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This institution reserves the right to refuse to accept a copy order if, in its judgement, fulfillment of the order would involve violation of the copyright law. AUTHOR: ROGERS, JAMES EDWIN THOROLD TITLE: THE STORY OF HOLLAND . . . PLACE: NEW YORK DATE: 1900 COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY LIBRARIES PRESERVATION DEPARTMENT Master Negative # BIDLIOGRAPHIC MICROFORM TARGET Original Material as Filmed - Existing Bibliographic Record '— iP*r |949.2 Rogers, Jamos E^dwin^ Thorold, 1823-1890. .•.Holland. New York, Putnam, 1900. xxiii, 388 p. incl. illus. (incl. ports.) fold. map. 20 cm. (The story of the nations) Restrictions on Use: '■'J'3-i U ^ TECHNICAL MICROFORM DATA REDUCTION RATIO:__//^ FILM SIZE:_3_C IMAGE PLACEMENT: lA JIA IB IIB DATE FILMED: - ; i_^a3 INITIALS . HLMEDBY: RESEARCH PUBLICATIONS. INC WOODDRIDGE.Lr ny r Association for information and Image IManagement 1 1 00 Wayne Avenue, Suite 1 1 00 Silver Spring. 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THOROLD ROGERS PROFESSOR OF I'OIJTICAL ECONOMY IN THE UNIVERSITY OF OXFORD AND OF ECONl»MIC SCIENCE AND STATISTICS, KING's COLLEGE, LONDON ; AUTHOR OF '*SIX CENTURIES OF WORK AND WAGES," "a HISTORY OF AGRICULTURE AND PRICES IN ENGLAND," ETC, NEW YORK G. P. PUTNAM'S SONS LONLXJN: T. FISHER UN WIN 1900 Il I \ r Copyright By G. p. Putnam's Sons i88S Entered at Stationers^ Ilally London By T. Fisher Unvvin I ' Press of G. P. Putnam's Sons New York PREFACE. The ston^ which is contained in the following pages is, of necessity, brief, for I cannot go beyond the limits of the series, l^ut it need not be given in great detail. It is possible by a short narrative to recount the prin- cipal facts in the greatest and most important of all European wars, that in which the seven provinces of Holland secured their independence against the monarch who was supposed to possess the mightiest powers of the age. Holland was won by its people acre by acre, field by field, against the best European troops of the time, the most practised generals, and what seemed to be boundless resources. The details of the struggle are dry and tedious. The interest in the story lies in the spirit and resolution of the Hol- landers, in the tenacity with which they clung to their purposes, in the entire success which attended their efforts, and the great results which followed from the victory which they won, after a war of unparalleled duration. The Spanish king, their foe, represented the two principles of sixteenth-century despotism, 33^968 Vlll PREFACE. entire authority over the h'ves and fortunes of his subjects, entire authority over their consciences. The Hollanders resisted him, defeated him, and gave the first precedent for civil and religious liberty. Their success was the stimulant to similar efforts in other countries. These efforts were not always suc- cessful ; sometimes, indeed, they were defeated, and governments were apparently all the stronger by reason of the failure in the attempt to control them. But the example of the Dutch was never forgotten, and the prosperity of free Holland was always a stimulant to those other races which struggled for freedom. The Huguenots attempted to follow their example, and^failed. The Protestant states of Northern and Central Germany strove to free themselves, quarrelled among each other, and after thirty years of desperate and sanguinary warfare, the battle was drawn. England grappled with the despotism of the Stewarts, put it down for a time, suffered from the effects of a shameful reaction, and finally established constitu- tional monarchy, L(\, an aristocratic republic, disguised by the fiction of a powerless sovereign. The precedent of the Dutch revolt was before the minds of those who drew up the Declaration of Ameri- can Independence. I cannot say that the Colonies would not have resisted the Ikitish Parliament after the Stamp Act was passed, even if there had been no history of Holland. But precedents are of the highest value in political action, especially if the pre- cedent is one of signal success. In absolute ignorance of what the result would be, the French Government, which was utterly corrupt, selfish, cruel, and tyran- PREFACE. IX I I I I nical, intervened on behalf of American freedom, and materially aided the struggle for independence. The inevitable issue of this intervention was the French Revolution. The final overthrow of the French lunpire, after it had fought for eighteen years single- handed against luirope was of course followed by reaction. But slowly, very slowly, European races have within the present generation won back some liberties from the dynasties and their tools, and will in the end, if they are wise, win much more from them. The form which their best efforts take is that of nationality, an impulse which may be misdirected by intriguing politicians, but is gradually being educated into definite aims. ,^ I hold it that the revolt of the Netherlands and the success of Holland is the beginning of modern political science and of modern civilization. It utterly repudiated the divine right of kings, and the divine authority of an Italian priest, the two most inveterate enemies which human progress has had to do battle with. At present, the king in civilized communities is the servant of the state, whose presence and influence is believed to be useful. The priest can only enjoy an authority which is voluntarily conceded to him, but has no authority over those who decline to recognize him. These two principles of civil government the Dutch were the first to affirm. They deposed Philip and put the head of the house of Orange in his place, but only as the highest servant of a free Republic. They refused all concessions to the court of Rome, and, very soon after their independence was secured, accepted the principle of religious equality. Holland I PREFACE. PREFACE, XI was the solitary European state for a long time, in which a man's reHgious opinions were no bar to his exercise of all civil rights. At the present time, most civilized communities have followed this excellent example. The student of history is bidden to take notice of the heroic resistance which Athens first, and much of Southern Greece afterwards made to the Persian king twenty-three centuries ago. The resistance which Holland made to the Spanish king was infinitely more heroic, far more desperate, much more successful, and infinitely more significant, because it was a war in which the highest principles were vindicated, and vindi- cated irreversibly. In those principles, secured by the efforts of a small and, at first sight, of a feeble people, lies the very life of modern liberty. The debt which rational and just government owes to the seven provinces is incalculable. To the true lover of liberty, Holland is the Holy Land of modern Europe, and should be held sacred. But the debt of modern Europe to Holland is by no means limited to the lessons which it taught as to the true purposes of civil government. It taught Europe nearly everything else. It instructed com- munities in progressive and rational agriculture. It was the pioneer in navigation and in discovery ; and, according to the lights of the age, was the founder of intelligent commerce. It produced the greatest jurists of the seventeenth century. It was pre-eminent in the arts of peace. The presses of Holland put forth more books than all the rest of Europe did. It had the most learned scholars. The languages of the East I I I were first given to the world by Dutchmen. It was foremost in physical research, in rational medicine. It instructed statesmen in finance, traders in banking and credit, philosophers in the speculative sciences, r'or a long time that little storm-vexed nook of North-western Europe was the university of the civilized world, the centre of European trade, the admiration, the envy, the example of nations. Holland, it is true, committed political and com- mercial errors, which it dearly expiated, of which a malignant use was made by states and statesmen who committed ten times as many crimes. But the annals of Holland are singularly free from deliberate wrong- doing. Its worst acts were defensive, into which it was led by intriguers, such as the judicial murder of Olden Barneveldt, the foolish advocacy of the exiled Stewarts, the shameful murder of the De Witts. But in these doings it was the accomplice of the house of Orange, which after great services led it into disgrace, and finally into ruin. It was an evil day for Holland, when this degenerate family began to marry into the houses of Stewart and Hanover, of Prussia and Russia. I would have gladly brought the story to a close with the peace of Aix-la-Chapellc, after which, by no fault of its own, I lolland became of little account in the councils of Europe, and was finally overrun by Erance. But the facts had to be told, and they are a striking lesson. In the shameful humiliation of Holland, Great Britain, to its dishonour, took the most active part. P>om the days of Selden down to the days of Can- ning, it was the policy of British statesmen to pander Xll PREFACE, to the most sordid instincts of Ikitish traders, and to truckle to the designs of the houses of Stewart and Hanover against the independence of the gallant Republic. From their own point of view, that of securing allies on the European continent, the policy was entirely unwise ; from the point of view of inter- , national morality, it was supremely dishonest. My principal authorities are Davies, Motley, and especially Wagenaar. The annals of the Dutch nation are exceedingly copious and accurate. I wish indeed that we knew more in detail about the particulars of the great manufacturing towns of Manders before the revolt of the Netherlands, of the great trading towns of the seven provinces during and after the War of Independence. The publication of such records would be of great interest to those who study the stirring history of the Republic, and follow out the process by which such important results ensued from what seemed to be such inadequate means. CONTENTS. Early Days PACE III Balavia, 3 — Policy of Charles the (neat, 7 — The Church in the Netherlands, 9— The Hooks and Kaheljauws, 11. 11. The Rise of the Chartered Towns 12-21 Beneficial results of the Crusades, 13 — Institution of guilds, 15 — League of the Hanse towns, 17 — English wool for Flemish looms, 19 — The church not one of the estates, 21. -5^^ I III. The House of Burgundy .... 22-31 Its origin, 23 — The lil)erties enjoyed by the Netherlands, 25 — Importance of the fisheries to Holland, 27 — Philip declares war against England, 29 — Insurrection of the Flemish towns, 31- IV. Charles the Headstrong 32-39 Charles aims at the sovereignty, 33 — Rivalry of the Flemish towns, 35 — Rebellion and punishment of Liege, 37 — Charles dies in battle against the Swiss, 39. XIV CONTENTS. V. PAGE Mary of Burgundy 40-45 The "Great Privilei^e " jrranted to Holland, 41 — Maximilian the paujier, 43— The Spanish ily nasty, 45. VI. Charles, Count of Flanders and Emperor. 47-55 Destruction of the Egyptian tratle, 49 — Power of the I'ope in Europe, 51 — Calvinists dii.avow "divine rights," 53 — Insur- rection and chastisement of Ghent, 55. VII. The Accession of Philip of Spain 56-65 The Prince of Orange, 59 — Charles's reign one long crime, 61 — Philip means to respect Hutch lilterties, 63— Scene be- tween William and Philip, 65. VIII. Margaret of Parma 66-72 The family of Nassau, 67 — The Netherlanders appeal to their charters, 69 — Abolition of the Inquisition, 71. IX. Alva 73-82 The Blood Council, 75 — Alva lays waste the Netherlands, 77. X. Requesens, the Grand Commander 83-90 The University ofLeydc«, 87 — The possible allies of Hol- land, 89. CONTENTS. XV XI. I'AGE Don John of Austria 9T-99 Don John's early career, 93— The purposes of John, 95— Orange sus|)ects John, 97 — Death of John, 99. XII. Alexander of Parma . T00-108 Parma's character, loi— The Union of Utrecht, 103— Philip renounced, 107. XIII. The Last Years of William the Silent . T09-119 Anjou, III— Attempt on William's life, 113-Anjou and Antwer]), 115— Murder of William, 119. XIV. The Projects of Philip . 120-128 Aims of the Spanish king, 121— Claims England, France, Cermany, 123— Resources of Philip, 125— Bribes in all quarters, 127. XV. Henry the Third and Eltzapfth. . . 129-137 Negotiations with Henry, 1 31 —Importance of the Nether- lands, 133— Elizabeth and Leicester, 135— Holland wins its own freedom, 137. XVI. Antwerp and the Armada .... 138-150 The importance of Antwerp, 139— The bridge and the siege, 141— Drake's expeditions, 145 — The Armada sails, 147 — Results of the defeat, 149. XVI CONTENTS. CONTENTS. XVll XVII. The Last Years of Parma PAGE »5J-»59 Parma in France, 153— Parma distrusted by riiilip, 157 — Philip's falsehoods, 159. xvni. After the Death of I'arma . . 160-167 Maurice gains reputation, 161 -Capture of Cadiz, 163 — Philip gives away the Netherlands, 165— Philip's death, 167. XIX. Dutch Entkrprise . . 168 176 Linschoten's maps, 171 — Expedititmto the Polar Sea, 173 Wintering at Nova Zeml)a, 175. XX. The Dutch Indies . . 177-184 The East India Company, 179— Batavia, 181— Negotiations for peace, 183. XXI. The Archdukes and ihe War . 185 198 Bankniptcy of Spain, 187— England at this time jwor, 189— Mutinies; Nieuwpoort, 193— Ostend, 195— Spinola appears, 197. XXII. The Universal East India Company . . 199-205 Objects of the company, 201— Heemskerk at Gibraltar, 203 — The danger of monopoly, 205. XXIII. PAGE The Truce . 206-214 France and the Netherlands, 207— Conditions of Spain, 209 — Holland will not endure dictation, 211— Reasonings of the Hollanders, 213. XXIV. The Bank of Amsterdam .... 215-224 Agriculture, 217— Learning in Holland, 22 1— Government of the Hank, 223. XXV. Religious Dissensions, and the Murder of Harneveldt 225-237 Religious dissensions, 227— Armiiiius and (lomarus, 231 — Calvinism, 233— Trial and execution of Barneveldt, 235— Grolius, 237. XXVI. The Thirty Years' War, and the Renewal of Hostilities 238-248 Beginning of the war, 239— Frederic Henry Stadtholder, 241 —Growth of Dutch trade, 243— The tulip mania, 245— The English Royal family, 247. XXVII. Collisions between England and Holland 249-259 Holland favours the Stewarts, 251— War with Cromwell, 253— Ingratitude of Charles II., 255— William the orphan, 257 — Charles makes claims on the Dutch, 259. XXVIII. The Administration of John de W^itt . 260-270 The treaty of the Pyrenees, 263— First war with Charles, 26$ —The Triple Alliance, 267— The war of 1672, 269. i XVIU CONTENTS. CONTENTS. XIX PAGE PAGE XXIX. To THE Peace of Nimeguen .... 271-282 Training of William, 273— William i)elovc(l l>y the Dutch, 275— William at the head of affairs, 277— Death of De Ruyter, 279— Marriaije of William and Mary, 281. XXX. From the Peace of Nimeguen to the English Revolution 283-292 The policy of Louis, 285— Expulsion of the Huguenots, 287— Louis offends every one, 289— The expedition to England, 291. xxxr. The Kngltsh Rfvotthion .... 293-302 Holland takes part in it, 295— Landing at Torbay, 297— William in England, 299— William distrusts the English, 301. xxxn. The War of 1689 to the Peace of Rvswick '^97 303 313 The allies, 305— William no great general, 307— The battle of La Hogue, 309— The famine, 311— Peace of Kyswick, 313. XXXHL From the Peace of Rvswick to the Treatv OF Utrecht 3^4 335 The Dutch afraid «.f Louis, 315— Character of Louis, 317 - Perfidy of Louis, 319 Opinion at the time, 321— L(»uis strives for Dutch neutrality, 323 — MarlJMirough, 325 — Churchill's purjxises, 327— Battle of Blenheim, 329 -The war in Spain, 331— Conclusion of the war, ^^^ — The treaty of Utrecht, 335. XXXIV. The Internal Troubles of the Republic . 336-350 Debts of Holland, 337— The constitution, 339— Amsterdam, 341— The Ostend HJompany, 343— The great Imbbles, 345— ^ Holland a refuge, 347— Marriage with the house of Hanover, 349- XXXV. Down Hill 351-359 The boundaries of European states, 353— The Pragmatic Sanction, 355— William IV. Stadlholder, 357 -The Republic at an end, 359. XXXVL Holland to the time of the Armed Neutrality 360-366 Anne the Governess, 361— The growth of British commerce, 363— The war of American independence, 365. XXXVH. From the War of 1781 to the Creation of Monarchy 367-373 The Patriot party, 369— Civil war, 371— Occupation by France, 373. XXXVHL Conclusion 374-3^0 International services of Holland, 377— Achievements in all learning, 379. Index 3S1 I li LIST OF ILUSTRATIONS. STAIRCASE WHF.RE GERARD ASSASSINATED THE SILENT DUTCH WINDMILL . THE ZUVDER ZEE . FRISIAN GIRL . GATEWAY OF DELKF THE CANAL, UTRIXHT WINDMILL, HFLDLR CHURCH OF ST. NICHOLAS AT GOU MINARET . WINDMILL CHARLES V. . LOIISTER NET . ERASMUS . pnii.ii' II. WILLIAM I. COUNT ALVA . DA PAGE WILLIAM Frontispiece 2 5 8 i6 21 27 30 35 45 46 50 54 57 60 74 XXll LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS. LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS. BRILL ENVIRONS OF DORDRECHT OLD DUTCH STREET AND TOWN-HALL WINDOW OF AN OLD HOUSE AT GRONINGEN HOTEL DE VILLE, BRUSSELS . THE PRISON, THE HAGUE OI.D ZAANDAM THE GATE OF ST. CATHERINE AT DELFT CUSTOM HOUSE AND PIER AT HARLINGEN GRONINGEN • • • ROTTERDAM .... THE CATHEDRAL, ANTWERP . PRINCE MAURICE . HAARLEM MERWEDE TOWER . SPINOLA . AMSTERDAM CHINA LUTHERAN CHURCH AT AMSTERDAM BRIDGE, AT AMSTERDAM REMBRANDT .... OLDEN BARNEVELDT THE BINNENHOF AT THE HAGUE GROTIUS FREDERIC, PRINCE OF ORANGE ADMIRAL TROMP DE RUVTER PAGB 79 8i 85 94 98 105 no 117 124 128 132 143 155 159 169 191 198 201 216 218 219 226 229 236 242 246 254 JOHN DE WITT PIPES WILLIAM III. SPINOZA ... IHE VYVLRBERG AT THE HAGUE AI.KMAAR WINDOWS CIRL'S HKAI) I OWN- HALL, HAARLEM IIROEK GIRL SLEIGH WINDMILLS, ZAANDAM WILLIAM IV. KUENEN . JACOB KATZ XXIII PAGE 261 265 272 284 296 311 328 339 347 350 358 375 378 I I THE STORY OF HOLLAND. I. EART.V DAYS. The creat river of Western Europe whose head waters are collected in the Lake of Constance, and lose themselves in the German Ocean by a thousand channels, was for centuries the hi.e^hway of Western commerce and civilization. It was for a long time the iKuth-eastern boundary of the Roman Empire, and many of the cities which studded its banks were the outposts of garrisons of the Roman army. In later times certainly, perhaps even in earlier ages, these cities were enriched by the merchandise which was carried down the stream. As the Rhine approaches the borders of the country now known collectively as Holland, it begins to divide its stream, and the divisions are multiplied at short intervals. The flow of its waters once rapid is now sluggish. The delta of the Rhine is an accretion from the soil which the stream has collected during its .».^- ■■■• ^ .».^- .■•«!». 2 EARLY DAYS, course. The first Napoleon laid claim to the territory of Hollaiul on the ground that its surface was a deposit from the distant regions in which the earth was col- lected, was hurried along by the rapid riv^r, and dropped by the sluggish water courses into which the Rhine divided itself. "Now," he argued, "the uplands are mine by right of conquest. The lowlands, which owe their existence to the river which I have ap- propriated, are mine by right of devolution." One may dispute the logic of the great captain, but the accuracy of his geology is incontestable. Holland is the creation of the Rhine. The rest of the Nether- lands, now known politically as the Belgium kingdom, is not so obviously the pro- duct of great rivers. Hut the greater part of it is an unbroken flat, suggesting I hat its area was once a ^^ l^^'^ ^^'^-^ \ .shallow sea from which the DUTCH wiNDMH L. watcrs havc retreated. The inhabitants of H(jlland were, for the most part, of Teutonic origin, as were also those of the western sea- board of the Netherlands. The south-western district was inhabited mainly by a people of Celtic origin. These two races were known as F'lemish and Walloon. In the dawn of history, i.i\, for this country, in the days when Julius Caesar was engaged in extending the Roman Empire over Northern Gaul, and the western tribes of the great Teutonic race, the greater part of i BAT AVI A. 3 modern Holland was an extensive morass, covered by almost impenetrable forests. From time to time the barrier which the river was depositing against the ocean was invaded by furious storms, and the land was submerged. But the river was always building up what the sea was occasionally destroying, and the earliest in.stincts of the Hollanders were directed to- wards the protection of the land on which they dwelt, the land which the sea was always threatening. This land, enclo.sed between the two principal arms of the Rhine, was called Batavia, and its inhabitants got the name of their country. After the conquest of the Belgian races, the Batavians became the allies of Rome, at first of the fortunes of Caesar, and afterwards of the legions which were posted on the German frontier. They remained faithful to the Roman lunpire till its final extinction, with only one interval, that occupied with the revolt of Claudius Civil is, a Romanised Batavian, who .sought to bring about the political independence of his race. But the revolt was unsuccessful. The Batavian people despaired of success, and fell away from their national leader. He resolved on making terms with his old comrades, and his recent enemies, and to relinquish the cause of those who had no heart to defend it them- selves. So he sought a negotiation and an interview. How it was concluded we do not know, for the narrative of the historian is abruptly broken off here, and the .sequel of the fortunes of Civilis is irreparably lost to history. The Batavians aided the Emperor Julian in his vic- tory over the Germans at Strasburg (a.D. 357). Shortly EARLY DAYS. after this, the inhabitants of the Rhine island, the so- called l^atavians, disappear from liistory, and are nner<^ed in the Frisian, perhaps in the l^ankish tribes who were now swarming over the Rhine into North- western Europe. The Prankish sov ereigns, at any rate, were the nominal sovereigns of what is now Holland. One of these sovereigns, Dagobert II., founded the first Christian church at Utrecht. Out of the Brabant town of Landen came the family from which Charles the Great was descended. The great-grandfather of Charles the Great began the con- quests of the Frisians ; his grandfather all but com- pleted it. The founders of the first two French dynasties were Germans, their language was German, and their administration was entirely Teutonic. The third dynasty, which is of more obscure origin, and survives to our day, is said by some early historians to have also been Teutonic. The modern Holland, the Batavtan inhabitants of which were merged in the Frisian race inhabiting the extreme north-east of the present kingdom, was con- tinuous with Friesland. The great tract now known as the Zuyder Zee was land originally, or had been fenced from the irruptions of the German Ocean. This ocean burst over the land in the thirteenth cen- tury, and buried towns and villages permanently beneath its waters. These Batavians and Frisians came under the control of the great Charles, who left them their native customs, they obeying those chiefs whom the lunperor of the West put over them. The laws of the Frisians declare that the race shall be free, as long as the wind blows out of the clouds and the »i^ mm ;f,)n s Mm 'uV'l I EARLY DAYS. POLICY OF CHARLES THE GREAT, world stands. More than seven centuries after the reign of Charles the Great had come to an end, this charter of freedom was the rallying cry of the Dutch patriots. The principle upon which the empire of Charles the Great was founded was that the chiefs of the several races subordinated to the central imperial authorit>- should be the emperor's delegates and dependents, but that the several races should be governed civilly bv their own traditions or custvoms. The emperor should have the control of such lUilitary forces as the several states or races could furnish, and the deput), count, or duke as he might be called, was to be answerable to the head of the state for his tribute, or his militia, or for both. In the hands of so vigorous, so shrewd, antl so capable a man as Charles the Great, a system of government like this was possible. It was possible in his descendants or successors only if they inherited his capacity as well as his empire. But the descendants of Charles's sons proved themselves as incapable as the descendants of Clovis were, and in a far briefer period of time. Within three-quarters of a century, the emperors of this dynasty ceased to rule, sank into petty chieftains, and were finally superseded in their French dominions by the third d)'nasty to which I have alluded. The succession of the French monarchs and the succession of German emperors are equally dated from the rise of the house of Charles the Great. The French historians ignored the kings of the first dynasty, for Louis I. is the son of Charles, just as the Norman sovereigns of Fngland ignored the Edwards of the race of Egbert. But they recognized as their kings those Germans who nominally ruled as the suc- cessors of the great Charles from the Pyrenees to the Ems, and from the German Ocean to the Tiber. So the Holy Roman Empire dates its origin from the coronation of Charles the Great. Charles the Simple these latter descendants of the first German ICmpcror always had uncomplimentary titles) was ruling in 922 ov^er a fragment of the vast empire which had existed a century before, that por- tion which is contained in the modern Belgium and Holland. In this year, in accordance with the custom which has been referred to above, the simple king created one Dirk the Count of Holland. The de- scendants of Dirk were in existence during the war of independence, and took the side of the patriots. But Henry the Fowler, Emperor of Germany, had been recognized as the successor of Charles the Simple. In 925, the subjects of the simple king dethroned and imprisoned him, and the Netherlands, as yet loosely connected with what afterw^ards became France, were as loosely connected with what is known in history as the I loly Roman Empire. We shall see hereafter how slight the bond was. Part of the policy of Charles the Great was to invest the bishops of the newly converted PVisians, Saxons, and other German tribes with great wealth and great political power. He foresaw in all likelihood how difficult it would be to prevent laymen from making those dignities hereditary, which his policy intended to keep precarious and dependent on submission and good behaviour. But it was otherwise with the clergy. I 8 EARLY DAYS, Their offices were elective or subject to the Crown's nomination. They had no heirs, only successors, and the succession required the royal confirmation. Hence what is known in history as the prince bishoprics were created. These prince bishops for near a thousand years were characteristic factors in the German Empire. One of these prince bishops was the Bishop of Utrecht. Christianity had been preached especially by English missionaries alon^^ the Rhine to the sea. Wilfrid, Willibrod, and W infrid, the latter known also as Boniface, were the apostles of Germany and the Netherlands. The last of these was the first l^ishop of Mainz, and afterwards Bishop of Utrecht. Me was slain by the pa^^an Frisians at the little town of Dokkum in Friesland, and is honoured as the great saint and proto- martyr of Catholic Ger- many. In point of fact, the spread of Christianity in these pagan countries en- tailed great political and pecuniary sacrifices on the converts. Large tracts of land were confiscated in order to form the domain of the new bishops, the dues of the Church were rigorously enacted from landowners whose religion had not hitherto in- volved such liabilities, and the slaves and vassals of the prince prelates increased with the unsuccessful struggles of the reluctant pagans, for defeat meant ■\ :^=kJi?iS$><- ■■S:< FRISIAN GIRl.. THE CHURCH IN THE NETHERLANDS. confiscation to the wealthy and slavery to the poor. Bui in the end, after half the population had been slaughtered in war, the other half submitted to a form of Christianity, which was forcible rather than persua- sive. The Bishop of Utrecht became the spiritual chief, and in many particulars the temporal chief of all I'riesland. It was not till the great war of inde- pendence that an attempt was made to multiply bisho|)rics in the Netherlands, and when it was made it was in the interests of Philip's tvrannv and for the purpose of strengthening the Spanish Inquisition. The character of the Church in the Netherlands must be seen, in order to understand the nature of the great struggle which will, by and by, be narrated. The two })otentates of what in after times consti- tuted the seven United 1^'ovinces, the Dutch Republic of later history, and their High Mightines.ses, the States-General, were in this early time the Count of Holland and the Bishop of Utrecht. In the rest of the Netherlands, the pettv^ sovereigns became far more numerous. The most important of these were the Dukes of Brabant, and the Earls of Flanders. But there were numerous independent princes of the dis- trict now known as Ik^lgium, all privileged to take toll and tax from the people whom they had under their sway. No central authority controlled them, for the German Empire to which they nominally belonged, by reason of its own internal dissensions and its long struggles with the Pope, waxed feebler and feebler, and the French kings had enough to do in their efforts to restrain a turbulent and almost independent aristo- cracy within their own borders. -I 10 EARLY DAYS. This aristocracy was the common and cver-vi^ilant, ever-conspirini; enemy of government, reh'gion, and industry. In these remote times the king was the exponent of the government, the Church of religion, and the town of industry. In order to sustain the first, the doctrine of the divine right of kings was invented; in order to aid the second, the theory of priestcraft was inculcated and enforced ; in order to preserve the third, the charter of the town was purchased. The French and Ivnglish kings saw how im[)ortant it was to strenirthen themselves against their natural and persistent foes by the aid of the towns, antl they irranted their towns charters innumcrahlo, the fullest and widest being often conceded by the worst and most unpopular monarchs. If indeed king, Church, and burgher had always been united against the en- croachment of the nobles, the victor) would soon have been won. But the alliance of what may be called the conservative forces of society against the disturb- ing and destructive elements was rarely close and still more rarely enduring. The king and the Church were constantly quarrelling, and with varied fortunes, till at last the Church became the willing instrument of despotism, and the king after having reduced the nobles, and employed the Church as his agent, began to pillage and harry those who had been the means for achieving his victory over the other two. Now there was no king in the Netherlands, not even a lord paramount, but a host of small autocrats, quarrelling for ever among themselves, and therefore at their wits' end for the means of maintaining their own existence and their feuds. f THE HOOKS AXD KABELJAUWS. li But there is no history in these times, nothing, as Milton said, but the quarrel of the kites and the crows, or as they called themselves in the Netherlands, the Hooks and the Kabcljauws, the grotesque factions of these flats and swamps. ■4 II. THE RISE OF Tfll-: (IIARTERED TOWNS. The municipal institution of the Roman luiipirc sur- vived, in many places, the downfall of Rome. Towns whose comi)aratively free institutions tower above the barbarism of the inroads of Hun, Goth, Frank, and Saxon, still exist, whose rii^hts of local self- government are in succession from the Roman period, though these rights are constantly guaranteed by the grant of fresh charters. These towns were specially numerous in the South of France. They existed in Italy, .so long a battlefield for rival invatlers. They continued on the banks of the Rhine. Such places as Marseilles and Nismes in France, Milan and Pisa in Italy, Coblentz, Bonn, and Cologne on the Rhine, to quote a few instances out of many, never seem to have lost their local liberties entirely. The life of these liberties may have been feeble, and to all appearance, frail, but it was never extinct. Among the towns of Roman Britain, some survived the dark ages of the Saxon conquest. London is plainly one of these. So are probably York in the north, and Exeter in the west. BENEFICIAL RESULTS OF THE CRUSADES, 13 The modern towns of the Netherlands cannot be traced back to the Roman ICmpire. The Belgians and Bata\ians were not colonized as the greater part of the empire was. Hence the ri.se of the chartered town was later in the Netherlands than it was in the rest of Western Europe, though when it became a municipality the growth of its opulence was rapid. The period of the Crusades, in which the Flemish counts took a notable part, was the beginning of a new epoch. The tide of human emigration flowed back for a time from the west to the east, not in the permanent form of a race .settlement, but in the transient one of armed hosts seeking one spot by land or sea. The Crusades gave an enormous im- pulse to trade, antl enriched the commercial cities of Italy, such as Venice, Genoa, Pisa, and Florence. They elevated the condition of those who survived and returned, for a Crusader gained substantial bene- fits by his venture. They elevated the condition of tho.se who remained, for the funds needed in order to carry on the expedition were supplied in exchange for local liberties and the right of trade association.s. Jfeides, the exodus left higher wages, higher profits, and more .secure institutions for tho.se who laboured at home. The nobles began to see that voluntary grants, and the regular payment of dues from pros- perous towns were a more certain .source of income than the plunder of impoverished pea.sants and burghers, and the rapine of what was left to the mi.serable. Commercial prosperity constantly appears to accompany war, though re-action is sure to super- vene. lUit the liberties which were purchased by solid 14 RISE OF THE CHARTERED TOWNS. gold and silver could not easily be purloined. Resides, the immediate return to violence was not safe or politic. The nobles soon saw that the improvement of their own fortunes and prospects depended on the opulence of the towns which were under their sway. The form of these early charters is ijencrally the same. The municipal authorities <^uarantee tiie fixetl dues which they acknowledi^e themselves indebted in to their lord. In other words, he enters into the enjoyment of a fixed rent charge, secured on the revenues of the city and the goods of the citizens. The lord gives them the right of being tried by their own magistrates ; in other words, of reijainincr a custom which was traditional amouLr all Germanic tribes. These magistrates, ma}'ors, and aldermen in England, I^chevins or Schepens in the Netherlands, were at first nominated by the overlord, and for long periods, but were soon elected by the citizens. As was customary, almost universal, offences were expiated by fines, which went to the count or the town exchequer, or even to the local judges. The municipality, in short, was constructed on the model of a manor, wherever in the manor the traditional customs of the people were respected and preserved. Only the strength of the town gave a more enduring guarantee to the grant of local liberties. It was a peculiarity in these towns that the inhabitants were free men. In England residence for a year and a day in a chartered town barred for ever ail rights of a lord over his serf. In order to prevent these towns from becoming a mere asylum for runaway serfs, \ agabonds, outlaws, JNSTli LUOX OF GUILDS, 15 and the like, the institution of guilds or trading companies w.is essential to municipal liberties and contemporaneous with them. T^very freeman had to be enrolled in a guild. Generally the entrance to this guild was obtained by a seven years' apprentice- ship, during which the aspirant to municipal rights underwent a (jualified servitude. In most towns, membership in a guild became an hereditary right, descending from father to son. As the town became more opulent, the rights of a freeman were obtained by purchase. In course of time the lesser nobles sought admission into these trading cc^npanies, and, at last, even some of the i^reatcr nobles. The deans and masters of these guilds eventually monopolized the municipal government, and extinguished the ancient right of free election. It might well be asserted, however, that the process was really elective, more certain to select the most competent men, and more safe than a popular, perhaps tumultuous, election. Still these Netherland towns "might have remained small and struggling municipalities, but for the fortunate concurrence of several facts which, taken together, raised them rapidly to opulence. They became almost suddenly the traders and manu- facturers of Northern Europe. I. The Crusades had developed an extraordinary military activity in Western Europe, had generally suspended war at home, and had greatly stimulated commerce. The spirit of the Crusaders died out, the wars of TLurope recommenced, but commercial activity survived. The spices and other goods of the East, sometimes conveyed by overland caravans LEAGUE OF THE IIANSE TOWNS. 17 h u. 1 < and throucrh towns, then flourishincr, but aftcnvards destroyed by hordes of barbarians from Cefitral and far Eastern Asia— sometimes by the Red Sea and I\^TPt— were collected at Venice and Genoa, and thence transmitted to l^:urope. These i^oods went over the passes of the Alps to the Rhine, and thence were conveyed down the river way, chiefly to Bruges, the city of the I^ridges. It was but a slender rivulet of trade compared with the volume which the Dutch Republic carried, but it was sin^rularly fertilizing^. Durinj,^ its continuance, however, Bruges was in the first rank of commercial towns. 2. At an early date, and after the pacification of Norway, Sweden, and Denmark, a century or so after these countries had ceased to swarm with the pirates who desolated the shores of Northern luuope and even penetrated into the Mediterranean, a number of towns on the coast of Norway, Sweden, Denmark, and the Baltic, associated themselves together for trading purposes and mutual defence under the name of the Hanseatic League. The centre of this league is said to have been Bergen on the coast of Norway ; the treasury of the traders to have been Wisby in the island of Gothland. The rapidity with which this league grew and flourished, the favour which it re- ceived from princes and prelates, are evidence of the value and volume of the merchandise in which they trafficked, and the magnitude of the markets which they visited. Their factories were planted in or gave occasion to the numerous free towns on the coast of Northern Europe ; into the association with which European capitals and cities on the seaboard were \ LEAGUE OF THE ILIXSE WWXS. 17 and thrrni-h towns, then tl.Hn-isllinL,^ but afterwards (IcstroNcd by hordes of barbarians from C'entral and far blastern Asia— sometimes In- the Red Sea and IV^TPt— were collected at Venice and (kMioa, and thence transmitted to lunope. These -oods went over the passes of the Alps to the Rhine, and thence were conveyed down the river wa\', chiefly to I^rn-es, the city of the Bridges. It was but a slender rivulet of trade comi)ared with the volume which the Dutch Republic carried, but it was sini^ndarly fertili/ini;. Durini; its continuance, however, Hru-es was in the lu-st rank (jf commercial towns. 2. At an early date, and aftcM" the pacification of Norway, Sweden, and Demnark, a centm-y or so after these countries had ceased to swarm with the pirates wiio desolated the shores of Northern luuope and even penetrated into the Mediterranean, a number of towns on the coast of Norway, Sweden, Denmark, and the lialtic, associated themselves tf\i^ether for trading purposes and mutual defence under the name of the Hanseatic I.eai^rue. The centre of this lea-uc IS said to have been IkM'gen on the coast of Norway ; the treasur\' of the traders to have been W^isb)^ in the island of (Gothland. The rapidity with wh'ii h this league grew and llourished, the favour which it re- ceived from princes and prelates, are evidence of the value and volume of the merchandise in which they trafficked, and the magnitude of the markets which they visited. Their factories were planted in or gave occasion to the numerous free towns on the coast of Northern luuope : into the association with which European cat)itals and cities on the seaboard were i8 RISE OF THE CHARTERED TOWXS, ENGLISH WOOL FOR FLEMISH LOOMS, 19 glad to be introduced. The trade of the Hanseatic League was specially in raw materials, and the Netherland towns were eager customers for these materials. Hemp and flax, fur and hides, were regularly transmitted to these towns, and formed the means by which the Flemish burghers monopolized the industry of Western Europe and accumulated their wealth. 3. Perhaps the most important factor in the wealth of the Netherlands at this early period was that it became in one town or another the sole market for luiglish wool, and England in the early ages of Flemish industry was the only country from which this indispensable article could be supplied, at least in any quantity, and the only country also from which it was supplied of good quality. The fact is, England was well-nigh the only luiropean country where the peace was kept, where robbery and violence, such as ran riot in most European coun- tries, owing to the insubordination and ferocity of the nobles, were repressed, and the law by which the farmer's stock was protected was universally obeyed. The writer has read many thousands of farm accounts in the period to which he is referring, and it is rare indeed, in the elaborate and exact enuiricration of all farm stock and protluce from year to year, that complaint is made of losses b)- theft or violence. It was not so with the rest of Europe. What was a safe agricultural pursuit in England, was so dangerous and risky on the Continent, that the calling of the shep- herd and the rearing of sheep were always rare and often unknown. Not only was this the case, but the varieties of English wool in quality an 1 therefore in value were numerous. The brands of wool, as merchants would say, were as many, as important, and as variable in value, as the (qualities of wine are at the presen time. Now it is true that there were woollen manu- factures in I'jigland, perhaps sufficient to supply the ordinary wants of most Englishmen, but the skill of the iMiglish weaver was far below that of the Memish. The fuiest cloths were woven in Flanders, and were thence distributed over lunope. 1^^-iendship with England, therefore, and the unin- terrupted import of this prime staple were of the greatest importance to the Flemish towns, and it was the object of the Counts of Flanders to court the good-will of the English sovereigns and people. From the time of the Edwards (1272, to the end of the time of the Tudors v'<^03) f^^e intercourse with the Low Countries was of profound interest to England and the Netherlands. If this trade were interrupted, thousands of looms would lie idle, and poverty would show itself in the Flemish cities. If it were restored, the same looms would anew become busy, and wealth would be rapidly accumulated. It was not, however, in woollen goods only that the Low Countries were superior to the rest of luu'ope. They had a similar rej)utation in the manufacture of linen cloth. Some of the names of the various kinds of cloth arc taken from the country, or from places in the country. Thus serviceable linen for clothing and for table use went by the generic name of Holland. Diaper was the special product of the town of i I i 20 RISE OF THE CHARTERED TOnWS. D'ypres. Linen is described as coming from IVabant and Brussels as well as from other places, and all these articles are hii;h-priced. It is true that some- times Netherlanders moved over to the eastern counties of luiij^laiid, bringing with them their skill and their looms, but this occurred rarely and fitfully. It was not till the war of independence and the persecution of the Spanish Inquisition fully set in, that the Flemish weavers migrated in thousiinds to I^ngland and carried with them the skill, which rapidly gave luigland the supremacy in textile manu- facture which she still enjoys. The wealth of these burghers was the strength and wealth of their counts, and many a luu'opean sovereign was far less securely opulent than these many potentates were who occu- pied a country which was collectively smaller than any European kingdom. The dukes and counts of the Netherlands were not slow to discern that the prosperity of their subjects was a matter of profound interest to the nobles, and that the concession of privileges would be a plentiful source of riches and strength to themselves. The communities became practicall}- little republics. In course of time, the towns took common counsel together in assemblies which assisted in the general government. The deputies of the town met the nobles in the gatherings of the provincial estates. What became an early practice in Flanders, was soon adopted in Holland, and the Netherlands became gradually familiar with parliamentary action. But singularly enough, the clergy in the Netherlands did not become one of the estates. The Netherlanders I I THE CHURCH XOT ONE OF THE ESTATES, 21 did not from the beginning care to intrust their liberties to the Church. They were devout enough. They built magnificent churches, and decorated them lavishly. Long before any pictorial art was known in England the Netherlands had their schools of painting, even as early, it seems, as Italy had. It is true that these cities were quarrelsome and combative. Pent up in these hives of industry and concentrated on their homes, they sometimes justified, by their riotous violence, the interference of their overlords, and the curtailment of their liberties. The ringing of the town bell was the signal of a dis- turbance — perhaps the occasion of it. l^ut the burghers of Ghent were as proud of Roland, their town bell, as they were of their children. And after all, occasional turbulence was ill exchanged for the despair and misery which despotism at last brought upon this thriving country, when in the end the whole of it fell into the hands of the house of Burgundy, and thence to those of Austrian Spain. •l*^ 'f^ ~itM v^V-^-- - /--^JTki^l m i.1fl' THE CANAL, L'TKECUT. ITS ORIGIN, 23 III. THE HOUSE OF LUROUNDY. In early days, the dukedoms, countships, and other titles of nobility, coupled as they always were with the lordship over estates, and the inhabitants thereof, were merely official, and were not intended to descend from father to son. But they soon became hereditary, and those who held this rank strove with i^reat success to make themselves independent. In TVance and Germany, at the beginning of the eleventh century, the king and emperor had less power than many of their nominal subjects. After centuries of labour in this direction, the king of France contrived to bring his nobles into subjection. But at the beginning of the present centurx', there were nigh upon four hundred independent princes and kinglets in Germany. At a crisis in French history, the Court lawyers of France declared that women could neither sit on the throne nor transmit a title to it through their de- scendants. The result of the iMiglish ckaim to the throne of France was a war which lasted for a hundred years, off and on, and a claim tu :3uvcicignty over France which was only relinquished in the present century. F>om the accession of Hugh Capet (978) to the present time this family has never lacked male descendants. No other such regal house has existed in Europe. In Kngkmd the royal house has died out on the male side no less than five times, and the inheritance has passed to or through females.' But the great peerages, duchies, and other titles in the French kingdom were not under the so-called Salic law. It was by female descent that the l^nglish King Henry H. (1154-1189) possessed or claimed the whole seaboard of France, from the mouth of the Seine to the mouth of the Rhone. A woman, there- fore, could transmit the rights of her ancestor over his subjects to a stranger, and thus the marriages of princes have changed from time to time the political geography of Europe. The domains of the house of Austria were built up by fortunate marriages. It was by such marriages that the Netherlands came first into the power of the Dukes of Burgundy, and thence to the Spanish branch of the Austrian line. The origin of the house of l^urgundy, so powerful during the fifteenth century and so tragically con- cluded, was a grant of that Duchy, the principal town of which was Dijon, made by Louis the Ninth (1226-1270;, called the Saint, to one of his younger children. Towards the conclusion of the fourteenth centur)', this family had become powerful, and exercised a disastrous influence over the fortunes of France. When Charles the Sixth of France became in.sane (1392), the Duke of Burgundy became regent. He died in 1404. His son murdered the Duke of 24 THE HOUSE OF BURGUiXDY. of Orleans in 1407, and was himself murdered by the Daui)hin in 1419 at Montereau. His son, who goes by the historical name of Philip the Gf.od, most undeservedly, ruled his duchy down to 14O7. This Philii) the Good, besides his own duchy, had inherited in the Netherlands the counties of Flanders and Artois. He purchased the county of Namur. He usurped the Duchy of Brabant. He dispossessed his cousin Jacqueline of Holland, Zealand, Hainault, and Friesland, these several counties or provinces having descended to her by the same kind of succes- sion. His dominions extended from the foot of the Alps to the German Ocean, and comprised what was then the wealthiest part of Northern Europe. The original provinces of the Netherlands were seventeen, and he was now overlord of all. In these times, it became a current doctrine among princes and their counsellors that subjects, especially those engaged in industry, and on whose industry not only the wealth, but the very existence of the country depended, had no rights against their lords. This was the view entertained by the English James, and constantly asserted by him. In pursuance of this doc- trine it was held that no plighted word, no promise, no oath w^as binding on a sovereign, and that a tem- porary limitation of his powers, declared by him to be perpetual, was no more valid than a pledge given under threats. James vapoured about his divine rights. His son Charles tried to put the thing into practice, with the most disastrous consequences to himself. In earlier times, the word or the oath of the king was binding. But the Topes, always for a considera- I LIBERTIES E.XyOYED BY THE NETHERLANDS. 25 tion, assumed the power of freeing the king from his oaths, and of holding him harmless W he committed perjury. The Juiglish i)eople did not relish the doctrine, and tiiey took short and sharp measures with the two kings, John and Henry the 'J'hird, who availed themselves of these pontifical assurances. John would have been deposed, but for his opportune death. Henr\- would have been deposed, but he was old, and his son, whose word could be trusted, broke with the custom. As the political authority of the Pope was lessened, the lunopean princes took the option of keeping the pledges which they had made or inherited with 'their dominions into their own hands. They did not do it in J^jigland, for there were some awkward precedents of resistance and deposition which the most masterful and haughty of the Plnglish kings remembered and dreaded. A c\'nical Frenchman of the eighteenth century was wont to say, that on January soth every European king woke up in the morning with a crick in his neck. There were other da)'s which the English kings thought of before 1649, u hen they were tempted to tam])er with poi)ular liberties. At the time when Philip, surnamed the Good, acquired the complete and undivided sovereignty of the Netherlands, that country had reached the lieight of its i)rosperity, and the full enjoyment of ""its chartered liberties. The sovereign had his aut^iority. I he nobles had their place in the Council. Ikit the inumcipal authorities, though checked by the.se two forces, had a .solid and substantial influence over both. The form of these institutions was oligarchical, the I^^P 26 THE HOUSE OF BURGUNDY, fact was that they were popular, for the burghers were too strong and too turbulent to be disregarded. In the assemblies of the estates, the authority of the prince was represented by the stadtholder, in the absence of the prince. When the Netherlands were united under one sovereign the stadtholder became a permanent institution, as well as a convenient substitute. He checked the overbold demands of the towns, and asked the estates to grant taxes, or more frequently lump sums to their lords. The nobles voted on the request. The cities, if they had received instructions to do so, bargained as to the grant. If they had not, they claimed a day or an adjournment, in order to consult their principals. Unfortunately the deputies came with limited powers, and the cities were jealous of each other. The engrained habit of municipal isolation was the cause why the general liberties of the Netherlands were imperilled, why the larger part of the country was ultimately ruined, and why the war of independence was conducted with so much risk and difficulty, even in the face of the most serious perils. It is important here, however, in telling the story of Holland, to mention another fact in the social condi- tion of the country, which found no place in the previous description of its resources and powers. At a comparatively early period, the date of which is uncertain, the Flemish and Dutch fishermen devoted themselves with great success to the herring fishery, and subsequently to improvements in the art of curing them. The merit of these discoveries was ascribed to Beukelszoon of Biervliet in Zealand, who died in IMPORTANCE OF THE FISHERIES TO HOLLAND, 27 1447. Ikit, on the other hand, the most authentic account of the process makes no mention of the man, but only of th-e place. It is probable that the reputation of Beukelszoon is due to the fact that Charles V. and his sister paid a visit to his tomb and offered up i)rayers for his soul. We cannot in our days imagine how important were the fisheries to our forefathers, and how interested they were in an>' process which efficiently cured fish. Owino- to the absence of nearly all kinds of winter food for animals, except hay, the diet of most persons during the winter was salted pro- visions. But the discipline of the Church prescribed a fish diet during divers periods of the year, and the consumption of salted fish was enormous. The fisheries of the German Ocean, at first frequented '^ by the Memings and sub- sequently almost occupied by the Hollanders, be- came a mine of wealth, second only to the manu- factures and commerce of the Flemish cities. They were also the nursery of the Dutch nav\', of those amphibious mariners who struck the first blow for Dutch independence, and became the ancestors of that succession of brave sea captains, who crushed the maritime supremacy of Spain, founded the Bata- vian empire of Holland in the tropics, engaged in WINDMII.I., HELDKR. 28 THE HOUSE OF BURGUXDY. an unequal struggle with England, and sustained for a century the reputation of Holland, after its real commercial c^reatness had declined. Thoujjh Holland was constantly in danger from the ocean, it was from the ocean that she derived her wealth and her means for fighting in the struggle for independence. She chose with reason the symbol which she adopted for her flag — a lion struggling with tiie waves, and her motto, Luctor et eiuergo, " I struggle, I rise." For a time Philip had been the guardian of his cousin Jacqueline of Holland, and in this capacity he had sworn to maintain the privileges and institu- tions of the Netherlands. ]^ut after he had dispos- sessed his ward, he notified to the cities and estates, through the Council of Holland, that all these oaths were to be deemed null and void, unless he irave them his new and personal confirmation. He held himself bound by no obligation, and acted to the full on the doctrine that there was nothing binding on a i)rince — a doctrine by no means extinct in the present generation, as European peoples have found to their cost. It may be well to illustrate the action which he took after he had declared this judgment of his own, as to his true position and rights. The alliance of the English with the Dukes of Burgundy was essential towards their maintaining the position which they won by the battle of Agin- court and the subsequent successes of the Duke of Bedford, who had married Philip's sister. After her death Bedford instantly married a Flemish heiress, as his brother Gloucester had sought the hand of another Flemish heiress, to Philip's great indignation PHILIP DECLARES WAR AGAINST ENGLAND. 29 eight years before 1424}. But it was not till after the death of Bedford in 1435, that Philip made his peace with the French king and .so virtually expelled the luiglish from Eastern France. In the next year he declared war against England, and appealed to the burghers and nobles of Flanders, for means and men. It was granted or promised, but we may be sure with a heavy heart, for a rupture with England was a serious injury to I'lemish industry. It will be seen that their hearts were not in the struggle. In the early summer of 1436 Philip determined to lay siege to Calais, the port which gave the luiglish an entry at once into France and Planders. He marched with 14,000 Flemish troops to invest the place, and bade the seneschal of Brabant to close the port by the fleet of Holland. But the fleet was long \n coming ; Calais was strengthened and provisioned, and the seneschal was forced to retire. The English made a sally, the Flemings fled in disorder, the siege was rai.sed, and Philip was forced to disband his army. The discontent which followed on this unlucky expedition and on the reprisals which were taken in consequence, excited the most violent disturbances ill Inlanders. The cities of Ghent and Bruges were conspicuous in their indignation. In the former they killed or banished those whom they believed to have caused the miscarriage of the expedition ; in the latter where the Duchess of Burgundy and her young son, afterwards Charles the Headstrong, were residing, they detained them as they were flying, and im- prisoned their attendants. When Philip gained an c c < C K c '/" c INSURRECTION OF THE FLEMISH TOWNS. 31 entry into Bruges, partly by negotiation, partly by a display of force, the insurrection broke out. For a time the duke was confined in the city, and was in great danger. He escaped however, blockaded the city, and with it put a stop to Flemish commerce. At last half-starved and ruined for a time, with the loss of 20,000 persons by famine and pestilence, the city surrendered, paid an enormous fine to their duke, and practically yielded their municipal privileges to his discretion. The Flemings were beginning t^'o find that their prosperity was risked on the intrigues of royal and princely persons. But for some time Philip abstained from further interference in the war. In 1448 Philip attempted to impose a new tax on salt, by his own will and without the consent of the Estates. The people of Ghent took energetic steps in defence of their liberties. After a struggle of four years' duration, Ghent was reduced to submission was heavily fined and deprived of many of its ancient privileges. "The Flemish city which had long been the centre of Flemish liberties, now fell under a heavy and humiliating yoke." I refer to these facts, in order to show that as the Netherlands were united under one sovereign, the liberties which had been granted to them were imperilled. Meanwhile the Duke of Burgundy had striven to raise a party on his own side among the nobles, by instituting the Order of the Golden Fleece. h < C U' U c L\SUKKECriO.\ OF THE FLEMISH TOWNS, 31 entry into Bruges, partly by negotiation, partly by a display of force, the insurrection broke out. For a time the duke was confined in the cit)-, and was in great danger. He escaped however, blockaded the city, and with it put a stop to Memish commerce. At last half-starved and ruined for a time, with the loss of 20,000 persons b\- famine and pestilence, the city surrendered, paid an enormous fine to their duke, and practically yielded their municipal privileges to his discretion. The Flemings were beginning t'^o find that their prosperity was risked on the intrigues of royal and princely persons. ]^ut for some time Philip abstained from further interference in the war. In 144.S Philip attempted to impose a new tax on salt, by his own will and without the consent of the Estates. The people of Ghent took energetic steps in defence of their liberties. After a struggle of four years' duration, Ghent was reduced to submission was heavily fined and deprived of many of its ancient privileges. "The Memish city which had long been the centre of Flemish liberties, now fell under a heavy and humiliating yoke." I refer to these facts, in order to show that as the Netherlands were united under one sovereign, the liberties which had been granted to them were i.nperilled. Meanwhile the Duke of Hurgnnd)- had striven to raise a party on his. own side among the nobles, by instituting the Order of the Golden Fleece. J IV. CHARLES Tin: IIKADSTkt^XG. PlllLll', misnamed the Good, that crafty, splendid, thrifty duke, (h'ed in 146;, and was succeeded by his son, well named Charles the I leadstronc,^ le Teme- raire). The father bei,Mn to dcstn^)- the liberties of the Netherlands ; the son completed the work— the one with caution, the other with ferocious brutality. Philip had practically held the balance between En<,dand and iMance. His alliance had almost secured the conciuest of hVancc by the ICn-iish, his defection had secured France to the I^'ench. ]^ut he had done too much harm to France to be really trusted b>' the liench kin«,^ and too much service to be ever adetjuately compensated. In the later years of his life he had <;iven an asylum to the Dauphin, afterwards Louis XI.. between whom and his father the deepest and most natund distrust existed. Louis XF., who became kuv^ o[ France in 1461, played with matchless cuimin-- a-.unst the violence of his quondam friend, Charles, as soon as he succeeded to his dukedom, baffled all his projects, CHARLES AIMS AT THE SOVEREIGNTY. 33 enticed him to his ruin, and appropriated the French l)rovinces of his onl)' daughter and heir. The principal object which Charles had before him was to make himself a king, the monarch of a long tract of country which stretched from the German Ocean to the Mediterranean. To this object he clung with a tenacity of purpose which characterized no other of his projects. But he held his dominions under two overlords. The Emperor of Germany had nominal rights over the Netherlands, and accord- ing to the law of Europe of that time, and for a long time after, was the sole manufacturer of new kincrs. Perhaps he might have succeeded in negotiating the matter with Frederic the Third, called the Lazy, wlio ruled over the German luiipire for fifty-three years, only he thought the emperor's son not good enough for his daughter, to whom indeed she was married after the death of Charles. l^ut he had another sort of person to deal with in Louis the Crafty. For three centuries the French kings had been engaged persistently in securing their dominion over the whole of France, and in putting down the arrogance of their nobles. Philip Augustus had deprived John of half his continental possessions, and would have expelled him from the whole, only John's mother being still alive, he could not deprive her of her inheritance. Charles W, called the Wise, had completed the conquest. Two generations after- wards, and the English kings had not only regained their ancient possessions, but had even been called to the French throne. Again had they been expelled, just before Louis the Crafty had come to the throne. 31 THE HOUSE OF BURGUNDY. fie was not likely to allow the fundamental principle of the French monarchy, viz., to assimilate and unite to France all that was or had been French territor>', to be set at naught. There was nothing which Louis would not promise or swear. [lis promises cost him nothing to break as soon as he could break them with safety. His oath was as good as his word, and both were worth nothing. Curious inquirers speculated on what oath would bind his conscience, and professed to have discovered it in a particular title of the Virgin Mary. Hut there is grave doubt on this subject. Now what could a wild headstrong duke, who took counsel with nothinir but his own passions, and turned everything to the objects of his personal ambition, do against this c^ul, crafty, perfidious monarch, on whom no law, human or divine, had any binding force, who saw so clearly through his rival's designs and could turn even his successes against him ? The French nobles stirred uj) the war of the Public good, and Charles took their part. He vanquished Louis at the battle of Mont- Ihery (1465) and Louis gained all the advantages of victory. In 1468, Louis took the unaccountable step of throwing himself into the power of his enemy. As he was at Peronne news came of the risinii of Lie'^e and he was imprisoned. He had to make terms with his foe ; he seemed to be vanquished, but he came out in the end victorious. The ambition, the wars, the prodigality of Charles left him no resource but to pillage the Netherlands. His pride, his insolence, his ferocity, displayed in childhood before Bruges, led him to oppress them. I RIVALRY OF THE FLEMISH TOWNS. 35 He could not endure the appearance of resistance to his will, or even the possibility of it. He centralized a despotism in Holland, governed the country by his deputies, and taxed it at his pleasure. He removed its supreme court from the Hague to Mechlin, where the Court would be under his control, and he main- tained a standing army against the liberties of the states. The unfortunate constitution of the Netherlanders, destined through the war of independence, and for cen- turies afterwards to induce weakness in their counsels, and disunion among them- selves, aided the projects of Charles, as it did that of Margaret, of Alva, of Re- quesens, of Parma. The Flemish towns were practically little republics, though not so in form. They were busy, energetic, popu- lous. But except in the fact minaret. that they were eager to vindicate their privileges, they had no other common purpose. Flanders had no national unity ; on the contrary, the several cities were isolated, suspicious, and jealous of each other. It even seems that their commerical rivalry was so keen from time to time, as to make one city such as Ghent or Bruges contented or even pleased at the depression or even ruin of the other. A shrewd and active despot could therefore destroy the liberties of the Nether- I 36 THE HOUSE OF BURGUNDY. lands, by attacking the cities in detail, bcin^^ pretty sure that the imperilled liberties, say of l^rui^es, would not seriously awaken the sympathies or secure the active assistance of Ghent. Ai,^ain, though this mischief was not developed till a later da\', the Netherlanders suffered from the mis- fortune of a titled and powerful aristocrac\', which though often turbulent, was extrava-.ml. \i.»lciit, .nul treacherous. We shall sec when we part company with the ten obedient provinces, and confme ourselves entirely to the history of Holland, that the folly, the extravagance, and the treachery of the Flemish nobles was a princi[)al factor in the imperfect success of William of Orange and his enerjjctic son. In the struggle which the Italian republics made for liberty, it was soon discovered that the n(^bles could not be trusted. They were therefore excluded from all share in the government. In course of time the Morentines went further, and got rid of a turbulent, treacherous, or dangerous citizen, by putting him into the ranks of the nobility and thereby effacing him. It would have been well for the Netherlands had such a policy been adopted in their estates. At first, Charles the Headstrong treated his Memish subjects with greater kindness than any of their previous overlords. His father, as has been stated above, declared himself free from the obi illations of his predecessors, and from the conditions under which he had entered into their inheritance. There is little doubt that the emissaries of Louis the Craft v stirred up the Netherlanders to demand the restoration of their privileges. He wished to find his most danger- REBELLION AMD PUNISHMENT OF LIEGE. ^y ous enemy employment, and to prevent him from meddling again in the affairs of France. Rut at first Charles disa|)p()inted him. He was, to be sure, secretly indignant with the people of Ghent, on account of the danger they had put him in, and the l)romises they constrained him to make. However, he confirmed the privileges of the towns to Ghent, to Brussels, to Brabant, to Antwerp, to Malincs. and to a host of others. This moderation did not last long. The people of Lieg- rebelled and were subdued. Charles deprived them of their municipal rights, and forced the other Mennsh cities to surrender theirs. I le superseded their magistrates, and exacted taxes from them without waiting for their consent, or respecting their refusal. The burghers of Liege broke out with a new rebellion, and that at the moment when Louis the Crafty, who was charged, perhaps justly, with having roused this revolt, was in the power of Ciiarles at Peronne, a place where Charles the Simple, a former king of France, had been imprisoned and murdered 560 years before. Vur a time it was feared that Charles would follow the ancient precedent. Hut he took counsel, com- l)elled Louis to accept humiliating conditions, and, among other particulars, to renounce all sovereignty over the French provinces of the duchy of Burgundy, and all interference in the affairs of the Netherlands. Louis was forced to comply, and even to take part in the punishment of Liege. From henceforth the Duke of Burgundy found no obstacle to his projects against the liberties of the Netherlanders, and in particular he established a complete military despotism in Holland. 3S THE HOUSE OF BURGUNDY, At last Charles the Ileadstron^cj quarrelled with the Swiss. He had appointed one Haij^cinbach as his deputy in a district of Alsace which was frequented by Swiss merchants. The deputy plundered them, and Charles paid no attention to the complaints of the Swiss envoys. In 1474, the inhabitants of l^risach captured Ilagembach, tried him, and executed him. On November 13th, they first came into collision with the Bur<,nmdians, near Hericourt, and routed them decisively. Charles did not attack them in person till the beginninies- land, the outl\ing province of Holland, was severed I 1 44 MARY OF BURGUNDY, THE SPANISH DYNASTY. 45 from It. It was free, and it chose as its elective sovereign the Duke of Saxony. After a time he sold his sovereignty to the house of Ilapsburg. The dissensions of the Estates had put them at the mercy of an autocratic family. Philip of Burgundy, in 1496, married Joanna, daughter of Ferdinand and Isabella. In 1500 his son Charles was born, who was afterwards Charles the Fifth, Duke of the Netherlands, but also Kin^ of Spain, Emperor of Germany, King of Jerusalem, and, by the grant of Alexander the Sixth, alias Roderic Borgia and Pope, lord of the whole new world. Joanna, his mother, through whom he had this vast inheritance, went mad, and remained mad durinir her life and his. Charles not only inherited his mother's and father's sovereignties, but his grandfather's also. No wonder that he aspired to universal dominion, and that his son Philip of Spain laboured during his whole life to secure it. The peril which the liberties of the Netherlands were now running was greater than ever. They had been drawn into the hands of that dynasty which, beginning with two little Spanish kingdoms, had in a generation developed into the mightiest of mon- archies. Ferdinand married Isabella. He was kin. W'iu-n he was nineteen years of ai;e 1519) he was elected emperor. 'I'he three nations over whom he was destined to rule hated each other cordially. There was antipathy from the be-innino- between Menn'nos and Spaniards. The Xetherland's nobles were detested in Spain, the Spaniards in the Low Countries were equallx' abhorred. Again the Spaniards entreated Charles n..t to accept his election to the German throne. Charles had employed his I^'Iemish nobles In Spain, and they had disgusted the Spaniards by their ambition and rapacity. The Spaniards feared that they would become a mere outlying province of the (German h:mi)ire, and be plundered by Cierman adventurers. Ciiarles was born in Manders, and during his whole i 48 CHARLES, COUNT OF FLANDERS AND EMPEROR. career was much more a Flcmin;^ th in .1 Sp iniard. This did not, however, prcv^ent him from coiisiderin<^ his Flemish subjects as mainly destined to su[)i)ly his wants, and submit to his exactions. 11 j was always hard pressed for monj\'. The Germ m-^ were poor and turbulent. The conquest and subjection of the Moorish population in Spain had seriously injured the industrial wealth of that country. But the Flem- ings were increasing in riches, particuhuiy the inhabi- tants of Ghent They had to supply the funds which Charles required in order to carry out the operations which his necessities or his policy rendered urgent. He had -been taught, and he readily believed, that his subjects' money was his own. Now just as Charles had come to the empire, two circumstances had occurred which have had a lasting influence over the affairs of Western Kurope. The first of these was the conquest of Ivgypt by the Turks under Selim I. (1512-20). The second was the revolt from the authority of the Papacy in Germany. Egypt had for nearl\- two centuries been the only route by which Kastern produce, so much valued by l^uropean nations, could reach the consumer. The road through Russia had been blocked b\' the con- quest of Russia by the Tartars. The roads through Central Asia had been similarly obstructed by the savages who had overrun and destroyed the ancient civilization of that region. There remained only the sea passage from India to the Red Sea, a short caravan journey from the western shore of that sea to the Nile, alid the transit thence to the Mediter- ranean. But the trade, of which the Nile was the DESTRUCTION OF THE EGYPTIAN TRADE. 49 carrier, was not the only important fact in the trade of Kgypt. There were flourishing manufactures in Alexandria and Cairo. In particular, sugar was cultivated, extracted, and refined in the former town, with such success and abundance that its price fell, at the beginning of the sixteenth century, to less than an eighth of what it stood at in the beginning of the fifteenth. Now this trade, trifling to be sure to our present experience, was of the highest importance to the trading towns of Italy, the Rhine, and the Nether- lands. It was the source of nearly all their wealth to Venice, Genoa, and Florence, to Nurembero" Coblentz, Cologne, and Bruges, and a hundred other towns. The decay of the Italian cities immediately commenced, and that of the German towns followed. The presence of the Turk in Fgypt immediately caused the ruin of all its manufactures and trade. The risk of their invasion was the principal stimulant of the voyages which were undertaken by Columbus and Vasco di Gairia. The destruction of the r:gyptian trade produced serious effects in Southern Germany. The German nobles, infinite in number, for titles descended to all the offspring of ennobled persons, had improved their incomes by entering into the guilds and sharing the profits of the burghers. When the profits fell off, because the trade dried up, they strove to compensate themselves by taxing their peasants. This led to the peasants' war, its frightful excesses, and its relentless suppression. The German peasant was thereafter as much oppressed as the French roturier was. 50 CHARLES, COUNT OF FLANDERS AND EMPEROR. So the Flemish towns which had engaged in the Eastern trade suffered. But the Netherlands had two industries which saved them from the losses which affected the Germans and Italians. They were still the weavers of the world. They still had the most successful fisheries. The policy which led Henry the Seventh of England to grant the commercial treaty, known as the Great Intercourse, to the Flemish towns was maintained by his successor. It was at first f___^_,^^_.^^_____^_^^__^ undertaken in order to rid England of the per- — — ^^ petual plots which were hatched in Flanders by the Yorkist exiles ; it was continued, because it redounded to the manifest benefit of both the nations. The other cause was the revolt acrainst the papacy. In the fifteenth century the power of the papacy was greatly weakened, and the sove- reigns of Europe, who, a few generations before, had trembled at the Pope's threat, now undertook to set his house in order by means of general councils. But, as soon as they had established external decency and unity in the Church, they saw that the Poi)e might become the invaluable ally of despotism. They wished to strengthen their own authority over nobles and people, and they obtained in this effort the assistance LOBSTER NET. POWER OF THE POPE LW EUROPE, 51 of Rome. lUit they had no mind to dissent from the doctrine of the Church, or to allow their subjects to do so either. They formulated the doctrine that the subject should be of the religion of his ruler, and they acted on the theory for generations. This was the principal reason why the European sovereigns insisted on conformity, and visited those whom they were pleased to call heretics with severer punishments than they infiicted on traitors. It ciyinot be by accident that the most successfully industrious j)arts of ICuiope have been, with but one notable exception, hostile to the established religion. The heresies of Toulouse, the most prosperous part of Europe in the twelfth century, were the first occasion of the Inquisition, and were rooted out with fire and sword. \\] ICngland the Norfolk weavers were the principal disciples of Wiklif, and more men and women perished in that county by the stake, than in all the others put together. Before the days of Luther and Calvin the Flemish spinners and weavers were con- stantly at war with the Church, and were constantly exposed to its wrath. The exception is Ital\'. But Ita1\'. though it constantly quarrelled with the Pope, was notably enriched by his presence and by the contributions which the faithful poured into his treasury. When the Reformation was an accomplished fact, it took two forms— that of Luther in Germany ; tliat of Calvin in the Netherlands and France. These sects agreed in hostility to Rome, but differed in nearly everything else, till at last Lutheran and Calvinist came to be as bitter foes to each other as n M 52 CHARLES, COiWr OF IL.IXDKRS AM) EMPEROR, Rome was to botli. The cause of this is not far to seek. Luther threw off the yoke of Rome, but practically transferred the authority of the spiritual to the temporal prince. All that the Pope lost the Prince gained. The interests of rulers and the doctrine of the divine right of kings were served by the acceptance of Lutheranism. The subject's allegiance was not divided between Pope and King, but trans- ferred as a whole to the latter When Ilenrv the Eighth made himself supreme head of the Church, he carried out to a logical conclusion Luther's doctrine in State and Church. Hence, though there was no compromise between Rome and Luther possible, it was very possible for tem[)oral sovereigns to accept Lutheranism, and to profit thereby. Lutheranism became the State religion of Northern Germany, of Scandinavia, and of Denmark. It })owerfully affected luigland, though it was not accepted there in its entirety. But the teaching and discipline of Calvin was essen- tially democratic, even republican. The mim'ster of religion was a i)reacher, but much more a tribune of the people. The Calvim'st hated the Pope, but he was no friend to king or noble. Hence, from the very fust, there was war between King and Calvinist. " No bishop no king," said James the First of luig- land, himself bred under a Calvinist discipline. The French Calvinists, often noble, were suspected, and with reason, of designs against the monarchy. The burghers of the Netherlands and the peasants of Scotland were persecuted, not only because they CALVIMSTS DISAVOW '' DIVINE RIGHTS.'' 53 disavowed the divine right of priests, but because they were believed to discredit the divine right of kings. The Calvinist enemy of the Church was held to be the Calvinist advocate of a democratic republic. This was proved in Holland, in Kngland, and finally in the United States. Philip the Second saw, and avowed that he saw it, that the success of the Calvim'st preachers would not only be the destruction of the Church which he clung to, but of his own power, which, he still more passionately loved. With similar (objects, his great-grandfather, Maximilian, wished to unite the Papacy and the Empire in the same person, that person being himself If I'rasnuis of Rotterdam had possessed the coura^>-e of Luther, or the opinions and constructive oeniui-: of Calvin, the Reformation would have begun in Holland. Hut the learned man was too timid. He fled from the storm into Switzerland, and died there. Charles was not slow to persecute the Reformers in the Netherlands, though he had to temporise with them in (jcrmany. Put the former countr}^ was his patrimony ; in the latter he was only an elective sovereign, with rights limited by the powers of the independent i)rinces of the empire, and he therefore could not do as he pleased. Under the rule of his sister, the Dowager of Hungary, Regent of the Netherlands, the persecution of the sectaries was organized in that countr}-. There was no part of the world in which so many persons were put to death for their religion as in the Netherlands. When he was fifteen years of age, Charles limited the franchises of Ghent by the document known as F.kASMUS. rXSVRRECTION AND CHASTISEMENT OF GHENT. 55 the Calfskin. The Great Privilege of Mary of Bur- gundy had been already abrogated by Maximilian. Now Charles, being in straits in 1539, demanded a subsidy of 1,200,000 florins from the Netherlands, 400,000 of which was to be subscribed by the citizens of Ghent. The burghers claimed that the grant could be made only by the unanimous consent of the Estates. The Emperor was carrying on war in France, in Sicily, and in Milan at once, and the Netherlanders were unwilling to contribute to a war in the conduct of which they had no interests whatever. Even the Spaiu'ards resented the Emperor's appeals for money. But the men of Ghent broke out into insurrection. They offered themselves to P'rancis of France, who betrayed their correspondence to Charles. So Charles resolved on chastising them. They did not resist him on his approach. He entered the city, kept his inten- tions secret for a month, and then solemnly annulled all the charters, privileges, and laws of the city, and confiscated all the property of the guilds and corpora- tions. He exacted the subsidy which he demanded, added 150,000 more to it, and imposed a fine of 6,000 florins a year on the city for ever. Of course, a number of persons were executed. Finally, he sat in judgment on the famous Bell Roland, the tolling of which summoned the burghers to their assemblies, and ordered it to be immediately taken down. Having destroyed the constitution, having fined all the citizens and executed many, he forgave Ghent, because he was born there. KkAsMUs. L\SCRRi:CTI()\ AND ClIASTISEMEXT OF GIIliXT. 55 the Calfskin. The Great Privilecrc of Marv of Bur- L^iiiuly had been aheatly abro^^ated by Maxiniih'an. \o\v Cliarles, bein,i^ in straits in 1539, demanded a subsidy of 1, 200,000 tlorins from the Netherlands, 400,000 of which was to be subscribed by the citizens of Ghent. The buri^hers claimed that the irrant could be made only by the unanimous consent of the Instates. The l^mperor was carrying on war in France, in Sicily, and in Milan at once, and the Netherlanders were unwillinij^ to contribute to a war in the conduct of which tile)' had no interests whatever. Even the Spaniards resented the ICmperor's appeals for money. J^ut the men of Ghent broke out into insurrection. 'I'hey offered themselves to I-'rancis of h^ance, who bctraved their correspondence to Charles. So Charles resolved on chastisin<'- them. Thev did not resist him on his approach, lie entered the city, kept his inten- tions secret for a month, and then solemnly annulled all the charters, privileges, and laws of the cit\', and confiscated all the property of the guilds and corpora- tions. He exacted the subsidy which he demanded, added 150,000 more to it, and imposed a fine of 6,000 florins a year on the city for ever. Of course, a number of persons were executed. Finall}-, he sat in judgment on the famous Bell Roland, the tolling: of which summoned the burghers to their asseml)lies, and ordered it to be immediately taken de>wn. llavincj destroyed the constitution, liaving finetl all the citizens and executed man)', he forgave Ghent, because he was born there. ! / VII. THE ACCESSroX OE PHILIP OE SPAIN. Cfiarlks resigned all his crowns on October 25, I555» lie bcinnr then between rifty-five and fifty-six years of rctc. The ceremon\', carefully elaborated, took place in the i^rrcat hall of the palace of Hrussels! the capital of the Oiichy of Brabant. Charles,' Philip, and Mary, the Dowa-er Oiieen of Hiin^irary,' were present, the last-named havin^^r acted as RcTgent of the Netherlands and the instrument of Charles's government for twenty-six years. The Kmperor came into the hall, leanin^r on the arm of the Prince of Orange, who is known to all time as the ever-famous William the Silent. It was a most brilliant assemblage. The Knights of the Golden Fleece, an order instituted b}- Thilip the Good, were present, and among them, or with them, were those Flemish and Holland nobles who were destined to play so conspicuous a part in the coming struggle. Besides Orange, the father of Dutch freedom, and the principal personage in the long struggle which was soon to begin, were Horn riuLii* 11. ) \ II Till \( (jissrov oi' iMiii II' or ^i\i\ ClIAkli- rcsiorird all his cniwiis on (October 2^, 1555. '1*' f)(M"ii!^r then Ix'twvrii nrtx-fivi' and fifty-six years of a-c. riu- ccivtn.„iy, carefully clalx.ratcd, tor)k pl.rr u) the -rrat hi!] ..f the p.dace of Brussels, the c.ipiial of the Dikh r r>ral)ant. Charles, IMiilip, and Mary, the Doua-er (hieen of Ilunj^ary, were i)resent, the last-named havfn- acted as Rc^rcnt of the X.-tlurlands and the instrument of Charles's -ovurnmcnl for tuenty-six years. The I'anpcror came into the hall, leanin-" on the arm of the Prine(« of Oran-e, who is kn..\vn to all time as the r\. i-iamous William tin- Silrnt. It was a most brilliant assembla-e. The Kni-hts of the 'ioldrn Mcece, an order instituted I.y rhilij) the Ciood, vv( IV present, and anion- them, or with them, w(Mv tho.r Idcmish and II(»lland nobles who were destined to play so conspicuous a part \u the comin- stru--le. Ik-sidcs ()ran-e, the father o( Dutch freedom, and the priiKa'pal pers(M.a-c in the '*^'^^' ^tru<^-le which was soon to l)eL;in, were Horn I'lni.ii' II. =;8 THE ACCESSION UF PHILIP OF SPAIN. THE PRINCE OF ORANGE. 59 and Egmont, Bcrf^bcn, and Montigny, the Bishop of Arras (afterwards Cardinal Graiivelle), Hredcrode, Noircarmes, and Vii^h'us. Most of these men — indeed, most of those who were witnesses to the abdication — were to perish by one violent death or another in the course of a few years. Charles was a broken man. His vigorous const!- tution had yielded to the excesses of his life and the labours of his long career. He- was such a victim to gout that he could hardly stand without assistance. The deformity of the lower jaw, which he inherited, and which reappeared in his (k'scciidants, and was said to have been «>rii;inall\' transiniltcd to the Haps- burg family from a Polish princess, had almost deprived him of the power of eating and talking. Charles, unlike his father, was ne\'er handsome, and advancing years had increased the ugliness of his visage. His career, after all, had been a failure. In his youth he had been the great ca[)tain of his age, and had proved his military genius in numerous battles. Up to middle age he might have been called Charles the Fortunate. lie had been victorious in Italv and in France. He had almost crushed the I'rotcstants. Then the tide turned. He was humiliated before Metz. He was beaten b\' Maurice of Sa.xony and obliged to Hy, disguised, from Innspruck, the cradle of the house of Hapsburg. He had been obliued to concede the Peace of Passau, and with it the esta- blishment of the Lutheran creed in the North of Germany. The Pope had turned on him, and the son of Francis I. of I'rance had foiled him. The Grand Turk, the Pope, and the Protestants were leagued against him. It was time that he should leave the work to younger and, as he hoped, stronger hands. He would, it is true, have gained the German crown for his son if he could, but this came to be the portion of Ferdinand, his younger brother, and the two houses of Hapsburg were severed, never to be united. Philip the Second, to which these territories and kingdoms were to be transferred, was a slight, lean man, twenty-eight years old, below the middle height, with weak legs and a narrow chest. He did not possess in the least his father's energy and vigour, his military and political powers. In face like his father, he had the same Austrian deformity in his lower jaw. His father could speak any language in Western Europe with fluency ; Philip could not speak any other tongue than Spanish. Charles was constantly talking ; Philip was habitually silent. Charles could be boisterous in his mirth ; Philip was sullen and retiring, and was hardly known even to smile. The Prince of Orange was at this time twenty-two years old. The place from which the hero of Dutch independence took his title was situated in the South of France, near Avignon, and the family were origi- nally vassals of the Pope, who was for centuries the Lord of Avignon. But they had migrated to the Netherlands, and had filled high offices under the Burgundian princes. The Prince of Orange was a noble who not only held the highest rank in the Netherlands, but was the head of a most opulent house. He was at the time Commander-in-chief on the French frcMitier, where he was matched against / WILLIAM I. CHARLES'S REIGN ONE LONG CRIME. 6l Admiral Coligny and other ^rcat generals. It is remarkable that the stadtholdcrs of the house of Orange furnished the republic with a succession of seven eminent generals and statesmen in unbroken order for nearly two centuries, from William the First of Orange to William the Fourth. In the oration which Charles made before his Estates, he dwelt on the labours of his life and the difficulties which his waning health put on him. He could not grapple with the situation, but must leave it to younger and more vigorous hands. He entreated Philip, his successor, to maintain the Catholic religion in all its purity, as well as law and justice. In com- mending the Fstates to their new lord, he imi)l()red them to show due obedience to their sovereign, dwelt on their obedience and affection in time past, asked their pardon if he had committed any offence or fallen into any error during the time of his rule, and assured them that their welfare should be the object of his prayers during the remainder of his life. It is said that the audience was melted to tears. The reign of Charles had been one long crime against his subjects. He had trampled on their liberties, wasted their resources by inordinate taxa- tion, and had established the Spanish Inquisition among them. He had an annual revenue of five millions, two of which were extorted from the Nether- lands, and squandered on objects which were of no concern to them. Hut the cruelties which he practised in the name of religion were incredible in their atro- city and number. Great authorities allege that the Netherlanders who were burned, strangled, beheaded, f CHARLES'S REIGX OXE LOXG CRIME. 6l WIl.l.lAM I. Admiral Coligny and other ^n-cat ^c^cncrals. It is remarkable that the stadtholders of the house of Granite furnished the republic with a succession of seven eminent generals and statesmen in unbroken order for nearly two centuries, from William the 1^'irst of Orange to William the iMnuth. Ifi the oration which Charles made before his Kstates, he dwelt on the labours of his life and the difficulties which his waning health j^ut on him. He could not grapple with the situation, but must leave it to\oungerand more vigorous hand.;. He entreated IMulip, his successor, to maintain the Catholic religion in all its purity, as well as law and justice. In com- mending the Instates to their new lord, he implored them to show ilue obedience to their soverei.i:ans lo respi.ct dutch liberties. 6] the lunutecnth, had the same object with the policy of Charles and IMiilip. The Dutch Republic was the first to be tolerant ; and when the Engli.sh people controlled the power of their kings at the Revolution, they followed up the deed with the Act of Toleration. But, even in our own day, the stimulant of religious bigotry — mild, indeed, by what it has been in the past — is constantly employed in order to defeat political justice, l^ven in his Spanish retreat, when Charles was deprived of the power of gratifying any of his vices, except gluttony, he still clamoured that more victims should be .sacrificed to what he called his religious, but what were really his political, instincts. In 154S, with the future of his inheritance within sight, Philip had sworn, without any reservation, to maintain all the privileges and liberties of the pro- vnices and cities. He promised more than his father did, and probably by his father's advice, for the emperor knew that in that age vows were binding only on the weak. On July 25, 1554, he married Mary Tudor, of l^igland, who was fortunately child- less and not long-lived. England was freed of her in 1558, and of him a year before, for he deserted his wife when she was plainly unable to give T^ngland a Spanish king. Philip the Second resided for four years in the Netherlands, and then left it never to revisit it. In the interval occurred his quarrel with Paul the Fourth and his war with France, the victory of St. Ouentin, and the peace of Cateau Cambresis. These events have little to do with the hiiytory of the Netherlands, beyond the fact that, during their occurrence, it was 64 THE ACCESSION OF PHILIP OF SPAIN. necessary to keep the Flemings and Hollanders in good humour. It is true that Philip early disregarded his father's advice. Charles had counselled him to govern the Netherlands by Netherlanders, for he knew well that the country had nobles enough who w^ould betray its interests, and play into the king's hands. But Philip governed entirely by Spaniards, and so gave occasion to that bitter hatred of Spain which formed the bond of union between these disjointed commonwealths. Philip, however, re-enacted the edict of 1550, by which the Inquisition was established in the Nether- lands, though the towns were not ready to accept it, and the king was forced to temporise. He tried to get a permanent revenue, but had for the time to be content with a subsidy. But the peace which he made with PVance and the Pope, left him time to pursue his two designs on the Netherlands, the destruction of their liberties and the uprooting of heresy. Resolved to return to Spain, he made Margaret of l^arma, natural daughter of Charles V., his regent. He ap- pointed her council. He prepared to leave the Nether- lands on August 7th. But as all seemed smooth, the Estates unanimously requested of the king that all foreign troops should be withdrawn from the Nether- hinds. P^or a time Philip was furious, for he saw that an army of Spaniards was necessary in order that he might give effect to his favourite project. But he had to temporise, especially as part of his policy was the creation of a number of additional bishoprics in the Netherlands. Then he left the country at Mushing. As he was on the point of sailing there occurred the memorable scene between him and the Prince of SCENE BETWEEN PHILIP AND WILLIAM. 65 Orange, whom he saw then for the last time. He re- proached him with being the author of the opposition. William replied that the action of the l^:states was unsolicited and spontaneous. On this Philip seized him violently by the wrist and, shaking it, said in Spanish, '* Not the l^lstatcs, but you, you, you ! " express- ing himself by the most insulting pronoun he could use In Spanish. Philip reached Spain after a stormy voyage, and immediately regaled himself with an ^nto daft. Soon after, for Philip had wooed Klizabeth of Kngland in vain, he married Isabella of France, a marriage destined to cause a long w^ar with that king- dom. I Sb^I^^ ^^, s^l ^ sTtrs^^ v_^ ^ w. •/~^fp i^.' 1^ )J!iM ^1^^ iffiLfff ^V^l»^^MfMr bP^ 5^ i^^ Ir^i C^-/J^%ifi^ CT^^W 1^^ If-jjBXtS^aV Ml iJMfc^^u H^E gi^(;^| rH£ FAMILY OF NASSAU. 67 VIII margarp:t of parma. The rcc^cnt who administered the Netherlands for eight >ears was the eldest natural child of Charles. She had been married, first to Alexander de Medici, when she was twelve vears oUl. He was assassinated after a year. At twenty she was married to the nephew of another Pope, Paul the Third. Ottavio Farnese was only thirteen years old. By him she be- came the mother of the celebrated Alexander Farnese, Prince of Parma. She was a woman of masculine and imperious temper, a mighty huntress, and celebrated in her time for two unfeminine characteristics — a well- defined moustache and the C["out. Margaret of Parma's mother was a Flemish woman. She could, however, be entirely trusted in carrying out her brother's designs in establishing the Inquisition, in retaining the foreign garrisons, and in crushing the liberties of the Netherlands. Her counsellors were Berlaymont, who, though a Pleming, was the persistent enemy of his country ; Viglius, who composed the famous persecuting edict of i 550 ; the Bishop of Arras, afterwards the celebrated Cardinal Granvelle, the able and unscrupulous enemy of every Flemish liberty ; Egmont, who had won the battles of St. Ouentin and Gravelines, and thereby humiliated PVance ; and William the Silent, Prince of Oranire. The family of Nassau had done the most important services to the house of Burgundy. It had supplied warriors and counsellors to I'hilip the Good, Charles the Bold, and Philip the Handsome. 71ie influence of Henry of Nassau put the imperial crown on the head of Charles the I^fih. He died in war at the emperor's side, and his titles and estates passed to his nephew William. There was every reason why the descendants of Charles V. should make much of, and trust the house of Nassau. William, who was only eleven years old at the time when he succeeded to his cousin's inheritance, was the eldest of five sons, all of whom did noble work in the great war of indepen- dence. William was educated at Brussels under the eye of an old emperor, and from fifteen years of age was his constant attendant. At twenty-one he was appointed to command the army. He was now one of Margaret's council and Stadtholder, />., the king's representative in Holland, Zeland, and Utrecht. William negotiated the treaty of Cateau Cambresis, and, with the Duke of Alva, was one of the hostacres appointed to guarantee the due execution of the treaty. It was in France, and while he was hunting with Henry II. in the Forest of Vincennes, that the French king incautiously communicated to William the plan which he and Philip had concocted for massacring all the Protestants in PVance and the Netherlands. ■ (! 68 MARGARET OF PARMA. His motive was not religion, but a determination to extirpate all whose tenets, as he justly thought, would lead them to resist arbitrary power. To effect this the maintenance of the Spanish troops in the Netherlands was necessary. William received these communica- tions without any appearance of surprise, and there- after gained the name of William the Silent. lUit his mind was made up. He determined to do all that he could to get rid of the Spanish garrisons, to obstruct the establishment of the Inquisition, and to preserve the liberties of the Netherlands. It appears to me that riiilip had divined his purposes at the epoch of that celebrated leave-taking. Had he given evidence of them, short work would have been made of him. William was still a Catholic. Indeed at that time it may be doubted whether there was a single Flemish noble who had embraced the reformed faith. The prospect of such a conversion was not as yet attractive in the Netherlands, as it was in Northern Germany wherethe Reformation had given the princes independ- ence and plunder. The dissidents from the old faith were artisans and priests whom the freedom of the new opinions had attracted. William was young, rich, and profuse. His wealth was great, his expenses greater. He kept open house at Brussels. Hut he did not, like one of his colleagues,speak of his poorer fellow country- men as " that vile and mischievous animal called the people." He was an enemy to the edict of 1550, and to the Spanish policy. There had been but four bishops in the Netherlands. Philip had induced the Pope to enlarge the number to eighteen, and to make three of them archbishops. I 1 THE NETHERLANDERS APPEAL TO CHARTERS. 69 The motive of this change was to strengthen the machinery for extirpating heresy. In order to assist them the four thousand Spanish troops were to be kept indefinitely in the Netherlands, of course at the expense of the Estates. Here then was plenty of material for discontent, for agitation, and finally for revolt. The cities again resolved to appeal to their charters. The charter of Brabant expressly disabled the ruler from increasing the power of the clergy. The unpopularity of these measures fell onGranvelle, as he was subsequently called. The old habit of loyalty was not yet worn out, and it was therefore expedient to transfer the odium from Philip to his minister. William led the opposition, and most of the nobles sided with him. At last Philip yielded, and withdrew the Spanish soldiers for a time in 1560. But the Incjuisition kept to its work. On the other hand, the States were very reluctant to grant subsidies, and the king was at his wits' end for money. At this time (1 56 1) William married the Princess Anna of Saxony, daughter of the celebrated Maurice. She was a Lutheran and the negotiations as to the exercise of her religion were protracted. Meanwhile the Inquisi- tion with Titelmann at its head continued its office, and in 1564 Granvelle was superseded. The Nethcrlanders were under the impression, and for a long time remained under it, that the severity of the government was not due to Philip, but to his ministers in the Netherlands. F'or this reason they hated Granvelle, with this view they sent deputations to Madrid— Egmont first, Montigny and Berghen afterwards. At last, in the beginning of 1566, some 70 MARGARET OF PARMA. ABOLITION OF THE INQUISITION. 71 of the Flemish nobles drew up the Ce)inpromisc, by which they pledged themselves to resist the Inquisition. Orange took no part in it, but he did more. Remem- bering his conversation with Henry of France, he resolved to know Philip's mind. He therefore estab- lished such a system of espionage over Philip, that he got copies of all Philip's most secret despatches. It is the lot of despots to be ill served. Worse than that, it is their lot to be betrayed. Placing no trust in any man, they gain the genuine confidence of none. Meanwhile thousands of Plemish weavers emitrrated to England, especially to the Eastern Counties, trans- ferred their skill and industr}' thither, and soon became the successful rivals of the land of their birth. The new league determined to present a " Request " to Margaret, and Orange so far acted with the leaders as to counsel them as to the language of the document. On April 5, 1566, the request was read to the Duchess and her council by Brederode. Hie purport of this document was that it was neccssar>' to the peace of the country that the edicts and the Inquisition should be withdrawn, and that the manajjement of affairs should be remitted to the States-General. The petitioners left, and the council debated it. Then it is that Berlaymont, alwa\'s consistentlv hostile to his countrymen, exclaimed, " Is it possible that your Highness can be afraid of these beggars!" As the confederates passed his house afterwards, he is said to have repeated the insult. The confederates reiterated their requests on April 8th. In the evening of that day Brederode prepared a great banquet for three hundred guests at his mansion. The Flemings did much in the way of eating and drink- ing, and when they were warm with wine, the guests debated what name they should give their association. The host rose and told thqm, to their indignation, what was the name which the counciHor had given them. He then suggested that they should adopt the name, instantly seized a beggar's wallet and bowl, filled the latter with wine, put the former on, and passed both to his next neighbour. The name was adopted with shouts of applause, and thenceforward the Netherland patriots went by the name. Orange, Egmont, and Horn entered the apartment when the revelry was at its height. They were con- strained to drink the new toast and instantly left. Their momentary presence at this orgie caused soon after the deaths of the last two, a fate which Orange would have shared had he come into his enemies' hands. In the morning a new costume, imitatino- in quality and appearance the beggars' clothing and ap- pendages, was adopted by them. The common folk of the Netherlands now believed that they had leaders, and crowded to listen to the preachers. Shortly after these events, in August, occurred the image breaking in the Netherlands churches. But no injury was done to anything else, not to any person. The only objects on which the mobs wreaked their wrath were the symbols of the ancient religion. The confederate nobles took no part in the outrage. For a time the violence seemed to be an advantage. On August 25th, the Duchess signed the Accord, under which the Inquisition was abolished, and a general toleration accorded. The nobles did their best to 72 MARGARET OF PARMA. quiet the disturbances. But while Phih'p temporised, he had made up his mind. He collected an army in Spain, put it under the command of Alva, gave his commander instructions, and the war began. IX. ALVA. PrTTT TP had resolved to establish the Inquisition by thc^word. He collected his army in Italy, and put Alva at the head of it. This man had been all his life engaged in war, was now sixty years old, and had the reputation, justly earned, of being the most accomplished and capable warrior in Europe. He had gained victories in Spain, in Africa, in Germany, in Italy, in l^-ance. He was, perhaps, the most blood- thirsty man who ever existed in what is called the civilized world, and he was sent to the Netherlands to satiate himself. The army was worthy of the general. He commanded the finest and the most merciless troops in Hurope. Some of these troops, about 10,000 in number, cm- barked at Carthagena on May 1 6, 1 567. The principal part of the force was collected at Genoa, and marched across Mont Cenis,and through Savo)-, Burgundy, and Lorraine. Had the confederates in the Netherlands determined at this time to resist Philip, and had Fgmont taken the command, it is probable that COUNT ALVA. THE BLOOD COUNCIL, 75 Alva's troops might have been destroyed in detail, so difficult was the march. By the middle of August they were all in the Netherlands. Alva fixed his headquarters at Brussels, on August 23rd, but distri- buted his troops through the other cities. It was the intention of Philip and Alva to destroy every Nether- lander who had resisted or even criticized the Spanish policy. Of course, Orange, Egmont, Horn, and Hoogstraten, were to be forthwith arrested and dealt with. There was to be a political in addition to a religious inquisition. In the interval these eminent men were to be entrapped into a false security. The plot succeeded with Egmont and Horn ; it failed with Orange and Hoogstraten. On September 9th Horn and Egmont were arrested, and on September 23rd transferred to the castle of Ghent, with other leading persons. Alva had done part of his commission with secrecy and dispatch. But the escape of Orange was thought by those who knew the Netherlands to make the capture of the others politically valueless. However, on the very day on which Horn and Egmont was arrested, Alva established a council which he called that of Troubles, but the Nethcrlandcrs the Blood Council. It was an invention of Alva's own. It soon set to work and slew its thousands before Margaret of Parma retired, which she did on December 9th. She was probably softened by this time, for her best friends and advisers had been imprisoned by her successor,and were already doomed. Alva set to work to build the citadel of Antwerp. In October, 1568, he took up his quarters in the new fortress. THE BLOOD COUNCIL. 75 COUM ALVA. Alva's troops mii;ht have been destroyed in detail, so difficult was the march. By the middle of August they were all in the Netherlands. Alva fixed his headquarters at Brussels, on August 23rd, but distri- buted his troops through the other cities. It was the intention of Philip and Alva to destroy every Nether- lander who had resisted or even criticized the Spanish policy. Of course, Orange, I'.gmont, Horn, and lloogstraten, were to be forthwith arrested and dealt with. There was to be a political in addition to a religious intjuisition. In the interval these eminent men were to be entrapped into a false security. The plot succeeded with Kgmont and Horn ; it failed with Oranire and lloogstraten. On September 9th Horn and l^gmont were arrested, and on September 23rd transferred to the castle of Ghent, with other leading persons. Alva had done part of his commission with secrecy and dispatch. But the escape of Orange was thought by those who knew the Netherlands to make the capture of the others politically valueless. However, on the very day on which Horn and ICgmont was arrested, Alva established a council which he called that of Troubles, but the Netherlanders the Blood Council. It was an invention of Alva's own. It soon set to work and slew its thousands before IMargaret of Parma retired, which she did on December 9th. She was probably softcnctl b)- this time, for her best friends and advisers had been iinprisoned by her successor, and were already doomed. Alva set to work to build the citadel of Antwerp. In October, 1568, he took up his quarters in the new fortress. 76 ALVA. ALVA LAYS WASTE THE NETHERLANDS. 77 Orange was prosecuted, and his eldest son was kidnapped and sent to Spain. liut William was himself out of reach. Meanwhile, a sentence of the Inquisition condemned all the inhabitants of the Netherlands, with a few exceptions, to death as heretics, and Philip confirmed the sentence. How powerful must the theory of the dfvine rii^ht of kint^s and the divine rii^ht of priests have been, that this decree was not met by an instant revolt. But all t'iiat came of it, as yet, was that bands of marauders, under the name of Wild Beggars, took to robbing all and sundry, but especially to mutilating monks and priests. Meanwhile, Orange had collected troops and taken to the field. He made his attack on three ])oints and failed in two. But at the battle of Heiligerlee, in Friesland, the patriots were victorious, and the army of the Spaniards all but annihilated. But the victor\- was the death warrant of l^gmont and Horn. They are executed on June 5, 1568. One of the brothers of Orange had perished in the battle of Heiligerlee, Louis of Nassau, another, was still in the field. But Alva was on his path, routed his army, laid waste the country, slaughtered the inhabitants, and brought back his soldiers with little loss. While Alva was defeating Louis, Philip was murdering his eldest son, Don Carlos. Had this young man gone, as he wished, to the Netherlands, in place of Alva, the tyranny of Caligula would have been exhibited in place of that of Nero. As Alva had beaten Louis of Nassau, so he now baffled William, who had now openly embraced the reformed faith, but carried into his new creed an utter hatred of religious bigotr>^ He would perse- cute neither Papist or Anabaptist With perhaps equal sincerity, he declared that he did not make war on Philip, but on Alva. He got but little aid from the nobles, who promised him much ; he got as little help from the peasants from whom he could expect nothing. He collected a formidable army, but he could not force Alva to fight, and the army wasted away. Alva returned to Antwerp, and set up a colossal statue of himself on the citadel. Alva was now triumphant, and, to all appearance, the fortunes of Orani^e and the Netherlands were (Icsporate. The Flemish nobles were without spirit ui ch.iracter, as was to be often proved, and the people were not yet organ i/xd. Just at this crisis, Klizabcth of l^ngland put Alva into a serious difficulty. She impounded certain treasure ships which were on the road for the payment of the Spanish troops. This was the beginning of those military bankruptcies which ultimately aided the patriots so much. The murders of Alva and the depopulation of the Nether- lands were drying up all sources of revenue, and Alva began seriously to think of an amnesty. In his efforts to obtain money, Alva had even ventured on plundering his own Church, and he did it with a high hand. For two or three years Orange was an exile and a wanderer, while Alva was striving to reconcile the Flemings and Hollanders to taxes which would have absolutely ruined them. From time to time he was engaged in plots for the murder of Elizabeth, assassi- nation by hired bravos being now considered legitimate 78 ALVA, warfare by Philip. The plots were found out, the assassins punished, and the English people — Catholic, Anglican, and Puritan alike— were becoming united against Spain, and in defence of Elizabeth. Iwen Philip's victories were barren, for though the battle of Lepanto had checked the progress of the Turks, it had not furthered the ascendency of Spain. Alva's unpopularity was daily increasing, the pro- vinces were nearly ruined, or saw they could arrest ruin only by energetic resistance, the governor's successor was appointed, and Orange was again steadily but secretly making way, when the first turn of the tide came in favour of the patriots. The Beggars of the Sea had captured the city of Brill. The Hollanders had long been familiar with the sea. They had been driven from their homes ; their native land was being given up to military execution ; they could not for years stand against Spanish disci- pline in the field, but they rapidly became invincible on the water. The narrow seas were now swarming with rovers, furnished with letters of marque by Orange, and, it is to be feared, that they levied their contributions impartially from Spaniard and neutral. Their admiral was William de la Marck, a descendant of wild freebooters, and himself as ferocious as any of his ancestors. He was a kinsman of Egmont, and was sworn to avenge himself on Alva. Twenty-four vessels, manned by the Beggars of the Sea, were cruising in the spring of 1572, on the southern coast of England Pllizabeth, who had made up her quarrel with Alva, forbade her subjects from provisioning the Beggars. Half-starved already, BRILL. 78 ALVA. warfare by Philip. The j^lots were found out, the assassins punished, and the luv^h'sh people — Catholic, An«^dican, and Puritan alike— were becominj^ united a^^ainst Si)ain, and in defence of Klizaheth. ICvon Philip's victories were barren, for thouL^h the battle c^f Lepanto had checked the proi^ress of the Turks, it had not furthered the ascendency of Spain. Alva's unpopularity was dail\- increasini^, the pro- vinces were nearly ruined, or saw they could arrest ruin only by ener«^etic resistance, the governor's successor was appointed, and ( )r,uiL;e was ai^ain steadily but secretly making way, when the first turn of the tide came in favour of the patriots. Tiie Heggars of the Sea had captured the city of Brill. The Hollanders had lung been famili.u- with the sea. 1 hey hatl been driven from their homes; their native land was being given up to military execution ; the}' could not for years stand against Spanish disci- pline in the field, but they rapidly became in\ incible on the water. The narrow seas were now swarminir with rovers, furnished with letters of marcjue In- Orange, and, it is to be feared, that th('\ U\ ied their contributions im[)artially from Spaniard .md neutral. Their admiral was William de la Marck, a descentlant of wild freebooters, and himself as ferocious as any of his ancestors. I le was a kinsman of Ivgmont, and was sworn to avenge himself on Alva. Twenty-four ves.sels, manned by the Peggars of the Sea, were cruising in the spring of 1572, on the southern coast of England I'lizabeth, who had made u^) her quarrel with Alva, forbade her subjects from provisioning the Beggars. Half-starved already, BRU.L. 8o ALVA. the rovers determined to essay some place in Holland, and appeared before l^rill. They determined to obtain its surrender, and sent a friendly fisherman of the town as their envov. The I^ei-^ars were some four hundred in all, but the fishermen, when asked about their numbers, answered in a careless manner, about five thousand. There was no thou«2ht of resistance, and the patriots soon i^ot pi>s>rs.sion, and held it in the name of Oran^re. iVlva sent troops to recapture the town, but they were repulsed ; for the Sea l^ei^i^ars were in their element. A short time afterwards, Mushini^ was rescued from Alva by the patriots, and the number o( their partisans rapidly increasini^, this town was i^arrisoned. Here they caui^ht Pacheco. Alva's en^i;ineer, who had built the citadel of Antwerp, and had been sent to fnnsh the defences of Flush in 14. 'I'hey hani^ed him on the spot. Almost at an instant, nearly all the cities of Holland and Zeland threw off the Spanish yoke, and accepted the i^overnment of Oran^i;e, thoui^h in the name of the kini:^, ]^ut for a lon^ time the insurfTcnts claimed nothini^ more than the charters and liberties to which Philip had voluntarily sworn. Toleration was from the first the law of W'il Ham's government. Meanwhile Louis of Nassau had captured the city of Mons, in South-west Inlanders. At Walchercn nearh' the whole Lisbon fleet was captured by the Beggars, the pay of the S[)anish soldiery, and much of their ammunition. On July 18, 1572, the I^^states of Holland were convened at Dort, under the authorit\' of ()r.inL;e as Stadtholder. The convention was primaril} for the fee ^\^ .,'V- ^» g" ^-"r .v. o o o f. a ••'<**' 8o ALl'A. the rovers determined to essay some place in I lolland, and appeared before Brill. 'Hiey determined to obtain its surreiukr. and >ent a friendl)' tlshcrman C)f the town as tluir i-n\<«\'. 1 he ]H'<"'ai^ w nc xunc four hundred in all, but the fishermen, w hen asked about their number--, answtud in a careless manner, about h\e thoUNatid. Tlurt' ua-- no thoU'^ht of rc-^i>l[ p''^-i->ion. and held it in the name of Uianiji'. Al\a sent troops to recapture the town, but tlu'\ were rri)ulsed ; for the Sea 1h'..^., -> wci^c in tlu-ir clcincnr \ short time atler\var(U. MushinL; \\,i- n^cueu ii'Mii .\l\.i 1)\- tlu> ])atriots, and the number 'f their partisans ra[)idl\- increasin!^', this town was i^arrisoned. Here they cau;_; lit Paeheeo \1\;i's en-'inr.-r. w ho had built the cit.ulel ot Anlw i i p, .itui h.ni i)^(:i -ciil lo hin^h liie defences of MushiuL;. The) hanL;ed him on the spot. AliUirst il .m instant, ne.ulv all th in - of 1 lolland and /el.md threw off the Soaiii^h \ < "ke, and acceptetl the government ot ( )ianL;e, tlu)UL;h in the name of the kin*'. lUit foi a lonij- time the insuri^ents claimed nothing;" more than the charters and liberties t«' \\hi..Ii Philip h.ul \ < )luntaril\- >\\orn. Toleration was trom the hr>t the law ot" William's t^oxernment. Meanwhili Louis < t \<(--.m had captured the cit\- of Mons, in South-west Idanders. At \\'.dchei"en neail\' the wh'-le I ' '-«n lli-et wa> captured 1)\- the r.eL;L;ars, the pav eti the Spanish soldiery, and much of their ammunition. On July iS. 1 ;;_\ the I-'states of Holland were coiucned at 1 )< m I. uniK ]• the autli< >rit\' ol ( )r,iii'.c a^ Stadtholder. '1 he convention wa> prim.iiiix loi the 82 ALVA. purpose of raising funds for the prosecution of the war. Stirred to enthusiasm by the eloquence of Saint Aldegonde,thc Hollanders unanimously resolved to dedicate themselves and their fortunes to the cause which was identified with Orange. The prince was himself seeking to effect a junction with the Huguenot troops, who were marching to the relief of Mons, but who were defeated before he could achieve his object. He continued his march, levying troops, collecting funds, and relying on the French, when on August 24th occurred the frightful massacre of St. Bartholomew. His plans were frustrated, his army was disbanded, and he was forced to retire into Holland. On September 19th, Mons was surrendered, and the Flemish towns returned to their allegiance. Henceforth, the principal interest of the struggle centres in Holland. Even here, however, the affairs of the patriots were unprosperous. Tergoes was relieved, and Zutphen sacked by the Spaniards. William was deserted by his brother-in-law, De Berg, who betrayed what was entrusted to him. Harlem, after a desperate defence, was captured in the summer of 1573. But the siege of Alkmaar, after an heroic defence of §even weeks, was raised. Then there was a breathing time for the Hollanders. The French king intrigued for the marriage of his brother with Elizabeth, and the Spanish king intrigued with the electors of the German Empire for the succession to Ma.ximilian. Besides the Dutch had defeated the Spanish com- mander by sea, at Enkhuizen, on October i ith. On December i8th, Alva left the Netherlands. His Blood Council had put to death 18,600 persons. X. REQUESENS, THE (JRAND COMMANDER. It was understood that the new governor represented a policy of concession of amnesty, even of peace. But he was hampered by two conditions. He was to secure the king's supremacy, and the total prohibition of any but the Roman Catholic religion. It was obvious that unless an unconditional surrender was made, there was no hope for peace, and, in fact, the war continued for thirty-six years longer. Yet every one desired peace, Catholic and Protestant, Spaniard, Meming, and Hollander, the advisers and tools of Alva, and the friends and adherents of Orange. Even Philip would have been glad to stop the perpetual drain on his resources, and avert the bankruptcy which was imminent. The army, now numbering sixty-two thousand, was nearly a twelve months' pay in arrears. The country had been impoverished and the States refused to grant a dollar. lUit, on the other side, though the Dutch were out-numbered and out-generalled, they main- tained their fleets and their forces, though they were i 84 REQUESENS, THE GRA.\D COMMA.WER. sometime^ ^^hort in jTrantinfr supplies. Reciuescns, therefore iiiuii;iiicd that the whole of the Netherlands would accept peace on any terms ; and if only the nobles had to be consulted, he was probably in the rii^ht. The Hollanders were now unquestionably superiors on the sea, as was to be conclusively proved. The patriots were bcsicu^in*^ Middelburij, in the island of Walchcrcn, in which a Spanish c^eneral of great ability and courai^e was conimandcr. The new governor found it necessary to relieve the garrison, which was nearly starved out It could onl)' be effected after a victorious sea fight. I'hc h.ittic was joined on January 29th, and the patriots were entirely victorious. IMiddclburg was soon surrendered. The siege of Lcydcn was the great event of the year. It was closely invested, and Or.ingc* hade his brother Louis relieve it. On April 14th he fought a battle with the besieging force ; his army was nearly annihilated, and he and his brother Henry slain. Their bodies, however, were never discovered. It seemed now that Leyden would be lost, not from the vict(M'i(His army, which mutinied immediately after their victory, and marching on Antwerp, seized the city. Then" p«iy was three yc.irs in arrear. But the danger was not passed, for the siege was reformed. Meanwhile the Dutch admiral had suc- ceeded in destro\'ing another Spatiish fleet. The second siege of Leyden began on May 26th. It lasted till October 3rd. The limits of this work disable the author from describing in detail this memorable siege, and the relief of the city by the OLD 1)L KH SIREpyr ANU TOWN-HALL. % 1 86 REQUESENS, THE GRAND COMMANDER. THE UNIVERSITY OF LEY DEN. 87 Beggars of the Sea. To meet their foe, and to baffle him, the Hollander ; cut the dykes between Leyden and the sea, and turned the leaguer of the Spaniards into a sea fight, in which the patriots were thoroughly in their element. At last the Spaniards retreated in panic, and the siege was raised. In remembrance of this great deliverance, the States of Holland resolved to found a university in the town of Leyden. They endowed it with the possessions of the abbjy of Egmont, and provided it with teachers, selected from the ablest scholars in the Netherlands. For two centuries the University of Leyden was the most famous in Europe. lUit Orange still kept up the form of loyalty, and the charter of the university declares that it was founded by I'hilip, Count of Holland. The two provinces, Holland and Zeland, though Harlem and Amsterdam were still in the power of the enemy, raised nearly as high a revenue monthly for the prosecution of the war, as Alva had been able to extract yearly from the rest of the Netherlands. The fact is, their trade grew with their efforts. They were still in theory subjects of Spain, and they traded with the Spanish possessions. They were even charged with manufacturing and selling the powder with which the Spaniards bombarded their cities. I'A-en to the last they made war on the Spanish Government, and had commercial transactions with Spanish subjects ; for as ITiilip did not recognize their independence, they seem, except at their pleasure, to be at war with him onl\' in their own country. In the autumn of 1574, the Constitution of Holland was organized. William was made commander-in- chief; a monthly grant for the expenses of the army was conceded to him, and practically the whole con- duct of affairs was conferred on him. Then came the farce of negotiating a peace. The terms of Philip were inadmissible. He refused toleration to the reformed religion, and the conferences were abruptly closed. In 1575, the states of Holland and Zeland were united. It was not done without some difficulty, for the municipal principle had ruinously kept cities apart, and made military action capricious and uncertain. It was this temper of isolation, constantly breaking out and thwarting the interests of the whole republic, which prolonged the war, narrowed the independence, and ultimately was a potent factor in bringing about the decline of the Dutch Republic. In the same year, however, the States suffered another reverse. The island of Schouwen was in- vaded by an army which marched through the sea to the mainland by one of those channels which separate the islands of the Dutch coast, and its capital, Zie- rikzee, was besieged. The situation induced the Hol- landers, though with no little hesitation, to take an important step. This was no less than to formally discard tlie sovereignty of Philip, and to declare their indepen- dence as far as he was concerned. But William and the States were far from believing that they could still stand alone. The renunciation of Philip was neces- sary only because they wished or felt it necessary that they should adopt some other prince as their lord, provided, of course, that their new ruler would I ss REQUESENS, THE GRAM) COMMANDER, protect their reli<^non and their liberties. Negotia- tion with divers powers were continued during nearly the whole of the War of Independence. There were three Powers to whom they might apply —the Emperor of Germany, the Queen of England, and the King of Erance. The first of these seemed most constitutional. It had undoubtedly been the case that in early times Holland had formed part of the German r:mpire, and the fact had not been for- gotten in the negotiations between Philip and the emperor. Had the proposition of William been accepted, the indc[)cndcnce of Holland would practi- cally have been secured, for the States would have occupied the position which the German sovereigns did under what v/as no more than the nominal supremacy of the emperor. No doubt the religion of the Dutch, Calvinism, was an obstacle, for Protestant Germany was Lutheran, and fifty years later the irreconcilable enmity of the Calvinists and Lutherans was no small cause of the disasters which .Germany suffered in the Thirty Years' War. Another difficulty was in the family relations of the emperor and Philip. The princes of Austria, Spain, and Portugal were closely connected by family ties, and marriages often taking place between certain members of these families, by the Pope's dispensa- tion, which would have been impossible in any other persons. In Spain and Portugal the marriage of uncle and niece was far from uncommon, and even more closely related persons were, as political exi- gencies seemed to dictate, contemplated for such unions. Besides the real assistance the Emperor of I THE POSSIBLE ALLIES OF HOLLAND. 89 Germany could give was little. Any effectual help must come from the Protestant princes. Elizabeth of England was in a very peculiar posi- tion. Her foreign enemies held her to be illegitimate. Her rival, Mary Stewart, was indeed in prison, and was detested in Scotland. But she had her party, and carried on her intrigues. Again, Elizabeth was very poor. The manufactures and trade of PLngland were not developed, and she did not yet suspect that her sailors would be a match for Spain. Nor did she like the idea of patronizing revolted subjects. It was a dangerous precedent, and might be used against her. She preferred, therefore, to intrigue, to lend a favourable ear to the States, perhaps to assist them secretly— at any rate, to assist them cautiously. pA'en when she broke with Philip and went to war with him, she greatly hesitated. Though she knew that the Netherlands were at this time the bulwark of England and the fortress of Protestantism, she was timid and slow. She would and she would not. In the end she helped Holland more than any other state did. The author of the massacre of St. Bartholomew had now passed away, and the last prince of the hou.se of Valois was on the throne. He was even a more contemptible per.son than his predecessor, and the Queen Dowager was the real ruler. But who could trust this treacherous Court, whose perfidy was even L^reater than that of Spain, and who.se crimes had been more colos.sal ? Still Orange inclined to Erance as, indeed, his son Maurice, with better apparent rea.son, did. At an\' rate, it was well to play off the jealou.sy of England against the jealou.sy of France. 90 REQUESENS, THE GRAND COMMANDER. It was at this time, as \vc are told, that Orange seriously meditated the scheme of transferrincr the Hollanders from the land of their birth to a new settlement, either in the Old or New World. It might be curious to speculate on what the course of history might have been if the whole population had migrated to the United States or the Tropics, to the island of Java or to the island of Manhattan, and that either or both these places had been the home of this race instead of being its colonies. Hut it was destined that luirope should be the theatre of the great deliverance. It is not certain that Orange was seriously debating the alternative of emigration. It has been confi- dently alleged that he was ; it has been as confidently disputed. Hut on March 5th the Grand Commander died, after a few days' illness. There was a lull for a time. Philip, as years passed on, became more pro- crastinating than ever, though he was none the less absolute and determined on the purposes which he had formed. B 1 M ^^ii^ii^ XI. DON JOHN OF AUSTRIA. While Philip was engaged in selecting his viceroy, trouble befel his government in the Netherlands. Immediately after the fall of Zierikzce the Spanish troops mutinied. They had been unpaid for years, and no money was forthcoming from Spain. The Netherlands had been nearly drained, and it is pro- bable that neither Philip nor his lieutenants desired to utterly impoverish the obedient provinces. The practice of these mutineers was to depose their own officers, or, at least, to disobey them, and to elect a temporary chief, to whom they gave, under the name of l^letto, full powers as long as they pleased to con- tinue them. It was a dangerous pre-eminence, for a deposed or distrusted Kletto was pretty sure to forfeit his life with his office. The mutineers demanded a city, and succeeded in capturing Alost. Thence they threatened Hrussels. They could make no impression on it ; so, having ex- hausted Alost, they resolved on attacking Antwerp. The mutineers had been outlawed by the Government, 92 D0\ yUHX OF AUSTRIA, but were in communication witli the governor of the citadel of Antwerp. The Spaniards burst into the city, overpowered its defences, and the Si^anish fury took place on November 4th. It surpassed in horror and atrocity anything which happened during the war. The soldiers paid themselves handsomely, for it is said that they divided among themselves five millions of crowns. The sack of Antwerp hastened the pacification of Ghent, which William had been negotiating. It pro- vided, though unfortunately it was short lived, for the union of all the provinces of the Netherlands, for complete amity among them, and for the restoration of all the old liberties. It was signed on November 8, 1576, by the deputies of Holland and Zcland, on the one hand, and by those of thirteen other states or cities, on the other. The Spanish soldiery was to be expelled, and the Inquisition was to be abolished. At the same time, Zierikzee and the island of Schouwen were abandoned and recovered. Four days before the pacification of Ghent was signed, a cavalier, attended by a Moorish slave, rode into Luxemb )urg. The slave was in reality Don John of Austria, the new governor, who entered on his office in this strange disguise. Don John of Austria was an illegitimate son of Charles V. His mother is said to have been a washerwoman of Ratisbon, who lived, during Alva's administration and to his exceeding discomfort, at Ghent. She lived there till her son arrived as gover- nor, when she was persuaded or forced to retire into Spain. When an infant John was put under the care DON yoUN's EARLY CAREER. 93 of a Spanish grandee and carefully educated. When he was fourteen years of age, the secret of his birth was made known to him by Philip. He was educated in the company of his two nephews, Don Carlos, the heir-apparent of Spain, and Alexander of Parma. It appears that Philip designed him for the Church, but Don John was nothing but a soldier, and, after a struggle, he had his way. The battle of Lcpanto, in which John defeated the Turks, was fought in October, 1571, and the fame of the commander was on every one's tongue. But the victory was barren. The allies might have taken Constantinople, but they began to quarrel with each other. John strove to create for himself a kingdom in Tunis. But Philip interfered. Then Don John, with the goodwill of the Pope, determined to invade Knirland, to dethrone PLlizabcth, to liberate and marry the imprisoned Mary Stewart, and make himself king of England and Scotland. As he was gaining the Pope's assent, news came to him that he had been appointed Governor-General of the Netherlands. It seemed as though his dream was almost accom- plished. There were ten thousand Spanish troops there, the bravest veterans in the world. He would soon, he imagined, quiet the discontents of the Flemings, and then win his kingdom. It was true that the news from the provinces was daily more unsatisfactory, as he was waiting for the last instruc- tions of the dilatory Philip. Freed at last, he hurried, as I have said, in disguise through France. AL^ainst this knight-errant, William was to exert all his energies and all his abilities. He implored the THE PURPOSES OF JOHN, 95 a] "a n 3 O y. States not to treat with John, but to resist him, unless he immediately sent away the Spanish and other foreign troops. For a time the States-General were firm, for they insisted on the Ghent Pacification. Don John affected to listen to them, and agreed to send away his troops, only stipulating that they should go by sea. He intended to make a descent on England. The States began to suspect his determination in the manner of their removal. The Ghent treaty was followed by the Brussels Union, the main point of which was the expulsion of the Spaniards. Meanwhile Fries- land and Groningen had been gained by the Dutch. At last Don John, after much fencing, agreed to accept virtually the Pacification of Ghent. He held firmly however to his demand that the troops should leave the Netherlands bv sea. In a short time this was conceded also by Don John, and on February 17, 1577, the treaty between Philip and the Netherlands was signed at Brussels. By this treaty Don John and subsequently Philip agreed that all foreign troops should be withdrawn, never to return except in case of foreign war, that all prisoners should be releasedi except the eldest son of Orange, who had been kid- napped nearl)' twenty years before, though he should be set free as soon as his father came into the treaty. It promised to maintain all the privileges, charters, and free institutions of the Netherlands and confirmed the peace of Ghent. It now seemed that the Netherlands had gained all they asked for, and that everything for which they had contended had been conceded. The Blood Council of Alva had almost extirpated the Reformers, and an M THE PURPOSES OF JOHN, 95 n -J G fc States not to treat with John, but to resist him, unless he immediately sent away the Spanish and other foreign troops. 1m )r a time the States-General were firm, for they insisted on the Ghent Pacification. Don John affected to listen to them, and agreed to send away his troops, only stipulating^ that they should go by sea. He intended to make a descent on England. The States began to suspect his determination in the manner of their removal. The Ghent treaty was followed by the Brussels Union, the main point of which was the expulsion of the Spaniards. Meanwhile iM'ies- land and Groningen had been gained by the Dutch. At last Don John, after much fencing, agreed to accept virtuall)' the I'acification of Ghent. He held firmly however to his demand that the troops should leave the Netherlands 1)\- sea. In a short time this was conceded also b)' Don John, and on T^ebruary 17, 1577, the treaty between Philip and the Netherlands was signed at Brussels. \\y this treaty Don John and subsequentl)' Philip agreed that all foreign trooi)s should be withdrawn, ne\er to return except in case of foreign war, that all prisoners should be releasedi except the eldest son of Orange, who had been kid- napi)ed nearl\- twent)' years before, though he should be set free as soon as his father came into the treaty, it promised to maintain all the privileges, charters, and free institutions of the Netherlands and confirmed the peace of Ghent. It now seemed that the Netherlands had gained all the\' asked for, and that everything for which they had contended had been conceded. The J^lood Council of Alva had almost extirpated the Reformers, and an -I 96 I)()\ JOHN OF AUSTRIA. I overwhclminc:^ majority of the inhabitants of the Low Countries with the exception of the llollaiulcrs and Zclanders, belonged to the old Churcli, provided the Inquisition was done away with, and a religious peace was accorded. But Don John had to reckon with the Prince of Orange. In him William had no confidence. He could not forget the past. lie believed that the signatures and concessions of the governor and Philip were only expedients to gain time, and that they would be revoked or set aside as soon as it was convenient or possible to do so. Apart from \\i> knowledge of the men with whom he had to deal, he had intercei)ted letters from the leading Spaniards \n Don John's employment, in which, when the treaty was in course of signature, designs were disclosed of keeping posses- sion of all the strong places in the country, with the object of reducing the patriots in detail. He saw that the citadels which had been built wtM'c still to be in the hands of the King of Spain, and he well knew what this meant. Above all, William distrusted the Flemish nobles. He knew them to be greedy, fickle, treacherous, ready to betray their country for personal advantage, and to ally themselves blindly with their natural enemies. The Perpetual Edict, the name given to the new treaty, was not, he saw, the same as the Pacification of Ghent, though it purported to recognize that rxcord. The very fact that the Flemish nobles trusted the conces- sions of Philip, made him the more distrust it and them. And as events proved, Orange was in the riHit Hence he refused to recognize the treaty in his own ORAXGi: SUSPECTS JOHN, 97 states of Holland and Zeland. As soon as it was published and sent to him, William after conference with these states, published a severe criticism on its provisions. He knew perfectly well that Philip and his deputy would do all in their power to win him over, even to a seeming consent. They on their part, as their discovered correspondence shows, knew that the success or failure of their machinations de- pended on their success in hoodwinking Orange. "The name of your Majesty," says Don John, "is as much abhorred and despised in the Netherlands, as that of the Prince of Orange is loved and feared." Put the governor did not and could not conceive that there was one thing which William valued above all offers and all bribes, and that was the security and freedom of the country whose affairs he was administering. In all seeming however Don John was prepared to carry out his engagements. He got together with difficulty the funds for paying the arrears due to the troops, and sent them off by the end of April. He caressed the people and he bribed the nobles. He handed over the citadels to Plemish governors, and entered Brussels on May 1st. Everything pointed to success and mutual good will. But we have Don John's letters, in which he speaks most unreservedly and most unflatteringly of his new friends, and of h.is designs on the liberties of the Netherlands, And all the while that Philip was soothing and flattering his brother, he had determined on ruining him, and on murdering the man whom that brother loved and trusted. About this time, too, we find that Philip and his deputy were casting about for the means by which CO 'A 3i •J b: c DEATH OF JOHN, 99 they mii^ht assassinate the Prince of Orange, ** who had bewitched the whole people ! " Meanwhile they continued to nei^otiate with him. An attempt of Don John to t^et possession of the citadel of Antwerp for himself failed, and tlie patriots t^^ained it. The merchants of Antwerp aj^reed to find the pay still owing to the soldiers, on condition of their quitting the city. But while they were discuss- ing the terms, a fleet of Zeland vessels came sailing up the Scheldt. Immediately a cry was raised, '' The Beggars are coming," and the soldiers fled in dismay. Then the Antwerpers demolished the citadel, and turned the statue of Alv^a again into cannon. After these events, William of Orange put an end to negotiations with Don John. Prince William was in the ascendant. But the Catholic nobles conspired against him, and induced the Archduke Matthias, brother of the German Emperor Rodolph, to accept the place of governor of the Netherlands in lieu of Don John. He came, but Orange was made the Ruwaard of Brabant, with full military power. It was the highest office which could be bestowed on him. The *' Union of Brussels" followed and was a confe- deration of all the Netherlands. But the battle of Gemblours was fought in P^'ebruary, 1578, and the patriots were defeated. Many small towns were cap- tured, and it seemed that in course of time the governor would recover at least a part of his lost authority. But in the month of September, Don John was seized with a burning fever, and died on October ist. His heart was buried at Namur, but his body was carried to Spain, DEATH OF JOI/N-, 99 crt ■r. ■r they mit^ht assassinate the Trince of Orange, '' who had hrw itchcil the whole peoph' ! " ]\Ie;'in\ liilc tliey continued to ncL;oli.ile with liini. An attempt of Don Jt)hn to i^et possession of tlie citadel of Antwerp for himself failed, and tl'.e patriots •gained it. The merehants of Antwerp ai^rccd to fmil the pay still owini; to the soldiers, on contlilion of their quittini,^ the city. Ihit while the\' were discuss- ing the terms, a fleet of Zcland vessels came sailinj^ ui) the Scheldt. Immediateh' a er\- was raised, ''The He<'*J:ars are connn'j,," and the soldiers fled in dismaw Then the Antwerpers demolished the citadel, and turned the statue of Alva a<'ain into cannon. After these events, William of Oranj^c put an end to nejjotiations w ith Don |(»hn. I'rince William was in the ascendant. lUit the Catholic nobles conspired a<;ainst liim, and induced the Archduke Matthias, brother of the (ierman I-lmperor Rodol[)h, to accept the i)lace of j^owrnor (^f th«j Netherlands in lieu of Don J(jhn. 11( came, but ( )ran<4C was made the Ruwaard of Brabant, with full military power. It was the liiehest ofllce which ccndd be bestowed on him. The *' Union of Hrussels" followed and was a confe- deration of all the Xetherlands. liut the battle of Gembhnirs was fouL,dit in l'ebruar\*, 1 578, and the patriots were defeatetl. Man)' small towns were cap- tured, and it seamed that in course of time the ^L^overnor would recov^er at least a part of his lost authority. But in the month of September, Don John was seized with a burnini^ fever, and died on October 1st. His heart was buried at Namur, but his body was carried to Spain. I i- XII. ALEXANDER OF TARMA. The new governor of the Netherlands, son of Ottavio Farncse, Prince of Parma, ami of M.ir<;aret of Parma, sister of Philip of Spain, was a very different person from any of the regents who had hitherto con- trolled the Netherlands, lie was, or soon proved himself to be, the greatest general of the age, and he was equally, according to the statesmanship of the age, the most accomplished and versatile statesman. He had no designs beyond those of Philip, and during his long career in the Netherlands, from October, 1578, to December, 1592, he served the King of Spain as faithfully and with as few scruples as Philip could have desired. The king survived the prince for nearly six years. Put he survived nearl>' all those who took part in the prolonged struggle in the Nether- lands. Pad as his constitution was. his methodical life and his entire freedom from an>' passion whatever but selfishness allowed him to grow old. Parma was religious, but he had no morality what- ever. He was not bigoted like Alva, for he was PARMA S CHARACTER. lOI politic, and knew that unwise severity might baffle a commantler and ruin a campaign. Hut he had no scruple in deceiving, lying, assassinating, and even less scruple in sa\ing or swearing that he had done none of these things. Men whose creed is that they have an indefeasible right to the lives and fortunes, and even to the consciences of their subjects, as they call them, arc seldom scrupulous. Now such men, if they possess military genius in time of war, and diplomatic skill in times of peace, are and always will be (for the t\'j)e exists, though the manner is changed) the worst enemies of the human race. To complete the picture of I'arma's character, it shouKl be added that he was entirely disinterested. I le impoverished himself, wore himself out, was lavish in bribing others, but was tem- perate, plain in his habits, unsparing of his own life, and entirely disinterested. He had an excellent judgment of men, and indeed he had experience of the two extremes, of the exceeding baseness of the Flemish nobles, and of the lofty and pure patriotism of the Dutch patriots. Nothing indeed was more un- fortunate for the Dutch, than the belief which they entertained, that the Flemings who had been dragooned into uniformity, could be po.ssibly stirred to patriotism. Alva had done his work thoroughly. It is possible to extirpate a reformation. Put the success of the process is the moral ruin of those who are the sub- jects of the experiment. Fortunately, for Parma, there was a suitor for the Netherland sovereignty, in the person of the very worst prince of the very worst ro)'al family that ever existed in luirope, /.t\, the Duke of Anjou, of the 102 ALEXAMJER OF PARMA, THE UMON OF UTRECHT, 103 house of Valois. This person was favoured by Orange, probably because he had detected PhiHp's designs on France, and thought that national jealousy would induce the French Government, which was Catherine of Medici, to favour the Low Countries. Besides, Parma had a faction in every Flemish town, who were known as the Malcontents, who were the part}' of the greedy and unscrupulous nobles. And, besides Anjou, there was the party of another pre- tender, John Casimir, of Poland. He, however, soon left them. Parma quickly found in such dissensions plenty of men whom he could usefully bribe. He made his first purchases in the Walloon district, and secured them. The provinces here were Artois, Hainault, Lille, Douay, and Orchies. They were soon permanently reunited to Spain. On January 29, 1579, the Union of Utrecht, which was virtually the Constitution of the Dutch Rei)ublic, was agreed to. It was greater in extent on the Flemish side than the Dutch Republic finally remained, less on that of Friesland. Orange still had hopes of including most of the Netherland seaboard, and he still kept up the form of allegiance to Philip. The principal event of the year was the siege and capture of ALaestricht. The Hollanders could not make up their mind to the sacrifice which was necessary in order to save it. Mechlin also was betrayed by its commander, De l^ours, who reconciled himself to Romanism, and received the pay for his treason from Parma at the same time. In IVIarch, 1580, a similar act of treason was committed by Count Renneberg, the governor of I-'riesland, who betrayed its chief city, Groningen. He had assured the burgomaster of the city the night before, that such guilt was far from his thoughts, and murdered the burgomaster next day. The honest men of this age were the burghers. With few exceptions, the nobles were corrupt, and when they were not corrupt, often disgraced the cause they served by violence and cruelty, by drunkenness and recklessness. In this year, Philip became also King of Portugal. He not only now had the whole of the Spanish peninsula under his sway, but he succeeded to that estate in the East Indies which Alexander the Sixth, of pious memory, had conferred on the Portu- t)u, villain," the commander answered, "first of all, so you may be sure you will not die of starvation." In February, John Norris, the English general, one of Elizabeth's chickens of Mars relieved the town. Renneberg raised the siege, was' defeated in July by the same Norris, and died^full of remorse, a few days afterwartls. But the most important event in 1581 was the declaration of Dutch Independence, formally issued at the Hague on the 26th of July. Bv this instrument Orange, though most unwillingly, felt himself obliged to accept the sovereignty over f Tolland and Zelmd and whatever else of the seven provinces was in the hands of the patriots. The Netherlands were now divided into three portions. The Walloon Provinces in the south were reconciled to Philip and Parma ^l'!l: fh' 'Vim / i W 311^'^ 'I; 4 'J UJ O u io6 ALEXANDER OF PARMA. PHILIP RENOUNCED. 107 The middle provinces were under the almost nominal sovereignty of Anjou, the northern were under William. The Prince of Orange really desired that the sove- reignty of Holland should also be conferred on Anjou, but the Estates would not have him, and would have none but William, Father William as they affection- ately called him. Philip's name was now discarded from public docu- ments, his authority was formally, as it loni; hatl been effectively, disowned ; his seal was broken, and William was thereafter to conduct the government in his own name. The instrument was styled an ** Act of Abjura- tion." At this time, it seems surprising that so much delay was made in performing an act, which had virtually been in operation for almost a generation. But just as the value of history consists in extracting wisdom for the future from the exj)erience of the past, because the record of social life to have value must be continuous, and because even the remote past has its bearing on the present, so it is quite necessary, if we are to have any reality in our inter- pretation of the past, to project ourselves into it, and strive with all our powers, original or borrowed, to realize what the past was. An English historian, when he was asked when modern history began, in- stantly answered with, " The call of Abraham," and, indeed, the historical student cannot neglect without serious injury to his study of what is after all the scanty fragments of human action which survive, anything whose influence is still enduring. The fact is, the action of .the Dutch Republic was the first appeal which the world has read on the duties of rulers to their people. Men have revolted a thousand times against tyranny and misgovernment, sometimes successfully, more frequently to be crushed into more hopeless servitude. The Dutch were the first to justify their action by an appeal to the first principles of justice. They were the first to assert that human institutions, and human allegiance to governments are to be interpreted and maintained by their manifest utility. They were the first to assert and prove that men and women are not the private estate of princes, to be disposed of in their industry, their property, their consciences, by the discretion of those who were fortunate enough to be able to live by the labours of others. They were the first to affirm that there is, and must be, a contract between the ruler and the people, even though that contract has not been reduced to writing, or debated on, or fought for ; and strangely enough, the idea which lay under this doctrine was derived from that which had now become the principal instrument of oppression and wrong doing. The feudal system from whicli the Dutch broke away, was the origin of the tenet that the duties of the ruler and the subject are reciprocal. But this doctrine had been buried and forgotten. In modern times constitutional antiquaries have exhumed it and wrangled over it. The other doctrine, sedulously taught by venal lawyers and ambitious priests, that every right which man has is held at the discretion of the prince, and that every opinion he entertains is to be guided, controlled, or abandoned at the bidding of the priest, had smothered the more ancient theory of recii rocal obligation. The two io8 ALEXANDER OF PARMA. rulers, king and priest, had entered into a compact. The latter was to teach the doctrine of passive obedience, the former was to support the creed which the latter thought proper to promulgate, with the secular arm. During the whole of the seventeenth century, the English clergy were teaching the doctrine of {Missive obedience from the ten thousand pulpits. A century after the declaration of Dutch Inde- pendence, Hobbes, who believed nothing, laid down the doctrine that a subject ought to take that creed which the discretion of the king supplied him with. It is impossible to over-estimate the timeliness, the significance, the value of the Act of Abjuration. The sturdy Hollanders, at a time when public liberty seemed entirely lost, and despotism had become a religious creed, began the political reh^rmation. The teachers of hlurope in everything, they are the first to argue that governments exist for nations, not nations for governments. And as precedents, especially suc- cessful ones, govern the world, the Dutch gave the cue for the luiglish Parliamentary war, and the Knglish Revolution, to the American Declaration of Independence, to the better side of the French Revo- lution, and to the public spirit which has slowly and imperfectly recovered liberty from despotism. XIII. Tin: LAST VKAKS ( >F WILLIAM THE SILENT. It was no doubt unfortunate for the Dutch Re[)ublic, that Orange declined so persistently the sovereignty wliich the United riovinces pressed on him. Had he taken what they offered, the Dutch Republic would, in all likelihood, have comprised the wIkjIc of the Netherlands, except the Walloon Provinces, and would have held the whole seaboard from the mouth of the l£ms to Dunkirk. William might have controlled the violence of the Ghent democrac)', the intrigues of the Flemish nobles, and the religious reaction which finally made Relgium so intensely Roman Catholic. He nn'ght even have baffled the ready genius of Parma, and have extended the military reputation of his country b)- land as well as by sea. There is no doubt that the refusal of Orange was partly due to a desire of avoiding even the appearance of self-seeking, but it was also due to a belief that the defeat of Philip's t\'ranny could only be finall.\' effected l)y the a.ssistance of foreign Powers, France or England, or both. He did not suspect, perhaps no one suspected, li ANyou. Ill ii mm < < o what wore tlic inlicrcnt resources of the youn^ re- public. In the nK\'ui\\hile, and till the nc^^otiations with Anjou could be completed, the influence of William was great in the United Provinces. William believed that the wretched kinf^ of France would fulfil the promises which he abundantly made of helping his brother in case the United Provinces elected him as their prince. It was known that Catherine of IMedici, the old Queen-mother, was eaircr that her younijest son should receive the sovereignty of the Netherlands, and it was quite understood that the policy of the Queen-mother was the policy of I^ance. Hut the courtiers, the iNigfuyus, as they were called, of the king had been made familiar with Spanish gold, for Philip, wh(^ starved his armies, was lavish in bribes to partisans. Per- haps no king spent so much in bribery with such poor results in the end. This was the time in which Anjou was engaged in that strange courtship of PLlizabeth which caused so much amusement and excited so much anger and alarm. While the United Provinces were discussing the terms of his sovereignty, he was in tlngland. While he was absent, Parma besieged and reduced Tournay, the Prince of Orange being most inade- quately supported by those whose liberties he was doing his best to protect. The fact is, the disunion of the Provinces led to their being attacked and reduced in detail. Anjou returned to flushing on February 10, 1582, and was inaugurated at Antwerp. He was accompanied by a train of distinguished Fnglish- men— Leicester, Sir Philip Sidney, with many others i 112 77//i LAST YEARS OF WILLIAM THE 6ILE.\T, ATTEMPT OX WILLIAM S LIFE. 113 — who were to assist hereafter in the foundation and strcn^i^^thcnin:^ of the Dutch Republic. And now the first effects of the ban, the outlawry of William, were to be exhibited. On Sunday, March 18, 1582, Oran^^e was entertaining some of his kindred at dinner, as it was the birthday of the Duke of Anjou. As he was leaving the room, a young man advanced from among the servants and offered him a petition. He took it, and the man suddenly drew a pistol and discharged it close to the Prince's head. The bullet passed under his riee:ned dangerous, but the flame from the pistol had been so close that it had actually cau- terised the wound. He was instructed to be silent, and. though he complied, he wrote incessantly. Meanwhile, a horrible suspicion came over the minds of the Flemings. It was believed that the Prince was dead, and had been murdered at the itisti- gation of Anjou. People remembered the massacre of St. J^artholomew, hardly ten years ago, and the treacherous murder of the bravest and noblest rVenchmen under the guise of friendship and cordi- ality. But the suspicion was soon allayed. Maurice, the Prince's son, destined hereafter to rival Parma as a general, remained by the body of the murderer. A search was made, and every article found on the assassin's person was carefully secured. On exami- nation, it was found that all the papers were in Spanish, and that, therefore, there was no evidence of a I'^rcnch conspiracy The fact was .soon coinmuni- cated, and the relief was great. There had been so much treachery astir that any one might be sus- pected. The murderer's pocket contained a dagger. The dis- charge of the ])istol had blown off his thumb, or he probablv would have used it. There \va> a (juantit)- of trumpery charms besides, some religious manuals, a pocket-book containing two Spanish bills of exchange — one f(^r 2,000 and the other for ^jy crowns— and a .set of writing- tablets ccwered with praxers and vows. The writer invoked the Virgin Mary, the Angel (iabriel, the Saviour, and the Saviour's Son, i)raying them to aid him in the accomplishment of the deed. He pro- mised to bribe them all with presents at their shrines if he got off safely. It seems, also, that his instiga- tors had persuaded him that after the deed was done he would become invisible. It was soon found out that the man was Juan Jaureguy, a Spanish servant in the employ of Anastro, a Spanish merchant in Antwerp. Anastro had flown — gone to Calai.s, it was .said ; but his cashier, V^encro, and a friar. Antony Zimmermann, were arrested. Anastro was on the verge of bank- ruptcN', and had entered into an engagement with Philip to miu'der Orange, and to receive 80,000 ducats and the Cro.ss of Santiago for the crime. But he was too prudent to undertake the deed in person. He therefore hired Jaureguy with the sum alluded to. He had then fled to Dunkirk, obtained a passport on * 114 T^^^ LAST YEARS OF WILLIAM THE SILEXT. the plea of havin^i^ important letters from the States admiral, and, before the news came, had ^rot safely into Parma's lines. The bargain made with Philip was signed with the king's hand and sealed with his seal. Venero and Zimmermann confessed their crime, were tried, and executed — by the Prince's request in the least painful manner— ten days after the ev^ent. Put the Prince gradually recovered. On the 5th of April, however, there was an alarming hemorrhage from the wound, and it seemed that all hope was lost. But Anjou's physician arrested the flow of blood by simple pressure, a number of attendants, one after the other, keeping their thumbs on the wound day and night The wound was closed, and on May 2nd Orange went to offer his thanksgiving in the great Cathedral of Antwerp. Unhappily for himr the terror and anxiety were too much for his wife, Char- lotte of Bourbon, who died on May 5th, three days after the thanksgiving. She had been forced into a convent against her will, had escaped, and, disowned by her relatives, had married Orancre Parma, getting news of the attemi)t from Anastro, and being assured that the Prince was killed, ad- dressed circular letters to the revolted cities, calling on them, now that the tyrant was dead, to return to their allegiance, to the forgiving Philip, and to the holy Inquisition. It is doubtful whether they would have done so without a struggle even if the deed had been successful. As it was, Parma's ifivitation only made them more resolute. Holland and Zeland now urged that Orange should accept the sovereignt>- over ANJOU AND AXTWERP, 115 these provinces without limitation of time. He agreed to do so, but the formal inauguration did not take place. William was in his grave before all the preli- minaries were settled. As the United Provinces had accepted Anjou for their duke in place of Philii), PcUina persuaded the Walloon Provinces that the condition under which the foreiun soldiers had been sent away was now removed, and began to move up masses of Spanish and Italian troops. He was not indeed inactive, for he captured two or three important towns, but he waited till he found himself, at the close of the year, at the head of 60,000 picked and trained soldiers. In July, another attempt, also at the instigation of Parma, was made to assassinate both Anjou and Orange by poison. The culi)rits were detected and duly punished. The younger son of the great LLgmont was gravely sus- pected of being an accomplice. Less than two years before, Orange had befriended him and supplied him with money. The good understanding between Anjou and Orange remained till after January 15th, when the duke, in contravention of his oaths, attempted to overset the Constitution and seize the Flemish towns. The plot was kept a secret, but the iMcnch com- manders got hold simultaneously of Dunkirk, Ostend, and other important places. But they were discom- fited at Bruges. The attempt was made at Antwerp on the 17th, but the burghers rose, defeated the French troops, and slew 1,500 of them. Anjou escaped. The attempt was known henceforth as the French Furv. Still, Orange was so haunted with the ¥ if 9 1^ ■ i^ Il6 THE LAST YEARS OF WILLIAM TllL SILENT. idea that it was needful to propitiate the French, that he did not at once break with Anjou, and. to bc'surc the effrontery of the French prince was cq lal to any emcr-ency. What really determined him was the discovery that Anjou was willin- to sell his position to I'arma, and to restore l^hilip's rei-n over the iMn'ted Provinces. Then he told them that there were only three courses open to them -to surrender to Philip and lose everything ; to invite Anjou to return to his government ; and to fi,rht the thin- out with all their means and with all their lives. He preferred the last course, but, unfortunately, he had learned t(»o well that, except in Holland and Zeland, a Netherlands union was only a rope of sand. In June, 15S5, the Duke of Anjou went away never to return. John Casimir went away also.' Matthias, -rand duke and pretender, had already gone. There was no one left to make head against Spain but Orange. He married, for the fourtl^time, Louisa de Coligny. The son of this marriage was Frederic Henry, the successor of Maurice 'in the Dutch sovereignty, and one of the most distinguished among the succession, unparalleled among nations of illustrious chief citizens of Holland. They were William the Silent, M„ tn ''•""'"■I- •""' ^"^ •^-^'"- rhilip\ ,vi-n over the I'niicl ^'"•'''^•' '''Ji'''i l^'- t..l(l them that ihd. were only three courses open t.. them !■. miiivh.!. , t.. i»h|i,j, and loM-ru-nthin:^; to invit.' \„,.„i lo .vtiiiii to his .l:<'V. rninciu ; an. I to h^ht the thin- out with all their means and wMi all ihrir lives. | (,. p.vfcrrr.l the last course, hut. unfortunatel\-, he ha.l l.a,,,,.! t..., well ^'^'•^^' ' '"''^ ;■" N..llai..l and /rlaiul, a Wihcrlands nnion \ui . . .iil\ a rope of sand. In Jniir. i;S^, the Duke of .\niou went awav. never t<. r.tuin. |..|,n Casiniir uent aua\ also. Matthias. ,;ian.I dnk.- and pree..n.k the riurd the Jai-lish kinV.and tlu- I-..urth. .\oain the statesof the United I',."winces offered William the (•i-nt\-. and ,i;^.mi he relused •^- So he relus.d tlu- Duchy of Hrabant. Mean- while, I'arma was pickin- up the towns which Anjou had treacherously seized and treasonabh- deM-,ted. C)ran<^re, too. had to endure th( treason . .t In. brother- i! ffi :' 1 i'll! /Ill • ;'i''^^M^^' k'l ;:i' ill' ' ','v.:;^# 2 '" 'My It llfii 1^ il/(rfv;"l I)' f'm : 1 tt rrvmiV f^ iii i f IlS rilE LAST YEARS OF WILLIAM THE SILENT, in-law, Van dcr Berg. Still, up to the end, he believed it possible to make use of Anjoii, who, however, died on June lo, 15S4. Since the outlawry of Oraiii^rc had been pro- claimed, fwc attempts had been made on his life, with the connivance of Philip, or Parma, or both. A sixth was successful. William was residing at Delft, a little town near Rotterdam, in the summer. I lis youngest child had been just baptized, and had taken the names of his godfathers, Frederic of Denmark and Henry of Navarre. Here William heard of the death of Anjou. Despatches bearing on the particulars of Anjou's death had been received by William on July 8th. He demanded an interview with the courier, and a young man, about 27 years old, was introduced. He was said to be the son of a murdered Calvinist, and to be ardently attached to his father's creed. In reality, he was a fanatical Catholic, who had medi- tated the murder of Orange for seven )ears or more, had consulted several Jesuits on the best means of effecting his purpose, had forged seals in order to pro- cure credit with his victim, and had been in close communication with Parma. Parma had no high opinion of him, but gave him the u.ual promise of reward in case he succeeded. His parents were enriched and ennobled by Philip after the deed was done, and the pension thev- received w as secured upon the estate of William the Silent's eldest son. The man's real name was Balthasar Gerard. He called himself Francis Guion. It appears that he was conscientious in his conviction that Orange was to be MURDER OF WILLIAM, 119 murdered, and that any one who murdered him was serving God and man. The only thing which tauched his conscience was the fact that he had forced seals in order to get access to his victim. He was, however, careful to bargain for his reward to himself if he escaped, to his heirs if he fell in the attempt. So suspicious had Parma been of his powers that he left him almost penniless, and Gerard was indebted to William's kindness for the very money which pur- chased the pistols with which he murdered his bene- factor. At two o'clock on Tuesday, July 10, 1584, Gerard shot William the Silent. In a few minutes all was over. The murderer in the confusion nearly escaped, and had he not stumbled, when close to the moat, on the other side of which a horse was waiting for him, he might have got away. He was caught, brought back, confessed his crime, and gloried in it. Only he concealed Parma's share in the conspiracy. That great captain, however, who had dealt in such matters so often, was rightly understood to be the principal agent in the crime. Ge.»'ard was tortured horribly, but bore his sufferings with fortitude and serenity. Had William liv^ed a few davs, he would have been simply executed. After two days' torment he was put to death on July 14th. AIMS OF THE SPAMSU KING. 121 XIV. THE rkOJKCTS OF I'lilLIP. WlIEX the wisest man in Holland had been mur- dered, and the i^reato^t c^encral of the age was in the prime of his aetivity and skill, Philip ought to liave had no diffieultv in overcoming the resistance of tlie Xether- lands. And when we add to this that the cities were so jealous of each other, that the\' could not he brought to act together, that they were constantly at strife even in their own walls, were hesitating when they sliould have been bold, penuri(jus when they should have been liberal, and were being bought and sold by the prince whom they had invited to rule over them, and the nobles whom they knew to have committed a thousand treasons against i)ublic libert\', it should have been easy to stamp out oppositicMi. Holland and Zcland, it is true, were uncontaminated. Thev had refused to recognize Anjou, even when William pressed them to do so, and though they were as yet unron scious of their powers, and could not foresee the ^leat future which was before them, though they were foolishly timid and parsimonious at times when courage and self-sacrifice wcnild h i\e been the highest wisdom, still they had been made a nation by Father William. Philip always cherished the widest schemes of concjuest or aggrandisement. He wi.shed to achieve the empire of the world. It is true he was no warrior, indeed, he was little better than a clerk. He was no fman<:ier, for his revenue was anticipated and mort- ira^ed, and he was living from hand to mouth. He never imaijined that anv difficulties were in his way, for no one about him during his reign of forty-one years hinted that there was an\thing which he could not accomplish. It must be allowed that he bore his own losses, which wt re in fact the losses of others, with amazing serenitw He planned the affairs of the world, the comiuest of kingdoms, the assassination of j)rinces, the extirpation of heretics, the election of popes, and a thousand other things, at his writing- desk in the vast palace which he had built among the Spanish mountains in memory of the great victory of St. Ouentin, the wimier of which had, by Philip's orders, been executed at Ihu.ssels. His hand, or rather his pen, was in ever\thing. Let us look for a short time at the i)rincii)al projects which engaged him, the completion of which was a bar to the rapid concjuest of the Netherlands. The last king of the hou.se of Valois was on the French throne. His only brother had just died, and he had no hope of issue. The heir to his house according to I'rench law, now undisputed for at least two centuries and a half, that females could not inherit the throne or transmit a title to it, was Henry, King of Navarre, and prince of Beam. Philip treated i joy ^ «w ^ THE PROJECTS OF PHILIP. the Salic law, as the French law re^nilating the sue- cession to the crown was called, as an absurdity, and claimed it for his daughter, and whatever husband he might assign to her. In order to achieve this result he had distributed bribes lavishly among such leading Frenchmen as professed to favour his pretensions! Among these was the Duke of Guise, who took enormous sums from him, and, under pretence of furthering Philip's schemes, was doing his utmost, by means of Philip's money, to secure the crown for himself Over and over again, during the long course of this eventful war, I^irma and his arm\- were forced to abandon or suspend some necessarv- operation in order to further his master's and uncle's designs in France. Phih'p laid claim also to the throne of England, and for a long time had designed to subdue it! Elizabeth, it is true, was reigning in it. and it was a cardinal article in I^hilip's political creed, that subjects should be of the religion of their ruler. But then Elizabeth was a heretic, excommunicated by the Pope, and dei)osed by the same infallible authority. Philip admitted that the claims of xMary Stewart, who had been in an luiglish prison for seventeen >'ears, were superior to his own, and he therefore intrigued to liberate her, as he hired assassins to murder her rival and gaoler. 1 ler son, who had been King of Scotland from infancy, was a heretic, and therefore out of the question. He would, therefore, be the guardian of Mary Stewart's interests, and having liberated her, set her on the throne. After Mary's execution he averred himself even more to be the heir to the English throne. 1 ') CLAIMS ENGLAND, FRANCE, GERMANY, 123 He had some little plea for it, for he was descended from John of Gaunt, Duke of Lancaster, and titular King of Spain. It was by the fact that he represented both the daughters of John of Gaunt, that he had become King of Portugal. After Mary's death Philips efforts for the subjugation of England were redoubled. He had been exceedingly anxious to procure his own election as Emperor of Germany. This elective dignity had become, and remained to the wars of Napoleon, hereditary in the house of Hapsburg, and Philip was unquestionally the representative of that house. But after the resignation of Charles the Plfth, the empire of Germany went to that magnificent monarch's younger brother, much to Philip's disgust and wrath. He had, however, never lost sight of what he thought his right, and put forward his pre- tensions whenever he could. But beside these schemes of temporal aggrandisement, he had to manage the Papacy, to secure the election of such popes as were favourable to his views. So he had to fill the Sacred College as far as possible with his own creatures, and secure a good understanding with them all. P\)r this end money was wanted. An empty purse was no argument at Rome, and it was necessary for him to be lavish. So what vrith bribing statesmen, hiring assassins, conciliating cardinals, and keeping armies and navies on foot and on sea, this king of universal ambition was sorely put to for money. While the Dutch were inventing new taxes by the score and getting opulent in spite of their sacrifices Philip did not know where to turn, even for the means i RESOURCES OF PHILIP, 125 •J \ idi mmfi-r ^/v.4( I IV- V Mi ] 'l.i/V 'ii » * I - " w r •■■■ . I •/3 to carry on his i^ovcrnmcnt. At last he took the desperate step of rc[)ucliatin[^ his debts, and so of crcttinsj into worse straits than ever. We know a h'ttle of his financial position, and how hopeless was the prospect of improving it. Spain, though populous and fertile, was less fruitful for revenue purposes than any luu'opean country. In Spain, labour was dishonourable, manufactures and trade were looked down on with contempt, and in- dolence was thought a mark of gentility. Spanish bigotry and Spanish pride had expelled the most industrious and wealth-producing part of the nation. It may be doubted whether the Italian possessions of Ihilip paid the cost of their civil and military estab- lishments. The Netherlands, which supplied three- fifths, at one time, of the revenues which his ancestors enjo)-cd and squandered, were now beggared or hostile. The Memish artisans had been murdered or exiled, had cjuitted Flanders in thousands for England and Holland. These wealth-winning people were gone and their places were ill su|)plied, at least from a revenue-raising point of view, by Jesuits, monks, inquisitors, and bishops. It is difficult to discover what he got from his possessions in the New and Old World. He had inherited at least all the dominions which Alexander the Sixth, Spaniard, Pope, and profligate, had be- stowed on his ancestors. In his eyes the Atlantic and Pacific were Spanish lakes, as much his property, his exclusive property, as the fishponds in the Kscurial were. Indians of the Old World, Indians of the New World, from the Northern land of frost to the R! SI '[ !<(■/ s oi- rniLir. I-*S F, i ..■: I y ,f i •/ ■^*5S. to earn' on hi- j^uvcniincnt. At last lie took the dcs[)cratc >tep ^^^ rcpikUatinij^ liis debts, and so of crcttinLT into worse straits than ever. \\v know a h'ttli- n\ his financial position, and liow hopele.s^ was tlu pM>.s[)eet of iniprovinij^ it. Spain, thoui^h popnlons and fertile, was less friiitfnl for revenue jnnposes than any lunopcan countr)'. in Spain, labour was dishonourable, manufactures and trade were looked down on with contempt, and in- dolence was t]ioui;ht a mark of i^a^ntilit)'. Si)anish bii;"otry and Spanish pride had expelled the most industrious and w calth-proilucini^ part of the nation. It may be doubted whether the Italian possessions of I hili[) paid the cost of their civil and militar\- estab- lishments. The Xetherlands, whicli sup|)lied three- fifths, at one tinu.^t the revenue.^ which his ancestors enjoxed and s(juandered, were now beL;L;ared or hostile. The Memish artisans had been murdered or exiled, had ([uitted Manders in thousands for i'.ii-land and Holland, 'ihese weallhw iFinini^ people were j^one and tluii- places were ill supplied, at least from a revenue-i.ii-iMLi point of view, by Jesuits, moniss, incjuisitoi^. ,ind bishops. It i.s difficult Lo di^coxer what lie l;*! from his l^ossessions in the New and Old World. lie had inherited at least all the dominions xvhich Alexander th( ^'Xth, Spaniard, l'oi)e, and proHii^ate, had be- stowed on his ancestors. In his eves the Atlantic and Pacific xverc Spanish lakes, as much his proi)erty, his exclusive propertx-. as the fishponds in the l-^scurial xvcre. Indian> of the Old World, Indians of the Nexv World, from the Northern land of frost to the 126 THE PROJECTS OF PHILIP. BRIBES IS ALL QUARTERS. 127 Southern land of fire, were as much his subjects as the Spaniards and the Flemings were. In accordance with the gift of Alexander, the whole world outside Europe was under the indefeasible sovereignty of Spain. Now in Philip's reign the mine of Potosi was discovered, and the king had a royalty on all mines in his dominions. But it may be safely alleged that much metal was raised on which the royal dues were not paid. Still it is clear that vast quantities of metallic wealth were annually poured into Spain. The misfortune to Philip's government was that so little of these great riches abode with him. His expenditure was a vast sieve, through which his revenue instantly drained away. Besides, the popula- tion of Philip's American dominions was speedily extirpated by the compulsory labour which the Spanish conquest put on them. There is not a single descendant left of the races which Columbus found in the Caribbees. The native populations of Mexico and Peru were attenuated to a shadow of what they were when Cortes and Pizarro made their conquests. To fill up the void which this vigorous and exhausting process had made, and to save the residue of the population, the benevolent bishop, Las Casas, had suggested the importation of negro slaves, and his advice had been followed. We shall never know all, or much more than a little, of what Philip disbursed annually in bribes. Work of this kind is always done secretly, and neither the giver nor the receiver cares to keep, or at least to expose, a record of the transaction. But it is pretty certain that wherever in any European country Philip had an interest, or thought he had an interest, he paid and fertilized his agents, though he was impoverishing himself. The age was not nice in receiving money. Kings and nobles, ministers of state and judges, were not at all above taking money or money's worth for their services. Men who wanted favours done, or losses averted, went with cash in their hands to those who were sworn to execute justice between parties. Of course the greater part of Philip's bribes were wasted. He did not get value received for what he spent. In the nature of things, it was not possible always to carry out a timely treason. There must be opportunities, there must be agents. The opportunity may not come, and a rash attempt, foredoomed to failure, would be worse than any delay, however long and costly. The agents too must be carefully selected. They might turn on those who employed them, and make terms with those whom they professed to betray, or pretended to destroy. One of the men whom Parma hired to murder Orange went straight to the Prince, gave full details of the plot, and remained for his whole life a faithful and useful servant of the States. We do not read that he sent back the money to Parma with which he was supplied. We know that Guise, who took Philip's money, intended to baffle Philip's plans in his own interest ; and after the murder of Guise, when his brother and son also took Philip's money, for the same professed aims, they in the end, and for a price, threw over Philip and acknowledged Henry of Navarre. It is inevitable that the tools and hirelings of bad men will be bad themselves. The doctrines of Machia- 128 THE PROJECTS OF nil 1. 1 p. velli were not even wise, shrewd as they seem to he For one hit which pohc)- succeeds in— for dissimulation and lying used to be called policy in public affairs-it makes twenty misses. Perfidy ma\- n< ,t only make its victims cautious, it may make them equally perfidious. At any rate, the man who secures ajrcnts by hire for evil ends, need not be surprised \{ liis a-ents betray him, and he loses both money and reput^itiun. No political system, which has been founded on lyin.i!)U' to llu-ni. lulwartl tlu 1 hircl of I'ji'^hiiul Iniiiul AiUvcKll llu> hrcwLT of ( ilu-nt, a ne- cessary ally in tlu- tourlccnth century ; anil ihcfricml- shii)<)r the Duke of iUn-L^unuly in the fifteenth allied the victi'ii. ^ of the house of Lancaster, as his enmity arrestetl them, ami lin. illy expelled the lv..^^M^h Irom I'rancc. It was from the Xi^thiM'lands that Philip was able to win the victory of Si. (Juenlin, auil ilictate the Teace of Cateau Camhresis. \Ve shall fmd that r.nina with his army in h'landers, raised the sie!j:e of Taris, and raisrd the sie-e of Rouen. A century afterwards, when I'rancc- was c < .u-olidated, and had becouu- llu- fu-st military power in l^urope, umler Louis \I\ ., all the eff.nts of the -ival kin- were directed towards the aaiuiMLion of tlu- llemish towns. It was here that most of ^Lu•ll)orou-h"s battles were fou-ht and won, tl 1 'utch of that day believin- with reason, that the :on luest of Inlanders by the iMcnch would be the ruin of Holland. Had Henry and his mother been abl. ' comprehenil the supreme ^i-mficance ()t Flanders to the I'rench monarchy, and comprehendini,^ it, had they ima-ined that they would be able to hold them, it sv^ems plain that they should have onisped at the opportunity. Henry the Fourth would have formed a different judi^mcnt on the situation, had he been on the thioiu-. and had his hands been free to extend the Ixuuuls of his kini^dom. Henry HL declined their advances, and much pre- cious time was lost in vainly nc-otiatin- with him ; for, during this emb i^^\ , Antwerp was invested and after c mf^ 134 HENRY THE THIRD AND ELIZABETH. a protracted siege reduced. Ghent was gone, Brussels was gone, Mechlin was soon to follow, and freedom was confined to Holland and Zeland. The assassina- tion of Orange was more valuable to Parma than an army of forty thousand veterans ; for the master mind uhom the cities trusted, and who could, though not without mccssant labour, hold them together, was gone. The Hollanders now turned to Elizabeth. It is necessary to know a little of the position of the great Queen, whose aid, grudgingly and capriciously given, was after all of inestimable value in the early (lays of the forlorn republic. ICli/ab.th had suc- ceeded to the throne of a country which had been impoverished by the wanton extravagance and cruel frauds of her father, and by misgovernment m the re.gns of her brother and sister. England had been wealthy and powerful a generation or two before ; it was now poor and weak. If Elizabeth was penurious, she had need to be. The estates of the crown had been wasted, and the people had been impoverished. Her own birth was ambiguous. Her cousin, Mary Stewart, had quartered the arms of England when she was Queen of France, and never could be brought to disavow the act, even when she was Elizabeth's prisoner. She was excommunicated by the I ope, dethroned in words, and assassins were incited to attack her. She was the perpetual object of conspiracies, all of which were detected and baffled. She had her troubles at home, for Elizabeth was imperious and intolerant, and some of the exiles of Mary s reign had come to England with views ELIZABETH AND LEICESTER, ^35 about church government which did not suit her taste. She was extremely poor, her revenue was inelastic, and she was abundantly cautious. Elizabeth had very sagacious counsellors. Hurghley, the most wary of them, was as hesitating as his mis- stress was. Walsingham was far more clearsighted and bold, and had the temper of Elizabeth squared with his, the queen would have gone far more heartily into the matter. Now the Hollanders wanted two things, money and troops, especially land forces, for the Heggars of the Sea were fairly competent to defend their own shores, and take account of Spanish forces on the water. IClizabeth could supply the Hollanders with some troops, and she sent them some excellent generals of division, though, one must say with shame, some of these, as Yorke and Stanley, were traitors. She would not take the sovereignty of their country on any terms, and always advocated a double protectorate. She was very hard about advancing them money, slow to grant it at all, and always insisting on security for it. It is fair to add that she never got back the whole of the money she lent them, and that her successor released the guarantees, the so-called cautionary towns, for a good deal less than the admitted debt. She also gave them a commander, or lieutenant- general governor, in the person of the Earl of Leicester, her favourite. Leicester was a handsome man, and of commanding presence. Early in Elizabeth's reign and later on, it was believed that she intended to marry him, not in England only, but elsewhere. He was the son of Dudley, Duke of Northumberland, li II 136 Hl-XRY THE THIRD A,\D ELIZABETH. executed for high treason at tlic bc-innin- of Mary's reign, and grandson of Diullcy, on. ,,r' Henry the Seventh's instruments of extortion, wh,. uas executed at the beginning ,,f Henry tlic Ijgiuh's rei-m He was also brother of GuiKiford Dudley, the husband of Jane Grc>-, who had been styled queen for twelve days. Leicester was an unfortunate choice for Holland Me had no military experience, and uas to be op- posed to the greatest general of the a^^c. His head never very strong against lemptatiuns to pride an.l arrogance, was fairly turned by the deference which was shown hi,n in Hollan.l, and the importance which was attached to his mission. Ho chafed with.mt judgment at the restraints wnich the jealousy of the Republic put on his authority. h was difficult for an I'.nghsh nobleman and courtier in those days to "nagine that burghers and arti.ans ,,n.l fumcrs had a right to any political opinion, whatever, much less to take part in affairs of State. F Ic was in I [, .Hand with intervals, for three years, and was hated as heartily by the Dutch on his departure as he was welcomed at his first appearance. The Oueen was angry with him, angry with the Dutch. aTid should have been angry with herself for having made so bad a choice. It should not be thought, however, that Klizabeth was not of great serv ice to Holland in the crisis of the republic, despite the errors of her favourite and the treachery of some of her subjects. Tlieir mis- conduct, mischievous as it was, was atoned for by the valour and conduct of such men as the X'eres and HOLLAND WINS ITS OWN FREEDOM. 4 t-: ^57 Roger Williams. But it was the destiny and the <^lory of Holland that she attained her independence and her power mainly, if not entirely, by her own spirit and determination. Holland had in the end to relv on herself, to form her own armies, her own navies, her own commanders by sea and land, and her own tratle ; and not only to give the world a spectacle of unflinching heroism, but to teach it a thousand lessons for peace or war. Perhaps it was well for Holland that Leicester did not possess the genius of Tarma. I THE IMPORTANCE OF AiXTlVERP. 139 xvr. ANTWKRP AND THE ARMAFJA. TrrE Hollanders were ncgotiatin- for the transfer of themselves under the forms of a limited sovereiVnty so hmited that the new Count of Holland would have httle more than a titular supremacy, with Henry HI. of France and Elizabeth at the same time. Henry at last threw them over. He had little chance of a.dm- them, less of engaging them in a new fight for their independence, for he had much ado to mamtam his own. Guise and the League, Paris and Spam, were perpetually in arms against him, to .say nothing of his cousin and successor, I Icnry of Navarre. By dmt of bribes, Philip was a.ssured that he could paralyze the action of France, were the king ever ^so willing to appropriate the Netherlands, and perhaps secure the throne of France for his daughter when the last Valois king was out of the way Put there was also England to conquer, which Philip thought was an ea.sy task for Parma to accomplish Now Parma knew that it was neccs.sary for him to secure the best port in the Netherlands, if this i purpose was to be carried out. The Spaniard, vic- torious and confident by land, was a very poor creature on the water, and in no sense a match for the water Beggars. Still, with a big fleet in a safe harbour protecting a convoy of veterans to the Thames, much might be done. It does not seem that Parma took much thought of the English sailors, though Drake and Hawkins had already given a ta.ste of their quality. Now there was no harbour in the Netherlands like Antwerp. Safe, capacious, deep, the Scheldt could hold all the navies of Europe. But Antwerp was in the hands of the patriots, and Orange was no more. Antwerp mu.st be captured. '' l( we get Antwerp," he u.sed to say, " you shall all go to mass with us ; if you save it, wc shall all go to conventicle with you." Within nine months Parma secured all the cities of Brabant but Antwerp. Ghent and Dendermonde went first. Then Brussels, next them Mechlin, and Antwerp was besieged, to fall also. All this was foreseen as possible by Orange, and before his death the plan of defence was indicated. Orange saw that if Parma could throw a bridge over the Scheldt he could reduce Antwerp. But there was a way of baffling him. If Antwerp could be converted from a river to a sea port, all the efforts of Spain, in the teeth of the Zeland sailors, would be vain. To do this^ it was necessary to break down the great dyke and to let the ocean in upon the polders. It would be a temporary measure ; when the siege was baffled, the dyke could be repaired and the lake be again converted into pastura 140 ANTWERP AM) THE ARMADA, THE IJRIDdE AM) THE SIEGE. 141 • i And now the siege was iuiniliunt, and Saint Aldegondc.-tlic military -ovcrn.,r ,>f tlic [.lacc, was about to earn- out tlie plans of tiic dead Stadthol.icr when he encountered serious obstacles. Antvvcri) was divided into factions, and the military au- thorities, wliich at that time should liave' been supreme, were resisted by the personal interests of tradui£j associations. It was madness, tlu-\- alk-e.l to think that I'arma could build the bridi^e. It was mailness to submerge the meadows. Hosiilcs the most trusted officers of the rei)ublic were strai'v'eK- insubordinate and dilatory on a sudden. Trcslon" was negligent, his successor was well-mcanin.r bu't mcompetent, and the commander of the land forces was capricious. The master mind was gone. During the winter of ,584. Parma was collecting all the materials necessary for effecting that which the Antwerpers believed to be impossible. Durin- this time .Antwerp was being furnishc.i with supplies" for the price of food was high in the ciU . and plentv of skippers are venturous enough to brave I'arma's forts. I hen the Antwerj) magistrates, as if with the view of assisting the blockade, fl.xed a ma.vimum price of corn, and effectually starvcl themselves. Ihe sluices were opened it is true on the Flemish side, and this measure ultimately a.ssistcd the designs of Parma, by making it ea.sy for him to brin -"ui. supplies. When it was too late, those who opposed the piercing of the Hlauw Garen dvke was anxious to undertake it. Hut it xvas already occupied by soldiers, by ammunition, ami by forts. The breadth of the Scheldt at the point where Parma was building his impossible bridge was 2,400 feet, and its depth 60 feet. The piles on which the bridge was i)uilt were driven 50 feet into the ground below the river, and \ et nothing but light .skirmishes were attempted by the .Antwerp garrison and militia, in one of which the bravest and most eneitretic of I he comin.uulcis was captured. On rVbruary 25 the britigc was coinpleted, the deeper parts of the river being covered b\' a floating bridge, and the Scheldt was closed. And the marvel was that while Parma was performing his great feat, his army was almost without supplies, and he was totally neglected by Philip. Now there was living at Antwerp an Italian, one Gianibelli, a man of great skill in chemistry and mechanics. lie had once offered his services to IMu'lip, but weary of the affronts and delay he met with in Sj)ain, he vowed to do him a mischief He had counselled the city of a plan for effectually victualling it, but had been snubbed. He then en- treated them to give him some ships from the city Heet, in order that he might make an attempt on the bridge. With difficulty he induced them to give him two, in the hulls of which were built what were virtually tloating mines, containing several thousand pounds ol' powder. Besides these, several fire-ships were sent down the river. One of the vessels was to be fired by a slow match, the other by clock-work. As the fire-ships floated down, l^arma massed all his troops on the bridge. Of the two infernal hulls, that which was provided with a slow match burnt out harmlessly. The Spaniards boarded 142 ANTWERP AND THE ARMADA, the other, when a terrible explosion followed. A thousand Spaniards were instantly slain, a breach was made in the bridge, and had the Italian's ex- pedient been followed by action, Antwerp would have been relieved, Parma baffled, and the war of independence probably shortened at once. But Antwerp was again ill-served by her commanders, and Parma was allowed to restore his bridge without hindrance from the besieged, or even their allies outside. Gianibelli's efforts had indeed failed for a time. But tlvec years afterwards, when a still more sig- nificant struggle was being waged, the memory of the devil ships, as they were called, did more to baffle, disperse, and destroy the great Armada, than the' attacks of Drake and Effingham. The cry of " The Antwerp fire-ships ! " sent a panic through the whole of the bravest Spanish soldiery. At last the besieged determined to make the effort of piercing the dyke. The first attempt was un- successful, owing to one of these misunderstandings which always were playing into Parma's hands. On May 26th they were more successful. They occupied the dyke after a fierce struggle, and instantly began to break it. But even then the same fatal in- capacity showed itself. The leaders of the expedi- tion returned to Antwerp to rejoice over their victory. Parma also returned, the Hollanders were driven from their work, and the dyke was repaired. On August 17th, the capitulation was effected, and Antwerp was reckoned among the obedient cities thenceforth. But its trade and manuf^ictures were destroyed The fj I illL LAiliLDKAL, ANTWERP. ~^^t 14^ AXTW'ERP AM) THE ARMADA, the Other, when a terrible explosion followed. A thousand Spaniards were instantly slain, a breach was made in the brid-e, and had the Italian's ex- pedient been followed by action. Antwerp would have been relieved, Parma baffled, and the war of independence probably shortened at once. JUit Antwerp was a-ain ill-served by her connnanders. and Parma was allowed to restore his brid-e without hindrance from the besie-ed, or even their allies outside. Gianibelli's efforts !iad indeed failed for a time. lUit tlvee years afterwards, when a still more sig- nificant stru--le was being wa-ed, the memory of the devil ships, as they were called, did more to baffle, disperse, and destroy the -reat Armada, than the' attacks of Drake and h:ffln<;ham. The cry of " The Antwerp fire-ships ! " sent a panic throu-Ii the whole of the bravest Spanish soldiery. At last the bc.ie-ed determined to make the effort of piercin- the dyke. The first attempt was un- successful, owing to one of these misunderstandings which always were l)Ia>ing into Parma's hands, (hi May 2r)th they were more successful. They occui)ied the dyke after a fierce struggle, and instantly began to break it. lUit even then the same fataf in- capacity showed itself The leaders of the expedi- tion returned to Antwerj) to rejoice over their victory. Parma also returned, the Hollanders were driven from their work, and the dyke was repaired. On August i/th, the capitulation w.i.s effected, and Antweri) "^vas reckoned among the obedient cities thenceforth, l^ut its trade and manufactures were destroyed. Tlie iiiL CAiilLi>KAL, ANTWF.Kr. Wi 144 ANTWERP AND THE ARMADA. DRAKE S EXPEDITIONS. 145 Dutch closed the port ahnost as firmly as Parma had, and the heretics, who had all the industry and nearly all the capital, mii^rated to Amsterdam. They were succeeded by the Citadel and the Jesuits. It was believed indeed that with the fall of Antwerp Holland and Zel.md would be early and easily subdued. As it was their spirit was stren<^thened, their resistance was more stubborn, their resources were developed. As yet, however, no one guessed what would be the future of the republic. The pjiglish court understood in its own way, clumsy and selfish to our eyes, but infinitely honest in comparison with the conduct of other courts, what was the interest of Holland, and what was the interest of luiLdand. France was smooth and false, England was rough and not over ready. The Dutch believed that France w.i> strong. iMigland weak. It was strange that they should entertain the former view, but not strange that they should fancy the latter. Nor is it strange, considering the practice of the times, that Elizabeth correspoiulrd with and tried to overreach both friends and enemies. Hut for the history of Holland, the presence of Leicester in that country, the intrigues of the luiglish (jueen, and the alternations of hope and disapi)oinlimMit to which her action gave occasion, have no interest for the general reader. There was a party in hjigland which desired peace with Spain. The marvel is that any one believed that Philip was even connnonly honest. It is more important to see how men who had nothing to do with intrigues had been indirectly serving the cause of public liberty, by showing the intrinsic weakness of despotism. Drake had gone round the world in 1577, and had picked up a good deal of experience, and some pro- perty which belonged to the King of Spain, on his voyage. There was to be sure no war declared with Spain, but, on the other hand, there was no peace ; and Drake, much to the inconvenience of Philip, was making war on the ICmperor of the Indies, though on his own account. By an instinct which could hardly have been accidental, he fastened upon those regions in 1586 from which l?hilip got his supplies of money, and very much disconcerted the prudent monarch. Now as all the hopes of Philip depended on his treasure ships from the New World, any interruption of supply was exceedingly serious to Parma, who occupied the position of fifth mortgagee on Philip's treasury. There was first the Spanish administration, next France, next the Pope, next the preparations for a descent on England to be satisfied, before Parma could expect or get a marav^edi. Now a maravedi is about one sixteenth of a penny sterling, or one-eighth of a cent. Drake had been sacking and burning the Spanish towns in the Gulf of Mexico. " He was a fearful man to the King of Spain," said Burleigh, "The most contemplative ponder much over the *^urcess of Drake," said Parma. But the secret negotiations for peace with Spain were still carried on by the luiglish court, and Parma believed they were genuine. So there had been carried on negotiations for the marriage of Elizabeth with Anjou. Mean- while Parma advised an invasion of England, in October, 1386. Meanwhile Sidney was killed in the ■ * 146 ANTWERP AND THE ARMADA skirmish at Zutplicn, and Leicester continued to make himself distrusted, and finally detested in Holland. Yorke and Stanley, entrusted with strong places in Holland, betrayed them to Spain, and the English began to suffer in the estimation of the Dutch, for the treason of their countrymen. Parma got possession of SUiys, a convenient port for the English invasion. But on April 2, 1587, Drake sailed from Ply- mouth with four of the queen's ships, and twenty- four others from London and other places. It was a joint-stock buccaneering adventure, the stimulants to which were profit and patriotism. Just after he had started, the queen sent to recall him. I cannot but think that she intended to be too late. Any way, he heard that a great store of ships and munitions of war were being accumulated at Lisbon and Cadiz. On April 19th, Drake entered the bay of Cadiz, destroyed ten thousand tons of shipping, and with them the stores whicli Philip was collecting. Thence he sailed to Li4)(,n, and destroyed a hundred more vessels. He evaded easily the great galleys of the Spaniards, and did his mischief before the face of the Spanish admiral. Then he took a rich prize with iis treasure on board, and having now " singed the King of Spain's beard," as he said, he sailed back to Pl>'mouth, to be disavowed by Elizabeth. But he had dela\'ed the Armada. The designs of Philip in 1588, the year in which the Spanish Armada actually sailed, were well masked. It was said and believed that the object of the armament was the New World, in which a great and THE ARMADA SAILS. 147 wealthy country was to be conquered. But the real purpose of the expedition was not concealed, either from the leading statesmen of Holland or from some of the public men in England, least of all from the freebooters, Drake and his friends. The Dutch before the year was half over, effectually blocked every outlet for Parma and his troops. The English navy was in number 197, in tonnage 29,744 ; the seamen were 15,785. But only one vessel was over 1,000 tons, and only ten over 500. The tonnage of the Spanish fleet was 59,120, the size from 1,200 to 300 tons, and the number on board was about 30,000. The fleet was to pick up Parma's army of 17,000, and to land them at Dover. The admiral of the fleet was to be Santa Cruz, an e.xpcrienced and competent commander. But before the Armada sailed Santa Cruz was dead. His place was filled by the Duke of Medina Sidonia, who was far from being his equal in experience or ability. The Armada sailed from Lisbon at the end of May, met with rough weather, had to put into Corunna, and to wait till July 22nd. On July 29th they first got sight of England, and luiglishmcn got sight of them, and swarmed out cf the numerous ports of the south coast in order to deal with them. Their first encounter was on Sunday, July 31st. On Saturday August 6th, the Spaniards reached Calais roads, the weather, as yet, being favourable to them. The ICnglish fleet followed them, and anchored a mile and a half from them. The Dutch fleet was guarding the coast, and effectually preventing Parma's exit, or a junction between him and Sidonia. The moon was p mm i'^i 148 ANTWERP AND THE ARMADA, RESULTS OF THE DEFEAT. 149 If if at the full. A conference of captains was held on Lord Howard's vessel, the RoyiU Ark. Winter su<^r(Tested that some fire-ships should be sent amongst them. Gianibelli was then in England constructing fortifications on the Thames, and the English remembered the Antwerp devil-ships, the Spaniards remembering them still better. So on Sunday, August 7th, they determined on makin*^ the attempt. The da>' had been fine, but towards even- ing the clouds rapidly gathered, thunder was heard, and a tempest was evidentlv at hand. At midnidit the Spaniards saw suddenly six burning vessels bearing down on their lines. There was an instant cry of " The fire-ships of Antwerp ! " and an instant panic. Iwery cable was cut, and many of the vessels got entangled. Some were burnt, and in the morning man\' were disabled, and the rest driving- towards the dangerous coast of Elanders. The rout and the ruin of the Great Armada is the best-known fact in the history of all English-speaking nations. It is unnecessary to describe it here. It is sufficient to say that Philip, apparently convinced that his own resources for his own purpo.ses were boundless, heard of the destruction of his fleet with equanimity, and instantly set to work to repair the loss, and make a fresh venture, as soon as ever the opportunity for action might present itself. So con- vinced was he, or so convinced were his advisers that the model of the Spanish navy was, under ordinary conditions, the best which could be devised, that from this time, even to the establishment of peace with England and Holland, the dockyards of Spain kcj^t reproducing the same awkward and unmanage- able iype of vessels, and thereby offered the Dutch and l^.igiish admirals every opportunity of inflicting on Spain the most crushing defeats on sea, even when the odds seemed despi^rate, and the Spanish fierce seemed overwhxlniing. IMie lesson ivl.iv'h t))c Dutch and iMiglish learned from these encouiitv^rs, antl especially from that with the Armada, was of tire highest significance in the history of both nations. They came to the conclusion, and this not without reason, that they were invincible on sea, and the conviction, as time passed on, assured them of the certainty. As far as ICngland was con- cerned there was now no doubt as to the policy of Spain, e\'en if the stories which are told of l^lizabeth's blindness to the facts, have any real foundation. But both Dutch and iMiglish had no difficulty in understanding that they could, while baffling the enemy's attempt on their own countries, destroy his strength by assailing him in the regions from which he drew his wealth, in those territories which he called his in the New and Old World, by reason of the dona- tion of Roderick l^orgia or Pope Alexander the Sixth. Up to the time in which the truce of 1609 was conceded, Holland, as we shall see, carried on this warfare against the distant possessions of Spain, and instructed the other nations, that the two great oceans were not a Spanish lake, reserved for the King of Spain only. Even when the cowardly and arrogant pedant, James Stewart, succeeded Elizabeth on the English throne, and hastened to make peace with Spain, the peace in fact only extended to It I 150 ANTWERP AND THE ARMADA, Europe ; and the practice of the Englisli, soon turned into a proverb, " No peace with Spain below the Hnc," constantly weakened the Spanish monarchy and finally ruined it. Spain was destroyed as a European Power by the dream of Philip after universal empire. Still for a long time she was conceived to he dangerously powerful. The glamour of a great force often survives for a long time the reality. Cromwell, who saw very far in military matters, was still under the delusion that the power of Spain was a danger to luirope, when that monarchy had lost all its force, and it was not till another danger had come to luirope, from the ambition of another monarch, that Spain ceased to be a terror to statesmen. XVIT. THE LAST YEARS OF PARMA. Alexander Farnese, Duke of Parma, lived for a little more than four years after the wreck of the Armada. During these four years many things happened, and the course of events out of Holland materially assisted the political development and union of Holland itself Similarly too, the extirpa- tion of Protestantism in the obedient Netherlands, and the atrophy of Romanism in the Dutch Republic, led to the limitation of the political system of Holland. The ten provinces were alienated from the Dutch as much by the religion which they professed, as by the government to which they submitted, and by the poverty w^hich they had to endure. Had William the Silent Hved, it is probable that the whole seaboard would have been one state, and every part of the Netherlands, except perhaps the Walloon Provinces, would have been united in one great commercial and manufacturing republic. When less than two centuries and a half after the murder of William, the whole country was formed into a single kingdom. ! 152 THE LAST YEARS OF PARMA. the Clements of union were utterly absent, and It became necessary for Europe to reco^mize tl,e separate nationalit\- of Heli^^ium. Late in the yc^r 15X8 Leicester died. He had res,j^ned Ins position in Holland, but his partisans did L-reat mjury to the Dutch by surrcndcn.,. Gecr.ruv- clenberg to I'arma. This j,reat general had suffered h.s first check at the hands of Maurice, by bein.^ rc-pused m the winter of ,5,S,S from Her,.n.op.Zoom': On he other hand, another expedition went from n;"fT M %'"'"• '""^'"' ""' ^^^"^""■'•^' '-•"'• --ted part of the Spanish king's dominions Meanwhile much of Philip's energies and nearly all h,s money were expended on his intrigues with the fam.ly of Gu,s^. and the malcontents in that country. IheDukeof Gursc had humiliated the king on the famous day of the l^arricades (May ,.>, , ,s,S , and Henry had fled from his capital never to return. On December 33rd in the same year, the Duke and h.s brother were murdered at 151ois, by the kin-^'s command. On the tst of August following, afrer Henry HI. had reconciled himself to his kmsn.an and successor. Henry IV., who was besieging Paris he was murdered by Jacques Clement Now Philip claimed the succession of IV.ancc for h,s daughter, an.l it « as necessary for hin, to vindicate whatever clanns he po.sse.ssed against llenrv,..nul to devote all h,s energies to this end. .So th'c Dutch had some breathing time. He even tu.ce detached 1 arma from h,s campaign in the Netherland.s, whence he could be .1 spared-once in August, ,590. when he compelled Henry to raise the siege of Paris ; and PARMA IN FRANCE. 153 ac^ain in April, 1592, when lie similarly constrained iiim to raise the sieijc of Rouen. Both these ex- ploits showed the greatest military skill, though the last was practically the close of Parma's career. During this time a greater master of the art of war than eV'Cn Parma was growing up. Maurice, second son of William the Silent, had been studying his calling with unremitting industry. And now that l*arma and Philip were so occupied with the affairs of France, it seemed that Holland could carry on her warfare with greater hope. But the first thing was to create and drill an army. The next was to see that it was regularly paid. The third was to familiarize it with victory, and to make it confident. This was the work, and the successful work, of Maurice. There was a great deal to be done. Three iMiglishmen — Yorke, Stanley, and Wingfield — had betrayed or surrendered the important towns of Zutphen, Deventer, and Gecrt- ruydenberg, while a Netherlander had similarly betrayed the capital of P^riesland, Groningen. On February 26, i 590, the Dutch surprised the im- portant fortress of Breda, without the loss of a single man, and shortly afterwards Maurice reduced a number of other towns and strongholds. Meanwhile, as the towns in the obedient provinces were wasting, those of Holland were rapidly growing in population and opulence. 7 he administration of affairs, though it was already liable to that risk of disunion which was in the end to be fatal to I lolland, was, in the face of the common enemy, patriotic and vigorous. Already the Dutch were forming that splendid navy which was to create an Indian empire, to annihilate the reputa- 154 THE LAST YEARS OF PARMA. tion of Spain, and even to measure itself aerainst the growing power of England. The government of the country was in the hands of the States-General. While Parma was gone to the relief of Paris, Maurice was able to give proof of his military abilities. On May 23, 1591, he surprised the fort of Zut- phen, and on the 30th he captured the city. On June loth, after a severe struggle, he got possession of Deventer. On Sept. 24th he reduced Ilulst, near Antwerp. On Oct. 21st Nimeguen surrendered. In May, 1592, Maurice laid siege to Steenwick, antl in July stormed it. In July Coevorden was besie«^ed and gained, and the young Stadtholder was rapidly recovering the strong places of Holland from the enemy. His victories were trium|)lis of military engineering, but it may be doubted whether his suc- cesses would have been so rapid had it not been that his great enemy was constrained by Philip's policy to be absent from the country which he was governing, and from the plans which he had formed. For Philip had set his heart on dethroning the heretic Henry, and Henry was a very difficult person to deal with. No one could cope with him, though nearly his whole kingdom was against him, but Parma and his Spaniards, and the Spaniards were nothing without Parma. Already under other commanders they had yielded to the Dutch, and their general himself had been discomfited by young Maurice. But Maurice was a scientific engineer. He was not yet the equal of his rival in strategy, though he already surpassed the captains who had been trained under Parma. I'RINCE MAURICE. J 154 THE LAST YEARS OF PARMA. tion of Spain, and even to measure itself airainst the growini,^ power of Kn^rland. The t^^overninrnt uC the country was in the hands of the States-(]eneral. While Parma was t })()sses.M*on of Deventer. On Sept. J4th he rechiced llulst, near Antwerp. On Oct. 21st Xime-ucn surrendered. In May, 1592, Maurice laid siei^e to Steenwick, and in July stormed it. In Jul)- Coevorden was besiei^ed and gained, and the young Stadtholder was rapidly rerov(M-ing the strong places of lloll.nul from the enemy. His victories were triumphs of military engineering, but it may be doubted whether his suc- cesses would have been so rapid had it not been that his great enemy v.as C(»nstrained b\' Philip's policy to be absent from the country which he was iroverninjj. and from the plans which he had formed. For Philip liad set his heart on dethroning the heretic llemy, and Henry was .1 ver\- difficult person to deal w ith. No one could cope w ith him. thouLdi nearh' his whole kingdom was against him, but Parma and his Spaniards, and the Spaniards were nothim- without Parma. Already under otiier commanders they had yielded to the Dutch, and their general himself had been discomfited b\' xouiil!' Maurice. JUit Maurice was a scientific engineer, lie was not >et the equal of his rival in stratesjv, thousjh he already surpassed the captains who had been trained under Parma. I'KINCE MAUKU E. i 156 THE LAST YEARS OF PARMA. i-ARMA DISTRUSTED BY PHILIP, 157 Diirinpr the campaiorn before Rouen, and after Parma had forced Henry, on May 20, 1592,10 raise the sien^e, the IVince determined to capture a small town which commanded the Seine. Here he was wounded in the arm, and was disabled from active operations. Still, he needed all his powers in order ,to effect his retireinent into the Netherlands, and he achieved this bv a masterly manceuvre. He now returned l.. Paris, and after recruiting him- self with a few days rest there, he went away to Spa. Put beyond the temporary- success of his expedition he had achieved nothin«,r, for the person whom he was associated with was en^^aj^ed in bafHiiv nn. Mayenne, the brother of the murdered Duke of Guise, was enga^i^^ed in a treble intri-ue. As the paid, and well-paid, agent of Philip he^ was, to outward appearance, engaged in procuring the throne for that monarch. He probably knew all the while that the French would never accept Philip, or his daughter, or his daughter's husband. Put at the present m.,mcnt he had to show as clearly as possible that Philii)'s objects were his. Then again he had his pretensions to the throne himself He caused it to be rumoured that he represented the familx- of Charles the (,reat, who had been deposed .sonic seven centuries Ijcforc by the family of Hugh Capet. It is true that his elder breather's .son was in the wa\-, but in times of revolu- tion obstacles are greatl)- diminished, and are ea.sy to be overcome by sanguine and determined men. Then, in the third place, he was pretty well convinced, when he weighed all the circumstances, that H( I'lry of Navarre would win in the cm\, and that he had better accommodate matters with him. The fact is, Philip had been engaged all his life in overreaching others, and was regularly overreached himself. The only persons who .served him faithfully were those whom he mistrusted, as Don John of Austria and Alexander, Prince ot Parma. For while Alexander was astonishing all men by his genius and his fidelit\- to Philip, while he was resenting in the angriest manner the suspicions which were circulated about his real objects, and using every means in his p(.>wer, legitimate or infamous, on lliilip's l)ehalf, his character was studiously blackened to the King of Spain, and apparently to the King of Spain's entire .satisfaction. Without resources, either in the country which he held and governed, or from the King of Spain either, with .soldiers mutinous and starving, he still kept an undaunted front and a loyal purpose, and .scared them, who might have dealt with him if the\' had known the facts of the ca.se, by his calm and unllinchini^ couraije. The men whoin Philip had sent him as counsellors were spies on him. It is ])erliaps not wonderful that they distorted his acts and maligned his purpo.se. The age was so pre-eminently treacherous ; lying and chicanery had been so persistently identified with statesmanship, that it was all but impossible to trust any one. It was part of the bitterness of Parma's lot, that having been false to every one but his master, his master believetl his servant to be fal.se to him also. h'arnese found out that he had been traduced, and I 158 THE LAST YEARS OF PARMA. complained of it bitterly. It is not a little strange that in that atmosphere of deceit and secrecy, where every pains was taken to prevent the leakage of facts, the most dangerous and therefore the most hidden particulars were regularly betrayed. Parma's enemies wrote to the king in cypher, and Parma got to know the contents of the letters. The correspondence of all the parties is now before us, and we find that the Governor of the Netherlands contrived to learn that which was intended for the eyes of Philip only. He tells the king plainly how indignant he is at these unfounded calumnies, and the king tells him that he has never received the despatches, or, if lie received them, has forgotten the contents. lUit there they are, the correspondence of the spies, scrawled over by Philip, the letters of his ill-used general, and the copies of Philip's own letters to his viceroy. At the very time when Philip was assuring his nephew of his entire trust and confidence in him, at the time in which he was urging him to undertake further expeditions into P' ranee, and declining to send him the necessary funds for the purpose, and at the time when Parma was, with characteristic sagacity, informing Philip of the state of affairs in that kingdom and in the Netherlands, the King of Spain was secretly planning to supersede his nephew, and to take him prisoner if necessary. He had sent an emissary, during the time in which Parma was relieving Rouen, with instructions to remove Parma from his office, by fraud, if possible, by force if necessary. Plven at the last, he bade him lead his army into France, and the PHILIP'S FALSEHOODS, 159 general was on the c\e of obeying the commands of his treacherous master when the hand of death was laid on him. An old man, though still, for his years, in his prime, he died on Dec. 3, 1592. He was forty- eight years old at his death. HAARLEM. I I XVIII. \1 ri;k IIIF. IMAII[ OF IWRMA. It is difficult to say whether the freedom of the Netherlands \vass( rved better by the death t.f h'.irncsc or the recoi^nitioii of Henry as Kinij^ of p^ ranee b)' the principal persons who had intri;;iied with Philip, had taken his monev, and were now nei^otiatin*^ with I Icnry for more mone\- and place and pardon. Certainly a more rapacious and shameless crew never existed than the French nobility. Fortunately for Holland, the miller and th.e weaver, the sailor and the trader, were in the asceihiant in the Dutch Republic. Had that republic been cursed by nobles, even like those in Manders, it mi^ht well have been despaired of Henry of I^'rancc renounced the Reformed rclij^ion for that of Rome, was wiUinq;, as he said, to win his kingdom bv hearini,^ mass, and his future career little concerns us. After an interval of little more than a year, a suc- cessor was appt)inted to Parma, a middle-aged, fat, i^outy, lethap^ic person, the Archduke Panest of Austria. In the meantime, Maurice had not been MAURICE UAL\S REPUTATION. l6l idle. He had captured Geertruydenberg in June, 1593. He t;ot possession of Groningen, the capital of P'riesland, in July, i 594, and now the republic was con- stituted, almost within the limits from which so much that was heroic and wonderful was to proceed for a century or more, l^ut for a long time the Hollanders strove to recover the whole of the Spanish Nether- lands. Had they -ik < eeded, their history would have been a different one, lor it is certain that the narrow- ness of the republic, and the great demands made on it for the work which it had to effect, were the ultimate causes of its weakness and decay, at a time when F:urope still wondered, .md believed that its resources were exhaustless. The Hollanders were unable to bestow freedom on the Flemings. After two ineffectual and easily-discovered plots, in which Philip had bribed assassins to murder p:iiza- beth and Maurice, after the Hollanders had spent much treasure and blood on behalf of Henry of France, who was cjuite prepared to abandon them and make peace with Spain as soon as ever his own purposes were served, and alter Henry had been absolved by the Pope, and the Archduke pjnest had died, Philip determined to surrender the Netherlands to his son-in-law and daughter. Ihe son-in-law was a brother of Panest, Archbishop of 'Poledo, and a Cardinal. It was therefore necessary that he should be released from his vows and his orders, in order to fulfil his new function of secular prince. With him was sent that son of William the Silent who had been kidnapped twenty-eight years before, and had been carefully educated by the Spanish Jesuits. All I l62 AFTER THE DEATH OF PARMA. the memory that he now retained of his father was a profound reverence for his name and character. The English and the Dutch now determined to make a concentrated attack on certain of the Spanish ports. The exploit of Drake, ten years before, gave, no doubt, its stimulus to the expedition of 1596. Drake and Hawkins, indeed, had just passed away. But there were Essex, Raleigh, Howard, and Vere to take part with the Dutch admirals. They reached Cadiz on June 30th, and destroyed the Spanish fleet there, landed their troops, captured the fort, drove the Spanish troops into headlong flight, and got possession of city and citadel. They would have cai)tured the fleet also, but the Spanish admiral, who, eight years before, had commanded the great Armada, chose to destroy his fleet rather than suffer it to fall into his enemies' hands. It was an object with Essex and Vere to fortify Cadiz and hold it, or at least to make a dash at the great fleet of Indiamen which was hourly expected. But Lord Howard peremptorily refused to permit either attempt, and the fleet sailed back to England. The capture and sack of Cadiz had no immediate military results. In some particulars it was even a disaster, as much of the spoil taken at Cadiz was the property of Dutch merchants, who were, during the time that they were waging war with Philii), carrying on a lucrative trade with his Spanish dominions, and resenting with the greatest wrath any interference with that trade, as they did a century later. Indeed the profits of the trade with the Indies, now for the most part in Philip s hands, were vital to the Dutch, because CAPTURE OF CADIZ, 163 from It alone they regularly derived the means for carrying on the war. Their own Indian Empire, soon after to be so important, was not yet founded, hardly imagined. Hence they were reproached with supplying the very means by which Philip could carry on the war, and were said to have sold the Spaniards the gunpowder with which Dutch cities were assailed and Dutch soldiers slain. But, on the other hand, the trade operations of the Dutch were equally essential to Philip, for without them he could have been ex- cluded from the markets for which these products were designed, and from the profits which he found it so necessary to realize. But the military importance of the sack of Cadiz was enormous. The Dutch and the English were not afraid of the Spanish war vessels on the Dutch and PLnirlish shores, and had more than once given a good acccnmt of them. The English, too, under Drake, had singed the King of Spain's beard. The Dutch had now done the same thing under the guns of a fortress and a fortified city, and with scarce any loss to themselves. Henceforth we shall sec that the exploit of 1 596 sug- gested to the Hollanders far wider and bolder schemes, which they were not slow to carry to a successful issue. In these expeditions the English would have shared had not James of Scotland and England set his heart on peace with Spain and a marriage alliance between that decrepid family and his own. Unfor- tunately, Holland was .so weakened by the temporary withdrawal of some of her best troops to Cadiz, that she lost an important port to the Spaniards. In the same year a treaty, offensive and defensive, was made ib4 AFTLR illE DEATH OF PARMA. between England, France and Holland, and Thilip, despite the destruction of his fleet at Cadiz, fitted out another Armada, with which he attempted to attack England h)- landing on Ireland. I^ut the Siroud Armada had the same fate as the first, it was over- taken, shortly after it set sail. h\' a tremendous storm, in which forty vessels foundered with five thousaiul men on board. In the b.'gimiing of the year 1597, Maurice, now reinforced b\- his friend \'ere, attacked and routed the flower of the Spanish forces. It was the first time that the Spaniards had suffered so sc\^i^ a re\. i-v ai the hands of Dutch and luiglish troops. The success was due to the admirable discipline .ind training which Maurice had given to ]v< cavalr)-. l*erhaj)s the victory was to >ome extent aided by the f.ic t that in the November preceding Philip had solemnly repudiated all his debts, and thereupon effectually destroyed his own credit. During the > ear Maurice continued his campaign, and completely liberated the navigation of the Rhine from the Si)anish forts which barred its use. Meanwhile the financial policy of Philip was followed by a wholesale mutin\- of his army. In the next year, 1598, little was done beyond the conclusion of a treatv of peace between Henry and Philip, ineffectual negotiations between Holland and Henry to prevent this result, and a renewal of the engagements between Elizabeth and the States. The Peace of Vervins, signed on May 2nd, was a full recognition of the right of Henrv to the kingdom of France. P'our days afterwards Philip formally handed over the Netherlands to his daughter and son-in-law, I nil LIP dnts AWAY THE \EriiERLAM)S. 165 the Cardinal Archduke Albert, and with them his pretended sovereignty in Holland. A few weeks after this tbrmality Philip was on his death-bed. He had aspired to universal sovereignty, and he was now passing away from all authority and all power. He had sacrificed millions of lives to his ambition, millions to his superstition, and he was now perishing in tortures and agonies more terrible than any which had been inflicted by his generals and in- quisitors. Put so convinced was he that he had been all his life in the right, that he bore all his sufferings with patience, and constantly asserted, as he lay wasting away, that he had consciousl)- wronged no one. \)uriiig his long reign of forty-two years he had been the destroyer of mankind. It is not clear whether he preferred open violence, assassination, or treachery, but he used each or all with alacrity whenever he had the opportunity or thought the act expedient. VVc, in these days of civil and religious liberty, find it difficult to recall the temper of an age when, over the greater part of the Christian and civilized world, these familiar experiences were not only unknown, but the vindication of them was held to be treason, and heresy worse than treason. The old doctrine was that men should hold their lives and their property on the will of their sovereign, and though this doctrine was never accepted in England or the Netherlands, the only parts of Europe where, at the epoch of the Reformation, the doctrine was disputed, it was insisted on in every Court and inculcated from every State pulpit. Before the Reformation it was still more 1 66 AFTER THE DEATH OF PARMA. uniformly affirmed that the creed of ev'er\' man should be taken from a priest liviny^ in an ancient Italian town, elected by a corrupt and ambitious body of prelates, and not infrequently stained with grosser and more hateful vices than any secular potentate was This is the account which writers of an aL^e when no schism was dreamed of give of the Popes of the fifteenth and first half of the sixteenth centuries. The deference paid to the doctrine and discipline of these persons, the unhesitating obedience which they demanded or exacted, was more degrading than the worship of the bull Apis in Egypt, or of the Lama in Thibet, because the authority of the Pope was con- stantly exercised in enforcing that which the moral sense of all but the most depraved secretly or openly repudiated. It is true that for a long time these criticisms were whispered rather than uttered, were conveyed in a language which was not understood, and carefully noted by those whose books were never published ; for that Authority took measures, never known in the history of any other religion, to suppress all free thought by the most relentless cruelties, I wen when the revolt came it was the transference of the subjects' faith from a priestly to a royal despot. The doctrine of the Lutheran and the Lnglish episcopalian was, and long remained, that the religion of the prince must be the religion of the subject, and that all other opinion must be proscribed and punished. Calvin and Luther were as intolerant, though not cruel, as Torquematla and Titclmann. The Dutch were the first to permit, and to acknow- ledge, religious toleration. Nothing shows how PHILIP'S DEATH. 167 slowly men have been emancipated from priestly despotism than the fact that the word toleration, that is, the endurance, without any severe penalties, of reWious differences, should be hailed as the first charter of religious liberty. This toleration the Dutch were the first to concede. They could not indeed permit the open performance of Roman Catholic rites. But it must be remembered that in the sixteenth century the faith of the Roman Church was a gigantic con- spiracy, unsleeping and unscrupulous against any man, any state, any race which dissented from it. To give way to it, when its supremacy was repudiated, was to be treasonable to liberty, to hope, to progress, to justice. ' fl XIX. DUTCH ENTERPRISE. Holland, and especially Amsterdam, had become the entrepot of the trade of North-western Europe. Excellent as was the aj^rictilture of Holland, it did not sii[)ply food for its inhabitants, for the skill of its ai^riculturists was almost entirely cattle raisini^ and market gardenin<^. It is true that the development of these industries was hereafter, as we shall sec, to have a world-wide effect. Hut Holland i\\<\ not <^n'ow wheat enough to find bread {k)X a tenth (^'( its inhabitants. lUit the markets of the country were abundantly supplied. The ancient forests were i^one, but Holland was the principal timber mart of tlic world. Its towns were built on peat marshes where not a pebble could be found on the surface. But its quays held the produce of vast marble i^ranite and stone quarries. It dis- tributed the products of the West and I^:ast, of America and Asia. It throve on the decay of the obedient provinces. It absorbed what had been the trade of Antwerp, what had been the manufactures of Ghent and Bruges, and it added to them of its own. ' 'Ct: M '•■■. r \— \ S:'^..,f V / Pi U ?: o Cri I . and cs{)ccialK' Ainstcnlam. had become tile cnliYpr-i iff the trad, -i Xorth.-wc^ti-in ]uiro[)c. l^xccllcnt as was tlie aL^ricultiire of Ilollaiul, it did not supply food f .r its inhabitant-, for thi- skill of its a'4i-i(niltnrist< \v;i-; ,-ilnio^t entirely cattle rai-inL; and markel L^.iKKnniL;. It is true that the development of these industries was hereafter, a- we shall see, to have a world-wide effect. Hut Holland did not ^i - wheat enou-h n. find bre.id |..r a tenth <»i u- inhabitants. Hut the market- of the country weir abundantl\- -;ipplic-d. The ancient forests were ;^^one, but Holland was the principal tiinbrr mart nf tlic world. It- t.wvn- were built on p( at marshes where not a pebb' add be found on the surface. lUit it- (juays held the |)rochice of vast marble c::ranite and stone (juarries. It (h's- tributed the prodn. t- ..t tlit West and Ma-1. olAmerica and Asia. It throw on the decav of th« .-bedient provinces. It absori)ed what had been the trade of Antwerp, what had been the mamifacture^ of (dient and HruL^e^. and it added to them i.t its .-.u. u. \ I 170 DUTCH ENTERPRISE. Commerce was as necessary to Holland as were political and religious freedom, and it carried on its commerce, not only with friendly nations, but even with its bitterest enemies, and to the last, it stood out resolutely and successfully for the freedom of its trade. It did not, and it could hardly be expected to do so, recognize the same riii^hts of freedom of trade for other nations, and we shall see hereafter that the decline of Dutch commerce was due to the restrictions which it strove to put on the commercial liberty of others, as soon as it obtained the mastery in the Indian seas, and the one-sided commercial treatr(>ii.ige. There were intUxd no maps of the regions l>ing beyond the White Sea and the port of Archangel which had been sought for dis- astrously by Sir Hugh Willoughby, fift\' vears before ; but there were strong beliefs, whicli w\ re accepted as certainties by these enthusiastic Dutchmen, that the voyage would be easy and successful, and would enable Holland at little risk to herself to take her Spanish and Portuguese rivals in the rear. In those days the appliances of navigation were far EXPEDITION TO THE POLAR SEA. ^73 i I .1 I ^ ( behind those of modern exi')erience and science. The vessels were clumsy and ill-built, the nautical instru- ments were rude and few, and the victualling of ships was so imperfect, that a prolonged voyage turned the best-appointed ship into an hospital within a few weeks. IVIen had no experience of an Arctic winter and no expedients by which to meet or mitigate its rigour and severity. The weapons with which they miirht defend themselves from wild animals and fierce enemies were to be sure the best then known, but awkward to handle, and slow to use. On June 5, 1594, the first expedition to the Polar seas was begun. The voyagers started in three vessels and a fishing yacht, the vessels being supplied by the cities of Amsterdam and luikhuizen, and the province of Zeland. Harendz was captain of the Amsterdam vessel, Linschoten of the other two. The former of these visited the islands of Nova Zembla, and accurately mapped them. Linschoten passed through the Straits of W'aigatz, between these islands and the mainland, and made for the open sea which he was informed would be found there. After sailing for a hundred and fill}- miles, he was met by violent storms and huge ice-drifts, and saw that it was im- possible, at least on that occasion, to achieve the object of his expedition. On August 15th he discovered Harendz's ship, and the little fleet reached Amster- dam by the middle of September. They had strange stories to tell of the Polar bears, and the seals, and of a new and terrible kind of animal, the walrus ; which half in sport, half in rage tried to sink their boats with its long protruding tusks. 174 DUTCH ENTERPRISE. Wintering at nova zembla. 175 Linschotcn was convinced that thcv should reach China by the North-east Passage, and next year Barneveldt and Maurice, as well as manv^ of the States- General, shared his belief. They resolved to send seven ships in 1595, and to load them with broadcloths, linen and tapestries for the trade which they were to open up with China. So long a time did they take in these mercantile arrangements that the summer was half over before the fleet started. Barcndz, Linschoten, and Jacob Hecmskcrk were at the head of the expedition. They sailed as before through the Straits of Waigatz, and landed on Statcn Island on September 2nd. Here they were attacked by a white bear, and two of their number were slain and half-eaten by the beast before they could dispatch him. They soon were forced to return with the bear's skin and a supply of what they took to be diamonds, and were picking up when the bear attacked them. They got back to Amsterdam on November i8th, and the States-General, greatly dis- appointed, refused to have anything more to do directly with Arctic navigation, though they offered a prize of 25,000 florins to any navigator who should discover the passage, and a proportionate sum to any one who might fail of success, but might make a praiseworthy venture. Barendz and others with him determined if pos- sible to assay the North-east Passage again. They got two ships from Amsterdam, and started on May 18, 1596. On June 19th they reached a latitude which was within ten degrees of the pole. To the land which they found here they gave the name of Spitzbergen. But in July the ice began to close about them, and they resolved if they could to avoid it. They got back to Nova Zembla, and after various experiences with ice and Polar bears, reached the extreme north-eastern part of the island. Here they found open water, and were full of hope that the end of their voyage was achieved. But they were soon undeceived, and the growing masses of ice drove them anew into the harbour. On September ist the ship was frozen fast into the bergs, and it was clear that they would have to pass through an Arctic winter. Fortunately for them the shores of the island were covered with drift-wood, borne by ocean currents from far distant places. They built themselves a hut, and gathered stores of fuel for the long winter that was coming. Part of their provisions was bears' flesh, and indeed the bears would have eaten them, if they had not been on the alert, and retaliated. On October 2nd they finished their house, sixteen men bein^ left of the expedition. On November 4th the sun rose no more. It was now too cold for the bears. They disappeared, and white foxes took their place. The Dutchmen caught them, ate them, and clothed themselves in their skins. It was time, for their luiropcan clothing was frozen stiff. They nearly in December stifled themselves, by lighting a coal fire and stopping up all the crevices in their hut. P^ortunately, and before it was too late, one of them forced open the door. As often as they could, they constantly made their nau- tical and astronomical observations. On January 24th the sun just reapi)eared, and on the 27th the whole 1/6 DUTCH ENTERPRISK. disk was seen. S^on afterwards the foxes disappeared, and the bears came back as hunj^^y and Icrocious as ever. On April 17th they saw open sea in the distance. In May they determined to start back home. Rnt there was no hope that they could a^^jain use their ship, and they had only two open boats to make the voya«j^e in. On June I4t]i thcybei^an to return. On June 20th l^arendz, thou<^h still full of hope, died of exhaustion, .\ftcr many adventures, but without further serious dnest, filled the place of Governor for about a year, and died, for the Low Countries were during a time as deadly to governors as they were to soldiers. The Cardinal was almost thirty-five years of age when he was appointed to this office, and he was two )-ears in it before Philip could make up his mind to the practical severance of the provinces from the Spanish Crown, and to the marriage of the Cardinal w ith his daughter. In the first year of Albert's government the luiglish and the Dutch destroyed the Spanish fleet in the Hay of Cadiz, and sacked the town. Though the Archduke was not to be compared for an instant with such men as Don John and Parma, his military career was not unsuccessful. But these successes, and particularly the capture of Calais and certain adjacent forts, assisted in making the alliance between P.lizabcth, Henry of France, and the Dutch more intimate and sincere. So important did these successes seem, that in 1596 IMiilip sent a second armada with a view to the invasion of P^ngland, eight years after the first had failed. Like the former, it was destroyed by a tempest. But in 1597 Maurice won the decisive battle of Turnhout, and for a time annihilated the Spanish arm\'. The victory was decisive, not because it finished the war, but because it proved to the Hollanders that they could meet the Spaniards in battle with good hopes of success. BANKRUPTCY OF SPAIN. 187 But Philip had inflicted on the governor whom he had sent to the Low Countries a far greater injury than Maurice and the King of P>ance were able to compass. On November 26, 1596, the King of Spain rejiudiated all the debts which he had contracted, and took again into his hands all those domains, revenues, and taxes which he had pledged for the payment of the interest on his debts. The effect was immediate and disastrous. The Cardirjal had carried on the war by bills of exchange, and we are told that in one day two and a half millions of these bills came back dis- honoured. In most of the commercial cities of PLurope merchants and bankers were ruined by scores. PVankfort and Genoa were impoverished, and Ant- werp was despoiled of all that had been left to it by frequent plunderings. The Archduke in order to keep any forces about him was constrained to sell his plate. The repudiation of Philip's debts was a turn- ing-point in the history of the War of Independence, for in the year 1597 Maurice contrived to win nine fortified cities to the Republic, and to strengthen its frontier. But, on the other hand, the Dutch were weakened by the practical desertion of Henry, who was seeking to make peace with Philip, and in the end eflccted it by the Treaty of Vervins, signed on May 2, 1598. On September 13th of the same year Philip died. The successor of Philip the Second, whose life was a long war against civil and religious liberty, was his son of the same name. No two persons could be more different than father and son. The old king insisted on transacting all the business of the vast 1 88 THE ARCIIDVKES ASD THE WAR, empire over which he ruled himself. Tt was, of course, impossible that he could do this well and efficiently, or anythini^ speedil)-. IV.it lie worked diligently at his prodigious task, and wore himself out over it. Mischievous and hateful as his career was, ruinous as it was to every part of his empire where he could inaintain his authority, he believed that what he did was to the glory nf God and for the ultimate good of man ; and perhaps no man ever laboured for his ends so thoroughly and so persistently as Philip the Second did. His son ditl absolutely nothiuLT. He surrendered himself at once into the hands of his favourite, the Duke of Lerma, and trans- acted no business whatever. He was as orthodox as his Hither, and was as unwise as he was orthodox, for he achieved the final ruin of Spain l)\- the banishment of the iVIoriscoes. lUit he had not, even for a dav, a will of his own. Now the Archdukes became i)racti- cally independent of the Spanish Crown, and it became jiossible for pe'ace to be contemi)latcd, though owing to the perfidy of Henry of T^rance, and the poltroonery of James of England, the result was de- layed. Elizabeth survived her brother-in-law and enemy four years and a half She never failed to recognize, capricious and poor as she was — and I am persuaded that much of her caprice was due to the straits she was in for money — that the defence of the United Provinces was the defence of England, and that the complete reconquest of the old inheritance of the house of Hurgundv would be more than a men.K < to her kingdom and his people. Hut Elizabeth ua.^ exceed- ESGEASD AT THIS TIME POOR. 189 ingly poor. England was not then a country which manufactured for the world, as it came to be two centuries later, or traded with the whole world as it did a century and a half after the Queen's death. The kingdom was then relatively poorer than it had been a century before, when the clothweavers of Elanders depended absolutely on luigland for their raw material, though the export of wool was still the most important P:nglish staple. It is true that at the conclusion of her reign she granted a charter to the East India Company, nearly at the same time that the Dutch founded theirs, by enrolling all the East India merchants into a corporation. But from the beginning the capital of the Dutch company was eight times that of the English, and the trade was for many a \u\vj: dav twenty times as lucrative. Historians in modern times criticize Elizabeth's policy and her acts without inf rming themselves of the means which she had at her disposal. PLlizabeth made every effort which parsimony could aid to improve her finances. Hut it was not till nearly half a century after her death that the charters which she granted and the enterprise she favoured began to be remunerative either to the English people or to the royal treasury. Henry of Erance, though he had to fight for his throne, and to change his religion in order to secure it, was acknowledged at last by his arch-enemy Philip, and jxifectly understood how unable Spain had become to harm him. He formulated, as one cannot doubt, the purpose which remained the policy of Erance from his day to our own, the acquisition of all Wcbtern luirope from the Pyrenees to the Rhine, and 190 THE ARCHDUKES AND THE WAR. with them the appropriation of Flanders and Holland. For the possession of the Archduke's inheritance every great continental war which France waged was carried on. Belgium was the battlefield of Europe from the War of Independence to the fight at Waterloo, in pursuance of the leading French idea. Nor do I doubt if the issue of the war of 1870 had been different, that Belgium at least would have fallen a prey to the Second Empire. Now nothing could suit the aims of the French policy more than a war in the Low Countries which, by weakening every one, made the whole district an easier prey to France. This interpretation of French history could be con- firmed by a thousand facts. After the death of Philip the Second, and for a few years afterwards, the war languished. Both sides were for a time exhausted. Maurice of Orange with difficulty kept up a small army, and the Spanish forces chiefly maintained themselves with the plunder of the Duchy of Cleves, contigu(nis to, but no part of the ancient inheritance of the house of I^urgundy. In fact, the e-xpedition into Cleves was private war levied on part of the German Empire, the feeble Em- peror Rudolph, being utterly incapable of defending the province. All that Maurice could do was to defend the Dutch frontier. It is probable that at last the Spanish Government saw that Dutch trade with Spain and its dependencies, however important it might be to Spain, was vital to the United Provinces, and therefore began to forbid it under heavy penalties. They could not indeed extinguish it, for the machi- nery of a preventive service was as yet undiscovered. 4 bl'INOLA. 190 THE ARCHDUKES ASP THE WAR. with them the appropriation of Flamlcrs and Holland. For the possession of the Archduke's inheritance every great continental war which France waged was carried on. Heliiiiun was the battlefield of Europe from the War of Independence to the fight at Waterloo, in pursuance of the leading French idea. Nor do I doubt if the issue of the war of itSjo had been different, that Helgium at least would have fallen a prey to the Second l^mpire. Now nothing could suit the aims of the French policy more than a war in the Low Countries which, b\' weakening ever}' one, made the whole district an easier l^rey to I'rance. This interpretation of r'rench history could be con- firmed by a thousand facts. After the death of Philip the Second, and for a few years afterw.nds, the war languished. Bc>th sides were for a time exhausted. Maurice of Orange with difficult}' kept U[) a small army, and the Spanish forces chi("ll\' maintained themselves with the plunder of the Ducli} ot Cleves, co^tigU()U.^ Im, but no part of the ancient inheritance of the house of Hur«)inc mili- tary events of first-rate significance occurred, and another important personage appeared on the scene. The events are the battle of Niewpoort, the siege of Ostend, the foundation and exploits of the Universal East India Compan\-, and the great naval battle of Gibraltar Bay. The person who appears on the stage is the Marquis Spine )la, who for a time gave some hopes that the Fort\' Years' War might, in a few years more, be concluded in accord. nice with the policy which Spain had persistently advocated. The investment of Niewpoort and the battle of the same name occiurcd in 1600. The St.ites-Cieiicral at the urLrent instance of Barneveldt resolved on an inva- sion of FlcUiders, with the object of weakening the Archdukes, who were now forced to relN'almost entirely on the resources of the obeelient [jro\iiKe^ for the means of war, and it was resolved that the tow 11 of Niewpoort should be attacked and captured. Niew- poort is a town on the sea-coast, at about eight miles west of Ostend, strongl\- fortified, and at high w.iter on an island. A< Maurice and his army marched through \Vest Flanders, the Flemings, instead of welcoming him as a deliverer, looked upon his army as doomed to destruction, and when they did not avi)id his sol- diers by flight, plainly showed that the)' were recon- ciled to the despotism under wh'ch the\* were living. The march took thirteen days, and any surprise of the town was now out of the question. i MUTIMES. NIEWPOORT. 193 The Archdukes were seriously alarmed, and the late Cardinal bestirred himself to meet this emergency. He even won over the mutineers, who, as was custom- ary when their pay was in arrears, had seized on a town, and constituted themselves an independent army, living by forced contributions on the surround- ing district. Before Maurice had reached the object of his expedition, the Archduke had collected a con- siderable army, and set out to meet him. Mis arrival was unexpected, and many of the positions which the Dutch commander had seized in order to fortify and protect his communications with Ostend were sur- prised. Maurice was caught in a trap in which it was necessary that he should be victorious, or his army be destroyed, and the Republic probably ruined. To win a battle he saw what was best to be done in the emer- gency, and he took his measures accordingly. He determined to send his cousin Truest with a portion of his force to check the Archduke till such time as he could concentrate his own troops on what he knew would be the field of battle, l^ut the troops under lunest were seized with panic, and offered little resis- tance to the Spanish charge. The delay, however, was considerable enough, and the check was long enough to (Miable Maurice to collect his troops from both sides of the water. The arm\' was in order of battle when the news came to the commander that his cousin's detachment was routed, and that the Spaniards were marching on them. The battle was fought on Sunday, July 1st, on the sea-coast and sandhills. After various changes, in which the battle seemed lost or won, a \ \ 194 THE ARCHDUKES AXD THE WAR, final charjTc of the republican cavalry decided the da\-, and the Spanish forces fled in confusion. The Arch- duke escaped with difficulty, and his army was anni- hilated. Hut no other result of the victorv ensued. The Dutch and their allies had proved that they could make a stand iigainst the Spanish veterans, and defeat them in a drawn battle. They had already proved to be their masters at sea. Hut they did not capture Niew^poort or Dunkirk, and so clear the channel of the privateers. There was, indeed, one result of this cam- pali^n. With it be^i^ins the feud between Maurice and l^arneveldt, and in the end the execution of the Advocate in the square of the Hinnenhof at the Hague, near twent\' vears afterwards. The town of Ostend had long been held by the Dutch, and was now the only part of l^'landers in which they had a foothold. They had used it as a con- venient place from which to sally forth, and make forays on the obedient Netherlands, and many a Flem- ish country squire was captured and held to ransom by the Ostend garrison. At last the Memish states urged that it should be besieged and that the Arch- duke should, as they said, remove this thorn from the Belgic lion's foot. In order to encourage him they offered the governor 300,000 florins a month. Ostend was then a fishing village, round which the Dutch had raised the most efficient fortifications which the aire could construct, while, on the other hand, no k-^ liian eighteen fortresses had been built near it by the Arch- duke, in order to repress the incessant incursions from the town. So on July 5, 1601, the Archduke began a siege which was the most memorable and protracted that modern warfare has ever heard of. OSTEXD. ^95 The peculiarity of the siege of Ostend was that the town was not and could not be blockaded. The Dutch were dominant on the water, destroying at their pleasure and with little loss to themselves, the huge, unwieldly galleons of th.eir Spanish enemies. With small vessels and far fewer men, the Hollanders disabled and sank fleets which were constantly, and on the same clumsy lines, built with the object of subduing them. Now the harbour of Ostend was always open, and it was easy to send men and pro- visions, and even building materials into the town throughout the whole siege. All that the assailants could do was to batter away at the fortifications, to mine and to blow up the walls, and, as it were, to dig awa\' the ground on which Ostend stood. It is difficult to understand why the States-General held so obstinately to the sandhill on which the town stood, and almost as difficult to understand why the Arch- dukes wasted so many lives and so much money on the reduction of the town, for the loss which the obedient provinces suffered from the Ostend fora"-ers was as nothing to the cost incurred for the reduction of the stronghold. While the siege was going on, and all the resources of the Spanish governor were being lavished on the destruction of Ostend, Maurice was gaining much more than an ecjuivalent in the capture of strongholds, and particularly in the acqui- sition of Sluys, a far more important place than Ostend. The garrison defending Ostend, and indeed the force attacking it, was composed of all sorts of nationalities. Everyone who was interested in the art of war, visited 196 THE AkCllDL KLS ASD THE WAR. durinfj the course of the siei^e the fortifications of the town, or the trenches of the besiei^n'ng army, and <^renerally took part in the stru^LjIe on one side or the other. In the town at least a fourth part of the defenders were Kni;hshmen, whom the Ouecn kept reinforcing. The garrison was commanded by .Sir Francis Vere, one of those mih'tary adventurers of high birth, who attached himself early to the fortunes of the Dutch Republic and the service of Maurice. But despite the efforts of the garrison, it was on the point of surrendering on the eve of Christinas Day, in the first year of the siege. J^y an ingenious and not very honest device, Vere entered into negotiations with the Archduke, cajoled him with promises, and kept him quiet till reinforcements arrived from Hol- land. The general assault which was planned for Christmas Eve was postponed till January 7th, was made then, and was repulsed with enormous loss to the besiegers. After the failure of this attempt, pestilence destroyed more of the besiegers and of the ijarrison than the sword did. The siejje continued through the whole of the }'ear 1602, without much progress being made, for many of the Archduke's soldiers mutinied, seceded from the army, and under the name of the Italian re[)ublic seized a Mcmish town, levied the means of support from the country and entered into communications with Maurice. The Archduke tried the remedy of excommunication, but with no effect. Meanwhile certain brothers of a wealth)' house in Genoa, Gaston, Frederic, and, above all, Ambrose Spinola, took part in the struggle. The first of these SPINOLA APPEARS, 197 had settled in Flanders, and had been turned into a Flemish noble. The second took to privateering, was put into command of a Spanish fleet constructed on the old lines, was quickly and entirely beaten, with the loss of all his ships but one, by a couple of Dutch vessels, the whole force on which did not equal that on one of the eight galle\'s which Spinoia commanded. This happened on October 3, 1602. lUit in the fol- lowing year, on May 25th the Genoese volunteer put to sea with eight other galleys, was attacked by five small Dutch vessels, was defeated and slain. The siege of Ostend was still going on when I'lizabcth died on March 24, 1603, and James Stewart succeeded. For a while the new king seemed disposed to take up the cause of the United I Provinces more eagerly than Elizabeth had. In October, 1603, the Marquis Spinola was made Commander-in-chief of the Archduke's army. On condition of his obtainincr this office he had enfracred to raise the fimds necessary for the prosecution of the siege and the war from the wealth of his own family, and from his credit with the Genoese financiers. He had never undertaken military operations before, but in a short time he showed that he had natural abilities in the art of war, which made him no unworthy rival of Maurice. At first, indeed, great discontent was expressed at the rash experiment of entrusting the fortunes of the army to an untried adventurer. But he soon won the confidence and esteem of his troops, and captured Ostend, by the slow process of entire destruction, on September 20, 1604. The siege had lasted more than three years and three months, and 1 98 THE ARCHDUKES AND THE WAR. over a hundred thousand soldiers had perished in the struggle. Meanwhile Maurice had captured a com- plete equivalent for Ostend in the town of Sluys, which had been Frederic Spinola's headquarters. .\-ij ^r-^ AMSIEkDAM. XXII. THE UNIVERSAL EAST INDIA COMPANY. In 1595, after vainly endeavouring to discover a passage to India and China by the north-east and the frozen ocean of Siberia, the Dutch essayed the passage to India by the Cape of Good Hope, and shortly afterwards that of Southern America by Cape Horn. A century before, Alexander the Sixth had granted in the fulness of his power the whole of the New World to Spain, and the whole of the Indies to Portugal. Spain and Portugal were united by Philip the Second, and in theory, the Atlantic, Pacific, and Indian Oceans, became the private property of the King of Spain, from all commercial intercourse with which all nations indiscriminately were warned. For a long time the Dutch had limited their trade to luirope, but as time went on they attempted, at first only by private ventures, to give effect to the informa- tion which Linschoten had given them. The English queen had chartered the English Company on December 31, 1600. On March 20, 1602, the States-General granted a charter with the sole 200 THE UNIVERSAL EAST INDIA COMPANY, right of trading by the Cape of Good Hope, and the Straits of iMagcllan. The existing traders were invited to associate themselves with the new company, whose privileges were allowed to them for twenty-one years. They had no oj)tion. l\n- tlic time the capital was enormous, and according t(^ the policy of the States- General, the capital stock was distributed through the several cities, for half was to be supplied by Amster- dam, a fourth by Zeland, and the residue by four other cities. The affairs of the Ct»mpany were regulated by a board of seventeen directors, and the Company had large powers, in the name of the States-General, of making war and peace, of building forts and factories, and of entering into treaties with native powers. The first two fleets sailed in \C>o2 and 1603, on each occa- sion towards the end of the year. This was the beginning of the Dutch East India Company, sui)posed and with reason to be the cause of the downfall of Portuguese supremacy in India and the Spice Islands. Its career was similar to, and only less remarkable than that of the institution chartered by Kli/.abeth in 1600, and reconstructed in 1708. It founded an empire as the English Company did, the extent of which fvas greater than that of the country in which its chief office was. But the Dutch East India Companv was from the bcijinninLi far more under the control of the States-General, and became more immediately related to the Dutch Government, than the h'.nglish Company was to the British Parlia- ment or Administration. In the end, though the possessions of the Dutch company still belong to Holland, their intimate relations were destructive to OBJECTS OF THE COMPANY. 201 the credit of the Bank of Amsterdam, for when Holland was overrun by the I^^rench at the commence- ment of the great continental war, the treasure of the Bank was gone, having been lent to the P^ast India Company in defiance of the l^ank's charter and the oaths of the Amsterdam Council. The object of the Dutch company was first to procure a monopoly of the trade, next to keep up the prices of East India produce, i.t\, the spices which were procurable from that part of the wc^rkl onlw We cannot, in our da\', quite uiukr- staiul how eagerly our forefathers desired to procure !•' astern spices. Cinnamon, ginger, pep- per, mace, nutmegs, and most especially cloves, were in universal de- mand. Hie profit on the trade was enormous, for in the home of their chfna. origin they were cheap enough. The}- were to be obtained nowhere else, and some of them were found in onl)' a few islands. A i)ound of these spices was often, before the Cai)e Passage was discovered, worth as much as a cjuarter of wheat, and at feasts, a .seat near the spice b(.x was more coveted than one above the salt. I have ncjticed sometimes that when a considerable guest is entertained by an Oxford or Cambridge College, and the college happens to be out 202 THE LWIVERSAL EAST INDIA COMPANY, of spice, they are obliged to give an enormous price for such a scanty supply as the local grocer could furnish them with. For a century this trade was in the hands of the Portuguese. Then the Dutch dispossessed the Portu- o-uese, and took effectual means for maintaining their monopoly, for they bribed the natives to destroy all trees, except those whose produce was sold to the Dutch factors, and having thus limited the supply, they fixed the price at their own discretion. 1 he policy was in the end ruinous, and for two reasons. In the first place, the Dutch r:ast India Company was doing that to other nations, which they re-ented and refused to submit to when it was the policy of Spain. Hence they invited, and could hardly complain of, rivalry and even active hostility. The cjuarrels of the Plnglish and Dutch, continued for generations, were the outcome of the spice monopoly. In the .second place, trade did not under these artificial restraints, increase as rapidly as capital did. Hence at a very early date the interest of money was absurdly low in Holland. It may be added that in order to defend this system by alf the means in their power, the East India Company borrowed largely from the deposits of the Bank of Amsterdam, and while they were getting a miserable rate of profit on a restricted trade, they were plunging hopelessly into debt in order to strengthen their policy. The exploits, however, by which the Dutch .secured their early conquests were almost as prodigious and against nearly as overpowering odds as the victories of Cortes and Pizarro. They were ev en more remarkable, HEEMSKERK AT GIBRALTAR, 203 r because the combat w as with Europeans, who were furnished with the same appliances for warfare as they were. The difference lay in the w^ay in which the appliances were handled. ¥oy example, in 1602, the Portuguese admiral with more than twenty-five vessels sailed to Java, in order to punish the Eastern potentate who had allowed the Dutch to trade \\'X\ him. There chanced to be a Dutch captain with five small trading vcs.sels, the united crews of which did not equal those on board the Portuguese flagship. But he did not hesitate to attack and disperse the whole armada, .sinking .some, capturing others, and putting all to the rout. In the same year, Ileemskerk, who had pas.sed a winter in Nova Zembla, captured a Portuguese armed merchantman, with only a small ve.s.sel, and. di.stributed a booty of a million florins among his comrades. These instances might be multiplied, and it is no wonder that the United Provinces convinced the princes and people of the Spice Islands that Holland could protect them again.st the Spaniards and Portuguese By 1605, the Dutch had succeeded in exi)elling their enemies from the district which they coveted. It is no marvel that when the negotiations for peace began, they resolutely refused to relinquish their East India trade. But the most remarkable naval battle during the whole war was that of the Bay of Gibraltar in 1607. Partly to protect their own commerce, partly to annoy that of the enemy, and in some degree to remove the consequence of a mischance which had occurred the year before, the States-General determined to send Heem.skerk with twenty-six small vessels to the 204 THE UNIVERSAL EAST INDIA COMPANY. Spanish coasts, with fj^cncral instructions. The Dutcii admiral soon discovered that there was no immediate prospect of prizes, but an opportunity- for mcasurini^ himself ai^ainst the Spanish war fleet, then in the Bay of Gibraltar, and on the look-out for Dutch traders in the Levant. Fieemskerk determined to attack the Spaniards in their own waters. The battle was joined on April 25th. The Spanish commander had fou^i^ht with eminent success at Lepanto, nearly thirty-si.x years before. When the Dutch vessels sailed into the bay, the Spanish admiral inquired of a Dutch prisoner, whom he had on board, what those vessels were, and was much amused when he was informed that thc> were certainly Dutch, and that they were cominj^ to offer battle. The battle soon commenced and was soon over, l^oth the admirals were slain, but the Spanish fleet was totally destroyed, the crews, and the soldiers put to the sword, and Spain was pretty well convinced that the war, which had now lasted for over forty years, would not be crowned by any final victory of hers. V^ictoric^, ><> complete and crushiuL; as these, made the reconquest of the Spice Islands, and the forcible extinction of the Dutch l^ast India Company, and the restoration of Spanish influence in the Indian seas, more than e\er a remote contin«iencv. Holland swarmed with men of the stamp of Ileemskerk, and when one of these sea kings met his death, there were dozens to take his room. Eagerl}' as the Spaniard might desire to recover the lunpire of the Indies, the claim was an im[)ossible dream. Besides the resources of Spinola began to fail. Nothing but victory could avert bankruptcy, and the victory did not come. THE DANGER OF MONOPOLY. 205 The real danger to Holland was from that Power whose future had not }'et been discovered, which had hitherto done great services to the Republic, which already, as the United Provinces were approaching within measurable distance of their independence, was cooling towards them and was rapid!}' developing that bitter trade animosity which made the two great mercantile countries open or secret enemies for a century. Kor in the nature of things could such enmities be obviated. The Um'ted Provinces and England deliberately ado|)ted monopc^ly as their prin- ciple. At first, and for a long time, it was difficult to discover any other lorm of trade Private enterprise could not satisf)' the conditions on which alone these mercantile relations could be successfully attempted. Only wealthy joint-stock com[)anies could ecjuip armed merchantmen, build forts and factories, and sustain by arms the settlements which the}' had made. To allow intruders, after such outlay was incurred, might be chivalrous, but was not, according to the ideas of the time, at all business-like. But in the end, settlements of this kind for mere business purposes are never successful. The Dutch l^ast India Company became like the luiglish compaii}', an emi)ire, with concjuests, with reveiuus derived from taxes, with the meclianism of government, with rulers and subjects. XXIH. THE TRUCE. i After the death of I^lizabcth and the accession of James, the English king held out hopes and then made large promises to the Dutch that he would join with them and the French king in freeing the Netherlands and in effectuiiily ruining the house of Austria. lUit it may be doubted whether James, who, except in his persistent admiration of his own abilities, was the most fickle person who ever reigned, ever seriously intended wliat he promised. N :)r, had he carried out his pledges, would he have prevented what some per- sons at that time foresaw, that to free uic Netherlands from Spain would be (unless the treaty of Ghent, devised and, to a great extent, carried into effect by William the Silent, were carried into effect), that the Spanish provinces of Flanders would be occupied by France. There was nothing which Henry the Fourth of France more ardently desired than the acquisition of the whole of the Netherlands, from the French to the German border. For this he intrigued before and after the truce, and unquestionably had the life of this I ll^AACE AhD THE NETHERLANDS. 207 king been prolonged Holland would have finished a war with S[)ain, only to begin another with France. The dream of Henry in 1605, was nearly realized by his grandson in 1672. Up to our own times, French governments have inherited and striven to give effect to tlie policy of Henry of Navarre, and nearly every great European war has found that the conquest or the defence of the Low Countries was the real object of the combat. It was so in the Thirty Years' War. It was so during the incessant struggle of Louis the Fourteenth's wars, down to the treaty of Utrecht in 17 1 2. In 1793 war was waged again with tlie same object ; and in iSi 5, the battle of Waterloo settled tlie question for a time. The interference of I'rance in the affairs of Belgium in kSjo had the same ultimate object, and had the war of 1870 been followed by French victories it is certain, in my opinion, that the frontier of France would have been extended to the farthest mouth of the Rhine, as vv ell as to the upper and middle stream. James soon got tired of the promises which he made, promises which he never intended to keep, and could not have kept if he would. He proclaimed him- self a pacific monarch, and he set himself at once to make peace with Spain, which was entirely distaste- ful to his people, and to carry out a matrimonial alliance between his children and the Spanish monarchy, a project to which he adhered during the greater part of his life, to the infinite disgust of all luiglishmen. h'rom acts of friendship towards the Spanish Government he soon proceeded to co-opera- tion with them. He did indeed nominally remain in alliance with the States, but he virtually helped it i 208 THE TRUCE. I the Spaniards in the last struirnrles of the war. He was not even deterred by the discovery of the powder plot, which every one at the time believed to be the work of the Spanish Jesuits. The attitude of James towards Holland at the be. wr ■«^ ■'■ z' •i i I AdKICi'LTCRE. 217 the kiiiL:;s of Spain hiul extorted from their coiK^uests. It was the principal tradini;", the princi[)al nianufac- turin;^ country in the world. Il \\.i-> also the coinUr\' in which improved ai^ri- culture was most thoroiii^hly developed. The Dutch liad not, intleed, land enoUL^h to ijrow i^rain for the maintenance of the densely peopled republic, and ihi \ had to sa\e and keep bv incessant watchfulness much {)( the soil of tiieir countrv fn^n the ever- present dani^er of the sea. But as soon as ever the armistice beL;an, and the people had rest from war, they b( L;.in to i)ump oul the waters of the Heemster Lake, and soon recovered no less than eii^hteen thousand acres of rich meatlow land from what had been a \ ast expanse of shallow water. Their cattle were the finest in l-.ni()j)e, and the produce of their dairies found a ready market in foreign countries. ( )n the land which the)' had con(juered from the forei-n enemy and the sea. they laboured with the diliL;ciKc and the succc>> of market L^artleners. They sup|)lied all Europe with the means of f^ratifvinj^^ the fasjn'on whicii the\' set of ornamental and domestic horlfcnllure. I'or a lonij^ time the\' exported all the be.^l -arden produc* l<» their neii^hbours. In course of time they extended the cultivation of winter roots from the f the same character, has rendered it possible that three times as many persons could 2l8 THE BANK OF AMSTERDAM, live in security on the same area of land, as were maintained with great risks of famine before these capital discoveries were made. It is difficult for us to realize what were the scourges which afflicted the world, before the Dutch found out winter roots, and brought them to comp.irative excellence. It was nearly a century before English farmers began generally to copy the Dutch model. It was more than a centur}- before their familiar practices were adopted in the agricultural economy of other nations. It is impossible to overrate the benefits which Dutch enterprise and the spread of Dutch discoveries had on the health of the world. When they had carried the cultivation of winter roots to this pitch of ex- cellence, as well as taught ornamental gardening, they ijRHK-.K, AT AMsTEKPAM. bctook thcmselvcs to thc discovery and improvement of what are called the artificial grasses, which, b)- supplying more abundant fodder to animals, and much more as well as more nutritious hay, again rendered it possible to increase stock upon land. The Dutch discovered the use of clover, red and white saint foin, lucerne, and either naturalized them or improved them. The luiglish writers on husbandry are constantly calling the attention of Knijlish farmers to the marvellous progress which the Dutch were making in these REMBRANDT I 2IcS Till-: liAXK OF AMSTLKIJAM. live in sccurit}- on the s;imc aru.i u( land, as were maintained with "Jieat risks of famine before these capital discoveries were made. It is difficnlt for us to reah/e what were the scourj^es which afllicted the world, before the Dutch found out winter roots, and broui;ht them to comj)arative excellence. It was nearly a century before ICnj^lish farmers bei^an ♦generally to cojn- the Dutch model. It wa> more than a centurs' before their familiar practices were ad(^l)ted in the atjricultural economy of other n.'ition>. It is impcjssiblc too\L'rrate the benefits winch Dut'h enterprise and the spread of Dutch discoveries had on the health of the world. When the\- had carried the cultivation of winter roots to this pitch of ex- '-W '^ '^•~ cellence, as well as taui^ht ornamental !jardenine^. win- n, by ^-upplxini; more abundant fodcUr lo aiiim.ils, .md much m'»re as well as more nutritious ha\^ aL;ain rc-ndereil it possible to increase stock upon land. The Dutch tliscovered the use of clo\er, red and white saintfoin, lucerne, and either naturalized them or improved them. The l''.nL;lish writers on husbandr\' are constantlv callin which the Dutch were makini^ in the.sc KKM15KANDT 220 THE BANK OF AMSTERDAM. directions, and commcntinc^ on the folly and slothful- ncss which forcbore to imitate them. The pt)i)Lilation of EiiF.N HAKNEVELDT. RELIGIOUS DISSENSIONS. 227 them in doctrine or discipline must infallibly be in the wron^^. Then by a process which they borrowed from the laws which ref^ulate civil life, they considered that those who dissented from or even doubted their opinions were traitors, who must needs, in the interests of public duty and public safety, be severely punished. So, in England, the Episcopal party persecuted the l^resbyterian party. In time the latter got the upper hand, and persecuted their old foes. In due course, the Kpi.scopalians again got hold of the government and avenged themselves on the Dissenters. Now Holland had to go through fifteen years of this kind of .shameful .struggle, during which theological bitter- ness dishonoured the Republic. The enemies of Holland, when they granted the truce, counted upon the likelihood that political and religious faction would so tear to pieces the country which had fought so gallantly for victory that in a short time they would, from sheer weariness at anarchy, welcome back their old lords, and they who were greedy after the inheritance, or at least wanted to ap- propriate the commerce and wealth of Holland, were not disinclined to foment these differences. For the Kings of France never lost sight of what they hoped to make prize of, and the Kings of England were al- ways ready to encourage the mercantile clas.ses in England in their envy and grudge at the rich Republic. So they stirred up strife between the house of Orange and the chiefs of the Dutch Commonwealth, and were not above meddling in the religious dissensions which now cropped up. James of England had a great opinion of his theological learning, and entered with t>Ll»KN i;.\KNF\ I I 111 RELIGIOUS DISSi:\SIOXS, 227 thcin in doctrine or discipline must infallibly be in the wronir. Then b\ a i')rocess which thev borrowed from the laws which regulate civil life, thev considered that those who dissented from or even tloiibled their opini(Uis were traitors, who must needs, in the interests of public duty and public safety, be severely punished. So, in I'Jii^land, the l^i)iscopal parly persecuted the Presbyterian part}'. In time the latter c^ot the upper hand, and persecuted their old foes. In tluc course, the l^piscopalians a^ain ij^ot hold of the L^overnment and aveuijed themselves on the Dissenters. Now Ijolland had to c;o throui;h fifteen \'ears of this kind of >hameful stru«j<'l(\ during which the()loc, but when peace came the difficultie ■. were multiplied. In order that the central government, such a^ it w.i^, should have autliMiitx , ixcrv State must L:i\«' il-^ a^^mt, ;uul in an imi)oitant cii^i^, one < if the little ."^t.ites would be \er\' reluctant to •'"ive its i-^^ent : and so common action was paralyzed. Had the l)utch States done as the Ameri' in States did in the eail\' d i\ s of the American Union, the)' would iu\er ha\e suffered trom the con- spiracv^ which at last succeeded in chan<'in!/ the republic into a monarchy. Now Maurice w,i- .i considerable soldier and no contemptible diplomatist. Hut he was ambitious and avaricious. lie would never ha\r refused the .sove- rei!jnt\' which had been offered his father, and which, as he thoUL;ht, was his hereditar\' i i.;ht, Ixrause it had been proffered to hi^ father and had been declined bv him. lie was constantK' uri^ed from without to assume a herc^litary position. Ihit he hesitated to do thi> .iL.;ani>t the will of the St.iU ■>. .liul picU rred to .sec whether he could not so weaken the (>pj)osition to him, as to insure him practically the authority which a c u: y V V 230 RELIGIOUS DISSEXSIONS. i i he coveted. Now undoubtedly the chief opponents of Maurice in his theory of administration were Barnevcklt, Grotius, and, speaking <^cnerally, the lead- ing men in the States-General. The strength of the Orange party was in the populace. The leader of what we may call the aristocratic party was l^arneveldt. I le had been of infinite service to his country, of infinite service to Maurice, for he had protected, educated, and counselled him. But Maurice was embittered atiainst him, and was planning how he might supersede and destroy him. The death of Barneveldt on the scaffold of the Binncnhof was a judical murder of the very worst kind, contrived and carried out by Maurice, against his own benefactor and the benefactor of his country. The pretext in the first instance was a religious feud- The Dutch had adopted the Calvinist model of the Reformed faith, and had accepted in its crudest form the doctrine of predestination. But there arose a re- volt against this doctrine in the University of Leyden ; for universities in the Old World have always been the nurseries of theological novelties, or, as the adherents of the old tenets call them, heresies. Now in 1602, a certain Jacob Armim'us had been recommended to one of the theology chairs in the University of Leyden, and though at first his admission was opposed by the other theology professor, Gomarus, the latter yielded, and even advocated his admission. But in a very short time the teaching of Arminius again roused the sus- picion of Gomarus, and the controversy began, and soon passed from the university into the parish pulpits, where it rapidly became embittered, and was soon identified with political rancour. ARMINIUS AND GOMARUS, 231 Arminius died in 1609, but the tenets which he held, or was reputed to hold, and the school which he founded, survived him. These sectaries got the name of Rem(Mistrants, their opponents that of contra-Re- monstrants ; and the latter having got the upper hand, partly by the assistance which James of England gave them, and partly by the activity of the clergy, who stirred up the people against the Remonstrants, pro- ceeded to persecute their opponents, driving them out of the churches and banishing them from the country. But the doctrine spread ; the English king, who urged that the new heresy should be extirpated at the stake, himself inclined to it in the latter years of his reign, and the struirtcd the Kin*^ witli the powers which he took away from the Tope, and the tenet of the Divine right of kings, and with it the other right which a king claimed of dictating what the subject's religion should be, became almost a religious dogma. Public liberty therefore made but little progress in those countries which adopted the Lutheran confession, and the tenets of AuL^sbup'- have been embraced by only a sm.ill, .iiid that the northern section of the Teutonic race. Hut the other, a different, and rai)idl\- a hostile creed, early enlisted itself on the side of political libert\- ;iiul resistance to arbitrary power. Calvinism was the ctlxcI of the French Huguenots, of the Swiss Protestants, of the Dutch patriots, of the Scottish people, of the luiglish Puritans, and of the settlers in New ICngland. These races are the pioneers of political liberty. They studied the Old Testament carefully, and foimd it very invigorating. And in Holland, believing that they owed much, aye, everything, to predestination, they looked upon an\' who disputed this cardinal doctrine as leagued with the foes of their libert\', or ready to league with them. Xor,as time went on, did this convic- tion diminish, for it was soon seen that the disciples of Arminius ranged themselves on the side of absolutism. CALVINISM. 233 The municipal part\' at Amsterdam and other large Dutch towns, without connnitting themselves to the new doctrines, were sincerely desirous of peace. It was certain to increase the difficulties of government if, .Uter they had rest on their borders, they should have strife in every town, almost in every family. Hence the States of Holland issued an ordinance, under the title a ''Resolution for the Peace of the Church," which was drawn up b\' Grotius and intended to strike a balance between the disputants, and sought to silence some of the most furious partisans, and invited Maurice to support the decision of the civil govern- ment by his authority. Now Maiuice, it is known, had long determined to make his power larger and more permanent; he saw that the party which Parne- veldt led or infiucnced was the great obstacle to his achieving his designs, and there seems no doubt that in 1616 he had indeed to effect his success, by getting rid of his rival. In this year, by a great stroke of diplomacy, Barneveldt induced the F^nglish king, to whom the Dutch were admitted to be still in debt to the amount of ;^6oo,ooo, to accept a present paxnient of /"250,ODO, and to surrender the three cautionary towns, Brill, Mushing, and Rammekens, which had been held as security for the pjiglish debt since the days of P>lizabeth, to the Dutch Government. James was ridiculed all over ICurope for his improvident bargain, and returned the contempt which he encountered by hatred towards the Dutch statesman. The ne.xt step taken was the creation of a small body of troops under the control or in the pay of the municipal authorities, who should repress the out- 234 RELIGIOUS DISSENSIONS, rages which these furious partisans were constaUiy committing. This gave Maurice the opportunity which he desired. He argued that this measure of precaution was a revolt against the authority which had been entrusted to him as commander-in-chief of the Dutch forces, and therefore responsible for the peace. Acting on his own authority, and making an entirely new departure in what had been the customary and constitutional procedure of the States, he re- modelled the municipalities, disbanded the guards which the municipalities had elected, openly joined the party of violence, and arrested Harneveldt, Grotius, and others. As Maurice had remodelled the repre- sentatives of the States-General, he was able to make it appear that the arrest and the trial of the aged statesman w as the act of legal and constituted authori- ties. Maurice, after establishing his partisans in all the Dutch towns, summoned a synod at Dort, or Dordrecht, in order to secure the countenance of re- ligion for the purposes which he meditated. The synod had i8o sittings, cost the State a million guilders, and set forth a confession of Hiith, which was long held by the Calvinistic party as of supreme authority. Meanwhile, Harneveldt was in prison, and subjected to many affronts and injuries. The Court which tried him was an illegal one, and the illu<;trious prisoner was treated with the greatest unfairnos b\ his judges. One of those who was impeached with him was so terrified by the threat of torture, that he committed suicide in prison. Barneveldt was found guilty and sentenced to death. TRIAL AND EXECUTION OF BARNEVELDT, 235 The charges against him were frivolous, had they been true, and were mostly false. But Maurice and his associates were resolved on the judicial murder of the ureat statesman, though they pretended that had Barneveldt acknowledged his guilt they would have commuted his sentence. He was beheaded in the square of the Binnenhof at the Hague on May 13, 1619. In all the history of political faction, sullied as it has been by a thousand crimes, none is more infamous than the murder of this great man. If justice were done to his memory, his statue should be erected on the spot where he was so shamefully executed. Sixty- three years afterwards, two other great Dutch states- men were murdered by an infuriated rabble, instigated by the interests, perhaps with the connivance, of the same family which, after having, in the person of William the Silent, done so much for Holland, did, in the person of his descendants, ultimately effect its ruin. Barneveldt was the only victim of this counter revolution. The frightened suicide was hanged on a gallows, and the others who had been condemned on the charire for which Barneveldt suffered were finally sentenced to imprisonment for life. It is pro- bable that Maurice did not like to encounter the uni- versal reprobation which all Europe would have uttered had he shed the blood of Grotius, who was not only renowned for his bravery, but had employed his pen effectively on behalf of his country's commercial liberties. Grrtius continued his literary labours in prison, and after two years, by means of an ingenious stratagem devised and carried out by his wife, he 1 GROT I us. 237 GkOTILJS. succeeded in escipiiiL^, packed up in a chest which pur- ported to contain books on the Arminian side of the controversy. Grotius got safely to Antwerp and thence to Paris. lie attempted to return to and reside in Rotterdam in 16:;!, but the States were implacable and he left for Hamburg, and afterwards went to Sweden. He died in 1645. 1 1 1 i ! i i G Ron is. 257 succccclc'l in escaping;, jKickcd up in a client which pur- ported to contain books on the Arniinian side of the controvers)'. (iiotius q;-ot safelx- to Antwerp and thence to Paris, lie attempted to retiun to and reside in Rotterdam in i^;i.hut the States were implacable and he left for llainburL;", and afterwards went to Sweden. lie died in 1645. <.l.' 'Ill b. .ill S9B^S : jT'^^T^^IPI mjBg^^^jM ^E* L-fif'^^HBl^^E awMW^Ag is& liB^ld^F13i^B9^BrikJBL? ^^&a^jA| gjFj m^^UJ^ BKj^^^ ^^^^^ ^^ ^ ^^m P^S ^^9 ^p ^ ^^p ^?^^tl^^^B9C XXVI THE TIIIKTV VKAks' WAR, AXh rill-: kllXEWAL OF HOSTILITIES. The twelve years' truce expired in Auic^ust, 162 1, and hostilities recommenced. There was, however, another war of far greater significance going on, to which the Dutch war was only an episode. No war ever vvaired had more lastinij results than the so called Thirty Years' War, which began with the revolt of Bohemia, and was concluded by what is variously called the Treaty of \Vesti)halia and the Teacc of Munster. The Treaty of Westphalia was held to have established the balance of {)(*\ver in lunope, and was always appealed to afterwanls when war took place and disputes were settled. Wars, as the Cjreck philosopher said, arc set in motion by trivial causes, but owe their existence to great causes. The trivial causes of the Thirty Years' War were the succession to the duchies of Cleves and Juliers, and the revolt of Bohemia from the Austrian succession. The real or great causes were, the hos- tility of Catholic and Protestant, the determination of BEGINNING OF THE 'WAR, 239 the Emperor to make himself the real master of Ger- manv, and the determination of the French Govern- ment so to weaken the German Empire that Flanders and the frontier of the Rhine might eventually fall into its hands. This has been the policy of France for centuries, and it was its policy in 1870. In 16 10 just before he was assassinated, Henry IV^ of France had resolved to humiliate the house of Austria. His son's minister never forgot that object. The mad Duke of Cleves and Juliers, a district situated on the border of Holland, died in 1609, and the succession fell to two of his nieces, the Countesses of Brandenburg and Neuburg. The Dutch interfered to prevent the duchies from being confiscated by the Emperor, and put the two countesses in possession as tenants in common. But from interested motives the latter of these in 161 4 became a Roman Catholic, and hoped to enlist the Em[)eror and the Duke of Bavaria, who afterwards got possession of the Palatinate on her side. Shortly afterwards the Evangelical Union and the Catholic League came to blows over the election of the head of the former association to the crown of l^ohcmia, on the death gf the Emperor Matthias. It was the old story, the determination of the Catholics to root out the Protestants, and of the Protestants to defend themselves. The Dutch were unwilling to break the truce, and the Lutheran princes were indisposed to assist the Elector Palatine. But the Catholic princes were active enough. The PLlector was stripped of his hereditary dominions, and very speedily, at the battle of the White Mountain, was constrained to relinquish Bo- 240 THE THIRTY YEAKS' WAR. hernia. But I am only indirectly conccriK\l w ith the horrible Thirty Years' War, which was continued for interested motives, and threw Germany back for two centuries. In loji, the twelve years' truce beini^ ex- pired, the Kini; of Spain anel the Archikikcs offered to renew it, on tiie condition that the States would acknowledge their ancient sovereii^ms, one of whom, the Archduke Albert, died this year. i:ven if the States had been inclined to nei;otiate, the will of Maurice was in the ascendant, and the war was re- newed. The Dutch, it is true, were now entirely insulated. Jamc< <'f hji^land wa- makinL,^ overtures to Spain, and bein- c.ijoled. JMancu, who had wished to save liarneveldt, was unhiendly in consecjuence of the manner in which her intercession had been treated. The Dutch party which w:'s opposed to Maurice was exasperated, and tiie <^aeat ctnmsellor was no more there to advise his country in its emer«.,^encies. The safety of Holland lay in the fact that tiie wars of relisJik<§P ^m m xxvn. COLLISIONS P.ETWEKN EN(;LAM) AND HOLLAND. TllK rivalry of t^ic English and Dutch East India Companies, and the consequent collision of trade interests in the two countries, was early apparent. In order to obviate them, a treat)- was drawn up between the two countries, by which the commerce of the companies was to be regulated. But at so great a distance, and with so slight a control over these powerful associations which the respective governments of luigland and Holland had created, conventions on paper were not likely to be of much validity. In 1624 came the news of what is called the massacre of Ambovna, an event of which the most discordant accounts were iriven bv the rival companies. At this time it is impossible to extricate the truth from the mists of passion in which the transaction is involved. It is sufficient to say that the affair was appealed to as a reason for stimulating hatred between the two nations, a hatred which w^as not only provoked by real or fancied injuries, but constantly renewed by the unfortunate position in 250 COLLISIONS BETWEEN ENGLAND & HOLLAND. which Holland was placed by its relations to the Stewarts. The commercial thcorv of the Dutch, which rested on the principle of a rii^id monopoly, which should not only secure a sole market to Dutch traders, but should extinguish the possibility of procuring produce from any place which was not under their control, was certain to excite hostility. It was as monstrous as the grant of Horgia. It pretended to a right that the demands of all civilized nations should be in- terpreted in the light of Dutch profits, that supply should be curtailed in order that these profits shoukl be enhanced, the only limit to this restraint being the maximum price which their customers could affortl to pay. Now the principal produce of the ICast, for which there was a constant demand, was spice ; pepper, cinnamon, mace, nutmegs, cloves. These, in the almost total absence of veijetables and modern condiments were the choicest flavours which men desired some centuries ago, and the Dutch tried to appropriate the whole supply. The English, who were at this time almost the only rivals of the Dutch in the h.ast, for the l^ortuguese trade was well-nigh ruined, determined that they should not have this monopoly, and during the first half of the seventeenth century, the L^ast India Company in England had been making considerable progress. The treaty of 1619 was a well-meant endeavour to control these tendencies. The attitude of the Dutch towards the Pailiament, Cromwell and the army, was in the last degree f^jpritating. The king's two sons, Charles and James, HOLLAND FAVOURS THE STEWARTS, 25I had escaped to Holland, where, indeed, at the com- mencement of the war, Henrietta, on pretence of bringing her daughter over, had been attempting to obtain supplies. At the Hague, Charles, openly countenanced by his brother in-law, strove to induce the States to declare on the royal side, and to aid the Stewarts in those designs which the War of Inde- .pendcnce was entered upon for the purpose of de- feating. It was only when the army proceeded to try and to sentence the king that the States yielded, and then only to the extent of mediation. But all their efforts were in vain. The Dutch envois urged the resentment of Europe, and Cromwell, who knew very well what the resentment of Europe meant, refused to yield. In a few years, the monarchs of lunope vied in flattering the usurper, who had slain one of their order. The Dutch States, however, did not venture on addressing the younger Charles as king of Great Britain, as indeed no crowned head did except the degenerate and licentious queen of Sweden, Christina. The annoyance felt in the English Parliament at this interference and this s)mpathy with the exiled family was intensified by the murder of Isaac Dorislaus. Dorislaus was the son of a Dutch clergy- man, and in consideration of his learning had been attached to the teaching staff of Cambridge University or Gresham College He had been parliamentary counsel at the king's trial, and most imprudently had been sent as envoy extraordinary to the States, with the object of bringing about a close alliance between the two Republics. The day after his arrival he was 252 COLLISIONS BETWEEN ENGLAND & HOLLAND. murdered at the Ilac^jueby some of the Royah'st exiles, who were there in considerable numbers, under the protection of the Stadtholder and the Orange party. The murderers escaped with the connivance of the same faction. This outrage on the law of nations was a greater offence even at that time than the trial and execution of Charles. The Stadtholder now determined, like his uncle Maurice, to make himself absolute. His plan was to foment dissension between the State of Holland and the other six States, and his occasion, the determina- tion of the former state, which bore the heaviest share of the public expenditure, to reduce the arm)- and curtail official salaries. As this was the diminution of William's income, he was discontented, and the mischievous woman he had married, true to the instincts of her race, urged him to strike for more power. He imprisoned members of the States- General without form of law, because the)- were, or he thought they were, unfriendly to his schemes, and then attempted to effect by surprise the military occu- pation of Amsterdam, in which he was foiled, for the Amsterdam burghers, on discovering his plot, threatened to cut the dvkes. Fortunately he died at the age of twenty-four, 1650, to the infinite satisfaction of all but the Orange faction. Mm i^^ave thank offer- ings in gratitude for his opportune death. His widow, a few days after his death, gave birth to a son, after- wards William HI. of England. In this crisis, when there was no representative of William the Silent who could under any pretence take he lead, the fortunes of the Dutch Republic were t WAR WITH CROMWELL. 253 manap-ed bv the State of Holland. For a time there was to be no Stadtholder, but the supreme authority over the civil and military administration was to reside in the States-General. In the conference which arranK k[ \ I 1 K. INGRATITUDE OF CHARLES II. 2^ OD bci^un, thoiip^h it would seem that the T^np^lish were the aj^ijressors. The contest was entirely on the se.i. 1 he Dutch admirals were Tn^mp, an ardent partisan of the Granite faction, and De Ru\ter, while tl.ose of the iMii^lish fleet were Hlakc and Monk. The struL:ench king insisting that they should ratify and guarantee the sale of Dunkirk, one of Cromwell's conquests, which Charles, to the infinite disgust of his people, had parted with to Louis, in consideration of a I CHARLES MAKES CLAIMS ON THE DUTCH, 259 considerable sum of money, which was immediately squandered, as the Prodigal devoured his living, for any acquisition of PVance in the Netherlands was a matter of anxiety to the Republic. Still they yielded on this point too, and Charles graciously relinquished to them the guardianship and educa- tion of the young Prince of Orange, a duty which, fortunately, it was never his intention to undertake. Could he indeed have seen into the future, he would have insisted on this as the most important right which he could substantiate, and the English, who envied and hated Holland, would have gladly acquiesced in educating young William in the interest of themselves and the Stewarts. I XXVJII. riii: ADMINS IRA rioN or joiix dk witt. Bktwkkx 1650 and 1672,1110 affairs of Holland were practicall\' inanaL'.ed by John i\c. Witt. This able and accomplished statesman, whose work on "The Interest of Holland" is a ver\' complete sum- mary of the political and mercantile condition of the Republic, was the son of Jacob de Witt, one of the members of the States of Holland, who had, in the last year of the Stadtholderate of William H., been arbitrarily and illei:^ally imprisoned in Loevenstein, and only released on condition that they abdicated their offices. This outrai^e made a deep impression on the mind of the son, and was the reason wh}- he was and remained hostile to the pretensions of the youni; prince. Had it been |^ossil)le to restrain the Orani^e part\', De Witt would have obviated these occasions of difference and ultimatelx' of wars, which were so disastrous to Holland, durinij^ the time of the lui«;lish Commonwealth, it was he who nei^otiated the treaty of 1654, and acquiesced in the exclusion of the Prince I A )«»ll.\ DE Will \\\ III. Illl \hMI\> I I; \l h 'X •'! I«»ii\ |>i- \\ I rr. Bktwiiv i'">5o and 1^^.72, the affairs of Mollaiul were |)rattihii (](- Witt. This able and .»■ • mpiisiuMl statcsinan, wIim^c work on " Thr Interest of jjolland" is a vcrx eonipK'te sum- mary ( »f the j)(»litical and mercantile conditi* >n of the Repuhh'e, was the son "f laeoh de Witt, one of the members of the Statt -^ ..,' Iloll.md, who had, in the last \-car of the Stadtli< )lderate of Wilham II., been arbitr.irily and iilei^.d!)- imprisoned in I.ocvenstein, and onl\' released on condition that lliey abdicated thc-ir offices. This outiaj^e made a deep imprc\>.>ion on tlu^ mind of the son, and w.i- the reason \\h\- he was and remained hostile to the pretensions of the youn^ prince. Had it been possible to n-strain the ( )ranL:e p.irt\-, l)e Witt would ha\e obviated these occasions of dilferencc and nhiinatrly of wars, which were .so disastrous to 1 lolland, dnrini; th<^ tim<^ of the laiL^lish Comiiionw (cdth. It was he who niL;otiati-d the treat)' of 1^)54, and ac(iuiesced in the exclusion of the Prince joiiN UI-: w 11 1 262 THE ADMINISTRATION OF JOHN DE WITT. of Orange from the oflfice of Stadtholdcr, and the expulsion of the Stewarts from Holland. In all like- lihood he was no unwilling agent in deposing the house of Orange, for it is said that his father, old Jacob de Witt, was used, when he met him in the morning, to say, " Remember the prison of Locvcn- stein." After the war was brought to an end, Dc Witt, though only twenty-eight years of age, was and remained practically Prime Minister of Holland, under the title of Pensionary. Still, as we have seen, De Witt was exceedingly complaisant to Charles before his restoration to the English throne, more so when it was finally effected, and even afterwards when Charles showed himself so captious and arrogant with the Dutch envoys. De Witt knew that Holland had now more to lose than gain by any conflict, and saw that if by any means short of a public humiliation he could keep on good terms with France and luigland, the losses which Holland had sustained could be easily repaired. His countrymen called him " the Wisdom of Holland." In order to conciliate the Orange party, De Witt induced the prince's grandmother to entrust his education to the States of Holland. The Princess Dowager agreed, and the youth's household, modelled on what De Witt thought was the public interest, was superintended by himself That De Witt intended to give a bias to the Prince's character, which would make him prefer the interest of Holland to any other, is certain, and it is equally certain that the object was attained. No one, not even William the Silent, was more entirely devoted to his country than William THE TREATY OF THE PYRENEES. 263 HI. of Holland and afterwards of England was. No man divined the dangers which threatened the Re- public more clearly than William did, no one was more prompt in meeting them, and more confident, even under rebuffs, disappointments, and defeats. He conferred, beyond doubt, great benefits on two nations, and the one revered his memon-, the other treated him with signal ingratitude, for William was the worst used king who ever sat on the l^iglish throne. \W the treaty of the Pyrenees, in 1659, Louis XIV. had renounced all claims to the throne of Spain through his wife, the king's elde t daughter. This had been effected at the King of Spain's instance. Hut in 1663 De Witt found out that the French king was by no means disposed to abide by his engage- ments, and that he meditated, whenever the occasion should arise, the occupation of the Spanish Nether- lands. The disco\ery was made when he proposed to Louis, that the proposed treaty of Partition of 1635 should be carried into effect, in case the Xether- landers did not vindicate their own independence. i\ll that Lcniis, however, would concede was that, in the event of the death of the Spanish king and his only male heir, he would recognize the inde- pendence of the Netherlands under a French protec- torate, which of course would be no independence at all. So early had Louis formed that plan, which he pertinaciously strove to effect during his life, and left as a tradition to his successors. So startled was De Witt at this discovery that he approached the Spanish ambassador, and proposed to him to form a treat\' between the Republic and Spain on the basis of the 1 ; 264 THE ADMINISTRATION OF JOHN DE WITT, Pacification of Ghent, in 1576. Louis discovered the negotiation, and concealing his anger, resolved to be revenged on the first convenient opi)ortunity. De Witt must have recognized that Holland was running the risk, soon to be the certainty, of a struggle which would be more perilous and more prolonged than the War of Independence was. Meanwhile, the relations between the States-General and the Knglish Government were every day becom- ing more strained. Charles, who was on the point of sacrificing his wisest and most faithful counsellor, Lord Clarendon, by throwing on him the scandal of the sale of Dunkirk, was not likely to make any effort for the republic which had sheltered him and his adherents in the time of their greatest danger and penury, and had braved the wrath, and increased the anxiety of the great Protector by doing so. On the contrary, he strove to embitter public opinion in Kng- land against the Republic by stimulating the cupidity of the luiglish h'.ast India Company, an association which was indeed prosperous, but was fast becoming one of the worst instruments of corruption in the country, by systematically bribing Parliament in the interests of its monopoly ; for while the Dutch were striving to secure a trade for themselves alone in that part of the world, the East India Company were, by virtue of their charter, excluding every Englishman but themselves from any commerce in the Indian seas. Before Parliament had given shape to its ill-will, the Court began war by attacking the Dutch settle- ments in the Gulf of Mexico, and the eastern shore FIRST WAR WITH CHARLES. ^65 of \orth America. Shortly after the discovery of the Hudsi)n River the Dutch had planted a colony on Manhattan Island, with the name of New Amsterdam. In 1664 the colony was attacked by the Knglish admiral, Nichols. As the attack was unexpected, and tlio town was undefended, it was immediately surrendered and annexed to the British i)lantations. Its name was changed In compliment to the royal buccaneer who planned this expedition, and it became New York. Charles disavowed the acts of Nichols, and even impri- soned him, hut made no re- stitution, lie gave the Dutch envoy fair words which cost him nothing, and made vigo- rous preparations for war, which cost the luiirlish and Dutch a good deal. On the other hand, De Witt, who saw through the king's dupli- city, and had put a consider- able fleet under the connnand of De Ru\ter, sent his ad- miral secret orders to pro- ceed at once to the coast of Guinea and retake the forts which the English had seized. De Ru\ter was generally successful. Charles retaliated by seizing all the Dutch vessels which he could la\' his hands on, and having obtained large grants from Parliament, by declaring war. The first battle of the war, that of Southwold liay, was disastrous to the Dutch, and in PIPES. 266 THE ADMIXISTRATION OF JOHN DE WITT. the next year nothint^ of importance was done. In the great battle of 1666, the advantai^^e was on the side of the Dutch ; and in 1667, I)e Ruyter burnt the English fleet in the IMedway, and peace was soon negotiated. Shortly after the peace was proclaimed. Charles, whose peoi)le began to discern what were the designs of the King of France in the Netherlands, despite his reluctance at «'iving anv offence to Louis, sent Sir William Temple to tlie Hague, for the pur[)<)se of nccfotiatiiiLT an alliance with Holland. l)e Witt un- willingly acceded to the proposal, for he foresaw that no reliance could be placed on Charles, that he would irreconciliably offend Louis, and that if re- course was had to arms, Holland alone would have to bear the brunt of the struggle. Hut he gave in, and induced the deputies of the States to acquiesce in his policy. The terms of the treaty allowed Louis to keep some of his Flemish concjuests, but restrained him, under the risks of war with luigland and the States, from making further acqui>ilion^. This treat}-, as Sweden shortly after joined it, was the famous " Triple Alliance," which Temple alwa)s considered his greatest achievement. It formed the basis and model of those great alliances which, at a sub^eciuent period, were entered into with the \ icw of chastising the ambition of Louis. The terms of this treaty have been iustlv criticised. Spain had been despoiled, and England and Holland .sanctioned the spoliation. It was a poor show of courage to condone a wrong, and to avow a deter- mination that the wrong should go no further. Hut THE TRIPLE ALLIANCE. 267 Enirland and Holland were in no condition to give effect to their resolve. The costs of the late war wei^^hed heavilv on both, and the distrust of the English towards the king and his administration was profound. Had it not been for the intense dread which the English had of the possible revival of a man and an army like that of Cromwell and the new model, it seems impossible to doubt that the F:nglish nation would have sent Charles and his brother " on their travels again "as the king used to call his exile. The strength of Charles' position was the hatred of the Commonwealth, the memory of which was still as keen as ever. So they tried a middle course ; in attemjiting to exclude James from the succession, failed, and were constrained finally to get rid of the reigning house. But the value of the Triple Alliance was not in its immediate effects. It was of force as a precedent. The 1 rii)le Alliance was hardly signed when Louis seduced Charles by bribes and a new mistress, into break- ing it. The temptation was strong. Charles was to be subsidized to such an extent as to be made inde- pendent of Parliament. He was to be enabled to rest.. re Romanism in England, Scotland, and Ireland, and acquiesce in the concjuest of the United Pro- vinces. The bribes and the mistress were conveyed to Charles by his sister, the Duchess of Orleans, the kinL^'s brother's wife. On her return to France, she died speedily, not without suspicions of poison. De Witt was entirely deceived. He had informa- tion as to the designs of Louis and the despotism of Charles, but he disbelieved his informants. He could 268 THE ADMIMSTRATIOX OF 70IL\ l)E WITT. not conceive it possible that the luii^^ish kiiii; wouicl acquiesce in such an aggrandisement of T'rance as would result from the subj nidation of the United IVo- vinces. He did not understand his man. The first thing which Charles thought of was the means of gratifying his appetites ; the second that of restc^ring the religion to which he secretly inclined, if indeed he had not already joined it ; the third was the re-estab- lishment of absolute government. He believed, and with some justice, that the odious memories of the Commonwealth could enable him to almost, if not quite, achieve the last object. In order to complete the deception, Charles assured the Dutch envoy that his mind was made up, and that he was firml\' resolved to maintain the alliance. He had even deceived Temple by his assurances, though he was already bound to Louis by a secret treaty, and was receiving the reward of his perfidv. Meanwhile Louis had con(juered Lorraine, and Charles had agreed to admit the Emperor of ( lurniany into the alliance. Next he recalled Temple, and De Witt's eyes were opened. Had He Witt been served, as William the Silent had been served at the court of IMiilip the Second a century before, when all the secrets of the Kscorial were duly forwarded to him, the Dutch would not have been hoodwinked. Had De Witt boldly faced the situation, and seeing that the reconciliation of tlie Dutch factions was the one thing necessary, had acquiesced without grudging in the elevation of William to the office of Stadtholder and Captain-General, he might have averted danger from himself and his country, have forced Charles to THE WAR OF 1672. 269 drop his bribes, and enlisted English sympathy on his side. But his hatred of the house of Orange and of William's father paralysed his judgment. Temple soon discovered on his return to luigland, what were the sentiments of the king and the cabal. Dis- appointed and disgusted at being made a tool and a dupe. Temple retired into private life. As De Witt was deceived in the character of Charles, so he was duped by Louis. The l^^rench king flattered him, and tried to bribe him, complimented him on his disinterestedness and integrity, and assured him of his continued goodwill. He had affected to sympathise with his dislike and distrust of the house of Ornnw, and with his unwillingness to admit William into any share of the administration. Meanwhile Louis did his best to induce the German princes to be neutral. He succeeded with the emperor, and with the ecclesiastical states which lay on the Dutch border. He subsidised the disaffected Hungarians, with a view of effectually preventing the emperor from disregarding his engagement, and he succeeded in bribing the Swedes into a desertion of the Triple Alliance. He had thus bought or entrapped all possible enemies, and had effectually isolated the Dutch, who, alarmed at his preparations, and asking their import, were told that they would know next spring. Meanwhile Charles assured the Dutch envoy that he would prevent Erance from making war on them, and would assist them in case he found Louis disposed to be aggressive with his fleet. Just as war was seen to be inevitable, William of Orange was made Captain-General. No other course 270 THE ADMLMSTRATION OF JOHN DE WITT, was possible. But De Witt contrived to load his commission with disagreeable and irritating condi- tions, and to limit its duration to a year. In addition to inexperience and want of military training, William was put over an army which had been disorganizxd by long abstention from military duties, and by the sloth and negligence of its officers- Louis declared war, without alleging any pretext beyond this, that it was not consistent with his glory to endure the conduct of the States any longer, and commenced the campaign with an army of 120,000 men. De Witt lost all courage and pro- posed to treat. But the terms which they offered were rejected by Louis, and Ilolhmd recovered the courage of despair. De Ruytcr was more fortunate in his encounter with the luiglish licet But soon the Orange mob at " the Hague,** aft<-'r vainly endeav^ouring to assassinate the brothers De Witt, John and Cornelius, and having then striven to destroy them on a false accusation, attacked the prison in which the}- were, dragged them out and murdered them, near the spot where Barneveldt had been judicially slain. It is difficult to acquit the Prince of Orange of tacit compliance with the outrage. Besides, he gave a pension to the false accuser of the two stalcsmen. M ^*^3C M W^mf^^ ^ ^^ i m ^Z^^^WTI ^ ^«^S S H ^jjgjgi ,^jA^^a^ I^BL^ nj^^g^^^ggum XXIX. TO THE PEACE OF NIMEGUEN. The De Witts were murdered in 1672, and the whole administration was forthwith transferred to the hands of the Prince of Oranire. This was indeed inevitable. The party of the De Witts was paralysed by the outbreak, the people insisted on the elevation of the Prince of Orange to his ancestral dignities, and the condition of the Republic, menaced at once by two powerful enemies, Louis of France and Charles of Eng- land, required that the administration of affairs should be strengthened. It was fortunate for Holland, that, though the means by which the young Stadtholder was raised to his dignity are as indefensible as could be conceived, the resolution and patriotism of William were as conspicuous and as unyielding as those qualities were in the most distinguished of his race. He had not indeed the military genius of Maurice his great uncle, or Frederic Henry his grand- father, but for unshaken fortitude and persistent love of his country, he was a counterpart of his great- grandfather, William the Silent, and he was, besides, \ WILLIAM III. TRAINING OF WILLIAM. 273 with better opportunities perhaps, the shrewdest diplomatist which the house of Orange has ever produced. Wilham had been trained in habits of reserve and prudence. Since the premature death of his father and mother, his brini^ing up had been in the hands of those who were distinctly opposed to the pretensions of his family. I'or twenty years, the government had been an aristocratic republic, which had taken every possible means to weaken the influence of the Orange party. It was necessary for William to be cautious and reticent in the highest degree, to be wary and self- reliant, to study the characters of those who were opposed to his elevation, and to cautiously win the friendship of those whom he might hereafter trust and employ. In his youth he had been too openly friendly with Zulestein, and the jealousy of the exist- in<'- iroverninent removed this person, in whom he afterwards put absolute trust, from his company. William had indeed to learn the art of war, and to do the best he could in striving to secure his country's independence against the able generals who w^ere trained in the armies of Louis. He was never their match in battle, but there was no ruler of Holland, who so rapidly minimized 01 retrieved defeat and loss. William instantly rose to the occasion, while his country was administered by the chief of the municipal aristocracy. William was ready to join tliem in suing for peace. But as soon as he became Stadtholder, though only twenty years of age, he cncouraired the States to refuse the terms which Louis and Charles proposed, as discreditable and ruinous Ull.i.lAM 111. TRAISL\G OF WILLIAM. ^75 with bcttrr opiK^rtiiiiitics pcrliaps, the shrewdest ilil)K)mati>l which the lioiise of Orani^e has ever proihiced. Wilhain liad been trained in liabits of reserve and prudence. Since the premature death of his father and motlier, his brin-ini; up had been in the hands of tli(»se who were (hstinctl\- oi)[)osed to the pretensions of his family. lM)r twenl\' \ears, the government had been an arist>.iiU >triiL;L;k> with llir riiiks, and with his own rcxoltcd subjects in lluni;ar\, and Louis was sup- posed to have been in ka^uc w ith botli. In the earl\- \ i ar^ of this uneasy peace, Louis strove to stri'iiL^thi n his frontier b\- buildini; with all the apphances which science at that time possessed the stroni^est fortresses. Hut, on the other liatid, he (juarrelled with the Jansenists, a school which, while within the Roman ( hurch, contained the most pious and learned men of that communion, and strove to extirpate the 1 lui^iienots. lie L;ave himself up entireK' to the adxice of the Jesuits, but insulted, j)hmiuied, and iiritated the Pope. He continued his attacks on the Spanish Netherlands, and captured cit\' after cit\'. I \c bombarded (ienoa, simply because it had been on :;oo(l terms with Spain, and constrained tlic ])oi;e of th.it ancient cit\' to sue for peace at \Y'rsailles, imder insultinij^ conditions. livery state in Lurope was irritated and alarmed at liis pretensions and hi> actions. Manx' (»f the [''rencli nobles and a larijc section of the- h'rench people liad embraced the Reformation and had accepted the teachinL,^ and the discii)line of Cal\in. the form .1 religion which had been adopted in Holland. The II UL;iienots, as these sectaries were called, had formed the mainsta\- of Henry IV. Without their aid, the L^randfather o{ the French kini;-, the i^n-and monarch, as his contemporaries called him, wouUl never liave worn the crown of h'rancc. Thev were, as a rule, lo\al to the monarch of their ch(^ice, even aftt r he had deserted the creed in which he had been broui;ht uj), and which he lon^^ 286 FROM THE PEACE OF NIMEGUEN. I* professed. Henry saw, or thought he saw, no chance for his final victory, unless he was reconciled to the Roman Church. He suffered himself to be converted, foreseeing that he could thus win the Malcontents, without seriously affronting his own friends, l^ut he accorded the Huguenots toleration, by the famous Edict of Nantes, and allowed them to rct:iin in their own hands certain fortresses, and even districts, coUeires, and churches. It was the policy of Richelieu to consolidate the power of the French monarchy, to diminish the privileges and weaken the political independence of the French sectaries. In course of time, many of the nobles of the Huguenot party deserted the creed which their fathers maintained, and like the king whom they had fought for, reconciled themselves to the Church. But the great body of the sectaries remained faithful to their creed. They naturally dwelt in towns, and became the principal manufac- turers, artisans, and merchants of France. The Huguenots were the peojile whom the policy of Colbert had favoured, and their enterprise and wealth enabled them to establish in I^'rancc those industries which were the mainstay of P'rench trade, and the source of the king's revenue. These men possessed the largest part of that wealth which is the life of manufacturers and commerce. The Hollanders and the English had a profound interest in the fortunes of the Hui/ucnots. It was a matter of common religious feeling, for some of French sectaries had been among the most famous and competent of the generals whom Louis employed EXPULSION OF THE HUGUENOTS. 287 Now it was these persons whom Louis wished to drive into the Church of Rome by force, and after a time, when they refused compliance with his will, to drive from France. He quartered soldiers on them, and harried them by exactions, he destroyed their churches and schools, he bribed those he could into compliance with his wishes, and he punished with the greatest severity those who relapsed into their ancient creed. In time districts once almost entirely peopled by the reformed sectaries were coerced into conformity. iMually on October 2, 1686, he revoked, amid the applause of the Jesuits and the congratulations of the Court bishops, the famous Edict of Nantes. Then came a gigantic emigration of the wealthiest, the most industrious, and the most vigorous of the French people. The emigration of the Huguenots was nearly as disastrous to France as the expulsion of IMoriscoes in the beginning of the century had been to Spain. The manufacturers came in great numbers to Enurround themselves with a large retinue and sometimes large bodies of troops, the quar- ters in which they resided became an asylum to all the bad characters in Rome. Murders and robberies were committed and the perpetrators shielded fr;)m the consequence of their acts. Smugglers took up their abode in these sanctuaries, and the papal revenue wa^ seriously compromised by contraband trade. Lniocent was determined to put a stop to the scandal, and found it not difficult to induce the Catholic Powers LOUIS OFFEXnS EVERY ONE, 289 to restrain within reasonable limits the licence which had been customary. But Louis insisted on con- tinuing the obno.xious system in the person of his ambas.sador, and sent an envoy with a small army to Rome, whom the Pope refused to admit to an audience. In revenge for this Louis overran the territory of Avignon, and united it to his dominions. From the peace of Ximeguen onwards, William of Orange had striven to procure a confederation of the European Powers, o.stensibly to secure and maintain the provisions of the peace, but really as a counter- poi.se against the mciiacing ambition of Prance. But the principal ally whom he hoped to secure was his uncle, Charles of p:ngland, and he seems to have been unacquainted with the secret engagements which that utterly unprincipled sovereign had made with the P>ench king. The States of 1 lolland, however, entirely distrusted Charles, and feared to pnnoke Louis, who, as it appears that they believed, might be anxious to remain on good terms with the Rei)ublic. They were merely anxious to maintain the peace. The action of Louis himself .soon disal)used the Dutch of their confidence. Louis insisted on .securing some towns of the Si)ani.sh Netherlands which had been expres.sly restored at the peace, he attacked Luxemburg, he occupied .Msace, he got possession of Strasburg, and fortified it for him.self. On these acts came the persecution and expulsion of the Huguenots, and Louis succeeded in alienating from himself those states and cities of Hc^lland which had been hitherto anxious to maintain a good under- standing with him. Under these circumstances 290 FROM THE PEACE OF NIMEGUEN. William found that the efforts which he was makincr to secure the formation of a lea^jue ap^ainst T'rance were more likely to be successful. He contrived to induce the King of Sweden to enter into the alliance, and he used every effort to induce Charles of iMig- land to take the same step. But Charles refused, and William induced the Flmperor of Spain and some of the German princes to join in the alliance. William hoped that at last he should be able soon to enter into a fresh struggle with France, but tlie obstinate refusal of the city of Amsterdam to back u[) his policy foiled him. He succeeded, however, in inducing the States to strengthen their navy, and to keep an effective army. In February, 1685, Charles of England died and his brother James, the father-in-law of William, suc- ceeded. James put on a show of vigour, declared that he would maintain the European balance, and though he was not above receiving the French king's money, exhibited more sense of personal dignity and national feeling than Charles did. He even affronted Louis, and by doing so prepared his own ruin. Mean- while William kept on good terms with his father-in- law, whose succession he had good reason to expect, and sent away IMonmouth from the Provinces. It is alleged by some that he was privy to Monmouth's invasion. Certainly he must have been as dissatisfied with the assumption of the royal title by that adventurer as James was. He not only disavowed it, but sent six regiments in the Dutch service to co-operate with James against the rebels. Meanwhile William had at last contrived to establish an agree- THE EXPEDITION TO ENGLAND. 291 rnent between those who were alarmed at the progress of France under the name of the league of Augsburg. It is not eas)' to see when the scheme first took shape of dispossessing James from the English throne. Hurnet, afterwards Bishop of Salisbury, had quitted luigland, now no safe place for him, and was soon as deeply in William's counsels as any man ever was. On the other hand, William sent one of his most trusted adherents, Dykvelt, over to London in order that he might enter into an understanding with the ICnglish noble.s, disabuse them of any impression which they might have as to his .sympathy with his father- in law's theories of government, and at the same time to assure James of the good will of the States. There is little doubt that Dykvelt was trusted by the English malcontents, who had by this time thoroughly mis- trusted James, and were gradually forming those plans which eventuated in the iMiglish Revolution. At last William ventured on publishing and circulating his opinions about what James was bent on, the repeal of the Test Act, and the indulgence to Protestant Dissenters. The publication of this document, though it angered James, increased the popularity of William in l^ngland. The birth of the Prince of Wales, known in later history as the Old Pretender, destroved all W^illiam's hopes of the succession to the English throne, which he may have contemplated, and was a serious blow to what William certainly had at heart, the creation of a powerful league against the French king. With Eng- land friendly to France, or neutral in the coming struggle, it was justly feared that the alliance would 292 FROM THE PEACE OF NIMEGUEN. It be powerless. It mii^lit succeed if England were to declare on the side of the Allies. At first William recognized his infant brother-in-law, but when it was reported that the child was supposititious, and the report was believed, William ceased to have the child's name mentioned in public worship. William must have joined in the popular belief; else it is diffi- cult to see why he should have given James what was a practical warning that he would claim his wife Mary's inheritance by force of arms. To disallow the Prince of Wales was to claim the luiglish throne. The birth of the Prince was the fatal offence of James. W^illiam had sent Zulestcin to congratulate the English king and queen on the event, and Zulestein brought back the invitation from the English nobles to W^illiam, that he should invade luigland and liberate it from the Government which was violating the law, and suspending the constitution. W^illiam was ready enough, but the difficulties were great. He had to carr\- out his project in secret, to hoodwink James and Louis, and to induce the I'nited Provinces to acquiesce in his plans. h\)rtunatclv for William, Louis had been affronted by James, and was at the height of his quarrel with the Pope and the ICmperor, while William was making his preparations. Just at the eve of the enterprise of the Prince of Orange, Louis de- clared war against the emperor and sent his forces to the Palatinate, far away from the Dutch frontier and thus left the sea open to William. 1/ XXXL TlIK ENGLISH REVOLUTION. James the Second of England had long an- nounced his conversion to the Roman Church, to the alarm and indignati(^n of the English people, l^ut his brother Charles had succeeded in baffling the desicrn of Parliament to exclude him from the throne, and had, after the last effort made in that direction, resolved to summon no more Parliaments. In order, however, should it be necessary to meet such an assembly again, he had, by a trick of law, and with the services of unscrupulous judges, con- trived to effect the surrender of the charters by which the boroughs exercised their franchises, and, to a great extent, their representation in Parliament, and to rc-grant them under such conditions as to secure the royal influence in all or most of them. I low well he had taken his measures is p- ved by the complete subservience of the only Parli. ment which his brother and succes.sor ever summoned. This Parliame it made James such enormous grants that he was u.ider no necessity, except war broke out, to have recourse to 294 THE ENGLISH REVOLUTION. his people again ; and there can be no doubt, had his reign been prolonged, that he would have never sum- moned a Parliament. James was as fond of French money as Charles, but he was not nearly so prodigal, and a great deal more proud. He resented the advice of the monarch to whom he was indebted, and even disavowed that understanding with him which he had entered into in consideration of the money which Louis advanceil him. Meanwhile he had contrived to alienate every- one from him, even the Church of I^icrland, which had been preaching the doctrine of passive obedience for a generation. His design was to effect the con- version of the English people to his religion, and to employ every means which the law and his preroga- tive gave him in order to effect this result. In order to make a party, beyond the Roman Catholics in his kingdom, he proclaimed, by his sole authority and in defiance of the law, absolute toleration for all Dis- senters, and the suspension of all laws and disabilities which had been enacted against the Roman Catholics, hoping that thereby he might gain the Dissenters, while he had no suspicion that the English clergy would break away from their loyalty to him, however much they were affronted and injured. In order to secure his objects, he brought over a consid<:rablc body of troops from Ireland, all men of his own creed, and all officered by men of his own creed. Now if there was one thing which was more injurious than anything else to his father, it was the bare suspicion that he had meditated the enlistment of an Irish army against the Parliamentary forces, and now HOLLAND TAKES PART IN IT. 295 James had Irish regiments under arms in the vicinity of London, with the object, as it appeared, of over- awing the city of London. And as I have already said, the birth of a son, who would be brought up in his father's obnoxious creed, made the permanent degradation of England an assured prospect. The French envoy at the Hague was not blind to the meaning of William's preparations, and had in- formed Louis and James, assuring the States that there was an understanding between the two monarchs, under which any attack on either would be treated as a declaration of war. James, however, in a fit of pride, denied that there was any under- standing beyond that which was known to the whole world, and so offended his French ally, who practically left him to his fate. By the aid of Dykvelt and Fagel William contrived to induce, at last, all the United Provinces to assist him in his undertaking. They had probably learned how hostile the English people were to their infatuated king. They were informed of the assistance which was promised by the leading English nobles, and the}' must have been entirely convinced how dangerous the designs of Louis were. Now if war were to come, it was of the utmost consequence to them that England should be the ally of Holland, and not passively or actively on terms of friendship with France. They remembered the dangers which they ran in 1672, and many of them no doubt re- called how, a century before, the aid of the English had been of the greatest importance to them in the War of Independence. It must have been for such reasons as these that the States overcame their re- < ►: < c p: p LANDING AT TORBAY. 297 puj^nancc to cni^aging in costly hostilities, and these with the dreaded King of France. Besides, WiUiam had contriv^ed to gain the warm friendship and close alh'ance of the Elector of Hrandenburc^. lie knew that he should have the support of the Emperor of Germany, and that even the Pope was favourable to the enterprise of the heretic prince, if he could only be free from the insults of l^Vancc, the king of which was now engaged in thrusting a partisan of his into a German bishoj^ric, in defiance of both Pope and emperor. He actually seized the opportunity of inflicting a serious loss on the Dutch fisheries, and so had alienated these persons who had hitherto been his partisans. On the 29th of October, New Style, but on the 19th according to the reckoning of most Protestant countries, the fleet started on the expedition, but, meeting with bad weather, was obliged to return to port, a circumstance which induced James to con- clude that there was now no present danger. It had been the intention of William to effect a landing in the North of England, where he believed his partisans were strong, and where he might expect Scotch assistance. Hither James had gone with his forces. There was some delay in starting again, and the wind made it necessary that William should land on the south-west coast. Here he landed at Torbay, on Nov. 5th, Old Style, an auspicious day to luiglish minds, because it was the anniversary of the deliverance of Kinir and Parliament from the l^owdcr Plot. He was gladly received, and marched slowly towards London. I! LAXDI.\G AT TORBAY. 297 t- < c » pui^nancc to cn<;7i<;ini; in costly liostilitics, and these with the dreacied Kini; of h'rance. Ik'sides, W'iUiam had contrived to i^ain the warm friendslii}) and close alh'ance of the I^lector of Hrandenl)ur;^. He knew that he sliould liave the support of the iMiipcror of (jeri]ian\', and that even the P(^pe was favourable to the enti-rprise of the heretic prince, if he could only be free from the insults of P'rance, the kini^ of which was now enL,^'ii^ed in thrust ini; a partisan of his into a (lerman bishopric, in defiance of both ro[)e and emperor. lie actually seized the opportunit)* of inlh'ctin;^' a serious loss on the Dutch fisheries, and so had alienated these i)ersons who had hitherto been his partisans. On the 2(jth of October, New St\le, but on the 19th accordiuL; to the reckoniuL;; of most Protestant countries, the lleet started on the expedition, but, meetiiiL; with bad weather, was oblii^ed to return to port, a circumstance which induced James to con- clude that there was now no j)resent dani^er. It had been the intention of William to effect a landinij in the North of luiL^land, where he believed his partisans were stroni^, and where he mii^ht expect Scotch assistance. Hither James had i^onc with liis forces. There was some delay in startini^ ^i^«iin, and the u ind made it necessar\' that William should land on the south-west coast. I lere he landed at lOrbav, on Nov. 5th, Old Style, an auspicious day to I^ni^lish minds, because it was the anniversarv of the deliverance of Vaxwi and Parliament from the Powder Plot. He was <;ladly received, and marched slowly towards London. 298 THE ENGLISH REVOLUTION, WILLIAM IN ENGLAND. 299 James was deserted by every one — by his first wife's relations, by his most trusted captains, by his army, by the clergy, even by his own daughter Anne and her husband. Never was king more cruelly dis- abused of the impressions which he cherished a few weeks before, of the abiding loyalt)' of his people to him. He made no stand whatever, indeed he did not know on what he could rely, for every prop of his throne had crumbled away. For a time he had absolutely n() party left. It is doubtful whether even those who afterwards professed allegiance to him would have suffered him to do more than reign, without being allowed to govern. Many of the Jacobites of later times would ha\e been content, if his name still figured on coins, was kept on the Great Seal, and was put in the preamble of writs and grants, that he should live in exile, the powers of government being committed to a Regent or Regents. The majority of Englishmen believed that the child was a fraud, even they who made the severest sac- rifices in order to avoid acknowledging William. After the old king's death, in 1701, not a few of these took the oaths to the new settlement, thus showing that they had no belief in t^-'e son. William was by no means satisfied with the re- straints which the Knglish Parliament imposed on him. He expected to succeed, if not to the powers which his predecessors had overstrained, to a large prerogative and an ample revenue. Hut the Parlia- ment determined that they would never run the risk of another arbitrary reign. They resolved that they should be permanently necessary to any government. So they limited their supplies to a year, in order to ensure their annual sitting and an annual review of the expenditure. They did not, indeed, meddle with William's conduct of foreign affairs, for the diplomatic handling of which long years of scandalous inactivity and corruption had made them unfit ; but they exercised a very efficient control over that, without which no diplomacy is of any avail. By the theory of the luiglish constitution, the king had a great prerogative, and was untrammelled in many ways. hy the theory of the Dutch constitution, William was only the elective magistrate of a republic, the States- General of which could reprimand, order, and control him. Hut the King of I^igland exercised far more power in his own nation than he did in his adopted country. Indeed it cannot be doubted that William's quarrels with his English Parliament ruined his con- stitution and shortened his life. Still he had achieved a great position, and one of signal service to his country. The P^nglish alliance was permanently .secured, for the whole nation had deposed the old king, and was certain to stand by its act. Even those who began to wish James back, were convinced that it could not be effected by the aid of Louis. The knowledge that England had been for two reigns the mere tool of France, made even the timid and treacherous indignant at the recurrence of this disgraceful servitude. War was certain to be declared, and war with the object of restoring James^ And though his Parliament quarrelled with William, thwarted, and vexed him, so that he seriously thought of resigning his uneasy dignity, they never flinched / 300 THE EXGLISH REVOLUTION. (lurlni^ the eight years' war wliich followed, and would not make peace till the kini;- of the Rcvohilion was acknowledijed bv 1^' ranee. The Dutch t')o now felt themselves in a condition of comparative safety. It is true that thty were necessarily involved in a war, the fust ohjrel <»f whicli was the liberation of Mn^land from T^'ench inlluences and a hated sovereii^n ; but there was no prospect now that another 1672 was before them. It is true that thev had to put up with several gallini; condi- tions in the alliance with hjii;land, and to endure that commercial jealousy which had been a habit with I'JiLjlish traders for a centiny. They could i;(i no relaxation of the Xavi<4ation Laws, the repa\ nient of the money which thev ha.d advanced for William's expedition was vexatitnisly delayed, and the luv^lish Government insisted that the Dutch should follow the luiglish practice, to make pri/e of all ships which trafficked with the public enemy. Now the Dutch, being almost entireh' a commercial nation, were in the habit of trafficking even with thuir o\\ n enc^nics, and the}- were very unwilling to enter into an arrange- ment by which they should intnuluce neutrals to a trade which they could have carried on on their own account. Hut they yielded, at least in appearance, though it is probable that they were not \er\' keen- sighted or very diligent in carrying out this part of the bargain. It is noteworthy, and is a proof of the extra- ordinarv inlUience which William's position gave him, that after his death, they refused, when ancnher war broke out, to renew this engagement with his successor. The Dutch complained that Willicun made them WILLIAM DISTRUSTS THE ENGLISH. 301 the instruments of his English policy ; the English that he favoured the Dutch at their expense, that he trusted no one but Dutch counsellors, and relied on nothing but Dutch troops. These charges probably show that William did, as far as possible, the best he could by both nations. It was difficult for him to trust luiglish statesmen. The profligacy of Charles the Second's Court had seriously degraded the characters of public men, and though the misconduct of James justified the Revolution, the dissimulation by which the old king had been driven to his ruin, had made even the agents of it, though they had associated with William, untrustworthw In the nature of things, men who have betrayed one master are danijerous instruments for another to use, and William soon found out that they who had taken part in his enterprize were in correspondence with the exiled king ; not, I believe, because they seriously wished or intended his restoration, but from ingrained habits of ])erfidy and intrigue. But William always retained the affection of his countrymen. English- men who accompanied him in his frequent voyages to the 1 1 ague were amazed to see how cordially he was received, how his cold manner thawed, and his grave face was relaxed when he was among the Dutch. It was also quite clear that the English would emi)loy many men and spend much money in the war. Now this meant the negotiation of English remittances to Amsterdam, and good business at its famous bank. Voy at this time Amsterdam was the commercial centre of luirope, and its bank contained more specie than all the treasuries of the European 302 THE ENGLISH RESOLUTION. states. They who have studied the history of the exchani^cs at this time eaii chscover how enormous was the profit wliich the l^ank made on the negotia- tion of English bills. I have little doubt that this profit went a great way towards compensating^ Hol- land for the costs which the war involved, and thouL^h the Bank was not a State institution, whose profits went to the State treasury, yet it was under the mana*^emcnt of the municipal authorities of that city, and its property to a very large e.\tent was theirs. The Dutch, who were before so averse to war, now requested William that he would declare war against France, a request which he was very ready to gratif)'. Louis had declared war asjainst Holland immediateh' on William's l.uulintrous as that of Mexico and Peru. Spanish statesmen were incredibly corrupt and rapacious, and the body o( the people of Spain was sunk in sloth and apathy. Industry was held in dishonour. Public spirit was lost. The old discipline of the Spanish army had passed away. It is tiue that Spanish pride still survived, l^ut it was pride without energy. Leopold of Germany, who reigned from 1658 to 1705, was a narrow, selfish, sordid bigot. He had to defend himself from the Turks in the I^ast, and the I'rench in the West. His wisdom would have been by timely and generous conciliation, to have united, in the l)onds of a common interest, all the parts of his iil-cemented empire against the common enemy and the common danger. Put he was far more interested in persecuting his Protestant subjects than in secur- ing them against foreign foes. Besides, the Thirty Years' War had ruined Germany. The country needed 304 FROM 16S9 TO 1697. William, while retaining: his place as a Dutch noble in the States. They allei^ed that he liad transferred his allei^iance to another sovereii^n, that he was natu- ralized in .mother country, and was therefore no longer a Ilollander. lUit liere, ai;ain, tlic}- were op[K)sed In- the rest of Holland, and after havinj^ excited the \-ehement aniJer of William, wcic ohliired to nrfvc \va\-. I refer to these facts in order t») show how considerable was William's intlurnce in his native country, where he was able to override the >Uuni;ly expressed wishes of Am- sterdam. In thr same way W illiam l)locka an encumbranee rather than an aid. A century and a half of the worst possible kind of i^overn- ment had ruined tin- Spanish provinces in America. The (lo\crmnent of Spain itself was as demondi/.ini^ and disastrous as that of Mexico and I'eru. Spanish statesmen were incredibly corrupt and rapacious, and the body of the peoi)le of Spain was sunk in sloth and apathw Industry was held in dishonour. Public spirit was lost. The old discipline of the Spanish army liad passed awa\ . It is tiue that Spanish pride still survived. Hut it was pride without eneri^y. Leop(>ld of German)', who reigned from 1658 to 1705, was a narrow, selfish, sordid bii;()t. He had to defend himself from the Turks in the I^ast, and the P'rench in the West. His wisdom would have been b)' timel)- and i^tnerous conciliation, to have united, in the bonds of a connnon interest, all the parts of his ill-cemented empire against the common enemy and the connnon daui^er. Hut he was far more interested in per>ecutinL; his Hrotestant subjects than in secur- ing them ai^ainst foreii^n foes. Hesides, the Thirty Years' War had ruined German\'. The countr\' needed 3o6 FROM 16S9 TO 1697. union even more than peace, in order to recover itself, and Germany was divided against itself. The future of Europe seemed almost hopeless in 1689. There were no powers in the civilized world which could be relied on -in the coming struggle except Holl.ind and the newly-enfranchised kingdom of luigland. William had a far harder task with the country which accepted rather than welcomed him, than he had with his native country. At first all seemed to go well. The defection from James was universal in Great l^ritain, and the exiled family never had any real party in the country again. Hut in Ireland William had to fight for his crown, and the concjuest of Ireland occupied all the energies of the Ijiglish Government during the first years of the Revolution, and there was but a faint opposition to Louis and his projects. They were apparently near to being rea- lized. In Flanders, Luxemburg won the battles of Fleurus, Steinkirk, and Neerwinden ; in Western Italy, Catinat was victorious at Staffard and Marsaille ; and Tourville, the PVench admiral, inflicted serious and apparently irreparable damage on the combined Dutch and h:nglish fleets at Beachy Head. The strong fortresses of Mons and Namur were captured, and it seemed that the immediate object of the French king's ambition would be attained in the con- quest of the Spanish Netherlands. The military reputation of France remained at the highest as long as Luxemburg lived. Me died at the end of the year 1694, when his services were most needed. William was unfortunate as a commander, for he had to fight against the most accomplished generals which WILLIAM NO GREAT GENERAL. 307 the art of war had yet produced. Me was defeated in every pitched battle which he fought in Europe. But it was early noticed that he lost less by a defeat than other generals. Mis power of recovery after a repulsK} was remarkable and continual. The victories of Louis, therefore, in the Low Countries were com- paratively barren, and the stubborn resistance of the Dutch and English made it plain at last that the con- quest of IHanders, if it were ever to be effected, would be accomplislied only after a prolon;jcd and ruinous struggle. " The last pistole wins," was the frequent comment of Louis, but as yet he did not L^ess where this would be found. In course of time, he discovered that the resources of England and Holland were greater than those of France, and that they would come out of the war with undiminished powers. The first serious check which Louis suffered was the battle of La Mogue, fought on May 19, 1692. The exiled king, James, deceived by his correspon- dents, and still more deceived by the hopes which exiles always entertain, was under the impression that an invasion of England would not only be feasible but successful. Me had been assured that it would be so by the Jacobites and malcontent Whigs ; he was under the impression that the seamen in the fleet desired to restore him, and would refuse to fight against the French, and he had actually been in correspondence with Russel, the admiral. But the King of France had always been dissuaded from the project by Louvois, and Louvois was a person whose advice Louis could not disregard, for he had done more to 3o8 FROM 1689 TO 1697. secure the military supremacy of Louis than any man living. ]{ut on July 6, 1691, Louvois died suddenly after an mtcrview «ith the kin- uhen high words passed betu-ccn them. Though the quarrel had been so angrx-, the king appointed the son of his late mm.ster to the office which his father had held, and with the most unfortunate results. Louis now determined to invade England, with an army of French and Irish troops-those Irish troops which, after the surrender of Limerick, had passed over to the i'Vench king's service. It was impossible to conceive a worse act of imprudence than to attempt an invasion of l-ngland with Irish forces. Nothin- had contributed more to the downfall of James than the collection of an Irish army in the neighbourhood of London. In the hands of the ICnglish enemy whose name was an object of absolute detestation throughout England, the enrolment of such an army would be sure to excite the most stubborn resistance even from those who had hitherto been disaffected or mutinous. For the English people, and, for the matter of that, the Dutch, however much they may have <|uanelled or grumbled when danger was remote, have always forgotten their differences and made an effective truce as soon as ever dan-er is near. In order to still more irritate his formed sub- jects against him, James put out a manifesto, in which he pro.scr,bed the nation whom he imagined to be anxious for his restoration. The Government very wiseK- reprinted this insane document, with .some very natural and practical comments. The fleet which was to convoy the three hundred THE BATTLE OF LA HOGUE. 309 transports to ICngland consisted of seventy-nine .ships of the line, some of them being the finest which the dockyards of Brest and Toulon had turned out- Tourville was again commander, and was strictly ordered to fight, and it was determined to undertake the enterprise before the English and Dutch fleet had "ot to sea. In order to assure himself, James had sent his emissaries among the English admirals. Some of them gave these agents fair words, and forth- with communicated their information to the English Government. The anxiety which the banished king felt, and his desire to acquaint himself with the streniith of the feelinij in his favour, while it deceived him, undeceived and forewarned the administration. The weather in the Channel is always capricious, and the time for the rendezvous had long passed by, and the Erench line was not \'et formed. The combined luiglish and Dutch fleet was superior in numbers to that of the Erench, but in the first part of the battle the vessels engaged, owing to the state of the wind, were about equal on both sides. But, after the contest had been prolonged for five hours, and Tourville saw that he had no immediate prospect of a successful invasion, the wind changed, and the whole allied fleet was able to take part in the battle. It was soon over, and the relics of the iMcnch arma- ment fled to Cherbourg and La Mogue, where the army of invasion was waiting to embark. On the 24th of May, after five days' incessant fighting, the Erench fleet was totally destroyed. All hopes of naval supremacy passed away from r>ance. There was hardly any naval victory which caused more Jio FROM i68(J TO 1697. national exultation both in lui-land and Holland than that of La Ilo-ue. The great commerce of the Re])ublic was now placed in comparative safety, and the last pistole was more likely than ever to be in the Banks of Amsterdam and London. Still, the Grand Alliance was very nearly collapsinLr. The northern Powers of Denmark and Sweden never very hearty in their co-oj^eration, be-an to <,r,c,vv cool and finally even hostile. The several powers of Ger- many threatened to make a separate peace with 1^ ranee if they were not handsomely bribed. They even went so far as to state that Louis was ready to pay them for desertin- the common cause, and that it was therefore the policy of En-land and Holland to outbid Louis. Even the German emperor was of opinion, and pretty clearly expressed it, that it was the duty of En-land and Holland to undertake the defence of his own frontier, and t<> find him money for the purpose of enablin- hiin to achieve further con- quests over the Turks. " I cannot." said William, in wnt.n- to his fricid Heinsius, ''offer a suggestion without being met with a demand for a subsidy" But William succeeded in keeping the coalition together, by giving these royal mendicants, not all that they asked, but more than they had a right to expect. He saved the alliance, but he found it hard to induce the allies to fight. The Spanish Government, at last seriously alarmed offered W illiam the regency of the Netherlands, l^ut Wilham refused it. He knew that \{ he took it the religious differences between the ruler and people would make his authority precarious. The Nether- THE FAMINE. 311 lands, once the most Protestant country in Europe, had now, thanks to the Inquisition, become as Catholic as Spain itself, and much more restive. It was not possible at the end of the seventeenth century to restore the Pacification of Ghent. He therefore recommended the nomination of the r:iector of Bavaria, who had good reason for being the enemy of France. A few years later, the Pllector found its friendship even more mis- chievous. But the delay and half-heartedness of the allies led to the loss of Namur. And now a series of events were recurring, of which his- torians are apt to take no notice, but which had more to do with the rapid exhaus- tion of France than any defeats or victories could have. The harvest of 1692 was unfavourable, and for six or seven years the har- vests in Western Europe remained unfavourable. In a country like luigland, where ordinary prices were nearly doubled, much distress prevailed. In P>ance, where the peasant farmer was forced to bear nearly all the charges of government, the cost of the buildin-s at Versailles and IVIarli, and the cost of the great king's army, the calamity was ruinous. In Holland, which imported nine-tenths of its food, and had a habit of keeping a store at Amsterdam, which would be sufficient for the wants of two or three years, liHilS HEAD. 312 FROM 1689 TO 1697. ivhich it imported from all parts of the world, whence food could be got, the rise in prices was inconvenient, but not disastrous. The period from 1692 to 1698 mclusive was long remembered in tradition as the seven dear years. The year 1693 and 1694 were marked by brilliant victories,by h()rriblecruelties,by great sufferings, but by small militar)' results. Louis began to find his resources fail him. l^ut in the second of these years, the founda- tion of the Hank of England at once contributed and utilized the resources of the country. In 1695. William undertook and achieved the recapture of Namur, to the great chagrin of Louis, l^arly in the next year, Louis was uncjuestionably privy as was also James, to a plot devised for the murder of William, and there is little doubt that Berwick was sent to England in order to encourage, if not to advise, the conspirators. The plot failed, the culprits being detected and executed, as indeed all other conspiracies against William's life failed. At last both sides were exhausted. Louis was read\' to acknowledge William's title, and William saw that for a time the Netherlands, the ban ler of 1 folland, were safe, l^ut the Powers which .sacrificed the least, and got the largest subsidies through the war, put forward the most preposterous claims. Spain and Austria demanded what Louis was not likely to grant, and they had no power of enforcing. The absurd for- malities of diplomacy seemed likely to postpone the settlement to an indeterminate date, when William and Bentinck entered into a distinct negotiation with the French envoy, and rapidly settled the terms of PEACE OF RYSWICK. 313 peace. The arrangement nearly fell through owing to the selfish and dilatory action of Spain and Austria, which gave Louis an opportunity of insisting on the retention of Strasburg. On the loth of September the treaty was signed, and the first part of this long war with France was ended. k xxxni. FROM TFIE PEACE OF RVSWICK TO THE TREATY OF UTRECHT. As soon as ever the power of Louis failed to make progress, it began to decline. We know this now by the evidence of facts. I^ut the terror of Europe after the accession of Phihp to the throne of Spain, and the apparent union of all Western luirope, Central America, and the west coast of South America under one master head, or at least under one settled policy, was universal and intelligible. No man at the time could have foreseen that the ambition and cupidity of Louis, the success with which he subdued his nobles and people at home, and the success with which he gratified his ambition abroad, would in time bring about by natural and traceable causes, the great catas- trophe which is known in history as the French Revolution. lUit of all European countries none had so reasonable a fear as the Dutch. The inheritance of Spain included those provinces which William the Silent had nearly gained to the great confederation, and Alva and Parma had securely recovered for Spain. THE DUTCH Ah RAID OF LOUIS, 315 A wealthy, vigorous, and powerful monarch, who had trained all the commanders of Europe, even those who were to be opposed to him, ]\Lirlborough and Eugene, had taken the place of the poor, imbecile, and power- less kings of Spain of the Austrian family in the person of Philip's grandson, and the most able oppo- nent of the iMcnch king had just died in what should have been the prime of life, worn out by the folly, .short-sightedness, and factiousness of the luiglish Parliament. He was succeeded by his wife's sister, Anne, the silliest person who ever sat on the luiglish throne, and was really strong only by the unbounded deference she showed to Sarah, the imperious wife of Marlborough. Ever since reaching his majority and the conduct of affairs by himself, Louis had been conspiring against the Dutch Republic. He had conspired against them independently, and in concert with Charles, the pro- fligate whom the pjiglish aristocracy restored, and whose career inflicted permanent injury on the public and private nu)rality of the people he was allowed to rule over. He had tried as soon as he could to detach the Stadtholdcr William from all patriotic aims, and it is not improbable that William so. far went with his intrigues as to acquiesce in the murder of the De Wins, the tragedy which followed on the unprovoked war of 1672. But as we have seen, when William in this crisis was raised to the Stadtholderate, he became the persistent and active enemy of Louis. He was not strong enough to grapple with him, but he succeeded in checking him, and though the issues of the wars which ended with the peace of Nimeguen, and the 3i6 FROM THE PEACE OF KYSWICK. treaty of Ryswick, had left the position of Louis to all appearance stron^^er and more iniposini^r than ever, the successes of the great king would have been more secure and more pronounced had not William stood in his way. And now William was gone. It is probable that Louis never wished to effect the conquest and annexation of the Dutch Re[)ublic, any more than Philip of Macedon wished to effect the sub- jugation of Athens. Ikit it was all iini)ortant to make it submissive, or at least, neutral. Had Louis suc- ceeded in his plans, had he secured the frontier of the Rhine, and permanently disorganized the Roman empire, he might have given Holland the boon which the grateful C\clops in his den offered Ulys.ses, that of being devoured the last. \W the neutrality of Holland he would have deprived the Alliance of one among the Powers who could find money for the war, the other being Great Britain, and the people of Great Britain could hardly have been counted on for all the expense which the Spanish war of succession would be sure to entail. Ik-sides, if Holland were neutral, it would soon be possible to cripi)le the Iji'dish trade m thj Last, and finally to come to close (juarters with the Dutch. For nearly a centur\', the hVench strove to acquire the British factories in India, and the British plantations in America. In the middle of the eighteenth century, it seemed far from improbable that they would succeed. Clive defeated their aims in India, and the fir^t exploits of Washington were directed against them in America. But the military purposes which were finally baffled in the .Seven Years' War werethe outcome of projects which were originally devised by the ambition of Louis. CHARACTER OF LOUIS. 317 Again the Dutch had reason to be alarmed at the intolerance of Louis, who was as resolute in his attempts to extirpate Protestantism as the Inquisition and Alva had been. Louis was not a moral person, not even, except in outward form, a religious one. Philip of Spain sincerely believed that he was fulfilling the hif^hest duties of a Christian in burning Jews and heretics alive after torture. He would have sacrificed his own family to the Inquisition if any suspicion of heresy could have been brought home to them. He would have given up his own life, so he said, if he had fallen away, through mental aberration, or demoniac possession, from the faith which the council of Trent defined. He was by no means disposed to yield to the Pope or his own bishops in temporal matters, however submissive he was in s[)iritual things, for he kept the patronage of ecclesiastical offices strictly in his own hands. But Philip sincerely and devoutly believed what he wished to impress on others. Within the circle of orthodoxy he welcomed ascetic and passionate devotion, and was as much a monk himself as his official industry allowed him to be. But Louis was by no means of this mind. He was orthodox, for to his view the unity and strength of France lay in the completeness of its orthodoxy. But he browbeat and insulted the head of his Church with nearly as much persistent bitterness as his ancestor, Philip the Fair did l^oniface the Lighth. I le despoiled the Pope of his ancient inheritance in JMance, and never restored it. In consequence of this quarrel a third of the French dioceses were at one time empty, and this in a Church where the offices of a bishop 3i8 FROM THE PEACE OF RYSWICK. were considered essential to salvation. He hated heartily all pious enthusiasm. The Ouictists were orthodox, but they fell under his ban, and were repressed or exiled. The Jansenists set up a rule of exalted moralit\-, of severe truthfulness, of ri<^id but not unkindly piety, and Louis was implacable towards them. His own court was entirely orthodox, and profoundly immoral. The f.ict is, Louis detested sin^rularity. He saw in it a revolt from his authority. No one was to be wiser, stricter, and more virtuous than the Kin;^^ of iMance was. For this view he had some excuse in the history of the countr\- over which he ruled, for the ilu-uenot nobles, with all the stern- ness of their reh\i,n'on, were somewhat turbulent sub- jects, and Louis, like many other rulers, believed that the repression of opinion was the extinction of opinion. The Hollanders had now become tolerant, and could not at last be roused to bigotry by the most impas- sioned and unsparing of their Calvinist preachers. But they could see that a powerful, unscrui)ulous, and intolerant neighbour, with whom religion was policy, was a danger. In common, too, with most Reformed countries and with not a few of those which were Catholic, they had a hearty aversion to the Jesuits and with reason suspected their purposes. To their intrigues they ascribed the revocation of the Edict of Nantes, the atrocities that were perpetrated in the Cevennes, and the war of despair, which the Camisards began, a war, the particulars of which were as atrocious as those of the Reign of Terror ninety years later. Now iMigli^h wits could jest about John PERFIDY OF LOUIS, 319 Bull, and Lord Strutt, and Louis Baboon, and Nick r>og ; but the King of h^ance was a far more serious person to the Hollanders than he was to the English. But the principal cause of alarm which the European Powers entertained about Louis and his designs was the total want of faith and honour which characterized the great king. He was as perfidious, as treacherous, ;is lying as an Italian i)upil of Machiavelli. He was an intriguer of the fifteenth century, holding a powerful place in lun'oj^e in the eighteenth. No oath, no treaty bound him. If people pointed to his solemn renun- ciations he had an easy expedient at hand. His parliament, otherwise submissive and docile, stiffly stood out against his relincjuishing an\thing. Hie Popes used to absolve kings from their oaths for a consideration, the P^rench Parliament, high-minded and resolute only in this, affirmed that his oath was no oath, and Louis expected the luu'opean Powers to be satisfied with an interpretation of public duty and good faith with which the servile lawyers, who formed what was called the PVench Parliament, supplied him. Now a sovereign of great power, of solid purpose, of tenacious will, who has large armies and large means for keeping them afoot, is a ver\' dangerous person at all times. But if to these resources he adds habitual perfid}', and an utter disregard for the most solemn pledges ; the distrust which he naturally excites is pretty certain to develop a very energetic and persis- tent hatred. Nor do I doubt that, had it not been for the P^nglish Tories, when thc\' finally acquired an ascendency in Parliament, and over the councils of Anne, Marlborough would have dictated the terms of I i Im W I 3^0 PROM THE PEACE OF RYSWICK. peace to Louis in his own capital, and have rent from him all his acquisitions. There were persons, indeed, both in Knirland and Holland, who saw that the ambition of Louis was overreachincr itself, in a past r<^c the matrimonial alli- ances of Kuropean soverei«^ms were supposed to confer ri-hts over subjects which it was impious to dispute and treasonable to resist. No sovereif^ns had appealed at a more early date to the principle of nationality than the French sovcreii^ms had, and with f^reater success. The kincrdom of France had been consoli- dated by the policy of scekin^c; to make every inhabi- tant ^t^lorv' in the name of hVcnchman. I^ut the patriotism of a Spaniard was as kcin as that of a Frenchman, perhaps keener; for his name, and the departed -lories of iiis name, were all that lie had to recall. The house of Austria had effectually de- stroyed everythinor else. The Hollanders, too, had emphatically repudiated dynastic rights. The Vln^r. lish had chan<,red the succession and had transferred it over twenty or thirty heads to the most remote descendant of the first Stewart king, to a petty German prince, one of the least considerable potentates in that rope of sand, the later German ICmpire. Such persons argued in l^ngland— "What interest have we in the question as to whether Philip of Hourbon or Charles of Austria is to reign in Spain ? The Spanish h:mi)ire is ready to fall to pieces, but we want no part of it. It is very likely that the hjnperor of Germany wants to recover those Italian provinces, which his predecessors claimed, sometimes ruled and finally ruined. Very likely the TVench kino- OPINION AT THE TIME. 321 cherishes the dreams of his predecessors, Charles the Eighth and Francis the First, or fancies that he has succeeded to the rights and the designs of his Austrian kinsfolk Charles the Fifth and Philip the Second. He is unquestionally bold, unscrupulous, and ambitious. But he will be less able to turn these dreams into realities, if he hampers himself with the defence of his grandson's inheritance. He will be certainly baffled if ife tries to despoil him of any part of it. Nothing is more co.stly, nothing more disappointing, than the attempt to establish a protectorate over a country which is intensely jealous of its independence, even though it takes the money and accepts the military assis^Unce which it cannot provide out of its own resources. It is difficult enough to assist Spain with entirely disinterested motives. If the King of France, who is never disinterested in his objects, but always sel- fish and grasping, seeks to enlarge his dominions at the expense ^of Spain, the more he does for his grandson the more will he and his grandson be hated. The poor creature who just lately died was to his people the impersonation of the Spanish Fmpire, and a Spanish policy, and though he was son-in-law and nephew to Louis,' made war on him for these ends. The Spaniards will never consent to be the tools of France, or allow their king to be a viceroy for his crrandfather. If Spanish and French interests are at variance, no ties of blood or alliance will prevent a collision between the two kingdoms, and Philip will be either obliged to follow the policy of the country which has accepted him, or be soon driven from the throne." Events proved that these people reasoned correctly. 322 FROM THE PEACE OF RYSWICK, In Holland, too, contemporary evidence showc, that similar opinions were current. There were public men who saw that Loui.^ was increasing, not h-hten- ing his diftkulties, that he was engaged, to use a com- mercial phrase, in doubling his liabilities, indefinitely increasing his expenses, and making no addition to his capital. '' Our policy," they argued, "is to keep out of European and especially out of dynastic complica- tions. Our late Stadtholder looked after our interests, though we had to pay a heavy price. We are now again a free republic. It is our wisdom to protect our frontier, to husband our resources and to increase our trade. We are already heavily in debt for our past wars, and while these belligerents are wasting their means we shall be increasing ours. Hesid( s, the English, partly from selfishness, partly from ignorance, insist that we should contract our trade with Spain and Erance. We deal in the choicest of products. W1iat were once luxuries are now, thanks to our energy and perseverance, common comforts, and we have a monopoly of this tratle. 71ie luiglish people would gladly deprive us of it, under the hypocritical pretence of high policy and military necessity. Our course should be to stand aloof. The luiglish arc covetous and enterprising, the Germans are covetous and beggarly, and we should not present our trade to to the one and our florins to the other. We can easily get ample guarantees from Erance, and a sub- stantial barrier on the Memish frontier. There is no price which Louis will not pay for our neutrality." So I find that the Dutch party which was unfricndl\' to the war argued during the interval between the succes- sion of Philip and the outbreak of war. LOUIS STRIVES lUR DUTCH NEUTRALITY. 323 In one particular they were certainly in the right. Louis spared no pains, and no offers to secure the neutrality of the Dutch during the war of the Spanish succession. He would even, it seems, have guaranteed that there should be no military operations in Flan- ders at all, and that ample indemnities should be giv^en to Holland as the price of neutrality. Eor he saw that if Holland were neutral not only would half the sinews of war be gone, but that it would be diffi- cult for the allies to land a single soldier on Western lun-opc. He offered through his agent, Harre, to renew his alliance with the States, to guarantee their com- merce, to renew the treaties of Munster, Nimeguen, and R\swick, with any additional security which they might demand, and to j^ledge himself that the Spanish Netherlands should be occupied with Spanish troops only. On the other hand, Anne despatched the Earl of ALanchester within a week after her accession, to assure the Dutch that her resolution was the same as that of her predecessor, and that the interests of Hol- land and England were identical and equally impor- tant to her. The States of Holland decided to stand by their resolution, for now that there was no Stadtholder, Holland was, to use a modern phrase, the empire state of the United Provinces. They persuaded the States-General, who were summoned for deliberation, to accept the same policy and to repudiate all the offers of Louis. On May 15, 1702, Great Ikitain, Germany, and Holland, issued the declaration of war, the plea bein": the ambition and bad faith of Louis. The atti- tude of the Erench king showed how deeply he was . »» 324 FROM THE PEACE OF RYSWICK. disappointed at the resolution taken by Holland. He took no offence at the attitude of Great Britain and Germany; but said, " Messieurs, the Dutch merchants, will repent for having provoked so ^^rcat a kin«; as I am. I have dwelt at length on these particulars, because the decision come to in the sprin^j of rjoj was so momentous in the future fortunes of the Dutch Re- public. They were drawn into the luiropean system, and no effort which they made afterwards sufficed to draw them out of it. In this unequal strugfrle they were finally exhausted, though it must be allowed that other faults of oovernment or policy contributed to this result. The war resolved on, the question was, who should be commander. Rumour was busy. At one time it was the Landi^rave of Hesse. Soon afterwards a story was afloat that Queen Anne had recommended her husband, George of Denmark. It was probably an idle guess. Silly as Anne was, she must have known that her husband was the most incompetent fool in Christendom. Charles the Second had described him and his faculties with some pleasant rw The States- General soon put an end to all rumours by a]^pointing Marlborough. LJnha[)pily the luiglish allowed the Queen to put her husband at the head of the navy, in the capacity of Lord High Admiral. More than once the stupid servility of the luiglish people has put in jeopardy the most important interests, by comnn'tting them into the hands of royal fools. The mismanage- ment of George of Denmark had a very disastrous effect on the early naval operations of the allies. MARLBOROUGH, 325 Marlborough was the son of a poor country knight. He came to the Court of Charles the Second with many personal graces and great natural gifts. He had improved his natural abilities in the art of war by serving under the great Turenne. He had improved his fortunes by his intimacy with the shameless and rapacious Barbara X'illiers, Lady Castlemaine, the king's mistress, and his position by marrying Sarah Jennings, the favourite and arrogant waiting woman of Princess Anne. His interest was further served by the fact that his sister, Arabella Churchill, was the mistress of James, Duke of York, and the mother of the famous Duke of l^erwick, one of the last great generals in the service of Louis, a person whose attachment to his father, and his father's benefactor, was constant and devoted, l^erwick was not only a person of great abilities, but of high character. It was impossible for John Churchill, with these recommendations, natural, acquired, and incidental, to fail of making his way at Court. He was soon ennobled, and on the accession of James he was trusted. He deserted his master at a crisis, he per- suaded the king's daughter to desert her father with him, and he passed over to the service of William. He exhibited his great military abilities under the Dutch king, but soon fell into disgrace, for with him treachery and intrigue were a passion. As long as Mary lived he was a traitor, as soon as she died he became loyal to the English Revolution, for the suc- cession of Anne was now assured, and he ruled Anne through his wife. His fidelity at last squared with his interest, and he remained consistently loyal to the t 326 FROM THE PEACE OF RYSWICK. latter. I do not find so much fault with Churchill, when I think of his associations, and of the expedients which he was obliged to adopt in order to save his interests. It is very difficult, perhai)s impossible, to discover any public man who lived throu-h the vile age of the English Restoration, and under the influences of the Court, who was not thoroughly tainted by the atmosphere which he breathed. Hut I am disposed to believe that historians would have been more kindly to his faults had it not been for the family which he founded. Churchill was avaricious beyond experience, and was seconded in his passion for money-getting by his wife. But in military skill he was far in advance of his age, some say of all men. He never lost his head, his temper, or his judgment. His conception of a campaign was faultless, his interpretation of a field of battle perfect. He never made a mistake in the art of war, never gave a chance to an enemy, never failed in a plan, never lost a battle. When he was thwarted by the Dutch deputies, who would be wiser thnn he was, and could not be expected to anticipate what we now know, he was as deferential to the States as Maurice had been in his better days, and with less reason, for he soon put Louis in such a position as destroyed the reputation of his military system in Europe. He first saved Germany, he then saved Holland, and he might, had time been given him, have brought Louis on his knees before lunope. I^ut for the Dutch deputies, he might have finisiied the war vvithinayearof its commencement; and again in 1705 for willing as he was to prolong the war, which was CHURCHILL'S PURPOSES, 327 filling his pockets, he had the truest instincts of a .soldier, which was that the best wars are short wars. But though he was thwarted, his temper was placid, almost angelic. He yielded to them with the greatest grace, and continued, as the custom was, to receive his percentages on their and the British expenditure. He even conceded more than was reasonable to the beggarly German princes, perhaps winked at their embezzling luiglish and Dutch money, of course minus his percentage, and graciously accepted a Ger- man patent of nobility. But the tension of his life was too great, and before he reached old age he became imbecile. There was of course an awkwardness which was inherent in the hostilities which the Dutch, the English, and the Germans commenced. The object of the allies was to secure the Spanish throne and the Spani.sh dominions to the son of the emperor. But they could do this only by subduing the strongholds of the actual king of Spain, and by ravaging or otherwise injuring what they alleged to be the rightful inheri- tance of his rival. On the other hand, Louis could act on the defensive in Spain and Holland, and on the offensive in Germany, particularly in the South, where the Elector of Bavaria was his ally, and for a consider- able time, his only ally. It was therefore (the rear being efficiently protected by the capture or occupa- tions of sufficient forts) advisable at an early date to try conclusions with the armies of Louis in Germany. In the first of his campaigns, Marlborough got po.ssession of .several fortre.s.ses on the Elemish frontier which were of great advantage to him in strengthening Mi ^■«i;' i,i:,':i f.\V35i <'— iflit ^^-M^^' ltt; /I -. -x^^-'i BATTLE OF BLENHEIM. 329 the base of his operations. But the Kn<;lish Parliament insisted tliat the Dutch should cease to trade with France and Spain as a condition of their furnishing the aUies with an additional 10,000 troops, and the Dutch, though sorely against their will, yielded, but as I suspect not very cordially, and not very thoroughly. Then the English fleet captured or destroyed the Spanish treasure fleet in Vigo Hay, a loss which greatly fell on the Dutch, as the treasure had been already assi', that the States of Holland alone voted nine million guilders for the war. In 1703 Marlborough reduced Bonn, and other places on the Rhine or near it, and would have joined battle with Villeroi, but the Dutch deputies forbad it, on the avaria was (Kcupied by the others. In the meantime the archduke Charles, son of the emperor, and .\ustrian claimant of the Spanish crown, rame to I'.n-land, passed over to Tortu'^al, and was welcomed by some of the Spaniards, especially the Catalans. In this year Rooke and the Trincc of Darmstadt captured the rock of Gibraltar, a fortress which the l-Ji-lish Imw held ever since, ai;.iinst fre- (juent and desperate sieves. 3J0 FROM THE PEACE OF RVSWICK. Early in 1705, the emperor died, and was succeeded by his eldest son Joseph. Villars continued to evade a battle with Marlborough, and later on, when the English general was opposed to Villeroi and could have constrained him to fight, the Dutch deputies again interposed with the plea that the risk was too great. Here, as I have already stated, the patience and address of -Marlborough so won on the Dutch that thenceforward they determined to rely on his judgment. In Spain, the forces of Philip were demoralized V the unsuccessful attack on Gibraltar. In the north of that kingdom, Barcelona was captured by the eccentric Lord Peterborough, and the whole of Catalonia and Valentia declared for Charles. In 1706, early in the year, Marlborough won the battle of Ramillies, over the French general Villeroi. The effect of this victory was the total evacuation of the Low Countries by the French. In September, another French army was destroyed near Turin, and Madrid was occupied by Charles, and for a time Spain seemed to be lost to the French prince. It seemed as though everything was against Louis, his people were oppressed with taxation, the currency was debased, and the French king was constrained to have recourse to an inconvertible paper. He was now sincerely an.xious for peace, but the Allies deemed that no peace would be secure, unless France was thoroughly humiliated. There was no reason to believe that Holland wished to continue a struggle which was so exhausting, but the bad faith of Louis had been so conspicuous, that the Dutch naturally resolved that they would have solid guarantees for the future. THE WAR IN SPAIN. 331 Up to this time Louis and his grandson had ex- perienced nothing but reverses, the allies and their protege Charles, had experienced constant success. But in Spain the tide began to turn. Spaniards have not infrequently been defeated in pitched battles, but it has always been hard to permanently occupy the country, for it and its inhabitants were singularly suitable for guerilla warfare. It took the Romans a longer time to concjucr Spain than it did any other coufitr\' outside Italy, and tasked the abilities of their most competent genenils. Now Charles was not only deficient in courage and daring, but he had come into Spain b\' the help of a foreign army, while the success of the allies foreshadowed the partition of the Spanish lunpire. On April 25th, Berwick, the English exile, joined battle at Almanza with Gal way, the French exile, and completely routed him. This was practi- cally the ruin of the Austrian prince. In 1708 Louis attempted to make a diversion by sending James to Scotland, l^ut as James, called by the English the old Pretender, was at Dunkirk, he was seized with illness, the project got wind, and the port was blockaded by Byng. Louis saw that without Dutch and British subsidies, not one of the other allies could move,and he imagined that the Scotch, with some of whom the act of Union was distasteful, would rise in revolt against the luiglish Government. In July Vendome lost the battle of Oudenard, and the affairs of Louis became desperate. He feared that he should have to abandon his izrandson's cause. Added to the calamities of war, there came two excessively un- productive harvests in succession, which seem to have ik in 332 FROM THE PEACE OF RYSWICK, been even more disastrous in I^ancc than they even were in P^ngland. In 1709 Louis renewed his negotiations for peace, but with their successes the claims of the alh'es became more exactin^^r. Jhe iMcncli kin- was not only to abandon his <,rrandson, but to abandon the frontier which he had created, and be content with that vvhicli had been i^ivcn to iM'ance b\' the treaty of Westphah'a. Louis appealed to his people, collected a fresh army, and the French, under \'illars, foui^ht the fourth great battle at Malplaciuct. It was lost, and Louis again had recourse to negotiatirms. Hut the demands of the allies increased, they n.>u insisted that Louis should dethrone his grandson by force. In 17 10 both parties were exhausted, though the allies took several towns on the I^Vench frontier, and Marlborough certainly intended to make his next cam- paign in France itself. Meanwhile, Spain was again lost and won. In July and August Thilip was defeated in two battles and tied from Madrid. In December Vendome drove Charles and his allies from Castile, captured the army at Hrihucga, and won a battle at Villaviciosa. Meanwhile, a great change was coming over English opinion. The Tories gained a majority in both houses, at the end of the \ear, and deter- mined to displace Marlborough and bring about a peace. The long continuance of the war, the sufferings of the people, and the added calamit\- of the two years' famine had developed a peculiarly malignant kind of smallpox. It frequently happens after very destructive and protracted wars, that the world, even\hat part of CONCLUi>iO.\ OF THE WAR. 333 it which has taken no part in the struggle, is afflicted with new and fatal pestilences. In 171 1 death was busy. Louis of France lost from his own family the Dauphin, the Duke and Duchess of Burgundy, his. rreat ijrandson and liis brother, all from the same disease. In the same year it was fatal to the Emperor Joseph, and the titular King of Spain became Emperor of German)'. There remained only one infant two years old, between Philip of Spain and the throne of France, and if effect was to be given to the purposes of the allies, Germany and Spain were to be again united as they had been under Charles the Fifth. In effect the smallpox brought the war of the Spanish succession to an end. As I have said, had Marlborough been continued in his command, he would have certainly invaded France, and have en- forced as far as the Trench frontier was concerned, the proposals which Louis rejected in 1709. But the Tories were resolved to recall Marlborough. His wife had been supplanted in the Queen's favour by her own waiting woman, and it is probable that Anne and her advisers had planned to restore the Pretender Ormond was sent to supersede Marlborough, and was soon instructed to become inactive. The emperor and the German princes were furious; they had been long used lo English subsidies. But the new Govern- ment answered with some show of reason that Germany and Spain united were as a great violation of the balance of power, as Spain and I^ance united could be, and that it was the interest of Europe that the iiovernment of the three countries should be and 334 FROM THE PEACE OF RY^WICK. always remain distinct. The object of Europe then was to extort a renunciation of the kin^rJom of France from Phihp, a renunciation of the kingdom of Spain from the French princes. On April 1 1, 17 1 J, the treaty of Utrecht was signed. It embraced Great Britain, Holland, Prussia, and Savo)'. But the emperor stood aloof from it, and continued the war with France alone. Some losses which he suffered at the hands of Villars, and were mevitable, when he had his own resources only to depend on soon brought him to reason, and the peace of Rastadt was signed on March, 17 14. The most scandalous act in connection with this peace, was the abandonment of the Catalans to the vengeance of France and Spain. The allies had incited tlie revolt of these northern Spaniards, had supplied them with foreign forces, and had no.v deserted them. In this famous peace France agreed to recognize the Hanoverian succession, to demolish Dunkirk^ind to cede its American possessions on the north-east of the Plantations. It yielded the Low Countries to Holland, to hold as trustees till peace was concluded with the emperor, the revenue, derivable from them being secured to the Elector of Bavaria till such time as his hereditary dominions were restored to him. It engaged to admit Dutch garrisons into eleven frontier towns, a million florins being paid annually from the Netherland revenues for tlic pur- pose of maintaining this garrison. The Duke of Savoy had an enlargement of territory, and the Elector of Brandenburg was recognized as the King of Prussia with certain rectifications of frontier. Beside^ I! THE TREATY OF UTRECHT. 335 these general engagements Spain yielded to England, Gibraltar, Port Mahon, and the island of Minorca, with a regulated share under the Assicnto treaty in the slave trade, for the Spanish conquerors of the New World had exhausted the natives by compulsory labour in the mines, and had introduced negro slaves into Aniciicii in order to fill up the void. XXXIV, THE INTERNAL TROUIJEES OF THE REl'UP.LIC. As far as the words of treaties went, the position of Holland after the War of the Spanish Succession was over was rendered satisfactory. The Dutch were guaranteed the full liberty of trading with Spain which the^' had enjo\ed before the war was under- taken, and were permitted to enjoy the privileges of French subjects, especially in the Mediterranean ports of France. The Dutch were a little alarmed at the cession of a part of the frontier to the new Kin'^ of Prussia in exchange for the principality of Orange, near Avignon, which Frederic William claimed as the representative of the house of Oraiu^e. There were, however, serious results from the war. This struggle had been costly beyond experience, and the wealth of Holland had been seriously lessened, and its future industry pledged by the subsidies which it had granted, the expenses it had incurred, and the loans which it had raised. Dutch credit was, and remained, good long after the period of which I am writing. The State could borrow from its thrifty I I t DEBTS OF HOLLAND. 337 citizens on better terms than other governments could, and tlu ugh the interest laid on Dutch stock was low, foreigners invested in a security the dividends of which were"" always punctually paid. But the prosperity of Holland depended on its supremacy in trade, and here the rivalry of iMigland, a country with far greater resources, and in a far more safe position, was sure to affect the activity of the Republic. Besides, the ICnglish were beginning to secure that place in manu- facUiring industry which they have long and success- fully occupied, and to supplant the Hollander. Not many years after the War of the Spanish Succession was over, the rate of interest in ICngland was nearly as low as it was in Holland. The debt of Holland was very heavy for the times. The State of Holland alone, the largest of the United Provinces, had a debt of nineteen millions of guilders, and the collective debt of the United Provinces was nearly ten times that amount. At the beginning of the eighteenth century such a debt filled statesmen with atarm, and not only in Holland, but in England, the state of the finances made people fear that a collapse of public credit was inevitable. To obviate such alarms, redoubled efforts were needed, and more energetic rivalry practised, in which it was hard for the weaker nation to make head against the stronger, even if the relations between the two countries, Hol- land and England, had been maintained with perfect fairness. But, in truth, the English Government used Holland very ill, dictating to the United Provinces what should be their form of government, forcing on the reluctant Republic monarchical or quasi- 33S INTERNAL TROUBLES OF THE REPUBLIC. monarchical forms, cntrappinnr Holland into takincr part in the continental poh'cy of England, and en- couraging its own merchants to supplant the Dutch in their own domain of trade. The Dutch indeed welcomed the accession of the house of Hanover with cnlhusiasm. They saw that the party which had thwarted them in the late war was driven from power and discredited, aiul they felt assured that George, the new luiglish king, would be their friend. They even lamented that the hie of Anne was prolonged, so that the surrender, as they deemed it, of Utrecht had been effected, and that they reaped but little advantage from their sacrifices. They gave considerable assistance to George at the Scottish insurrection of 171 5, which perhaps prevented a renewal of hostilities on the Continent. The long reign of Louis XIV. came to an end in September, 1715. His successor was a child of six years old, and the regency was in the hands of the Duke of Orleans. Now this person, a very scandalous and profligate man, was strongly convinced that his own interests and the interests of TVa nee required that the relations between France and England should be as amicable as possible. Hence as the same counsels prevailed in England, peace was maintained in Europe for a considerable time, and there seemed every pros- pect that there would be nothing but peaceful rivalry among the nations. They who have studied the history of Holland trace the decline of the nation to the events which followed on the War of the Spanish Succession. The old spirit had, they say, been exhausted in the Republic. THE CONSTITUTION. 339 The Dutch were no longer disposed to emulate the military endurance of their forefathers, such as it had been during the greater part of the seventeenth cen- tury, or the heroism on sea of Hcemskerk,Tromp,and De' Ruxtcr. A nation of heroes had been turned, it was alleged, into a nation of pedlars. The general assembly of the States in 1716, they allege, proved that Dutch courage and enterprise had wofully de- clined, and that Holland was soon to forfeit the exalted reputation she had acciuired. And y^t lor two generations and more after this event, commercial Hol- land was the envy and ad- miration of other European nations, and the causes of Dutch prosperity were care- fully and perhaps invidiously examined. The constitution of the Rei)ublic was, and always had been, one of the most unmanageable conceivable. The several States constituting the United Provmces were ail free and all equal. The theory of what Ame- ricans call, or used to call. State rights was pushed to extreme lengths, and nothing but a common m- terest in resisting a common danger could have pre- served unity of action among the separate members. The Republic was, in fact, a loosely united association, the several contingents of which acted separately for many purposes, and in common for two objects only A BROEK r.lPI,. i I! til 340 INTERNAL TROUBLES OF THE REPUBLIC. -political safety and trade. The contribution which each should make to the common expenses of crovcrn- ment was a matter of arrangement, but the several States were not alwa)s ready to abide b>' the compact, and often threatened to stand aloof at a crisis.- It is remarkable that so Himsy a union should have held together at all, and it is not strange that the most vigorous and successful of the stadtholders desired nothing so much as the opportunity of arresting these tendencies to disintegration which were always vexa- tious and sometimes threatenin^r. Generally the progress of the Stadtholder was from the influence which he acquired in the lesser States to the maintenance of his authority over the larger, especially Holland, and he often found it or thought it necessary to put down popular institutions in the smaller States in order to prepare himself for a struggle with the elements of resistance in the larger For during the struggle between the monarchical mfluence of the Stadtholder and the distrust and resistance of the republicans, the mass of the people were generally on the side of the house of Orange, while the principal burghers and merchants formed the strength of the Republican party. Unlike what has happened in other countries, the populace was on the side of monarchy, that which was practically the aristocracy, on that of democratic government. By far the largest part of the wealth and i)ower of the United Provinces was centred in the State of Holland, and in the city of Amsterdam. Important as the success of the movement would be to the fortunes of the Republic, William found the greatest AMSTERDAM, 341 difficulty in winning the assent of the Amsterdam burghers to the expedition of 1688. After the death of William, and the re-establishment of the Republic without a Stadtholder, the State of Holland took the lead in the conduct of affairs ; and till 1720, when he died, Hcinsius, the friend of William, and the Pen- sionary, was practically the ruler of the Provinces from 1689. But though the State of Holland had made great sacrifices, the smaller States were jealous of it, and were untiring in their efforts to break down its supremacy. The best way in which this could be done was to restore the Stadtholder. Now at William's death he recognized as his heir one John William Friso, the Stadtholder of Friesland and Groningen, and these two States proposed that their Stadtholder should be appointed general of the infantry in 1704, though he was still very young. But his claims to represent the house of Orange was con- tested by the Brandenburg family, who afterwards became kings of Prussia, and though the Provinces at last agreed that John W^illiam should be a general of the Dutch army, the State of Holland proposed, and apparently succeeded in their contention, that all the provinces should take oath that they would pre- serve the union without a Stadtholder. In 171 1 John William was drowned, and a posthumous son of his, William Charles Henry, w^as born. Under these cir- cumstances, the rights of this branch of the house of Orange being disputed, and one of the competitors being an infant, the question of the stadtholderate slept. The claims of the king of Prussia were indirectly, but practically, surrendered at the treaty of Utrecht. 342 INTERNAL TROUBLES OF THE REPUBLIC. in 1722 the partisans of the boy, now eleven years old, urged that he should be elected Stadtholder of the United Provinces, with the object, as I have suggested, of breaking down the .supremacy of Holland, and especially of Amsterdam. Hut the attempt was premature, and William was for some time merely Stadtholder of Guelderland, and with vrr>' limited powers. There was. however, no doubt that most ol the European monarchs were sincerely anxious that the Dutch Republic should have an hereditary chief Ihe success and opulence of free institutions was dis- tasteful in their exes, and it was pretty obvious that if Holland could have a monarch thrust on them, and be entangled in the luiropean ^\ stem, the menace of a free govcrnnuut wedged in between two absolute monarchies would soon cease to be a danger. Shortly after the treaties of Utrecht ami Rastadt, by which what had formerly been the Spanish Netherlands came into the possession of the house of Austria, the emi)eror, Charles VI., once the pretender to the Spanish crown, granted commissions to Ostend traders, empowering them to carry on commerce with the East Indies. These commissions were eagerly accepted by private individuals, both in ICnglancrand Holland, who under the name of interlopers, strove to appropriate a portion of the trade which had hitherto been the monopoly understate guarantees of the Dutch and I^nglish companies. These companies had, at great expense, built factories, established relations with natixe powers, and acquired a trade, and it seemed not a little unjust that traders who had incurred no such expense, should reap the fruits of THE OSTEND COMPANY. 343 Other people's labours. Remonstrances addressed to Charles were of no avail, the grievance and the loss continued, the English Government forbade Enghsh subjects from accepting commissions from a foreign Power for trading to the East Indies, and the Dutch adopted similar measures. In 1722 Charles of Austria went farther. He granted a charter of m- corporation to the Ostend East India Company with a capital of six million florins, and the trade of Holland and England is said to have been seriously compiDmiscd. it -^ ^ Now this proceeding was denounced by the United Provinces as a plain infraction of the prov.s.ons contaiTicd in the treaty of Munstcr, under which the Kin.- of Spain bound himself that none of h.s subjects should sail from Europe to India, and that as the emperor had succeeded to the King of Spam in the Netherlands and Southern Italy, he was bound by the conditions under which his predecessor was limited. The English argued, that by the treaty o Madrid in 1670, their merchants were admitted to all the advantages which the Dutch enjoyed under the treaty of Munster, and that the English Government was justified in suppressing this trade. They followed up their remonstrance by an Act of Parliament, under which serious pecuniary penalties were to be levied on all British subjects who subscribed to the Ostend Company, and such persons as were detected in India .vithout the license of the !■ nglish Company were made liable to imprisonment and corporal chastise- ment at the discretion of the Ea.st India Company s authorities. 344 i^TERNAL TROUBLES OF THE REPUBLIC. These severe restraints of traile in the interests of a monopoly granted by the state arc interesting as they nidicate what was, in the opinion of the age, the safest and most continuous source of national wellth But, m tlic end, the luiglish Kast India Company paid Its dividends out of its conquests and lost by its trade, and the ruin of the Bank of Amsterdam was effected by the loans uliich it made to the Dutch Last India Company, whose trade was conducted on even more vicious and costly principles than that of Its Knghsh rival was. The Dutch con<,ucsts and the administration of its territory in the last did indeed supply Holland a tevenue and does so still. The career of the two companies has been similar. After an existence of nine years the Ostend Company was abolished, not because Charles acknow- edged that in creating it he had violated the treaty law of hurope, but because he wished to get the assent of the various European Powers to the Pragmatic Sanction, under which the inheritance of his German dominions was to be secured to his only daughter, Maria Theresa, and, as he fondly hoped the German I-.mpire to her husband. The historian of Holland is forced to admit that in their eagerness to get nd of a rival, the Dutch allowed themselves to be again involved in lunopean d> nastic complications m which they had no interest, and that the gain was not worth the risk. Between 17,8 and 1720 France and England were the scene of the wildest speculation, and\he unac- countable madness of the trading classes in the two kmgdoms has been the natural object of comment il THE GREAT BUBBLES. 345 by all those who have treated of the facts. The proximate cause of this speculation was the attempts of the several governments to relieve themselves in part from the annual burden caused by the dynastic wars in which luirope had been engaged. The Dutch had laid a tax of the hundredth penny on their own public funds (although it was alleged that this was only a disguised repudiation) for three years. The Regent of h^ance began by debasing the currency, then commenced the issue of paper money, then intrusted his bank to Law, who became a Papist in order to secure the public confidence, and finally issued unlimited j)aper on the security of the Mississipi project. The collapse and ruin of this project did not deter Englishmen from a similar madness. The South Sea Company had procured the contract for the importation of negroes into America, and had guaranteed the conversion of certain 6 per cent. Government stocks into a 5 per cent. The success of this expedient, in which the Company's intervention was found unnecessary, induced the Gov^ernment to attempt the conversion of all the public stock into joint stock capital. The directors of the Company took it, puffed it, profited by it, and the thing collapsed. There was no public frenzy in Holland, but many Dutchmen ventured on Law's scheme and the South Sea project, and suffered accordingly. In 1729, after a vain attempt two years before to capture Gibraltar, the treaty of Madrid was concluded between Great Britain, France, and Spain as con- siderable l^jwers, with the object of maintaining, by force if necessary, the provisions of the treaty of 346 INTERNAL TROUBLES OF THE REPUBLIC. Utrecht. To this treaty the States- General were invited to give their assent, to which they agreed. Under the stipulations of the treaty, the States- General were to keep on foot a very moderate force for the guarantee, were to obtain the entire abolition of the Ostend Company, full compensation for all their losses and grievances, and commercial privileges on the most favoured nation principle. In the same year the Dutch East India Company was continued for twenty-one years, on payment of three and a half million guilders to the States treasury. Amsterdam was still the centre of luiropean trade and exchange, and its bank was still the object of admiration and env}'. The growth of the I'jiglish mercantile marine necessitated the [>a\'ment of large sums through Amsterdam. The corn trade was by the tradition of Dutch commerce centered in Amsterdam. Dealings in public funds had become a recognized branch of investment and speculation, and transactions in these securities were generally carried out at Amsterdam, to whose bank remit- tances due for interest were sent. The Kn' w .i> \ igorously attacked, though later times have borne testimony to the financial abilities and [)acific policy of W'alpole, was obliged to give its reasons for the fact that the exchange was generally against England and in fivour of Holland. It was still the great trading mart of the world. The fire of religious persecution was not yet extinct. The I'rotestants of Savoy were still being harried, and the Archbishop of Salzburg, one of the HOLLAND A REFUGE. 347 German prince bishops, was enforcing the gospel by fire and sword against his subjects and spiritual sons. Secure in his castle built on the great rock which dominates the whole valley in which this town lies, the prince prelate enforced his spiritual counsel by occasional cannonades, and by a torture chamber duly furnished in the stronghold. Naturally enough, the Savoyards and Salzburgers fled, and Holland welcomed them. The former could not, however, like most people of the mountain.^ bear the flats, the canals, and dykes of Holland, and returned, preferring the ri^ks of persecution. Meantime, Henedict XIH. put out a service in ho- nour of Gregory VII., and his excommunication of Henry IV., Emperor of Germany. The Dutch, now entirely tolerant, for- bade the reading r)f this service within the States, and in order to check Jesuit intrigues, to which the rite was undoubtedly due, encouraged the settlement of a Jansenist archbishop at Utrecht. This church still subsists. But a greater danger than the Jesuits and the Bull imigenitus, which they had got from the Pope, was threatening Holland. In 1732 it was found that the ships from the East had carried with them a curious shell fish, which has a habit of boring into wood and ST.F.ir.H. « 34^ INTERNAL TROUBLES OF THE REPUBLIC. MARRIAGE WITH THE HOUSE OF HANOVER. 349 even into stone of moderate hardness. The Pholas has a shell which is armed with a saw, bv which it is able to carve out a habitation for itself, and efTectually destroy the timber or stone in which it carves It had attacked the timbers on which the dvkes of Amsterdam, and indeed of Holland, dep-nded for their very existence, and threatened to do what Alva, and Parma, and Spinola, and Louis could not effect. It was discovered in good time, and the dykes were strengthened with flint and granite, materials too hard for the jaws or the shells of the Pholas. But the consternation which Holland experienced in I732» was as great as that of sixty j-ears before, and was as happily averted, though not at such a cost. The Republic had to fight against the constant risks of the angry sea, against shell fish which its own trade had unwittingly imported, against the greedy monarchs of Spain and France, against the jealous merchants of P^ngland, against the intrigues of the kings with whom the Orange family had allied itself, kings who had strong family feelings against the people who have permitted them to rule. Vov the European kings have never scrupled to desi)oil each other, and are always ready to unite together, in order to oppress those who would keep them in check, or resent their t>Tanny. And now came the beginning of the end. Holland, despite its heroic efforts after freedom, despite the wise self-denial of William the Silent, and the hesitation of Maurice, was to be handed over to hereditary monarchy, and the vulgari- ties it implies. In earlier da)'s the sympathy of the poorer Dutch- men with the house of Orange was partly hereditary gratitude, partly disgust at the arrogance of the mercantile and manufacturing oligarchy of the towns. It is an inherent vice with most of those who raise themselves in life, that thevare more harsh and severe to the class from which they have sprung than those are who have been born and brought up in more affluent circumstances. Set a capitalist who has been a labourer over workmen, and he is the most intolerant of employers, as a rule. And it is plain that Dutch- men, who had become rich out of nothing, became sharp to the ordinary burgher. The evidence is clear enough, though 1 cannot tell it here, for lack of space. In 1733 the i*rince of Orange married Anne, the eldest dauHiter of Georije the Second of EnHand. There was no doubt that there was many an honest Dutchwoman who said on this occasion, as a Scotch- woman of Argyleshire is reported to have said not long ago, on the occasion of a similar marriage — " Ah! the Queen of England must be a proud woman to day when she has married her daughter to our prince." The States-General remonstrated, hinted that they ought to be consulted w^hen one of their principal subjects marries into a foreign royal house, were snubbed for their pains, were assured that the P^nglish monarch would protect the integrity of Holland, and had to acquiesce. They foresaw that they would be entangled in those German interests which, with the English King George the Second, w^ere far more important than those of the country which had adopted him, and had raised him from a petty German potentate to one of the first thrones in Europe. If 350 INTERNAL TROUBLES OF THE REPUBLIC. Georg^e cared very little for Mii«;land when Hanover was concerned, he was pretty sure to care even less for Holland. lUit the Republic which had committed the error of i,nving a guarantee, in order to get rid of the Ostend Company, soon found they had gone tcxD far to recede. VVINDMUJ.S, ZAANDAM. ■ ^ Wl'lL'.— ^ ■npi^pVMQl ^^-^-^■J^^ff ^^Lf ^^ I5E^!3^^ 1^-^^'^ 'Mfc'^M^fiB ss^^ Jj^^^>iilSj^ a^ gy^^^HI ^^^r^^^ t^^"^ SSv^*^^^ v^i9^3 I^^M^ vfijtii^f^^ ^ *■ *■ "^Mp^ \ vi'^l^"'^"^ C^^SEs W^^^W KA*/^l^fi^« IV'^^ 'C^^J^ - j^l. v^H^^n 1^1 K.^&fcil i!^p1 fo^J^Kgg^^ iVs^ jM^^^t^^Wlig^^ ^^^^S Efc*^ ^^^ XXXV. DOWN HILL. TlIL Dutch, as my reader remembers, liad won their freedom from Spain. At one time there was good reason to believe that tlicy would have won. with their own, the freedom of the whole of those Netherlands, which had been, less than three centuries before, the collective inheritance of the house of Burgundy. Had the life of William the Silent been prolonged, it midit have been the case that this great result would have happened, and that the first industrial Power in Europe would have been a series of federated republics and cities, in which true principles of government and a just regard for all national interests would have been maintained. Now I think there are few less profitable speculations than a discussion as to what would have happened had the life of this or that public man been prolonged. William was murdered by a hired assassin ; but even before this crime was committed, the inveterate vice of the Netherlands- mutual jealousy and the want of political cohesion- left them an easy prey to the great and wicked men 352 DOWN HILL, whom Philip sent a-ainst them. The Council of Blood destroyed all aspirants after national liberty, and all who were suspected of any leanin- towards the Reformed faith. It is a mistake to say that per- secution will not destroy a creed. If it be quite systematic and entirely unscrupulous it can utterly extinguish a creed. It did so with Protestantism in Glanders, France. Spain, Austria, and Bohemia. It did so with the Roman relinrion in Sweden, in Den- mark, in much of North Germany. 1 he Dutch and the Flemish nations were severed hv the I.Kiuisition and the arts of diplomacy have been unable to unite' them. Now there are three European nations which have always been at variance, at least as Ion- as one of them was in fightin- trim, and since that time the remaining two have been perpetually quarrellin- Ihe three were France, Spain, and the German hmpire, the last for a time identified with the house of Austria, and within our own experience with that of Prussia. For a long time the struggle was principally between France and Spain, till, in the end, Spain was entirely exhausted, and became of little account in the councils of p:urope. Then all the efforts of France, and all the military purposes of her kinos and rulers, were devoted towards crippling the house of Austria. Later on, and quite recently, I'rance tried conclusions with a new German power, and was considerably surprised at the result. It is not easy to say whether, in these later days, her old passion for an enlarged frontier lias passed away, and slie is prepared to accept the present situation. T//£ BOUNDARIES OF EUROPEAN STA TES. 353 Now it will be remembered that at the Treaty of Utrecht, which purported to go on the same lines with the famous Peace of Munster or Westplialia, the boun- daries of the several European states were generally settled. Some changes, to be sure, were made, one of which was of great significance to Holland. The Spanish Netherlands were transferred to Austria, and a country which France always eagerly coveted was given to a sovereign who had enough to do to hold his own in Germany, and would find it difficult to defend his new ac(|uisition. France had already, as the Dutch too well knew, got a foothold in the Netherlands by tlic acquisition of Dunkirk, and had winked at or encouraged its becoming a nest of pirates. The demolition of the fortifications of Dunkirk was a capital point in the negotiations for a peace. The Dutch were supposed to be defended by a series of forts in Flemish territory, called barrier towns, which they garrisoned. But on the west, for all this, they had the French nation, ahvays eager to extend- its frontier on the east, at the expense of Austria, and on the east they had the Prussian kingdom, which at a time, when the opinion was current that kings succeeded by inheritance to nations, just as though they were cows or sheep, claimed in a vague way the succession to the Stadtholder's office, though for a time the IVussian ruler had been put off w ith a compensation. Now the Emperor of Germany, of the house of Austria, Charles VI., was the person on whose behalf the English and Dutch had waged the war of the Spanish succession from the year 1702 till the year 354 DOWN HILL, 1713. In 171 1 he became Emperor of Germany on the unexpected death of his brother Joseph, who left behind him daughters, his only son having died. Charles had a son who died >'oung, and a daughter, Maria Theresa, who married Francis of Lorraine and afterwards of Tuscany. Every effort was made by the emperor to get the various European l^owers to acknowledge what goes in history by the name of the Pragmatic Sanction, a decree of the emperor under which the Austrian inheritance was declared to descend to the females of his line. One by one, and for this or that reason, the several Powers agreed to abide by this new line of succession, the commonest plea, one by the way which the I^Vench G(nernmcnt put prominently forward, being that such a line of policy would preserve that balance of power in Europe, which it was the object of the great treaties to affirm and maintain. Among the nations which agreed to accept and support the Pragmatic Sanction was the Dutch. Charles, as I have already said, approached them on their weak side, the Ostend Company, and agreed to suppress it, as the price of their acquiescence in his favourite project. Here then were the Hollanders, who had been successfully resisting the dynastic claims of the house of Orange against themselves, agreeing to a new departure in Germany, and willing to risk their lives, their trade, and their wealth in a family arrangement from which they could get no possible benefit whatever. It is not, I think, too much to say, that had the Dutch stood entirely aloof in the war of the Austrian succession, and not suf- THE PRAGMATIC SANCTION, 355 fered themselves to bo embroiled in it, the Republic would have been saved, and tl ou di it miirht not have been possible to have resisted revolutionary France, it would not have collapsed so ignominiously as it did. During the disputes about the slave trade with the Spanish colonies, Holland had contrived to preserve her neutrality, though Dutch interests were so universal that no two nations could quarrel without Amsterdam suffering some heavy pecuniary loss. One of the German princes, the Elector of Bavaria, had persistently refused to accept the Pragmatic Sanction. He had some reason on his side, for he had married a daughter of the lun[)eror Joseph, elder bnUher of Charles \T., and if female claims were to be admitted, had, from a modern point of view, a better claim than his wife's cousin possessed. He became emperor under the title of Charles VII., but only reigned three years. Charles VI. died in October 1740, and his successor was elected two years afterwards. Now every one who has read German history, and in particular that of the house of Prussia, knows that just about the time that Charles VT. died there suc- ceeded to the Prussian throne a king who is called Frederic the Great, perhaps because he broke his word about the succession of Maria Theresa, and took advantage of her defenceless condition to lay waste and annex part of her dominions. The story of how gallantly the Queen of Hungary defended herself, and how Frederic had to suffer a good many reverses before he could actually get secure possession of what 356 DOWN HILL. he coveted, is told in the histories, and does not concern us. Holland, which had a good deal to lose and nothing to gain, kept its word, however unwisely it was given ; and agreed to find the queen a force of 20,000 men, though some of the States remonstrated, because the Austrian Government had not extin- guished the Ostcnd Company. But Holland was dragged into the struggle, and in the end suffered more than any of the combatants, for she lost her liberty, surrendering it to an hereditary stadt- holder, and came out of the war simi)ly crippled by debt. The King of England eagerly took the part of the Austrian queen. The French Government took the side of the King of Prussia. I^ut the war was one of cross purposes. England engaged with I^Vancc, but did not attack Prussia, and Maria Theresa fought against Bavaria and Prussia. The English won the battle of Dcttingen, and the French supplied Charles Edward, known as the young Pretender, with means for invading England. Then when Charles VH. died at the beginning of the year 1745, and the husband of Maria Theresa was elected emperor, a peace was patched up with IVussia, and England and Holland were left to carry on the war with France. The war was transferred to the Netherlands, and one after the other the French army captured the Flemish towns. In May, 1745, occurred the battle of Fontenoy, in which the French gained a victory, and the Dutch suffered severely. Loss soon followed upon loss, and the Dutch became eager for peace, the more so as the original reason for which war was undertaken had [VILLL4M IV, STADTHOLDER. 357 i ceased to operate, since the Queen of Hungary had become Empress of Germany. But though the Dutch desired peace the English desired war, and George of luigland wished to thrust his son-in-law into an hereditary position. In 1747 Holland was invaded, and scenes like those of 1672 were threatened. The Orange party, always most active in the midst of national disaster, insisted on William IV. being made Stadtholdcr. Zeland proclaimed him, and soon the whole seven provinces elected him. Advantage was taken of the situation to propose that his office should be made hereditary, and this proposal was accepted. Holland now ceased to be a republic in anything but name. The States were still High Mightinesses, and, as far as phrases went, were still the powers which had carried the little State through all her perils, and made her friendship of account at every P^uropean Court But all the real power which the magistrates wielded was taken away, and transferred to the Stadtholdcr, who with the functions of royalty, took upon hiin no little of its state and emblems. The debt and taxation of Holland were enormous and crushing. The Peace of Aix-la- Chapelle was signed in October, 1748, and Holland was left exhausted. The Dutch Republic was at an end. To my mind the struggle of the Hollanders for their liberties is as instructive, as heroic, and as important as that of Athens against Persia, and was vastly more prolonged. The issue of the strife was of the most profound significance to Europe. It sue- I WILLIAM IV THE REPUBLIC AT AN END. 359 cessfully contravened the divine right of kings, and as successfully vindicated the principle that the creed of a nation, and next of individuals, is a matter of their own choice and their own conscience. To me, whenever I visit it, the Square of the Binnenhof at the I lague is the holiest spot in modern Europe, for here the great deliverance was wrought out. But there still remains the sequel of the story, which must be briefly told. WILLIAM IV THE REPVllUC AT AS i:\D, 359 ccssfully contravened the divine ri-ht of kin-s, and as successfully vindicated the principle that the creed of a nation, and next of individuals, is a matter of their ov.n choice and their own conscience. To me, whenever I visit it, the Scjuareof the Hinnenhof at the Ila-ue is the holiest spot in modern Kurope, for here llie -reat deliverance was wrou^rlit out. lUit there still remains the sequel of the stor>-, which must be briell)- told. XXXVI. HOLLAND TO THE TIMK OF THE AKMLD NEUTRALITY. Perhaps, if the life of William IV. had been pro- longed, mischievously subject as Holland became to British policy during the war which was concluded by the Peace of Aix - la - Chapelle in 174^^, the country, though it would have necessarily fallen far behind its ancient vigour and reputatic^n, might have to a large extent recovered. William IV., though a very ordinary person, and invested with powers which he speedily extended, such as those of chief director and governor of the East and West India Com- panies, was sincerely anxious to promote or restore the prosperity of his country, and had at least the wisdom to know that the show of arbitrary power was more dangerous than the possession of it. Nor was William, raised to office at the conclusion of one war, anxious to consolidate his authority by sacrificing the interests of Holland and provoking another war. Hence the memory of William IV. is respected in Holland to a degree which neither the length of his ANNE THE GOVERNESS. 361 reign, nor the capacity which he exhibited at all justify. He died in 175 i, at the age of forty, after he had held his office, now made hereditary, for only four years. He left an only son, afterwards William V., then only three years old, and a daughter. His widow, Anne of Kngland, became regent under the title of Governess, and the Duke of Brunswick was continued as commander-in-chief, an office conferred on him by William IV. when his own health was breaking. Perhaps the misfortunes and miseries of the next epoch have been a benefit to the memory of William IV. Of course, Anne of Kngland, the Governess, during the time that she lived and had the management of affairs, did her very best to make the hereditary stadtholderate an irrevocable situation, and, indeed, the Dutch, once high-spirited and jealous of their liberties, seem to have vied with nations, in which servility is a tradition, in fulsome adulation of the house of Orange and the young prince. One of her projects, in which she succeeded after some opposition, was to make the councils in the towns the nominees of the Orange party. She died in January, 1759, when her son was eleven years old, and at the time of her death was deser- vedly distrusted and disliked. The cause of this feeling was the incessant attacks she made on what remained of the Dutch constitution, and her obvious sacrifice of Dutch to luiglish interests during the Seven Years' War. The object of this war was to determine which of the two countries, France or Great Britain, should succeed in obtaining a sole market in the Eastern and 362 TO THE ARMED NEUIKALITY. I I Western Worlds. The contest, in brief, was for North America and India, and for some time the issue was doubtful. Now it was of no consequence whatever to Holland which side should win in the strusfijle, if indeed the success of either country boded any ^ood to Dutch trade. The English envoy, Vorke, claimed a subsidy from the Dutch, and the French envoy, D'Affry, was equally positive that, according to the faith of treaties, Holland was bound to assist the iMcnch. The Governess, of course, was on the side of the English envo\-. lUit she could not induce the States to take part in the war. All she could do was to leave Holland in as defenceless a state as possible, and to connive at the enormous injuries which British privateers inflicted on Dutch shipping. One of the objects which the advocates of the sole- market theory had, was to destroy the commerce of their rivals. Now the English Government, which was rapidly becoming the principal, if not the only, maritime power of Europe, resolved to stop all trade with France, not only between that country and its own subjects, but between France and all other nations, defining contraband in such a way as to cover nearly all goods, and insisting on the right of search. These large powers were conferred, according to the policy of the time, on privateers, between whom and pirates there was only a metaphysical distinction. In a short time the trade of Holland was nearly ruined by these pirates, and the elder Pitt, who wished to cripple France, and drag Holland into his war, encouraged the wrong-doers. Perhaps at no time in its history were more outrageous injuries perpetrated on a THE GROWTH OF BRITISH COMMERCE. 363 neutral nation than those which the Dutch suffered from the luiglish during the time of the elder Pitt's administration. These privateers' crews pillaged the ships of the Dutch companies who were trading to the Dutch colonies, on the plea that they might be carrying P^rcnch goods. The Peace of Paris in 1763 gave the Dutch some breathing time, but in the same year a formidable commercial panic, attended with numerous bankruptcies, occurred in Amsterdam. The peace of 1763 virtually secured to Great Britain what she entered on the war to gain, a sole market. The PVench were almost entirely expelled from India, and were left a feeble power in North America. But the success of the struggle brought about the ruin of the policy which it had established. As long as the French held possession of the Mis- sissipi, and could connect their southern and northern settlements by a chain of forts, and adequate com- munications, they were a natural source of alarm to the British plantations in the New World, and the necessity of British defence was a guarantee of colonial loyalty. But as soon as ever the danger was removed, the only power which the American Colonies had to fear was the British Government, and as is well-known, that government soon gave occasion for a quarrel, the outcome of which was American independence, and the overthrow of the sole- market theory. It is true that the elder Pitt was opposed to the scheme for taxing the Colonies. But the expenditure of his wars had left British finance in a desperate condition, and had made the Colonies a nation. I cannot predict, had the Stamp Act not been imposed, and the Boston 364 TO THE ARMED NEUTRALITY. Mohawks had not been called on to resist the tea duty, how long these colonies would have accjuiesced in dependence. But I am prett;- sure that as soon as ever a colony can hold its own, the tie to the mother country is inev^itably weak, and will bear no strain. The time when the youn^r Sladtholder, Wilh'.nn V.. came to his majority was ea.i^erly welcomed. The Dutch still believed in the house of ( )ran-e, and anticipated, in their own words, that the prince would " fill the place of those immortal heroes who for two centuries," &c. He was eighteen >'ears of age when this prophecy was uttered. Perhaps there never lived a man who more completely falsified expectations than William V. did. He was totally deficient in reso- lution, indeed in any character, and the faults of his nature were studiously accentuated, it was believed, by the ignorance of all public affairs in which his guardian, Louii of Brunswick, had brought him up. To this person he entirely deferred— with him he could do little, without him he could do nothing. He soon (1767; married a princess of IVussia, a woman of great ability, but entirely indifferent to Dutch in- terests. Subject to her and to the Duke of l^runswick, William soon merited the distrust, and finally the' contempt, of the people whose great history- he was to bring to so disgraceful a conclusion. Already Holland had become impotent. Twelve years after the Peace of Paris, the War of American Independence broke out. The Stadtholder of course wanted the States to take the side of the English, and thus repudiate the very principles to which they ovved their own independence. But THE WAR OF AMERICAN INDEPENDENCE. 365 Holland had now accepted a hereditary sovereign, and hereditary sovereigns always constitute them- selves the judges of a difference between their people and themselves. The Dutch had reversed that doctrine^ and now a section of the English race was following their example. She could not therefore take the English side. In consequence, the English Govern- ment revived the old practice of piracy, under the name of privateering, made prize of Dutdi ships sailing to French and Spanish ports, though no war had been declared with either country, and informed the Dutch Government, that if the States, in order to protect their own commerce, increased their naval force, they would treat the action as one of hostility. As an luiglishman, I am heartily ashamed of telling the story. It is one of undisguised tyranny, violence, oppression, practised by a strong on a weak state, in which the head of the latter was a traitor to his country's best interests. In 1779, the English com- mander, Fielding, captured the Dutch mercantile fleet, with four Dutch men-of-war; and in 1780, Yorke, the luiglish ambassador at the Hague, demanded .subsidies from the States, whom his government had just before plundered. By this time, however, the English Government had overstrained the patience of all other nation.s. It was seen that, unless some steps were taken, England would put herself effectively into the position which Philij) II. had very ineffectually assumed, and declare that the three oceans belonged to her, and to her only, and that, commerce on the part of any other people must depend on her will. Hence Catherine II. of 366 TO THE ARMED NEUTRALITY. Russia, formulated the' celebrated n jrreem en t. known as the "Armed Neutrality," in 1780/ It was joined by all the principal states of Europe. Every effort was made by the English to bring about the exclusion of the Dutch from this alliance, and in this they were of course assisted by the Stadtholder. The Dutch hesitated, but in the end resolved. In 1780, England declared war on Holland, and severed a connection which had lasted for more than two centuries. XXXVII. FROM THE WAR OF 1781 TO THE CREATION OF MONARCHY. The entire indifference of the Stadtholder to national interests, and the declaration of war, with the great losses which followed on hostilities, led to the develop- ment of the party of "Patriots" in Holland. The framers and advocates of the *' Armed Neutrality," it is true, took no steps to defend that country on which the brunt of the contest fell. Nay, many of the Powers treated them with less favour than they did the English. Probably they hoped to succeed to some of the Dutch possessions, and to all its trade. If so, the English were beforehand with them, for they attacked the Dutch possessions in the West Indies, at the Cape, and in India, before the rupture was known. The spirits of the Dutch was a little raised by the indecisive naval engagement of the Doggerbank in 1781. Peace was effected in 1783, but on disadvan- tageous terms to Holland. Meanwhile the Patriots had compelled the Duke of Brunswick to relinquish his authority in the States, 368 FROM 1781 TO CREATION OF MONARCHY. and the Orange faction was greatly dcprc^^sed. Day by day, the wretched Stadtholder lost character and influence with his unfortunate countrymen, while the Dutch contrasted the present condition of the States with that which it occupied during the two centuries of heroism of which she had fondly anticipated that William would be a present exemplar. The Patriots began to resume that authority over the councils of which the Senates had been deprived, and to revive the local guard, under the name of" schuttery," which had been all but disbanded by the Stadtholder, William complaining that his prerogative u.is being invaded. In this crisis, the King of Prussia interfered, to protect the interests of his niece and her husband, and though the interference came to little more than an angry protest, the Dutch learnt anew how wise their forefathers were, when more than a century before, they suspected what would ensue if their Stadtholder allied himself with the reigning houses of Europe. In 1783 the Dutch were attacked by Joseph IT., Emperor of Austria. It was owing to their efforts that the Belgian Xethei lands had been taken from Spain, and made over to Austria under the treaty of Utrecht. Ikit Joseph, rightly interpreting the finan- cial position of Holland, and seeing how discredited the Stadtholder's government was, determined to take advantage of the situation to wrest the navigation of the Scheldt from the Dutch, and secure himself, if he pleased, an easy entry into Holland. In 1784, war seemed impending, and the States made some effort to enlist soldiers, and to collect arms- stores. Hut the THE PATRIOT PARTY, 369 emperor's threat came to nothing. The house of Austria has always depended for its existence on foreign alliances and foreign subsidies, and Joseph was not popular with other European governments. He therefore patched up a peace with the States, the principal condition of which was that the Dutch should pay him some money. The Patriot or States party was meanwhile in- creasingly hostile to the unpopular Stadtholder, and .set to work to deprive him of all the prerogatives which he had usurped, and even of those which the States had granted, forty years before, to his father. Certain members of the national party having been insulted by the Orange mob at the Hague, and Wil- liam having connived at the disorder, the States took away from him the command of the Hague garrison^ and on his threatening never to return to the seat of government, unless his rights were restored, adhered to their resolution. As they had taken this step, they went further, and in particular at Amsterdam, re- sumed those military and naval functions which had been previously ceded to the Stadtholder. The power of the Stadtholder was gradually being curtailed, and his only chance of his retaining a shadow of it was in the strength of the Orange party* and in what was virtually civil war, the forcible re- straint of malcontents. The States answered his action by deposing him from his office of Captain- General. It is true that, under the pretence of me- diation, the sovereigns of England, of Prussia, and even of Erance, counselled moderation in the crisis, and perhaps had the advice of the Erench ambas- 5 I 1 I II -^70 FROM 1781 TO CREATION OF MONARCHY. sador, Rayneval, been accepted, an accommodation might have followed. But the Prussian wife of Wil- harn was obstinate, and demanded that the States should abandon the position which they had taken up. This was out of the question, and the breach became wider, the Stadtholder being held up to the public execration of his fellow countrymen as an un- faithful minister, " whose heart was as corrupt as his mind was narrow." The States made his property liable to land-tax, examined his accounts and allow- ances, and substituted the arms of the States for those of the house of Orange in public documents, on the regimental colours, and even on furniture. But while it was comparatively easy to circum- scribe the powers of the Stadtholder, and even to reduce him to the position of first citizen in the Re- public or less, it was not easy to reconstruct the con- stitution of the Republic. There were leaders of the popular party who thought that enough had been done ; there were others who u ished to put the con- stitution on a more popular basis; there were others who desired to proscribe the whole Orange party, to make the use of its party cries and party emblems a capital offence, even to prohibit the exhibition of orange-coloured flowers, and the sale of carrots, un- less the roots were decently hidden. And, above all, the smaller states became jealous of Holland, and seemed inclined to retrace their steps. The Stadt- holder thought his opportunity was come, and began civil war in 1787. On the plea that an insult had been offered to his sister, who had been prevented from stirring up the C/y/L JVA/^, 371 Orange party at the Hague, the King of Prussia now took part in the war, and invaded Holland. Utrecht was abandoned, and the Stadtholder was restored to his full authority. Amsterdam was besieged and capitulated. Even the English Whigs expressed their satisfaction at the result. The Patriot party seemed to be extinguished. The Dutch were under English influence, and the French Government was accused of bad faith and poltroonery.' The leaders of the Patriots were declared incapable of serving their country hereafter, and every one was constrained to wear the Orange badire. 1 have given these wearisome and miserable details of misgovernment and abortive attempts at reform, because they form a necessary prelude to the events which followed In 1789 the French constitution was remodelled, and, for a time, good and wise men rejoiced over the reform of what had become the most detestable government in Europe. The Stadt- holder's son contracted a fresh alliance with the house of Prussia ; but Holland took no part in the League of Pilnitz, a league which was to prove so disastrous to the States which joined it, when they forced revo- lutionary France to act on the defensive, and finally justified its reprisals. The Stadtholder, of course, as soon as possible joined the alliance of the Euro- pean sovereigns. But the Patriots determined to wel- come the French. The winter of 1794-95 gave them the wished-for opportunity. The Stadtholder fled to England, and the Dutch revolution was effected. It is very possible that many of those who formed and developed the French revolution were men of i 372 FROM 1781 TO CREATION OF MONARCHY. high purposes and patriotic ends. But I'rance was bankrupt, its finance aggravated the mischief, and at first, constrained to defend itself, and then led to ag- gressive war, it naturally made war support itself. The Dutch paid dearly for the revenge which they took on William. Their trade was ruined, their com- mercial integrity violently destroyed, their resources squandered for objects which did not concern them, their colonies wrested Yrom thein. They were erected into a kingdom, dependent on the TVench Empire, and ruled by one of Napoleon's brothers. In 18 13 came a counter revolution, when Ifolland, despairing of republican institutions, resolved to accept a limited monarchy. It was perhaps impossible, in the existing temper of luiropean governments, to adoi)t any other course. When luirope was remodelled, at the final termination of the great continental war, Belgium was added to Holland, and the principle of the Ghent pacification was temporarily enforced by the authority of Europe. Holland recovered most of her depen- dencies. These had been temporarily occupied by the Eng- lish during the time that Holland had been a depen- dency of France. It was inevitable that they should be, for they were virtually PVench possessions during the French occupancy. But two of them, Ceylon and the Cape of Good Hope, were retained by the English after the war was over, contrary, as I think, to good faith and justice. It is doubtful whether Enassadors, privdeges of, abuse of, 290 Amboyna, capture of, 179; mas- sacre of, 249 American independence, war of, Amsterdam, Bank of. foundation of, 221 ; government of, and reputation of, 223 Amsterdam, rise of, on the fall of Antwerp, 144; trade of, 168; riches of, 215; less hearty to- wards William III. than the rest of Holland, 303; com- mercial jjrosperity of, 346; siege of, in 1787, 371 Anjou, Duke of, his character, loi ; his bad conduct, ill ; his ance, wars of, with England, I 33 ; policy of, in relation to the Low Countries, 206 ; alli- ance of Holland with, 244 Frederic Henry, birth of, 118; ac- \ cession of, 240 , Frederic the Great, his behaviour, 355 I French prey, the, at Antwerp, I Frisians, the, probably absorbed the Batavians, their love of free- dom, 4 F'rontier towns, the, guaranteed, 334 Fury, the Spanish, in Antwerp, 92 G Genoa, bankrupi^:' js in, 208 ; bank of, 222; Louis XIV. bombards, 2S5 George II. (England), his German policy, 349 3^4 I\DEX. INDEX. 3^5 George of Denmark, his want of capacity, 324 Gerard, Balthazar, the murderer of Orange, i iS Germany, I'hilip claims the emjiire of, 123 Ghent, town of, and its hell, 21; insurrection of, in 144S, 31 ; another insurrection at, 55 ; pacification of, 92 GianibelH, his devices, 141 Gibraltar, battle of, in 1607, 203 ; capture of, 329 Golden Fleece, Order of, insti- tuted, 31 Gomarus.iiuarrelo^with Arminius, 230 Governess, the, Anne, her per- nicious counsels, 361 Grand Alliance, danger to, 310 Great Intercourse, the, its imjxjrt- ance, 50 Great Privilege, the provisions of, 41, Grotius, his attempts to reconcile differences, 233; his imprison- ment, escape, and banishment, 235 7 Guilds, institution of, its origin, 15 Guises, murder of the, 152 II Hanover, house of, its succession welcomed by the Dutch, 338 Hanscatic League, the excellent work of, 17 Harvests, seven years bad, 311 Heemskerk, his exploits, 203 Heinsius, death of, 341 Henrietta, wife of Charles I., her intrigues in Holland, 251 Henry I\'., of France, policy of, 1 89 Henry II., of France, comnuini- cates his purposes to Wdliam, 67 Henry HI., of France, his views, 130 Herrings, curing of, improved by the Flemings, 27 High Mightinesses, title of, assumed and why, 245 Hooks and Kabeljauws, the, factions of, 1 1 Holland and /eland, simultaneous insurrection of. So Holland, ancient, character of, 3 ; two principal jHUentates in, the Count and the llishop of Utrecht, 9 ; constitution o*, 87 ; negotiations of, with Kli/abeth, 134; really gained her own indepenolilicaI tentlencies of, 232 M Madrid, treaty of, in 1729, 343 Malacca, attack on, in i()o6, 181 Margaret of Parma made Regent, 64. 66 Maria Theresa, her position, 355 ^Larll)orough, origin and charat ter of, 325 Mary of liurgundy, her attitude lo the Low Countries, 40; her death, 42 Mary of England, wife of Williani II. , death of, 257 ; marriage of William III. with. 281 Mataliefif, Dutch admiral, victory of, 182 Mr.urice, gradual development of the military skill of, 153; his successes, 154; his conduct at the battle of Xieuwpoit, 193: character of, 228; death of, ni 1625, 240 Maximilian, marriage of, wi.h Mary, 42 Mayenne, Duke of, his intrigues, Med way. Engli.sh fleet burnt in the, 266 386 INDEX. Monarchy, hereditary, a coming (lan«,^er to Holland. 348 Money, sources of Philip's, 126 Monopoly of trade, early, defence of, 178 Monopoly, the object of the Dutch and English traders, 205 Mutinies of Spanish troops, fre- quent, 91 N Namur, recapture of, in 1695, 312 Nantes, Edict of, 286; repealed, 287 Napoleon I., the hasis of his claim to the Duleh states, 2 Nassau, housr of, its services, 67 Navigation Act, its effects on Dutch trade, 253 N- theiiands, the, two races in, 2 ; trade of, origin of, 15; pros- perity of, in the fifteenth cen- tury, 25; persecutions in, 53; im{)ortance of, to France, 131, 133 ; IMiilip determines to sur- render, 161 ; the dower of, tlangled before France and Eng- land, 213; designs of Louis XIV. on, 263 Neutrality, Dutch, greatly desired by Louis, 323 New Amsterdam, capture of, 265 Nieuwport, battle of, 192 Nimeguen, effects of the treaty of, 282 North-east Passage, attempts to discover, 172 S(/r William III., 299 Parma, Prince of, character of, 100; distrusted by Philip, 158; his death, 159 Pensionary De Witt, prime mini- ster, 262 Patriots, party of the, 367 ; wel- comed the French in 1794-5, 371 Peace, negotiations for,in 1607,209 Peace, udiation of debts by Philip in 1596, 187 Re<|uesens, wer, j;40 Stadtholderate maile hereditary, 243 . State rights in Holland, 228 States (ieneral, their reluctance to the marriage of William IV., 349 Steenwyk, siege of, and incident at, 104 .Strasburg, retention 0^313 Subjects and kings, rights of, 24 Swiss, the, (juarrel with Charles of burgundy, anil defeat him, 38 Temj)le, Sir W., sent to the I lague, 266 Theological questiims of universal interest at one time, 231 Thirty Years' War, importance of, Titelmann, the chief Inquisitor, 69 Toleration first practised by the Dutch, 166; reasons why the Dutch would not grant it, as a concession to Spain, 211; instances of, in Holland, 379 Torbay, William lands at, 297 lories, the, supplanted Marl- borough, S33 Tourville, entire defeat of, at La Hogue, 309 Towns, survival of, after the down- fall of Rome, 12 Triple Alliance, the, negotiated, 266 Tnce, the, of 1609. 210 I'ulip mania, the, of 1637, 245 388 INDEX. U Union of lirussels, the, 99 Union of Utrecht, the, 102 United Provinces induced to take part in the expedition of 168S, 295 Utrecht, church of, foundation of, 4 ; treaty of, 334 ; Jansenist archbishop at, 347 Venice, hank of. 222 Vere, Sir Francis, governor of Ostend, 196 Vervins, ()cace of, 164 Vigo hay, l)attle of, 329 Vondel, supposed indehtef his jiowers, 369 William of Orange, insults of Philip to, 65 ; the .Silent, wliv thus called, 68 ; learns all Philip's Mcrets, 70; his diftirul tics. 96; put under the ban of Philip, 103 ; his belief in the necessity of foreign help, 109 ; attempted assassination of, 112; his fourth marriage, 116; his murder, 1 18 Winter roots, cuUivMiion of, jn Holland, 217 "Wisdom of Holland," a title given to l)e Witt, 262 Wool, Knglish. importance of, to the Xetherlan