Tours, a canon and teacher in the cathe- dral school of his own city, and afterwards Archdeacon of Angers. His fame shed great lustre upon the school of Angers. For fur- ther particulars see below. — Lanfranc, the antagonist of Beren- gar, was first a monk, then Abbot of Bee in Normandy. In 1070 he was elevated to the archiepiscopal See of Canterbury. Under his superintendence the school of Bee attained its highest eminence. — Petrus Damiani, ob. 1072, Cardinal-Bishop of Ostia, a friend § 132. DIVISION AMONG THE DIALECTICIANS (llTH CENT.). 409 of Hildebrand, and a zealous supporter of his views on the subject of simony, of clerical purity, monastic austerity, and priestly celi- bacy. His tractate, " Liber Gomorrhianus," contains an unsparing exposure of the vices of the clergy. His own indulgences consisted in retiring into his cell, there to scourge himself till the blood flowed from his shoulders. — Anselm of Canterbury, born at Aosta in Italy, educated in the monastery of Bee, of which he was afterwards abbot, and finally Archbishop of Canterbury, ob. 1109, comp. § 126, 3. It will be remembered that his courageous defence of the independence of the Church, at least in the sense of Hildebrand, cost that prelate three years of exile. Anselm has been compared to St Augustine, whose theology he adopted and developed. By a rare combination, he united acuteness with philosophic depth and ardent Christian feeling— the practical tendency with dialecticism, and even mysticism. Like his great model, he regarded faith as the necessary condition of all true knowledge, while, on the other hand, he aimed at elevating belief into knowledge ("credo utintelligam"). His most celebrated tractate was that on the Incarnation of God ("Cur Deus homo?"), in which he defended, on philosophical grounds, and developed the doctrine of the vicarious atonement. Best ed. of his writings by G. Gerberon, Par. 1675 f. Comp. G. F. Frank, Anselm von Canterb. Tiibg. 1842. F. R. Hasse, Ans. v. C. Leips. 1843, 1852. 2 Vols. C. de Remusat, Ans. de Cant, transl. into German by Wurzbach. — Anselmus of Laon (Laudu- nensis), surnamed Scholasticus, a pupil of his namesake of Canter- bury. From 1076 he lectured with great success at Paris, where indeed he may be said to have originated the University. After- wards he returned to Laon, became archdeacon and scholasticus, and founded a theological school; ob. 1117. His theological views were the same as those of his teacher. His " Glossa interlinearis" (being the Vulgate with brief interlineal exposition) was one of the favourite exegetical manuals of the Middle Ages. — William of Champeaux (De Campellis), the real founder of the University of Paris. He had for some time lectured with great success in that city on rhetoric and dialectics, when the fame of Anselm brought him to Laon. He returned to Paris in 1108, delivered theological lectures, and became archdeacon. Every year the number of his students increased. Among them was Abelard, whose arrogance and continual disputations, in which the celebrated teacher ultimately had to own himself worsted, so embittered his existence, that he re- tired from the chair. He died in 1113 as Bishop of Chalons.— Among the chroniclers of this century we mention the names of Ditmar, Bishop of Merseburg, ob. 1018; Hermann the Lame (Contractus), a monk at Eeichenau, ob. 1054 ; Marianus Scotus, a monk at Mayence, ob. 1086 ; Lambert of Aschaffenburg, a monk at Hersfeld, ob. 1100 (Chronicon historicum apud Germanos) ; and Sigbert Gemblacensis, a monk at Gemblours, ob. 1113 410 SECOND SECTION. SECOND PERIOD (CENT. 10-13 A.D.). 2. ElJCHARTSTIC CONTROVERSY OP BERENGAR (1050-1079). Berengar of Tours had adopted views concerning the Eucharist in direct opposition to the prevailing theory of Radbertus on the sub- ject. He taught that the elements were indeed changed, and that the body of Christ was really present in the Eucharist ; but he denied that this change was one of substance, or the presence one of essence (essentialiter). The presence of the body of Christ consisted in that of His power in these elements, and the change of the bread in the real manifestation of this power under the form of the bread. But in order to secure the presence of this power, consecration alone was not sufficient ; it also needed faith on the part of him who partook of it, without which the bread remained an empty and powerless sio-n. These views he disseminated among his numerous pupils at Tours and Angers, without for some time meeting with opposition. But when he expressed them in an epistle addressed to Lanfranc, that divine entered the lists against him. At a synod held in Rome (1050), he was condemned unheard ; at another synod held the same year at Vercelli, before which Berengar would have appeared, if in the meantime he had not been imprisoned in France, the tractate of Ratramnus on the Eucharist (which was erroneously ascribed to Erigena) was, in an excess of zeal, torn to pieces and consigned to the flames, and the views of Berengar were again con- demned. Meantime Berengar had, by the intercession of influen- tial friends, been restored to liberty, and made the acquaintance of Hildebrand, at that period legate of the Pope. While Hildebrand firmly believed that the bread and wine in the sacrament were really the body and blood of Christ, he probably took a middle view, equally avoiding the gross literalism of Radbertus and the opinions of Berengar. The legate disapproved of the fanaticism displayed by the opponents of Berengar, and at a synod held in Tours (1054) declared himself satisfied with a statement upon oath, that so far from denying the presence of Christ in the Eucharist, he regarded the consecrated elements as the body and blood of Christ. But even this formal acquittal did not satisfy the opponents of Berengar, who accordingly in 1059 undertook a journey to Rome, in the hope of securing, through the influence of Hildebrand, the protection of the PapalSee. His expectations were doomed to disappointment, and he found himself confronted by a powerful party, under the leadership of Cardinal Humbert. At a synod held in Rome (1059) Berengar w r as obliged to consign his writings to the flames, and to subscribe a formula which in its gross literalism Avent far beyond even the expressions used by Radbertus. On his return to France he retracted his subscription, and once more defended, against Lan- franc and others, his former views. This step excited a fresh storm. Hildebrand, who in the meantime had been elevated to the Papacy (in 1073), vainly endeavoured to allay the dispute by getting Berengar to subscribe a formula which, in temperate language, § 133. DIALECTICS AND MYSTICISM. 411 asserted the real presence in the Eucharist. The opposite party even ventured to attaint the orthodoxy of the Pope himself; and Hildebrand was obliged, at a second synod held in Rome (1079), to insist upon a full and unambiguous declaration of belief in the conversion of the substance of the elements. Berengar was bold enough to appeal to his private interviews with the Pope, — when Hildebrand ordered him immediately to fall down and abjure his errors. Berengar tremblingly obeyed, and was dismissed with tes- timonials of orthodoxy, and the injunction to abstain from further discussions. Bent under the weight of years and sorrows, he retired to the island of St Come, near Tours, where he lived in solitude and penitence, a rigid ascetic, and died, in 1088, at a very advanced age, reconciled to the Church. — The principal treatise of Berengar, """de Coena s. adv. Bereng.," was discovered by Lessing in the library of Wolfenbiittel, and has been edited by Vischer, Berol. 1834. Comp. Lessing, Ber. Turon. od. Ankiind. e. wicht. Werkes dess. (or Notice of an import. Tract, of his). Bruns. 1770. 4 ; H. Sudendorf, Ber. Tur. od. e. Sammlung ihn betr. Br. (or a Collect, of Letters concern, him). Hamb. 1850. 3. Controversies of Anselm. I. Following up his philoso- phical views as a Realist, Anselm of Canterbury "deduced an on to- logical and a priori argument for the being of a God, and maintained that the idea of an entirely perfect Being was inherent in reason, real existence forming one of the necessary attributes of this Being. This argumentation he embodied in two treatises, the Monologium and the Proslogium. The unsatisfactory character of this ratiocina- tion, however, was ably exposed by Gaunilo of Marmoutiers, an Aristotelian Realist, who, in answer to Anselm, wrote the " Liber pro insipiente" (as Anselm had asserted that only an " insipiens" would deny that the existence of God could be demonstrated). An- selm replied in a tractate entitled " Apologeticus c. Gaunilonem," and the discussion terminated without leading to any definite result. — II. Of greater importance was the controversy between Anselm and Roscellinus, a canon of Compiegne. The latter, a Nomi- nalist, asserted that our generic conception of the Deity was only an intellectual abstraction, and that the three Persons of the Godhead could not be spoken of as Una Res (ow/a), as otherwise they must all have become incarnate in Christ. In a tractate, entitled " De fide trinitatis et de incarnatione verbi contra blasphemias Rucelini," Anselm showed the fallacy of this argumentation. A synod held at Soissons in 1092 condemned Roscellinus as a Tritheist. § 133. SEPARATION AND REUNION OF DIALECTICS AND MYSTICISM. In the writings of Anselm dialectics and mysticism had still been united ; soon afterwards, however, their champions were marshalled 412 SECOND SECTION. SECOND PERIOD (.CENT. 10-13 A.D.). in opposite camps. The great representative of dialectic scepticism was Abelard, a man of singular boldness and acuteness, who had already come victorious out of many a contest. But he was obliged to succumb before his great opponent, St Bernard. Of less importance was the discussion between Bernard and Gilbertus Porretanus. — After the defeat of Abelard, the tendency which he represented was for a considerable time in the minority, nor indeed did it ever again assert itself in the same daring and reckless manner. In fact, dialec- tics was now chiefly employed in the support and explanation of the dogmas of the Church. Thus mysticism and dialectics were once more reconciled and combined for a common purpose. This union was accomplished by Petrus Lombardus, so far as dialectics, and by Hugo of St Victor, so far as mysticism was concerned. The com- bination proved mutually helpful ; and if dialectics gained in depth and ardour, mysticism acquired scientific distinctness and precision. — But even at that time men were not awanting who perceived and exposed the defects and dangers of scholasticism, however much it was in repute at the period. Such divines chiefly inveighed against the neglect of Scripture in the study of theology, against the bar- renness of scholastic speculations so far as the Christian life was concerned, and the vain wrangling and pedantry of the schoolmen. 1. The Conflict. — Petrus Abelard was born in 1079 at Palais in Brittany. In acuteness, learning, dialectic readiness, and boldness of speculation, as well as in arrogance and disputatiousness, he far surpassed all his contemporaries. In Paris he attended the lectures of William of Champeaux, the most celebrated dialectician of his age. But soon the pupil silenced his teacher in public dis- cussion. Abelard settled in Melun near Paris, where thousands of students attended his prelections. Soon afterwards he transported his school to Corbeil in order to be nearer Paris, and thence to the walls of that capital. Nor did he cease to provoke and to humble William, till the latter had to give place to him. In the hope of attaining yet greater distinction, Abelard now commenced the study of theology, under the tuition of Anselm of Laon. Very soon, how- ever, the arrogant student deemed himself superior to this teacher also. He returned to Paris, where once more a crowd of enthusi- astic students gathered around him. A canon, Fulbert, engaged him to instruct his niece Heloise — a woman equally distinguished for beauty, talent, and learning. Abelard gained her affections ; but disdaining to bear the name of his wife, in order to enable her lover to attain the highest dignities in the Church, she was clandestinely married to him. As Heloise persisted in denying this marriage, and on that account was harshly used by her relatives, Abelard carried § 133. DIALECTICS AND MYSTICISM. 413 her off to the nunnery of Argenteuil. The revenge of Fulbert was fearful ; Abelarcl was surprised during the night, and mutilated. In shame and despair he fled to the monastery of St Denis ; Heloise took the veil at Argenteuil. But his former pupils followed him to St Denis ; and, yielding to their entreaties, he resumed his lectures. The supercilious and sarcastic manner in which he discussed the doctrines of the Church, excited powerful opposition ; and at the Synod of Soissons, in 1121, Abelard was obliged to consign his text- book on theology (Introductio in theologiam) to the flames, and was condemned to' imprisonment in a monastery. By the intercession of friends, he was again restored to liberty, and allowed to return t» St Denis. But when he published the discovery that Dionysius of Paris had been a different person from the Areopagite, he was ex- posed to such violent persecution on the part of the monks, as to render it necessary for him to flee into a wood near Troyes. Thither also his pupils followed, and prevailed upon him again to resume his lectures. His hermitage became transformed into the large Abbacy of " the Paraclete." Renewed persecutions induced him to transfer this cloister to Heloise, who in the meantime had become Abbess of Argenteuil, in which capacity she had met with opposition from her nuns. Abelard himself became abbot of a monastery in Brittany. After havino- for eight years vainly endeavoured to restore its monas- tic discipline, he once more appeared as teacher at St Genevieve near Paris. He wrote a work on ethics, entitled " Scito te ipsum ;" re-edited his former manual, under the title " Theologian Christiana? LI. V. ;" and, by way of exposing the follies of traditionalism, com- posed a tractate, " Sic et non," which presented in juxtaposition a number of contradictory passages from the Fathers. His prelec- tions excited great sensation. St Bernard was now induced to oppose views which were deemed so dangerous. At a synod held in Sens (1140), Abelard was declared a heretic. Pope Innocent II. condemned the writings impeached to the flames, and their author to imprisonment in a monastery. His last years were spent in re- tirement at Clugny, where, by intercourse with Peter the Venerable, his spirit mellowed. Ultimately a reconciliation was also effected between him and St Bernard. He died in 1142.— Reversing the statements of Augustine and of Anselm, that faith must precede knowledge, Abelard maintained that only what was known could be believed. Though professedly aiming to employ dialectics in de- fence of the teaching of the Church, yet, as he commenced by calling everything in question, he transformed each dogma into a problem which required to be proved before it could be received. Thus faith became merely an intellectual act, while at the same time the objects of faith were frequently narrowed to bring them in accordance with the requirements of supposed rationality. This remark applies espe- cially to the views of Abelard about the Trinity, which little differed from the ancient heresy of Sabellian Modalism. (Comp. F. C. 414 SECOND SECTION. SECOND PERIOD (CENT. 10-13 A.D.). Schlosser, Abiilard u. Dulcin, Leben e. Schwiirmers u. e. Philoso- phen. Life of an Enth. and of a Phil. Goth. 1807. A. Wilkens, Pet. Abal. Brem. 1855. M. Carriere, Ab. u. Heloise. Giessen. 1844. J. L. Jacobi, Ab. u. Hel. Berl. 1850. Ouvrages inedits d'Abelard publies par Victor Cousin. Par. 1836. J. Berington, Hist, of Ab. and Heh Lond. 1787. J.D. H. Goldhorn, de summis princ. Theol. Ab. Lps. 1836.) Gilbert de la Porree (Porretanus) — teacher of theology at Paris, and from 1142 Bishop of Poitiers, ob. 1154 — soon afterwards excited a fresh controversy. A rigid Realist, he was led to ascribe such real existence to the universale God, that in his hands the doc- trine of the Trinity became almost transformed into one of Quater- nity. His views were opposed by St Bernard, and condemned by the Synod of Rlieims in 1148; but Gilbert himself was not farther molested. History has recorded the names of few personages who exercised a greater influence on their cotemporaries, than Bernard of Clairvaux (§ 128, 2) ; ob. 1153. Regarded in popular esteem as able to work miracles, and endowed with a gift of rare eloquence, he was both the support and the reprover of the vicars of Christ, and, while restoring peace among princes, ever stood forward an avenger of wrongs. His deep humility induced him to refuse ecclesiastical promotion ; his enthusiastic attachment to the hierarchy prevented his exposing its many abuses and scandals ; the power of his elo- quence kindled throughout Europe the enthusiasm requisite for a second crusade, and restored many heretics and fanatics to the bosom of the Church. While himself seeking heavenly things, and lead- ing a life of contemplation, prayer, and study, he seemed almost to rule upon earth, and, by his advice, admonition, and reproof, influ- enced all departments and relationships. In him sincere attachment to the doctrines of the Church was combined with ardent mysticism of a practical and contemplative character. Like Abelard, he con- troverted the great theological axiom of Anselm — only from very different motives. The theology which he loved was not one whose great object it was to elevate faith into knowledge by means of speculation, but rather to make the light of faith more clear and bright by sanctification of the heart and life. Not that Bernard was opposed to scientific researches ; but the dialectic wrangling of an Abelard, which recklessly undermined the eternal foundations of saving truth, in order to rear them again in a manner conformable to his ideas and for purposes of self-exaltation, appeared to him equally destructive of all true theology and of the sanctifying influ- ences of faith. In his view only pectoral theology, based on heart piety, and fostered by prayer, contemplation, inward enlightenment, and sanctification, constituted true divinity. (Tantum Deus cog- noscitur, quantum diligitur. — Orando facilius quam disputando et dignius Deus quasritur et invenitur.) During his discussion with § 133. DIALECTICS AND MYSTICISM. 41 5 Abelard he wrote the " Tractatus de Erroribus Petri Abgelardi." Anion cr his other works the most important is that " de Considera- tione LI. V.," in which, with the affection of a friend, the earnest- ness of a teacher, and the boldness of a prophet, he set before Pope Eugene III. both the duties and the dangers of his position. All the depth and ardour of his devout mysticism found utterance in his commentary on the Book of Canticles. Bernard was canonised by Alexander III. in 1173, and in 1830 Pope Pius VIII. solemnly received him into the number of the great Latin Fathers (Doctores ecclesiae : Ambrose, Jerome, Augustine, Gregory the Great). Comp. Neander, The Life and Times of St Bernard ; transl. by Matilda, Wrench. Lond. 1843. C. Ellendorf, Bernh. v. Clairvaux u. s. Zeitalt. Essen 1837. Th. Ratisbonne, Hist, de S. Bernarde. 2 Vols. Par. 2. Reconciliation. — Among the seats of learning in which it was attempted to combine scholasticism with mysticism, the most dis- tinguished was that " a Sancto Victore," a monastery at Paris, which William of Champeaux founded after he had given way be- fore Abelard. But this new school may be said to have originated with Hugo a St Victore, the scion of a noble German family, a friend of St Bernard, and the real successor of Anselm. His co- temporaries were wont to designate him as " alter Augustinus" or " lingua Augustini." (Tantum Deus cognoscitur, quantum diligitur. Tantum de veritate quisque potest videre, quantum ipse est.) Hugo was one of the profoundest thinkers of the Middle Ages, a man of great learning, enthusiastically devoted to study, and at the same time of warm" and deep affections. Though carried off in the prime of life, he exercised a beneficial influence upon his age, on which he left the impress of his mind (ob. 1141). His principal work is entitled : De sacramentis fidei christians LI. H. (Comp. A. Liebner, Hugo v. St. Victor u. d. theol. Richtungen sr. Reit. Leips. 1832.) — The exposure of Abelard's errors and his condemnation, made professed students of dialectics more careful; they adhered more closely to the dogmas of the Church, which they endeavoured to explain and support, and, after the precedent of Augustine and Anselm, introduced certain mystical elements into their favourite science. Among the representatives of this school, Petrus Lom- bardus, teacher, and from 1159 Bishop of Paris (ob. 1164), was the most celebrated. Like Hugo, whom he surpassed in dialectic talent, but not in depth of intellect or of heart, he was a friend of St Bernard. His celebrated manual of dogmatics (Sententiarum LI. IV.), which procured for him the title " magister sententiarum," consists of a collection of doctrinal statements from the Fathers, strung together, and connected by the author according to the favourite dialectic method. Himself was wont to compare his work to the widow's mite cast into the treasury of the Church ; but it became the great standard of orthodoxy during the Middle Ages, 416 SECOND SECTION. SECOND PERIOD (CENT. 10-13 A.D.). was frequently edited witli commentaries, and finally obtained the solemn sanction of the Church at the Lateran Council in 1215. Besides Lombardus, Alanus ab Insulis deserves special mention. He was born at Lille or Byssel (Lat. Insula?), educated under Ber- nard of Clairvaux, and afterwards became Rector of the University of Paris and Bishop of Auxerre. Alanus died in 1203 at Clair- vaux, whither he had retired in 1167. A peculiarity in that writer was his strictly mathematical method of demonstration (almost like that of the school of Wolf in the eighteenth century). Among other tractates he wrote " de fide catholica contra Waldenses, Albigenses, Judasos et Paganos s. Mohametanos. 3. Renewed Controversies. — After the death of Hugo the school of St Victor gradually gave up its former interest in dialectics. Even the successor of Hugo, Richard a St Victore (ob. 1173), characterised the method of Lombardus as too dry and barren (comp. Engelhardt, Rich, of St Vict, and John Ruysbroek. Erl. 1838). The following abbot, Walter of St Victor, published in 1180 a virulent tractate, " Contra quatuor labyrinthos Franciae s. contra manifestas ha3reses, quas Abaslardus, Lombardus, Petrus Pictavi- ensis et Gilbertus Porretanus libris sententiarum suarum acuunt, limant, roborant LI. IV." He accused Lombardus of Nihilism, because he had maintained that since the human nature of Christ was impersonal, He was in that respect not an aliquid, i.e., an in- dividual. — More moderate in the tone of his opposition was John of Salisbury, the faithful friend of St Becket, and afterwards Bishop of Chartres (ob. 1182). In his " Polycraticus s. de nugis curialium et vestigiis philosophorum LI. VIII." he predicted that, in its anxiety for scientific form, scholasticism would by and by lose all divine substance. (Comp. H. Renter, John of Sal. Berl. 1843.) — Petrus Cantor, teacher of theology at Paris, and afterwards Bishop of Tournay (ob. 1197), showed in his " Summa Theologiae" that all the doctrines necessary for salvation might and should be deduced directly from the Scriptures. The Commentaries on Isaiah and on the Epistles of Paul, which Herveus of Bourgdieu, a Bene- dictine, published about 1130, contained a most accurate and clear exposition of the doctrine of justification by faith. — More earnestly than any other divine in the Middle Ages, Rupert, Abbot of Deutz, at the beginning of this century, insisted on the necessity of studying the Word of God. To him the Bible appeared the great text-book for all ages and peoples, and the field where the pre- cious pearl of salvation lay concealed, which every person, whose vision faith had enlightened, might there discover. But with all his veneration for the Scriptures, he saw not the absolute necessity of eliciting, in the first place, the literal meaning of the text, and rather endeavoured by means of allegorical interpretations to bring out the dogmatic and mystic import of the Word, although he seems to have consulted the Hebrew and Greek text. Rupert wrote § 134. HIGI1EST STAGE OF SCHOLASTICISM (l3TH CENT.). 417 commentaries on most of the Biblical books, an explanation of the Liturgy (cle Divinis officiis), a "Dialogus inter Christianum et Judseum," etc. On the subject of the Eucharist, he adopted the view known as that of consubstantiation (since it was not the way of the Holy Spirit, " destruere vel corrumpere substantiam, quam in usus suos assumit, seel substantias, permanent! quod erat, invisibiliter adjicere, quod non erat"). Rupert died in 1135. 4. The most celebrated among the historians of this century were: Otho, Bishop of Freisingen, ob. 1158, the author of a Chronicon in eight books ; and an English Benedictine, Odericus Vitalis, who wrote a hist, ecclest. in forty- three books. § 134. HIGHEST STAGE OF SCHOLASTICISM (l3TH CENT.). Mediaeval Theology attained its highest stage in the thirteenth century. After the defeat of William of St Amour (§ 128, 4), the direction of theological studies was almost wholly left to the Domi- nican and Franciscan monks. Scholasticism, which had now got rid of all sceptical tendencies, was chiefly cultivated in the Univer- sity of Paris. The introduction of the writings of Aristotle, which had lately been imported from Spain (§ 130, 2), gave a considerable impulse to the labours of the schoolmen. The variety and richness of form characteristic of that philosophy became now for the first time fully known. These logical forms were adopted and employed in the construction of systems of dogmatics, and afforded opportu- nity for all the acuteness and ingenuity of the schoolmen. Scholas- ticism addressed itself exclusively to the elucidation of ecclesiastical dogmas by means of the philosophy of Aristotle. To Scripture these divines appealed not ; yet, withal, it was not wholly forgotten that the Bible alone was the source and ultimate ground of all be- lief; and even in the thirteenth century, those were not awanting who insisted on bringing back theology to this its great standard of authority. 1. The most celebrated scholastics of this century were : — 1. Alex- ander Halesius, educated at Hales in England, surnamed "Doctor irrefragabilis," the first Franciscan professor at Paris; ob. 1245. He wrote commentaries on Aristotle, and on the sentences of Lom- bardus (Summa theologize universae, in four books). He was the first to assign to the philosophy of Aristotle its peculiar authority, so far as form was concerned ; on which ground he has been called the first scholastic (in the narrower sense.) This method of discussing theo- logical subjects became now prevailing ; and his successors were called Sammists, as those of Lombardus had been called Sententiaries. — 2. Albertus Magnus, born Count of Bollstadt in Swabia, a vol. i. 2d 418 SECOND SECTION. SECOND PERIOD (CENT. 10-13 A.D.). Dominican, and. teacher of theology at Paris and Cologne, afterwards Bishop of Regensburg; ob. 1280, at a very advanced age. He sur- passed all other scholastics in learning, being equally conversant with philosophy, theology, natural sciences, and even cabbalistic lore. This mass of knowledge he had acquired with much labour ; but as he had never repaired to the great fountains of Scripture and nature, his learning was of little real value. The people, however, regarded him as a magician. So far as individuality and native talent are concerned, he was much below the average of the great men of his age. The edition of his works published at Leyden, in 1651, con- sists of twenty-one folio vols. ; among them, five volumes of com- mentaries on Aristotle, three vols, on Lombardus, a Summa Theol. in 2 vols., and a number of works on natural science. — 3. The great ornament of the Franciscans, Johannes Fidanza, better known by the name of Bonaventura, commenced his lectures on theology in Paris the same day on which Thomas Aquinas occupied for the first time the chair among the Dominicans (1253). These two divines successfully resisted the opposition of William of St Amour. In gratitude for the service, Bonaventura was chosen general of his order (1256), and in 1273 Gregory X. appointed him Cardinal- Bishop of Ostia. By desire of the Pope, he attended the Council of Lyons in 1274 (§ 97, 4), and took an active part in its deliberations, but died before its close (1274). A few years later he was canonised, and in 1587 Sixtus V. added his name to those of the Church- teachers. When still a youth, his instructor designated him a "verus Israelita, in quo Adam non peccasse videtur;" while his cotemporaries, in their admiration of his " angelic purity," styled him " Doctor seraphicus." His writings have chiefly a practical bearing, and in his case dialectics were always combined with a deep mystic tendency. His works (Rom. 1588) are comprised in eight folio vols. — 4. By far the ablest of the schoolmen was Thomas Aquinas (Doctor angelicus). He was the son of a Count of Aquino in Calabria ; became Dominican and a pupil of Albertus Magnus, and afterwards teacher in Cologne, Paris, and Rome, whence he retired into a Dominican monastery at Naples. Gregory X. requested him to attended the Council of Lyons ; but he died suddenly soon after leaving Naples, perhaps from the effects of poison administered to him by order of his sovereign, Charles of Sicily (1274). He was canonised, and ranked among the Fathers. Aquinas was undoubtedly the most profound and acute thinker of his age, exceedingly popular as a preacher, aud equally enthusiastic in his attachment to the doctrines of the Church and in the prose- cution of philosophical investigations. An admirer and disciple of Augustine, he inclined towards mysticism, and was distinguished for genuine and deep piety. His principal work, the " Summa Theologia?," is in many respects a model for this class of composi- tions. He also wrote a commentary on Lombardus, a valuable con- § 134. HIGHEST STAGE OF SCHOLASTICISM (l3TH CENT.). 419 troversial tractate directed against the Jews and Mohammedans (Summa fidei catholics contra Gentiles), commentaries on Aristotle, and a " Catena aurea" on the Gospels. (Comp. Hoertel, Thomas Aqu. u. s. Z. Augsb. 1846.) — 5. The fame of St Thomas, which shed fresh lustre upon the Order of the Dominicans, excited the jealousy of the Franciscans. At length one of their own number appeared to rival the honours of Aquinas. John Duns Scotus, called " Doctor subtilis," was inferior to Aquinas in acuteness and moral depth, though not in dialectic talent. His subtilty in analys- ing and developing ideas was specially vaunted ; but his ecclesias- tical orthodoxy was not free from suspicion, while occasionally he laid himself open to the charge of propounding rationalistic views. He was teacher at Oxford, Paris, and Cologne, where he died in 1308. The views held by these two teachers were afterwards adopted by their respective orders, and rigidly adhered to and defended. Ac- cordingly the Dominicans were called Thomists, and the Fran- ciscans Scotists. In philosophy both orders were Realists— only that the Dominicans were Aristotelians, the Franciscans Platonists. More important were their differences in theology. The Thomists adhered strictly to the tenets of the Church, while the Scotists were rationalistic in some of their views. On the doctrines of human depravity and of grace, the Thomists held moderate Augustinian, the Scotists semi-Pelagian opinions. The Dominicans adopted the views of Anselm on the atonement — the merits of Christ as the God-man were of infinite value (satisfactio superabundans), and hence in themselves a sufficient equivalent for our redemption. The Scotists, on the other hand, maintained that the merits of Christ were an equivalent for our redemption, not in themselves, but only in consequence of the declaration of God that He accepted them as such (acceptatio gratuita). Lastly, the Franciscans were strenu- ous advocates of the Immaculate Conception of the Virgin Mary (§ 135, 2) — a view easily accounted for from their leaning towards Pelagianism, while the Dominicans rejected this dogma. 2. Raimundus Lullus may be designated " the reformer of the scholastic method" His zeal for missionary work (§ 123, 5) made him anxious to devise some method more suitable for demonstrating the truths of the Gospel. After considerable labour, he succeeded in inventing a process by which — at least in his opinion — the highest truths might be made patent to the weakest capacity, by using cer- tain letters and figures to represent ideas and their connections. This method he called " ars magna" or " generalis," and largely employed it in his discussions with the Saracens. He also translated into Arabic the work in which he explained his new method. 3. Among the divines who were opposed to scholasticism, and in its stead insisted on the necessity of studying the Bible, we mention : — 1. Robert Geosseteste, teacher at Oxford, and after- wards Bishop of Lincoln, ob. 1253, — a prelate equally eminent for 420 SECOND SECTION. SECOND PERIOD (CENT. 10-13 A.D.). personal worth, and for his reform of many abuses in his diocese. — 2. Roger Bacon (Doctor mirabilis), a pupil of Grosseteste and a teacher at Oxford (ob. 1294). He was undoubtedly the most learned man in the Middle Ages; thoroughly versed in Latin, Greek, Hebrew, and Arabic, and conversant with mathematics, the natural sciences, astronomy, and even medicine. With equal clearness and openness, he pointed out the defects and dangers of scholasticism, and at the same time insisted on the necessity of studying the Scriptures in the original. In return for these bold assertions he was charged with heresy and magic, and had to spend great part of his life within prison-walls. The only one of his cotemporaries who seems to have understood and admired the genius of Bacon, was Pope Clement IV., who as legate had made his acquaintance in England, and after- wards restored him to liberty. — 3. Robert of Sorbonne in Cham- pagne, a teacher and canon at Paris, and the founder of the Sor- bonne (originally a seminary for poor young secular priests, but which soon acquired such fame that it became the theological faculty of the University). Robert earnestly recommended his hearers to prosecute zealously the study of the Bible. — 4. Hugo a St Caro (de St Chers, a suburb of Vienne), a Dominican and car- dinal ; ob. 1260. This divine likewise insisted on the necessity of having continual recourse to the Scriptures, and endeavoured to promote their study by publishing a " Postilla (Commentary) in universa Biblia," and a " Concordantia Bibliorum." To his labours we also owe our present division of the Bible into chapters. — The most celebrated among the chroniclers of that age were, Matthceus Paris, ob. 1259, and Martinus Polonus, Archbishop of Gnesen, ob. 1278 IV. THE CHUKCH AND THE PEOPLE. § 135. PUBLIC WORSHIP AND THE FINE ARTS. In the services of the Church, preaching occupied a subordinate place, chiefly owing to the ignorance of the priesthood. On the other hand, the externalism in religion prevalent among the people ren- dered this want comparatively less felt. Popes and synods, however, insisted on the necessity of employing priests capable of teaching and the sermons of the Franciscans and Dominicans were eagerly listened to by multitudes. One of the most powerful preachers of Germany at this, or indeed at any period, was a Franciscan, Berthold of Regensburg, ob. 1272. He travelled from town to town, and preached to vast audiences the great truths concerning the grace of God in Christ. (His sermons, so far as still extant, have been pub- 7 § 135. PUBLIC WORSHIP AND THE FINE ARTS. 421 lislied by Kling in 1824.) Except in Spain, the Romish Liturgy was now everywhere introduced. At a synod held in Toledo (1088), an attempt was made to set aside the old Mozarabic Ritual (§ 119, 1). But the people were violently opposed to such a change ; and the decisions of a trial by single combat and of the ordeal by fire were equally in favour of the established order. After that, both liturgies were used. The old Slavonic Ritual had been abolished in Moravia and Bohemia so early as the tenth century. The Latin was and continued the ecclesiastical language of all countries. — The worship of saints, of relics and of images, came more and more into vogue, and at last formed the principal part of the devotions. 1. As yet, the views of divines on the subject of the Sacra- ments were far from settled. Petrus Damiani computed their number at twelve ; Lombardus reduced them to seven, and his in- fluence prevailed in this respect also (the seven Sacraments : Bap- tism, Confirmation, the Eucharist, Penance, Extreme Unction, Marriage, and Ordination). At the Fourth Lateran Council in 1215, the doctrine of transubstantiation was formally sanctioned. Apprehension lest some of the blood of the Lord might be spilt, led in the twelfth century to the withdrawal of the cup from the laity, which henceforth was given only to priests. This alteration was vindicated on the ground of what was called " concomitantia," or the doctrine that communicants necessarily received with the body the blood also. The practice of using wafers (the host), instead of breaking bread, arose from a similar anxiety for precaution. At the Fourth Lateran Council it was enjoined, on pain of excommu- nication, that every one of the faithful should go to confession and to the communion at least once a year, at Easter ; and auricular confession was declared to be necessary before receiving absolution. As marriage was regarded a sacrament in the proper sense of the term, divorce was of course absolutely prohibited, even in case of adultery. Innocent III., who enacted this law, diminished, however (1215), the former excessive restrictions, by limiting the prohibition of marriage to the fourth, instead of the seventh, degree of consanguinity. 2. New Festivals. — In honour of the Virgin a new feast was instituted, under the name of the Festival of the Nativity of Mary, which was celebrated on the 8th September. Another ceremonial in connection with the growing reverence paid to the Virgin, was the feast of the Immaculate Conception, on the 8th December, which was introduced in the twelfth century. It will be remembered that Kadbertus Paschasius taught that both the parturition of the Virgin and her own conception had been exempted from the taint and con- sequences of original sin (§ 121, 3). In the twelfth century the canons of Lyons followed up this idea, and in honour of it insti- tuted a festival. But St Bernard protested equally against this 422 SECOND SECTION. SECOND PEEIOD (CENT. 10-13 A.D.). doctrine and festival, and Bonaventura and Thomas Aquinas were also opposed to it. From the time of Duns Scotus, the Franciscans, however, again contended for this doctrine, which only induced the Dominicans to oppose it all the more energetically. Still the festival, at least, was pretty generally observed during the thirteenth cen- tury ; and in 1389 Clement VII. sanctioned it as one of the regular feasts of the Church. In 998 the congregation of Clugny intro- duced the Feast of All Souls (on 2d November), which immediately followed upon the Feast of All Saints (on 1st November). Its object was to procure, by the prayers of the faithful, the deliverance of souls from purgatory. During the twelfth century, Trinity Day, being the Sunday after Pentecost, was observed. The doctrine of transubstantiation gave rise to the institution of Corpus Christi Day, on the Thursday following Trinity Sunday. It originated in a vision vouchsafed during prayer to Juliana, a pious nun of Liege. According to her statement, she discerned the full moon with a small speck in it, which, as was revealed, implied that among the festivals of the Church one was awanting in honour of the ever- recurring miracle of the Eucharist (1261). Urban IV. gave his sanction to its observance ; but it was not generally celebrated till 1311, when Clement V. enjoined it as a regular ecclesiastical festival. From that time the Church displayed all its pomp and splendour in the celebration of this feast. 3. The ancient opposition of the Frankish clergy to the worship of images seems to have entirely ceased in the eleventh century (§ 122, 1). The veneration now paid to images, so far from con- flicting with the service OF relics, rather increased the former ardour for this species of devotion. On their return to Europe, the Crusaders brought with them a large quantity of new relics, some of them sufficiently strange in character. Despite their almost end- less number, these articles continually increased in value. Castles and domains were occasionally not considered an exorbitant price to give for the relics of some celebrated saint, which not unfrequently were stolen by devotees at the risk of their lives. No story, related by traffickers in relics, was too extravagant to be believed. Frequent canonisations — which, since the twelfth cent., were considered the exclusive right of the popes — furnished ever new objects for the worship of saints. Jacobus a Voragine, a Dominican (ob. 1298), may be considered the last writer of legends of the saints. His " Legenda aurea" consists of a collection of the most extraordinary stories. Yet a French theologian, wdio had ventured to style the work " Legenda ferrea," was obliged publicly to retract from the pulpit this insult. In the homage paid to the Virgin, the angelic salutation (Luke i. 28) formed a principal part of the devotions. To assist the memory in the frequent repetition of this formula during the prayers, the Dominicans devised the rosary (the funda- mental idea being that a garland of spiritual roses was to be formed § 1.35. PUBLIC WORSHIP AND THE FINE ARTS. 423 from the different prayers). The idea must, however, ultimately be traced to Macarius, a monk in the fourth cent., who took 300 little stones into his lap, throwing away one of them after each prayer — a practice which afterwards was frequently imitated. In the monas- teries Saturday was generally set apart in honour of the blessed Virgin, and a special " Officium s. Mariae" celebrated. 4. Hymnology. — About the time when scholasticism attained its highest stage, great progress was also made in the hymnology of the Church. The most celebrated among the many religious poets of that age were, Odo of Clugny, Robert, King of France (" Veni sancte Spiritus et emitte"), Petrus Damiani, Abelard, St Bernard, Adam of St Victor, Bonaventura, Thomas Aquinas, and the two Franciscans, Thomas of Celano,ob. 1260 (" Dies irse"), and Jacobus de Benedictis or Jacoponus, Giacopone da Todi, ob. 1306 (" Stabat mater"). The last-mentioned author was an eccentric enthusiast, and frequently inveighed against the clergy and Papacy, especially against the ambition of Boniface VIII. When imprisoned by order of that pope, he replied to his taunt, " When will you get out I" by, " When you will get in" — a prediction which soon afterwards was accomplished. — A number of hymns were also composed in the ver- nacular, although they were not employed in the public services of the Church (§ 119, 2). The oldest German Easter hymn dates from the twelfth century. Some of the poems of the " Minne- singers" in the thirteenth century had also a religious bearing, being specially devoted to the celebration of the Virgin, and forming a kind of spiritual " Minne- Songs." Occasionally religious poetry was composed for the use of different classes — such as pilgrims, boatmen, etc. — or to be sung in battle. — But the twofold merit of introducing into the public service the German religious poetry already existing, and of greatly adding to this kind of literature and promoting its spread among the people, belongs to the heretical sects of that period rather than to the Church. — St Francis wrote a num- ber of hymns in Italian. One of these compositions, written in honour of " brother Sun" (de lofrate Sole), with characteristic bold- ness of figure introduces brother Sun, sister Moon, brother Wind, sister Water, mother Earth, and lastly brother Death, as praising the Creator. The religious poetry of some of the disciples of St Francis, however, was greatly superior to that of the founder of their order. Among them we mention the names of Fra Pacifico (formerly a troubadour, whom Frederic II. had crowned poet laureate), Bona- ventura, Giacomo da Verona, Thomas da Celano, and Giacopone da Todi. The latter (and not St Francis) indited that hymn " In foco amor mi mise," which breathes such ardent love to the crucified Saviour. (Comp. Hoffmann v. Fallersleben, Gesch. d. deutsch. Kir- chenliedes bis auf Luther (Hist, of Germ. Ch. Poetry to the Time of Luther). Han. 1854. A. F. Ozanam, les Poetes Franciscans en Italie ; transl. into Germ., with add., by Julius.) 424 SECOND SECTION. SECOND PEEIOD (CENT. 10-13 A.D.). 5. Ecclesiastical Music. — The Gregorian, or cantus firmus, soon fell into decay. This result was chiefly owing to the scarcity and expensiveness of the Antiphonaria, as also to the frequent mistakes occurring in them, to the difficulty of their system of notation, and to the paucity of regularly trained singers. Errors committed in copying, and even alterations or embellishments introduced to suit the taste of some of the professional singers, multiplied. Thus the cantus firmus became by and by a discantus, or cantus figuratus (figursB = embellishments), and, instead of singing in unison, duets were introduced. Gradually, definite rules of harmony, of chords and intervals, were framed. The merit of these improvements belongs chiefly to Hucbald, a monk of Rheims (abovit the year 900) ; to Reginm, a German monk (about the year 920) ; and to Odo, Abbot of Clugny. Guido of Arezzo (1000-1050) invented, in room of the curious Gregorian mode of notation, our present notes, which ren- dered it possible, along with the cantus, to mark also the discantus (hence the term counterpoint, i.e., punctum contra punctum). The measurement of the tones was invented by Franco of Cologne, about 1200. The organ was almost universally in use ; and Germany was celebrated as possessing the best builders of, and the ablest perfor- mers upon, this instrument. 6. Ecclesiastical Architecture. (Comp. H. Otte, Handb. d. kirchl. Kunstarchaol. d. deutsch. M. A. Leips. 1854. J. Kreuser, d. chr. Kirchenbau (chr. Eccl. Archit.). 2 Vols. Bonn 1851. A. H. Springer, d. Bank. d. chr. M. A. Bonn 1854. Quatremere de Quincy, Hist, de la Vie et des Ouvrages des Architectes du XL S. jusqu'a la fin du XVIII. 2 T. Par. 1832.)— The general decay prevailing during the tenth century, and the common expectation of the approaching end of the world at the close of the first 1000 years, operated unfavourably on the progress of the fine arts, espe- cially so far as architecture was concerned. But these hindrances were only of a temporary character. The Romanesque style of architecture, which prevailed chiefly in the twelfth century, origin- ated in the desire to give a distinctively German mould to the older forms of ecclesiastical structures. But during the entire period of its prevalence we mark a continual progress ; hence, while retain- ing its fundamental character as a transition style, it appeared in forms more varied than any other. In Romanesque architecture the ancient Christian basilica still continued the type ; the chief in- novation consisted in introducing the vaulted roof (especially in the shape of a cross) instead of the flat wooden roof, whereby the interior became more lofty, and gained in perspective effect. In other re- spects also, marked progress was made. To this period belong the ge- neral introduction of the rounded arch, and that increase of architec- tural ornaments, which afforded scope for various symbolical devices and for the vagaries of fancy. Its materials were derived from the peculiar German view of the animal and vegetable kingdoms, from § 135. PUBLIC WOESHIP AND THE FINE ARTS. 42 j legend or from local tradition. Finally, ecclesiastical structures were completed by the addition of towers (as it were finger-posts pointing upwards), which it was now attempted to connect with the body of the church (sometimes by rearing them above the entrance to the central nave, at others over one of the aisles, or where the cen- tral and the cross nave intersected, or on opposite sides of the choir). Frequently, however, only a cupola rose over the central nave. The finest specimens of this style are the cathedrals of Spires, of Mayence, and of Worms.— But already the Gothic (or, more correctly, the Germanic) style of architecture was introduced, which attained highest perfection during the thirteenth and four- teenth centuries. This claims to be an independent branch of the Eomanesque style, in which the native genius of Germany cast off its traditional adherence to ancient forms, and displayed all its richness and boldness of imagination, and all its depth and fulness of conception. So far as the vault was concerned, the Roman- esque stvle may be regarded as preparatory to the Gothic — the ancient Christian basilica still continuing the fundamental type. But while the Romanesque cross vault and the rounded arch rendered it impossible to rear a very lofty building, and required heavy walls to support the superincumbent weight, the pointed arch, by which any breadth could be spanned and any height reached, removed the appearance of heaviness even from the most massive structures. Admitting that the first knowledge of the pointed arch was derived from the Saracens in Spain, in Sicily, or in the East, its application in Gothic structures was distinctively German ; for whilst among the Saracens it was used merely for de- coration, it was in Germany mainly applied for construction, espe- cially for the support of the vault. The stiff wall was transformed into supporting pillars, and formed a grand architectural skeleton, admitting of tasteful and varied designs for windows. On the funda- mental type of a cross, the Gothic cathedral rose like a primeval architectural forest, exhibiting rich variety, and far surpassing in beauty every structure for secular purposes. Light and graceful the most massive buildings rose ; the tall supporting pillars symbol- ised the spirit tending heavenwards. Long rows of such columns sprung, as it were from the earth, up towards the lofty vault. Everything seemed to live, to bud, and to bear. The pillars and the walls were covered with leaves and blossoms, exhibited fantastic emblems, or set forth holy persons. An immense rose (or round window) above the entrance — the symbol of silence — proclaimed the fact that everything worldly was excluded from these walls. Those large arched windows, with their gorgeous paintings, threw a strange mellow light into the sanctuary. Everything about the structure seemed to tend upward, even to the towers in which the stone, dug out of the dark depths below, appeared to become light and almost transparent. High upwards they reached, till they were almost lost 426 SECOND SECTION. SECOND PERIOD (CENT. 10-13 A.D.). to view in the blue sky. The victory also over the kingdom of darkness was represented in that brood of dragons and demoniac forms which lay crushed beneath pillars and door-posts, or were otherwise made subservient to the convenience of the building. Nay, occasionally, by a bold stroke, bishops and popes even were represented in such situations, just as Dante placed some of the popes in hell. The most splendid specimens of this style are the cathedral of Cologne and the Munster of Strasburg. The former was founded in 1248 by Archbishop Conrad of Hochsteden, the plan having been designed by Henry Sunere, an architect of Cologne : but the choir alone was finished and consecrated in 1322. The building of the Strasburg Munster was commenced by Erwin of Steinbach in 1275. 7. The Plastic Art, which had been neglected by the ancient Church, was much cultivated during the reign of the Hohenstaufen. Its first great master in Italy was Nicholas of Pisa (Nicolo Pisano, ob. 1274). Even before that period a school of sculptors had sprung up in Germany, whose works (in the churches of Hildesheim, Halberstadt, Freiberg, etc.) have descended to posterity, though their names are lost to fame. Similarly, the art of the goldsmith and the coppersmith was largely employed in the service of the Church. — Byzantine artists became the teachers of the Italians in painting, from whom, in turn, the Germans learned the art. A school of painters was formed at Pisa at the commencement of the thirteenth century, which, in honour of its patron saint, was called the School of St Luke. It was the aim of these painters to impart life and warmth to the stiff pictures of the Greeks. Gniclo of Sienna, Giunta of Pisa, and Cimabue, a Florentine, ob. 1300, were the great masters of this school. Mosaic painting, principally on a ground of gold, was much in vogue in Italy- The art of glass painting originated in Germany (Bavaria), whence it spread through the West. § 136. POPULAR LIFE AND NATIONAL LITERATURE. This was a period full of strangest contradictions, and presenting most remarkable transitions in popular life. Everything, however, gave indication of unabated vigour, and still on each unhewn block did the Church lay the fashioning chisel. If, on the one hand, rude violence prevailed throughout Europe, on the other, men, willingly or unwillingly, owned the higher and invisible power of thought. The grossest sensuality was found alongside the most entire renunciation of the world ; the most unmitigated selfishness side by side with the rarest self-denial and the deepest love; keen and frivolous sarcasm, which made parody even of what was most holy, occurred along with the most thorough earnestness and tender 5 136. POPULAR LIFE AND NATIONAL LITERATURE. 427 anxiety for the salvation of souls. If boundless superstition pre- vailed, so did the boldest liberalism, and in the midst of general ignorance and barbarism, lofty ideas, broad views, and singular in- dividuality of mind, were found to exist. Above all, there was one characteristic distinguishing this from every other age — we mean the capacity and susceptibility for enthusiasm of every kind. 1. Popular Life. — The consciousness of deep religious and moral decline, during the tenth and eleventh centuries, manifested itself in the confident expectation of the approaching end of the world, which in turn led to fresh acts of devotion in the shape of pilgrimages, pious donations, and foundations. If the secular power was too weak to check the practice of private revenge, the Church exercised a beneficial influence by enjoining the so-called truce of God (treuga Dei), which ordained that during Advent and till eight days after Epiphany, during Lent and till eight days after Pentecost, and during every week from Wednesday evening till Monday morning, all such quarrels should be suspended. This ordinance, which originated in 1032 in France, after several years of famine, gradually spread into all other countries. — Despite its bar- barism, there was a religious cast about knighthood, which was greatly fostered in Spain by the contest with the Saracens, and throughout all Europe in connection with the Crusades. All the tendencies and mental peculiarities of the people found their appro- priate expression in the various orders of monasticism. Nor must we forget the important effects achieved by the Crusades. Not only was the religious sense of the people roused, but their narrow horizon was enlarged, and the ardent longing of the age became deepened. But, on the other hand, superstition and moral laxity also increased ; and along with expanding commerce, the wants or demands of the people also grew. In the fervent homage paid to saints, the people forgot the worship due to Christ and to the Father. Every business and calling, every age and station, had its patron saint ; and under every mischance or disease, there was some special saint to whom to apply for relief. The religion of the people was little other than a kind of magic ; salvation was obtained by indul- gences and good works. A large amount of superstition had been imported from heathenism. Belief in witchcraft, amulets, dreams, good and bad omens, fairies, brownies, etc., merged with the dogmas of the Church about saints, angels, and demons, and gave rise to a kind of Christian mythology. The poetic spirit of the people found utterance in legends, traditions, and fables, mostly rich in meaning, and having some religious bearing. Almost in them all the devil plays the chief part ; but he is ever represented as a poor stupid being, who at last is only cheated for his pains. Nay, the light- mindedness of the people turned even holy subjects into extravagant follies. At the Feast of Unreason, which was celebrated in 428 SECOND SECTION. SECOND PERIOD (CENT. 10-13 A.D.). France about New Year's time, popes, bishops, and abbots of Un- reason mimicked in the church, with grotesque jokes, the sacred functions of these ecclesiastics. A similar comedy was enacted at Christmas by boys (the so-called festum innocentuni). At the Feast of the Ass, which was also celebrated at Christmas, in honour of the animal on which Christ had made His entry into Jerusalem, an ass, adorned with a surplice, was brought into the church, and his praises sounded in a comic liturgy composed for the purpose. Bishops and popes inveighed against these substitutes for the ancient heathen festivities of December. But the lower clergy and the people enjoyed the sport. At Easter, instead of preaching of Him who had burst the bonds of death, the priests — to make some amends for the previous long fast — amused their audiences with stories and jokes, to which the people, as in duty bound, responded by the so-called Easter-laughter (Risus paschalis). When councils and bishops at last succeeded in banishing these follies from the churches, the people took compensation in the amusements of the Carnival, which preceded Easter quadragesima. — In imitation of the trade guilds which originated in the twelfth century, a kind of spiritual guilds were instituted, which enjoyed the countenance and fostering care of the secular clergy, in the hope of their proving a counterpoise to the influence which the mendicant orders had acquired among the people through their Tertiaries. In many parts of Germany and France associations of priests and laymen were formed, which under- took to say a certain number of prayers and masses for the members and for their relatives, whether living or dead. Such unions were called Calends, from the circumstance that their meetings took place on the calends (or first) of every month. By voluntary contribu- tions and legacies, these unions obtained ample means for founding special " calend-houses." But their original pious object was soon forgotten, and these meetings became by and by only occasions for feasting and revelry. At the time of the Reformation the calends were abolished, and their possessions applied to useful purposes. 2. Popular Culture. — The learning of the schoolmen was en- tirely beyond the range of the popular mind. But some of the earnest preachers of repentance addressed themselves to those who were otherwise neglected, generally with remarkable success, espe- cially in the case of notorious or obstinate sinners. Unfortunately, those who were thus converted retired into monasteries, instead of proving the salt of the earth. No attempt was made to instruct the people'; and although the Hohenstaufen endeavoured to establish elementary schools in Italy — making attendance on them even obli- gatory — these institutions did not succeed. From the eleventh cen- tury, associations were formed in the south of France for the study of the Bible ; but their members by and by generally took up a position hostile to the Church. The spread of the Cathari and Waldenses (§ 138) was mainly due to the fact that, by preaching, § 136. POPULAR LIFE AND NATIONAL LITERATURE. 429 reading the Bible, singing and prayer in the vernacular, they met the felt religious wants of the people. St Dominic proposed to counteract their influence by employing a similar agency. In 1229, the Council of Toulouse prohibited laymen from possessing the Old or the New Testament, and even from reading the Psalter or the Breviary, in the vernacular. In lieu of the Bible thus withheld, and of the martyrologies, which, being written in Latin, were inacessible to the masses, the Church introduced, in the thirteenth century, legends in rhyme, composed in the vernacular. The oldest work of this kind in German, by an unknown author, consists of three books comprising about 100,000 lines. Book I. treats of Christ and of Mary ; Book II. of the Apostles and the other personages men- tioned in the Gospels ; while Book III. gives a sketch of the lives of the saints, according to their order in the Calendar. The first two books (edited by K. A. Halm, d. alte Passional. Frkf. 1845) contain a number of apocryphal stories, couched in the genuine media3val style. As few of the people were able to read, wandering minstrels were wont to relate these stories to the people. Another and more effectual mode of conveying religious instruction was by means of religious theatricals, which were introduced in the eleventh century, probably in France. F. J. Mone has lately edited a num- ber of these dramas in German (Schauspiele d. M. A. 2 Vols. Karlsr. 1846). They originated in those antiphonal chants in which it was the custom to celebrate the hero of a festival during the worship in his honour. By and by these poems were enlarged into dramas ; and in course of time a cycle of such pieces existed for all the saints' feasts, which were acted by the clergy in the churches, at first with Latin words, but afterwards in the vernacular (of course with the exception of the prayers introduced in them). During the fourteenth century this mode of instruction was very popular. The images, mosaics, and reliefs, which covered the doors and walls of the churches, were also a means of recalling to mind Biblical events and legends of saints. 3. National Literature. — The tenth and eleventh centuries produced scarcely any works either in science or poetry. But during the twelfth and thirteenth centuries, when the Church rose from its former decay, German national literature developed rapidly, and in a manner most surprising. The writings of that period occasionally breathe a spirit hostile to the clerical rule — a remark which specially applies to the compositions of Wolfram of Eschenbach. Even the legend of Reinecke and Isegrimm are really, though not intentionally, a cutting satire on the rapacity of the monks, the hypocrisy of the clergy, the avarice of the popes, and the abuse of indulgences. In the mind of the German troubadours, " those nightingales of the Middle Ages, the whole fair sex appeared as the Holy Virgin." Thus, while Walter von der Vogehveide sang in happiest strain of earthly love, he at the same time sounded the praises of the Lord, 430 SECOND SECTION. SECOND PERIOD (CENT. 10-13 A.D.). of the Holy Virgin, and of the Church. The Lay of the Nibelun- gen was essentially heathen in its conception, and its last editor, in the twelfth century, imparted to it only a slight Christian gloss. But Wolfram of Esclienbach, a Christian poet in the highest sense of the term, completely recast in his Parcival the ancient heathen legend of St Gral, and the Knights of the Round Table. The Par- cival contains continuous reference to the Christian life, as a contest for salvation through the blood of the Son of God. A strain vastly different was that from the lyre of Gottfried of Strassburg, whose " Tristan and Isolt" celebrates the pleasures of earthly love in lan- guage of the most fervent and sensuous character, while he com- pletely ignores both the Church and its sacrament of marriage. In the south of France, the merry strains of the Troubadours were in- terspersed with poems in honour of the Church and of its saints ; while occasionally their compositions became the vehicle for heretics, giving expression to their indignation against the Romish Babylon. Gonzalo of Berceo, the first celebrated Spanish poet (in the thir- teenth century), sung of the Virgin, of St Dominic, and the Last Judgment. On the poets of Italy comp. § 135, 4. § 137. ECCLESIASTICAL DISCIPLINE. Those terrible engines, excommunication, which was directed against individuals guilty of open sin, and the interdict, which rested on a whole district, rarely missed their aim. Till the interdict was removed, the church-bells were silent, worship was celebrated with closed doors, and only priests, beggars, and children under two years of age, received at burial the rites of the Church. Thus a whole district was made responsible for the sin committed or tolerated in it, and seldom did the people long brook this painful state of matters. Yet all this while ecclesiastical discipline, which Petrus Lombardus had described as " contritio cordis, confessio oris, and satisfactio operis," continually declined in moral earnestness. The expiation demanded by the Church consisted of outward works (alms, fasts, pilgrimages, etc.) ; and even these might be compen- sated for by fines, in the shape of contributions for ecclesiastical purposes. This moral aberration increased during the Crusades, when all who took the cross received plenary indulgence for eccle- siastical punishments incurred from any cause ; and even those who gave of their means to the promotion of these undertakings, thereby purchased a similar dispensation. The popes bestowed also on indi- vidual churches the ria;ht of ffrantina; more or less extensive indul- gences to those who visited them. Sincere repentance and amend- ment was indeed expressly mentioned, or tacitly understood to be § 137. ECCLESIASTICAL DISCIPLINE. 431 the condition of such indulgences : but this important point was too frequently lost to view in mere external observances. — In opposition to this lax mode of discipline, many priests — especially the members of monastic orders — earnestly contended for more serious measures. Some, indeed, fell into opposite extravagance, and seemed to take a pride in excelling each other in their flagellations (administered while reciting the Psalter). A formal account was kept of the num- ber of stripes thus inflicted. Three thousand lashes were the number requisite for one year of penance, etc. Self-inflicted scourging was regarded as a voluntary and meritorious imitation of Christ and of the martyrs. This species of superstition was carried to frightful excess amid the calamities of the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries (the wars, pestilence, famine, and earthquakes of that period). Com- pare § 144, 1. 1. The ingenuity of the schoolmen supplied theological arguments and a dogmatic vindication in favour of indulgences. Lombardus applied for this purpose the doctrine of purgatory (which had received ecclesiastical sanction at the time of Gregory the Great), or of the intermediate state in which the souls of believers underwent punish- ment for those venial sins which they had committed after baptism. But according to Lombardus, the Church, in virtue of the merits of Christ, possessed the power of changing these purifying torments of purgatory into earthly punishments, from which, in turn, it might grant dispensation, in consideration of certain advantages accruing to the Church as a whole. Albertus Magnus and Thomas Aquinas went even farther than this, and propounded the view that the Church was the depositary and absolute dispenser of an inexhaust- ible treasure, consisting of the superfluous merits of Christ and of the saints (thesaurus supererogationis perfectorum), since the latter also had, although in the strength of Christ, done more good than was requisite for the discharge of their own transgressions. Still these divines continued to lay great stress on the fact, that such in- dulgences were not in themselves equivalent to the forgiveness of sins, but that they merely implied the remission of ecclesiastical punishments and exemption from the torments of purgatory, and even these only in the case of such who combined with them genuine penitence. But the generality of preachers of indulgences inten- tionally concealed or avoided these explanations. 432 SECOND SECTION. SECOND PEEIOD (CENT. 10-13 A.D.). V. OPPOSITION TO THE PREVAILING SYSTEM OF ECCLESIASTICISM. § 138. ACTIVE OPPOSITION TO PREVAILING ECCLESIASTICISM. Comp. C. du Plessis d'Argentre, Col. judic. de nov. error, ab in. XII. S. usque ad aim. 1632. Par. 1728. J. C. Fiisslin, unparth. K. u. Ketzerhist. d. mittle. Zeit. (Impart. Hist, of the Ch. and of Heret. Part, during the M. A.). Leips. 1770. 3 Vols. L. Flathe, Gesch. d. Vorl. d. Reform. (Hist, of the Precurs. of the Ref.). Leips. 1835. 2 Vols. Ulr. HaJin, Gesch. d. Ketzer im M. A. Stuttg. 1845. 3 Vols. With the varied and catholic doctrines of Christianity which had been established during the course of the ancient history of the Church, a number of spurious elements concerning government, doctrine, discipline, and worship had been introduced. Thus, along with the truth, abuses had been imported into the German Church. These seeds of error sprung up and spread during the Middle Ages, fostered by the barbarism of that period, the sensuous disposition of the people, the ignorance of the clergy, and the selfishness of the hierarchy. They manifested themselves chiefly as boundless super- stition of every kind, lax and demoralising discipline, spurious asceticism, work-righteousness, secularism in the Church, ignorance and looseness among the clergy, and the abuse of hierarchical power. These evils, however, were not only felt during the Middle Ages, but frequent attempts made to remove them. Throughout that period we can discern a reformatory tendency, which by various agencies — properly or improperly — sought to make way for itself. Sometimes it manifested itself in combination with attachment to the Church, when the attempt was made to introduce an internal reformation, and thereby to bring back the Church to apostolic purity ; in other cases, a sense of the hopelessness of such a task led to separation from the Church, and to determined opposition to pre- vailing ecclesiasticism. Such movements, however, rarely continued within the bounds of evangelical moderation ; more commonly, along with error, part of the truth was also rejected, fanaticism and heresy ensued, all social relationships were undermined, and the existence of the State as well as of the Church endangered. Among the numberless sects of that period, the most influential and revolu- tionary were those who held Manichean views, and to whom the general name of Cathari has been given. But in other directions § 138. ACTIVE OPPOSITION TO PREVAILING ECCLESTASTICISM. 433 also, parties hostile to the Church sprung up. Thus the enthusiasm of the Montanists reappeared in different prophetic and apocalyp- tical communities ; while the Sect of the Holy Spirit entertained pantheistic views, and even the errors of the Ebionites were again mooted by the Passagieri. Another kind of sects owed their origin to the efforts of individuals, whose eyes had, by a perusal of the Scrip- tures, been opened to the defects in the Church, but who, failing to perceive at the same time the blessed truths of the Gospel, only aimed at a complete subversion of the Church, and, along with error. rejected also the truth. Among all these different parties, the com- munity of the Waldenses alone continued within the bounds of evan gelical moderation. 1 . The Cathari. (Comp. Dr Maitland, Facts and Documents illustr. of the Hist., etc., of the Albig. and Waldens. Lond. 1832 ; and that writer's Eight Essays. Lond. 1852. C. Schmidt, Hist, et doctrines des Cathares ou Albigeois. Par. 1849. 2 Voll. E. Kunitz. ein katharisches Rituale. Jen. 1852.) — From the eleventh centmy a disposition unfavourable to the hierarchy and the prevailing eccle- siastical system began to manifest itself in many places, chiefly in Upper Italy and in France. This led to the formation of sects, which rapidly spread. It is not difficult to account for the existence of this estrangement ; it originated in felt religious wants, which the Church failed to satisfy. Such aspirations became deeper and stronger in proportion as spiritual and intellectual life, in all its de- partments, was quickened during the period succeeding the lethargy of the tenth century. Accordingly, a strong desire sprung up to procure for oneself what the Church could not or would not give. But this desire must, to some extent at least, have been also quick- ened and fostered from without. As in the East, so in the West, Gnostic speculations had in all probability continued to exist, though by secret tradition. In point of fact, we know that the Vandals had transported shiploads of Manicheans to the shores of Italy, while the Priscillianists openly avowed their tenets in Spain, so late as the seventh century. Probably, however, the movement issued again from the East, in all likelihood from Bulgaria, where, since the time the Paulicians had settled in that district, Gnostic and Manichean views were widely entertained and zealously propagated. Even the names of these sects prove the correctness of this assertion. The most general designation was that of Cathari (zoc^a,poi) ; but they were also called Bulgari (whence, in popular parlance, the opprobri- ous name Bougre) or Gazari, perhaps after the inhabitants of the Crimea (the Chazars), or else a different mode of pronouncing the word zofoapoi, and Publicum, probably a transposition by which the foreign term of Paulicians was converted into a well-known term of reproach. They were also designated Patareni or Paterini ; either VOL. i. 2 E 434 SECOND SECTION. SECOND PERIOD (CENT. 10-13 A.D.). in the original sense of that term (§ 127, 2), or because, since the contest between the Pataria at Milan and the clergy, the term im- plied in general a spirit of hostility to the priesthood. The name of Tisserands originated from the circumstance that many of their ad- herents were weavers by trade. The common characteristic of all these sects was opposition to the clergy and the hierarchy. They differed in the extent to which, and the grounds on which, they opposed the prevailing ecclesiasticisin or attempted to set up a church of their own. Several of the charges preferred against them may probably have arisen from misunderstanding or calumny. The Paiilician or Bogomile opinions which they had embraced — while of a practical rather than of a speculative character, and variously modified or kept in check — affected all their tenets and practices. Thus they held Dualistic views, though, in many cases, only in the way of carrying the scriptural doctrine of the devil and of original sin to an extreme (in opposition to the Pelagianism of the Church); they rejected the Old Testament ; marriage they regarded as a hin- drance to Christian perfection ; they contemned baptism, the eucha- rist, and clerical ordination ; prohibited the worship of saints and relics ; objected to the use of images and crucifixes ; insisted on a literal observance of all the injunctions of the Sermon on the Mount ; and, despite their spiritualism, laid great stress on fasting, genu- flexions, and the frequent repetition of certain prayers, especially the Lord's Prayer. Along with prayer, preaching occupied tht most prominent place in their public services. Their adherents were divided into Crezentz (credentes = catechumeni) and bos homes or bos Crestias (boni homines, boni Christiani=perfecti, electi). The so-called " auditores" formed a lower class of catechumens, who were received among the credentes after a term of instruction and probation (astenenzia = abstinentia). The admission of credentes was marked by a formal delivery of the holy prayer (or Lord's Prayer) and of the New Testament to the catechumens, by ex- hortations and other ceremonies, such as washing of hands, etc. The credentes were received into the number of perfecti by the baptism of the Spirit (or the Consolamentum), without which it was impossible to have part in eternal life. The ordinance was adminis- tered by the elder (Ancia) laying a copy of the Gospels, and the other bos Crestias their hands, on the head of the candidate. Those who were thus set apart were required to abstain from marriage, from the use of animal food, and from all polluting intercourse with those who were not members of the sect, on which account they com- monly delayed till death receiving the Consolamentum. Generally they took, on their admission among the credentes, a vow (Conve- nensa) of joining the bos Crestias (or Ordo) at a future period; while some, after having received the Consolamentum, underwent the En- dura, i.e., henceforth abstained from all food and drink. At the time of their greatest prosperity they had a regular hierarchy, with a pope § 138. ACTIVE OPPOSITION TO PREVAILING ECCLESIASTICISM. 435 who resided in Bulgaria, twelve magistri, and seventy-two bishops, each of whom had a filius major and minor as their assistants. Even their opponents admitted their deep moral earnestness ; but the doctrine of justification by faith had no place in their system. Prayer, abstinence, and the so-called baptism of the Spirit were re- garded as the sole means of obtaining salvation. It may be true that occasionally some went to the opposite extreme of antinomian excesses, but more frequently such charges originated in calumny. Generally they went to the stake with the heroism and joyfulness of martyrs. — Sects of this kind were, since the eleventh century, dis- covered in different places ; first in Aquitaine in 1010 ; then in 1022 at Orleans, where thirteen of them were bound to the stake ; in 1025 at Cambrai and Arras ; in 1030 in the diocese of Turin ; in 1052 at Goslar, where their adherents were executed by order of the Em- peror ; and in other places. During the twelfth century they rapidly increased in membership, and spread into different countries. Kind- ness and rigorous measures were equally unavailing to reclaim them. His deep love to erring sinners made St Bernard more successful than any other among them. At a later period learned Dominicans tried the efficacy of preaching and discussions. The principal centres of the Cathari were in Lombardy and in the south of France ; but numerous communities also existed in Germany, Belgium, and Spain. Indeed, such was their influence in France, that they ven- tured to summon a general Council at Toulouse in 1167, which was numerously attended. The contest between the Ghibellines and the Guelphs afforded them an opportunity of manifesting their enmity to the papal hier- archy, and Frederic II. openly protected them. They continued so late as the fourteenth century, despite the fearful persecution raised against them (§ 139). Reinerius Sachoni, ob. 1259, a Dominican from Lombardy, who at one time had himself been a " heresiarch," was the most distinguished controversialist against the sect. The liturgy lately discovered by Kunitz dates from the close of the thir- teenth century, and gives a more favourable view of them than had formerly been entertained. The small sect of the Passagieri in Lombardy (during the twelfth cent.) went to an opposite extreme from the Manichean re- jection of the Old Testament by the Cathari. With the exception of sacrifices, they insisted on the obligation of the whole Mosaic law, including circumcision (along with baptism) ; they also entertained Arian views about the person of Christ. Their name (from pasa- gium = passage) seems to point to the practice of pilgrimages or crusades to the Holy Land. Indeed, they may have originated in this manner: 2. Towards the close of the twelfth century a pantheistic movement commenced in France, and found expression in the so-called Sect of the Holy Spirit. The party originated with Amalric of Bena, 436 SECOND SECTION. SECOND PERIOD (CENT. 10-13 A.D.). a teacher at Paris. The first germs of this pantheistic mysticism were probably derived from the writings of the pseudo-Dionysius and of Erigena. The University of Paris and Innocent III. obliged Amalric to recant his apparently Christian, but according to his own interpretation of it, really pantheistic statement, that none could be saved who believed not that he was a member of the body of Christ. Chagrin at this humiliation may have hastened his death, which took place soon afterwards (1204). In the hands of his pupil, David of Dinanto, the pantheism of Amalric received a more Aris- totelian and dialectic cast. Besides these two, Simon of Tournay, a celebrated dialectician at Paris, entertained similar views. While professing to teach the doctrines of the Church, he took care to in- dicate sufficiently that it was much easier to refute than to demon- strate them. The opinions of these men found way among the laity. Soon afterwards a goldsmith proclaimed the advent of the age of the Holy Spirit, when all positive religion and every form of outward worship should cease, and God be all in all. As formerly in Christ, so now in every believer, did God become incarnate ; and on this ground the Christian was God in the same sense in which Christ had been. The Pope was Antichrist. These views were condemned at a Synod held at Paris in 1209, the writings of Erigena. were reprobated, and several members of the sect consigned to the stake. The bones of Amalric shared the same fate. (Comp. Engelhardt, Am. v. Bena, in his " kirchengesch. Abh. ;" and J. H Kronlein in the " theol. Studien u. Kritt." for 1847. II.) 3. Kevolutionary Keformers. (Comp. H. Francke, Arn. v. Bresc. u. seine Zeit. Zur. 1825 ; Mosheim, Gesch. d. Apostelord., in his "Vers. e. unparth. u. griindl. Ketzergesch." Helmst. 1748; J. Krone, Era Dolcino u. die Patarener. Leips. 1844; Schlosser, 1. c, § 133, 1 ; Mariotti, Fra Dolcino and his Times. Lond. 1853.) — Among them we reckon : 1. The Petrobrusians, founded by Peter of Bruys, a priest in the south of France, about 1104. He rejected the outward or visible Church, and only acknowledged the true (invisible) Church in the hearts of believers. In his opinion all churches and sanctuaries should be destroyed, since God might be worshipped in a stable or tavern. He used crucifixes for cooking purposes ; inveighed against celibacy, the mass, and infant baptism ; and after twenty years of continual disturbances, ended his days at the stake by the hands of an infuriated mob (1124). He was suc- ceeded by one of his associates, Henry of Lausanne, formerly a monk of the order of Clugny. Under him the sect of the Petro- brusians greatly increased in numbers. St Bernard succeeded in converting many of them from their errors. Henry was seized and condemned to imprisonment for life. He died in 1149. — 2. Among these revolutionaries we must also include Arnold of Brescia (ob. 1155, comp. § 126, 4), a pupil of Abelard. His fervent oratory was chiefly directed against the secular power of the Church, and § 138. ACTIVE OPPOSITION TO PREVAILING ECCLESIASTICISM. 437 its possession of property, — views which probably were based on a more spiritual conception of what the Church really was. Other- wise his doctrinal opinions seem to have been in accordance with those commonly entertained. Long after his death a party of so- called Arnoldists cherished the political and ecclesiastical dreams of their founder. — 3. During the thirteenth century the "Apostolic Brethren," or " Apostolical^," caused considerable excitement, especially in Italy. In opposition to the luxuriousness of a wealthy clergy, they formed religious societies which were to' be entirely destitute of earthly possessions. As the popes prohibited their as- sociations, they took up an attitude of hostility to the clergy and the Church, and retired from persecution to caves and woods. Gerhard Segarelli, their leader, was seized, and died at the stake in Parma in 1300. His successor, Dolcino, excited these sectaries to utmost fana- ticism by his denunciations of the new Babylon and by his apoca- lyptic predictions. With 2000 followers he retired to a mountain, where he entrenched himself, and for two years defied the army of crusaders summoned for the suppression of the sect. Ultimately he had to succumb to superior forces and to famine, and died at the stake in 1307. 4. Prophetic and Apocalyptic Opposition. (Comp. En- gelhardt, d. Abt Joachim u. d. ewige Evangel., in his " kirchenhist. Abhandl." Erlg. 1832 ; Ulrich Hahn, d. apokal. Lehren d. Joach. v. Floris, in the " theol. Studien u. Kritt." for 1849. II. ; J. K. Dahl, d. h. Hildeg. May. 1832.) — The opposition to prevailing abuses which appeared in all directions, found also vent in prophetic denunciations. 1. St Hildegardis, the founder and abbess of a nunnery near.Bingen, where she died in 1197 at the advanced age of ninety-nine years, had visions and revelations, and was considered an oracle by persons of all ranks. Even St Bernard and Pope Eugenius III. regarded her as divinely commissioned. Her pro- phetic denunciations were specially directed against the looseness of the clergy and the assumptions of the hierarchy, to both of which she traced the decay of the Church. She announced impending terrible judgments for the purification of the Church. — 2. St Eliza- beth, Abbess of the nunnery of Schonau, ob. 1165, an elder cotem- porary of Hildegard, also claimed to be a prophetess, and in that capacity inveighed against the luxuriousness of the clergy. Her predictions were translated and published by Ecbert, her brother. The well-known legend about St Ursula, a British princess, who, along with her 11,000 virgins, had been martyred in the neighbour- hood of Cologne while on a pilgrimage, rests on the authority of her visions. — 3. The prophetic visions of Joachim of Floris, an abbot in Calabria (ob. 1202), deserve fuller notice. These apocalyptic predic- tions breathe a spirit of deep sorrow on account of the corruptions in the Church, and of ardent longing for better times. According to Joachim, scholasticism had paralysed the energies of theology, 438 SECOND SECTION. SECOND PERIOD ^CENT. 10-13 A.D.;. while the deification of man in the Papacy, the avarice and abuses of the clergy, and the practice of indulgences, had converted the Church into a harlot. Hence fearful judgments were impending. These were to be executed by the German Empire, in which Anti- christ should become manifest. The only source of spiritual resto- ration still extant was to be found in the monastic orders. Work- righteousness and pilgrimages were devices of the enemy, but asceticism and contemplation delivered from destruction. The history of revelation was comprised within three periods — that of the Father in the Old Covenant, that of the Son in the New Testa- ment, and the approaching period of the Holy Spirit. Peter was the representative of the first, Paul of the Second, and John of the third of these periods. During the third era, which was to com- mence about 1260, but to last only a short time, the glory of Chris- tianity would be fully manifested. — Joachim was held in high esteem by all ranks, and their protection proved his safeguard against the enmity of the hierarchy. — 4. The views broached by Joachim were eagerly adopted, especially by the Franciscan sec- taries or Fratricelli (§ 128, 4), and the Beghards who had joined them (§ 128, 5). In their hands the tenets of Joachim became what was called the doctrine of the u Eternal Evangel" or the message concerning the age of the Holy Spirit. These views were expressed in the " Introductorius in Evangelium geternum," — a trac- tate composed either by John of Parma (formerly General of the Franciscans, but deposed and succeeded by Bonaventura), or by Gerhard, a monk whose tenets were impeached about the same time. At the request of the University of Paris, the book was con- demned by Alexander IV. in 1254. At length Nicholas III. de- cided in 1279 the controversy so long raging among the Franciscans as to the lawfulness of holding property. The Pontiff ruled that the disciples of St Francis were only prohibited the possession, but not the usufruct of property- This decision gave great offence to the extreme party, and their leader, Johannes Petms Oliva (ob. 1297), fulminated apocalyptic visions and prophetic denunciations against the Romish Antichrist. Such visions and outbursts of fanaticism rose almost to the pitch of madness in the case of Tanchelm, a Dutchman, who designated himself God in virtue of his having received the Holy Ghost, celebrated his affiancing to the Virgin Mary, and was killed by a priest in 1124. A similar remark applies to another fanatic, a native of Gascoigne, Eon, or Eudo de Stella, who, applying to his own name the ecclesiastical formula " Per eum, qui venturus est judicare vivos et mortuos," claimed to be the judge of the quick and the dead, and died in prison in 1148. 5. The Waldenses. (Comp. Jean Leger, hist, generale des eglises evang. de Piemont ou Vaudoises. Leyde 1666. Transl. into German by Schweinitz. Bresl. 1750. 2 Vols. A. Monastier, Hist, des egl. Vaud. Gen. 1847. 2 T. A. Muston, ITsrael des Alpes. § 138. ACTIVE OPPOSITION TO PREVAILING ECCLESIASTICISM. 439 Par. 1851. 4 T. (repeatedly transl. into Engl.). F. Bender, Gesch. d. Wald. Ulm. 1850. A. W. Dieckhoff, d. Wald. im M. A. Gott. 1851. J. J. Herzog, d. roman. Wald. Halle 1853. Maitland, u. s. Note 1.) — Wcddus (Valdez, or, as later authorities also call him, Petrus Waldus) was originally a rich citizen of Lyons. For his personal instruction he got the New Testament and a selection of pregnant passages from the Fathers translated into the Eomaunt by some clerical friends. By such studies his mind became imbued with Gospel truth, when the sudden death of a friend aroused and. decided him to change his former mode of life (about 1170). In pursuance of this resolution, he distributed all his goods among the poor, and founded " an apostolic association" for preaching the Gospel to the country people. In literal obedience to the directions of Scripture, these missionaries were to go forth by two and two, without staff or scrip, their feet shod with wooden sandals (sabates, sabots), they were to devote themselves to preaching and teaching, and in every respect to imitate apostolic poverty and simplicity. They were called Pauperes de Lugduno, Leonistce, or Sabatati. It certainly formed not part of the original plan of Waldus that his adherents should take up a position of hostility to the Church ; but when the Archbishop of Lyons prohibited their preaching, when Pope Alex- ander III. sullenly refused his sanction to their associations, and when, soon afterwards, a papal Council at Verona, under Lucius III. (1183), excommunicated them, the Catholic Church, by driving them from its bosom, swept away those barriers which had hitherto restrained them in their search after truth. Waldus himself was obliged to flee from France. He laboured for some time in Italy and in other countries ; lastly in Bohemia, where he died in 1197. Even at that early period his adherents had already spread throughout the West. They were most numerous in the south of France, in the east of Spain, and in the north of Italy ; but many of their con- verts were also found in Germany, in Switzerland, and in Bohemia. The so-called " Winkeler" (or conventiclers), who were discovered and persecuted in the districts along the Rhine in 1212, were pro- bably also Waldenses. — Innocent III., with his wonted sagacity, per- ceived the injustice and impolicy of his predecessors, whose blind zeal had deprived the Catholic Church of what might have proved valuable auxiliaries. Accordingly, he attempted (1210) to trans- form the community of Pauperes de Lugduno into a monkish asso- ciation of Pauperes Catholici, to whom, under the superintendence of the bishops, he granted permission to preach, to expound the Scriptures, and to hold meetings for religious purposes. But the concession came too late ; already the Waldenses had sufficiently advanced to know the unscriptural character of the papal Church, and they now refused to purchase immunity by a sinful compromise. The cruel persecutions to which they were exposed, and in which thousands were brought to the stake, proved even less efficacious 440 SECOND SECTION. SECOND PERIOD (CENT. 10-13 A.D.). than the advances of the Pope in restoring them to the bosom or the Church. They gradually retired from France, Spain, and Italy into the remote valleys of Piedmont and Savoy. According to modern Waldensian tradition, which a number of Protestant writers (most notably U. Hahn, ut supra) have followed, the name and origin of the Waldenses should be traced much be- yond Waldus of Lyons. By their account, Waldensian or Vallen- sian congregations existed in the valleys of Piedmont from the time of Claudius of Turin (§ 122, 2), if not from apostolic times, and among them the doctrines of the Gospel had throughout been preserved in their purity. From them Petrus of Lyons had derived his reli- gious knowledge and the surname of Waldus, i.e., the Waldensian. in support of this tradition they refer to the ancient Waldensian literature. But the impartial and full investigations of Dieckhoff and Herzog have unfortunately shown that these statements are wholly ungrounded. The ancient Waldensian literature may be divided into two very different classes. The writings of the first period, dating from the close of the twelfth and the commence- ment of the thirteenth century, bear evidence that at that time the community had not completely separated from the Church. Ac- cordingly, while the corruptions of the Church are indeed deplored, the Catholic Church itself is not denounced ; fasting and almsgiv- ing are urgently recommended as meritorious works, auricular con- fession is approved, the service of the Virgin and of saints is still acknowledged, the priesthood of the Catholic Church recognised, monasticistn extolled as the highest stage of evangelical perfection, and lastly the seven sacraments and the mass are owned. On all essential points these writings tally with the statements of the Catholic controversialists (Reinerius, 1. c, Note 1 ; Alarms ab Insulis, § 134, 2 ; Utephanus de Borbone, and others). Above all, they make no allusion to the existence of Waldenses in Piedmont before the appearance of Waldus. It is otherwise with the writings which be- long to the second period of their history. In them Kome is denounced as Babylon, the Pope as Antichrist, the worship of saints as idolatry, monasticism is reprobated, while the doctrine of indul- gences and of purgatory, the mass and auricular confession, are rejected. If the writings of the former period show what the Wal- denses were, and what they sought, before their separation from the Church, those of the second disclose what they became after their expulsion, and in consequence of the fearful persecutions to which they had been subjected. But from the very first there was this fundamental difference between them and the Romish Church, that they were deeply impressed with the right and duty of every Chris- tian to study the Scriptures for himself; that they ardently desired to restore the pristine purity and simplicity of Christian life — an object they sought to accomplish by a literal observance of the injunc- tions of the Sermon on the Mount ; and lastly, that, like some of the § 139. REACTION IN THE CHURCH. 441 later reformers, they believed that reverence and obedience were due only to pious priests. In imitation of monastic arrangements, their adherents were divided into the "perfecti" and the " creden- tes," the former alone being bound to celibacy and absolute poverty. After their expulsion from the Church, they were of course obliged to make ecclesiastical provision for themselves. The apostolic succes- sion in their ordination was preserved by means of some bishops who had joined them. The presidents of particular congregations were called Barbes (uncles). Even their opponents were obliged to admit the purity of their morals and their separation from the world; they were struck chiefly, however, with the knowledge which they possessed of the Scriptures. A third era in their history, when their dogmatic views underwent a complete change, and thev received the doctrine of justification by faith alone, commenced about the time of Hus, and was completed under the influence of the Reformers, specially of Zwingle and Calvin. § 139. REACTION IN THE CHURCH. It will readily be understood that the rapid spread of heretics and sectaries during the eleventh and twelfth centuries excited consider- able alarm in the Church. Indeed, its very existence seemed now endangered. So early as the eleventh century leading ecclesiastics saw no other remedy than the stake (a kind of prelude to those torments which hereafter awaited heretics). Only one voice, that of Bishop Wazo of Lieges (ob. 1048), was lifted against this iniquitous mode of conversion. Happily the opponents of this favourite and easy method of terminating controversy were more numerous in the twelfth century. Petrus VeneraMUs (§ 128, 1), St Hildegard, and St Bernard, protested against attempts at conviction by fire and sword ; while the latter, by his own example and success, proved that affectionate admonition and kindly teaching were likely to produce more satisfactory results than measures which only converted simple minded men into enthusiastic martyrs. But executioners and stakes were more readily procured than men like St Bernard, of whom even in the twelfth century there was not a superabundance. At a later period St Dominic despatched his disciples to teach and convert heretics by preaching and discussions. So long as they confined themselves to these means their labours were not unsuccessful. But by and by they also found it more easy and efficacious to employ the thumbscrew than syllogisms. The crusade against the Albigenses and the tribunals of the Inquisition finally arrested the spread of heresy. The scattered members of these sects sought safety in con- cealment. Throughout, the Church made no distinction between 442 SECOND SECTION. SECOND PERIOD (CENT. 10-13 A.D.). different sectaries, and one and the same sentence was pronounced on Cathari and Waldenses, on Petrobrusians, Arnoldists, and Fra- tricelli (species quidem habentes diversas, wrote Innocent III., sed caudas ad invicem colligatas) ; and indeed, so far as their opposition to the Papacy and hierarchy was concerned, they were all at one. 1. Crusade against the Albigenses (1209-1229). Comp. Sismonde cli Sismondi, les croisad. contre les Albig. Par. 1828 ; J. S. Barrau et A. B. Darragon, Hist, des crois. c. les Alb. Par. 1843. — The great stronghold of the numberless sects which were designated as Cathari, Bulgarians, Manicheans, etc., was in the south of France, where they had secured the protection of Raymond VI, Count of Toulouse, and of other powerful vassals. Innocent III, who stigmatised them as worse than the Saracens, commissioned the order of Cistercians to effect their conversion, but their labours were unsuccessful. Upon this the Pope despatched, in 1203, Peter of Castelnau as his legate, with ample powers for their suppression. Peter was murdered in 1208, and suspicion fell on Kaymond. By order of the Pontiff, Arnold, Abbot of Citeaux, now proclaimed a crusade against the sectaries. The army thus raised was commanded by Simon, Count of Montfort. The little town of AIM, in the dis- trict of Albigeois, was regarded as the great centre of the party ; whence the name of Albigenses, by which all these sects were de- signated, though in many respects they greatly differed. The mur- derous war which now ensued, and which in fanaticism and cruelty (on both sides) was unparalleled, lasted for no less than twenty years. Alike the guilty and the innocent, men and women, children and aged persons, fell its victims ; the country was changed into a desert, and the Albigenses were almost exterminated. 2. The Inquisition.— So early as at the Fourth Lateran Council (1215), measures had been concerted against a revival of the Albi- gensian heresy. No sooner was the crusade finished than a synod met at Toidouse (1229) to carry out these precautions. Bishops were enjoined to employ persons, whose sole duty it should be to hunt out heretics, and to hand them over to the proper tribunals. Any secular or clerical official who spared a heretic was to lose his property and office, every house in which a heretic was sheltered should be levelled with the ground ; the people were to take the sacra- ment three times a year ; every two years they were again to make declaration of their' adherence to the Komish Church ; those sus- pected of heresy were to be refused every assistance, medical or otherwise, even in case of mortal illness, etc. But the bishops were slow in enforcing these iniquitous ordinances. On this account Gregory IX. instituted special Tribunals of Inquisition (In- quisitores hsereticse pravitatis), which were confided to the Domini- cans (1232). Let loose against the heretics as " Domini canes" (a § 140. THE PAP ACT. 443 designation which they coveted as an honour), the inquisitors pos- sessed unlimited power. Any party suspected or denounced could be imprisoned and tried without being confronted either with accuser or witnesses, and torture was freely employed to extract con- fession. Those who recanted were generally condemned to im- prisonment for life ; those who proved obstinate were (in accordance with the principle, ecclesia non sitit sanguinem) handed to the secular tribunal to be consumed at the stake. The first Grand Inquisitor of Germany was a Dominican, Conrad of Marburg, known also for his unyielding harshness as confessor to St Elizabeth, princess of Thuringia and Hesse. After having for two years carried on his dreadful occupation with implacable seve- rity and cruelty, he was killed by some noblemen (1233). It was also due to Conrad that Gregory IX. ordered a crusade to be preached (1234) against the " Stediyigers," a tribe inhabiting Olden- burg, who, in their indignation at the oppression of the nobility and clergy, refused socage and tithes, and on that ground were declared Albigensian heretics. THIRD PERIOD OP ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY, IN ITS MEDIAEVAL AND GERMANIC FORM OF DEVELOPMENT. FOURTEENTH AND FIFTEENTH CENTURIES. I. THE HIERARCHY, THE CLERGY, AND MONASTICISM. § 140. THE PAPACY. At the accession of Boniface VIII. the see of St Peter still possessed that power and influence with which Gregory and Innocent had invested it. The first breach was now to be made in the proud fortress. During the seventy years of (so-called) Babylonish exile at Avignon the Papacy became the tool of French intrigue, and fell into fearful decay. Nor was this all. When at length the Curia was again transported to Rome, a papal schism ensued. For forty years 444 SECOND SECTION. THIRD PERIOD (CENT. 14 AND 15 A.D.). Europe had the spectacle of two, or even three, pretended repre- sentatives of God on earth, hurling against each other the most awful anathemas. At the Councils of Pisa, Constance, and Basle, an attempt was made to put an end to these abuses, and to introduce a thorough reformation in head and members. Yet so deep was the conviction still entertained of the necessity for some central government of the Church generally, such as the Papacy had hitherto represented, that even the most determined reformers, the Fathers of Constance and Basle, were the most strenuous advocates for its continuance. But the abuses and the degeneracy of the Papacy, the vileness and dissoluteness of most of its occupants at the time, and of those by whom they were surrounded, the continual demands for money made by the Curia under every kind of pretext, which led to almost in- credible simony, obliged the divines of that age to fall back upon the old principle, that the infallibility of the Church rested not in any one individual, but in the representation of the Church universal in General Councils, and that these assemblies were superior to the popes. The general acknowledgment and establishment of this principle depended, however, on the union and combination of indi vidual or national churches — which now more than ever felt that they were independent members of the great hierarchical body — in their opposition to the corrupt Papacy. Unfortunately the diffe- rent churches were not prepared for such measures. Content to make separate treaties with the Papacy, in which even the most selfish demands of a particular church were scarcely met, they neglected the general good. Most successful, but also most selfish, were the policy and measures of the Gallican Church. Thus papal cunning ultimately succeeded in disappointing and frustrating the hopes and labours of these councils. From this its severest conflict the Papacy issued once more triumphant ; but only, as in the tenth, so now in the fifteenth century, again to descend to the lowest depth of moral degeneracy and vileness. — Luxuriousness and dissolute- ness, pomp and worldliness, nepotism, and, since the return to Rome, incessant wars, had helplessly disordered the papal finances. The felt necessity of opening fresh sources of income led to the adoption of new devices. Among them we reckon the Annate, a full year's income being claimed at every vacancy by the pontiffs, as those who conferred benefices ; the Reservationes, the popes claim- ing the right of appointing to rich benefices, and exacting large sums for the nomination ; the Exspectantiai, the popes nominating successors to rich benefices before the death of the incumbent, as § 140. THE PAPACY. 445 that event did not always take place at the period when papal requirements rendered it desirable ; the Commend®, appointments being made, not definitely but provisionally, "in commendam," on condition of paying an annual tax ; the Jus spoliorum, the see of Peter declaring itself the sole rightful heir of all property acquired by dignitaries of the Church during their tenure of office ; the tithing of the property of churches for urgent wants ; the innumer- able indulgences, dispensations, appeals, and many other rights, all of which swelled the treasury of the Church. — Boniface VIII. added to the papal tiara a second crown, in token of spiritual and secular rule ; Urban V. surmounted it with a third, to indicate that its wearer was the representative of Christ. 1. Boniface VIII. (1294-1303). Comp. W. Drumann, Gesch. Bonif. VIII. Konigsb. 1852. 2 Vols. — In point of sagacity and energy, Boniface was no way inferior to any of his predecessors. Otherwise, however, he was more concerned about the gratification of his immoderate personal ambition than the welfare of the Church. He commenced his reign by expelling the influential Roman family of the Colonna's, who had declared the abdication of Ccelestine V. to be unlawful. But a more dangerous opponent to the Pontiff was Philip the Fair of France (1285-1314). The first collision between them ai'ose during the war of Philip with Edward I. of England. In virtue of his hierarchical supremacy, the Pope claimed to be arbiter between the monarchs (1295). These pretensions were disdainfully rejected by the King of France, who also levied on the clergy a heavy contribution for the payment of the expenses of the war. Upon this Boniface issued in 12t)6 the bull "Clericis laicos," which pro- nounced excommunication against all lavmen who exacted contri- butions from the clergy, and against those of the clergy who paid such taxes. Philip avenged himself by prohibiting the exportation of money from the country. The Pope soon felt the inconvenience of being deprived of his French revenues; he made overtures to the king, consented to certain concessions, and canonised Louis IX., the grandfather of Philip. The king, on the other hand, accepted his arbitration, but only in the character of a personal confidant, not as Pope. But when the sentence of the Pontiff proved adverse to Philip, the breach between them became irremediable. The legate of the Pope — a French bishop — was seized on a charge of treason ; Boniface denounced Philip as a heretic, and the latter retorted by calling the Pope a fool. (The Pope wrote : Scire te volumus, quod in spiritu- alisms et temporalibus nobis subes. Aliud credentes, haareticos reputamus. The king replied : Sciat maxima tua fatuitas, in tem- poralibus nos alicui non subesse. Secus credentes fatuos et dementes reputamus.) The view that, in its own province, the secular power was perfectly independent of the spiritual, was branded as Maniche- 446 SECOND SECTION. THIRD PERIOD (CENT. 14 AND 15 A.D.). anism in the bull "Unam Sanctam" (1302). This measure was soon followed by excommunication and the interdict, by suspension of the clergy and absolution of the people from their oath of allegiance. The French Parliament now proffered some most serious charges against the orthodoxy and the life of the Pope, and appealed to a general council (1303). William of Nogaret, the French chancellor, and one of the expelled Colonna's, by force of arms seized the Pope, who received his executioners in the most dignified manner, sitting on his throne and arrayed in all the gorgeousness of his robes. The people soon restored Boniface to liberty. He died the same year of an inflammatory disease. Dante has assigned him a place in hell. 2. The Papacy in its Babylonish Exile (1309-1377). — After the brief interregnum of an Italian pope, Bertrand de Got, Archbishop of Bordeaux and a favourite of Boniface, was unani- mously elected as Clement V. (1305-1314). But this prelate had previously made a secret compact with Philip, and bound himself to support French policy. Clement preferred remaining on the other side of the Alps, and in 1309 formally transferred the papal Curia to Avignon, where it continued for nearly seventy years. Through- out this period the Papacy was almost entirely the tool of the French rulers, while at the same time it assumed the most arrogant tone towards other countries. If, on the other hand, the secular power in France supported these hierarchical pretensions, it also took pre- cautions to secure the liberties of the Gallican Church. At Avig- non the papal court became increasingly the centre of moral and religious frivolity and looseness. At the Fifteenth General Council held in Vienne (1312), Clement sacrificed to the rapacity of Philip the rich order of the Templars ; in return, he had the satisfaction that the memory of Boniface VIII., whom Philip would have had condemned, was vindicated. Clement died in 1314. For two years the French and Italian parties among the cardinals contended for the succession ; at last the former prevailed, and John XXII. was chosen Pontiff. He had promised the Italians upon oath, never to mount horse except for the purpose of going to Rome — and took ship to Avignon. At the time, Louis of Bavaria (1314-1347) and Frederic of Austria contended for the crown of Germany. The Pope declared that the right of settling the question rested with him alone. But victory decided for Louis, who, in vindication of his title, appealed to the vote of the princes electors, and referred the objections of the Pope to a future general council. The pontiff replied by pronouncing excommunication and the interdict (1324). But Louis went to Italy (1327), received in Rome the imperial crown, and appointed a pious Franciscan of the extreme party in that order (Nicholas V.) counter-pope. This rival, however, was not properly supported; and fresh anathemas issuing from Avignon, imperilled the position of the Emperor. John died in 1334. His successor, Benedict XII. (ob. 1342), was sincerely desirous of § 140. THE PAPACY. 447 setting himself free from French domination and making his peace with the Emperor, but he was unable to carry out his intentions. It was at this time that the princes electors solemnly declared, at their first meeting in Rhense (1338), that the office of Roman king depend- ed not on the Pope but only on the choice of the electors. Clement VI. {ob. 1352) again pronounced the ban upon Louis, and ap- pointed as his successor Charles IV. of Bohemia (1346), who after the death of Louis was acknowledged by the electors. In 1347 Cola di Mienzi, the new tribune of the people, restored the ancient Republic of Rome, in the full anticipation that it would again achieve the conquest of the world. These and other disturbances in Italy rendered it increasingly necessary for the popes to return to their ancient capital. Accordingly Urban V. left Avignon in 1367 ; only a few of the cardinals unwillingly accompanied him, and so early as 1370 the Pope was obliged to go back to Avignon. But under the rule of his successor, Gregory XL, in 1377, the papal court was again transported to Rome, where Gregory died the year following. 3. The Papal Schism and the Reforming Councils (1378- 1443). Comp. J. H. v. Wessenberg, die grossen Kirchenversamml. d. 15. 16. Jahrh. (the Great Councils of the 15th and 16th Cent.) Const. 1840. 4 Vols. — After the death of Gregory, the Romans obliged the cardinals to choose an Italian pope {Urban VI). After the elec- tion, the French party in the conclave fled, declared the election illegal, and appointed a Frenchman {Clement VII.), who took up his residence at Avignon. Thus commenced the papal schism (1378-1409), in consequence of which two popes, each surrounded by a college of cardinals, anathematised each other, and jointly con- tributed to the destruction of that fabric which Gregory VII. had reared. For thirty years Europe submitted to this state of matters, — not, however, without strenuous protestation against the scandal, especially on the part of the University of Paris (the chancellor Pierre d Ailly, and the rector Nicholas de Clemangis). After much fruitless negotiation even the cardinals on both sides became tired of this state of matters, and summoned a General Council at Pisa (1409) to pronounce on the claims of the two popes {Gregory XII. in Rome, and Benedict XIII. in Avignon). This seasonable measure was chiefly due to the exertions of Jolin Charlier de Gerson (§ 198), at the time Chancellor of the University of Paris. That divine, while admitting the necessity of a visible chief of the Church at Rome, insisted on the necessity of a reformation in head and members, and laid down the principle that a general council was superior to the Pope. The assembly at Pisa numbered among its members the most influential churchmen of the time. The two popes were sum- moned to its bar ; they failed to appear, and were deposed. But instead of now addressing itself to the work of reformation, the Council hastened to elect another oontifF. A lexander V., the new 448 SECOND SECTION. THIRD PERIOD (CENT. 14 AND 15 A.D.j. Pope, immediately adjourned the Council for three years, on pre- text that the necessary preparations for the proposed reformation had not yet been made. Accordingly, the only result achieved was — that there were three instead of two popes anathematising each other. Alexander V. died in 1410 at Bologna, probably in consequence of poison administered to him by Cossa, the cardinal legate, a most depraved person, who in youth had been a pirate, and now exercised at Bologna the most despotic sway. Cossa ascended the papal throne as John XXIII. The new Pontiff was bold enough, in 1412, to summon tne long-promised General Council to Rome. At the same time, he took care that all the passes leading into Italy should be occu- pied by his friends the banditti. Hence only a few Italian bishops appeared, and the Council came to nothing. But D'Ailly and Gerson continued their exertions. They were supported by the Emperor Sigismund (1410-1437), who insisted on a free and general council to initiate a thorough reformation. As John required the aid of the Emperor against Naples, he had reluctantly to yield, and accordingly the Council of Constance (1414-1418) was summoned. This assembly was more numerously and influentially attended than any previous or subsequent council (by 18,000 clerics, and innumerable princes, counts, and knights). From the first, the calculations and intrigues of John proved futile. D'Ailly and Gerson carried it, and the Council immediately declared itself supreme in every re- spect, and competent to depose all the three popes if it saw cause ; also, that the reformation in head and members was taken in hand as the main business before them ; and that the vote w r as taken, not according to persons, but according to nations, which previously met and deliberated in separate assemblies. When an accusation was now laid before the Council, charging the Pope with murder, immorality, and simony, John hastily fled in the disgiiise of a groom. It was with some difficulty that Gerson managed to keep the Council together. The Pontiff was deposed, and soon afterwards made prisoner. Of the other two popes, one abdicated, the other was deposed (1417). The Emperor and the Germans now insisted that the proposed reformation should precede a new election to the Papacy ; but they were unsuccessful. Cardinal Colonna was chosen as Martin V., and all hopes of a reformation were again at an end. The intrigues of the new Pontiff proved only too efficacious ; sepa- rate agreements were made with individual nations : and the Coun- cil, which had at any rate grown tired of its protracted labours, was dissolved after the forty-fifth general session. The Pope granted to all the members plenary indulgence to the hour of their death, and left the town in triumph. (Comp. also Lenfant, Hist, du Cone, de Const. Amst. 1727. 2 T. ; JRoyko, Gesch. d. k. Vers, zu Kostniz. Vienna 1782. 4 Vols.; Aschbach, Leben K. Sigism. Frcf. 1838. It had been resolved at Constance that the next General Council § HO. THE PAPACY. 44 y should meet at Pavia in 1423. But before its members assembled, the Pope transferred the assembly to Sienna, and then dissolved it after a few sessions, on pretext that it did not command sufficient sympathy. The next council was to have been convened seven years later at Basle. Pope Martin V. died shortly after that term. His successor, Eugenius IV., sent Cardinal Julianus Cesarini as legate to the Council of Basle (1431-1443). The Council from the first took an independent position, and re-asserted the principle of the absolute authority of general synods. The Pope now proposed to transfer the Council to Bologna — a measure against which even Cesarini protested. After some fruitless negotiations, the Pontiff formally dissolved the Council (1433). But the assembled fathers continued their deliberations, and the Pope was obliged, from poli- tical reasons, again to recognise their validity (1434). But as mea- sures were now introduced for a reformation in head and members, Eugenius once more transferred the Council, after its twenty-fifth session, to Ferrara (1438), and thence to Florence. The solemn re- conciliation of the Greeks to the Eomish Church which there took place (§ 97, 6), gave it the appearance of work and success. Mean- time the Council of Basle continued its sittings, although Cesarini had left it. Its new president, Cardinal oVAllemand, filled the places of the bishops who absented themselves with the relics of the churches at Basle. The Pope excommunicated the Council, which in turn deposed him (1439), and chose another Pontiff {Felix V.). Europe, however, was tired of these disputes. The authority of Felix was scarcely acknowledged by any, and the Council itself daily lost in numbers and influence. One by one the ablest members left its ranks ; many even joined the party of Eugenius, among them, the astute JEneas Sylvius Piccolomini, a native of Sienna, and the learned and worthy Nicholas of Cusa (§ 148, 2, 3). After its 45th session in 1443, the Council continued merely in name ; its last representatives ultimately recognised, in 1449, the authority of Nicholas V., the successor of Eugenius. (Comp. also G. Voigt, Enea Silvio, Pius II. u. s. Zeitalter. Berl. 1856.) 4. The Last Popes before the Reformation (1443-1517). —From its contest with the reforming councils the Papacy had issued triumphant. It almost seemed, like a phoenix, to have sprung from its ashes. But the abuses prevalent in the Church— most notably those caused by the Papacy itself — were as deeply and gene- rally felt as ever. The desire among all the more noble-minded, both princes and subjects, for a reformation in head and members, was not abated ; and so long as it continued, the Papacy, as then constituted, was imperilled. The man who was now at the helm of the Church was nowise fitted for the emergency. Even under the successors of Eugenius, uEneas Sylvius, who had left the ranks of the Basle reformers to make his peace with the Holy See, really wielded the authority of the Papacy. Shortly afterwards he was elevated vol. i. 2 F 450 SECOND SECTION. THIRD PERIOD (CENT. 14 AND 15 A.D.). to the Chair of Peter as Pius II. (1458-1464). iEneas would fain have been a second Hildebrand, but times had changed ; be- sides, the Pontiff was in every respect inferior to his great model. Hildebrand' s accession took place after a period during which the Papacy had reached its lowest depth. In the case of .iEneas it was exactly the reverse ; a similar degradation followed his pontificate. In point of learning, astuteness, and energy, he was however equal to any of his predecessors, while in diplomatic skill he surpassed them. The French Church alone succeeded in concluding a se- cond pragmatic sanction (1438), by which the principles asserted at Basle were secured, and maintained even against Pius II. The at- tempts of the German Church to obtain similar privileges proved fruitless. All the efforts of the Germans and their princes were frustrated by the callousness of the Emperor Frederic III. (1439- 1493), and by the manoeuvres of ^Eneas. At a General Council held in Mantua in 1459, the principles laid down at the Council of Con- stance were condemned as heretical ; and shortly before his death the Pope himself expressly retracted, in a bull addressed to the Univer- sity of Cologne, his own former liberal principles and writings. — The conquest of Constantinople by the Turks (1453) seemed a loud call to take measures of precaution against the great enemy of Chris- tianity. Like his two predecessors, Pius II. entered with spirit into this question. Even before this time Calixtus III. had despatched a fleet of his own against the Turks, after having in vain appealed to the secular princes on the subject. But the victories it achieved led to no lasting result. Calixtus had next demanded tithes from all churches for the purpose of carrying on the holy war ; but the call was treated as merely a pretext for raising money. Pius II. again reverted to this plan ; but his enthusiastic appeal at the Council of Mantua failed to evoke the spirit which fired the Council of Claremont. Like Hildebrand of old, he would fain have headed ' a crusade in person ; but the most important element— an army — was awanting. He also addressed a letter to Mohammed II., the conqueror of Constantinople, in which he earnestly urged the claims of Christianity on his reception — it need scarcely be added, without effect. (Comp. G. Voigt, ut supra. — For Alex. VI. comp. Mr. D. B. la vie d'Alex. Lond. 1737 ; Tommasi, la vita di Cesare Borgia. Montechiaro 1670; Gordon, la vie du P. Alex. trad, de l'Angi. Amst. 1732. — For Julius II., Dubos, Hist, de la ligue faite a Cam- bray. — For Leo X., Moscoe, Life and Pontificate of Leo X. London (Bohn) 1846. 2 Vols. Also generally, L. Ranke, Hist, of the Popes in the 16th and 17th Cent. London 1847. 3 Vols. ; and Bower, Hist, d. Piipste. Edit, by Rambach.) Almost all the successors of Pius II. till the Reformation, were distinguished for their dissoluteness, vileness, or at least for want of piety. Probably the best among them was Paul II. (ob. 1471), though he also was fond of pomp and extravagance. Sixtus IV. § 140. THE PAPACY. 451 (ob. 1484) increased the revenues of his see by instituting brothels in Eome. Under his pontificate the nepotism of his predecessors reached the highest stage ; nor did the Pope scruple to take part in the frightful conspiracy against the Medici at Florence. Innocent VIII. (ob. 1492), while summoning Christendom to a war against the Turks, was at the same time in receipt of regular pay from the Sultan for keeping his brother a captive. To his zeal it was due that criminal procedure against witches was introduced into Ger- many. His paternal care for his sixteen illegitimate children pro- cured for him, in common parlance, the title of "father of his country" (Octo Nocens genuit pueros, totidemque puellas, — Hunc merito potuit dicere Soma patrem). Alexander VI. (ob. 1503) was not without political abilities, and proved an energetic although despotic ruler. He never scrupled at any measure to attain his own objects, and even entered into a league with the hereditary enemy of Christendom against the most Christian King (of France). In short, nepotism and immorality were at no time carried to a higher pitch than in the person and under the reign of Alexander. Among other enormities, he was generally suspected of incest with his daughter Lucrezia. Under his pontificate, Savonarola, the Florentine preacher, had to expiate his zeal and devotion at the stake (§ 149, 2). The Pontiff died in consequence of poison, which his son Ccesar Borgia, a monster of every vice, had destined for a wealthy cardinal. Julius II. (ob. 1513) was a great warrior. His main object was to liberate Italy from foreign domination in order to aggrandise the States of the Church. He expelled the French from the Peninsula, on account of which a French National Council assembled at Tours, in 1510, renounced his allegiance. Germany also showed signs of rebellion ; and the Emperor Maximilian (1493-1519) commissioned the learned and liberal Wimpheling to draw up a list of many and serious grievances against the Papacy, and to make a draft of a pragmatic sanction for Germany. At last the French and German monarchs summoned a general Council at Pisa in 1511, when the resolutions of Basle were re-enacted, and the Pope was deposed. As Julius was at the time dangerously ill, Maximilian, who had just lost his wife, conceived the idea of assuming the Papacy himself. But Julius recovered, and with his Swiss mercenaries dispersed the Council of Pisa, which fled to Lyons. At the Fifth General Lateran Council in 1512, Louis XII. of France was excommunicated, and a concordat concluded with Maximilian, by which the most crying grievances of the Germans were removed. Upon this Louis had a medal struck, bearing the inscription, " Perdam Babylonis nomen," and marched against the Pope. But his army was beaten by the papal troops in the Milanese territory,, and obliged to retire from Italy. Julius was succeeded by Leo X. (ob. 1521), one of the Medici — a man of the highest culture and the finest taste, but luxurious and lavish, light-minded and careless, and destitute of all genuine inte- 452 SECOND SECTION. THIRD PERIOD (CENT. 14 AND 15 A.D.). rest either in religion or in the Church. In 1517 the Pontiff cele- brated, at a splendid Lateran Council, the triumph of the Papacy, when Francis I. of France, in return for other concessions, surren- dered the pragmatic sanction. The Councils of Constance and Basle were also again condemned. In the same year, and only a few months later, the word of a poor German monk effected what the combined power of all the nations of the West had failed to achieve in these councils. § 141. THE CLERGY. During this period Provincial Synods lost almost all their former importance. They were rarely held, and only under the presidency of a papal legate. At Constance and Basle the bishops attempted to break the yoke of papal despotism and pecuniary exactions ; but the selfishness which marked the policy of the nations represented at these councils, prevented the success of such beneficial measures. Despite the proposals made at Basle, the cathedral -chapters continued to furnish a provision for the younger and unportioned sons of the nobility, who in worldliness and excesses yielded nothing to their brothers. The clergy no longer gave itself to the pursuit of study. In France the political influence of the hierarchy was small ; and the liberties of the Gallican Church were protected, not by the pre- lates, but by the University and the Parliament. In England the bishops formed an important part of the estates. In Germany also they occupied an influential position, as holding temporal sovereignty, while the spiritual princes electors frequently swayed the destinies of the empire. The moral condition of the clergy was sufficiently sad. The bishops commonly lived in open concubinage. The lower secular clergy followed their example, and in many cases paid for this indulgence a yearly tax to the bishop. To this arrangement the people — who distinguished between the office and its holder — made no objection ; in fact, it secured their wives and daughters from the temptations of the confessional. Thousands of loose women from all countries had assembled at Constance and Basle during the sittings of the councils. Unnatural vices also were too common among the clergy, at least in Italy. Any movement at Constance and Basle towards putting an end to these vices of the clergy, by giving them leave to marry, was checked by the fear that benefices might become hereditary, and that the clergy would be made still more dependent on the State. Accordingly the advice of Gerson was taken in the matter, who held, that as the vow of celibacy § 142. THE MONASTIC ORDERS. 453 only referred to the marriage of priests, concubinage was not a breach of that obligation, but merely of the general commandment of chastity, § 142. THE MONASTIC ORDERS. The Monastic Orders shared the general corruption of the clergy. Too frequently the cloisters became the seats of dissoluteness, de- bauchery, idleness, crimes, and unnatural vices. Monks and nuns of adjoining cloisters lived in open immorality, on which account Nicholas of Clemangis was wont to say that " virginem velare " was in reality little else than " virginem ad scortandum exponere." The Councils of Constance and Basle had their attention directed to these dreadful abuses, which bishops and secular princes also en- deavoured to remedy. But all such attempts proved unavailing. The papal Curia, so far from seconding any measures of reform, rather interposed to arrest them. Among the various orders, the Benedictines, with their different branches, were probably most deeply tainted, while the mendicant orders stood highest in the moral scale. Following the example of the cathedral chapters, the rich monasteries distributed their revenues among their inmates (Proprietarii). The gratification of the palate, and not the pursuit of science, was the object of study in these cloisters. A general chapter of the Benedictines had been convened at Constance, under the superintendence of the Council, for the reformation of that order; but the meeting led to no result. By suggestion of the Council of Basle, congregations of reformed monasteries were instituted, which for a short time observed a stricter discipline, but soon they also gave way to the old practices. The Franciscans and Dominicans were still the great representatives of monasticism ; they proved the bulwark of the Papacy, and in some measure contributed, at least in the fourteenth century, to theological science. In the fifteenth century, however, they became involved in the general corruption. The Carthusians alone continued their ancient practice of asceticism. 1. The Dominicans, who were entrusted with the conduct of the Inquisition, and were largely employed as confessors among the higher classes, gradually ceased to be a mendicant order. Accord- ingly, they now explained their vow of poverty as applying only to personal, not to common possessions, and maintained that the latter had been held even by Christ and His apostles. This proposition was controverted by the Franciscans, who, in virtue of the nominal surrender of all their property to the Church of Rome, professed still to adhere to their original vow. When in 1321 the 454 SECOND SECTION. THIRD PERIOD (CENT. 14 AND 15 A.D.J. Inquisition at Narbonne condemned a Beghard to the stake for asserting that Christ and the apostles had held neither personal nor common property, the Franciscans maintained the orthodoxy of this statement, and accused the Dominicans before Pope John XXII. The Pontiff* took the part of the Dominicans, and declared that the nominal donation of Franciscan property was merely an illusion. This decision occasioned a rupture among the Franciscans. The more rigorous members, with the general, Michael of Cesena, and the celebrated William Occam, joined the party of the " spiritualists," and took the side of Louis of Bavaria against the Pope. Forcible measures against them proved unavailing. Accordingly, they were appeased at Constance by their formal recognition as brethren of the stricter observance (observantes). The more lax party among the Francis- cans took the name of Conventuales, and continued to regard their properties as really belonging to the donors, and themselves as only enjoying their usufruct. The controversy about the Immaculate Conception still continued to rage. St Catharine had visions which confirmed the dogma of the Dominjcfms^wlnle St Bridget gave the same hind of sanction to the opimo^^^^fee Franciscans. The latter, however, gained influence and authority. It was sanctioned by the University of Paris in 1387 ; while the Council of Basle (in 1439) and Pope Sixtus IV. anathematised any one who should de- clare the doctrine of the Immaculate Conception to be heretical, or the festival in its honour sinful. For the same purpose a comedy was enacted at Berne in 1509, which, however, had a tragical ter- mination. The Dominicans of that city imposed on the simplicity of a poor tailor called Jetzer. The tailor had visions and revelations of the Virgin. Even the prints of the nails which pierced the Saviour were reproduced in him by a red-hot iron, and a picture of the Virgin shed in his sight bloody tears over the godless opinions of the Franciscans. The clumsy imposture was at last discovered, and the prior, with three of his monks, were condemned to the stake. — In 1462 another controversy broke out between the two orders. In Brescia, a Franciscan, Jacob of Marchia, had on Easter day maintained in the pulpit that the blood which Christ shed on the cross had, till His resurrection and consequent reassumption of it into His nature, continued beyond the hypostatic union with the Logos, and hence had not, during that time, been an object of adora- tion. The Grand Inquisitor, Jacob of Brescia, declared this sentiment heretical. A controversy arose ; and during Christmas 1463 three Dominicans and as many Minors discussed the question for three days before the Pope and cardinals, but without leading to any re- sult. The Pope at the time reserved his decision, which, indeed, was never pronounced. St Catharine of Sienna, the daughter of a dyer, was one of the chief ornaments of the Dominicans (ob. 1380). Even when a child she had visions and ecstasies, during which Christ was said to have § 142. THE MONASTIC ORDERS. 455 formally betrothed Himself to her, and to have given her His heart instead of her own. She also bore the prints of the nails, but only inwardly. Notwithstanding her deep humility, the influence and authority which she enjoyed were unparalleled. She became the oracle of the Dominicans, and all Italy almost worshipped at her feet. Contrary to her inclination, she was made the arbiter of the religious and political controversies of the time. To her admonitions, and to those of St Bridget, it was mainly due that the Babylonish captivity at Avignon came to a close. The Order of St Augustine had also its congregations for the restoration of pristine discipline. But these branches continued in connection with the order itself, though they were subject to a vicar-general of their own. Such a congregation existed in Saxony from 1493, and to it both Staupitz and Luther belonged. 2. Abolition of the Order of Templars, 1312. (Comp. Michelet, proces des Templiers. Par. 1841-51. 2 T. Maillard de Chambure, Kegle et statuts secrets des Temp. Par. 1841. W. Have- mann, Gesch. d. Ausgangs d. Templerord. — Hist, of the Cess, of the Order of T. — Stuttg. 1846. J. v. Hammer-Purg stall, d. Schuld d. Templer — the Guilt of the T. — Vienna 1855.) — Among all the knightly orders, the Templars, who since their return to Europe chiefly resided at Paris, had attained greatest power and wealth, but were also charged with most pride, rapacity, and dissoluteness. Their independence of the State was as galling to Philip the Fair of France, as their untold riches were attractive to his cupidity. Among the common people rumours circulated that the members of the order were secretly Mohammedans, that they practised the black art, and indulged in unnatural vices. It was whispered that they even worshipped an idol called Baffomet (Mohammed); that a black cat appeared in their meetings ; that at their reception into the order the knights blasphemed the Saviour, and spat and trampled upon the crucifix. On these grounds, or at least on such pretences, Philip ordered all the Templars in his dominions to be imprisoned, and forthwith commenced a process against them (1307). Pope Clement V. was obliged, at the Council of Vienne (1312), formally to dissolve the order. Jacob of Mo lay, the last grand master, with many of the knights, suffered at the stake. It is difficult, at this period of time, to pronounce with certainty as to their guilt or inno- cence. Thus much at least is true, that they had deserted the Christian cause in the East. Besides, it is also supposed by many that they entertained Gnostic and Antinomian views akin to those formerly held by the Ophites. 3. The principal New Orders founded at this time were : — 1. The Order of the Ccelestines, founded by Peter ofMurrone (after- wards Pope Coelestine V., comp. § 127, 6), who lived in a cave on Mount Murrone, in Apulia, in the practice of strictest asceticism. The fame of his sanctity soon attracted companions of his solitude, 456 SECOND SECTION. THIRD PERIOD (CENT. 14 AND 15 A.D.). who built a monastery on Mount Majella. Urban IV. imposed on them the rule of the Benedictines. When Peter was elevated to the papal see (1294), his companions adopted in his honour the name of Coelestines. The new congregation rapidly extended throughout the West. — 2. The Jeromites. This order arose from, associations of hermits, to whom Gregory XI. in 1374 gave a rnle similar to that of the Augustines. They chose St Jerome as their patron saint. From Spain, where the order originated, it spread into Italy. — 3. The Jesuates, founded by Johannes Colombini of Sienna. With an imagination inflamed by poring over the legends of saints, Colombini, with some likeminded companions, resolved to found an association for the twofold object of self-chas- tisement and attendance on the sick. Urban V., after his return to Rome, imposed on them the rule of the Augustines (1367). Their name was derived from the circumstance that they hailed every one whom they met with the name of Jesus. — 4. The Minimi, a kind of Minors, founded by Franciscus de Paula, in Calabria (1435). Their rule was exceedingly strict ; the members were prohibited the use of animal food, of milk, butter, eggs, etc., on which account their mode of life was also designated as " vita quadragesimalis." — 5. The Nuns of St Elizabeth, an order founded by St Elizabeth of Thuringia (ob. 1231). After having in the most exemplary manner discharged the various duties of a wife, a mother, and a princess, Elizabeth took the grey habit, confined at the waist with the Fran- ciscan cord, as also the three vows, and retired to a wretched cot near Marburg, where she devoted herself to prayer, self-chastise- ment, and deeds of beneficence. Her example was followed by a number of pious women and maidens. These were in the fourteenth century regularly organised into an order, which devoted itself ex- clusively to the care of the poor and the sick. — 6. The Nuns of St Bridget. St Bridget was a Swedish princess, who early in life had visions, in which the Saviour appeared to her, smitten and wounded. But her father obliged her to marry, and she became the mother of eight children. On the death o'f her husband, she subjected herself to the most rigid ascetic exercises, and in conse- quence of some visions, founded at Wadstena near Linkoping a nunnery for sixty inmates, who devoted themselves to the service of the Virgin. Connected with this institution was a separate dwell- ing for thirteen priests (in imitation of the apostles), for four dea- cons (after the four great fathers), and for eight lay brethren who had charge of all secular affairs. All these persons were subject to the rule of the lady abbess. The order spread, especially in the north of Europe. 4. The most famed among the Hermits of this period, was Nicholas von der Flue, in the Alps, a worthy and pious man, who, after an active life in the world, spent his last twenty years in soli- tude and communion with God (ob. 1487). Like St Anthony of § 142. THE MONASTIC ORDERS. 457 old, he acted as peacemaker and adviser not merely to the shepherds around him, but amid the political troubles of his own country. 5. The Brethren of the Common Life were an association of pious clergymen founded by Gerhard Groot at Deventer, in the Netherlands (1384). Gerhard died that same year of pestilence; but the work was continued by Florentius Madeivin, his likeminded pupil. The house of the brethren at Deventer became the centre and nucleus of similar institutions throughout the north of Europe. The members of this association consisted of clergy and laity, who, with- out submitting to any formal vow or rule, devoted themselves to the concerns of their own souls. Their earnest and evangelical sermons, their attention to the spiritual interests of those with whom they were brought into contact, and their schools, gave them a wide and very beneficial influence among the people. The most frequented of their seminaries were those of Deventer and of the Hague, which at times numbered more than 1200 scholars. Similar institutions for sisters of the common life were also founded. Florentius some- what enlarged the original plan by building at Windesheirn, near Zwoll, a monastery for regular canons (1386). More celebrated even than this cloister was that on Mount St Agnes, at Zwoll, of which Thomas a Kempis was an inmate. The labours of Floren- tius were seconded by Gerhard of Zutphen, who was wont to insist on the necessity of reading the Bible in the vernacular, and on its importance both in preaching and praying. Of course the mendi- cant orders were violent enemies of this pious association. At last a Dominican, Matthew Grabow, accused them before the Bishop of Utrecht, and also wrote a large volume against them. The Bishop refused his suit; and when Grabow appealed to the Pope, the pre- late carried the matter to the Council of Constance. Gerson and d'Ailly took the part of the brethren; and Martin V. not only gave his sanction to their associations, but accorded their members the privilege of claiming ordination at any time. The brethren in many respects prepared the way for the Reformation ; indeed, most of them afterwards became its cordial adherents. After that period they gradually declined, and ceased to exist in the seventeenth cen- tury. (Comp. Gerardi Magni Epp. XIV., ed. J. G. Acquoy. Amst. 1857. G. H. M. Delprat, over d. Broederschap van G. Groote (2d ed. Arnh. 1856), 1st ed. transl. into German with add. by Mohnike. Leips. 1846. K. UUmann, Reformers before the Reforrnat. (transl. by Menzies in Clarks' For. Theol. Libr.). Edinb. 2 Vols. B. Bdhring, Gerh. Groot u. Florentius. Hamb. 1849.) 458 SECOND SECTION. THIRD PERIOD (CENT. 14 AND 15 A.D.). II. THE CHURCH AND THE PEOPLE. § 143. PUBLIC WORSHIP AND THE FINE ARTS. The Brethren of the Common Life, the Mystics, and a number of sectaries, especially the Waldenses, had insisted on, and by their example 'promoted, the practice of preaching in the vernacular. In opposition to those stiff and empty schoolmen whose sermons abounded with displays of spurious learning or with theological sub- tleties, a series of popular preachers arose who addressed themselves to the wants of their cotemporaries, and in plain, in satirical, some- times even in ludicrous language, exposed the defects and abuses prevalent among all classes. Such teachers were found in almost all countries. Thus Michael Menot, a Franciscan (ob. 1519), preached in France; Gabriel Barletta, a Dominican, in Italy; and John Gailer of Kaisersberg (ob. 1510) in Strasburg. The Feast of the Immaculate Conception was generally introduced in France, Germany, and Eng- land during the fourteenth century. Other festivals were also insti- tuted in honour of Mary. The Council of Constance had given its sanction and authority to the practice of " communio sub una." In consequence, the miracle of a bleeding host now frequently occurred, although the fraud was exposed in a number of instances. The excessive anxiety for and veneration of relics still continued and increased. In the fifteenth century originated the legend, that angels had carried through the air the house of Mary from Nazareth to the coast of Dalmatia (1291); thence, on the 10th December 1294, to Eecanati, and lastly, after the lapse of eight months, to Loretto. 1. The following were the new festivals in honour of the Virgin : the Feast of the Presentation of Mary, on the 21st Nov. (according to Leviticus xii. 5-8), a solemnity introduced in the East at a much earlier period ; and the Festival of the Visitation of Mary, on the 2d July, in allusion to Luke i. 39-56. During the fif- teenth century, the Feast of the Seven Dolors of Mary, on the Friday or Saturday before Palm Sunday, was instituted. The worship of the Virgin was chiefly promoted by the Dominicans, who had special Fraternities of the Rosary. Dominic himself is said to have observed the Festival of the Rosary on the 1 st of October (for the protection and intercession of the Virgin). It was, however, only observed by the Dominicans, till after the victory of Lepanto (1571), which was regarded as due to this species of devotion, when Gregory XIII. made it a general festival. 2. Hymnology. — A very marked contrast is noticeable between § 143. PUBLIC SERVICES OF THE CHURCH AND THE ARTS. 459 the number and value of the Latin hymns dating from the four- teenth and fifteenth centuries, and those of the preceding period. Only the Mystics (as, for example, Thomas a Kempis) still produced such compositions. On the other hand, it may be said that German hymnology originated during this period. Strange though it may appear, the processions of Flagellants in the fourteenth cent, con- tributed not a little to the spread of religious poetry in the vernacular. The hymns or chants of the Flagellants were in the vernacular, and thus found ready access to the hearts of the people. But it was in the fifteenth cent., and during the Hussite movement, that really useful popular hymns were composed, and for the first time intro- duced into the services of the Church. Hus himself insisted on the necessity of the people taking part in the service of song, and com- posed a number of excellent hymns in the Bohemian. The various hymns used by the " Bohemian Brethren" (400 in number) were col- lected and published in 1504 by Lucas, a senior or bishop of the " Brethren." The introduction of German hymns was mainly due to Petrus Dresdensis, formerly assistant to Hus at Prague, and since 1420 rector at Zwickau. His efforts were not unsuccessful. In some churches German hymns were now sung at the great fes- tivals, and at special ecclesiastical solemnities, while in isolated cases they were even used at the principal service and at mass. The religious poetry of that age was of a fourfold character: — 1. Mixed hymns, half German and half Latin (such as " Puer natus in Beth- lehem, Rejoice in it Jerusalem," etc.). — 2. Translations and adapta- tions of Latin hymns. So early as the close of the fourteenth cent, an attempt at such translations was made by Johannes, " the monk of Salzburg," and at a somewhat later period by Brother Dietric. A collection of these versions appeared in 1494 ; but the majority of the hymns were so badly rendered, that the force and point of the original was completely lost. — 3. Original German hymns, commonly by monks or secular poets. These, however, were too frequently destitute of all religious fervour or poetic value. — 4. Adaptations of secular or of Minne-songs. Thus the popular ditty, originally intended for wandering apprentices, which com- menced : " Inspruck I must leave thee, And go my lonely way, Far hence to foreign lands," etc., was transformed into : " O w T orld I must leave thee, And go my lonely way, Unto my Father's home," etc. Henry of Laufenberg, a priest at Freiburg about 1450, seems to 'have been the first to attempt this kind of poetry. In all cases the melody of the original was retained. Although many of these adap- tations were little better than a burlesque, they became the means of associating popular ideas and melodies with the hymns of the Church, thus preparing the way for the following period. 3. Church Music — Great improvements were made at this period in the building of organs ; the keys were made smaller, the pedal was added, etc. Henry Cranz, who flourished about 1500, 460 SECOND SECTION. THIRD PERIOD (CENT. 14 AND 15 A.D.). was reputed the most successful builder of organs at that period. Equally distinguished as an organist was Antonio dagV Organi at Rome, who gathered around him pupils from all countries (ob. 1498). A great deal was also done for the improvement of the service of song ; the rules of counterpoint, and other musical rules, were enlarged or applied, and singing in parts came into vogue. At this time the Dutch bore the palm in music. William Dufay, the founder of the first Dutch school (ob. 1432), introduced his improve- ments even into the chapel at Rome, although a century had not elapsed since John XXII. pronounced an anathema against the practice of " discantare." John Ockenheim, the founder of the second Dutch school at the close of the fifteenth century, invented the canon and the fugue ; but his system of counterpoint was very arti- ficial, and he may be regarded as the first who corrupted the musical taste of the time. The greatest composer of this school was Josquin de Prez (Jodocus Pratensis), about 1500. His only rival in the art was A dam of Fulda, a German. 4. Architecture and the Plastic Art. — The Gothic style was universally adopted in Germany, France, and England. Into Italy it penetrated no farther than Milan. The new Church of St Peter at Rome, the foundation of which was laid in 1506 by Pope Julius II., presents the most splendid specimen of the antique Romanesque style. The plastic art was carried to its highest per- fection by such masters as Lorenzo Ghiberti (ob. 1455) and Michael Angelo (ob. 1564). The Art of Painting also reached its highest stage in the fifteenth century. There were at this time four different schools of painters. The Florentine School, which chiefly devoted itself to the representation of scriptural events, was founded by Giotto (ob. 1336), and numbered among its members such masters as Angelico of Fiesole, who always joined prayer with painting, Leonardo da Vinci (the Last Supper), Fra Bartolomeo and Michael Angelo. The Lombard School, of whch Bellini was the most dis- tinguished representative, also gave itself at first to the study of sacred subjects, but soon afterwards abandoned this for the secular department. The Umbrian School seemed almost to breathe the spirit of St Francis. Its most celebrated masters were Raphael of Urbino (the Sixtine Madonna), Correggio (Night), and Titian (Ascension of the Virgin, Ecce Homo, etc.). The German School ■ was represented by such men as the brothers Hubert and John van Fyk, Albrecht Diirer, and Hans Holbein. § 144. POPULAR LIFE AND NATIONAL LITERATURE. The fearful decay of the Papacy, as well as the deep degeneracy of the clergy and of the monastic orders, were not without their effects upon the people. At no previous period had the Church less influence on the moral and religious condition of the community. § 144. POPULAR LIFE AND NATIONAL LITERATURE. 461 In truth, the ancient reverence for the Church and its rites had been rudely shaken, though not entirely destroyed. But the religious enthusiasm and the deep poetry of popular life gradually disappeared. Such personages as a Catharine of Sienna, a maid of Orleans, or a Nicholas von der Flue were only isolated phenomena in the history of that period. As the practice of indulgences increased, all moral earnestness ceased, and all religious fervour gave way. Yet, happily, not entirely ; the existence of the Beghards and Lollards, nay, even the excesses of the Flagellants, proved that men still thought seriously on the most serious of subjects. The religious fervour still existing among the people, was nourished and cherished by the faithful teaching of the Mystics, and found vent in the wide-spread association known as the Friends of God. In an opposite direction, though, perhaps, ultimately traceable to the same source, we have the Brothers and Sisters of the Free Spirit. But along with such piety, superstition also greatly increased, all the more dangerous now that it was no longer associated with the poetry and naive irony of a former age. The men of this period, on the contrary, firmly believed in the black art, in witchcraft, in compacts with the devil, and similar absurdities. Towards the close of our period, however, a new era dawned. The former mode of conducting warfare ceased, on the invention of powder; while the municipal institutions of the various and flourishing towns of Germany called forth and afforded scope for civic virtues, for love of freedom, energy, and industry. Lastly, the invention of the art of printing initiated the great changes of which modern society is the result. 1. Religious Associations among the People.— Besides the Beghards and Beguins, another association was formed at Antwerp in 1300, on occasion of a pestilence. The Lollards (from lull = sing) devoted themselves chiefly to attendance on the sick and the inter- ment of the dead. They also were exposed to the persecutions of the Inquisition, till John XXII. in 1318 granted them toleration on certain conditions. — But the strangest sight presented at that period were those long trains of Flagellants, who, with faces covered, wandered from country to country, amidst weeping, lamen- tation, and the chant of penitential hymns, continually applying, as they marched, the scourge to their naked backs. These revolting processions had suddenly appeared in Italy even at a former period, during the horrors of the war between the Guelphs and Ghibellines. They again paraded the cities of Europe on different occasions during the fourteenth centurv, especially in 1348, during the ravages of the " black death." The" Flagellants made their appearance along the banks of the Rhine, whence, growing like an avalanche, they passed % 462 SECOND SECTION. THIRD PERIOD (CENT. 14 AND 15 A.D.). through Germany, Belgium, Holland, Switzerland, Sweden, and England. On the advice of Pope Clement VI., whom they had sum- moned to join them, they were refused admission into France. The paroxysm lasted for three years. It was raised anew in 1399, when famine, pestilence, war with the Turks, and expectation of the ap- proaching end of the world, excited the minds of men, and Flagel- lants again passed through Lombardy. This time they were arrayed in white garments, on which account they were called Bianchi or Al- bati. In 1417, St Vincent Ferreri, a celebrated Spanish preacher, led a long train of Flagellants through Italy, France, and Spain. Princes, popes, universities, and councils expostulated against this mad fana- ticism, without, however, being able to suppress it. But after the Council of Constance had denounced this species of penance, St Vincent himself ceased to take part in it. Some of the Flagellants fell into sectarianism and heresy ; they denounced the hierarchy as Antichrist, rejected the rites of Christianity, and declared that the baptism of blood, obtained by means of the scourge, was the only efficacious sacrament. Many of these fanatics were condemned to the stake by the Inquisition. (Comp. E. G. Forstemann, d. chr. Geisslerges.— the Chr. Flag.— Halle 1828 ; G. Mohnike, d. Geiss- lerges., 'in " Illgen's Journal," III. 2 ; L. Schneegans, le grand pilgrimage des Flag., transl. into Germ, by Tischendorf, Leips. 1840 ;— L. Heller, Vine. Ferreri Leben u. Wirken. Berl. 1830; Comes de Hohenthal-Stcedteln, de Vine. Ferr. Lips. 1839.) Another and kindred form of madness was that of the Jumpers or Dancers (Chorisantes), who, by way of penance, commenced frantic and hysteric dances, which by some infection carried away even accidental and indifferent spectators. These fanatics appeared along the banks of the Rhine in 134^ and 1418. They were re- garded as possessed, and the aid of St Vitus was invoked for their cure (hence the name of St Vitus' dance). Comp. Hecher, die Tanz- wuth e. Volkskrankh. d. M. A. (Dancing Madness an Epid. of the M. A.) Berl. 1832. 2. The Friends of God. (Comp. C. Schmidt, d. Gottes- freunde im 14. Jahrh. Jen. 1854 ; Rohricli, in the " Zeitschr. fur hist. Theol." 1 840. I.) —During the fourteenth century a wide-spread and deep spirit of mysticism seemed to pervade all Western Ger- many, from the Low" Countries to the borders of Italy. In truth a religious awakening had taken place among the people, though from peculiar causes it bore a mystic and contemplative character. All ranks and classes, inmates of monasteries and Beguins, knights in their castles, artisans in their workshops, and merchants in their warehouses, equally came under its influence. Ultimately it led to the formation of a great fraternity of so-called Friends of God, the various associations of which kept up personal or episto- lary intercourse. This revival was chiefly felt at Cologne, Stras- burg, and Basle. Its preachers belonged mostly to the Dominican § 144. POPULAR LIFE AND NATIONAL LITERATURE. 463 Order, and the views which they expressed or propagated were drawn from the writings of the German Mystics (§ 147). They w T ere entirely free from" sectarianism, and cherished the ceremonies of the Church as symbols and vehicles of Divine grace. But from the year 1340 a mysterious personage evidently presides over this movement, and results wider than those formerly sought began to be aimed after. Most of " the Friends" themselves seem to have been ignorant of the name or residence of this man. They call him "the enlightened lavman," and "the great friend of God from the Oberland." Twice only is the mystery partly cleared away, and we hear of the name of Nicholas of Basle. About 1340 he appeared at Strasburg, where he exercised a decisive influence upon John Tauler (§ 147, 1). Again in 1356, when Basle was visited by a fearful earthquake, he addressed a letter to universal Christendom calling to repentance. In 1367 he retired into the Swiss moun- tains with four of his most intimate associates (one of them a Jewish convert); and when Gregory XL returned to Eome in 1377, Nicholas and one of his associates confronted him, and urged upon him the present situation, the dangers, and the requirements of the Church. The Pope at first received him with distrust, but dismissed him in a very different spirit. It is difficult exactly to ascertain what Nicholas really aimed after, and by what means he intended to accomplish his plans. This alone is certain, that he had con- ceived some great plan for the Church, the execution of which he deferred till the time, which God should indicate to him. In 1379 those friends which belonged to the inner circle held a meet- ing in a mountain solitude, and finally resolved to adjourn for another year. After that term they again assembled on the same spot, when it is said a letter from heaven fell among them, in- forming them that God had delayed His judgments for other three years. From that period we lose sight of them ; but several years later Nicholas and two of his associates were burned by order of the Inquisition at Vienne, on the charge of being Beghards, and the same punishment was awarded at Cologne in 1393 to Martin, a Benedictine from Keichenau, one of the adherents of Nicholas. The writings of Nicholas which are still extant have been published by C. Schmidt, 1. c, and in his Life of Tauler. 3. The Brothers and Sisters of the Free Spirit. — Originally they may have been an offshoot from the sect of the Holy Spirit (§ 138, 2), or else the result of a tendency similar to that which led to the formation of the Friends of God, only that in this case it led to the opposite extreme of pantheism and anti- nomianism. They seem to have existed in many parts of Germany at the beginning' of the fourteenth century, especially along the Rhine, Cologne being their principal centre. They held essentially pantheistic views. Every pious person was a Christ, in whom God became incarnate. Whatever was done in love was right. The 464 SECOND SECTION. THIED PEEIOD (CENT. 14 AND 15 A.D.). perfect were free from the law, and could not sin. The Church, its sacraments and rites, were a deception or an imposture ; purga- tory, heaven, and hell, so many fables ; marriage was against nature, and property, theft. Their secret services appropriately closed with orgies. The Inquisition proceeded against them by the sword and / the stake. — Other parties of a kindred character were the Adamites in '1 L Austria (1312), the Luciferians in Angermunde (1326), and the ' ' Turlupmes in the Isle of France (1372). At the commencement of the fifteenth century they reappeared at Brussels under the name of "Homines intelligentise ;" and in 1421 Ziska exterminated the Bohemian Adamites, who, by way of imitating the paradisiacal state, lived naked on an island in the Danube, and had their wives in common. 4. National Literatuee. — At the close of the thirteenth and the commencement of the fourteenth century a new literature sprung up in Italy, which in many respects affected the Church. To three Florentine writers does Europe owe it, that the spell was broken by which poetry and science had so long been bound to the Latin language. The importance of this can scarcely be over- estimated. Not only have these writers left unperishing monuments of their own genius, they also became the fathers of the Italian language, and gave a great impulse to national literature generally. The general prevalence of the Latin was one of the means by which the Church of Rome retained its absolute hold on the minds of men, repressed all independent and national movements, and pre- vented the expression of those antipapal sentiments which were rapidly pervading the peoples of Europe. In all these respects it was important that former restraints should be removed. But the three writers to whom we allude were also enthusiastic admirers of classical literature ; indeed, they prepared the way for the study of the classics, and became the precursors of the Humanists (§ 151). Withal they were opposed, though not to the same degree, to the subtleties of scholasticism, and boldly satirised the abuses in the Church, the arrogance of the hierarchy, the rapacity and dissolute- ness of the Papacy, as also the moral and intellectual decay of the clergy and of the monastic orders. Dante Alighieri (born at Florence 1256, ob. in exile at Ravenna 1321) stood on the boun- dary line of two centuries and two epochs. His " Divina Corn- media" may be regarded as embodying the views and tendencies of his own age, and forecasting the advent of another. He was an enthusiastic admirer of St Thomas and his theology; but his scholas- ticism was transformed and spiritualised by the finest aesthetic taste and the most fervid imagination. In deep anguish of spirit he mourned over the decay of the Church. Thus he relegated a Boniface VIII., but also 'a Frederic II., to hell. In sharpest lan- guage he exposed the degeneracy of the monks, while he at the same time extolled the bliss of St Francis and St Dominic. He could § 145. ECCLESIASTICAL DISCIPLINE. 46j> admire the classic beauties of Virgil ; but more than all the rest, he dwelt with peculiar delight on the fulness of Christian truth. While reprobating the practice of indulgences, he continued to adhere to the dogmas of the Church. Petrarch (born at Arezzo in 1304. ob. near Padua in 1374) went much beyond his predecessor. His opposition to scholasticism brought upon him the hatred and perse- cution of schoolmen and monks ; and although he still ranked the classics as far subordinate to the teaching of the Church, his admira- tion of antiquity occasionally led him beyond the bounds of proper moderation. Boccaccio (born in 1313, ob. 1375) was a most violent opponent of scholasticism, monasticism, and the hierarchy. He speaks of them not in language of indignation, but of irony and contempt. At the same time, however, he also deals too lightly with the great moral and religious requirements of Christianity. In later years he expressed, in his " Decamerone," deep regret about any such expressions occurring in his youthful writings. — German national literature decayed along with the dynasty of the Hohen- staufen. The only department deserving mention was that of popular poetry, secular and religious. The compositions of the mastersingers bear the character of proud self-consciousness on the part of those towns of Germany whence they sprung. § 145. ECCLESIASTICAL DISCIPLINE. In 1343 Clement VI. gave his sanction to the teaching of the schoolmen regarding indulgences (§ 137, 1). Nor was this mea- sure in opposition to the view taken by the reformatory councils of the fifteenth century, which only disapproved of their abuse, for the purpose of raising money. In 1477 Sixtus IV. con- firmed the tenet, that indulgences might be granted for those who were defunct, and that they delivered souls from purgatory. In reply to the somewhat impertinent question, why the Pope, who possessed such ample powers, did not at once deliver all souls from purgatory, it was said, that the Church followed in the wake of Divine justice, and dispensed its benefits only " discrete et cum moderamine." The practice of indulgences was still further carried out bv the institution of years of Jubilee. On the testimony of a man 107 years of age, that 100 years before a jubilee had been pro- claimed, Boniface VIII. promised, in 1300, an indulgence of 100 years to all Christians who should penitently visit for fifteen days the Church of the Holy Apostles at Kome. No fewer than 200,000 availed themselves of the privilege. His successors shortened the intervening period of jubilees to fifty, to thirty-three, and lastly to twenty-five years. Instead of making a personal pilgrimage to vol. i. 2 G 466 SECOND SECTION. THIRD PERIOD (CENT. 14 AND 15 A.D.). Borne, it was declared sufficient to pay the travelling expenses. Ne- potism and extravagance were emptying the coffers of the Pope, and the traffic of indulgences offered the readiest means of replenishing them. Wars with the Turks and the building of St Peter's Church served as a ready pretext for a fresh sale of these new spiritual wares The venders of indulgences did all in their power to vaunt the ex cellency of their articles, and the necessity for penitence and amend merit were no longer mentioned. Indulgence was even granted for sins contemplated. Such abuses rendered anything like ecclesias- tical discipline impossible ; and if any respect still existed for the confessional, it was speedily destroyed by the interference of the mendicant orders, who claimed the privilege of attending to penitents at any time and place. Already excommunication and the interdict had lost their terrors. On Corpus C hsis&Day, the bull " In coena Domini" (issued by Martin V. at the close of the Council of Con- stance, and greatly enlarged by succeeding popes) was solemnly recited at Rome, and the anathema against all heretics, which it embodied, renewed. The Inquisition had still enough to do, perse- cuting and burning Beghards, Lollards, Flagellants, Fratricelli, Friends of God, and other sectaries. Innocent VIII gave his formal sanction (1484) to the popular superstition about witches, and ap- pointed two judges for such causes in Germany — perhaps in some measure as a compensation for the circumstance, that the Inquisition had never properly thriven in that country 1. The Inquisition attained greatest power in France and Italy. The Spanish Inquisition (sanctum officinm) was instituted in 1481 by Ferdinand and Isabella, and organised in 1483 by the Inquisitor- General, Thomas de Torquemada. In some respects it was as much a political as an ecclesiastical institution, since the confiscation of property served to enrich the public treasury and to humble the proud aristocracy. Its persecutions of the hated Moriscoes and Jews made this dreadful tribunal popular among the Spaniards. The Auto-da-fe's (or acts of faith) were celebrated amidst revolting dis- plays of pomp and state. According to the statement of LlorenU (Hist. crit. de l'lnquis. d'Espagne. Par. 1815), no fewer than 32,000 individuals were burnt, 18,000 were similarly punished in effigy, while 300,000 received other sentences at the hands of the Spanish Inquisition, from its origin to the time when Napoleon swept it away in 1808. Comp. C. J. Hefele (d. Cardinal Ximenez. 2d Ed. Tub. 1851), who has corrected some of the statements of Llorente. 2. Procedure against Witches. (Comp. Hauber, Biblioth., acta et scripta magica. Lemgo 1739-45. W. G. Soldan, Gesch. d. Hexenproc— Hist, of the Proced. ag. Witch.— Stuttg. 1843. C. § 146. SCHOLASTICISM AND ITS OPPONENTS. 4G7 G. v. Wdchter, Beitr. zur Gesch. d. deutsch. Strafr. Tiib. 1845.) — In 1484 Innocent VIII. issued the bull " Summis desiderantes affectibus," wherein he informed the Germans that their country was overrun by witches, for whose destruction he had appointed two inquisitors, Henry Kramer and Jacob Sprenger. The paternal care of the Pope found too ready a response among a superstitious people. From confessions extorted on the rack, a perfect dogmatic and histo- rical system was framed, in which the various compacts made with the devil, or the improper alliances contracted with him, obtained their clue place, while the use of broomsticks and pitchforks, the revelries of Walpurgis Night and the scenes on the Blocksberg, found appropriate explanation. On the basis of this new lore Sprenger elaborated a code of criminal procedure against witches, which bore the title of " Malleus Maleficarum." The delusion spread like an epidemic, and thousands of innocent females expired amid tortures, not only in Germany, but in England, and even in Scot- land. Unfortunately, the Reformation made little difference in this respect, and the sorrow with which we witness the persecutions of supposed witches in Scotland, even during the most flourishing periods of religious life, is only equalled by our indignation on finding that an eminent Protestant lawyer on the Continent, Bene- dict Carpzov, should, so late as the seventeenth cent., have entered the lists in defence of the practice. King James VI. showed his zeal by writing a treatise on "Dgemonologie." Christian Thomasius was the first, in 1707, successfully to combat this superstition. III. THEOLOGICAL SCIENCE. § 146. SCHOLASTICISM AND ITS OPPONENTS. A large number of schools of learning were founded during this period. They increasingly assumed the character of universities, in the proper sense of the term, although chief attention was still paid to theology. These seminaries were generally pledged to the defence of matters as then existing, with all the abuses and defects of the system — hierarchical strongholds not unfrequently planted in the heart of the enemy's camp. Paris and Cologne were still the chief centres of scholasticism, which was there professed by the mendicant friars. For a considerable time realism had held undisputed sway, when William Occam again entered the lists in Germany in favour of nominalism. The controversy which now ensued was carried on with much bitterness; ultimately realism, which a number of the 468 SECOND SECTION. THIRD PERIOD (CENT. 14 AND 15 A.D.). Reformers (among others, Wycliffe and Hus) professed, was decried as the source of all heresy. Aristotle continued the great authority on all philosophical questions ; he was extolled as the precursor of Christ, and his system formed the basis of theology. But what of power and energy there was in scholasticism, had long passed away ; bitter polemics, empty formalism, and mere casuistry now constituted its sum and substance. That dangerous distinction made between philosophical and theological truth, by which one and the same pro- position might be true in philosophy and false in theology, was almost universally adopted. In ethics, the schoolmen addressed themselves chiefly to intricate questions, while on some points their views were far from trustworthy (for example, in their defence of the murder of a tyrant, or their doctrine of probability). But already the reign of scholasticism was drawing to a close. Many complained of the abuse to which it had been turned ; others endeavoured to improve and reform it, or, by the study of the Bible and of the Fathers, to infuse into it a new life. Generally, however, the opposi- tion was one of principle, and that chiefly on the part of the Mystics (§ 147), the English and Bohemian Reformers (§ 149 and 150), and the Humanists (§ 151). 1. Among the schoolmen, properly so called, of that period, the most celebrated were Francis Mayr< >n, a Scotist at Paris — Doctor illuminatus or acutus — ob 1325, and Herveus Natalis, a Thomist and general of the Dominicans, ob. 1323. But more extensive and important than theirs was the influence of two other schoolmen, who not only renounced strict adherence to scholastic tenets, but ven- tured to propound evangelical views. William Durandus de St Porciano (near Clermont), also a Dominican — Doctor resolutissi- mus — and from 1326 Bishop of Meaux, had at first been a zealous advocate of Thomist views. Afterwards, however, he saw cause to change his opinions. In philosophy he became a nominalist, while, in opposition to the schoolmen, he taught that there were doctrines which could not be demonstrated, and which had to be received in simple faith as revealed truth. On the subject of the Eucharist he held that the doctrine of consubstantiation was at least probable ; he also maintained that marriage was not a sacrament in the same sense as the other six. He wrote a commentary on Lombardus, and a " Tractatus de statu animarum sanctarum postquam resolutas sunt a corpore." This work was directed against the view of Pope John XXII., that the souls of the blessed attained vision of God, only after the resurrection and the last judgment. In general, this erro- neous tenet was so strenuously opposed throughout the Church, that the Pontiff himself was obliged to retract it. Of kindred spirit was ism a: § 146. sciiolasticisBKnd its opponents. 409 the Franciscan William Occam, an Englishman — Doctor invinci- bilis — teacher at Paris, and provincial of his order. He was expelled by the Franciscans on account of his taking the part of the more rigo- rous in the order, and espoused the cause of Louis of Bavaria, whom he boldly defended against the interference of the hierarchy ; ob. 1347. On many subjects he dissented from the views of Scotus, which were a kind of test of orthodoxy. In philosophy he was a Nomi- nalist ; he rejected the doctrine of transubstantiation, and adopted that of impanation. Against John XXII. he wrote a " Compen- dium errorum Joannis XXII.," in which he charged the Pontiff with a number of heresies ; among others, with that above referred to. In his numerous writings he frequently defended the opinion, that the Emperor was superior to, and the judge of, the Pope, and that the decision of all questions connected with marriage belonged to the State. (Comp. liettberg, Occam u. Luther, in the " theol. Stud. u. Kritt." for 1839. I. ; also Turner, Hist, of England, Middle Ages. Vol. III.) Of course the papal ban was hurled against him ; the University of Paris also condemned his views. Still a large number of students gathered around him (Occamists). — The last great representative of the schoolmen was Gabriel Biel of Spires, a teacher at Tubingen (ob. 1495), and an admirer of Occam. He delivered sermons on the Ethics of Aristotle ; but in other respects avoided many of the errors of scholasticism, and at a later period joined the Brethren of the Common Life. 2. Besides the Brethren of the Common Life (§ 142, 5) and those who advocated the views propounded at the Councils of Constance and Basle (§ 148), the following were the principal Opponents, or rather reformers of scholasticism : — 1. Nicholas de Lyea, a Fran- ciscan, a Jewish convert from Normandy and teacher of theology at Paris {ob. 1340). His great merit consisted in applying his stores of rabbinical and philological learning to the interpretation of Scrip- ture. Since Christian Druthmar (§ IffO, 6), he was the first again J2_ to prosecute grammatical and historical exegesis. In translating the Bible, Luther largely availed himself of the commentaries of Lyra. Accordingly the enemies of the Reformers were wont to say : Si Lyra non lyrasset, Lutherus non saltasset. — 2. Thomas of Bradwardine, Archbishop of Canterbury (ob. 1349), a man of deep piety, whose theology was thoroughly Augustinian in its cast, and who charged his cotemporaries with Pelagianism. — 3. The learned and acute Raymond of Sabunde at Toulouse, the founder of the science of natural theolosy, designed to exhibit the aoree- ment between the book of nature and that of revelation. (Comp. F. Ho lb erg, de theol. naturali Raim. de Sabunde. Hal. 1843; D. Matzke, d. nat. Theol. d. Raim. v. Sab. Bresl. 1846 ; C. Huttler, d. Rel. Phil. d. R. v. S. Augsb. 1851.) 470 SECOND SECTION. THIRD PERIOD {CENT. 14 AND 15 A.D.), § 147. GERMAN MYSTICISM. It will be remembered that during the twelfth and thirteenth centuries mysticism had formed an alliance with scholasticism. But as the latter gradually degenerated into unmeaning disputes and empty formalism, mysticism escaped from its thraldom and unfolded all the richness and depth of which, especially in that age, it showed itself capable. Germany was now its chief centre, and the national cast of this mysticism appeared even in the circumstance that its leading representatives wrote in the vernacular, and thereby con- tributed not a little to the development of the German language and literature. The mysticism to which we refer had a character of its own ; in it, lofty speculation which occasionally verged on and passed beyond the boundaries of pantheism, was conjoined with deep contemplativeness. During the fifteenth century it lost much of its metaphysical character, but gained all the more in bib- lical truth and practical tendency (approximating in that respect the older French mysticism). Two sentiments meet us in all the Mystics of that age — genuine sorrow for the decay of the Church, and equally ardent longing for a reformation. But mysti- cism, however practical and popular in its form, however right and evangelical in its aspirations, has never been able to bring about a thorough and lasting renovation of religious life. It finds an echo only in those isolated, quiet spirits which cherish deep longing for the cultivation of the inner life. Hence at best it cannot lead to results greater than the formation of separatist churches, whose exclusive cultivation of a subjective piety contains within itself the germs of error and of destruction. It is characteristic of such mysticism that, in its contemplation of what the Saviour does in us, it undervalues what He has clone for US, and that it devotes more attention to communion with God and sanctification than to justification by faith, which is the condition and basis of all fellowship with God. In short, no genuine reformation can take place without mysticism, but it alone is insufficient to accomplish that object. 1 . The series of German philosophical Mystics opens with Master Eccart {pb. about 1329), a provincial of the Dominicans. In bold- ness and vigour of speculation he was superior to all his successors, but at the same time he strayed into open pantheism. It is more than probable that he stood in some relation to the Brothers and Sisters of the Free Spirit, though he certainly did not share their antinomian views and practices. Archbishop Henry of Cologne § 147. GERMAN MYSTICISM. 471 summoned him before his tribunal, and laid the case before Pope John XXII. The commission appointed to try Eccart extracted from his writings twenty-eight propositions, of which seventeen were declared directly heretical, the others at least suspicious and capa- ble of heretical interpretation. The Pope issued a bull of condem- nation, in which however he stated that Eccart had recanted shortly before his death, — which we suppose amounted to this, that he denied holding the same views as the Brethren of the Free Spirit. His numerous tractates, written in German, were suppressed, and only fragments of them have been preserved. (Comp. H. Marten- sen, Meister Eccart. Hamb. 1842 ; C. Schmidt, in the " Stud. u. Kritt." for 1839. III.; Thomson,'m the same Keview for 1845. III.; Ch. Schmidt, Les Mystiques du 14 Siecle. Strasb. 1836, 4 ; F. Bohringer, d. K. Christi u. ihre Zeugen. Vol. II. Sect. 3. Zur. 1855; Deutsche Mystiker d. 14 Jahrh. ed. by F. Pfeiffer. Leips. 1845-57. Vol. II.) The writings and teaching of Eccart had produced a deep im- pression. He was followed during the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries by other and likeminded Mystics. If the speculations of Eccart had been pantheistic in their tendency, they now endea- voured to give them a more scriptural character, and to turn them to practical account. Their writings and sermons in the vernacular contributed not a little to the revival of genuine piety among the people. Foremost among these Mystics we mention : — 1. The Dominican Johannes Tauler at Strasburg {oh. 1361), one of the most powerful preachers of any age, whose labours seem to have been richly blessed. His own conversion and spiritual growth were in great measure due to intercourse with Nicholas of Basle, the "friend of God" (§ 144, 2). He was distinguished by deep humility, ardent love, and fervent piety. It was the main object of all his labours that Christians should daily die to the world and to self, that so Christ might be found in them, and that they should feel themselves poor in spirit, that so they might become rich in God. Withal he clearly understood and preached the great truth of justification by faith. Especially did he abound in labours dur- ing the terrible year 1348, when the black death ravaged Strasburg and the papal interdict rested on the doomed city. But no inter- dict could bind Tauler. The best known of his writings is that on the " Imitation of the Poor Life of Christ." His style and diction entitle him to a place among the best German prose writers before Luther. (Comp. C. Schmidt, Joh. Taul. v. Strassb. Hamb. 1841. B. Bdhring, J. Taul. u. d. Gottesfreunde. Hamb. 1853. Rudel- bach, christi. Biographie, I. 3.) — 2. Henry Suso, a Dominican at Ulm, also called Amandus, the son of a Count of Berg {oh. 1365). His writings, full of sorrow for sin and love to the Lord, which seem the very outpourings of his soul, go straight to the heart. (Comp. Melch. Diepenbrock, Suso's Leb&n u. Schriften, with an 472 SECOND SECTION. THIRD PERIOD (CENT. 14 AND 15 A.D.). Introd. by Gorres, 2d Ed. Regensb. 1837. C. Schmidt, der Myst. H. Suso, in the " Stud. u. Kritt." for 1843. IV. F. Bricka, Henri Suso. Stras. 1854.) — 3. JohnRuysbroek, an Augustine monk at Brussels (ob. 1381). He was called Doctor ecstaticus, from the cir- cumstance that he laid such stress on the ecstatic state, in which man cast off the heavy and impeding bonds of outward sense, and opened his heart immediately and directly to the influences of the love of God and the communications of His Spirit. (Comp. Engel- hardt, Rich. v. St Victor u. Joh. Ruysbr. Erlang. 1838.)— 4. Her- mann of Fritzlar, a pious layman, who has left us a work on the Life of the Saints, which has lately been again edited (by Fr. Pfeifer, in his "teutsche Myst. d. 14. Jahrh. Vol. I. Leips. i845). In attractive language and with most affectionate simplicity, he endeavoured to show how the outward life of the saints reflected their inward purity. The book is entirely free from that miserable externalism which formed the staple of ordinary legends. Through- out it is interspersed with explanations and remarks which breathe a deep mysticism and sublime speculation. — 5. The unknown author of the tractate entitled Theologia Germanica, "a noble treatise, which setteth forth what Adam and what Christ is, and how Adam is to die and Christ to rise in us." The work treats principally of the incarnation of God in Christ, and the elevation of man by the Saviour. It was held in very high esteem by Luther, who pub- lished a new edition of it. (Transl. into Engl, by Miss Winhoorth, with a Pref. by Kingsley.) — 6. John Staupitz, Vicar-General of the Augustine Order in Germany, and the spiritual father of Luther. Himself a warm admirer of the German Mystics, he suc- ceeded in awakening similar sentiments among the members of his order. But he felt unequal to the contest on which Luther entered, and accordingly retired into a Benedictine monastery at Salzburg, where he died in 1524. Even in the case of Suso, speculative mysticism had assumed a more practical cast. This change was finally completed by the "Brethren of the Common Life" (§ 142, 5). Most distinguished among their writers was Thomas a Kempis (ob. 1471). Accord- ing to their views, the whole life, all thinking, knowledge, and ac- tion, were to spring from love to God, and to manifest themselves in the way of growing sanctification. Thomas a Kempis was the author of many tractates ; the well-known book on the Imitation of Christ is generally ascribed to him. With the exception of the Bible, perhaps no other work has so frequently been reprinted, or translated into so many languages, nor has any other been perused by so many persons of all ranks and creeds. (Comp. J. P. Silbert, Ger- sen, G erscn u. Kempis, welcher ist d. Verf. etc. — who is the author, etc.— Vienna 1828. Ullmann, in the " Stud. u. Kritt." for 1 843. 1. G. Vert, Etudes hist, sur lTmit. de J. C. Toul. 1857. B. Bdhring, Th. v. Kempen. Berl. 1849.) \ § 148. THE REFORMATION IN HEAD AND MEMBERS. 473 IV. REFORMATORY MOVEMENTS. § 148. THE REFORMATION IN HEAD AND MEMEERS. The desire for a reformation in head and members continued to exist throughout the whole of this period, down to the Reformation, and even beyond it. It had found utterance in the reformatory Councils of Pisa, Constance, and Basle; but the utter failure of all such attempts, however sincere and energetic, and however wide the sympathies they commanded, proves that they started from a wrong principle. While recognising that these councils kept themselves entirely free from all sectarian tendencies, and honestly endeavoured not to destroy but to reform the Church from within, we cannot shut our eyes to the manifest defects of those movements. Fore- most among them we place the circumstance, that they aimed after a reformation only in head and members, not in spirit ; an attempt which may be compared to the pruning of wild branches, while that which in times past caused, and would still promote their growth, is left untouched. In truth, it was never intended to abolish more than the most grievous oppressions, and certain gross outward scandals — such as the assumptions of the hierarchy, the exactions of the Papacy, and the dissoluteness of the clergy. But these councils entered not on questions of doctrine; despite their corruption, the Romish interpretation of dogmas was uni- A^ersally acknowledged. Nor was it understood that any genuine renovation could only proceed from the preaching of repentance and from a devout acknowledgment of the doctrine of justification by faith in Him who justifieth the ungodly. Hence it was that the reformers of Constance condemned to the stake a Hus, who had pointed out and endeavoured to apply this the only true lever of a genuine reformation ; hence, also, the fathers of Basle hesitated not to proclaim "the Immaculate Conception" as an article of catholic faith. The miscarriage of all these attempts must, therefore, not be ascribed to outward obstacles, either at Pisa or Constance, such as, that before addressing; themselves to the work of reforma- tion the fathers proceeded to the choice of a new Pope, who after- wards prevented any genuine reformation. On the contrary, the circumstance that the members of these councils refused to address themselves to a reformation of the Church till they had given it a head, is rather an honourable testimony to their conscientiousness ; 474 SECOND SECTION. THIRD PERIOD (CENT. 14 AND 15 A.D.). but even had it been otherwise, their defective principles would have led to the same result. On this ground also we can understand why the ablest men in the Council of Basle gradually retired from it in despair, and, like Nicholas of Cusa, again embraced the phantom of papal supremacy, which, under a Gregory and an Innocent, had proved so powerful an instrument of reform. However clearly they discerned that all such attempts as were made by councils had proved abortive, they failed to perceive the real cause of this, and hence once more clung to the Papacy as the sole anchor of hope. 1. French Keformers. — The desire for a reformation of the Church in head and members was chiefly fostered by the great re- presentatives of the University of Paris. Among these divines we mention : 1. Peter d'Ailly, Chancellor of the University of Paris, from 1396 Bishop of Cambray, and from 1411 also a car- dinal (ob. 1425). In many respects he still adhered to the scholastic method, and even wrote a commentary on Lombardus, while at the same time he endeavoured to give a biblical basis to his favourite science.— 2. John Charlier of Gerson (a little village near Rheims), Doctor Christianissimus, the pupil and successor of d'Ailly at Paris (ob. 1429). He strenuously insisted that a General Council was superior to the Pope, — a principle which, in his opinion, was absolutely necessary for any genuine reformation. Nor was he merely alive to outward defects in the Church ; on the contrary, he was wont to appeal to the Bible as the only source and rule of Christian knowledge, and contended against the abuse of the doctrine of indulgences, and the multiplication of saints and festivals. Still he would have withheld the Scriptures in the verna- cular from the laity, and branded every one as an heretic who did not implicitly receive the interpretation which the Church gave of a passage. Gerson was deeply impressed with the desirableness of combining mysticism with scholasticism. His own mysticism, how- ever, was" rather practical than speculative. (Comp. C. Schmidt, Essai sur J. Gerson. Par. 1839 ; and the Essays on his Mystic, by Liebner in the " Stud. u. Kritt." for 1835. II., by Hundeshagen in Illgen's Journal IV., and by Engelhardt; Tliomassy, Jean Ger- son. Par. 1843 : Dr J. H. Schivab (Rom. Cath.), Job.. Gerson, e. Monogr. Wiirzb. 1859.) The genuineness of one of Gerson's most^ important tractates ("de modis uniendi — Ecclesiam"), as also that of some tractates generally ascribed to d'Ailly, has lately been im- pugned by Dr Schwab. However the controversy may be decided, even the withdrawal of the tractates in question would not establish Dr S.'s ultramontane inferences, nor make any material difference in our estimate of Gerson either as a divine or a reformer. — 3. Nicholas OF Clemangis, Rector of the University of Paris, from which he retired into solitude (ob. about 1440). Of all divines in § 148. THE REFORMATION IN HEAD AND MEMBERS. 475 the Church he perceived most clearly existing abuses, and most fully recognised the authority of the Scriptures as the rule of belief and of judgment. (Comp. A. Mi'mfz, Nic. de Clemanges, sa vie et ses ecrits. Strasb. 1846.) — 4. Louis d'Allemand, Cardinal and Archbishop of Aries, the ablest and most eloquent member of the antipanal party at Basle. He was excommunicated and deposed by Eugenius IV. But when the Council of Basle made subjection, Pope Nicholas V. restored him, and in 1527 Clement VII. even allowed the faithful to venerate him as a saint. 2. The Friends of Eeform in Germany. — A considerable time before the appearance of the French reformers, a German, Henry of Langenstein, near Marburg (Henricus de Hassia), had insisted that princes and prelates should summon a General Council in order to put an end to the papal schism, and to initiate a reformation in the Church. His work, "Consilium pacis de unione ac reformatione ecclesiae in concilio universali," appeared in 1381. It contained a humbling, but unfortunately too correct account of the desolate state of the Church. The monasteries he designated " prostibula meretricum," and the cathedral churches " speluncse raptorum et latronum." He taught first at Paris, and from 1381 in Vienna, where he died as rector of the University. — 2. Theodore of Niem (Neheim) was secretary to Gregory J5c?, with J^'v whom he went from France to Pome. Afterwards he became Bishop of Verdun, and died in 1417 as Bishop of Cambray during the sittings of the Council of Constance, of which he was a member. His writings, which have not yet received sufficient attention, are of the greatest importance for the history of the schism and of the Council. Throughout, his language is bold and unsparing, and he may be regarded the most advanced of the reformers at Con- stance. — 3. Gregory of Heimburg. He attended the Council of Basle as secretary to iEneas Sylvius, who at the time was still attached to the reforming party. But his violent opposition to papal assumptions caused such excitement, that -ZEneas deemed it prudent to dismiss his secretary. He afterwards became Syndic of Nurnberg, and in 1459 attended the Council of Mantua as ambas- * sador of the Emperor Sigismund. Pope Pius II. (^Eneas Sylvius) excommunicated him, from which time he wandered about from place to place, the victim of papal persecutions. He died at Dresden in 1472. His writings were collected and published at Frankfort in 1608, under the title, " Scripta nervosa justitiasque plena." On the relation between ^Eneas and Gregory comp. also G. Pfizer, d. Deutsche u. d. Welsche (the German and the Ital.). Stuttg. 1844. — 4. Nicholas of Cusa, near Treves (his real name was Chryfftz = crab). He attended the Council of Basle as Archdeacon of Lieges, spoke and wrote in defence of the principles of that Council (de concordantia catholica LI. III.); but afterwards joined the papal party, was rewarded with the episcopal see of Brixen, where he died 476 SECOND SECTION. THIRD PERIOD (CENT. 14 AND 15 A.D.). a cardinal in 1464. Against the abuses of the scholastic method he wrote three books " de docta ignorantia." (Comp. F. A . Scharpff, d. kirchl. u. lit. Wirken d. Nic. v. Cusa — the Eccl. and Lit. Labours of N. of C— Vol. I. May. 1843. J. M. Dux, d. deutsche Card. Nic. v. Cusa u. d. Kirche s. Zeit. Regensb. 1847. 2 Vols. H. Zimmermann, C. als Vorl. Leibn. — C. the precurs. of Leibn. — Weim. 1852.) 3. Italy also contributed to the Council of Basle one who at least for a time appeared to be a reformer. ^Eneas Sylvius Picco- lomini was among the most determined opponents of Eugenius IV. He wrote a history of the Council of Basle couched in a violent, antipapal spirit, and became secretary of Felix, the Pontiff whom that Council elected. But in 1442 he entered the service of the Emperor Frederic III., became poet laureate and imperial counsellor. In this capacity he displayed considerable diplomatic skill in bringing about the Concordat of Frankfort in 1446, by which a reconciliation was effected between Pope Eugenius and the Ger- man princes. Ten years afterwards Calixtus IV. nominated him cardinal, and in 1458 he was elevated to the papal see as Pius II. His poetic effusions are full of most indecent passages, and his former lasciviousness continued even after his accession to the see of Peter. § 149. ATTEMPTS AT EVANGELICAL REFORMATION. While the divines of Paris attacked the glaring abuses of the Papacy, a more hopeful movement had commenced in England and Bohemia. Not merely the outward, corruptions of the Church, but their hidden causes, were to be exposed and removed. Another distinctive feature of this Reformation was, that it addressed, itself to the people rather than to the learned, and aimed at enlisting their sympathies and convictions. For the first time also was it understood and proclaimed, more or less distinctly, that a genuine reformation must be based on that great doctrine of justification by faith, which had at first been the corner stone of the Church. It is on this ground that Wycliffe and Hus, the representatives of this movement, have frequently been represented as the precursors of the Reformation of the sixteenth century. However correct in some respects the statement, there was a vast difference be- tween these men and the reformers of Wittemberg or Geneva. Not to speak of the comparatively small success of their labours, which in part may have been due to the circumstance that the ful- ness of time for such comprehensive reforms had not yet come, they failed, partly by defect, and partly by excess. On the one hand, they perceived not with sufficient clearness the doctrine of objective § 149. ATTEMPTS AT EVANGELICAL REFORMATION. 477 justification, as contradistinguished from sanctification or subjective righteousness ; on the other hand, their views of the nature and constitution of the true Church went to and beyond the verge of a false spiritualism. Virtually acknowledging no other than the invisible Church, they failed in establishing a visible community ; while m their aims after excessive purity and simplicity, they dis- connected themselves not only from the past, but even from the present. Of the two reformers whom we have mentioned, Hus was more a man of the people than Wycliffe. If his views were less philosophical, and his system less developed, his aims were more practical and popular, and more fully directed towards inward and spiritual renovation, than those of his great English teacher. — These tendencies were not confined to England or Bohemia. A similar movement sprung up in other lands, especially in the Low Countries. In this case also submission to the Scriptures, and faith in the crucified Saviour as the ground of salvation, were regarded as the only principles capable of achieving a genuine reformation. Like Hus and Wycliffe, those divines adopted the theological system of St Augustine, but their activity was more quiet, confined to narrower circles, and rather theological than popular. Even in Italy a reformer appeared. Thoroughly imbued with evangelical senti- ments, Savonarola exercised during his brief public career a most precious influence upon his countrymen. 1. Reformers in the Low Countries. (Comp. C. Ullmann, Reformers before the Reform. Edinb. Clarks' For. Theol. Libr. G. Muurling, de Wess. Gansf. cum vita turn merit, in praep. sacr. emend. P. I. (vita). Traj. 1831.)— Most of these reformers had learned in the school of the " Brethren of the Common Life." The following were the most celebrated among them : — 1. John Pup- per OF Goch, prior of a cloister of canon esses at Malines which himself had founded (ob. 1475). From his writings (de libertate Christiana, de quatuor erroribus circa legem) we gather that he was a man of deep piety. His theology is entirely that of Augustine ; he insists at great length that love, which constitutes the liberty of the children of God, forms the great subject-matter of theology, while the exclusive authority of Scripture affords the sole testing point of Christian truth. It will not appear strange if we add, that Pup- per also inveighed against legalism, work-righteousness, and all externalism in religion. — 2. John Ruchrath of Wesel, pro- fessor at Erfurt, then preacher at Mayence and Worms (ob. 14$ 1). His theology was also cast in the mould of St Augustine. He denied the power of the Pope to issue anathemas or to grant indul- gences, and preached the doctrine of salvation by faith alone. His 478 SECOND SECTION. THIRD PERIOD (CENT. 14 AND 15 A.D.). views on the Eucharist were certainly not Romish ; those on the Church bordered on spiritualism. He wrote a tractate, "de jejunio," against ecclesiastical fasts ; another, " de indulgentiis," against in- dulgences ; and a third, " de potestate ecclesiastica," against the hierarchy. The Dominicans in Mayence accused and condemned him as a heretic. Bent by age and disease, he was prevailed upon to recant and to commit his writings to the flames, while he him- self was condemned to imprisonment for life. His writings and those of Pupper are partially reprinted in Fr. Walclis Monumenta medii a3vi. Gottg. 1757. — 3. John Wessel, from Groningen, educated by the Brethren of the Common Life at Zwoll, where Thomas a Kempis had exercised considerable influence upon him. After having taught at Heidelberg for some years, he retired to the monastery on Mount St Agnes near Zwoll, where he died in 1489. His friends called him " Lux Mundi." In rare measure he com- bined accomplishments so diverse as scholastic dialectics, mystic speculation, and thorough classical training. Luther said of him : " If I had read Wessel before I began, my opponents would have imagined that Luther had derived everything from Wessel — so entirely do we two agree in spirit." In one point, however, they differed, since on the subject of the Eucharist Wessel adopted what afterwards were known as Calvinistic views. The patronage of influential friends proved his safeguard from the Inquisition. Un- fortunately, some of his numerous writings have been entirely sup- pressed through the exertions of the mendicants. An edition of those still extant has been published by Petrus Pappus (Groning. 1614). The most important of them, which bears the title " Farrago," consists of a collection of small but very interesting essays. 2. An Italian Reformer. (Comp. A. G. Rudelbach, Hier. Savonarola u. seine Zeit. Hamb. 1835. F. C. Meier, Girolamo Savon. Berl. 1836. K. Rase, neue Propheten. Leips. 1851. F. T. Ferrens, Jerome Saw Par. — a book to which the French Acad, awarded the 1st prize — 2d Ed. 1857; transl. into Germ, by Dr Schroder.) — The reformation which Savonarola inaugurated in Italy towards the close of the fifteenth century, was directed not only against ecclesiastical, but also against political abuses. It was this combination of different objects which proved fatal to him- self and his work. Jeromo Savonarola, a Dominican, had learned the truths of the Gospel from Scripture and from the writ- ings of St Augustine. These truths he now proclaimed at Florence (since 1489). His brilliant oratory, his bold and almost fanatical denunciations of the corruptions prevalent among clergy and laity, princes and people, attracted crowds around him. With intimate knowledge of the way of salvation, he combined a strange apoca- lyptic and prophetic turn. Many an obstinate sinner was aroused by having discovered his most secret sins, while some of his political predictions were fulfilled in the most remarkable manner. Savon- § 150. WYCLIFFE AND HUS. 479 arola soon became the idol of the people; and measures were taken to carry into practice not only the moral and religious, but also the political reformation which he had proposed. Florence was to be- come the capital of a new democratic theocracy. What his enemies, especially Pope Alexander, could not effect by the offer of a car- dinal's hat, was accomplished by the folly of a fickle populace. For a time political complications in Italy became more unfavourable, and seemed to run counter to some of his predictions, while a famine desolated the land. The nobility and the loose young men of Florence had always been his bitter enemies ; popular opinion also now began to turn against him. The Pope had chosen the right moment to hurl his anathema against the reformer, and to lay the city which sheltered him under the interdict (1497). Too many were found willing to execute the papal sentence. An excited mob made him prisoner ; his most determined opponents were his judges. No wonder then that he was condemned to the stake as an heretic and a seducer of the people. Savonarola submitted to his doom in child- like confidence on Him who had died on the cross (1498). Among the heresies laid to his charge, was that of having taught the doc- trine of justification by faith. Comp. G. JRapp, die erweckl. Schrif- ten (the Popul. Relig. Treat.) d. Martyr. H. Savon. Stuttg. 1839. sesr § 150. WYCLIFFE AND HUS. Comp. J. Lewis, Hist, of the Life and Sufferings of J. Wycliffe. Oxf. 1820 ; R. Vaughan, J. de Wycliffe, a Monograph. Lond.1853 ; Jdger, J. Wye. u. s. Bedentung fur d. Reform. Halle 1854 ; G. Weber, Gesch. d. akathol. Kirchen u. Seeten v. Grossbrit. Leips. 1845. Vol. I.; F. A. Leioald, d. theol. Doctrin. J. Wye. in the " Zeitsch. fur hist. Theol." for 1846. II.-IV. ; and in the same Journal for 1853. III. 1854. II. ; G. V. Lechler, Wye. u. d. Lol- larden ; also, F. Bohringer, J. v. W. (" Die K. u. ihre Zeugen." Vol. II. Sect. 4. 1. Ziir. 1856), and " Hist, of Engl, and France under the House of Lancaster." Lond. 1852. — (A number of W.'s treatises have of late been reprinted.) The movement which Wvcliffe originated in England was alto- gether independent of the Albigenses, Waldenses, and other sects on the Continent ; but it was not entirely unprepared. For some time Parliament had been resisting the growing assumptions of the papal Curia — now entirely a tool of the French court ; while the University of Oxford had equally been engaged in a contest against the encroachments of the mendicant friars. These feelings of the nation found expression and vindication in John Wycliffe. Like other reformers, he began by censuring glaring abuses, and ended with attacking erroneous doctrine. Irrespective of his life-long 480 SECOND SECTION. THIRD PERIOD (CENT. 14 AND 15 A.D.). struggle with the hierarchy, and its standing army — the friars, his course was simple and uneventful. Born in 1324 in the village of Wycliffe, near Richmond, in Yorkshire, he entered Queen's College, Oxford, at the early age of sixteen. His diligence and attainments procured him rapid promotion. We find him successively Fellow of Merton College, Warden of Baliol (1360), and Rector of Fylingham, which he afterwards exchanged for the parish of Ludgershall, near Oxford. Even at this early period he entered upon the two great controversies which engaged the energies of his life, and procured for him so long time the sympathies of the people and of the Uni- versity. In giving his able support to the opposition of the English Parliament against the impudent demands of the Papacy, he secured a powerful party in the State ; while, in contending with the friars, he in roality represented the cause of learning against arrogance, hierarchism, hypocrisy, and abuses. The tractates entitled " Ob- jections to the Friars," and " Two short treatises against the Orders of Begging Friars," dating from this period, contain a withering exposure of the monastic orders. If we may believe tradition, they were preceded by an earlier treatise, entitled " The Last Age of the Church," published so early as the year 1356. However, though generally ascribed to Wycliffe, its apocalyptic extravagances and other circumstances lead us to disbelieve its genuineness. But the reformer was soon to have an opportunity of observing more closely the Court of Rome. In 1374 he was appointed member of an embassy despatched to Bruges, to arrange with papal commis- sioners the disputes between the Pope and England. The result of the negotiations was a compromise, which failed to satisfy the anti- papal party in England. And no wonder — since the taxes paid the Pope for ecclesiastical dignities conferred, amounted to five times the proceeds of all the revenues of the Crown ; while benefices were either sold or given to foreign prelates, who spent their large revenues abroad, when scarce enough was left to keep the churches at home in decent repair. Edward III. rewarded the services of Wycliffe by presenting him to the prebend of Anst, in the collegiate church of Westbury (Worcester), and to the rectory of Lutterworth, on which he resigned his parish of Ludgershall. But if King and Parliament hailed the powerful advocacy of Wycliffe, his proceed- ings had already drawn upon him the hatred of the hierarchy. His first encounter with the prelates was in 1377, when he appeared before the Archbishop of Canterbury and the Bishop of London. Unfortunately, we are left in ignorance of the precise points of ac- § 150. WYCLIFFE AND HUS. 481 cusation ; but we can scarcely be mistaken in supposing that they referred to Wycliffe's views on the claims of the hierarchy, and the re- lation between Church and State. We are further confirmed in this opinion by the fact, that the Reformer appeared before his judges accompanied by no less personages than John of Gaunt, Duke of Lancaster, and Earl-Marshal Percy. The temper of these noblemen soon broke out in an unseemly altercation with the prelates ; a tumult ensued ; the investigation was suspended ; and Wycliffe was ulti- mately dismissed, with an admonition to be more cautious in future. But the Reformer had enemies even more determined and influen- tial than the hierarchy of Britain. His unsparing exposure of the vices, follies, and worthlessness of the monastic orders had endan- gered their very existence in the country. They possessed the means of moving the Curia, and, but for providential circumstances, would have succeeded in silencing their tormentor. In 1377 seve- ral papal bulls reached this country. One of them directed the University of Oxford to seize upon the heretic which it had too long sheltered, and to surrender him prisoner to the Archbishop of Canterbury or the Bishop of London. Another bull, addressed to these prelates, charged them with culpable negligence in the matter, and enjoined them to try the case. It added the seasonable advice, to bring every influence to bear in order to detach from Wycliffe his friends at court. Finally, a bull was directed to the King him- self, requesting him, in flattering terms, to lend the prelates the aid of the secular arm. These bulls were accompanied by nineteen heretical propositions, extracted by the monks from the writings of Wycliffe. One series of these statements seemed to strike at the root of the secular power of the Pope, hinting that only the predes- tinate (members of the true Church) could properly lay claim to authority or possessions ; another series was aimed against the secular possessions of the clergy ; while the third controverted the indiscri- minate use of that terrible weapon excommunication — so frequently employed for selfish purposes, and laid down the evangelical prin- ciple concerning genuine repentance. When these documents reached England, Edward III. was dead, the throne was occupied by tt Richard ^, a mere child, and the Parliament in no mood to yield to the Papacy. Wycliffe was still the defender of the State against the assumptions of the hierarchy. So long as he confined himself to that, his person was secure. It might have continued so— as him- self declared, when on a sick-bed, to some mendicants who visited and admonished him to repent, in prospect of death, " I shall not die, VOL. I. 2 H 482 SECOND SECTION. THIRD PERIOD (CENT. 14 AND 15 A.D.). but live, and declare the evil deeds of the friars." With powerful friends in the University, at court, and in Parliament, it was felt to be evidently impossible literally to carry out the papal injunc- tion to make Wycliffe a prisoner ; but he was cited to appear be- fore his ecclesiastical judges. The reply which the Reformer made to the nineteen charges brought against him has been preserved. Unfortunately, this document bears little trace of the usual bold- ness and energy of Wycliffe ; it consists rather of evasions and explanations than of a vindication of his faith, and breathes rather the language of politicians (by whom it may probably have been inspired) than that of the martyr. These modifications, the threat- ening attitude of a number of the London citizens, and the in- terposition of the Dowager Princess of Wales, once more saved Wycliffe. Quite different from the language held at Lambeth was that of the Reformer shortly afterwards, when, free from political influences and trammels, he combated in his own armour with one of the papal party, whom he designates " Mixtus Theologus." In 1378 an event occurred which shook the Papacy to its centre. Gregory XL had died, and the papal schism commenced which formed so long the scandal of Christendom. Wycliffe hailed the event, in the hope that since Christ " hath clove the head of Anti- christ, and made the two parts fight against each other," the end of the system was near. The year 1381 marks a new era in the his- tory of the Reformer. If hitherto he had only inveighed against the arrogance, the assumptions, and the hypocrisy of the hierarchy and clergy, he now attacked the doctrines of the Church of Rome, especially that great bulwark of priestly power — the doctrine of transubstantiation. The twelve theses which he offered to defend on this subject at Oxford are remarkable. They bore that the con- secrated host was only an efficacious sign of Christ ; that no man could discern Christ in the Eucharist otherwise than by faith ; that originally the views of Berengar had been those of the Church uni- versal ; that the doctrine of transubstantiation, of impanation, etc., were false ; and that the sacrament of the Eucharist was figuratively the body and blood of Christ, into which the bread and the wine were transubstantiated, but in the sense that the essence (aliquitas) of the elements continued after consecration, although, in the view of believers, it was as if it did not exist. It is evident that the con- troversy between Wycliffe and the Church was now assuming pro- portions for which neither the University nor his friends at court were prepared. At the time of which we write, William Barton, § 150. WYCLIFFE AND HDS. 483 one of the principal opponents of Wycliffe, was chancellor of the University. No sooner had Barton seen the bold theses, than he summoned twelve doctors to his aid, of whom, very significantly, eio-ht were begging friars. This assembly prohibited any one from teaching or defending propositions so heretical, and condemned all who hesitated to maintain that " there do not remain in that vener- able sacrament the material bread and wine which were there before, each according to its own substance or nature, but only the species of the same, under which species the very body and blood of Christ are really contained, not merely figuratively or tropically, but essentially, substantially, and corporeally, — so that Christ is there verily in His own proper bodily presence." From the sentence of the Chancellor Wycliffe appealed to the King ; but without effect. The court and Parliament were ready to protect the advocate of national independence, but not the schismatic in doctrine. Another circumstance also contributed to deprive the Reformer of the sup- port of the nobility. The peasant war under Wat Tyler and John Balle, though entirely unconnected with the movement of Wycliffe, might easily be made by the papal party an argument for upholding more strenuously existing institutions. Banished from the Univer- sity, the Reformer retired to his parish of Lutterworth, where, by his sermons and tractates, he continued to influence all classes of the community. Telling exposures of the priesthood alternated with earnest exhortations that each man should, in his own sphere, con- tribute that the law of God might again prevail. His activity was not, however, confined to his own parish, or to the tractates which he scattered over the country. By means of the so-called " poor priests," he sent the Gospel throughout the country. These " poor priests" resembled in many respects the Poor Men of Lyons, as the >early Waldenses were designated. In coarse robes of russet hue, barefoot, with a staff in their hand, they travelled through villages and towns, preaching the Gospel and instructing the people. But this period of quiet usefulness was not to be of long duration. During the late tumults the Primate had been killed ; he was succeeded by Courtenay, the bitter enemy of Wycliffe. The new Primate imme- diately summoned a synod to arrest the spread of heresy. On the 17th May 1382, eight bishops and twenty-five doctors and bachelors of theology (among them, fifteen friars) met, and unani- mously declared ten of Wycliffe' s propositions heretical, and other fourteen erroneous. To make this sentence more solemn, a proces- sion moved barefoot through the streets of London to St Paul's, 484 SECOND SECTION. THIRD PERIOD (CENT. 14 AND 15 A.D.). where a Carmelite addressed the multitude on the subject. It is important to notice which of the views of the Reformer were de- clared heretical, and which only erroneous. Among the former, the Synod ranked his opinions on the Eucharist ; his denial that the mass was Christ's institution ; his assertion, that auricular confession was unnecessary in case of genuine heart-contrition ; his views about the invalidity of ministerial acts, if performed by a priest in mortal sin ; and his objections to the secular possessions of the clergy. It can scai'cely be doubted that the views with which the Synod charged Wycliffe were somewhat exaggerated ; in point of fact, however, he only disowned one — evidently a misconception of the bearing of his views on predestination — " that God must obey the devil." Among the statements adjudged erroneous by the Synod, were his well-known views on excommunication ; his opinion, that deacons and presbyters required not the special license of their superiors for preaching, that temporalities might be withheld from neglectful priests, and a series of denunciations against monastic orders generally. — Archbishop Courtenay had carried the condemnation of Wycliffe's tenets ; but it was a more difficult thing to derive from the sentence any practical results. As yet, there was no law in England making heresy a crime. Wycliffe had many supporters in Oxford, and the " poor priests" were rapidly multiplying his adherents among the people. The first step which the Primate took, was to intimate to all diocesans the sentence of the Synod, warning them at the same time to adopt all proper measures for the suppression of heresy ; the next was to procure from the House of Lords a bill, enjoining sheriffs and other officials to imprison all " poor priests," their abettors and adherents, until they should clear themselves of suspicion, according to the law of the Church. The bill was accompanied by a letter from the King (dated 12th July 1382), in which the Primate was empowered to imprison all who publicly or privately maintained any of the con- demned propositions. A persecution of the " poor priests" now commenced throughout the country. But it was not so easy to reach the adherents of Wycliffe in Oxford. Barton had been suc- ceeded as chancellor by Rigge, a man favourable to the Reformers. Accordingly, Hereford, one of Wycliffe's friends, and his coadjutor in the translation of the Bible, was appointed University preacher — an opportunity which he employed for defending some of the pro- positions impugned ; while the delegate of Courtenay ventured not to publish the sentence of the Synod. The refractory Chancellor was summoned before the Primate. As might have been anticipated, § 150. WYCLIFFE AND HUS. 485 the controversy ended in the submission of Rigge, and the suspen- sion of the most prominent of Wycliffe's adherents in Oxford : Nicholas Hereford, Philip Reppingdon, John Aston, and Laurence Bedeman. The clergy went further. By direct command of the King, the sentence of the Synod was now published, and a general in- quisition instituted, for the twofold purpose of ascertaining what mem- bers of the University favoured the heresy, and of seizing on any dangerous writings. The supporters of Wycliffe in Oxford were next summoned before the Primate. The only point on which appa- rently they were called to make formal retractation, was the tenet of the Reformer on the Eucharist. It is melancholy to relate that very few of those cited continued faithful to their convictions. Hillman, Bedeman, Reppingdon, and Aston subscribed confessions which, to say the least, cannot be reconciled with their former views, even admitting that the language used by Wycliffe, in many respects, resembled that of the Church. Hereford seems to have been more stedfast, though of him also we soon lose trace. It is strange — almost an unsolved mystery — that Wycliffe himself should not have been summoned at this time, or compeared at the convocation held at Oxford in 1382. l We are left in doubt whether his persecutors deemed themselves not yet sufficiently strong to attack him, whether he was reserved as the last victim, or whether it was intended ulti- mately to make a striking example of the arch-heretic. Certain it is that he remained undisturbed in Lutterworth, preaching and pro- pounding his views by tractates. Only once again was he molested by a citation to Rome from Urban VI., which the Reformer, how- ever, declined, in somewhat sarcastic language, on the ground of ill health. The Pope was too busy with his opponent at Avignon, to bestow further attention upon the priest of Lutterworth. The Re- former felt deeply the persecution to which his adherents were ex- posed, on the ground, as he asserted, of their saying that Antichrist should be ashamed of his manner of life, and that the bread in the Eucharist was bread, and at the same time the body of Christ. He adopted two bold measures, — the one was an appeal to King and Par- liament, the other, the publication of a " confession" of his views on the Eucharist. The latter may be regarded as the most mature ex- pression of his convictions on the subject. It is interesting to know them. The purport of the treatise may be summed up in one or two sentences. Wycliffe believes that the sacramental bread is, in 1 Historical evidence seems to point to this conclusion, rather than that he appeared at Oxford and escaped unharmed. 486 SECOND SECTION. THIRD PERIOD (CENT. 14 AND 15 A.D.). truth and reality, the body of Christ which had been conceived by the Virgin, suffered on the cross, lain for three days in the tomb, risen on the third day, ascended into heaven, and now sitteth at the right hand of the Father. But he guards himself against being misunderstood, as if he meant that the sacramental bread was essen- tially, substantially, or corporeally the body of Christ, so that the body of Christ, which occupied a definite space in heaven, was iden- tical with the consecrated host. What he intended to convey by saying that the body of Christ was really and truly in the sacrament was, that it was there in an efficacious, spiritual, and sacramental manner, but not according to substance or corporeal nature. — The last years of the Reformer's life were the most active, so far as lite- rary labours were concerned. Besides a number of tracts, he com- pleted, between 1380 and 1384, the translation of the entire Bible into English. Wycliffe had long suffered from various infirmities ; still he continued his labours till within a few days of his death, which took place on the 31st December 1384. — With the decease of the Reformer his work died not. The Lollards, as his adherents were now called, continued to cherish and spread his opinions, despite the cruel persecutions to which they were exposed. Nay, more, — the seed of these doctrines was carried to a distant country, where, under the care of Hus and his successors, it took root and bore abundant fruit. 1. The Theology of Wycliffe. — In forming our opinions of the theology of Wycliffe, we must bear in mind the scholastic train- ing through which he had passed, and the circumstances under which he wrote. In opposition to the worship of man which he saw everywhere around, Wycliffe recognised God everywhere. From the Pelagianism of the Church of Rome he recoiled, almost to the opposite extreme. Yet, versed in the subtleties of the schools, his was the Augustinianism of Bradwardine rather than that of the Bishop of Hippo, or of Calvin. We add, that the most elaborate of the Reformer's theological treatises is the Trialogus, written in the form of a discussion between Alithia (Truth), Pseudis (Lie), and Phronesis (Prudence). — The two fundamental principles which seem to underlie the theology of Wycliffe, are, the absolute causa- lity of God, and the exclusive authority of the Scriptures. On the former of these points Wycliffe carries his speculations to con- siderable length. Nothing is but as thought by God, and nothing is thought by God but what is ; and this holds true, not only in reference to outward objects, but also in the sphere of morality. If it be asked how human liberty can be reconciled with this doctrine of absolute causality, Wycliffe replies, that man was, in reality, like a child walking in leading-strings, which all the while deemed itself § 150. WYCLIFFE AND HUS. 487 walking alone. To explain this bold simile, the Reformer first dis- tinguished between the inward and the outward action of God ; to the former, no measure of time could apply, it was eternal, — not so the latter. This distinction would show that the doctrine of Divine causality really interfered not with human liberty. It was, indeed, true that the general course of every individual and his nature were fixed from all eternity in the Divine plan, but not his every special action, viewed separately and by itself, in which man freely determined for himself according to his nature and disposition, and not according to a special decree. Hence the eternal determi- nation of God (His inward action) by no means excluded the self- determination of man. To walk in leading-strings, then, really meant, that each man was guided by his nature and disposition. More formidable even seemed the objection, that this doctrine of absolute causality would make God the author of sin. But, replied Wycliffe, properly speaking, evil has not any real existence — it is only a want or defect. In a secondary sense, and in so far as it issues in much good, existence may be ascribed to it ; and in that secondary sense God might be said both to know and to will evil. It is scarcely necessary to remark that Wycliffe held the doctrine of eternal election, although he shrunk from tracing the final rejection of the non-predestinate in as explicit terms to Divine causality as he did the salvation of the Church. Wycliffe rather connected the condemnation of the reprobate with their actual sins. It is worthy of notice that, like Bradwardine, our Reformer based the doctrine of absolute predestination on the almighty will of God, and not on ori- ginal sin, or the spiritual inability of man. Withal, he also main- tained that nobody could in this life be assured of his predestination, and that every person should regard himself a member of the true Church. — In every system of theology, the question of the origin of evil has baffled the skill of the metaphysician. Wycliffe contributed his share towards a solution of the difficulty. He first laid down the principle, that originally the angels enjoyed a twofold knowledge of God— by direct vision in the Divine Word (what Augustine called " the morning vision"), and through a knowledge of things viewed individually and separately (which may be called the evening vision). He also put the matter in a different shape. Using a simile, he spoke of a threefold knowledge of God — as direct vision, vision by refrae- tion, and vision by reflection as from a glass. Wycliffe next sug- gested that the fallen angels had gradually declined to the lowest of these three visions — the knowledge of things separately, and by themselves ; and that, having dwelt upon them without referring them to God, they came to deem themselves equal to God, in the sense that they imagined that, just as the Highest had none whom to thank for gifts received, so they might also rest satisfied with their knowledge of things viewed by themselves, without ascribing to God the praise due to Him. In this consisted the fall of the angels. — It 488 SECOND SECTION. THIRD PERIOD (CENT. 14 AND 15 A.D.). was more easy to account for the introduction of sin into our world, which Wycliffe referred to the temptations of Satan finding en- trance into the soul through the ignorance and inexperience of men. The thorny question of the exact mode in which original sin is trans- mitted, was not left untouched hy the bold scholastic. In regard to the souls of infants, he held what is known as Creatianism, in oppo- sition to Traducianism. The only solution which Wycliffe could therefore suggest was, that God created each soul neither pure nor impure (a tabula rasa ?), and that sin was introduced by the connec- tion of the soul with the body. — Such were some of the theological speculations of our Reformer. But the moment we leave metaphy- sical and scholastic disquisitions, and turn to the great truths of the Gospel, all wears a different aspect. So far as light is granted, Wy- cliffe is always clear, evangelical, and consistent. With particular emphasis he dwells on the necessity of the incarnation of the Son of God, as requisite in order to render & perfect divine obedience in our nature. Equally does he insist on the necessity of the death of Christ as a substitute for us, and explains the twofold character of His work, to which modern divines have given the designation of the active and passive obedience of the Saviour. At the same time Wycliffe rejected the popish dogma of the superfluous merits of Jesus, of which the Church was the depository. Views so full and scriptural must have swept away every idea of work-righteousness, of indulgences, of the intercession of saints, and all other popish inventions. However, like all other divines of the Middle Ages, Wycliffe seems to have been ignorant of the doctrine of justification, or of judicial, forensic impu- tation of the righteousness of Christ. He only speaks of an inward communication of righteousness, infused into the soul by the grace of God. Faith he chiefly regarded in the light of an intellectual act, being a supernatural and habitual knowledge of what should be believed,a knowledge pervading andinfluencing the whole inner man. We have already alluded to Wycliffe' s high regard for the exclusive authority of the Bible (to the rejection of the Apocrypha). What- ever it enjoined should be implicitly observed; whatever had no direct sanction in its pages, was man's invention and heresy. It was on these grounds that he felt so anxious to diffuse among the people the Scriptures in the vernacular, and that with the assistance of some friends (especially of Hereford) he addressed himself so zealously to its translation. The version of the Scriptures was made, not from the original tongues, but from the Vulgate. Of course it was very imperfect ; still it proved an inestimable boon to the people. — We have seen that the great doctrinal controversy between Wycliffe and the Romish Church turned upon the import of the Eucharist. A sacrament he defined as a visible and effectual sign (instituted by Christ) of an invisible reality. Its efficacy depended not on itself, but on the power of God which rendered the sign efficacious. For this purpose, however, both the receiver and the dispenser of the sacra- § 150. WYCLIFFE AND HUS. 489 ment must be in a state of fitness and proper preparation. The above definition contained the germ of correct views on those sacra- ments which had a warrant in Scripture ; it also implied the rejec- tion of those instituted by man, and of the ceremonies with which the Church had encumbered them. Baptism, he held, was lawfully administered to infants, and, if rightly received, might prove the channel for the remission of sins. But on this subject Wycliffe is not very explicit. In reference to the Eucharist, he rejected, of course, the doctrine of transubstantiation, which the friars scholasti- cally explained by stating that after consecration the substance of the bread and wine were annihilated, the accidenc.es or properties (such as form, taste, etc.) alone remaining ; on which account the Dominicans argued that the bread in the sacrament became nothing, i.e., an aggregate of accidences without a substance. Against this monstrous sophism Wycliffe protested, labouring, in opposition, to establish two points, — viz., that the bread and wine remained, really and substantially, bread and wine, and that at the same time the body and blood of Christ were really, though not corporeally, present in the sacrament. The sacrament of Confirmation the Reformer regarded as unfounded in Scripture. In respect of Ordination, he maintained that originally there had been only two clerical orders, presbyters and deacons. He rejected the idea that Marriage was a sacrament; indeed, on this question he went, perhaps, to an oppo- site extreme. He was opposed to the Romish restrictions in regard to affinity, and held strong views on the sanctity of the marriage contract. On the subject of Penance he declared that genuine heart-contrition Avas quite sufficient, without either auricular con- fession or the daring assumption of priestly absolution. In short, in doctrine, discipline, and worship, he would have swept away man's inventions, the worship of saints and of images, and all other super- stitions, and returned to pristine Christian simplicity. — The true Church Wycliffe regarded as consisting of the angels and blessed in heaven (the Church triumphant), of the predestinate who were still in purgatory (the Church sleeping), and of the community of the predestinate on earth (the Church militant). The visible Church consisted of three classes — the commons, lords, and priests. But Wycliffe would only recognise that as a true Church which owned Christ as its Head, His law as its only directory, and the Holy Spirit as its soul and animating principle. — From this brief notice it will be easy to gather both the excellencies and the defects of Wycliffe's theology. The German Reformers of the sixteenth century awarded him a scanty measure of justice, though some of their accusations are, perhaps, not without foundation in truth. They charged him with Donatism, in refusing to acknowledge the validity of sacra- ments administered by unworthy priests, and with fanaticism, in maintaining that the clergy were not warranted in holding temporal possessions. Luther, of course, controverted his views on the Eu- 490 SECOND SECTION. THTKD PERIOD (CENT. 14 AND 15 A.D.). charist, and reproached him with having attacked the life rather than the doctrines of the Papacy. To this Melancthon added that Wycliffe had been ignorant of the doctrine of justification by faith, and that he had improperly mixed up the Gospel with politics. It is needless to examine these charges in detail : suffice it to add, that the theology of Wycliffe claimed much closer affinity to that of the Swiss than of the German Reformers. 2. The Lollards. — The adherents of Wycliffe were most nume- rous in the dioceses of London and Lincoln. In order to brand them as a known heretical sect, their enemies designated them " Lollards" (a name common since 1387). So inefficacious had the measures hitherto adopted against them proved, that on many occa- sions they ventured to bring their tenets prominently before the public. Thus they affixed to the doors of churches placards denounc- ing the priests ; and in 1395 they even addressed " twelve conclu- sions" to Parliament, in which they attacked in no measured lan- guage the doctrines of Rome. This and other disturbances induced King Richard to return from Ireland, in order to check the daring sectaries. So far as the hierarchy was concerned, zeal was not awanting. At a synod held in February 1396, Thomas of Arundel, the new Primate of England, procured a formal condemnation of- eighteen propositions extracted from the writings of Wycliffe. Still Richard was not very hearty in lending secular aid to the hierarchy. At length the clergy found a monarch ready to obey their behests. Richard was dethroned by Henry IV., with whom the house of Lan- caster came to the throne of England. The new King was all the more willing to aid the clergy, that, as usurper of the throne, he needed their support. It seems strange that under the son of that Duke of Lancaster who so long had proved Wycliffe's steady friend, the Act " de Hseretico comburendo" — the first of the kind which disgraced the English statute book— should have been passed (1400). The statute gave power to bishops to hand over obstinate or relapsed heretics to sheriffs or magistrates, who were enjoined to have them publicly burnt. The ordinance was not allowed to remain a dead letter. In 1401, William Sawtre, a parish priest, was burnt at Smith- field as a relapsed heretic. Among many other victims, we select such names as William Thorpe, a most devoted priest (1407); J. Badly, who was burnt in a barrel ; and especially that generous friend of the Reformation, Lord Cobham (Sir John Oldcastle). Frequently had his castle afforded shelter to Lollard preachers, and devotedly did he adhere to these doctrines, since, as himself attested, his whole life had through them undergone a change. Henry V., the con- queror of Agincourt, had made vain efforts to induce him to change his opinions. However little that monarch cared for theological sub- jects, he deemed the submission of the layman to his priest as neces- sary as that of the soldier to his general He now handed the heretic to "the tribunal of his bitter enemy, Archbishop Arundel. Lord § 150. WYCJLIFFE AND HUS. 491 ' Cobham refused to recant, and was condemned as a " pernicious and detestable heretic" (1413). But during the respite granted him he managed to escape into Wales, where he concealed himself till 1417, when ne was captured and executed at St Giles' Fields amidst bar- barous tortures. The same sufferings — -the victim being hung, and then roasted over a slow fire — were endured by many others of all classes in society. The escape of Lord Cobham, and rumours of a Lollard insurrection the following year, were made the occasion for fresh measures of persecution. In 1414 it was ordered that all public officials should bind themselves by oath to aid in the extirpation of heresy, and that the lands and possessions of those convicted of heresy should be confiscated. In 1416 a regular inquisition was instituted in every parish of the diocese of Canterbury. Still strin- gent measures gradually led the nobility and clergy to withdraw from so dangerous a" movement. Among the common people, however, these opinions continued to spread ; secret conventicles were held ; and though the persecution, which lasted till 1431, may have crushed the party, so late as 150 years after Wycliffe's death Leland testi- fies that the English tractates of the Eeformer were still preserved, and eagerly read by the people. — It could scarcely be expected that, in the' peculiar circumstances in which the Lollards were placed, they should have always continued within the bounds of evangelical moderation. In some respects, indeed, they went beyond their teacher, and their extravagant assertions sound not unlike those which we meet in later sectarians. Thus they were opposed to all priestly celibacy, even to that of the monastic orders ; they denounced the doctrine of purgatory, ordained priests of their own, and allowed laymen to preach ; regarded the Lord's Prayer as the only form which should be used ; objected to the lawfulness of oaths, to^ wars, and to the punishment of death ; and denounced art as an antichris- tian invention, and a means of sinful indulgence. — If such was the state of matters among the people, the position which the University of Oxford occupied in reference to the condemned opinions was for some time far from satisfactory to the hierarchy. Despite former ordinances, it published in 1406 a " Publike Testimonie, given out by the Universitie of Oxford" — supposing that document to be genuine — in which the character and attainments of Wycliffe were Vindicated. Whatever may be thought of this remarkable document, the hierarchy at least deemed it requisite to keep a watchful eye on the University. Accordingly, in 1408 the Primate passed, in con- vocation at Oxford, the so-called "Constitutions of Arundel," directed against the tenets of the Reformer. Indications, however, are not awanting that the University still continued " to beget degenerate children" till 1412, when an entire change seems to have taken place. In that year the University appointed a commission to examine the writings of Wycliffe ; and 260, or, according to another computation, 298, propositions extracted from them were branded 492 SECOND SECTION THIRD PERIOD (CENT. 14 AND 15 A.D.). as heretical. A still heavier blow awaited the cause of the Refor- mation in England. In 1415 — two months before the death of Hus — the Council of Constance solemnly denounced forty-five articles, taken from the works of Wycliffe, to which afterwards a catalogue of other sixty heresies was added. That assembly went even further. It ordered the bones of Wycliffe to be exhumed and burnt. The infamous sentence was only carried out in 1428 — sad to tell, by Fleming, Bishop of Lincoln, formerly a devoted adherent of the Reformer. — Attempts were not awanting to confute the tenets denounced by the Romish hierarchy. Thus William of Woodford endeavoured to refute those eighteen articles from the " Trialogus," which Archbishop Arundel had solemnly condemned on his acces- sion. Again, between 1417 and 1422, Thomas Netter of Walden composed a work in which he endeavoured to prove the falseness of Wycliffe's theological views. But neither of these works was written in a manner likely to carry conviction. It was otherwise with the writings of Reginald Peacock, Bishop of Chichester in 1449. Unfortunately, the evangelical and candid spirit in which they were composed, proved fatal to their author. He was obliged to recant and do penance for his moderation, and was besides con- demned to spend the remainder of his life in prison, deprived even of the consolation of books and writing materials. — From England Lollard tenets spread into Scotland. John Pesby, an English priest who had fled northwards from persecution, soon attracted by his teaching the attention of Wardlaw, Bishop of St Andrews. He was tried before Dr Lawrence Lindores, afterwards Professor of Com- mon Law at St Andrews ; and, on his refusal to retract his views about the supremacy of the Pope, auricular confession, transubstan- tiation, etc., burnt at Perth (1405 or 1407). Still these opinions continued to extend, especially in the south and west of Scotland. The Regent, Robert, Duke of Albany, was known to be opposed to the Lollards ; and though King James I. was bv no means blind to prevailing abuses in the Church, an Act of Parliament was passed during his reign (in 1125), by which bishops were required to make inquisition in their dioceses for heretics, in order that they might undergo condign punishment. This Act was soon to be put in force. In 1433, Paul Craw or Crawar, a physician of Prague, had arrived — probably to escape persecution — in Scotland. As he made no secret of his Lollard or Hussite opinions, he was soon arraigned before Dr Lindores and condemned to the flames. From this time we hear little of the Lollards in Scotland, though their continuance is attested by the fact, that in 1494, Blackadder, first Archbishop of Glasgow, sig- nalised his zeal for the Church by persecuting the numerous heretics in his diocese. Accordingly, thirty suspected persons were sum- moned before the King and council ; but James IV., who was not inclined to be a persecutor, dismissed the prisoners, after an examina- tion which contributed little to the credit of the new Archbishop. § 150. WYCLIFFE AND HUS. 493 ' 3. The Bohemian Reformers before Hus. (Comp. J. P. Jordan, d. Vorlaufer d. Hussitenth. in Bohmen — the Precursors of H. in Boh. — Leips. 1846. A. Zitte, Lebensbeschr. cl. drei Vorl. d. Joh. Hus. Prague 1786. F. Palacky, Gesch. v. Bohmen. Vol. III., pp. 157, etc.) — It will be remembered that the Bohemian Church had been founded by missionaries from the East, and not from the West. The peculiar direction which it got at first was never wholly lost ; and though, at a later period, the Romish order and liturgy had been introduced, they were not received without opposition or grudge. In Bohemia the founder of the Waldenses had spent the last years of his life ; and there, at a later period, a number of his adherents had found an asylum when driven from the valleys of Piedmont. The great stronghold of the Papacy in Bohemia was the University of Prague (founded in 1348). Most of its chairs were occupied by the mendicants, who were, of course, zealous defenders of hierarchi- cal principles ; while the arrangement of the members of the Uni- versity into four nations, of whom each had one vote (Bohemia, Bavaria, Saxony, and Poland), prevented anything like a national and independent movement on the part of the Bohemians. Nor was it unimportant, in reference to the religious history of the coun- try, that the controversy between Realism and Nominalism raged more violently at Prague than elsewhere, and that there also Realism was regarded as suspicious, while Nominalism was considered the great bulwark of ecclesiastical orthodoxy. (Wycliffe also was a Real- ist, but the Paris Reformers were zealous Nominalists.) Even before the time of Hus three earnest preachers had prepared the way by their evangelical sermons, and by their pastoral labours among the people. These were Conrad of Waldhausen (ob. 1369), John Milicz (ob. y^rk), and Matthias of Janov (ob. 1394). Milicz seems to have had the clearest insight into evangelical truth, while Janov was loud- est in his denunciations of ecclesiastical abuses ; all three gathered vast audiences around them. In 1367 Milicz went to Rome to bear testimony against ecclesiastical corruptions in the capital of Chris- tendom. He was soon silenced in a -prison ; but either Pope Urban V., who had just returned from Avignon, or the good offices of some other friends, procured his liberation. Fresh persecutions awaited him on his return to Bohemia. His opponents accused him of heresy be- fore Pope Gregory XL Milicz successfully defended his orthodoxy at Avignon, whither he had gone to plead his cause in person. Janov has left us two tractates, " De sacerdotum et monachorum abhorrenda abominatione desolationis in ecclesia Christi," and " De Antichristo," which contain a withering exposure of the degenerate hierarchy, clergy, and monks of his time. His hearers he warned against trusting in their own works, or attaching value to mere ceremonies. A peculiarity in these precursors of the Reformation was the value which they attached to frequent, nay, daily com- munion, as the great means of grace and holiness. It has been. 494 SECOND SECTION. THIRD PERIOD (CENT. 14 AND 15 A.D.). supposed by some that Janov cherished the conviction that, accord- ing to Christ's appointment, the laity should receive the cup as well as the bread in the Eucharist, but that, in obedience to his ecclesi- astical superiors, he had yielded the point. The statement, however, wants historical confirmation. 4. Hus and Jerome. (Comp. A. Zitte, Lebensbeschr. d. Joh. Hus. Prague 1799. 2 Vols. A. Zilm, J. Hus auf d. Concil zu Kostnitz. Leips. 1836. L. Kohler, J. Hus u. seine Zeit. Leips. 1846. 3 Vols. J. A. Helfert, Hus u. Hieron. Prague 1853. L. Heller, Hieron. v. Prag. Tub. 1835. F. Palackii, Gesch. v. Bohmen. Vol. III. Bohringer, K. Christi u. ihre Zeugen. Vol. II. Sect. IV. 2. Ziir. 1858.) — John Hus, of Husinecz, was born in 1369. From 1398 he occupied the chair of philosophy in the University of Prague. Even before his public appearance he had passed through deep personal experiences, realising his own sinful- ness, and ultimately finding peace and comfort in the Word of God and in a cordial reception of the crucified Saviour. These truths be- came a source of new life to him, and them he proclaimed when called in 1402 to officiate as preacher in the Bethlehem Chapel at Prague, which was founded for the special purpose of giving the people an opportunity of hearing the Gospel in the vernacular. Hitherto Hus had been only superficially acquainted with the writ- ings of Wycliffe, whose views on the Eucharist he rejected. But when Jerome of Prague, a Bohemian knight, returned from Oxford an enthusiastic adherent of Wycliffe, he persuaded his friend to examine more fully the writings and opinions of the British Reformer. Jerome was a man of brilliant talents, ardently attached to what he believed the truth, and burning with a zeal which bor- dered on enthusiasm, but deficient in that moderation and prudence for which Hus was so distinguished. The charge of sharing Wycliffe's views was first brought against Hus in 1404, when two young English divines, pupils of Wycliffe, being persecuted in Prague for their advocacy of their teacher's tenets, exhibited a number of pictures by way of showing the striking contrast between the poverty of Christ and His apostles, and the pomp and luxury of the Pope and his cardinals. Hus disapproved of the conduct of the young men, although he admitted the truth of the contrast pre- sented. The Bohemian members of the University took the same view of the question, the Germans and Poles the opposite. As the foreigners commanded three votes in the University against the one of the Bohemians, a resolution was published in 1408, by which forty-five propositions of Wycliffe were formally condemned. But this state of matters was not to continue. In 1409 the national party prevailed on Wenceslaus, the King, to issue an order to the effect that in future the Bohemian nation should have three votes, and the other nations combined — only one. This resolution has gene- rally been attributed to the influence of Hus ; but although he un- § 150. WYCLIFFE AND HUS. 495 doubtedly took that side of the question, there is abundant evidence that Wenceslaus acted independently, and on different, chiefly poli- tical grounds. The foreigners (teachers and students numbering, according to the lowest estimate, 5000) immediately left Prague, and founded the University of Leipsig. The party of Hus be- came dominant in Bohemia, but all the more unpopular in foreign countries, and the charge of Wycliffism was generally preferred against its leader. About the same time Hus became also more earnest and energetic in his denunciations of ecclesiastical and cleri- cal abuses. Sbynko, Archbishop of Prague, now laid an accusation against him in Pome, and prohibited his preaching in the Bethle- hem Chapel. But the populace openly insulted the Archbishop in the streets, while Hus appealed from the Pope ill-informed to the Pope better-informed. The Bohemian Reformer was wont to de- clare that he received not implicitly all the statements of Wycliffe, but distinguished in them between truth and error, and that he was prepared to retract the moment he should be convinced from Scrip- ture of his error. The Pope cited him to Rome ; but, on the inter- cession of the King and the University, a temporary truce was concluded between Hus and the Archbishop of Prague. Other occasions of dissension soon arose. In 1412 John XXIII. pro- claimed a crusade against Naples, which was also preached in Bohemia. Against this daring presumption Hus protested by pen and voice ; while Jerome, in his indignation, even ventured to burn the Pope's bull at the public pillory. The Pope now excom municated Hus, and laid Prague under the interdict so long as it sheltered the Reformer (1413). Hus appealed to the tribunal of Jesus Christ, and retired from Prague to the country. Meantime the Council ■ of Constance had been summoned. There the cause of Hus was to be finally settled. At the request of the Emperor Sigismund, and furnished by him with a safe-conduct, the Reformer went to Constance, fully persuaded of the justice of his cause, and prepared, if necessary, to suffer martyrdom, of which, indeed, he seems before his departure to have had anticipation. Such appre- hensions were realised otherwise and more speedily than could have been expected. On his first examination Hus was immedi- ately committed to prison. The Bohemian nobles who had accom- panied him to Constance appealed to the Emperor, who was on his way to that city. The imperial order to restore Hus to liberty was not obeyed ; and a deputation from the Council persuaded the weak monarch, that since Hus was at the bar of the Council on the charge of heresy, he was beyond imperial protection. For seven months the Reformer was tortured by private examinations. Con- fined to loathsome prisons, his health had gradually given way. At length a public audience was granted him (in June 1415). But he was not allowed to proceed to the discussion of controverted points; the Council insisted on simple and unqualified retractation. The 496 SECOND SECTIOJN. THIRD PERIOD (CENT. 14 AND 15 A.D.). humility, meekness, and gentleness of the Reformer, his enthusiasm and confidence, gained him friends even in the Council. From all sides, and by every kind of motive, he was pressed to yield. These well-meant persuasions proved as ineffectual as the threats of his enemies. On the 6th July, his forty-sixth birthday, a solemn ora- tion was delivered in the cathedral on Romans vi. 6, after which Hus was stripped of his priestly robes, handed over to the secular power, and led to the stake. Amid prayer and praise he expired, joyously and confidently, one of the numerous company of martyrs who with their blood have sealed a good confession. His ashes were cast into the Rhine. — Jerome of Prague, the friend of Hus, had also appeared at Constance, though unsummoned. Perceiving that a longer stay could be of no use to his friend and only exposed himself to a similar fate, he left the town, but was captured by the way and brought back in chains (April 1415). Half a year spent in a loathsome prison, and the continuous solicitations of his judges, induced him in an hour of weakness to recant, and to acknowledge the sentence pronounced against Hus. But notwithstanding his recantation, he was still distrusted and kept in durance. Jerome soon recovered himself. He requested a public audience before the whole Council, which was granted him in May 1416. He now publicly and formally retracted his former recantation, and con- founded the Council by his eloquence and moral earnestness. On the 30th May 1416, he died at the stake full of courage and joy. The doctrinal views of Hus are most clearly expressed in his tractate "de ecclesia." They present the Gospel almost ex- clusively in its moral and spiritual aspect. In this lies their excel- lency, and perhaps also the cause of their defects. Hus was thoroughly imbueel with the theology of Augustine. He regarded the Church as the totality of the predestinate, but, confounding the visible with the invisible Church, argued that only the predestinate could properly dispense as well as receive the sacraments. It will readily be perceived how serious in its consequences a principle like this, which, as will be remembered, Hus shared with Wycliffe, must have proved. A reformation based on such fundamental principles would be apt to degenerate into sectarianism or fanaticism. But what we chiefly admire in Hus is, that, notwithstanding manifold errors, such as belief in transubstantiation, purgatory, etc., he so clearly perceived the spiritual character of Christianity, so strenu- ously opposed not only the abuses of the Papacy, but all mere ordi- nances and rule of man in the Church, so firmly clung to the crucified Saviour, and so earnestly strove by His grace and Spirit to lead others to conformity with him. These were the principles of genuine reformation which Hus proclaimed, and which afterwards were taken up and developed by the " Bohemian Brethren." Their sympathy with the Calvinistic branch of the Church proves that the principles of Hus, though by no means distinctly or fully § 150. WYCLIFFE AND HUS. 497 formed, had essentially the same tendency as those afterwards so clearly enunciated at Geneva. — We are scarcely surprised that the Council of Constance, though led by a Gerson, should have pro- nounced sentence of death on such a man. The reformation which they sought, the views which they entertained, and the ob- jects which they aimed after, were totally different from those of Hus. Other reasons also led to this result. The Fathers of Con- stance were chiefly Nominalists, and to them the Realism of Hus appeared the source of all his heresy ; besides, the controversy in the University of Prague and the decision of the king, which were chiefly attributed to him, had raised a prejudice in the minds of the Germans. Perhaps, also, his mistakes on the subject of the Church might appear to the Council more dangerous than they really were, while all the other points on which he advocated evangelical views could not be appreciated by such an assembly as that of Con- stance. Lastly, Hus drew upon himself the enmity of both parties in the Council ; the hierarchical party wished to deter its opponents by showing that the Church still possessed the power of burning heretics, while the liberal party withdrew its protection, from appre- hension that any suspicion of sharing the heretical views of Hus might endanger the success of their reformatory attempts. — The story, frequently related, that in his last moments Hus uttered the prediction, "To-day you roast a goose (in Boh. = Hus), but from mine ashes will arise a swan (the armorial device of Luther), whom you will not be able to destroy," is entirely apocryphal. It probably origi- nated during the time of the Reformation, from the circumstance that the two martyrs had appealed to the judgment of God and of history. Hus predicted that, instead of the weak goose, strong eagles and falcons would soon come ; while Jerome summoned his unjust judges to answer within a hundred years before the highest tribunal. 5. The Hussites. (Comp. Z. Theobald, Hussitenkrieg. 3d Ed. Bresl. 1750. 4. Lenfant, Hist, de la guerre des Huss. 2 T. 4. Supplem. par Beausobre. Laus. 1745. F. Palacky, u. s.) — During the imprisonment of Hus, Jacobus of Misa (Jacobellus) had acted as leader of the Hussites. By advice of a Waldensian {Peter of Dresden), and with the approbation of Hus, he dispensed to the laity the cup in the Eucharist. In consequence of this, a violent controversy broke out between the divines of Prague and those of Constance, about the lawfulness of withholding the cup. On the proposal of Gerson, the Council resolved, that any one who refused to submit in this matter to the Church, should be treated as a heretic. This and the execution of Hus raised popular feeling ^ in Bohemia to the highest pitch. In the midst of the excitement which ensued, King Wenceslaus died in 1419, and the estates refused to acknowledge his brother, the " perjured" Emperor Sigismund. For sixteen years a civil war raged which, in bitterness and cruelty on both sides, has rarely been equalled. The Hussites, who had built VOL. T. 2 I 498 SECOND SECTION. THIRD TERIOD (CENT. 14 AND 15 A.D.). the fortified town of Tabor on the top of a steep mountain, were commanded by Ziska. The armies of crusaders successively sum- moned against the Bohemians were defeated and annihilated. But the spirit of Hus had left the great majority of his adherents, who were divided among themselves. Two parties among them were opposed to each other. The (aristocratic) Calixtines (from calix = cup) or Utraquists (sub utraque, i.e., under both forms), which were headed by Rokycana, the Bishop-elect of Prague, would have been satisfied if the Catholic Church had conceded their four arti- cles (1. The Eucharist under both forms ; 2. The free preaching of the Gospel in the vernacular ; 3. Strict discipline among the clergy ; 4. That the clergy should not possess secular property). But the (democratic) Taborites refused to come to any terms with the Catholic Church. They laid clown the principle, that whatever in government, doctrine, and worship could not be proved from Scrip- ture, should be implicitly rejected. They went even further, and virtually condemned all " literature, education, offices, and law, as then existing." After the death of Ziska (of pestilence in 1424), the majority of the Taborites chose Procopius the Great his suc- cessor. A smaller and still more fanatical party, which deemed no man worthy to succeed their departed leader, separated from Proco- pius, and took the name of " Orphans." Meantime the Council of Basle had assembled ; and, after much fruitless negotiation, suc- ceeded in 1433 in inducing the Hussites to send 300 deputies to Basle. The discussion on the four Calixtine articles lasted for fifty clays, after which the Council conceded them, although with modifi- cations which really destroyed such small value as they originally had possessed. On the ground of these Basle Compactates, as they were called, the Calixtines returned, at least nominally, to the allegiance of the Church. The Taborites, who, as we have seen, were also divided, regarded this as a base compromise. Part of them once more tried the fate of arms, but were defeated and scattered at Bohnischbrod, near Prague, in 1434. The Emperor Sigismund confirmed the Compactates, and was acknowledged king. As might have been expected, small as were these concessions, they were con- tinually ignored, and violated both by Church and State. Accord- ingly, an internal conflict ensued, which, with varying success, lasted till the time of the Reformation. Sigismund died in 1437, and was succeeded by Ladislaus, a posthumous child of Albrecht, the govern- ment being administered by George Podiebrad, a zealous and able Calixtine. After the death of Ladislaus in 1457, George Podiebrad became king. The Calixtine monarch proved a father of his people. He was acknowledged by Pius II, in the hope of his joining the projected war against the' Turks. When this hope failed, the Pon- tiff* in 1462 went so far as even to disown the Compactates. Paul II. excommunicated the king, and had a crusade preached against him. But the crusade did not succeed, and George maintained § 150. WTCLIFFE AND HUS. 499 himself till his death in 1471. His successor, Uladislaus, a Polish prince, though a Roman Catholic, favoured the Calixtines. But that party had already lost all its former vigour. Divided into reactionaries who tended towards Rome, and liberals who were pre- paring for Protestantism, they were fast breaking up. When the House of Hapsburg obtained possession of Bohemia in 1526, the Protestant or genuine reformatory part of the Calixtines shared the persecutions which befell the " Brethren" in that country. Utra- quism still continued, till at last it also merged in the great Bohe- mian Church, which embraced the great majority of the people, and consisted of all the protesting parties who in 1575 had agreed to tolerate their mutual differences, and to sign a common confession of faith. But the history of that movement and of its suppression belongs to a later period. 6. The Bohemian Brethren. (Comp. Joach. Camerarii, hist, narratio de fratr. orthod. ecclesiis in Bohem., Moravia et Polonia. Heidelb. 1605. J. Amos Comenius, hist, fratrum Bohemorum, c. praef. Fr. Buddei. Hall. 1702. 4. G. W. K. Lochner, Entsteh. u. erste Schicks. d. Briidergem. in Bohm. u. Mahr. — Orig. and Early Hist, of the " Brethren." — Niirnb. 1832. A. Koppen, Kirchenordn. u. Disciplin. d. hussit. Briiderk. in Bohm. u. Mahr. Leips. 1845. A. Gindely, Bohmen u. Mahren im Zeitalter d. Reformation. 2 Vols. Prague 1857-58. A. Edersheim, Bohemian Reformers and Ger- man Politicians, in the " Free Ch. Essays." Edinb. 1858.) — It has frequently been supposed that the Bohemian Brethren owed their origin to scattered remnants of Taborites or Waldensians. Of this there is, to say the least, no historical proof; while the opinions which they professed can be distinctly traced to the writings and teaching of Peter of Chelcic, whom Ave must, therefore, regard as the founder of this party. It originated in a deep conviction that Utraquism was insufficient to meet the spiritual wants of earnest men, and that if in name, it represented not in reality, the Reforma- tion inaugurated by Hus. As might be conceived, the first prin- ciples of the Brethren were marked by an ultraism from which the new Church got free when joined by men of learning and modera- tion. If formerly complete separation from a corrupt world was enjoined, so that " a Brother" might hold no office, must renounce all learning and honour, surrender all his rights, it was afterwards ruled that a more spiritual and less external separation from the world should be adopted. Of course they rejected all Romish super- stitions, though they still believed for a time in the seven sacraments, in purgatory, and clerical celibacy. On the subject of justification their views were evangelical, though not quite so clear as those of later Reformers ; they believed in the real but spiritual presence of Christ in the Eucharist, to those who received it in faith and love ; t6 infant baptism they seem to have attached little value. The mode of church government which they adopted was a kind of 500 SECOND SECTION. THIRD PERIOD (CENT. 14 AND 15 A.D.). modified Presbyterianism. In order to procure for their clergy- episcopal ordination, they despatched one of their preachers — Michael, a converted Romish priest — to a Waldensian bishop in Austria, by whom he was consecrated. During the reign of George Podiebrad, they were exposed to incessant and harassing persecutions on the part of the Calixtines. A temporary alleviation took place when Uladislaus, a Polish prince only sixteen years of age, succeeded to the throne. During that time " the Union of Brethren" rapidly spread, and extended into Moravia, and even Poland. The succes- sors of Ula'dislaus continued the persecutions against the Brethren, at the instigation of Utraquists and Papists. The dawn of the Reformation in Germany was hailed by these Bohemian Protes- tants ; and, although Luther disapproved of their views on some points — which they afterwards modified — he gave public testimony to their earnestness and evangelical sentiments. But as the Brethren became better acquainted with Lutheranism, and contrasted its utter want of discipline and its subjection to the State with their own moral rigour, which rebuked any transgression of the law of Christ, in the lord as in the peasant, they felt repelled from a system which seemed to ignore the fruits of true piety. In doctrine also they leant much more towards the views of the Swiss Reformers ; and henceforth the intercourse between Bohemia and the Calvinistic branch of the Church became increasingly intimate. When in 1526 Ferdinand I of Austria obtained possession of Bohemia, the persecution of Protestants, especially of the Brethren, greatly in- creased. These measures were only modified by the successes of Protestants in the empire. Maximilian II, a prince inclined towards Protestantism, extended toleration to all parties. Under Rodolph II the various sections of Protestants in Bohemia agreed to a com- mon confession (1575), and extracted from the reluctant monarch a charter of liberty (the " Letter of Majesty," 12th July 1609), which secured to the Bohemian Church its liberties. An idea may be formed of the influence of the Brethren in the country from the fact, that, despite persecutions and their own rigorous discipline, the " Union" numbered, at the beginning of the sixteenth century, be- tween three and four hundred congregations, with a membership of about 100,000 ; that its adherents soon increased to about one-fourth, and before a century had elapsed, according to the statement of one of its opponents (though, no doubt, in exaggeration), to three-fourths of the population. § 151. THE SO-CALLED REVIVAL OF LEARNING. Comp. Heeren, Gesch. d. class. Literat. im M. A. Meiners, Le- bensbeschr. beriihmt. Manner aus d. Zeit d. Wiederherst. d. Wiss. (Biogr. of Celebr. Men at the Time of the Reviv. of Learn.) Zur. 1795. 3 Vols. H. A. Erhard, Gesch. d. Wiederaufbl. d. wiss. Bild. § 151. THE SO-CALLED REVIVAL OF LEARNING. 501 (Hist, of the Keviv. of Learn.) Magd. 1827-32. 3 Vols. F. Kraneri, Nar. de humanit. stud. XV. et XVI. S. Mis. 1843. Hallarn, State of Eur. during the Middle Ages. 11th Ed. Lond. 1855. 3 Vols. G. Voigt, Wiederbel. d. class. Alterth. Berl. 1859. — The classical literature of ancient Greece and Rome was not so entirely neglected during the Middle Ages as is supposed. On the contrary, frequent and successful attempts had been made through- out that period to introduce such studies. Such monarchs as Char- lemagne, Charles the Bald, Alfred the Great, and the Otto's of Germany, encouraged learned pursuits, and men like Erigena, Gerbert, Roger Bacon, and others, possessed a comparatively exten- sive knowledge of the classics. Nor must it be forgotten that the circle of classical literature was enlarged during the twelfth and thirteenth centuries by the labours of the Moors in Spain, and by frequent intercourse with Byzantine students. The founders of the national literature of Italy in the fourteenth century — Dante, Petrarch, and Boccaccio — were also the most zealous promoters of classical studies. Such pursuits received during the fifteenth cent, a very great impulse. If, during the meeting of the Greeks and Italians at the Council of Florence in 1439 (§97, 6), a fresh in- terest had been awakened in the study of the classics, the conquest of Constantinople by the Turks in 1453 afforded the opportunity of greatly increasing, and at the same time of fully gratifying it. A large number of learned men from Byzantium sought refuge in Italy ; they found an enthusiastic reception in Borne, and also espe- cially by the generous princes of the House of Medici. The art of printing, discovered in 1440, had already rendered the treasures of classical antiquity generally accessible. But this immigration gave a new direction as well as a fresh impulse to classical studies. If during the Middle Ages they had almost exclusively been employed for ecclesiastical and theological purposes, they were now prosecuted for their own sakes, and as the basis of that general culture expected in educated men (hence the name Humanismus, and the term " Humanity," still used in our colleges). Humanism renounced the service of the Church ; gradually it assumed a posture of indiffer- ence and of proud disdain towards Christianity. Many of its votaries even strayed into the worship of heathen antiquity. With superstition, faith was also derided; sacred history and Greek mytho- logy were placed on the same level. From all parts the youth of Europe crowded to Italy, to draw in its academies from the newly opened springs. On their return they brought with them and spread 502 SECOND SECTION. THIRD PERIOD (CENT. 14 AND 15 A.D.). around an ardent zeal for classical lore. Happily the infidelity with which it Avas too frequently conjoined in Italy, made not so rapid way in other countries. In Germany these studies were chiefly cul- tivated by the " Brethren of the Common Life," who succeeded in adapting the new weapons to the service of theology and of the Church. This school gave birth to many of the coadjutors of Luther. — It will be understood, that to a certain extent the sympa- thies of the Humanists must have gone with those who sought to reform the Church. They joined them in their opposition to the absurdities of scholasticism, to superstition, monasticism, and other abuses. But while agreed in their aversion to the prevailing state of things, both the grounds on which, and the manner in which, they carried on the contest, were widely different. The Reformers opposed abuses because they were contrary to Scripture, and led away from the great object of faith ; the Humanists, because such views agreed not with those of heathen antiquity. The Reformers contended with weapons drawn from the Word of God, and for the highest of all objects — the salvation of souls ; the Humanists, with shafts of wit and satire, content if they secured earthly well-being. In truth, the despised schoolmen and the derided monks were not always in the wrong in their opposition to the Humanists. A re- formation of the Church accomplished by them alone, would speedily have landed in heathenism. But under the direction of men of genuine piety, the revival of classical learning opened a rich and till then unknown source of philological, philosophical, and general knowledge, without which the faithful translation and interpretation of the Scriptures, and consequently that revision of dogmatics which marked the Reformation of the sixteenth century, could not have been accomplished so rapidly, so comprehensively, or so safely. 1. The Italian Humanists. Comp. (Dittmar) Die Human- isten u. das Evangelium, in the Erlang. " Zeitschr. fur Protestsm. u. K." July and Oct. 1855 ; also especially Voigt u. s. — Italy was the great nursery of Humanism. The first Greek who taught in that country was Emanuel Chrysoloras (1396). After the Council of Florence Bessarion and Gemistius Pletho settled in Italy, and being warm admirers of the Platonic philosophy, brought it into vogue in the land of their adoption. After 1453 a large number of literary men from the East sought an asylum in Rome and Florence. From their seminaries classical learning and heathen ideas spread over Italy. They found access even among the highest members of the hierarchy. Even though the well-known saying ascribed to Leo X., " Of what advantage this fable about Christ has been to us § 151. THE SO-CALLED REVIVAL OF LEARNING. 503 and ours is sufficiently known to all centuries," be not authentic, it affords an insight into the character and spirit animating the papal court. Cardinal Bembus, the private secretary of Leo, translated the realities of the Gospel into mythological equivalents, couched in classical Latin. Christ he called " Minervam e Jovis capite ortam," the Holy Ghost, " auram Zephyri cgelestis," while he paraphrased forgiveness of sin as " Deos superosque manesque. placare." So early as the meeting of the Council of Florence, Plethohad ventured to express an opinion, that Christianity would soon give place to a universal religion which would not greatly differ from heathenism. When Pletho died, Bessarion addressed a letter of consolation to his sons, telling them that their father had risen to purer and heavenly spheres, where he had joined the Olympic gods in their mystic, Bac- chantic dances. The new Platonic school, which assembled in the gardens of the Medici, assigned to the philosophy of Plato a place much higher than to Christianity. A new Peripatetic school was also founded. Its great representative, Petro Pomponazso (ob. 1526), openly declared, that from a philosophic point of view the immortality of the soul was more than doubtful. Another member of that school, the celebrated historian Machiavelli, introduced a system of politics entirely alien to the spirit of Christianity. Moral frivolity went hand in hand with religious laxity. The most obscene poetry and the most lascivious pictures circulated among the Humanists, and their practice was certainly no better than their theory. — In their public declarations the Italian Humanists were careful at least to ignore the Church and its doctrines, from fear of bringing down vengeance. Laurentius Valla, however, ven- tured, in his " Annotationes in Novum Testam." (afterwards edited by Erasmus), to point out a number of errors in the Vulgate. He even went further. Having proved on irrefragable historical evidence that the pretended donation of Constantine to the see of Rome was spurious (§ 1 12, 1), he inveighed against the ambition of the Papacy. Valla was summoned before the Inquisition, but got off with a re- tractation. Nicholas V. suppressed the inquiry, and by kindness attached him to the papal see. Valla was not, however, one of those Humanists who had lost all reverence for Christianity. He died in 1465 as papal secretary. — But the phoenix of that age was Johannes Picus, Prince of Mirandola, who combined in himself all the nobler aspirations of the period. He was a courtier and poet, a scholastic, a mystic, a cabbalist and a humanist, a historian, a mathematician, and an astronomer — and equally versed in classical and Oriental lore. During the last ten years of his brief career (he died at thirty years of age) he renounced the world and its pomp, and wholly devoted himself to the study of the Scriptures. He had in- tended to travel through Europe to preach Christ crucified, when death called him from the field of labour. Characteristic is his say- ing : Philosophia veritatem quserit, theologia invenit, religio possidet. 504 SECOND SECTION. THIRD PERIOD (CENT. 14 AND 15 A.D.). 2. The German Humanists. (Comp. C. A. Cornelius, d. minister. Human, u. ihr Verb, zur Reform. — -The Minister Hum. and their rel. to the Reform. — Miinst. 1851. K. Hagen, Deutsch- lands liter, u. relig. Zustande im Zeitalter d. Reform. Erl. 1841. 3 Vols. E. Th. Mayerhoff, Joh. Reuchlin u. s. Zeit. Berl. 1830. J. Lamey, Joh. Reuchlin. Pforzh. 1855.) — Rudolph Agricola of Heidelberg, a friend and associate of Wessel and Kempis (ob. 1482), may be designated the father of German Humanism. Most of his numerous pupils {Alexander Hegius at Deventer, Rudolph Lange at Miinster, Hermann Busch at Wesel, and others) mostly joined the Reformation. The example set by Maximilian I. induced the princes and knights of the empire to take an interest in scientific and literary pursuits. After the death of Agricola, John Reuchlin (Capnio), a celebrated jurist, became the leader of the German Humanists (ob. 1522). He gave himself more especially to the study of the language of the Old Testament, which he prosecuted with the greatest zeal and with unsurpassed success. Well might he in 1506 conclude his " Rudimenta linguse Hebraicse" with the words of Ovid, " Exegi monumentum, etc." The work has become the basis of all later studies in Hebrew philology. He also wrote a tractate on the difficult subject of the Hebrew accents (De ace. et orthogr. hebr. LI. III.). His work, " de arte cabbalistica," treats of the secret philosophy of the Jews. Such was his interest in the Jews, with whom he had continual and intimate intercourse, that in 1505 he published " an Open Letter to a Nobleman, why the Jews have so long been suffering" (" Tiitsch Missiv an einen Junkherrn, warumb die Jiiden so lang im Ellend sind"). In this tractate he offered to instruct any Jew in the Christian religion, and at the same time to provide for his temporal support. His predilection for Rabbinical studies involved him in a controversy, by which, how- ever, his fame only spread over Germany and Europe. In 1509 one Pfefferkorn, a baptized Jew at Cologne, called upon the Emperor Maximilian to order all Rabbinical writings to be burnt, on account of the blasphemies against Christ which they contained. When Reuchlin protested against this summary measure, Pfefferkorn and the Dominicans of Cologne fell upon the Humanist, who de- fended himself with stinging satire. Jacob of Hogstraten, the Inquisitor of Cologne, cited him before his tribunal. Reuchlin appealed to Leo X. The commission of inquiry appointed by the Pope condemned the Dominicans to pay the expenses of the process (1514) ; the forcible collection of these 111 gold florins was a real labour of love and pleasure on the part of Knight Francis of Sickingen (1519). Meantime a number of able pens had been set in motion on behalf of Reuchlin. In 1516 the Epistolw obscurorum Virorum appeared, professedly a correspondence between Ortuinus Gratius of Deventer, a teacher at Cologne, and some friends. That this man, a pupil of the Brethren of the Common Life, and from all we know § 151. THE SO-CALLED REVIVAL OF LEARNING. 505 of him, an honourable, pious, and not a bigoted man, should have been selected as the butt for such sarcasm, can only be explained on the ground of personal motives (comp. Molmike in the " Zeitschr. fur hist. Theol." 1843. III. IV.). In the most exquisite monkish Latin, the stupid, and in part obscene love affairs of the mendicants, are related with such apparent sincerity and frankness, with a con- tinual running reference to their controversy with Reuchlin, that at first some of the Dominicans themselves regarded these letters as genuine, and excused their somewhat curious expressions as due to the " vis sententiarum." All the greater was the merriment and scorn which the Dominicans called clown from the learned of Europe. At the request of the mendicants, Leo X. indeed issued a severe bull against all readers of the blasphemous tractate, but this measure only increased their number. These letters were in all probability composed by such men as Crotus Pubianus, Hermann Busch, Wili- bald Pirkheimer, and by the publisher of the work, Wolfgang Angst, at Hagenau. Hutten had no part in them. This termination of the controversy with Reuchlin had given the reformatory movement in Germany a false and even dangerous turn. A contest carried on with such unholy and carnal weapons could only have ended in complete subversion of both Church and State. To the circle of writers from which the " Epist. obsc. vir." came, belonged also Ulric von Hutten, a knight of noble Franconian family. It was, however, in the cause of liberty, rather than in that of the Gospel, that he fought all his life long against pedantry of every kind, against the monastic orders, and indeed against all constraint in matters of con- science. In 1 504 he escaped from the monastery of Fulda, where he was to be trained for the clerical profession. He next studied in Erfurt, and fought in the army of Maximilian, as he afterwards contended with his pen on behalf of Reuchlin. When deprived of the aid of Sickingen, he wandered about homeless, and at last died in wretchedness in 1523. Comp. L. Schubart, Ulr. v. H. Leips. 1791 ; Herders Denkmal (Memorial) ; G. C. F. Mohnike, U. v. H.'s Jurrendl. Greifsw. 1816 ; G. J. W. Wagenseil, U. v. H. Numb. 1823 ; G. W. Panzer, U. v. H. in lit. Bezieh. Nurnb. 1798 ; E. v. Brunnow, IT. v. H. Leips. 1842. The most full and reliable life of U. v. H. is that by the notorious D. F. Strauss (IT. v. H. Leips. 1858. 2 Vols.). A new and complete ed. of the works of Hutten is at present in course of publication. 3. Desiderius Erasmus of Rotterdam. (Comp. Burigny, Vie d'Er., transl. into Germ, by Reich, with add. by Henke. Halle 1782. 2 Vols. Sal. Hess, Er. v. R. Ziir. 1790. 2 Vols.- _ Ad. Muller, Leben d. Er. v. R. Hamb. 1828.) — The most distinguished among all the Humanists, either before or at the time of the Refor- mation, was Erasmus (Gerhard Gerhardson). The history of his parentage is one of sorrow, of shame, and of monastic bigotry. Young Erasmus was educated at Deventer and at the Hague by 506 SECOND SECTION. THIRD PERIOD (CENT. 14 AND 15 A.D.). " the Brethren of the Common Life." Forced by relatives to enter a monastery in 1486, he was ultimately set free through the inter- position of an ecclesiastical dignitary from his conventual prison, and thus enabled wholly to devote himself to the pursuit of science (1496). He next attended the University of Paris. Having finished his studies, he travelled through Europe, when he made personal acquaintanceship with almost all the eminent men of his time. For several years he occupied the Chair of Greek in Oxford, and ulti- mately settled in Basle with his learned publisher Frobenius (1521). In this retreat he refused every office, and even the dignity of car- dinal, although not liberal pensions ; and amidst learned labours of varied kinds, and a most extensive epistolary intercourse, lived as a kind of scientific monarch. His chief merit consisted in his promo- tion of classical learning, and in its application to theological purposes. In many other ways also he promoted the Reformation. Thus he pointed out the defects in the theological study of the time, especially the absurdities of the prevailing scholastic method. He also exposed the abuses in the Church, castigated the moral corruption of all ranks, and unsparingly denounced the ignorance, idleness, and dis- soluteness of the monastic orders. On the other hand, he also dis- approved of the paganising spirit of many of the Humanists, and of the revolutionary ideas of such men as Ulric von Hutten. ^ His own views were essentially Pelagian ; he was, accordingly, quite unable to understand the peculiar doctrines of the Gospel. While anxious for a reformation of the Church, he neither was nor felt himself called to be a Reformer. With him the whole was merely a ques- tion of rationality ; religious depth, strength of faith, self-denying love, conviction, and courage, such as martyrs require, were utterly awanting in him. He loved his quiet and comfortable life too well to jeopard it ; and his knowledge of the real causes of _ prevailing abuses, and of the kind of reformation requisite, was entirely insuf- ficient. Erasmus would have accomplished the work by human science, and not by the agency of a pure Gospel. When, in 1529, the Reformation prevailed at Basle, Erasmus left it, and settled at Freiburg in Breisgau, but died at Basle (whither he had_ gone to have a personal interview with Frobenius), " sine lux, sine crux, sine Deus" (1536). The best edition of his writings is that by J. Clericus (Lugd. 1702. 10 Voll. fob). Among his writings, the most important for theology, are his critical and exegetical notes on the N T. (note 5). fite also edited a number of the Fathers (Jer., Hilar., Ambros., Iren., Athan., Chrys., etc.). His controversy with Luther, belongs properly to a later period. The " Ecclesiastes s. concionator evangelicus" was intended as a kind of homiletics. The eyyjjfjuiov (Jbapiag s. laus stultitise, dedicated to his friend Thomas More, contains a most cutting satire on the monks and the clergy generally. Even in his " Colloquia," by which he hoped toinake boys "latiniores et meliores," he allowed not an opportunity to § 151. THE SO-CALLED REVIVAL OF LEARNING. 507 pass of deriding the monks, the clergy, and those rites which he re- garded as superstitions (such as monastic vows, fasts, pilgrimages, indulgences, auricular confession, the worship of saints, etc.). 4. Humanism in England, France, and Spain.— In Eng- land also, the new study excited considerable interest. Among its representatives and patrons we mention two intimate friends of Erasmus, — Bishop John Colet, one of the most remarkable men of his age, the founder of St Paul's school, and, according to Erasmus, the beau ideal of a Humanist ; and Thomas More, Lord High Chan- cellor of Henry VHI. More was on intimate terms with Erasmus, and shared his objections to prevalent abuses ra the Church. But it appears from his well-known treatise, " De optimo reipublicas statu deque nova insula Utopia," that he rather inclined towards Deism than desired an evangelical reformation. In the treatise to which we have referred, he expressed at some length the expecta- tion, that a more rational and natural arrangement of social rela- tions would lead to universal happiness. The contemplated religion of Utopia is undisguised Deism, with the well-known cant phrases about providence, virtue, immortality, and retribution, while every- thing distinctively Christian is carefully ignored. _ In his capacity of Chancellor, More suppressed the Reformation in England, and took the side of the King in' hi? controversy with Luther. But when Henry VIII. quarrelled with the Pontiff, and laid claim to reform the Church in hir cwh fashion, More resigned his offices, refused to acknowledge the* King as head of the English Church, and was beheaded in 1535, after a long and close imprisonment. (Comp. G. Th. Rudhart, Leben d. Th. Mor. Nurnb. 1829). Among the precursors of Humanism in England, we must not omit the name of Roger Bacon, whose genius and attainments placed him far in advance of his age. The cutting satire of a popular poet like Chaucer, contributed not a little to bring the monks and their habits into disrepute with the masses. In the pursuit of science, Scotland had not been behind the sister-kingdom. Such men as Michael Scot of Balwirie (characterised even by Dante as a magi- cian), or the celebrated mathematician John Holybush (better known as Joannes Sacrobosco), professor at Paris, or Thomas Learmont (the (Rhymer), author of " Sir Tristem" — not to speak of John Duns Scotus — sustained the fame of Scottish learning at home and abroad. So early as the fifteenth cent. Scotland possessed no fewer than three universities. The first Principal of the youngest of these seminaries (the King's College, Aberdeen) was Hector Boethius, the friend and correspondent of Erasmus, a man highly famed for his classical attainments, and one of the earliest historians of Scot- land. Among the most important means for preparing the mind of the people for the Reformation, we also reckon such poetry as that of Dunbar (though himself a priest), and especially of Sir David Lyndsay of the Mount. 508 SECOND SECTION. THIRD PERIOD (^CENT. 14 AND 15 A.D.j. In Spain Humanism found a patron in no less a personage than Francis Ximenes, Cardinal-Archbishop of Toledo, Grand Inqui- sitor and minister of Ferdinand and Isabella (ob. 1517). Comp. C. J. Hefele, d. Card. Xim. 2d Ed. Tub. 1851. Among those who prosecuted the new study in Spain, the ablest was Anthony of Lerija, professor at Salamanca. In 1508 Ximenes assigned him a chair in the new University of Alcala (Complutum). The Car- dinal availed himself of his assistance in his edition of the Complu- tensian Polyglott, and protected him from the Inquisition, before which he was summoned to answer for his criticisms on the Vulgate. He died in 1522. Strange to say, Humanism scarcely made any way in France. For this we can only account by the great influence which the University of Paris brought to bear against it. However, one man at least prosecuted the new learning, and was led to devote himself to the critical investigation of the Bible. John Faber Stapu- LENSIS, a doctor of the Sorbonne (ob. 1537), who reached the patriarchal age of 100, gave himself to the study of the Scriptures in the original, and pointed out and corrected the corruptions in the text of the Vulgate. He also insisted that the Bible should be read in the vernacular, and translated the Scriptures into the French. For these offences he was expelled the Sorbonne, and deprived of his doctorate. The French Parliament -likewise took measures against his heresy ; happily, he enjoyed the protection of Francis I. f who entrusted him with the education of the royal princesses. The Council of Trent placed his works in the " Index Prohibitorum," though with the remark, " donee corrigantur." (Comp. K. H. Graf, J. Fab. Stap. Ein Beitr. zur Gesch. d. Reform, in Frankr., in the « hist, theol. Zeitschr." for 1852. I.) 5. The Study of the Scriptures. — The greatest advantage which the Church and theology derived from the so-called restora- tion of the sciences was this, that the Scriptures were taken from under the bushel which had concealed them, and again placed on the candlestick. The Vulgate was now compared with the text of the original, and the allegorical mode of interpretation gave place to grammatical and historical exegesis. This was mainly accomplished by providing the necessary means for carrying on philological studies, while the printing press spread the original text throughout Europe. Since the invention of printing, the Jews diffused the Old Testa- ment in the original. In 1502 Ximenes employed a number of learned men to edit that splendid work known as the Complutensian Polyglott. The Old Testament, which was edited by learned Jewish proselytes, was completed in 1517. The work contained the Hebrew and Greek text of the Old and New Testaments, the Targumim, the Septuagint, the Vulgate, and a Latin translation of the Septua- gint and of the Targumim, together with a somewhat meagre gram- matical and philological apparatus — the whole in 6 vols. (4 for § 151. THE SO-CALLED REVIVAL OF LEARNING. 509 the Old Testament). About the same time, Daniel Bomberg, a learned bookseller in Antwerp, was engaged at Venice in bring- ing out various editions of the Old Testament, partly with and partly without Rabbinical commentaries. Bomberg had made him- self thoroughly familiar with the Hebrew ; he was also aided by Felix Pratensis, a converted Jew, and by Jacob Ben Chajim, a Rabbi from Tunis. The first two editions appeared in 1518, and were soon followed by other three. — But the great expense of the Complutensian Polyglott placed it within the reach of very few. To Erasmus belongs the great merit of publishing a pocket edition of the Greek New Testament (with a Latin translation of his own). The first edition of this work appeared in 1516. Nor was the study of exegesis neglected. The first who distinguished himself in this branch of study was Laurentius Valla, whose " Annotationes in N. T." were published by Erasmus. Erasmus himself composed para- phrases on the whole New Testament (excepting the Book of Reve- ations) ; Faber Stapulensis wrote commentaries on the Gospels and the Epistles of Paul, while Lerija published critical remarks on the Vulgate. The want of translations of the Bible into the vernacular was also increasingly felt. Thus Faber composed an excellent translation of the Scriptures in French, which has formed the basis of all later versions (it was completed in 1530). Wycliffe had translated the Bible into English ; and before the time of Luther there were no fewer than fourteen translations of the Scriptures into High German and six in Low German, though it must be admitted that, even considering the time of their composition, they were wretched failures. (Comp. J. Kehrein, zur Gesch. d. deutschen Bibeliibers. vor Luther. — Contrib. to the Hist, of the German Bible before L. — Stuttg. 1851.) INDEX. {The Numerals refer to the Paragraphs and Notes, not to the Pages.) Abelard, 133, 1. Abbaconiites, 115. Abbots " in commendam," 115. Abbuna, 82, 7. Abdas of Susa, 94, 2. Abderrhamau, 111. Abgar, 26, 2. Manu, 46. Abraxas, 49, 2. Abrenunciatio diab., 54 ; 88, 1. Absolution, Formula of, 118, 5. Acacius of Amida, 94, 2. of Constantinople, 82, 5. Academy, New, 17. Acoimetes, 69, 4 ; 82, 6. Aoolythi, 51, 1. Acroteleutia, 89, 3. Ackamoth, 49, 3. Acta facientes, 43, 5. Adalbert of Bremen, 127, 1. of Prague, 123, 4. of Tuscany, 126, 1. the Heretic, 108, 4. Adam of Bremen, 6. of Fulda, 143, 3. of St Victor, 135, 4. Adamites, 144, 3. Adoptionists, 121, 1. Adrianus, 78, 1. Advent, 86, 5. Advocati eccl., 116. iEdesius, 94, 1. JEneas Sylv., 140, 3, 4 ; 148, 3. JEons, 47. Aerius, 92. Aetius, 80, 3. Africa, 46 ; 106, 3. Agapes, 35 ; 55. Agapetos, 58, 3. Agapetus, 82, 6. Agathangelos, 94, 3. Agatho, 82, 8. Age, Canonical, 70, 1. Agilulf, 106, 8. Agobard, 118, 4 ; 120, 4 ; 121, 1 ; 122, 2. Agricola, Budolf, 151, 2. Aidan, 107, 5. d'Ailly, 140, 3 ; 148, 1. Aistulf, 112, 1. Aixla Chapelle, Council at, 121, 1, 2. Aizanas, 94, 4. \ 'Ax'.. VII., 140, 3. the Heretic, 108, 4. of Alexandria, 61, 4. of Koine, 61, 1. Clementines, 48, 4. ■ (jus can.), 129. Clergy, 51. Choice of, 70. Clerical Dress, 70, 3. Clerici vagi, 114, 2. Clericis laicos, 140, 1. Clermont, Synod of, 124. Clinici, 51, 1 ; 70, 2. Cloveshoo, Synod of, 118, 5. Clugny, Monks of, 128, 1. Ccemeteria, 57. Ccelestine of Eome, 82, 3 ; 83, 4. III., 126, 4. V., 126, 6; 140,3. Coelestines, 142, 3. Coelestius, 83, 4. Ccelicolas, 67, 2. Ccena Domini, bull, 145. Coin, 107, 4. Cola di Eienzi, 140, 2. Colidei, 107, 1. Collatio cum Donat, 93, 2. Colleges of Canons, 114, 4. Collyridians, 87, 2. Colman, 107, 6. Colombino, 140, 3. Colonna, 140, 1. 3. Colet, 151, 4. Columba, 107, 3. Columbanus, 108. 1. Comes Hieron., 89. Commendae, 140. Commodian, 63, 1. Commodus, 43, 3. Communic. idiom., 117, 7. Communion of Children, 55 ; 88, 4. Compurgators, 118, 4. Competentes, 54, 1. Compiegne, Synod of, 112, 2. Concha, 90. Conclave, 126, 6. Concubitus GEdipod., 43. Confession, 55 ; 91, 1 ; 118, 5. Confessors, 43, 5. Confirmation, 54. Conrad of Hochsteden, 135, 0. • of Marburg, 139, 2. . I., 124, 2. Conradin, 126, 6. Consolamentum, 138, 1. Constance, 126, 5. Council of, 140, 3. Constantia, 80, 2. Constantine the Great, 43, 7 ; 64 ; 80, 1 ; 93, 2 Constantinus Chrysomalus, 100, 4. Copronymus, 96, 2. of Mananalis, 101, 2. Monomachus, 97, 3. Pogonatus, 82, 8. Porphyrogenneta, 98, 1. the Philosopher, 102. 2. Constantinople, (Ecum. Council of, II., 71 ; 80, 4, 5 ; 82, 1. V, 82, 6. VL, 82, 8. VII., 96, 2, 3. VIIL, 97, 1. Constantius, 64 ; 80, 2. Chlorus, 43, 6. Constitutio Eomana, 112, 3. Continentes, 58, 3. Convenensa, 138, 1. Conventiclers, 138, 5. Conventuales, 142, 1. INDEX. 515 Conversi, 128. Copts, 82, 7 ; 103, 2. Corbinian, 108, 2. Cornelius of Rome, 60, 2. Corporale, 90, 2. Corpus Christi day, 135, 2. Corpus jur. can., 129. Correggio, 143, 4. Cosmas Indicoplastes, 78, ? Patriarch, 100, 4. the Usurper, 26, 1. Cossa, 140, 3. Councils, 51, 2. General, 68, 2. Courland, 123, 4. Court chapels, 114, 1. Cranz, H., 143., 3. Creatianism, 83, 1. Crescentius, 126, 1. Crimthan, 107, 3. Cross, discovery of, 87, 5. elevation of, 87, 5. experiment of, 112, ' particles of, 87, 5. sign of, 58, 1. Crotus Rubianus, 151, 2. Crucifix, 90, 3. Crusades, 124. Culdees, 107, 1. Cupola, 90. Curates, 114, 2. Cusa, Nich. of, 140, 3 ; 148, 2. Cyprian of Carthage, 43, 5; 52 ; 54, 2; 58; 60, 1 ; 61, 5. Cyril of Alexandria, 75, 9 ; 82, 2, 3. of Jerusalem, 78, 5. and Methodius, 102, 2, 3. Cyrus of Alexandria, 82, 8. Dagobert I., 108, 1. Damasus, 93, 1. Dambrovka, 123, 2. Damiani, see Petrus. Dandalo, 124, 4. Dannenmayer, 8. Dante, 144, 4. David of Dinanto, 138, 2. Deacons, 33; 58, 1. Subdeacons, 51, 1. Decani, Deans, 114, 2. Decius, Emp., 43, 5. Decretals, 68, 3 ; 72, 1. Decretists, 129. Decretum Gratiani, 129. Gregorii, 129. Defensores, 70, 5. Definitiones, 68, 2. Demetrius of Alexandria, 61 Demiurgos, 47, 1. Denmark, 110; 123, 1. Desiderius, 112, 1. Desk, 57 ; 90, 2. Dhu-Nowas, 94, 4. Didenhofen, Synod of, 112, 2. Didymus of Alexandria, 75, 6. Dies stationum, 53. Dinanto, see David. Diodorus, monk, 56, 5. Diodoras of Tarsus, 74, 2 ; 78, 1. Diognetus, 61, 1. Donysius of Alexandria, 61, 4 ; 62, 6, 8. the Areopag., 77, 1 ; 78, 5 ; 120, 1. Exiguus, 68, 3 ; 78, 2 ; 86, 3. of Paris, 46. of Rome, 62, 6. Dioscurus, 82, 4. Disciplina arcani, 55, 2. Discipline, Eecles., 58, 2 ; 91, 1 ; 118, 5. stages of, 58, 2. Discussion at Aix la Chapelle, 121, 1. Docetism, 38 ; 47, 1. Doctor audientium, 51, 1. angelic us, 134, 1. eestaticus, 147, 1. invincibilis, 146, 1. irrefragabilis, 134, 1. mirabilis, 134, 3. resolutissimus, 146, 1. ■ seraphicus, 134, 1. subtilis, 134, 1. Dolcino, 138, 3. Dollinger, 9. Dominicans, 128, 4; 139, 2; 142, 1. Domitian, the Abbot, 82, 6. Emp., 44. Donation of Constantine, 112, 1. Donatists, 93, 2. Dorotheus, 61, 1. Dositheus, 42, 1. Double Monasteries, 115, 3. Drahomira, 123, 2. Druids, 107, 2. Druthmar, Christian, 120, 4, 6 ; 121, 3. Drys, Synod of, 81,3. Dualism, 47, 1. Dufay, 143, 3. Dungal, 122, 2. Dunstan, 127 ; 131. Durandus, 146, 1. Diirer, A., 143, 4. Eadbald, 107, 4. Eanfled, 107, 6. Easter, Festival of, 53. calculation of, 86, 3. observance, disputes about, 53, 1. risus paschalis, 136, 1. East Indies, 94, 4. Ebbo of Mayence, 110. Ebed-Jesu, 103, 1. Ebionites, 55, 2. ' Ecbert of Shonau, 138, 4. Ecclesiastical architecture, see Archite 1 .' Discipline, 58 ; 91. Functionaries, 70, 5. Law, 63, 6 ; 68, 3 ; 129. Revenues, 70. Year, 86, 7. Ecetes, 100, 3. Eccart, Master, 147, 1. Ecthesis, 82, 8. Edgemiadzin, 103, 2. Edwin, 107, 4. Einhard, 119, 6. Eltfvi,, 54; 58, 2. Electors, princes, 127, 1. Eleesban, 94, 4. Eligius, 108, 3. 516 INDEX.. Elijah of Cortona, 128, 4. Elipandus, 121, 1. Elizabeth, St, 139, 2 ; 142, 3. Order of, 142, 3. of Shiinau, 138,4. Elkesaites, 48, 3. Elvira, Synod of, 90, 3. Elxai, 48, 3. Emanation, 47, 1. Emma, 123, 1. Emmelia, 75, 2. Empire, Frankish, 112, 2. Latin. 97, 4 ; 124, 4. Encratites, 49, 8. Encyclical Letter of Photius, 97, 1. Encyclion, 82, 5. Endemic Synods, 68, 2. Engelhardt, 9. Ennodius, 72, 1. Enthusiasts, 101, 3. Eon, 138, 4. Epaon, Council of, 106, 5. Ephesus, Council of, 82, 3 ; 83, 4. Ephraem, 74, 1; 89, 2. Epicurus, 17. Epiphanes, 49, o. Epiphanias, 53 ; 86, 5. Epiphanius, 75, 8 ; 81, 2, 3 ; 87, 4. Episcopi in partibus, 127. regionarii, 114. Epistolse canonicae, 68, 3. formatse, 51. obscur. vir., 151, 2. Epulse Thyest., 43. Erasmus, 151, 3, 5. Eric II., 110, 1. Erigena, J. Sc, 120, 5, 7; 121, 4; 138, 2. Ertenki Mani, 50, 1. Erwin of Steinbach, 135, 6. Esnig, 94, 3. Essenes, 20. Estates of the Empire, 114, 1. Esthonia, 123, 4. Ethelberga, 107, 4. Ethelbert, 107, 4. Etkehvold, 131, 1. Etherius of Osma, 121, 1. Ethiopia, 94, 1. Eucharist, 35; 55, 1. doctrine of, 55, 3 ; 88, 2; 121, 3. elements of, 55 ; 88, 4. Eucherius, 78, 1. Euchetes, Christian, 69, 5 ; 101, 3. Heathen, 67, 2. Eudo da Stella, 138, 4. Eudocia, 78, 8 ; 82, 4, 5. Eudoxia, 81, 3. Eugenicus of Ephesus, 97, 6. Eugenius II., 112, 3. III., 126, 4. IV., 97, 6 ; 140, 3. Eulogia, 88, 4. Eulogius of Csesarea, 83, 4. of Cordova, 111, 1. Eunapius, 67. Eunomius, 80, 3. Euphemites, 67, 2. Euphrates, 49, 4. Euric, 106, 2. Eusebians, 80, 2. Eusebius of Caesarea, 6 ; 75, 1 ; 78, 2. of Emisa, 78, 1. of Nicomed., 80, 1. . of Vercelli, 80, 2. Eustasius of Luxeuil, 108, 2. Eustathians, 69, 5. Eustathius of Ant., 78, 1. of Sebaste, 69, 5. — of Thessalonica, 98, 5 ; 100, 4. Eustochium, 69, 2. Euthalius, 89, 1. Euthymius Zigabenus, 98. Eutyches, 82, 4. Evagrius, 6. Evangelists, 33. Evangelium aaternum, 138, 4. Ewald, the White and the Black, 108, 5. Exarchate, 106, 7. Exarchs, 71, 1. Excommunication, 54, 2 ; 118, 5 ; 137. 'El-ofAoXoyiiiris, 58, 2. Exorcism, 54. Exorcists, 51, 1. Expectantiae, 140. Extraneaa, 58, 3. Extravagantes, 129. Experiment, see Ordeal. Exucontians, 80, 3. Eyck, 143, 4. Facundus of Hermiane, 82, 6. Faustus of Mileve, 84, 1. of Rhegium, 83, 5. Feast of the Ass, 136, 1. of Unreason, 136, 1. of Peter and Paul, 87, 1. Felicissimus, 60, 2. Felicitas, 40. Felix II., 82, 5. — V., 140, 3. of Aphthunga, 93, 2. Pratensis, 151, 5. of Urgellis, 121, 1. Ferrara, Council of, 97, 6 ; 140, 3. Festa Cathedra Petri, 87, 1. Feudalism, 116, 1. Feyin, Synod of, 94, 3. Filioque, 80, 6 ; 97, 1 ; 121, 2. Finland, 123, 4. Finnicus Maternus, 67 ; 78, 3. Firmilian, 54, 2. Flacius, 7. Flagellants, 144, 1. Flavian, monk, 56, 4. Patr. of Const., 82, 4. of Ant., 69, 5. Fleury, 7. Flodoard of Eheims, 131. Florence, Council of, 97, 6 ; 102, 4 , 140, 3. Floras Magister, 120, 5 ; 121, 4. Fontevraux, Order of, 128. 3. Fonnosus, 112, 5. Fortunatus, 67, 2 ; 78, 8. Franciscans, 128, 4 ; 142, 1. Francis St, 123, 5; 128, 4; 135, 4. de Paula, 142, 3. Frankfort, Synod of, 121, 1 ; 122, 1. Franco cf Cologne, 135, 5. INDEX. 517 Franks, 106, 9. Fratres de Commun., 128, 4. intelligentise, 144, 3. minores, 128, 4. praedicat., 128, 4. Fratricelli, 128,4; 138,4. Fredegis, 120, 4. Frederic I. Barb., 124, 3 ; 126, 4. II., Emp., 124, 5; 126, 5, 6; 127,1; 138, 1. Frisia, 108, 3. Frithigern, 106, 1. Fritzlar, 108, 4. Frobenius, 151, 3. Fmmentius, 94, 1. Fugue, 143, 3. Fulbert of Chartres, 131, 1. Fulda, 108, 4. Fulgentius Ferr., 77, 3. of Ruspe, 77, 3. Gailee of Kaisersb., 143. Galerius, 43, 3. Gallienus, 43, 5. Gallus, St, 108, 1. Emp., 43, 5. Gangra, Synod of, 69, 5 ; 70, 4. Gaunilo, 132, 3. Gazari, 138, 1. Gebbard of Eicbstedt, 126, 2. of Salzburg, 127, 1. Gegnesius, 101, 1. Geismar, 108, 4. Gelasius I., 89, 4. Gelimer, 106, 3. Generatianism, 83, 1. Gennadius, 78, 2. Patr., 98, 5. Gentile Christians, 36. Gentilly, Synod of, 121, 2 ; 122, 1. Genuflectentes, 54, 1. George Acindynos, 99, 1. of Trebizond, 98, 2. Gerbert, 126, 1 ; 131, 1. Gerhard Segarelli, 138, 3. of Zutphen, 142, 5. Germanus, Patr., 96, 1. Geroch of Reichersb., 127. Gerson, 140, 3 ; 148, 1. Gewilib of Mayence, 108, 4. Geysa, 123, 2. Gfrorer, 9. Ghazali, 130, 2. Ghiberti, 14£, i. Giacomo da Verona, 135, 4. Giacoponi da Todi, 135. 4. Gieseler, 9. Gilbert, Porret., 133, 1. Gildas, 120, 9. Giotto, 143, 4. Giunta of Pisa, 135, 7. Gnosticism, 38 ; 47, 1 ; 49. Goar, 108, 3. Goch, 149, 1. God, truce of, 136, 1. Friends of, 144, 2. judgment of, 118, 4. Godfrey of Bouillon, 124, 1. of Strasburg, 136, 3. Gonzalo of Berceo, 136, 3. Gordianus, 43, 4. Gorm, the Old, 123, 1. Goths, 106. Gottschalk, 121, 4. Prince of the Wends, 123, 3. Grabow, 142, 5. yga.f&[Aa,Ta, TlTVtruf&lvx, 51. Grammont, Order of, 128, 3. Gratian, canonist, 129. Emp., 66. Greenland, 123, 1. Gregentius, 78, 3. Gregory I., 72, 1 ; 77, 1 ; 87, 4 ; 88, 3 ; 89, 3 ; 106, 8 ; 107, 4. II., 96, 1. III., 96, 1 ; 112, 1. IV., 112, 2. V, 126, 1. VII., 124; 126,2. IX. 126, 6 ; 129. X., 97, 4. XL, 140, 2. XII., 140, 3. Abulfaragus, 103, 2. Illuminator, 94, 3. Palamas, 99, 1. Scholaris, 98, 5. Thaumaturgus, 61, 4 ; 63, 2. of Nazianzus, 75, 4. of Nyssa, 75, 5. of Tours, 6 ; 120, 2. of Utrecht, 108, 3. Grimoald, 106, 8. Groot, Gerhard, 142, 5. Grossteste, 134, 3. Grundtvig, 105, 9. Gualbertus, J., 128, 1. Guardian, 128, 4. Guericke, 9. Guido of Arezzo, 135, 5. of Sienna, 135, 7. Gundioch, 106, 5. Gundobald, 106, 5. Gunthamund, 106, 3. Gunther of Cologne, 112, 4. Gyrovagi, 69, 5. Haco the Good, 123, 1. Hadrian, Emp., 41 ; 43, 2. I., 96, 3 ; 112, 1 ; 122, 1. ■ II., 97, 1 ; 112, 4 ; 113, 1. IV, 120, 4. Hadrumetum, 83, 5. Hagenbacb, 9. Hakim, Caliph, 124. Hamburg, See of, 100, 1. Harmonius, 51, 9. Harold, 110. Blaatand, 123, 1. Hase, 9. Haymo of Halberst., 120, 5, 9. Heathenism, 13. Heddo of Strasb., 114, 2. Hedwig, 123, 2. Hegesippus, 6. Hegira, 95. Hegius, Al., 151, 2. Heimburg, Gr. of, 148, 2. 518 INDEX. Helena, the Tyrian, 42, 2. the Empress, 87, 5, 6. Heliand, 118, 2. Heliogabalus, 43, 4. Hellenists, 22. Heloise, 133, 1. Helvidius, 92. Hemerobaptists, 42. Hemming of Upsala, 123, 4. Henoticon, 82, 2. Henry II., Emp., 127, 1. III., 126, 1. IV., 126, 2. V., 126, 3. VI., 126, 4. II. of England, 126, 4. Beauclerc, 126, 3. de Hassia, 148, 2. of Laufenberg, 143, 2. of Lausanne, 138, 3. Heraclion, 49, 3. Heraclius, 82, 8 ; 87, 5 ; 94, 2. Herigar, 110, 1. Hermann of Fritzlar, 147, 1. the Lame, 132, 1. Hennas, 61, 1. Hermeneutsa, 51, 1. Hermias, 63, 1. Hermogenes, 59, 11. Herveus, 133, 3. Natalis, 146, 1- Hesychasts, 99, 1. Hetasria?, 43, 2. Hierocles, 45, 2. Hilarion, 69. Hilarius of Arelate, 72, 1. of Poictiers, 76, 4. Hildebrand, 126, 2 ; 132, 2. Hildegard, 127 ; 138, 4 ; 139. Hilderic, 106, 3. Himerius, 67. Hincmar of Laon, 113, 1. of Kheims, 112, 4 ; 113, 1 ; 121, 4. Hippolytus, 60, 1 ; 61, 3 ; 62, 4. Hogstraten, 151, 2. Hohenstaufen, 126, 4, 5, 6. Holbein, 143, 4. Holland, see Netherlands. Homilies, 56. Homoiites, 80, 3. Homologoumena, 56, 2. Homoousians, 62, 1 ; 80, 1. Homoiousians, 80, 2. Honoratus, 69. Honorius, Emp., 66 ; 83, 4. of Borne, 82, 8. Horre, 86, 2. Horic, 11C, 1. Hormisdas of Eome, 82, 6. Hormuz, King, 50, 1. Hornbach, 108, 1. "O^m, 68, 2. Hosius, 80, 1, 2, 3. Hospitallers, 128, 6. Hottinger, 7. Hucbald, 135, 5. Hugo Capet, 126, 1. a St Caro, 134, 3. , • a St Victore, 133, 2. Hugo de Payens, 128, 6. Humanists, 151. Humbert, 97, 3 ; 132, 2, Humiliati, 128, 3. Huneric, 106, 3. Hungary, 123, 2. Hus, 143, 2 ; 149 ; 150, 4. Husig, 94, 3. Hutten, Ulric of, 151, 2. Hy, see Iona. Hyle, Hylic, 47, 1. Hymnology, 35; 56, 4; 89 2, 3; 119, 2; 135, 3 ; 143, 2, 3. Hypatia, 66. Hypopbonous singing, 89, 3. viroXTUtris, 58, 2. Hypostasianism, 62, 1. Hypsistarians, 67, 2. Jablonsky, 8. Jacobellus, 150, 5. Jacobites, 82, 7. Jacoponus, 135, 4. Jagello, 123, 2. Jacobus a Benedictis, 135, 4. a Voragine, 135, 3. el Baradai, 82, 7. of Brescia, 142, 1. of Harkh, 101, 2. of Marchia, 142, 1. of Misa, 150, 5. of Sarug, 89, 2. Jaldabaoth, 49, 4. Jamblichus, 44 ; 67. Janitores, 58, 1. Jaroslav, 102, 4. Jazelic, 82, 3. Ibas, 82, 3 Iberians, 94, 4. Idacius, 84, 2. Jeremias II., 102, 4. Jerome, St, 78, 1 ; 81, 2 ; 33, 4 ; 92. of Prague, 150, 4. Jeromites, 142, 3. Jesuates, 140, 3. Jews, 120, 7 ; 126, 1. Jewish Christians, 36. Jetzer, 142, 1. Ignatius of Ant., 43, 2 ; 51 ; 61, 1. Patr. of Const., 97, 1. Images, worship of, 87, 4 ; 119, 4 ; 122. controversy about (iconoclastic), 96. Immacul. Conceptio, 135, 2 ; 142, 4. Immunity, 114, 1. Incense, burning of, 89, 5. Indulgences, 122, 1; 137; 145. Infant Baptism, 35 ; 54 ; 88, 1. Innocent I., 72, 1 ; 83, 4 ; 91, 2, 3. II., 126, 4. III., 126, 5 ; 138, 5 ; 139, 1. IV, 126, 6. VIII., 140,4; 145, 2. Innocentum festum, 87, 1 ; 136, 1. Inquisition, 139, 2 ; 145, 1. Inspiration, 56, 1. Insula Sanctorum, 107, 2. Intercession, episc, 68. Interdict, 137. Investiture, 70, 3 ; 114 ; 126, 2, 3. INDEX. 519 Joachim, Abbot, 127 ; 138, 4. Johanna, female pope, 112, 8. Johannes V., Palasologus, 97, 5. VII., 97, 6. of Parma, 138, 4. Philoponus, 77. of Ravenna, 113, 1. of Salisbury, 132, 3. Scholasticus, 68, 6. Scotus Erigena, 120, 5, 7 ; 121, 4. of Talaja, 82, 5. of Tram, 97, 3. Tzimisces, 101, 1. John, Apostle, 31. disciples of, 42. ■ festival of, 87, 1. St., Knights of, 128, 6. VIII., 97, 1 ; 112, 5. IX., 112, 5. X., XL, XII., XV., 126, 1. ■ XIX., 97, 2. ■ XX, 112, 3. — XXII., 140, 2 ; 142, 1 ; 146, 1. XXIIL, 128, 5 ; 140, 3. of Ant., 82, 3. Beccos, 97, 3. Cassianus, 69 ; 83, 5. Damascenus, 96, 1 ; 98, 4, 5. Duns Scotus, 134, 1. Jejunator, 72, 1 ; 91, 1. of Jerus., 81, 2 ; 83, 4. of England, 126, 5. de Monte Corvino, 123, 5. Ozniensis, 103, 2. Jolmites, 81, 3. Jolanthe, 124, 5. Iona, 107, 3. Jonas of Orleans, 120, 4 ; 122, 2. Jornandes, 120, 9. Josephus, 23 ; 26, 2. Josquin de Prez, 143, 3. Jovi, 110, 1. Jovinian, 92. Ireland, 107, 2. Irenseus, 61, 3. Irene, 96, 8. Irmin-column, 108, 5. Isaac the Gi\, 82, 2 (94, 3). Isidorus, Gnostic, 49, 2. Presbyter, 81, 2, 3. Metrop. of Russia, 102, 4. of Seville, 120, 2. Islam, 95 ; 111 ; 125. Itala, 56, 3. Ithacius, 84, 2. Ittig, 108, 4. Jubilee, 145. Jubili, 119, 2. Judicatum, 82, 6. Julia Mammsea, 43, 4. Juliana, 135, 2. Julianists, 82, 7. Julianus, Emp., 65 ; 67, 1 ; 93, 2. of Eclanum, 83, 4. Julius I., 72, 1. II., 140, 4. Africanus, 63, 5. Junilius, 78, 1. Jus circa sacra, 68, 1. Justina, 80, 4. Justinian I., 66 ; 82, 6. II., 93, 3. Justinus I., Emp., 82, 5. Gnostic, 49, 4. Martyr, 61, 2 ; 63, 1. Juvenal of Jerus., 82, 3. Juvencus, 78, 8. Kempis, Thomas a, 142, 5. Kera'its, 103, 1. Keys, power of, 91, 1. Kilian, 108, 2. Kiss, fraternal, 35 ; 55, 1 ; 58, 2. Kissing the Pope's toe, 126. Knightly orders, 128, 6. Kramer, 145, 2. Labarum, 43, 7. Lactantius, 61, 5 ; 63, 1. Lambert of Aschaffenburg, 132. 1. le Begue, 128, 5. Landulf Gotta, 127, 2. Lanfranc, 131, 1, 2. Lange, Rudolph, 151, 2. Langenstein, H. of, 148, 2. Langobards, 106, 8. Langthon, 126, 5. Laos, 51. Lapland, 123, 4. Lapsi, 43, 5. Lateran Synod I., 82, 8 ; 126, 3. II., 126, 4. IV., 126, 5. Laurentius, Archb., 107, 4. Martyr, 43, 5. Valla, 151, 1. Lay- Abbots, 115. Brethren, 128, 1. Lectio, 56. Lectionaria, 89. Lectores, 51, 1 ; 56 ; 89. Legates, 126. Legenda aurea, 135, 3. Legio fulmin., 43, 3. Legists, 129. Leidrad of Lyons, 120, 3 ; 121, 1. Lentulus, 26, 2. Leo I. the Gr., 70, 4 ; 72, 1 ; 76, 3 ; 82, 4 ; 84, 1, 2 ; 91, 1. II., 112, 2 ; 121, 2. IX., 97, 3 ; 120, 2. X., 140, 4 ; 151, 1, 2. of Achrida, 97, 3. the Armenian, 96, 4 ; 101, 1. Ohazarus, 96, 3. the Isaurian, 96, 1 ; 101, 1. the Philos., 97, 1, 2 ; 98, 1. Leonardo da Vinci, 143, 4. Leonistas, 138, 5. Leontius of Byz., 78, 2. Leovigild, 106, 2. Leporius, 82, 2. Lerija, A. of, 151, 4, 5. Lestines, Synod of, 10S, 4. Libanius, 67. Libellatici, 43, 5. Libelli pacis, 58, 2. Liber conformit., 128, 4. 520 INDEX. Liber paschalis, 86, 3. Liberatus of Carth., 82, 6. Liberius of Rome, 80, 2, 3 ; 93, 1. Libri Carolini, 122, 1. Licinius, 43, 7. Limina apost, 87, 6. Lindner, Br., 9. Liptinas, Synod of, 108, 4. Litany, 89. Lithuania, 123, 2. Liturgy, 55, 1 ; 89, 4 ; 119, 1 ; 135. Liudger, 108, 3. Liutprand, 112, 1. Livonia, 123, 4. Lollards, 144, 1 ; 150, 2. Lombardus, P., 133, 2. Lord's Day, 35 ; 53 ; 86, 1. Loretto, 143. Lothair, Emp., 112, 2. II., of Lothar., 112, 3, 4. Louis, the Germanic, 112, 2. the Child, 112, 5. — the Indol., 112, 5. the Pious, 112, 2. II., 112, 2. VII., 124, 2. IX., St, 123, 5 ; 124, 6; 126, 6. XII., 140, 4. of Bavaria, 140, 2. Lucas, Bohem. Sen., 143, 2. Lucian of Ant., 61, 6. of Samos., 45, 1. Lucidus, 83, 5. Lucifer of Calaris, 80, 2, 3 ; 93, 1. Luciferites, Schismatics, 93, 1. ■ Heretics, 144, 3. Lucilla, 93, 2. Lucius, Brit. King, 107. Lucrezia, 140, 4. Ludmilla, 109, 2. Lullus, Archb., 108, 4. Bairn., 123, 5 ; 134, 2. Lund, 123, 4. Luxeuil, 108, 1. Lyons, Council of, 97, 4 ; 126, 6. Lyra, Nicholas of, 146, 2. Macarius the Gr., 78, 7. Maccabees, festival of, 87, 1. Macedonius, 80, 5. Macrianus, 43, 5. Macrina, 75, 2. Magdeburg, 123, 3. M agister sent., 133, 2. Magnoald, 108, 1. Mainots, 66 ; 102, 1. Majorinus, 93, 2. Malta, Knights of, 128, 6. Mamertus, 89. Mandeans, 42. Mani and Manich., 49 ; 84, 1. Mansur, 98, 5. Mantua, Counc. of, 140, 4. Manuel Comn., 99. Maphrian, 82, 7. Mara, 26, 2. Marcellus of Anc, 80, 2. Marcia, 43, 3. Marcian, Emp., 82, 4. Marcion, Gnos., 51, 10. Marco Polo, 123, 5. Marcus Aurelius, 43, 3. Evangelist, 29. Marianus Scotus, 132, 1. Marius Mercator, 83, 4. Maris, 82, 3. Maronites, 82, 3 ; 103, 3. Marozia, 126, 1. Marriage, 58, 3 ; 91, 2 ; 118, 1 ; 135, 1. Mass, canon of, 89, 4. sacrifice of, 88, 3 ; 119, 3. Masses for the Dead, 88, 3 , 119. 3. Martin I., 82, 8. V., 140, 3. of Duma, 106, 4. Polonus, 134, 3. of Tours, 69 ; 84, 2. Martyrs, 43, 5 ; 87. Massilians, 83, 5. Mastersingers, 144, 4. Matthew Paris, 134, 3. Matilda of Can., 126, 2. Maurus, St, 115. Maxentius, 43, 7. Maximianus, 43, 6. Maximilian I., 140, 4. Maximilla, 59, 1. Maximinus, Emp., 43, 6. the Thracian, 43, 4. Maximus, Emp., 84, 2. Confess-, 77, 2 ; 82, 8. Mayence, Synod of, 121, 4. Mayron, 146, 1. Meinhard of Bremen, 123, 4. Melchiades, 93, 2. Melchisedechites, 62, 2. Melchites, 82, 7. Melitus of Ant., 93, 1. of Lycopol., 60, 3. Melito, 61, 3 ; 63, 1, 4. Memnon of Eph., 82, 3. Memorise, 87. Mendicant orders, 128, 4. Mennas, 82, 6. Menot, 143. Mensurius, 93, 2. Messalians, Chr., 69, 5. Heathen, 67, 2. Methodius, 102, 3 ; 109. of Olympus, 62, 8 ; 63, 2. Metrophanes, 97, 6. Metropolitans, 51 ; 113. Michael Balbus, 96, 4. Bohem., senior, 150 «i. Cserularius, 97, 3. de Cesena, 142, 1 the Drunkard, 97, 1- Palaeologus, 97, 4. festival of, 87, 3. Angelo, 143, 3. Middle Ages, 104. Miecislav, 123, 2. Miesrob, 94, 3. Milicz, 150, 3. Militia Christi, 58. Millennarianism, 62, 8. Miltiades, 63, 1. Minimi, 142, 3. INDEX. 521 Minnesingers, 136, 9. Minucius, Felix, 63, 1. Fund., 43, 2. Missa catech. efc fidelium, 55, 1. Missale Rom., 89, 4. Mistvoi, 123, 3. Modalists, 62. Mohamet, 95. Mcihler, 9. Molay, J., 142, 2. Monarchians, 62. Monasterium Cler., 70, 1. Mongols, 123, 5. Monica, 76, 2. Monophysites, 82, 5, 7; 103, 2. Monotheletes, 82, 8. Montanists, 59. Monte-Cassino, 115. Montfort, S. of, 139, 1. Moors, 111 ; 125. Morality, higher and lower, 58. Moravia, 109, 1. More, Thomas, 151, 4. Moriscoes, 125. Morsel, consecrated, 118, 4. Mosaic, 90, 3. Moses of Chorene, 94, 3. Moslems, 95. Mozarabs, 111. Music, 89, 3; 135, 5; 143, 2. Muspili, 118, 2. Mysticism, Greek, 98, 3. Latin, 130, etc. German, 147. Naassenes, 49, 4. Natales episcop., 70, 3. Natalis, 7. Natalitia mart., 57. Nazarenes, 48, 1. Neander, 9. Nectarius, 91, 1. Nennius, 120, 9. Neophytes, 51, 1. Neoplatonists, 44 ; 67. Nepos of Arsinoe, 62, 8. Nero, 43, 1. Nerses, 94, 3. Clajensis, 103, 2. of Lampron, 103, 2. Nerva, 43, 1. Nestorians, 82, 3 ; 94, 2; 103, 1. Nestorius, 82, 3. Neumee, 89, 3. New-year, 86, 5. Niebelungen, 136, 3. Nice, Council of, 71 ; 80, 1 (96, 3). Nicephorus Gregoras, 99, 1. —— Callisti, 98, 4. Nicetas Acominatus, 98, 5. of Nicomed., 97, 4. Pectoratus, 97, 3. Nicolaitanes, 38, 1. Nicholas I., 97, 1; 102, 3; 112, 4; 113, 1; 121, 4. II., 126, 2. of Basle, 144, 2. Nicholas von der Flue, 142, 4. Cabasilas, 98, 5 ; 100, 4. Nicholas of Methone, 98, 5. Mysticus, 97, 2. Nicola Pisano, 135, 7. Niedner, 9. Nimbus, 90, 3. Ninian, 107, 3. Niphon, monk, 100, t. Patr., 100, 1. Nitrian Desert, 81, 1. Nithard, 120, 9. Noetus, 62, 4. Nogaret, W. of, 140, 1 Nominalists, 130, 2. Nomocanon, 68, 3. Nonas, 116, 1. Nonna, 75, 4. Nonnus of Panop., 78, 8. Norbert, 128, 3. Norway, 121, 1. Noting of Verona, 121, 4. Notker Labeo, 131, 1. Novatians, 60, 3. Novatus, 60, 2. Noviciate, 69, 3 ; 116, 1. Nunia, 94, 4. Nuns, 69 ; 115, 3. Oblati, 115, 1. Oblations, 55. Obotrites, 123, 3. Observantes, 142, 1. Occam, W., 142, 1 ; 146, 1. Ockeuheim, 143, 3. Octavse, 86, 4. Odericus Vitalis, 133, 3. Odilo of Clugny, 128, 1. Odo of Clugny, 128, 1 ; 131, 1. Odoacer, 106, 6. GScumenius, 98, 4. Officials, 127. Officium Sanctae Marias, 135, 3. OlXOVOfilM, 62, 1. Oizovo/Liei, 70, 5. Oktai-Khan, 123, 5. Olaf, 110, 1 ; 123, 1. Olga, 102, 4. Oliva, J. P., 138, 4. Omphalopsychoi, 99, 1. Onochoetes Deus, 43. Ophites, 49, 4. Optatus of Mileve, 93, 2. Oranges, Synod of, 83, 5. Oratories, 114, 2. Ordeals, 118, 4. Ordination, 51, 1 ; 70, 3. Ordines majores et minores, 51, 1. Ordo Pom., 89, 4. Ordruff, 108, 4. Organ, 119, 2. Origen, 61, 4 ; 62, 5 ; 63, 3. Origenists, 81. Orosius, P., 83, 4 ; 84, 2. Orphans, 150, 5. Orthodoxy, festival of, 94, 4. Ortuinus Gratus, 151, 2. Osculum pacis, 54. Ostiarii, 51, 1. Ostrogoths, 106, 7. Oswald, 107, 5. 522 INDEX. Oswx, 107, 5, 6. Ota, 108, 2. Otgar of Mayence, 117, 2. Otho I., 123, 2, 3 ; 126, 1. ■ II., III., 126, 1. IV., 126, 5. of Bamberg, 123, 3. ■ of Freisingen, 133, 4. Pabulatores, 69, 5. Pachomius, 69. Pacifico, 135, 4. Pagani, 66. Painting, 90, 3 ; 135, 7 ; 143, 4. Palladius, 78, 2 ; 107, 2. Pallium, 72. Palm Sunday, 86, 4. Pamphilus, 63, 2 ; 75, 1. Pantsenus, 61, 4. Paphnutius, 70, 4. Papias, 61, 1. Parabolani, 70, 5. Paris, Synod of, 122, 1. Parochia, 114, 2. Parochus, 51 ; 114, 2. Pasagii, 138, 1. Paschal II., 126, 3. Paschasius Radb, 121, 3. Patareni, 138, 1. Pataria, 127, 2. Pater orthod., 75, 2. Patriarchs, 71. Patricius, 107, 2. Patripassians, 62, 3. Patronage, 114. Patronus, 87. Paul II., 140,4; 150, 5. ■ ■ Diaconus, 120, 3. of Samos., 58, 3 ; 62, 7. Silentiarius, 78, 8. of Thebes, 58, 3. Warnefrid, 120, 3. Paula, St, 69, 2. Paulicians, 101, 1. Paulinus of Ant., 93, 1. of Aquileja, 120, 3. Nolanus, 78, 8. the Missionary, 107, 4. Pauperes de Lugduno, 138, 5. Payens, Hugh de, 128, 6. Pelagius, 78, 1 ; 83, a of Koine, 82, 6. Pelayo, 111. Penance, priest of, 91, 1. — — redemption of, 118, 5- Penda, 107, 4. Penitential books, 118, 5. Pentecost, 86, 4. Pepin, 112, 1. Pepuziani, 59, 1. Peratics, 49, 4. Peregrinus, 45. Perfectus, 111. Feriodeutes, 70, 5. Peristerium, 90, 2. Perpetua, 43, 5. Person of Christ, controversies about, 82. Persia, 94, 2. Peschito, 58, 3. Peter's pence, 112. Petilian, 93, 2. Petrarch, 144, 4. Petrobrusians, 138, 3. Petrus, Ap., 29. of Alex., 60, 4. of Amiens, 124. of Bruys, 138, 3. Cantor, 133, 3. of Castelnau, 139, 1. Chrysolanus, 97, 4. Damiani, 127 ; 132, 1. Dresdensis, 143, 2. Fullo, 82, 5. Lombardus, 133, 2 ; 135, 1. Mongus, 82, 5. of Murrone, 142, 3. of Pisa, 120. Siculus, 101, 1. Venerabilis, 128, 1 ; 139. Waldus, 138, 5. Pfefferkorn, 151, 2. Pharensis Syn., 107, 6. Pharisees, 20. Pherozas, 94, 2. Philip I. of France, 126, 3. III. of Spain, 125. Aug. of France, 124, 3 ; 126, 5. the Fair, 140, 1. Philippopolis, Synod of, 80, 2. Philippus, the Evang., 27 ; 29, Arabs, 43, 4. Philo, 22, 1. Philopatris, 67, 1 Philoponus, 77. Philosophy, Greek, 17. Philostorgius, 6. Philoxenus, 89, 1. Phocas, 72, 1. Photmus, 80, 2. Photius, 97, 1 ; 98, 5. 4'8x(r(i&a.Tfai, 82, 7. $UTlZ.OiJt.l-IOI, 54, 1. Piacenza, Council of, 124. Picts, 107, 3. Pictures, 57, 1 Pilgrim of Passau, 123, 2. Pilgrimages, 87, 6 ; 119, 4. Pirkheimer, 151, 2. Pirminius, 108, 1. Pisa, Council of, 140, 3, 4. Pistis Sophia, 49, 4. Pius II., 140,4; 138, 3; 150, 5. Planck, 8. Plastic Art, 96, 3 ; 135, 7 ; 143, 4. Plato, 17 ; 77 ; 98, 3 ; 130, 2. Plebani, 114, 2. Plebes, 114, 2. Plebs, 51. Pleroma, 47. Pletho, 98, 2 ; 151, 1. Pliny, 43, 2. Plotinus, 44. Plutarch, 44. Pneumatics, 47, 1 ; 59, 1. Pneumatomachoi, 80, 5. Podiebrad, 150, 1. Poets, Christian Latin, 78, 8. Polycarp, 43, 3 ; 53, 1 ; 61, 1. INDEX. 523 Polycrate9, 53, 1. Polyglotts, 151, 6. Pomerania, 123, 3. Pompa diab., 58. Pomponazzo, 151, 1 Pontianus, 60, 1. Ponticus, 43, 3. Pontion, Synod of, 112, 5. Pontius, 128, 1. Poor, case of, 118, 3. Popes, coronation of, 126 ; 145. election of, 126, 2, 4, 6. Porpliyrius, 44; 45, 2. Portiuncula, 128, 4. Possessed, the, 51, 1. Possessor of Carth., 83, 5. Potamisena, 43, 4. Pothinus, 43, 3. Pra3inonstrants, 128, 3. Praepositi, 114, 2. Pragmatic sanction, 127, 6 ; 140, 4. Praxeas, 59, 2 ; 62, 3. Prayer, 56. Prebends, 114, 4. Predestination, 83 ; 121, 4. Preaching, 56 ; 89 ; 135 ; 143. Preachers, Order of, 128, 4. Precarios, 116. Precists, 126. Presbyter, 33, 1 ; 51 ; 70. Primacy of the Pope, 52, 1 ; 72. Primasius, 78, 1. Primian, 93, 2. Priscilla, 59, 1. Priscillianists, 84, 2. Private Confession, 91, 1. Masses, 86, 3. Procession of the Holy Spirit, 80, 6 ; 97, 1 ; 121, 2. Processions, 89. Proclus, 66 ; 67, 1. Procopius the Gr., 150, 5. of Gaza, 78, 1. Proculus, 43, 4. the Montanist, 62, 8. Prodicians, 49, 6. Proselytes, Jewish, 23. Tl$i;x\uviris, 58, 2. H^o;ipo^ai, 55. Prosper Aquit, 78, 8 ; 83, 5. Proterins, 82, 5. Prudentius, 78, 8. of Trcyes, 121, 4. Prussia, 123, 4. Psalter, 51, 1. Psellus, 98, 5 ; 101, 3. Pseudepigraphs, 61, 7 ; 63, 1- Pseudo-Basilidians, 49, 2 Dionysius, 77, 1 ; 78, 5 ; 120, 1. Isidore, 117, 2. Psychicoi, 47, 1 ; 59, 1. Publicani, 138, 1. Pulcheria, 82, 4. Purgatory, 88, 3 ; 97, 6 ; 131, 1. Quadragesima, 53 ; 86, 4. Quadratus, 63, 1. Quartodecimani, 60, 1 ; 86, 3. Quercum, Syn. ad, 81, 3. Quicunque, symbol., 80, 7. Quinisextum, 93, 3. Quinquagesima, 53 ; 86, 4. Eabanus Maurus, 120, 5 ; 121, 3, 4. Kabulas of Edessa, 82, 3. Radbertus Pasch., 120, 5 ; 121, 3 ; 135, 2. Eadbod, 108, 3. Eadewin, 142, 5. Eaimundus Lullus, 123, 5 ; 134, 2. de Pennaforti, 129. du Puy, 128, 6. of Sabunde, 146, 2. of Toulouse, 139, 1. Ealph Flambard, 126, 3. Eaphael, 143, 4. Eastislav, 109. Eatherius, 127 ; 131, 1. Eatisbon, Synod of, 121, 1. Eatramnus, 97, 1 ; 120, 5 ; 121, 3, 4. Eealists, 130, 2. Eealm, estates of, 114, 1. Eecafrid, 111, 1. Eeccared, 106, 2. Eechiar, 106, 4. Eeclusi, 115, 5. Eecognit. Clem., 68, 4. Eeconciliatio, 58, 2. Eedemptions, 118, 5. Befomiation in Head and Members, 148 Eegino of Priim, 118, 5. Eeginus, 135, 5. Eegionary Bishops, 114. Eeichenau, 108, 1. Eeinerius Sachoni, 138, 1. Eelics, worship of, 87, 5 ; 119, 4 ; 135, 3. Eeligiosi, 69, 3. Eemigius of Lyons, 121, 4. of Eheims, 106, 9. Eemismund, 106, 4. Eemoboth, 69, 5. Eeparatus of Carth., 82, 6. Eeservationes, 140. Eeuchlin, 151, 2. Ee venues of the Church, 70. Ehense, meeting of Elect, 140, 2. Ehodoald of Porto, 97, 1 ; 112, 4. Eichard Cceur de Lion, 125, 3. a St Victore, 133, 3. Eicher, 131, 1. Eienzi, Cola di, 140, 2. Eimbert, 110, 1. Eimini, Council of, 80, 3. Eisus paschalis, 136, 1. Bitter, J., 9. Eobber Synod, 82, 4. Eobert of Arbrissel, 128, 3. of Citeaux, 128, 2. Grossteste, 134, 3. Guiscard, 126, 2. of Sorbonne, 134, 3. King of France, 135, 4. Eoger Bacon, 134, 3. Eokycana, 150, 5. Eomanesque style, 135, 6. Eomuald, 128, 1. Eosary, 135, 3. Bosary, Fraternity of, 143, 1. Eoscellinus, 132, 3. 524 INDEX. Kota Eom., 126. Eothad of Soissons, 113, 1. Bubianus, Crotus, 151, 2. Rudolph of Swabia, 126, 2. Rufiuus, 6 ; 76, 6 ; 78, 2 ; 81, 2. Eiigen, 123, 3. Bugians, 106, 6. Eupert, 108, 2. of Deutz, 133, 3. Eussia, 102, 4. Euysbroek, John of, 147, 1. William, 123, 5. Sabatati, 138, 5. Sabbath, 86, 1. Sabellius, 62, 4, 6. Sabians, 42. Sabinianus, 90, 2. Sacraments, 135, 1. Sacramentarium, 89, 4. Sacrifioati, 43, 5. Sacrificial Theory, 55, 3. Sacrum rescr., 83, 3. Sadducees, 20. Saints, worship of, 87 ; 135, 3. Saladin, 124, 3. Salvianus, 78, 3. Salzburg, 108, 2 ; 109. Samaritans, 21 ; 42. Sampseans, 48, 3. Sanction, Pragm., 126, 6. Sapores II., 94, 2. Sarabaites, 69, 5. Sardica, Synod of, 72, 1 ; 80, 5. Sarmatio, 92. Sarolta, 123, 2. Saturnalia, 86, 5. Saturninus, 49, 7. Savonarola, 149, 2. Savonieres, Synod of, 121, 4. Sbynko, 150, 4. Scepticism, 17. Scetian Desert, 81, 1. Schism, Papal, 140, 3. Eastern, 97. Schisms, 60. Schmidt, Christ., 9. Schola Palat., 120. Saxonica, 112. Scholastica, 115, 3. Scholasticism, Greek, 77 ; 98, 3. Latin, 130, etc. ; 146. Schools, Monastic, 120, 1. Popular, 118, 1 ; 136, 2. Ancient Theological, 61, 3, 4, 5; 74; 75 ; 82, 2. Scotists, 134, 1. Scotus, Erig., 120, 5, 7 ; 121, 4. J. Duns, 134, 1. Seckingen, 108, 1. Secundus, 80, 1. Sedes apostolicse, 51. Sedulius, 78, 8. Segarelli, 138, 3. Sembat, 101, 2. Semiariaus, 80, 3. Semipelagians, 83, 5. Semler, 8. Sends, 118, 5 ; 127. Sens, Synod of, 133, 1. Septimius Sev., 46. Septuagint, 20 ; 56, 2 ; 86, 4. Sequences, 119, 2. Serapeion, 66. Serenius Granianus, 43, 2. Serenus of Massil., 87, 4. Sergius of Const., 82, 8. of Eavenna, 113, 1. of Eome, 93, 3. Tychicus, 101, 1. Servatus Lupus, 121, 4. Servites, 128, 4. Sethians, 49, 4. Severa, 43, 4 ; 47. Severians, 82, 7. Severinus, 106, 6. Shiites, 95, 1. Sibylline Books, 63, 1. Sicilian Vespers, 126, 6. Sickingen, 151, 2. Siena, Council of, 140, 3 Sigillaria, 86, 5. Sigismond, of Burgundy, 106, 5. Emp., 140,3; 150,4,5. Simeon Metaphr., 98, 4. of Thessalonica, 98, 5. Simon Magus, 42, 2. of Tournay, 138, 2. Simony, 126, 2. Singing Schools, 119, 2. Sirmium, Council of, 80, 2, 3. Sixtus II., 43, 5. IV., 142, 1 ; 145. Socrates, 17. the Church Hist., 6. Soissons, Synod of, 108, 4 ; 133, L Sophronius, 82, 8. Sorbonne, 134, 3. Sorores, 58, 3. Sozomenus, 6. Spirit, Sect of the Holy, 138, 2. Spirituales, 128, 4. Spittler, 8. Spolia, 140. Sponsors, 54. Sprenger, 145, 2. Ssufis, 95, 1. Staupitz, 147, 1. Stedingers, 139, 2. Stephen of Eome, 54, 2. II., 96, 2 ; 112, 1. III., 96, 2. VI., 112, 5. St, 123, 2 ; 126, 1. de Borbone, 138, 5. Lansrthon, 126, 5. of SUnic, 103, 2. festival of, 87, 1. Stock, Simon, 128, 3. Stoicism, 17. Stolberg, L. of, 9. Streaneshalch, Synod of, 107, 6. Studites, 69, 4. Sturm of Fulda, 108, 4. Stylites, 69, 4 ; 115, 5. Subintroductae, 58, 3. Succat, 107, 2. Suevi, 106, 4. INDEX. 525 Suffragans, 114. Sulpitius Sever., 6. Summis desiderantibus, 145, 2. Sunnites, 95, 1. Suso, H., 147, 1. Sutri, Synod of, 126, 1. Svatopluk, 109, 2. Svatoslav, 102, 4. Sven, 123, 1. Sweden, 110; 123, 1. Sword, Brethren of, 123, 4 ; 128, 6. Sylvanus, 101, 1. Sylvester I., 89, 3. II., 124 ; 126, 1. Symbols, 57, 1. Symeon, 102, 3. called Titus, 101,1. of Jerus., 43, 2. Symniachus, 66. Synagogues, 20; 35. Syncelli, 71. Synergists, 83, 1 Synesius, 75, 7. Synods, see Councils. Synodus Palmaris, 72, 1. Syzygia,48, 4; 49,3. Taberxacclum, 90, 2. Taborites, 150, 5. Talmud, 42. Tamerlane, 103, 1. Tancbelm, 138, 4. Tatares, 103, 1. Tatian, 49, 8 ; 63, 1. Tauler, 147, 1. Templars, 128, 6 ; 142, 2. Tempus clausum, 86, 4. Tertiaries, 128, 4. Tertullian, 59, 2 ; 61, 5 ; 62, 3 ; 83, 1. Tertullianists, 59, 2. Theatricals, religious, 136, 2. Theganus, 120, 9. Themistius, 67. Theodelinda, 106, 8. Theodemir, abbot, 128, 2. I., 106, 4. Theoderic, 106, 7. Theodo I., 108, 2. Theodora, 82, 6 (96, 4) ; 101, 1 (126, 1). Theodoret, 74, 5 ; 82, 3, 4. Theodorus Ascidas, 82, 8. Balsamon, 68, 3. of Mops., 74, 3 ; 78, 1 ; 82, 3 ; 83, 4. of Niem, 148, 2. Studita, 96, 4. Theodulf of Orl., 118, 1; 120, 3. Theognis of Nicaea, 80, 1. Theologia Germanica, 147. Theonas, 80, 1. Theopaschites, 82, 6. Theophano, 126, 6. Theophilus, Emp., 96, 4. of Alex., 66 ; 81, 2, 3. of Ant., 63, 1. of Diu, 94, 4. Theophylact, 98, 5. 0sotoxo;, 82, 2, 3. Therapeutse, 22. Thesaur. superog., 137. Thietberga, 112, 4. Thietgaut of Treves, 112, 4. Thomas Aquinas, 134, 1 ; 135, 1. a Becket, 126, 4. of Celana, 135, 4. a Kempis, 142, 5. Thomas-Christians, 82, 3. Thomasius, Christ., 145, 2. Thomists, 134, 1. Thontracians, 101, 2. Thrasamond, 106, 3. Thurificati, 43, 5. Tiberius, 43, 1. Tillemont, 7. Timotheus ^Elurus, 82, 5. Tiridates III., 94, 3. Tithes, 116. Titian, 143, 4. Tituli, 114, 2. Torquemada, 145, 1. Toulouse, Synods of, 136, 2 ; 138, 1 ; 139, 2. Tours, Syn. of, 132, 2 ; 140, 4. Towers, 90, 1. Tradition, 52. Traditores, 43, 6. Traducianism, 83, 1. Trajan, 43, 2. Transfiguration, festival of, 86, 6. Translations, 87. Transubstantiation, 88, 2 ; 135, 1. Treuga Dei, 136, 1. Tribur, diet at, 126, 2. Triuity, festival of, 135, 2. Trinitarians, Order of, 128, 3. Trinitarian controversy, 62 ; 80. Troubadours, 136, 3. Trullanum I., 82, 8. II., 93, 3. Turlupines, 144, 3. Turribius, 84, 2. Tutilo, 119, 6. Tychonius, 78, 1. Typos, 82, 8. Tyre, Synod of, 80, 2. TJladiglaus, 150, 5, 6. Ulfilas, 106, i: Ulric of Augsburg, 114, 3. Unam sanctam, 140, 1. Unction, Extreme, 91, 2 ; 100, 2. Union of Greek with Eoni. Ch., 102, 4, Unitas fratrum, 150, 6. Universities, 130, 1. Enni of Hamb., 123, 1. Urban II., 126, 3. IV., 126, 6. V., 140, 2. VI., 140, 3. Ursinus of Eome, 93, 1. Ursula, 138, 4. Usuardus, 120, 9. Utraquists, 150, 5. Valence, Synod of, 121, 4. Valens, Bishop, 80, 3. Emp., 80, 4 ; 66. Valentinian I., 66. II., 66. III., 72, 1. 526 INDEX. Valentinus, 49, 3. Valerianus, 43, 5. Valla, Laur., 151, 1. Vallambrosiam, 128, 5. Vandals, 106, 3. Varanes, 50, 1. V., 94, 2. Velasquez, 128, 6. Vengeance, private, 118, 4. Vercelli, Synod of, 132, 2. Verdun, treaty of, 112, 2. Veronica, 26, 2. Vestibulum, 90. Victor I. of Eome, 53, 1. II., 126, 2. Vigilantius, 92. Vigils, 53 ; 86, 4. Vigilius of Borne, 82, 6. Vincentius Ferreri, 114, 1. of Lirinum, 78, 5 ; 83, 5. Virgilius of Salzb., 108, 4. Virgin, festivals in honour of, 87, 2 ; 135, 2 ; 143, 1. Visigoths, 106, 2. Vladimir, 102, 4. Vulgate, 89, 1. Wadstena, 142, 3. Walafrid Strabo, 120, 4, 6 ; 121, 3. "Waldenses, 138, 5. Waldhausen, conr. of, 150, 3. Walter the Penniless, 124, 1. a St Victore, 133, 3. von der Vogelweide, 136, 3. Warnefrid, Paul, 120, 3. Wazo of Lieges, 139. Wearmouth, 115, 4. Wechabites, 95, 1. Week, the great, 53. Welsh, 9. Wenceslaus, 150, 4. Wenceslav, 123, 2 Wends, 123, 3. Wesel, J. of, 149, 1. Wessel, J., 150, 1. Wido of Milan, 127, 2. Widukind, 131, 1. Wilfrid, 107, 6 ; 108, 3. Wilibrord, 108, 3. Willehad, 108, 3. William of St. Amour, 128, 4. of Aquitaine, 128, 1. of Champeaux, 132, 1. the Conqueror, 126, 3. of Nogaret, 140, 1. Eufus, 126, 3. Euysbroek, 123, 5. of Tyre, 124, 3. Willigis of Mayence, 127, 1. Wilzen, 123, 3. Winfrid, 108, 4. Witches, malleus maleficarum, 145, 2. procedure against, 145, 2. Wittekind, 108, 5. Wolfram of Eschenb., 136, 3. Worms, Syn. of, 126, 2. concordat of, 126, 3. Wulflaich, 108, 3 Wulfram, 108, 3. Wycliffe, 150. theology of, 150, 1. — successors of, 150, 2. Xerophagiai, 59, 3. Ximenes, 151, 4, 5. Zacharias, 112, 1. of Anagni, 97, 1. Zanzalus, J., 82, 7. Zelatores, 128, 4. Zeno, 17. Emp., 82, 5. Zenobia, 62, 7. Ziska, 150, 5. Zosimus, 67 ; 83, 3, 4. 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